THE ROOTS OF KARABAGH PROBLEM

Transcription

BAKOUR KARAPETYAN
THE ROOTS OF KARABAGH PROBLEM
CONTENTS
Chapter 1
Arran From Ancient Times Till AD 428.
The History of Karabagh from Antiquity
1. The Eastern provinces of Armenia (Geography and History)
2. The Greek, Persian and Armenian sources
3. The Adoption of Christianity
4. Great Migrations of Tribes
5. The letter of the Armenian Catholicos (Gahnamak)
addresses to the King of Persia Bahram II
Reference Matter to Chapter 1
Chapter 2
The Albanian Province (Marzpanat) in 428-637
1. The Fall of the Albanian Kingdom
2. "The history of Caucasian Albanians"
3. The struggle against the Barbarian Tribes
4. Artsakh and Utik in Albania
5. The Establishment of Armenian Kingdom by Persia
6. The Aghven Assembly
Chapter 3
Arran in the Period of Arab Domination
1. The Collapse of the Persian State
2. Arab Occupation
3. Prince of Princes Jivanshir
4. The Mihranid Princes
5. The Reballions Against the Arabs in Armenia,
Albania and Atropateni District of Persia
6. The Restoration of Monarchy in Armenia
Chapter 4
The Khachen Principality in X-XIII Centuries
1. The Collapse of the Caliphate
2. The Emerging Kingdoms and the Seljuk Invasion
3. Religious struggle
4. The Centrifugal Tendences of the Khachen Princes
5. Byzantine Expansionism
6. The Georgian Allies
7. The Grand Prince Hassan-Jalal under the Mongols
Chapter 5
Karabagh in XIY-XY Centuries
1. The Long Ordeal of the Mongol and Turkmen Occupations
2. The Mukhank Plain
3. The origin of the Term "Karabagh"
4. The Fall of the Cilician Armenian Kingdom
5. The Ethno-Cultural Situation in Karabagh
Chapter 6
A New Era. Karabagh in 16-17 Centuries
1. The Restoration of the Sassanid Kingdom
2. The Armenian Meliks under Persia
3. The Albanian Catholicossate
4. Shah Abbas the Great
5. The Cultural Renaissance of the 17th Century
Chapter 7
The Armenian Sghnakhs in the Struggle for Independence
1. The Weakening of Persian Domination
2. A Turn Towards Byzantium and Russia
3. The Activity of Israel Ori
4. The Restoration of Shushi as a Rampart
Against the Turkish Attacks
5. The Attacks of Caucasian Highlanders
6. The Frusteration of Armenian Hopes by Russians
7. Internal Discordance
Chapter 8
The Khamsa Melikdoms
1. The Reign of Nadir Shah (1736-1747)
2. Political and Social Upheavals
3. The Collapse of the Iranian State - a Disaster for Karabagh
4. The Turks in Mountainous Karabagh
Chapter 9
The Shushi Khanate
1. Avshars, Kerim Khan Zend, the Qajar Inheritance
2. Panah Ali's Establishment in Shushi
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3. The Restoration of the Shushi Fortress
4. Disorder and Anarchy in Iran
5. Russia Enters the Scene
6. The Religious Split in Karabagh
7. Hovsep Emin
8. The Armenian Migration from Karabagh
Chapter 10
The Russian Domination of Transcaucasia
1. The "liberator" Russia Enters Karabagh
2. The Persian Crown Prince Abbas-Mirza
3. The Russo-Persian Peace Treaty
Chapter 11
The Religious Autonomy in Karabagh (1828-1905)
1. Under Russian Administration
2. Armenians and Tatars in Karabagh
3. Shushi as a Religious and Cultural Centre
Chapter 12
The Armeno-Tatar War (1905-1906)
1. The Armenian Massacres
2. Karabagh - a Bloody Scene of Fighting
3. The Baku Events
4. The Destruction of Armenian Villages
PREFACE
A clash between the principles of territorial integrity and self-determination is occuring in the Caucasus. Armenians of
Mountainous Karabagh Autonomous Region, part of Azerbaijan since 1923, seek independence or transfer of the region to
Armenia.
Armenians comprise a majority in Karabagh and have different culture, religion, and language than the Azerbaijanis.
Azerbaijan seeks to preserve its national integrity. Sharp differences between Armenians and Azeris hinder mediation. The
disagreement is expressed over history, goals, casualties, cease-fires and the roles of outsiders. The dispute is
characterized by violence, charges and countercharges. The explosive situation heightened international concern and
demands for action by international organizations and states. Other nations are also involved. The threat that the conflict
poses to world peace have ensured continuing congressional interest in the issue. This detailed study aims at giving an
objective view of the genesis of the present conflict, analysing the history and geopolitics of the Nagorny Karabagh
Autonomous Region from antiquity to the twentieth century and its Right to State Independence According to International
Law, based on expert study, expert reports and international documentary material.
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CHAPTER 1
ARRAN FROM ANCIENT TIMES TILL AD428
The first accounts of Artsakh land are given in the Urartian (Biayna) inscriptions. The son of the Urartian King Argishti,
Sardur the Second (764-735 BC) during his incursion to the neighbouring northern regions ordered to leave a cuneiform
inscription in Tsovinar castle in the village of Tsovak which is situated on the southern shore of the lake Sevan. He testified
that while extending his domain he had also conquered the land of Urtekhe (Kur Urtekhe) which is affirmed by the scholars to
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be the ancestor of Armenian word Artsakh - today's Karabagh .In another inscription the king Sardur informed that he had
subjugated twenty three kingdoms. B.Piatrovski, who carried out thorough research on Urartu, wrote, "Originally nothing
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hinders the route to the east through the lake to Mountainous Karabagh, which is closly linked with Armenia." Another
expression in the cuneifrom inscriptions said, "Ku-tu-bi-pa-re Kur Ur-te-hl-lnl" meaning "I cracked the Urtekhini."
In the first half of the sixth century BC Artsakh was already a consisting part of the Armenian Yervanduni(Orontids) kingdom,
which at first was subjective to Media and later, in 550-331 BC passed under the domination of the Achaemenid Persians.
During the reign of the Armenian king Tigranes the Great (95-55BC) Artsakh has been an integral part of Greater
Armenia and as such the king kept and strengthened the northean boundries of his kingdom erecting two fortresses in
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Artsakh and Utik by the names of Tigranakert (Tigran has built) as ramparts against the northern barbaric tribes.
The first foreign author who mentioned the name of Artsakh in his works was the famous Greek geographer Strabo(63-23BC)
who gave the exact outline of Armenia and adjacent borderlands in his "Geography". He indicated that, "Kir (the Kura river)
originates in Armenia and flows to the above mentioned plateau (Kur-Araxes-B), accepts the Arag(flows from Caucasus) and
other tributaries, then passes through a narrow valley and Albania, turning to a mightly stream and running across valley
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accepts more tributaries" . He meant that the Kura river borderlined Albania (Aghvank) and Armenia. Another testimony of
the Greek geographer said, "They (the Albanians) inhabit the territory between Iberia and the Caspian sea. Armenia is in the
south. Plains in one part and mountains on the other, comprise Armenia. Mountainous is Kambisena (Kanbechan - B), where
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the Armenians border Iberia and the Albanians" . However many Greek and Roman other authors-Ptolemy (II century AD) ,
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Dio Cassius (III century AD) , st Byzantine (IV-Y centuriesAD) , point out in their turn that the river Kura marked the northern
frontier of Armenia and separated Albania from Armenia. This fact is affirmed by the Soviet Azerbaijani researcher AbbasQoly Agha Bakikhanov, who stated, "Judging from various circumstances and sources we can conclude that the right bank of
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the river Kura (before joining the river Araxes) formed a part of Armenia". Strabo has left some information about the NorthEastern Koghmants provinces. "Very fertible, for example the Araxes Valley through which the river Araxes flows to the
Albanian border and into the Caspian sea. Then comes Sakassena(Shakashen - B) which also borders Albania as well as the
Kura river, after which comes Gogarana (the Gagar field). The Armenian provinces are Phasena (Parnes -B) and also
Komisena and Orkhistena which provides the greatest number of cavalry Korsena (Kordziun) and Kambisena (in Armenia)
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are the northest and are covered with snow most of all. They border the Caucasian Mountain chain, Iberia and Kolkhida."
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Orkhistena is the Greek name of Artsakh and this fact is accepted by many scholars. Komissena was the district on the
East of the Mrav Mountain range, and one of the Artsakh provinces. The term is preserved in the name of the highest peak of
the Mrav Mountain Range - Gomesh (Gyamish). The medieval Artsakh comprised also Kambisena. Phasena-Parnes in its
turn was one of the Artsakh districts and covered the territory eastwards from Komissena-Gomesh. Strabo also believed that
the Araxes River formed the southern boundary of the north-eastern land, separated Media, Minor (Atropateni, later
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Azarbaijan) and Armenia.
The author of outstanding Albodan (great people) dividing the Armenian territory into four
consisting parts (first Armenia, second Armenia, third Armenia, fourth Armenia), considers Arran a forming part of Armenia
(Greater Armenia) and Partav, Bailakan, Kapaghak, Shirvan, Shabran, Shakey, Shamkhor and Baghasakan are named
among the Armenian cities of the district. He wrote that "Arran was the first Armenian estate and had four thousand
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villages".
The Greek geographer also indicated that the eastern regions were economically presperous and militarily powerful since
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Orkhistena (Artsakh) provided Armenia and Persia with herds of horses for military purposes. In ancient times the horse
was an object of worship in Artsakh which is proved by several figures of horses on stones, unearthed in archeological
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preserves and later on khachkhars (cross stones) and tombstones of medieval period.
Artsakh bordered Media in the
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south with the river Araxes and provinces Piank, Parzkank and Mukhank.
At all events Strabo outlining the Armenian
borders, wrote that the population living in Greater Armenia(including Artsakh and Utik) "All spoke the same language"(ie
Armenian). Armenian was spoken in Kur-Araxes valley and of course in Shakashen-Utik, Artsakh, Kambechan, Paytakaran...
The Artsakh dialect of the Armenian language is considered a peripheric one by the linguists. As the pominant linguist
H.Acharian notes "The boundries of that dialect stretch from the North to the further ends of the Caucasus, from the south to
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Tabriz, from the East-to the coast of the Caspian Sea, from the West-to the lake Sevan, Yerevan and Karin."
Throughout the whole period of formation and devolopment the Artsakh dialect bore the linguistic influence of adjacent
borderlands and especially of the Iranian language. It was influenced also by the cultures of the nomadic tribes who
penetrated to the Kur-Araxes valley later. Besides H.Atcharian , the Artsakh dialect was studied by such prominent Armenian
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linguists as Ararat Gharibian , K.Davtian , S.Hovhannisian , and others, who unanimously declared that the above
mentioned dialect originated with the Armenian ethnos (the ethnic nation) and being gradually enriched throughout the long
period of its existance coming in touch with foreign linguistic elements, later came under the influence of grabar (the ancient
Armenian literary language). The suffix "n" for example is a remnant of grabar. The dialect is observed to be one of the oldest
dialects of the Armenian language and as such has preserved a great number of Indo-European word-stems which do not
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exist in modern Armenian . There were also some scholars who "invented" absurd theories concerning the dialect. T.TerGrigorian is one of them. According to his made up theory the propagaters of the Armenian language in Artsakh and Utik
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were the church and the clergymen . Then being doubtful about the success of his falsification, the author made some
corrections, adding that in the period of Arab domination (650-950AD) the inhabitants of the Ararat country brought the
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Armenian language to Artsakh. But previously he stated that the Artsakh dialect "was vaccinated on the Gagarian root".
It's evident that the author is charged with a special task of "proving" that the roots of the Artsakh dialect and the Azerbaijani
(Turkish) language are the same and the drawing of such a conclusion made it easy to develop "the invention", to find new
grounds for further striving to the Kur-Araxes valley and finally persuing the aim of considering the valley as "Azerbaijani."
The well-known historian and writer B.Ulubabian bared the activity and the works of such scholars and the likes, who "can
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never be related to history and to research in any way." As to the fact that the languages of Azarbaijan proper (southwards
from the Araxes River) and "new" Azerbaijan (Arran and Albania) are nearly the same, that it's impossible to find in present
day Azerbaijani territory the genuine Albanian linguistic element, they don't utter a word. And they don't even explain the
origin of the so called "Albanian language". Albania (Aghvank) was a country (as Strabo described) where twenty-six
languages were spoken, there was no linguistic dominance, the people could hardly understand each other, although they
had a common state. Specially no Albanian language or Albanian ethnicity existed and they couldn't have influenced the
neighbouring nations which were culturally and linguistically more developed.
The start of the fourth century was marked with a most important event in the history of Armenia. In the year of 301 AD
Christianity was adopted in Armenia as a state religion. Already in the first century AD the Christian preachers (St Thaddeus
and st. Bartholomew - Christs apostoles) heralded and introduced the doctrine of the new faith which spread very quikly. The
Armenian King Abgar (1-36AD) is famous for his letter addressed to Jesus Christ, where he invited the founder of the new
faith to Armenia. After the two apostoles were tortured and perished, Thaddeus' pupil Yeghishe, who had an Armenian origin,
continued his teacher's mission in the Kur-Araxes valley, then passed to Albania and was martyrized there in defence of his
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faith. After his death he was named "apostol Yeghishe" and the church of Apostol Yeghishe was built in Jraberd . The
introduction of Christianity to Armenia is ascribed to Gregory the Illuminator who after torture and rejection converted Armenia
to Christianity. Establishing Echmiadzin as a centre for the new faith, he travelled to Artsakh and Utik, where founded
churches and continued preaching. All these important events are described in the works of early medieval Armenian
historiographers Agathangehos, Movses Khorenatsi, Pavstos Buzand, Kaghankatvatsi. In the first half of the fifth century,
after inventing the distinative Armenian alphabet, st Mesrop Mashtots (he was also a first translator and teacher) went to
north-eastern Koghmank to open new schools there. Passing to Aghvank (Albania) from Utik ,he provided the gagars, the
greatest of of the 26 tribes inhabiting Albania with another alphabet. The Albanian king Aravagh and the archbishop Yeremia
were of great help to him. They all hoped that all the other tribes would adopt the new script, the same oral and written
language and would form ethnically and linguistically homogeneus region and a firm Albanian (Aghvank) state. Before the
above described event, Mesrop Mashtots had invented distinctive scripts for the Georgians, which enabled the Bible and
early Christian literature to be translated into Georgian. New centres of education were set up in Georgia. But the Armenians
populating the Kur-Araxes valley he couldn't have provided with a new alphabet as some historians of Baku school attempt to
suggest (Geiushev, Mamedova, Buniatov etc), because the inhabitants of the valley were ethnically Armenian and as such Armenian speaking, so Mashtot's mission was to organize and open new schools there.
In ancient centuries the Kur-Araxes valley was called Aran (Arran is the Arabic variant). In the opinion of the Iranian
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famous historian Ahmade Kiasravi, Arran derived from the word "Ar" which had been the name of an Aryian tribe .
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According to the Iranian linguist Dehkhoda's dictionary, the Arab bibliographer Dameskhi gave evidence in his book
"Bokhtahodehr" that "The King of the Sassanid dynasty Ghobad (487-530) and Khosrov I (531-578) are true to say that there
remained only three cities in the Arran field. Arran is situated in Armenia". The other Arab author wrote that "Arran is a region
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in Armenia, it's Armenian name is Sisjan (Sisakan)" .
Taking into consideration the Greek geographer Strabo's point of view, we can say that Armenia, Ara, Aragats, Are,
Ararat, Artsakh, Araxes, armat (root in Armenian), ariun (blood in Armenian), artsiv (eagle in Armenian), arka (king in
Armenian), aru (male in Armenian) and thousands of other words and geographical names begin with "ar" and of course it's
not accidental. The word "ari" means a bold, brave, courageous and honest man in Armenian. The state of being "ari" that is
possessing generative power and character, or the man (the male) was in general an object of worship in pagan Armenia.
Thousands of tombstones and monuments scattered all over Armenia are true witnesses of this theory. There is such a
graveyard in Artsakh as well, not far from Martakert (Boy-Akhmedlu). The geographical name Artsakh is also linked to the
terms "ar" and "tsekh". To my mind it's the evoluated term "tsegh" which means tribe in Armenian. Of course this theory
needs further research. As to Arran, in the scripts of an Iranian bibliographer it has the form of "Aran". The other Iranian
historian Ahmade Kiasravi observed that "Arran derived from the word "Ar" which is the name of the great family "iyr" or
perhaps it's the name of another Aryan tribe". Cosidering all this linguistic examples and also the genesis of geographical
names, the general connection between the names of Armenia, Artsakh and Arran (Aran) is evident.
Arran was the winter house of Armenian court and later for the foreign rulers who conquered Armenia. They used to live
there in winter. The Armenians of Karabagh even now, by saing "arran" mean a rich, fertile countryside.
From an archeological aspect the Kur-Araxes valley, especially its pottery was of great interest. Student of this culture
E.V.Antonova in her article "Ancient Orient, Ethnocultural Links", dedicated to the prominent historian Boris Piatrovski, wrote.
"We paid much attention to the fact that the carvings found on the territory of Soviet Armenia and in Kur-Araxes valley are
exactly alike. The two areas are culturally linked to one another. But it's such a pity that close lying territories of Eastern
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Turkey (western Armenia) which also bore the cultural influence of Kur-Araxes valley are so far not studied thoroughly" .
The well-known researchers Ivanov and Gamkreladze who are famous for their works concerning the genesis of IndoEuropean Languages, wrote in their book "The Indo-European Languages and Indoeuropeans", "The Palestine culture was
influenced by the Kur-Araxes pottery of the second half of the third millenium, the testimony for it is the invasion of the
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bearers of the mentioned culture to Palestine for a very short period of time" .
Great migrations of tribes and nations were typical to the ancient periods of history, depending on various circumstances.
The cultural presence of the Arran (Kur-Araxes valley), for example its pottery, beyond the Armenian highlands in the middle
of the third millenium was in fact the result of the migration of Ars (the "ar" tribe populating that large valley). Notably the word
"Armen" is simply formed from the stems "ar" and "men" (derived from the Indo-European word stem, which means "man").
We can say that the Armenians came not from Phrygia or Phracia and settled in the Armenian highlands, but belonged to the
Kur-Araxes valley (Arran-Aran) and formed a great tribe, which assimilating into the other ethnical units inhabiting the
Armenian highlands in the second half of the third millenium marked the emergence of the Armenian (Armen) nation.
Professor Bartold categorically separated the Albanians (Aghvank) and Azarbaijani people, considering racial and tribial
peculiarities and noted that the Araxes River marked the tribial border. Strabo also separated Media Minor from Armenia with
the river Araxes. The father of Armenian historiography Movses Khorenatsi (410-490) wrote, "After this he (the King
Vagharshak - 134-112 BC - B) attested the North-Eastern large populous (with numerous inhabitants - B) province,
appointing Aran as ruler, who was a famous man, who was the only so wise and gifted in the area along the river Kur which
flows across the great valley. But mind that in our first book we forgot to mention that great and notable family, that is the
group which descended from Sisak and inherited the Aghvank (Albanian) field and the rocky part of that field from the river
Yeraskh (Araxes) to the castle of Hnarakert, and the country was named Aghvank for its sweet temper, because they called it
"agu". This famous and brave Aran from the family of Sissak was appointed ruler by the king Vagharshak. The Gardmanians,
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Uteanians, Tsavdenians and Gagarians descended from his successors." It must be noted that up to the early middle ages
the rulers of Artsakh and Utik called themselves Arranshahikids, that is princes who descended from the Aran patriarch. The
geographical names Artsakh, Utik, Metsarank (in Mardakert region) and Aranort (in Aghdam region) bore his memory for a
long time.
In the IV-V centuries the greater part of Artsakh subordinated to the Sodk (now Zod) state, the Gagarian Kingdom
comprised the valley of the Artsakh river Karkarr, and the fortress Karkarr (in late medieval period - Shushi) was its centre.
From the description of foreign and Armenian historians we can draw a conclusion that Artsakh was not the far eastern
border of Armenia, but was situated deep in the country. The Armenian historiographers always considered Artsakh as one of
the 15 Armenian provinces. In the book of Anania Shirakatsi "Ashkharhaiats" (VIIc) the name of Artsakh was mentioned as
the tenth province of Armenia which in its turn consisted of twelve minor provinces.
The Sissakan region's name Siunik derived from the word "siun" (pillar in Armenian). As a result of heavy rains natural pillars
were formed in the region, especially in its southern Zangezur district. The native people dug large hollows in the pillars and
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used to live there. These "houses" saved them during foreign incursions and conquests. Seeing that sight, one would surly
think that it was impossible to find another name fitting the side better than the name Siunik. As to Gh.Alishans hypothesis
that the country was named after a princess "Siuni", is pure folklore and nothing more.
As a result of hostilities between the two superpowers surrounding Armenia, in the fourth century AD Greater Armenia
was already undermined and partitioned between the Roman Empire (soon to be Byzantium) and Persia. The once great
state of Armenia collapsed from internal discordance. The housholds of the local Armenian nobility (nakharars) refused to
subject the central state and vied for supreme power. Some of them, lacking a generalized sense of homeland, were inclined
to join the Roman Empire, others to Persia. The Armenian kings failed to centralize the nobility and resist the external attacks.
The Roman emperor Theodor the Great and Persian king Shahpur III (385-389) negotiated and came to an agreement to
divide the country into two parts. The Roman Empire took possession of the country on the west, where soon the Armenian
kingdom was abolished and the region was reorganized as a new administrative unit(province). The larger eastern part was
annexed to Persia. Under the rule of Persians the Armenian Kingdom, surviving for a while, continued its existence till the
year of 428, when the short-sighted Armenian lords made up their minds to ask their Iranian overlord to control over their
domains and to abolish the Armenian monarchy. They said, "We don't need an Armenian king. Occasionally one of the
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Persian princes will come and rule over us" . The last king of the Armenian Arsacid dynast lost the throne. Sahak Partev
was deprived of his Catholicos' title. Armenia was turned into a Persian province (marzpanat). The Persian notable
Bahramshahpur was appointed marzpan. The Persian men-of-arms and archimages, especially after adopting mazdaism as
a state religion, thought that it was high time to convert both Christian Armenia and the eastern territories to Mazdaism and
gradually absorb the lands populated by Armenians. Probably they had forgotten that throughout centuries the Persian rulers
were historically interested in preserving the independence of Armenia, and did everything to help them. They even
appointed kings to the Armenian throne from their families. Armenia in its turn was obliged to resist the attacks of the eastern
nomadic tribes.
Another factor of the abolishment of the inheritance of the Armenian royal dynasty was the disacordance in the Sassanid
dynasty. The Armenian Arsacid dynasty descended from the Iranian royal family. The Sassanids who settled in Persia in
226AD, considered the Arsacid kings as rivals to the throne and did everything to eliminate all the branches of that family
both in Armenia and Aghvank. Artsakh and Utik up to 428 remained as a consisting part of Armenia. This fact is proved by
Movses Khorenatsi's testimony of the list of Armenian provinces, pointing to Gardmants, Tsovdeits, Gugark and Utik
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countries . We possess another document-monument of 428AD, which is called "Zoranamak" (list of military men), where
among 86 Armenian provinces Artsakh and Utik are mentioned as well, with numbers of contributing cavalry(the number is
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thousand from each family).The bdeshkh of Gugark was the head of the troops, with his 4500 riders . The Armenian
Catholicos (head of the church) of that time Sahak Partev visited Tizbon the residence of the king Bahram II with a letter
called "Gahnamak" (throne letter). Here is the text of that historical document:
I who am the catholicos Sahak Partev, applied to Bahram to the merciful king and asked him to order to enlist all
Armenian tanuters (Armenian nobility) and azats (princes) for his court, as it has always been done in Armenia for making
their noble courts known. Nerses and me affirmed this letter (Gahnamak) and sealed it with the king's ring and with ours too,
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and this is honest and true .
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"Gahnamak" enabled the Armenian lords to settle in their domains .
After carving up Armenia, the Persian kings Bahram I (388-398), Yezdegird I (399-428) and Bahram II (420-438) conducted a
comparativly mild policy towards Armenia establishing untough political relations. But achieving the throne Yezdegird II (438451) again forgot that his predecessors were interested in preserving the independence or semi-independence of Armenia,
preffered to live in peace with that neighbour of theirs and fight against a common enemy. The fanatical Yezdegird and the
archimages of Mazdaism did everything possible to suppress Christianity, invading Armenia with an enormous army. They
failed to impose their faith and culture on Armenia as in the early fifth century the Armenians, in the name of Mesrop Mashtots
and Sahak Partev had obtained a great weapon to fight against armies, preachers and violence. It was the distinctive
Armenian script, the Christian literature, the popularity of Armenian history without which the Armenians would long ago have
assimilated into their neighbours. Mashtots and Sahak Partev opened hundreds of schools in all parts of Armenia. In Artsakh
and Utik the first schools were housed in monastries and religious centres (Amaras and Diutakan). Then the inventor of the
Armenian alphabet hurried to Caucasian Albania (Aghvank) to invent a common script for the 26 tribes, which would be basis
for future stronghold of the Albanian state against the nomadic tribes. The Albanian king and the church were grateful to
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Mashtots . But he did not succeed in the mission as the central power in Albania was weak and could not oblige the new
script to hostile tribes.Mashtots, leaving his pupils in Artsakh, returned home. On his way he was a welcome guest in
Gardmank, in the estate of prince Khurs.
Yezdegird's attempts resulted in a revolt from the Armenian side. The Artsakh and Utik troops took an active part in the
campaign. After the battle of Avarair in 451, the Persian king had to recognize and comply with the rights of the Armenians.
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REFERENCE MATTER TO CHAPTER 1
1. Leo "Selection of Works" vol III, bII, Yerevan 1973, p10 (Armenian)
2. Gr.Ghapantsian "the History of Urartu" Yerevan 1940, p.186 (Armenian)
3. B.Piatrovski "the Van Kingdom" Moscow 1954, p.92 (Russian)
4. Sebeos "History..." Yerevan 1979, p.125 (Armenian)
5. Strabo "Geography" Moscow 1964, book XI, p.474 (Russian)
6. Strabo "Geography" Moscow 1964, b XI, p.475 (Russian)
7. Ptolemy "Geography" V, XII, I (Russian)
8. V.Latishev "Message" v.1, p.611 (Russian)
9. Ibid, p.270
10. Abbas Qoli: Agha Bakikhanov "Giulistan-Iran" Baku 1926, p.8 (Russian)
11. Strabo "Geography", Moscow 1964, b XI, p.474 (Russian)
12. As.Mnatsakanian "About the Literature of Albanian Country" Yerevan 1966,
pp. 259-292 (Armenian)
13. B.Ulubabian "Extracts of the History of Eastern parts of Armenia" Yerevan
1981, p.246 (Armenian)
14. Ebnefaghih Abubakre Ahmad "Albodan", Tehran 1970, pp. 130, 134 (Iranian)
15. Strabo "Geography" Yerevan1940, p.57 (Armenian)
16. B.Karapetian "A hundred Years' Dialogue". Yerevan 1990, p.51 (Armenian)
17. B.Ulubabian...
18. Hr.Acharian "Armenian Dialectology", Moscow 1919, p.61 (Armenian)
19. Ar.Gharibian "Armenian Dialectology", Yerevan 1953 (Armenian)
20. K.Davtian "Atlas of Nagorno-Karabagh Dialects" Yerevan 1996 (Armenian)
21. Sh.Hovhannisian "About the Grabar and Karabagh Dialect" Yerevan 1977
(Armenian)
22. Phil. Bible
23. T.Ter-Grigorian "The Autonomous Region of Nagorno-Karabagh", Izvestia,
Az.SSR N1, pp. 14,15 (Russian)
24. Ibid, p.11
25. Ibid, p.15
26. B.Ulubabian... pp.60-62
27. M.Kaghankatvatsi "History of Aghvank" (Armenian)
28. Koriun "Conduct of Mashtots" Yerevan 1979, p.112
29. Ahmade Kiasravi "Shahriarane Gomnam" vol.2, Tehran 1956, p.264 (Iranian)
30. Dehkhoda "Loghatname" Tehran 1993, vol 1, p.1369 (Iranian)
31. Ahmade Kiasravi...
32. V.Antonova, S.Yesayan "The Antropomorphical Sculpture of Armenian
Highlands in V-VIII Millenia BC" Ancient Orient, Ethnocultural Links, Moscow
1988, p.225 (Russian)
33.T.Gamkreladze, V.Ivanov "The Indo-European Language and
Indoeuropeans",
Tbilisi 1988, vol.1, p.893 (Russian)
34. B.Bartold "Compositions" vol 3, Moscow 1965, p.334 (Russian)
35. M.Khorenatsi "History of Armenia" Yerevan 1991
36. S.Yeremian "Armenia According to "Ashkharatsuits" Atlas", Yerevan 1963,
p.105 (Armenian)
37. Ghasar Parpetsi "History..." (Armenian)
38. M.Khorenatsi, book B, chapter VII, IX (Armenian)
39. N.Adonts "Armenia in Justinian Era", Yerevan 1987, p.282 (Armenian)
40. N.Adonts....p.280
41. Manuscript N7117 in Store of Ancient Manuscripts in Yerevan (the Gargarian
Alphabet, invented by Mashtots, consisting of 52 letters)
8
8
CHAPTER 2
THE ALBANIAN PROVINCE (MARZPANAT) IN 428-637
In 428 AD the Sassanid Persians put an end to the existence of the kingdoms of Armenia and Albania(Aghvank) and
1
formed a new tributary administrative unit comprising Arran(Artsakh and Utik) and Albania proper . The centre of this
province (marzpanat) was the city of Chogh (Derbent) till 460AD, then Partav. They were also the residences of marzpans.
The marzpanat system did not prevent the local rulers from being heads of their own domains (as noted in Sahak Partev's
courtletter).
Analysing this period the outstanding orientologist Adonts wrote, "Armenia on the whole took an active part in the
international policy of the Persian State since ancient times. Both nations developed under the same socio-cultural
influences. When the Arsacids occupied Persia and their junior line settled in Armenia, their social and secular relations grew
2
more and more close" . During the reign of Sassanid dynasty the Persian State was divided into four regions: eastern,
western, northern and southern. The northern region was called "Kustak i Kapkoh". Each kustak (region) was ruled by the
padospan, appointed by the king. The governor of Caucasian region was Zadoin. The king Khosrov I divided the Persian
army into four groups and appointed military heads, separating the military commandment from the administrative-political
3
system .
Persia, Armenia and the Roman Empire were always interested to preserve the subordinate state of Albania, enabling it
to guard the Chogh (Chol or Chora guard) frontier, (between the Caucasian Mountain range and The Caspian sea) from the
northern barbaric tribes who permanently threatened to sweep in and flood the southern fertile lands. During the Armenian
dominance of Transcaucasia (the Great Armenian State) the defence of Chogh frontier was realized by the rulers of Gugark.
The adjacent bordlands were obliged to support Armenia materially. The Roman Empire, for example during the reign of
Emperor Severius (193-221) paid tributes to Armenia for keeping guard of the Chora Gates4. Later Persia was in charge of
the obligation. The 26 different tribes inhabiting the Armenian territory were also inclined to unite for pillage from time to time.
They often overran the southern and western bordlands. The father of Armenian historiography Movses Khoranatsi testified
that "here he (the Armenian King Vagharshak) invited those barbaric tribesmen to his court. They lived in the Northern valley
(on the left bank of Kura River - B) and at the foot of the Caucasian Mountain, in the long stretched dale on the southern side
9
9
of the mount. The king ordered them (the Albanian chieftains) to give up plundering, treachery, to be obedient to the orders of
5
the king and pay tributes and the king would appoint good governors and princes to them" .
The Armenians and Georgians were very careful to prevent that multiethnic group from pillage and had to be ready to
fight against them if needed. The Artsakh and Utik population forefeited much from their activity as they were separated from
Albania only with the river. In 428 the Albanian kingdom (situated on the left bank of the river Kura) collapsed and was
6
abolished. The tribial units again were activised . The Masktats country was in the east with its Chor center, Baghasakan - in
the south with the centre Kapaghak (Kabala) and Lpink was in the West with the Tsri centre.
We possess abundent sources about the north-eastern part of Armenia (Artsakh and Utik). The historiographer Yeghishe
testified that the archtraitor Vasak Siuni (the Persian viceroy of Armenia) betrayng the unity of Armenian notables
(nakharars), decided to overthrow sparapet (military commander) Vardan Mamikonian and warned the Albanian ruler
(marzpan) Sebukht that Vardan intended to attack Albania with his army. Vardan wanted to squeeze out the dangerous
populations from the north-eastern frontier of Armenia. Vasak reported the Albanian king about this attack and said, "Don't be
7
afraid of him and his army. I am sure they will be beaten up and defeated against your might" . The battle took place in 450,
in autumn, near the town of Khaghkhagh (now Tavuz) which housed the Albanian kings in winter.
The armies from the left bank countries supported the marzpan. The Armenians, though small in number, won an
absolute victory over the enemy. Then Vardan cleared the district of the Persian army and the mages. Yeghishe wrote, "Many
of the Aghvank (Artsakh and Utik) princes and peasants who were scattered in the caves of Capkoh (Caucasus) mountains,
seeing the Armenian success, came and joined the army an took part in their courageous deeds. Then attacked the Hunns'
Chor Guard (later Derbent) which the Persians had occupied and appointed Vahan a ruler there. He was from the family of
9
Albanian kings..." . Yeghishe reported then, that Vahan arrived at the Hunns' country (north Caucasus) and entered into a
10
treaty with them . Undoubtedly Vahan descended from the Arranshahikids and before the above mentioned events was
forced to hide in the mountains in Khordiun or in rocky parts of Kambejan. Yeghishe considered him to belong to the royal
Albanian family. Supposedly the Persian court appointed viceroys parallel to the marzpan's post both in Armenian (Artsakh
and Utik) and Albania proper. They were chosen from the "Baghasakan kings family..." who fought against Armenians.
Movses Kaghankatvatsi is considered the true historiographer of that historical land. But his book "The History of Caucasian
Albanians" gives disconnected and little information about Albania (Aghvank) proper. As B.Ulubabian, S.Yushkov and thirteen
other historians assure, the book includes only the history of Armenian Albania ie Artsakh and Utik. Kaghankatvatsi is
considered to be the author of that book but in fact it's a collection of works of different writers who lived in the V-X centuries.
Each author witnessed his own period in Artsakh and Utik. That unique and valuable book was composed by Movses
Daskhurantsi and was referred to as Kaghankatvatsi's because he was the only historiographer who had signed his name in
the book. As far as the language of the book concerns, many historians (T.Grigorian, Z.Buniatov, K.Trever, F.Mamedova)
"forcibly" and absurdly call Movses Kaghankatvatsi an Albanian historiographer and consider the book as translated from
Albanian into Armenian, ignoring historical and linguistic factors. And what they mean by "Albanian language" or "Albanian
script" nobody can say.
The Armenian historiography (Yeghishe, Kaghankatvatsi, Bishop Giuts papers addressed to Vache) regards the two
Artsakh-Utik princes as kings. Perhaps the weakening of Sassanid authority resulted in marzpan's indifference to rule over
the multinational district. The Persian King Yezdegird placed the region under the Armenian vassal Prince Vache (marrying
him to his niece) who possessed the royal title of Arranshahikids. Yeghishe wrote that after Yezdegird's death his two sons
began to joust and argue laying claims to the royal inheritance of their father. The struggle went on for two years.
"Yezdegird's younger son's nurse, whose name was Raham and who was from the Mihranid family (junior line of the Arsacid
dynasty - B) saw the army partitioned to two, attacked the kings elder son, destroyed his army and arresting him, ordered to
kill. The scattered warriors then united into a single army in loyalty to the throne of their new king, whose name was
14
Perosh" . Yeghishe continues, "During these disturbances the Albanian king (Vache) who was their cousin, rebelled. He
15
was Christian by birth but the king Yezdegird had forcibly converted him to Mazdaism" .
Now we can directly say that the Arranshahikid ruler of Artsakh-Utik (Vache's father) had married the kings daughter
after the year of 428. Related by marriage the Persian court tried to strengthen its rule over Aghvank (Arran and Albania
proper). Movses Kaghankatvatsi noted that "The Persian King Perosh (458-482) ordered Vache to build the great city of
16
Perozapat (459) which is the present day Partav" . The Iranian historian Enaitollah Reza, testifying ancient Persian sources,
noted that the city was called Horum in early date and then Partev. Thus the city dated from the Persian domination period
and had a still older history, and Vache had only reconstructed it, appropriating to the marzpan's residence. But Vache's and
Perosh's solidarity was short lived. Vache took side of the rebellious Vardan Mamikonian and his aherents, most of whom
were imprisoned in the Persian capital. Vache didn't yield to the Persian power, he revolted too and joined a struggle that
18
played an important part in that campaign, providing Armenian troops with a base . This act had its grounds. He, as well as
10
10
Vardan Mamikonian and other Armenia nobles had agreed to false convertion to Mazdaizm. And it was probably after this
that he had married the king's daughter and returned to Artsakh with an army of mages. Then, taking advantage of the
disorder, Vache gave the new faith up, and sent away the mages and tax gatherers and turned to his Christian faith. He, with
the help of his rebellious army "broke the Chora Guard and brought the Maskut army and uniting with other eleven highland
kings, cut down the Persian army. When the Persian king suggested peace, Vache reminded him of the death and torture of
19
the captured Armenian princes. "I prefer to be tortured to death like the others than betray my faith ". Kaghankatvatsi wrote
that "God as cane of his anger (means of punishment - B) sent the tribe of Hunns against the tyranous, arrogant and blood21
minded king. They cut down the infidel princes and laid waste their entire land" . The Hunns joined the Armenians
according to the treaty with Vardan Mamikonian. When the king understood that he could subject Vache "neither by force nor
22
by love" he sent numerous treasures to the land of Alanians, opened the Alan Gates (in Caucasus) took many men-ofarms from the Alanians (a warmonger north-Caucasian tribe) and fought a year against the Albanian king. And the siege
23
lasted long and the greater part of the country was ravaged but none of them was irresolute to betray the others" . The king
was assured that it was impossible to take the Artsakh and Utik citadels by force and internally weakened, he applied to
Vache a second time, saying, "Sent my sister and cousin back to my country, because they were mazdaists and you
24
converted them to Christianity and leave your land to you" . Vache sent them to Persia, he himself resigned from the
25
throne, took the Bible, left the secular life, became a repentant and led a solitary life in the Avetaranots village of Artsah .
The next great revolt against the Persian policy rose under the leadership of Vahan Mamikonian. "For thirty years Albania
26
remained kingless", noted Kaghankatvatsi .
In 484 the king Bagharsh came to throne in Persia and analysing the previous policy, introduced reforms in vassal states,
he granted the Armenian princes with permission to rule in their family domains. Movses Kaghankatvatsi wrote, "At the time
when each Albanian prince inherited his title and estate, they all united, took the sophisticated, handsome, tall and
courageous Vachagan, brother of Albanian King Vache, Yezdegirds son, who was of royal decsent and put him to throne with
27
the help of the Persian king" . Thus the Persian king established the Armenian kingdom on his own accord and sent
Vachagan to rule over Aghvank. Then the chronologer noted that "they could adhere to the faith they chose and nobody
28
could be forcibly converted to mazdaism" . Probably this was the first appeal in the history of mankind to forbidding violation
of human rights.
The first thing Vachagan did in his native land was to set up a campaign against all kinds of sectarianism, the followers of
schism heresies were attacked with special violence, as they used to excoriate babies during their heretical rites. Vachagan
called on his "impregnal Artsakh country to give up idolary... Being extremely kind, hearted, munificent and peaceful, he gave
an order to the princes all over the land, whom the wicked king of Persia had deprived of their family domains, to resettle in
their domains. He appointed many archbishops, priests, intendents. Both in Kambechan and Aghvank he gave and assumed
29
the same orders" . The fact that parallel to the king there also existed the marzpan's position, is proved by an expression of
30
a historiographer, "For several times the marzpans caught them (the heretics - B) but practising bribe taking, let them go" .
The British country was Vachagan's might and support, the Giutakan village was his preferred residence*.
He ruled over his domain from here, his country comprising also Utik, Kabechan and Albania (Aghvank) proper.
The historiographers described Vachagan as a great political dealer and illuminator "When he (the king) came to the
village to honour the memory of the saints, he sat in class during the lesson... ordered them (the pupils) to read, and he,
31
sitting there among the pupils, felt proud of his deeds, regarding them great discoveries or gifts from above" . Vachagan
ordered to bring the relics of the saints Gregory the Illuminator, Hripsimeh and Gayaneh to Artsakh from Echmiadzin, then he
searched for the tombs of Zakrev (a clergy), Pandalion (a physician) as well as Grigoris** and distributed their relics among
his provinces. The country then went through a period of intense development and Vachagan was said to build "as many
churches as there are days in a year", many of which formed the basis for large monastic centres. Each church homed a
school or another educational institution. The villages also had their schools. In view of this Gregory the Illuminator, his
grandson Grigoris, Mesrop Mashtots and his pupils were Vachagan's predecessors. For his intense, deep and thorough
activity Vachagan got the attributive name of Pious. It was through the church that Vachagan sought to educate his people
and considering it the factor which kept the national spirit alive, and the state independent, he tried to strengthen the basis of
religion as much as possible. Taking advantage of a weakening in Sassanid authority he re-established a new Armenian
stronghold on the Artsakh and Utik territories and on the northern bank of the Kura river. He took an active part in
improvement of the administrative system of the country. One of the most important factors in this direction was the
constitution. The king was one of the most educated, intelligent and literate political dealers of his time. He was brought up in
an atmosphere of Khorenatsi, Koriun, Aghatangeghos, Buzand, absorbing their patriotic spirit. Linked with many ties to the
11
11
heart of Armenia,the Ararat valley, he was undoubtedly aware of the Shahapivan Canons (443) on the basis of which he
elaborated the provisions of the Aghven constitution. Before the assembly was held he applied do the authoritative dealers of
his time for advice (for example Matteh the Priest who had brought the relics of Gregory the Illuminator and the virgins' from
Dvin and talked to the Catholicos Hovhan there, the bishop Abraham Mamikoneits (his letter to Vahan is preserved in several
manuscripts the bishop Petros Siunetsi and other prominent scholars). The historiographer wrote, "During the reign of King
Vachagan, the seculars and the bishops, the nobles and warriors were very discordant. The king wished to hold a meeting
32
(Assembly) in Aghven, which took place on the day 13 of Median month" . Historiography accepts the date of 488.
According to the list of members, mainly secular lords and notables and high priesthood took part in the meeting from Artsakh
and Utik and only religious representatives from Kapaghak and Tsri (on the Kura left bank), who were probably Armenians
appointed by the king. All the word-forms used in the document are typical Armenian terms reflecting the Armenian reality of
the time: nakharar(baron), azgapet (chief tain), nahapet (patriarch), ashkharakan (secular), unashkharik (not secular), shen
(village, residence), agarak (farm), vank (monastry), yekeghetsi (church), sak (rate, price), ptugh (fruit), tasnord (decime, one
tenth of the material resources, paid as a tax) etc. As B.Ulubabian noted, "This is an Armenian state of life in a region, which
surely was forcibly detached from the Motherland, but with resolution and vitality it formed a complete and independent unit,
preserving its characteristics and qualities as pure as possible. But after being cut up did it lose the attributes of national
entity? Never, and particulary in this environment, because under such cicumstances it established a kingdom and laws and
34
a special way of life and state" .
In the principles of the constitution we come across the term "khostak", which according to the German linguist
35
H.Hiubshman is a Parthian term. Supposedly, it was introduced by the Persians to ordain the tributary system . One of the
present day scholars of Baku school, Farida Mamedova, investigating Vachagan's rules, wrote in her turn that the Aghven
rules didn't testify to the existence of ethnarchy and tribial and racial unity. But on the grounds of today's political interests this
researcher refused to notice the links of those laws to Armenia (S.Yeremian gave an exellent analysis of the document) and
added, "History of Albanian Country is about Azerbaijan's socio-economical and political structures in the V-VIII centuries". By
saying "Azerbaijan" the scholar meant not Atropateni - Azarbaijan proper, but the present Araxes left bank administrative
region which was transferred to Azerbaijan by the Kremlin authorities, Arran and the greater part of Aghvank (Albania) proper
included. Surely her general strive to minimize and denigrate the Armenian element in Albania do not correspond to historical
veracity and manifest the XX century military-political "pan-Turkic" policy. Comparing the rules and laws of Shahapivan (443)
with those adopted by Aghven Assembly, we can say that they are similar, the latter deriving from the first one. Both of them
forbade polygamy, relative marriages (included those to sister-in-law), arbitrary divorces, lamenting over the deceased,
witchcraft, bad conduct of the clergy. S.Yeremian truely observed that Vachagan's rules were the exact reflection of the
Armenian social life. The Constitution defined norms for various substrata of sociely, from priences to peasants and hermits.
The peasants as well as those of royal descent were subject to taxation according to their material resources. But only the
Sovereign could give a code of laws and the rest were obliged to be obedient. The constitution defined the king as the
Supreme judge (not the church) and principles for schools and monastries, but there's not a word in it concerning the king's
and marzpan's relations. Perhaps Vachagan concidered him not restrained by the law as a subject to Persian Court. As far as
military power is concerned, it is omitted as well, even the number of cavalry provided by the nobles is not mentioned.
Probably the king had his own army, which is not once testified by histiriographers, or else he couldn't have appointed
governers in the cities of Tsri and Kapaghak, or suppress the rebellions, or forcibly eliminate sectarianism and lastly the
internal troops were relied on to carry the constitutional laws into effect.
Vachagan's might originated from the Artsakh country who had been the centre of immemorial Arranshahikid dynast's
domain. Though he was the only authorized lord of the eastern provinces, his activity in particular was related to Artsakh. He
chose the Artsakh village Giutakan as his residence, not Partav.
The history of Vachagan the Pious ends with the Aghven Assembly. The historiographer has no other records of his period.
Probably the last part of his work is missing. The tenth century composer of the collection considered that he was not in the
might of adding the ommitted part. We know from other sources that Vachagan's son Pandelion (Pandi) and then his
grandson Vramshapuh replaced him. It is assumed that the Aghven rules practically operated for many years, pacifying the
country internally. The medieval historiographer Stepanos Orbelian wrote that Vachagan married his daughter to the brother
of the Persian king Abl-Abbas, who adopted Christianity and lived in Siunik, near the monastry "Second Jerusalem" in the
Barkushat river valley. Vachagan had asked the Sovereign of Siunik to give him and his son-in-law five villages there. It was
here that in incomprehensible circumstances died Vachagan and his son-in-law. We don't know anything of his son either.
S.Orbelian only observed that his grandson Vramshapuh arrived early in the morning with his army and surrounding the
monastry, cut down the priests and the chiefs of the village, destroyed the building of the monastry and threw the stones into
38
the river . Probably he took revenge on them. Vachagan the Pious was buried in a funerary chapel of Apostol Yeghishe's
monastry, which he had established on the ruins of an ancient temple. On a stone above the chapel's front door the following
words are carved, "Here repose the mortal remains of King Vachagan. Let God have pity on patriarchs and parents of his, he,
12
12
39
who built this church, led by Ter-Simon in 1286" .
The funerary chapel was built six and a half centuries after his death. Vachagan's death can't be blamed on the Persian
Court, as the historiographers don't mention that they (Vachagan and his son-in-law) met a violent death. Both the Persian
court and the marzpan were aware of his activity and reforms, the king Bagharsh (487-497) and his successors Ghobad I
(507-537) and Jamasp (497-501) allowed him to carry out his reforms and even supported him as they were interested in the
stability of that country, which could be guaranteed by the constitution. As to the extension of the educational units, rules and
laws could be applied, put into practical use only in the environment of literate and educated nations, and this is one of the
stability factors.
Vachagan's vengeance seeking proved his overlordship of Albania. Vachagan's death and his grandson's attack is assumed
to take place by 530, when he was too old, about 80-85 years old.
Whatever he was, the seeds sown by him managed to shoot, fill the Artsakh country with their "product" and stretch their
roots deep in that immemorial land. Since then the Artsakh country was fated to carry its everlasting important mission up to
this day, with its educational institutions, monastries, churches, learned and godly people, who cling to their Motherland, to
Armenia and whatever conquerers and intruders come and go, they will remain existent like an all-mighty stream flowing into
eternity. Karabagh was destined to be the key mountain outpost on the long and difficult way of Armenia to independence
and sovereignity.
After Vachagan the Pious' history our scholars "kept silent" for about a century about Arran and Albania (Aghvank). "An
enigmatic century succeeded, which like a mist covered the history of those eastern territories of Armenia, and a historian is
not able to open the folds of a hundred years' history", wrote B.Ulubabian.
In the sixth century one of the long-lived kings, Khosrov I (531-579) came to throne in Persia. He, as the historiographers
described, was a very kind and clever man. Armenian historian M.Chamchian wrote, "This mighty strategist king was also
aspired after science and philosophy, and as the modern Greek historian (Aghatias, book II,IV) assumes, he read the books
41
of Plato and Aristotle and gave an order to translate them into Persian" . Chamchian compared him with his anscestors,
kings Darius and Kurosh. Khosrov I reconstructed and strengthened the Derbent fortifications which stretched from the
Caucasian highlands to the Caspian sea shores for 42 kilometres, fixed two huge metallic gates obstructing the way of the
eastern nomadic tribes. He built the trading city of Shamakhi and named the Kura left bank country Shirvan, and driving out
Persians from the remote parts of the state, populated them in the city. The rebuilding took place in Albania proper where the
multiracial society continued to remain as discordant as it was before. Khosrov I never lost the opportunity of disturbing the
Armenian unanimity and expanding his domains. Armenian historian Sebeos brought such an example, writing how the
Siunik prince Vahan presented this able politician with his country. He applied to the king with a request of joining Siunik to
Paitakaran and reducing to vassalage its rulers. At that time the horrible tyrant Suren was Armenian's marzpan (564-571). He
fiercely persecuted the Armenian princes and dignitaries.
Vahan demanded control over his own territory, sacrifying his country. This was the most dangerous crack that was
formed between Armenian Albania (Utik and Artsakh) and the Ararat valley. Suren's policy caused great turmoil which soon
turned into a huge rebellion under the leadership of Armenian sparapet Vardan II Mamikonian. In 522 Vardan's brother
43
Manuel beheaded Suren and drove the mages away from the country . Siunik was again joined to Armenia after the fall of
Sassanid dominance.
In the sixth century a religious conflict (concerning Christ's essence) broke out in Armenian Apostolic Church. The first
party accepted that Christ was the only God, attributing him only one nature. The other wing (the majority) attributed Christ
two natures - of a human being and of God. In the year of 451 in Chalcedon, in St Yevpimeh Cathedral, the universal, allChristian ecclesiastical council was held. 630 prelates took part in it. The biophysite wing subdued the monophysite one and
thus got the name of Chalcedonians. Soon this already formalized split was transferred to the political and diplomatic spheres
of great powers.
The Armenian church supported the monophysite theory, vigourously opposing to the Roman and Byzantine strong wing.
In view of these ecclesiastical differences it was natural that Armenia and Armenians moved away from the western policy.
The Persian king Khosrov, who was a clever and able politician, protected the isolation of the Armenian Church from his
powerful rival-Byzantinum. The registration of Armenian list of days (calendar) at the first councils of Dvin, added up to the
separation. At the second Council of Dvin (554) the Catholicos Nerses II initiated concordance and harmony in Armenian
44
Church, bringing the different wings together .
Historian Sebeos wrote that at that time the Persian king held a meeting in Tizbon inviting the ecclesiastical representatives
of subordine countries and "investigating the religious subdivisions, approved the superiority of the Armenian one and
45
ordered his subject Christians to join that wing" .
There existed also another split between the churches of Virk and Albania, concerning the right of possessing
Catholicossates. In 551 the Catholicos of all Armenians granted them both with the permission of such seats, on condition
13
13
that they should be ordained only by the Catholicos of all-Armenians. In view of ecclesiastical connection with Armenia it was
natural that the Albanian church should be subordinated to the Church of Armenia, which it joined in the sixth century. At the
first Dvin Council bishop Abbas (551-595) who was in charge of Artsakh Metsarank pronince, was anointed by Catholicos
Movses I as the first entitled "Catholicos of Albania, Lpink and Chogh", covering the entire territory of the marzpanat. By the
name of Albania (Arran) the Kur-Araxes valley was meant. Lpink and Chor were situated on the left bank of the river, where
among the 26 tribes the Lezgis and Avarians were already distinguishable.
In 552 the seat of the Albanian Church was tranferred from Derbent or Derband (in present day Daghestan) to Partav or
Bardhaa. "This Cathalicossate had great authority not only over the believers of his region but over the neighbouring
provinces as well". When prince Vahan treacherously handed over the administrative rule of his province to Persia, the Siunik
archbishop Petros joined his diocese to the Armenian Catholicossate.
The Albanian Catholicossate was a means of concordence between the nobility and common people, it was a rampart
against the invaders and conquerers, it was a power which prevented the nation from being absorbed or assimilated by the
neighbours. The Catholocos Abbas cosidered the ordination of his nation by the all-Armenian patriarch as a most important
factor of keeping the region Armenian, the national spirit alive, even if dormant in a way. The struggle between the two
superpowers neighbouring Armenia, went on. In 572 the Persian army won a victory over Byzantium. A fateful political
decision was taken in 577 when Byzantium and Persia entered into a treaty. Persia dominated Armenia once again.
Byzantium was bound by treaty to pay annual tribute of 30 thousand in gold for fifty years. They were also obliged to hand the
Armenian and Georgian rebells Vardan and Gurgen over to Persia.
In late sixth century the Artsakh and Utik Armenian princes again revolted against oppression, violence and persecutions.
The chronologer grieved over the slaughter and deportation of the Armenian dignitaries. After the death of the Persian king
Hormozd II his two sons, Khosrov and Bahram both lay claims to the royal inheritance. The younger son Khosrov applied to
the Byzantine Emperor for help., in return promising Armenia and Assyria. In 591 Khosrov II came to throne (with the
48
Emperor's help) and carried out his promise, presenting Byzantinum with the territories down to Garni, Dvin and Maku .
Khosrov's elder brother was killed in a battle by Mushegh Mamikonian. The Persian king gave Armenia away so easly as he
was conscious of the fact that it was not his native land.
If the Armenian provinces were partly self-governed and semi-independent under the Persian rule and the population was
neither persecuted nor treated harshly for adherence to the Armenian Church, now, in the face of Byzantinum they obtained a
dangerous enemy both to the Monophysite Apostolic Church and to the princehood, who was the basis and bearer of the
secular power. The Byzantine emperors treated Armenia in a domineering manner as well.
The next chronologer of the "History of Albania" gave evidence about the family of Mihran who was a relative of Khosrov
II. He had had an argument with the king and escaping persecution, went to Utik, to the town Partav and intended to go to the
49
land of Khasir tribe and join Khosrov's enemies . Mihran represented one of the members of the still surviving branch of the
great Sassanid dynasty. The king wrote a letter to him, suggesting, "whereever you recieve this decree of mine, let that land
be your domain, and take as much as you like". By that time Mihran had settled in the Gardmank province. Twelve the most
notable representatives of the province were invited to his place and treacherously slain. Thus Mihran owned the country and
began to rule over it. Vardan the Brave, who had previously adopted Christianity (he was from Mihranids), "formed a plot
against the male line of Arranshahikids immemorial dynast and inviting them to dinner, murdered them all. Sixty men were
50
slaughtered and only prince Zarmir Arranshahikid was left alive as he was son-in law to the family" .
Historian Leo supposed that Mihranid princes of Gardman came not from Persia, but Chogh (Derbent), where the Persian
troops had settled to guard the frontier. The Mihranid family of Persian descent, settling in the Gardmank fortress, first and
foremost secured Persia's position and influence on the region and later they adopted Christianity and assimilating into the
nation, were Armenized.
Vardan the Brave's grandson Jivanshir was already an Armenian. The Arranshahikid princes secluding themselves in the
Artsakh fortress, sought vengeance upon Vardan's family. The historiographer gave evidence that Mihran, fleeing the
vindictive Khosrov (for the death of the latter's father in 590), hurriedly deserted the country. Then the auther drew the
51
geneological tree of the Mihranid royal line: Mihran-Aramail-Vard_Vardan the Brave-Varaz-Grigor-Jivanshir . If we suppose
that Mihran left Persia in 590, then according to the geneological table Jivanshir should have reigned a 120 years later, that is
by 710, but in fact his overlordship dated from the year of 637. This period of time could include three generations.
Varaz-Grigor obtained the royal title with the help of the Albanian Catholicos Viro. The Persian queen, which had an
Armenian descent, interceded with the court on behalf of Varaz.(She is the heroine of the well-known Persian poet Nesamie
52
Gianjavi's poem "Khosrov and Shirin", who, before marriage was the ralative of Partav's first lady) . Varaz-Grigor
descended from Vardan the Brave (his father, who rebuilt several fortresses in Gardmank) and Vard Mihranid (his
grandfather), both of them didn't possess a royal title.
After 25 years of imprisonment the Albanian Catholicos Viro returned to his native Arran. Thus, we can say that the Arran
14
14
(Aghvank) secular and ecclesiastical independence was restored under the leadership of Viro and Jivanshir.
The historiographer spoke with approved of Jivanshir, praising his appearance and character. "The king (Persian) put his
53
hand on his head, praised him and called sparapet of Albania" .
He fought in the war of Persians against the Arabs for seven years. His courage was appreciated highly by the king.
"After that they gathered to take part in the battle, but the Persian army was destroyed, they were punished by God, on the
highest decision. Their kingdom collapsed. Thus after seven years' fighting the brave Jivanshir returned home, to the Utik
54
province, with eleven wounds on his body" .
Once again the Albanian Armenians revolted against the Persian overlordship, which was headed by Jivanshir and his
father, Varaz-Grigor. Jivanshir "married the daughter of the Sisakan prince, from the Aruichan family and entire Siunik was
happy as the day is long".
In early seventh century Persia and Byzantinum either collided with each other or provocated the north-Caucasian
barbaric and warmonger tribes into invasions. It's accepted in Armenian historiography to call those tribes "Hunns" in general.
The Khazars, who were the most dangerous among them, came from the north. Their khakanat (kingdom) covered the
territory from Povolzhie lowlands to northern Caucasian Caspian shores. This time they entered into an alliance with the
Byzantine Emperor Hercule, whose great army flooded the Kur-Araxes valley in 624 to attack Persia. They continuously
raided the greater part of Media, one portion of it after another until decided to return to Arran across the river Araxes and
settled in the Trtu (Terter) river valley, intending to winter there. The Emperor applied to the Armenian nobility with the
request of supporting his army with supplies, "or else he threatened to capture their castles and massacare the population.
But they, by order of Khosrov II, left the city of Partav and fled to different places. The Christian and Muslim (Persian)
56
population of the city remained there" . An Armenian priest by the name of Zakaria saved the inhabitants of Partav. Later he
was elected to Catholicos of Albania.
The Persian army, under the leadership of Shahr-Varez entered the Gardmank province of Utik, settled in the castle of
Tigranakert*** where the Persian Mihranids were ruling. In this way they obstructed the Byzantine troops' way to Tpghis.
Another division (30 thousand soldiers), under General Shahen, settled in the other fortress of Tigranakert (Shahaghbiur).
The Byzantine army attacked, then passed through the Karkar (later Shushi) and Berdadzor mountains to Siunik and
remaining there for a short time, left for their country. This time the Khazar tribes did not back up the emperor, as they were
presented with innumerable riches by the Persian king.
The Byzantine Emperor entered into a new alliance with the Khakanat (Khazars Kingdom) and they undertook a new
invasion, one from the north, and another from the west. The Khazar chieftain Jebu Khakan (king) destroyed the Derbent
gates with his army and moved to the south. The historiographer of "The History of Albania' described the events as an eyewitness. He saw his native country lamenting over its dead. Those still alive, were starved to death. The motherland ceased
to be able to protect its population. The Gaishak marzpan, appointed by Khosrov, tried to establish himself in Partav, but
soon ran away in horror. The historiographer gave an impressive discription of the uncivilized barbarians. "They, looking
monsterous and dreadful, ugly and arrogant, widefaced, without eyebrows, long-haired and woman-like, made one's blood
run cold". They unnihilated the population in Partav. Some of them managed to escape and hid in Artsakh fortresses.
Then they invaded Georgia and "surrounded the flourisling and famous city of Tpghis". The Persian army came to their
help. Though the citadel held, they soon launched another attack and taking it, massacred the population.
Persia was already weakened from internal discordance so could not resist them, preventing their advance. A rebellion
broke out in Persia proper. Khosrov II was murdered. His son Ghobad II came to throne. But soon due to unstable internal
situation, he was replaced by Ardeshir III, then six other kings succeeded, and all of them together reigned only for six years.
Yezdegird III was killed in 637 and this was the end of the powerful dynasty of Persian Sassanids.
Thus, the heavy blows on Persia from all sides destroyed the Sassanid royal inheritance, a dynasty which reigned for four
centuries (226-637). But the main reason of Persian monarchy's subversion was the internal destruction. This example
proved the truth that any civilization or empire, great or weak is overtrown as a result of internal discordance. Even the
pettiest state revitalizes and is long-lived if it is based on internal stability, development of internal resources and on
nationwide unity. After reaching its zenith, it may decline if new ideological changes are not achieved in time.
After the fall of the Roman empire Byzantium did not repeat its structures. The source of its revival and might lay in the
new ideology, ie new faith. From this aspect Byzantium was fresher than the Persian state based on Mazdaism. The reforms
of Justinian were more active and flexible than of Khosrov I, as the first created an entirely new unit and the second could
exist only on the basis of a powerful centralized monarchic policy. The Persian socio-economical system, based on
geneological relations, cracked and broke up. The external forces had nothing else to do but overrun the Sassanid
inheritance. The Transcaucasian nations-the Armenians, Georgians and multiracial Albanians again were left unprotected
against the barbarian tribes.Involved in such complicated conditions the Armenians ceased to beleive in restoration of
generalized secular power. They were isolated in their ecclesiastically monophysite faith, relying on their national script and
literature and permanently developing them.
15
15
Judging from the abundant sources of that period, on the Artsakh and Utik territories the state relied upon its flocks and
57
herds, its dense forests, "its skilled craftsmen, its mines of copper, gold and iron" . The Sodk gold, Gandzasar silver,
Mehmana (in Karabagh republic) multimetal, Taghavard lead, Karhat iron mines expluatation was in full swing.
The Arab sources express admiration of the products made by Armenian handicraftsmen. "There is nothing comparable
58
to the ropes and carpets, clothes and cochineal (kermes) produced by them (the craftsmen)" , noted the Arab
historiographer Al-Mukadelassi.
The Arran Armenians possessed a generalized sense of Motherland and an Armenian orientation. It is therefore
unfortunate when, because of political cosiderations, the Baku historians strive to minimize and denigrate the Armenian
element in Albania, trying to persuade that Albania formed the immediate predecessor of present day Azerbaijan and
exercising falsification of historical truths. Ignoring reliable sources, they persist that the Mihranid representatives were
59
60
Albanians or Armenized Albanians (K.V.Trever, V.V.Bartold ) but in fact the Mihranid dynasty ruled over Utik and they
were even discordant with the Artsakh and Utik Arranshahikids. If their theory is accepted, it is hard to account for the
national spirit which inspired and continues to inspire the Armenians of Albanian region.
______________________________________
* It is situated on the Artsakh river Trtu, at the bottom of the Mrav mountain near the present day Talish village.
** Grigoris was the grandson of Gregory the Illuminator and was in charge of the eastern provinces of Armenia and was in
turn appointed bishop of Kingdom of Albania. The oldest church of this region is to be found in present day Karabagh,, the
church of the monastry of Amaras, established by St. Gregory and completed by St. Grigoris. Here St. Grigoris was buried in
338, and which is still possible to visit.
*** The Armenian King Tigranes the Great (95-55BC) founded several cities by his name, two of which were situated on the
Arran territory.
_______________________________________
1. B.Ulubabian "Extracts of the History of Eastern Parts of Armenia" Yerevan,
1981, p. 117.
2. Adonts "Armenia in Justinian Era", Yerevan 1987, p. 240.
3. Ibid ... p. 224.
4. B.Ulubabian, p. 206.
5. M.Khorenatsi "History of Armenia", Yerevan 1990, p.69.
6. Yeghishe "About Vardan and Armenian War", Yerevan 1989, pp.154-155.
7. Ibid, pp.131, 133
8. Ibid, p.151
9. Ibid, p.151.
10. Ibid, p.157.
11. Ibid, p.153.
12. B.Ulubabian, p.19.
13. S.V.Yushkov "About the Ancient Albanian Borders", "Historical Notification of
the USSR Academy of Sciences", v.1, Moscow, 1937, p.137.
14. Ibid, p.399.
15. Ibid, p.397.
16. Kaghankatvatsi, p.31.
17. Enaitollah Reza "Azarbaijan and Arran", Yerevan 1994, p.p.43.
18. Yeghishe, p.399.
20. The Heptaghs are nomadic tribes inhabiting the northern Caucasus
21. Kaghankatvatsi, p.33
23. Ibid, p.401.
25. B.Ulubabian, p.152, S.Jalaliants "Journey to Great Armenia", part 2, p.248
as well
16
16
27. Ibid, p.36.
28. Ibid, p.36.
29. Ibid, p.35.
30. Ibid, p.39.
31. Ibid, p.38.
32. Ibid, p.65.
33. M.Chamchian "History of Armenia", vol.2, p.219.
38. S.Orbelian, "History of Siunik", Yerevan 1986, p.117-118..
39. M.Barkhudareants, "Artsakh", Tiflis, 1902, p.236.
41. Chamchian, p.284.
43. Chamchian, p.284.
47. Kaghankatvatsi
48. Sebeos, p.45 and Adonts, p.262.
50. Ibid, p.134.
51. Ibid, p.133.
54. Ibid, p.137.
55. Ibid, p.139.
56. Ibid, p.100-101.
58. K.V.Trever "An Essay on the History and Culture of Caucasian Albania",
Moscow, 1959, p.235.
60. V.V.Bartold "The Role of Caspian Provinces in the History of Muslim World",
Baku, 1925, p.25.
CHAPTER 3
ARRAN IN THE PERIOD OF ARAB DOMINATION
The Persian state could not rely on concepts and general notions of mazdaism any longer, the absence of theoretical
base led the huge state to destruction. Mazdaism was replaced by the newly founded Muslim ideology which was a driving
force able to form a new unit, a multiethnic empire, called Caliphate, covering an immense territory with different subject
nations. Together with Muhammadanism( Islam), the Arabic script, literature, philology, philosophy penetrated to Persia. The
once great ancient and developed Persian culture, philosophy, language and literature were referred to as inferior against the
dominance of few crumbs of the new ideology which was imposed on the ethnic nation. The conquered nations were forcibly
islamicized by the Arabs, and awarded with some privileges or material help from the treasury. Persia proper easily gave up
the worship of the sacred elements of earth, air, fire and water and adopted Islam. This convertion was not only a shift of
faiths. It bore the elements of Arabization as a result of coming into most contact with Arabic culture and state power. The
Arabs even changed the name of the north- eastern Iranian Atropateni ( Media Minor) region, fitting it with their linguistic
peculiarities. The sounds " t", p" and " k" were missing in their script, so they replaced them by " z", "b" and " j". The previous
name meaning " place of fire" or " country of fire" was transformed into " Azarbaijan" and imposed on the ethnic nation
together with the Islamic ideology and culture. The Armenian historiography gives the metaphorical picture of the political shift
like this, " the growing rocks ( the states- B) soon were flattened, the huge waves as precipices sank into each other (
ravaged the country- B), and as a result of this, the glory of the Persian state broke to pieces and the abyss covered its
arrogant might. The flying sounds ceased to float and waver, and the thorns of the estate ( the Arabs- B) came flying across
the air above the sea ( Persia ) and landed on the waves." The same auther wrote about Byzantium, " There was time when
the Byzantine kings puzzled the nations of the whole world with their enormous armies. But now the power of the same king
is so incignificant and gloomy as his subject human forests faded away under that man ( Caliph), who clave on everybody like
Gedeonian buckhorn* and sat on their shoulders and prevented the parts of the body from moving".
The first Arab invasion of Armenia took place in autumn of 640. The Arabs overran the eastern territories of the Ararat
valley and conquering the capital Dvin and taking innumerable captives, returned home.
Two years later, invading Armenia for the second time, they faced the vigorous resistence of the Armenian troops under the
17
17
leadership of sparapet Teodoros Rshtuni. After being defeated this time, they launched a new attack in 646. The Armenians
were unable to protect their land. Teodoros Rshtuni and Prince Smbat Bagratuni had nothing else to do but meet them,
welcome to the country and accept their overlordship.
The Byzantines were afraid that Armenia would unite by treaty with the Arabs and overthrow the Byzantine Empire. In 647 the
Emperor hurried to Armenia to punish the disobedient people and nobility. The Armenian Catholicos Nerses welcomed him
and presenting with valuable gifts, confirmed the fact of submission to Byzantium, saving the country from new disaster. The
Emperor accepted their submission but persuaded them to adopt the Chalcedonian faith. Nerses and the archbishops
pretended to agree but in the Church Council of 648 and 651 formally declared about their rejection. The Albanian
historiographer described the visit of the Gardman prince Jivanshir to Dvin ( to the Emperor) in detail.
After fighting for Persians against the Arabs at the battle of Qadisiya, Jivanshir returned home and revolted against the
marzpan of Utik. He was supported by the Georgian Prince Atrnerseh. Returning from Kambechan, " he hurried to Utik and
1
put to sword all the Persia men- of- arms" .
When the Arabs invaded Albania, " observing the southern fierce might", Jivanshir again hurried to Kambechan ( on the left
bank of the Kura river ). His father Varaz- Grigor was taken hostage by the Arabs. Many other representatives of Armenian
nobility were kept as hostages to prevent Armenians from revolting. The historiographer, giving evidence of the events as a
witness, wrote that Jivanshir was defeated by the Arabs, so he turned to the Byzantine Emperor with compliments, praising
him as the best of rulers, khakans and kings. Jivanshir's first visit to the Emperor is described like this, " then asked the kind4
hearted king's permission to depart, but not as junior in rank or position but as equal brother against the Persians." When
he paid his second visit, " the emperor greeted him with kisses and offered the highest seat, then presented him with the
royal belt of his grandparents, with his own tunic and two flags. Then awarded his sons with the title of patrick- noble and
5
granted him with the permission to rule over the Orient as a king."
We can judge from the description that Jivanshir was the ruler of not only Armenian Albania, but entire Caucasian
Albania as well, and there are several other sources confirming this fact. But as B. Ulubabian indicates, " The Byzantine
emperors of his (Jivanshirs) time did not even mention his name." The Arab scholars also kept silent. Even the Armenian
ample sources ( Sebeos, Ghevond), who gave a lenghty description of events of that period of Armenian history worth
relating, did not speak of him. And there was much to say as events of great importance were taking place in Armenia at that
time. In our opinion, the reason for such a neglect is the fact that his activity was exaggerated ( though there truely existed
such a prince by the name of Jivanshir) by the scholars, who wrote about him. He couldn't have reigned over the whole
Armenian Albania as the Arranshahikids were thirsting for revenge on him. The Mihranids of Gardmank ruled over Utik
lowlands, Parisos and Kambechan( on the left bank of the Kura). He also seized the lowlands ( with the Partav center) from
the Persians. But he was deprived of the opportunity to rule over the left bank Albanian region. It's erroneous to attribute the
term " Albanian" to the Mihranids as they were of Persian origin but were gradually armenized living in Armenian
environment. The most prominant representative of the family, Jivanshir, was the defender and propagator of the Armenian
political and ethno-culural relations. The historiographer depicted Jivanshir's political and diplomatic maturity. He was able to
solve hard problems and always made ways in critical situations. Internal discordance and struggle for supreme power
caused the destruction of the Khakanat. The nomadic tribes didn't cease ravaging Transcaucasia. The Derbent gates were
destroyed and there was nobody to hinder their invasions . The Albanian historiographer described Jivanshir's war against
the Khasars in 652. " And taking his army, crossed the big river. He appealed ( to God) for victory and the battle took place
7
and he won a victory over the barbaric tribe..." Then he strengthened the Gardman fortress ( Utik's Tigranakert) and founded
a new church and set a cross on it. The Hunns, with their enormous cavalry invaded from the north, overran the Kur-Arax and
Ararat valleys, ravaged the land . Their king wished to meet with Jivanshir. " Our heroic Jivanshir went there with seventeen
8
men across the river ( Kura ), married the king's daughter and took back the plunder and 1200 captives." Sebeos affirmed,
that the Armenia sparapet ( general) Teodoros Rshtuni went to Damaskus in 652 and achieved recognition by the Caliphate
9.
as a ruler over the entire Transcaucasian land, Armenia, Georgia, Chora guard(Derbent) included
Then this vast
administrative unit, which the Arabs named Arminiyya, of Caliph's own accord did not pay tributes to the Caliphate for three
years. Till 661 the Arabs' attacks on the Armenian territories went on. Under the leadership of Salman ibn- Rabia the troops
entered Arran from the south, occupied Bailakan ( in Mukhank) , then Partav. As the Arab scholar Baladzori describes, they
signed an agreement, according to which the Bailakanians were obliged to pay tributes to the Caliphate. " Then Salman came
to Bardhaa ( the Arabic name of Partav) and put army on the bank of Trtu (Tartar) river, which is far from the city less than a
league ( 2.5 English miles ). The citizens closed the gates of the city and it was kept under siege for several days. The Arabs
continuously raided the neighbouring villages, where the corn was reaped and the citizens were obliged to sign an agreement
with them as the Bailakanians did. They opened the gates and the Arabs remained in the city for some time. After Bardhaa
they conquered the villages Shakshin ( Shakashen), Metskean ( Metskvenk), Ud ( Utik), Messiran( Metsarank), Kherkhilian
(Harjlank), Tabar ( Haband) and other places of Arran."
18
18
Then the Arab author writes that, "The Bailakanians were forcibly converted to Islam, and they revolted. But Salman put
10
the rising down and only a small part of the population adopted Islam..." . If in Arran (Artsakh and Utik) the Arabs failed to
Islamicize the population, even threatenning with extinction, the Islamicization of the multitribial Kura left bank countries bore
a massive character. Those nations (Lezgi, Avar, Dargin, Tabassaranian, Tsakhur...) failed to maintain and pressure their
distinctive script invented by Mesrop Mashtots, without which the Christian faith was deprived of solid grounding and could be
easily absorbed by other nations or faiths. Besides, those adopting Islam were granted with privileges and this aspect of the
matter tempted them a lot. Though Jivanshir could apply to Hunns or Khasars for help in order to obstruct the Arabs'
advance, he chose to consult the Armenian notables first, who "with sparapet Grigor Mamikonian (659-683) met him joyfully,
11
expressing honour and great respect to him, and then saw him off" . They advised Jivanshir to leave for Damascus, for a
talk with the Caliph. He followed this advice and taking a lot of presents went to Damascus "to greet the Universal Lord and
assure him of his loyality". Once again the historiographer wonderfully described his reception by the Caliph. "The confused
mob hurried to have a look on His Highness. The reception was perfect. No other governor before him had been accepted
with royal respect and superiority". Probably Jivanshir himself had ordered to sing his praises for appeasing his ambitions
nature. The historiographer indicated that "He ruled (as a sparapet) for 28 years". If we consider that he achieved recognition
of the sparapet's status in 637, then his visit to Damascus took place in 665. On his way back he was accepted by Grigor
Mamikonian in Aruch fortress. The Catholicos Anastas (661-667) was also present. Jivanshir told them about the result of his
visit. Six years later he once again paid a visit to the Caliph and met the "southern tyrant". Cosidering some figures we can
say that it took place in 674. It was written that the members of Byzantine delegation planned to murder "the Oriented Prince",
probably for his loyalty to the Caliph. The plot was not realized. The Byzantine party was later pleased as Jivanshir acting as
a mediator between Byzantium and the Caliphate, enabled the Byzantine side to get much benefit from the negotiations.
Once again Jivanshir was entitled to great respect and honour for his loyalty and truthfulness. He was presented with an
Indian tame elephant, "which could marvelously decorate royal palaces, with a parrot, gilded sheathe, swords, silk-cloths,
12
tunics, embroidered stuffs, royal (purple) garbs, and 51 light-footed horses in addition, which belonged to the king" .
Praising Jivanshir, the chronologer wrote, "it's already thirty-three years that our Lord the God wished to make him superior
and respected by the four universal kings (Persia, Byzantium, Caliphate, and the Hunnes - B), who honoured him and he was
no less honourable and great as they themselves, moreover, he was majestic. Nobody was mislead to consider him inferior
13
for not bearing a throne on his head" . It was typical of the Armenian rulers of the Kur-Arax valley to maintain good relations
with the neighbours in general, and particularly in decisive and critical situations, but of course on condition that they didn't
neglect their independence and sovereignity. If not, the whole country with its forests and mountains became a rampart
against conquerers, who understood this very well and didn't try to treat Armenia and its people in a domineering manner.
There is an interesting document in Armenian historiography (the paper of archbishops David and Hovel) which indicates
that the Albanian Catholicos Ukhtanes called Jivanshir "Prince of Princes". In the document Jivanshir is depicted as a faithful
Christian, regarding Christian church as an essential part of being Armenian, and as a protector of arts and literature. "He
brought the painters and ordered them to paint and screen the walls from cupola to the door, and coated with silver, and
14
carved the door (the preserver of eternal light) of the temple, and this cost a whole fortune" .
But not all paths were smooth for Armenian Albania. The Arranshahikids, who descended from the earlist royal family of
Albania, were trying to take revenge on Mihranid princes of Gardman. The historiographer described how the Artsakh villages
were set to fire and the estates were laid waste.
As Leo gave evidence, Jivanshir "led a dissolute and wastefull life", and became a victim of intrigue. "But that superior
and famous man led a vicious and spiteful life, lacking in common sense and wit. He was empty-headed and did everything
adverse to God's commandments. And thus everything was turned into a web of intrigue and all the magnificent decency was
16
destroyed" . At the age of 61 Jivanshir was murdered in the far end of his Partav Palace garden at midnight, in autumn of
683. He was seduced to go into the garden without body guards at such an hour as if for predigality, and fell into the trap. The
murderer ran away. Jivanshir's cousin took fifty of his bodyguards and followed the villain to Artsakh, to punish for the crime.
In search of the murderer they pillaged and set to fire his father's estate. From the description of the estate, the murderer is
judged to be of noble descent. The historiographer told us about the poet and orator Davtak who wrote an acrostic in
accordance with the order of letters in Armenian alphabet in which he expressed his sorrow and lamented for the great
Jivanshir poetically. This funeral lament is considered one of the greatest example of medieval Armenian culture.
All the princes and the Catholicos Yeghiasar held a meeting and decided to choose Jivanshir's brother Varaz-Perozh's
17
son Varaz-Trdat as a Prince Superior. He was solemnly "seated on the national throne of princehood" .
The historiographer wrote that the Albanian prince was obliged to pay tributes to the Khasars, Byzantium and to the
Caliphate. At that same period the Hunns' Great Prince and chieftain Alpilitver came across the Kura river, as if to take
revenge for his son-in-law Jivanshir's death. Overrunning the whole of Utik province, he stopped at the Lpink frontier.
19
19
The Catholicos Yeghiasar went to him and told that the nobility hadn't taken part in the plot. Alpilitver believed in the
man's words and they were forgiven. Again peace was established between the two nations. The Archibishop Israel of Glikho
(Horrekal) monastry was sent to the Hunns for negotiations. He stayed with them for some time and preaching actively,
pursuaded the Hunnes into adopting Christianity. This took place in the Hunns' capital of Varachan (near the present day
Buinaksk city, in the place of Kosfir-Kumukh). The Hunns destroyed their temples and set up curches instead. Their prince
Ilitver suggested the Arcbishop a permanent residence in their land as a Catholicos, but Israel answered that he couldn't
make such a big decision without consulting the Catholicos Yeghiasar and returned to his Artsakh monastry. The prince Ilitver
applied with letters to the Armenian Catholicos Sahak, to prince Grigor, as well as to the Albanian Catholicos Yehgiasar and
prince Varaz-Trdat, asking their permission for the archbishop's arrival to their land. Israel was granted with the permission
and he himself agreed to go to the alien land and head the new church.
The Byzantine emperors never gave up the idea of reconquering Transcaucasia and turning it into a tributary state. When
the Emperor Justinian (685-695) was informed that Armenia was paying tributes to the Khasars, he sent an enormous army
to the Armenian land, which overran 25 provinces. Eight thousand families were taken captive and sold as slaves in other
18
countries. Once again he invaded Armenia a year later . The Greek historiographers Theopanes and Kedronos gave
evidence that the Mihranid Prince Superior Varaz-Trdat and his two sons, Gagik and Vardan were taken hostage. Byzantine
continued to urge the Chalcedonian faith among Armenians. The Armenian churches both in Ararat valley and in Albania had
to fight constantly for their sovereignity. They fought either against Mazdaism or Islam, or Chalcedonianism. The internal
situation of Albania was quite favourable for the Byzantine priesthood at that moment. Varaz-Trdat's wife, Princess Spram
agreed to spread the Chalcedonian faith in Albania, on condition that her husband and sons should be set free and returned
back from Constantinople. To achieve this aim she illegally made Nerses Bakur a Catholicos, (Yeghiasar was dead) and
undertook to establish the Chalcedonian faith in Albania. A great number of archbishops and nobles including the Albanian
great prince Shero, formally anathematized Nerses and applied to the Armenian Catholicos Yeghia (701-717) for help,
19
describing "the disasterous events" . The Armenian Catholicos was an able diplomat and politician, he took advantage of
the rivalries between Byzantium and the Caliphate. He informed the Caliph Abdlmelik Amirmomni that the Albanian
Catholicos Bakur constantly cursed him in his prayers. The infuriated Caliph answered that he would do everything to
20
imprison the rebellious Bakur and the lady and punish them publicly in Damascus .
Then Yeghia left for Partav. Bakur was arrested. "They tied him together with that woman (Spram) and were about to exile
them to an alien country, when Bakur passed away eight days later, cursing Shero who led them to misfortune as he
21
vigorously opposed to Spram's coming to power" .
Simon replaced Bakur on the seat of Albanian Catholicos. All the Chalcedonian literature was thrown into the Trtu river near
the Berdakur summer house (now in Martakert district of Karabagh Republic).
In our opinion there are parallels between the application of Catholicos Yeghia to Arabs and the application to the Persion
king Khosrov years ago. Khosrov was the greatest rival of Byzantine emperors in the struggle for predominance over Armenia
and did his best to separate the Armenian Church from the Byzantine dyophysite faith.
The Arabs demanded that a special catalogue of the Armenian princehood was prepared at the Partav meeting, which
would be considered as an oath of loyalty to the Caliphate and in case of adhering to the Chalcedonian faith, the nobility and
higher clergy should be brought to court in Damascus to be tried. The list included Shero's name from the Mihranids,
sparapet Jvanko, Varaz-Trdat's sons Vardan and Gagik who were still imprisoned in Constantinople, Vakhtang Varazmanian
from the Mihranid junior line, Patrik Karoyan from king Vachagan's dynasty, who lived in Aghberd province (the present day
Azerbaijan's Aghdam and Mingechaur districts) Bob Hrahatian (governor of Kapaghak and Koghtin), Vahan Varaz-Hovhanian
(ruler of Kambechan), Rostom Varaz-Akoyan (originated from the Persian Stahr province) who ruled Kaghanketuik (now
Tartar), Zarmir Varaz Kurdakian and Mahmed Sheroyan (rulers of Dghmahoghk).
Muhammad ibn-Mrvan entered through Albania to Derbent with his enormous army. The Armenian and Byzantine troops
uniting, revolted against Muhammad and destroyed the Arab garrison of the city. The general suppressed the rising, putting
to sword the population and burning down and laying waste the entire land. The gendarme Abdalslan (appointed by
Muhammad as a governor) set a trap for the Armenian notables inviting them as if for granting a pension. They gathered in
22
St.Gevorg's church in Nakhichevan and were set alight. Another four hundred barons met their fate similarly . Of course the
Armenians were to blame for having acted so naively and simple-mindedly. Though the Armenian nation is an Oriental race
and as such they should master diplomacy with its subtleties profoundly, but in fact they are naive in that sphere of action.
They are endowed by God and nature with other virtues and talents, for example coming in contact with other nations in
trade. Moreover, while trading, they exchange culture, reasoning, technology and crafts with other nations. This is a great
advantage for the development of civilization, which must be grateful to God for giving birth to the race. But the Creator has
deprived them of the sense of preservation, or to be exact, they possess very little of this quality, which is based on tribial and
racial characteristics, distinguishing them from other nations. It's so despressing to give birth to individuals which promote a
20
20
career or achieve generalship in alien countries but are unable to promote a career or achieve anything in their native country
as it's weak and discordant. In the above mentioned case they should be more diplomatic in dealing with Byzantium and the
Caliphate, and not revolt against the mighty Caliphate of that period. The destruction of princehood was catastrophic for
Armenia, as it meant abolishment of sovereignity and political awareness, the bearer of which in all medieval countries was
the nobility.
Losing a decisive battle wouldn't affect the country so seriously as the massacre of its nobility did. The heavy blow
affected the country, the results being felt in the coming centuries. Those who survived, were led captive to Damascus.
In 705 the Albanian Prince Shero was enchained and driven to Assyria with all his family and relatives. After five years'
captivity Prince Varaztrdat returned to Albania. Finding his country in a dissasterous state, he applied to the Arabic overlord
to rule over his domains. The historiographer describes the terrible situation of the country like this, "At that period Albania
suffered from famine, and some people invented fables and stories about it. Here's one of them, which told what millet said, "I
was hidden in Haku place of Shakashen province, nobody paid attention to me until my brother Famine came to power and
brought happiness with him. I was famed all over the country and appeared on Prince Varaz-Trdat's and Catholicos
23
Yeghiasar's tables" .
As Varaz-Trdat paid tributes to the Arabs, his two sons were still kept in dungeon in Constantinople. The brothers Gagik
and Vardan were set free and sent to Armenia by the Emperor Philipicos Bardean, who was an Armenian himself and
replaced Justinian in 711.
The Arabs launched an attack on Khasars, passing through the Derbent gates under the leadership of general Msliman.
The Armenian cavalry led by Vachagan Patrikian took part in it. Vachagan was given the duty of guarding the rear of the
army. They won a victory over the Khasars and returned back trough the Albanian gates.
In the second half of the eighth century Armenia and Albania rose in rebellion against the Arabs, under the leadership of
Armenian sparapet Grigor Mamikonian. The increase in oppression and extra taxes caused them to rise and throw off the
yoke. The Albanian chronologer wrote, "Albania suffered many privations, as capital Partav was captured by the Arabs, due
27
to their sacrilegious nature" .
The Amir's (Viceroy) residence was transferred from Dvin to Partav. The Amirs, appointed by the Caliph, were either
Arabs or Persians. They demanded extra taxes. All the male population from the age of fifteen to sixty, were subject to
taxation. In early ninth century, during the reign of Caliph Harun-al-Rashid, the process of tribute taking looked like robbery.
Revolts succeded one another.
The Arabs settled in Kur-Arax lowlands, driving there a great number of shepherd tribes, who inhabited the fertile lands of
Arran. The Armenians were forced to move to the highlands, "trying to preserve the traditions and strivings of the ancient
25
royal dynasts... They seemed as a pressed spring" .
"In 270 of Armenian list of days, the Arab notables left Partav secretly, pillaged the Amaras province and taking 250
captives, settled in a place called Shikakar***, bordering Metsarank. The brave and handsome prince Sahl Smbatian from the
Arranshahikids and his brothers attacked them early in the morning, put to the sword and scattered and seized back their
26
compatriots from captivity as if from the claws of a beast" .
Sahl Smbatian was the ruler of Verin (High) Khachen. The Arabs dominated over the lowlands and the native princesover the highlands, trying to preserve the ancient culture, literature, faith, customs and traditions of the nation. Not far from
their domains, in forests or mountains they set up churches and monastries, with adjoining educational institutions. They
continued the work of the great enlightener and scholar Mesrop Mashtots. The historiographers copied the famous historical
or religious materials, distributing them among the schools and churches. "the History of Albania" was written by different
authors in succession.
The Mihranid material inheritance was nearly absorbed into the Arranshahikid houses, but the surviving representatives
of their branches did not seem to be much displeased of that fact. They were active defenders of the Christian monophysite
faith and entierly belonged to the Armenian nation, only occasionally they would pride on their Mihranid descent.
In early ninth century a rising broke out against Arabs in Media Minor (Atropateni) under the leadership of Babek. He was
trying to extend his territories as much as possible. The Albanian historiographer described Babek as a fierce and rough man,
who massacred the inhabitants of Aghvank and Siunik ."He put to the sword fifteen thousand people in Gegharkunik province
27
and burned down the great capital of Makenians, it was in 827" . Babek's rival princes settled in the Gorroz castle, which
was situated in Dizak province of Karabagh. The Yessayi and later Musseh princes were among them. Musseh ruled over the
provinces Verin (High) Vaikunik, Berdadzor, Haband.- Amaras, Parzkank, Mukhank and Tir for twelve years. The provinces
covered the western and southern territories of Artsakh. Babek appointed Rostom as the head of the army deployed in
Amaras, who then tried to capture the fortresses but was thrown back.
In the ninth century the Caliphate began to weaken. The amirs (viceroys) strived for supreme power and sovereignity. As
a result, a number of independent states emerged from among the various Armenian principalities which had survived the
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21
period of Arab domination. The struggle between the armenized Mihranids and the Arranshahikids entered a new phase.
Although the kingdom was divided up, the Arranshahikids did not cease to extend their domains. In 829 an event took place,
which solved the problem of rivalry between the two dynasts.
In 829 the last presiding Mihranid prince of Albania-Varaz-Trdat and his son Stepanos were murdered by a close relative
of Siunid house Nerses Philipian in Khordzor's monastry Dado. The mother, Varaz-Trdat's wife, witnessed the death of her
husband and son. Then the widow took her surviving child, a daughter Spram and at night ran to the castle of Khachen
(Kachaghakaberd), deep in the mountains near the frontier between the Siunid and Albanian lands, where prince Atrnerseh
resided. Shortly thereafter she married her daughter to Atrnerseh, whose father Sahl Smbatian had forcibly seized
Gegharkunik from the Siunid family domains. Having married the heiress of the last Mihranid prince of Gardman and last ruler
of Albania, Atrnerseh took title "Prince of Gardman and Albania".
Some time later a Stepanos, who descended from a Mihranid junior branch, invited Babek to Siunik to overrun the
provinces belonging to Nerses Philipian.
In 837 the Arabs invaded Armenia once again with their 12 thousand cavalry. Khachen Prince Sahl Smbatian " attacked
the Arabs as the eagle attacks a flock of weak birds"28 and defeated them. Then arraseted Babek, "the cruel murderer and
29
destructer, who was rather a beast a than human being" . Before this arrest Babek had been defeated by the Arabs, and
trying to flee to Byzantium through Armenia, was caught by the Armenians. This fact
30
is testified by the Arab chronologer Abu Khanifa ad- Dinavari , who told that the Armenian prince handed Babek to the
Arabs and " achieved recognition of royal status and a right to rule over Armenia, Georgia and Albania (Arminiyya) from the
31
Caliphate" . Another Arab chronologer, Yakumi, wrote that the Arab general Afshin, who had won the victory over Babek (
Baban in Armenian sources ), promised two millons for the rebel Babek. Sahl Smbatian ( Sahl ibn- Smbat) discovered
Babek's hiding place and invited him to his castle. Babek's brother Abdullah was expected at Yesayi abu- Musseh's castle
Ktish. Babek was arrested and passed to the Arabs by Sahl Smbatian.Sahl was awarded " the thousand and thousand
weighs of silver". Then the chronologer wrote that in 838 swarms of locusts flied in from the Khasar land, winged and as big
as a bird. They destroyed the crops in the greater part of Albania. Then a severe winter followed. From the Kura left bank
Baghasakan, a lot of people crossed the border and pillaged Sisavan, Tir and Amaras provinces of Artsakh. Yessayi abuMusseh drew them away. Then the son of Khasar chieftain Patghos invaded Albania, burnt down and destoyed many
churches. Returning to Baghdad, achieved recognition from the Caliphate and coming back to Albania founded the city
Gandzak ( Gianja).
For suppressing the revolt which broke out in Armenia against the Arab domination in 850- es, the Caliph sent one of his
most cruel generals, named Bogha Sharabi the Turk, to Armenia. The Armenian sparapet Smbat Bagratuni immediately
accepted subordination to him. Then he was appointed as Bogha's adviser and partner and accompanied him everywere. But
in fact the sparapet and his thirty- two year old son Mushegh were Bogha's hostages. The Armenian historiography never
referred to him as to a traitor. He was obliged to carry out that dishonourable task of his, to save his Motherland from
destruction. The Turkish agents ( Bogha was a Turk by origin) were hired by the caliphate and raised to high ranks during the
32
reigh of Caliph Mootasim, as he hated and was hostile towards the Iranians .
During this period the Turkic tribes had not yet penetrated to Transcaucasia and Iran.
The year of 545 AD is considered the beginning of Turkish history, when in northern districts of China a war broke out
33
between the Chinese and the Turkic nomadic tribes . These tribes invaded the northen Chinese borderlands and moved to
the eastern Persian border. In the second half of the sixth century they swept in from Iran to the northern Caspian territories
and from there moved to the Black sea northern shores. In 690 the Chinese army crushed the Turkic nomadic tribes. In 626
they united with the Khasars and supported by Byzantium, invaded Iran. During the Arab domination the Turks made no
attempts to invade Iran. They were afraid of the Caliphate as it was a mighty and vast state, one end of its domain stretched
to Central Asia and the other end to India. Some of the Turkic "Ghuz" or "Oghuz" tribes (okuz means an ox, a totem) adopted
Islam in order to be permitted to graze their cattles in green pastures. The Turks had neither distinctive script, nor literature,
no work of art or architecture. Professor Zulalian writes, "We can speak of Turks or their history refferring to Chinese,
Persian, Armenian or Byzantine sources. No typical Turkic source is available. This is a fact, which even the Turkish
historians had accepted".
Before their mass invasions took place, some Turks were appointed as emirs or commanders of armies in Media Minor
(Atropateni) province by the Caliphate. But the Turk commanders, as well as the mercenaries, later caused headaches to the
Arabs. Taking advantage of a weakening in the Caliphate they gave rise to rebellions against the Abbasids in different parts
of the vast domain.
In 853-854 Bogha the Turk invaded Tpghis. Defeated by the Tsanars (Megrels) he moved to Artsakh and Utik. The
Prince Yessayi apu Musseh (Moses' father) was ruling over the greatest part of Artsakh at that time. The ninth century
historiographer Tovma Artsruni described him as an intelligent and peace-loving person. The Armenian prince settled in Ktish
22
22
(Gtich) fortress****. Bogha surrounded the castle and launched 28 attacks on it within a year. But the citadel held. "The
35
enemy went haywire as the smoke is dispressed by the wind and they couldn't hold against the Albanian army" . Mushegh
Bagratuni was watching the last attack of the Turk standing on a high hill. The army seemed endless. As Tovma Artsruni
notified, Mushegh was very excited and he wrote a poem, comparing the battle for Ktish with the last Judgement. The brave
soldiers of prince Yessayi managed to throw back the enemy. The Arabs again used deceit. The Caliph sent a note to the
prince, inviting him to his place as if to honour him with presents. When Bogha was defeated by Gurgen Artsruni at the battle
for the Nkun fortress, he treacherously had invited him to his place, enchained and sent to the Caliph. The brave prince
probably knew that Bogha had an insidious nature, but cosidering the presence of the Armenian sparapet in Bogha's army,
accepted the invitation and left the fortress. He was immedietely arrested. Many other Armenian notables; Smbat Bagratuni,
Grigor Mamikonian, Albanian prince Atrnerseh and his father Sahl Smbatian, Siunid Prince Grigor, Vaiots Dzor Sepuh Vasak,
Siunid Prince Philipeh and Yessayi apu-Musseh were also arrested and sent to Damascus. The captured barons were tried
by Caliph Mutavakil and forced to adopt Islam. Some of them, sparapet Smbat included, tersely refused the idea. (A similar
event took place in the fifth century when the Persians forced the Armenian notables to be converted to Mazdaism). The
Armenian sparapet and some of the barons were martyrized in defence of their faith. The others pretended to agree, were
circumcised and returned to their countries.
All the wars and rebellions undermined the Arab positions. The Caliph was unable to suppress the risings which broke
out here and there in the endless domain.
Armenia and Armenian Albania bore the Arabic overlordship for another eighty years, but a number of independent states
were already emerging among the various principalities and were functioning on the territory of Armenia and Armenian
Albania. This was a new phase on the way to independence and sovereignity.
In the ninth century the Armenian princes from the Bagratuni family began to reinforce their positions and extend their
possessions. In the second half of the ninth century the monarchy was restored in Armenia under the dynasty of the
Bagratids, Ashot Bagratuni (875-889) took the title of the Armenian King in 875, but achieved recognition of the royal status
from the Caliphate only nine years later. The Byzantine emperor Basil I (867-885), who descended from the Armenian
Arsacid dynasty, refused to recognize the Armenian royal status and use the title of King of Armenia. His successors followed
his example and continued to refer to Armenian monarchs as "prince of princes". They supposed that there could be only one
king ruling over the Armenian world and it was the Emperor and nobody else. It is obvious that since the time when the
Bagratids assumed royal title, Byzantinum was arranging the abolishment of Armenian monarchy, and succeeded in it 150
years later.
In the east, whilst Albania was becoming increasingly Armenian, the descendants of the Arranshahikids assumed royal
power, laying claim to their Albanian inheritance and set up their kingdoms which were recognized by both the Arabs and the
36
Byzantine. "then Hamam (Grigor or Gregory) the Pious was enthrowned as king of Albania" , wrote the Armenian
historiographer of Albania. He was the grandson of Sahl Smbatian, son of prince Atrnerseh. Gregory (Grigor) extended the
holdings of his line in Artsakh, which consisted of the eastern shores of the lake Sevan; Great Mazra, Shoghveg and reached
37
Partav (Bardhaa) in the east . He rebuilt the Havkakhaghats fortress which is situated not far from Gandzasar, on the top of
a mount. Probably this was his residence. Gregory had five sons. The elder was killed years ago. The second son Atrnerseh
II reigned in Kambechan-Shaki, setting up a petty kingdom, Sahak (Isaak) Sevada subjected the district of Gardman or
Parisos and other lands in the north, which were his by right of inheritance through his grandmother Spram. Smbat ruled over
Gandzasar, Vassak over Verin (High) Khachen, Varkunk and Tsrar included. Thus, Atrnerseh and his descendants step by
step reconquered the old Albanian lands inherited through Atrnerseh's marriage to princess Spram. The Albanian
historiographer wrote that Hamam (Gregory) had murdered his brother Abuset and "to expiate the sin, he became
munificient, helping those reduced to poverty and destitution, he saved the Catholicos Gevorg (George) from Arab captivity
38
and presenting him with numerous treasures, sent to Armenia" .
The Albanian domains, risen to prominence during the ninth and tenth centuries, with the rulers styling themselves as
kings, were subsequantly integrated as vassal states in the Bagratid kingdom of Armenia. The Bagratid kingdom included
highland Artsakh and Utik, Partav, Kambechan (up to the southern bottoms of Caucasian mountains), Belukan, Jar, Tal as an
integral part of the whole.
Of course the Bagratids continuously fought against the Arabs and Byzantines for the independence of the kingdom.
The capital of the Armenian kingdom was Ani (now in ruins can be seen on the frontier between Turkey and Armenia).
Thus the Armenians of Artsakh and Utik principalities which had survived during the period of Arab domination, met the
start of the second millenium united with the motherland Armenia. The Armenian kingdom stretched to Manaskert in the west,
Bassen in the north, Shamkhor and Shaki in the north.
But surviving the Arab domination didn't mean maintaining peace all over the country for a long time. No less destructive
powers replaced the Arabs in the east. These powers were named Turk, Mongol and Tatar.
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23
__________________________________
*Old Testament, 15 The trees wished to choose a king among them. The fruit trees refused to be chosen, then the buckhorn agreed and cleaving to the plants and trees choked the life out of their body.
**The situation was quide different with the Christian subject races . They tersely refused to be converted to Islam. Of course,
thousands of them were victimized, or suffered many privations for being disobedient.
***Shikakar or the Karaglukh fortress is situated in the Askeran district of Karabagh, near the village Parrukh.
****It is situated in the Dizak province (the present day Hadrut district, near the village Togh. There is an underground spring
in the fortress.
___________________________
2. ibid, p. 139
3. ibid, p. 140
4. ibid, p. 144
5. ibid, p. 144
6. B.Ulubabian, p. 254
7. Kaghankatvatsi, p. 145
8. ibid, p. 149
9. Sebeos, p. 146
10. Baladzori (SMOMPK, issue 31, 1903, p. 13)
11. Sebeos, p. 146, Kaghankatvatsi, p. 152
13. ibid, p. 157
14. ibid, p. 153
15. Leo "History of Armenia", v.2, p.330
17. ibid, p.180
18. Chamchian, p.372
20. ibid, p. 230
21. ibid, p.231
22. Theophonis Cronographia, tI, Bonnae, 1839, p.570
23. ibid, p.223-244
24. ibid, p.254
27. ibid, p.256
28. ibid, p.259
29. ibid, p.259
30. "Reports from the Institute of Asian Nations" N47, 1961, p.92
32. Ennaitollah Reza, p.131
33. Cordier H, Historie generale de Chine, vol.1, parts, 1920, p.256
34. M.K.Zulalian "Ancient and Medieval Armenian History in the Light of Modern Turkish Ghistoriography" Yer. 1970, p.51-52
35. T.Artsruni "History of Artsruni House", Yer. 1985
37. B.Ulubabian "Khachen Principality in X-V Centuries" Yer. 1975, p. 78
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24
CHAPTER 4
THE KHACHEN PRINCIPALITY IN X-XIII CENTURIES
At the end of the ninth century the weakening in the Abbacid inheritance arouse vivacity in the subordinative countries.
The Caliphate was unable to command and keep armies in the farthest ends of its domain. The Armenian, Georgian and the
native Albanian(Armenian) nobility was active in Transcaucasia. In 870-ies the revolt broke out against the Arabs in eastern
Persia, under the leadership of Jakob (Saffi's son). Ashot I Bagratuni was appointed "Prince of Princes" to rule over a vast
administrative Unit named Arminiyya covering Georgia and the entire Albania. He was responsible for realizing the taxation in
the mentioned territories.
The Byzantine Empire supported the centrifugal tendences against the Caliphate, intending to exercise his own influence
on the area.
In 867 Basil I came to throne in Byzantium. He was Armenian by origin and as he assumed himself, a descendant of the
Armenian Arsacid dynasty. Knowing that traditionally the Arsacid kings were ordained by the representatives of Bagratuni
dynasty, he asked Ashot Bagratuni to enthrone him. Basil first founded the Macedonian (he was born in Alexandretta) or
Armenian dynasty, which held the power for 160 years.
In 887 an Armenian delegation was sent to Baghdat. They asked the Caliph Motamid-Billah to recognize Ashot
Bagratuni as king of Armenia. The Abbasid court approved the idea, considering Ashot Bagratuni a suitable candidate and
sent a throne and other presents to the newly elected king. Ashot Bagratuni was crowned a king by the Armenian Catholicos
Gevorg. Basil I sent presents to the king in his turn. Thus, Byzantium recognized the royal status of Armenia, although Basil I
continued to apply to the Armenian monarch as "Prince of Princes".
Thus, the largest of the Armenian lands achieved recognition of royal status from both the Caliphate and the Byzantine
Empire. It was centred in Shirak under the Bagratuni dynasty. This was followed by Dizak and Khachen in southern Artsakh
under the Arranshahikids, calling itself the "Kingdom of Albania". Prince Hamam, whose Christian name was Grigor
(Gregory), was enthroned as the king of Albania. He was the grandson of Shaki and Kambechan ruler Sahl Smbatian. It's
interesting to note that after 450 years of abolishment (in 428), monarchies were restored in Armenia and Albania. The
kingdoms set up on the Artsakh territories (present day Karabagh) and Iberia, subsequently integrated as vassal states in the
Bagratid kingdom of Armenia.
Iran also assumed royal power, achieving recognition of royal status.
The Atropateni governor Mohammed Apshin, showed enmity to the Bagratuni inheritance, trying to create a semiindependent situation. He was looking forward to a chance to occupy Armenia and Albania (Aghvank).
Soon Basil I died and was replaced by Leo YII, (888-912), Emperor of Byzantium. He was famous by the name Leo the
Philosopher. He set up a new trading route to Arabia via Armenian territory. Dvin and Partav became commercial centres
connecting the two ends of the world.
Smbat I Bagratuni replaced the deceased King Ashot in 892. The Atropateni governor did not like Smbat's and Leo's
unification and launched a sudden attack on Dvin. Smbat won a victory over him. But Afshin had taken Catholicos Gevorg
hostage. The Armenian king and nobility applied to the Albanian king Hamam-Grigor, who was in good relation with Afshin,
and asked for his help. Hamam obtained the freedom of the Catholicos in exchange for a great ransom.
Smbat I Bagratuni did not cease to extend the holdings of his kingdom. Soon he occupied the whole of Kura left bank
territory reaching the Alanian Gates, then Partav, Tus(Tauz), Shamkor, Siunik, Nakhichevan, Bassen, Hark, Taron. The
Armenian northern borders stretched from the Black sea, Kakhet, Darial to Albania1. The Byzantine Empire was closely
linked not only with Armenia but with the other borderlands, even with the vassal states in the Bagratid kingdom. The
emperors tried to interfere in internal affairs of these states whenever possible. It is interesting to note that Byzantine Emperor
Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentioned amongst the Armenian political figures with whom he corresponded, "the prince of
25
25
2
Khachen in Armenia" .
Many scholars, especially foreign (A.E. Krimski, V.F. Minorski, I.P. Petrushevski, K.V.Trever). still unaware of comings
and goings of the royal dynasts in different historical periods, sometimes confuse the spheres of influences of the prior
Albanian (Aghvan) Arsacid royal dynast and Armenian Albanian (Artsakh-Khachen and Utik) Arranshahikids'. In the same
way they don't distinguish the Arranshahikids from the Gardmanian Mihranids, who moved to Armenia in the seventh century
and had a Persian descent. Geneological tables were drawn by the authers of "History of Albania" Hovhannes Daskhurantsi,
Mkhitar Gosh, Kirakos Gandzaketsi and later by the historiographers of Artsakh Yessayi Hasan Jalalian (Catholicos of
Albania, YIII century), Baghdasar Metropolitan (XIX century), Archbishop Barkhutariants (XIX century), Bagrat Ulubabian (XX
century), who consider that the Arranshahikids were the immemorial dynast of the Artsakh and Utik land and descended from
the Armenian patriarch Haik.
Since the times of Vache and Vachagan Arranshahik kings, the Persian court had put under their rule not only Armenian
Albania, but the left bank Kura administrative units as well. Sahl Smbation is mentioned by the ancient historiographers as
4
"ruler of Shaki" . This fact has a historical grounding, Sahl was the ruler of Khachen and for serving the Persians (the
imprisonment of Babek) he was awarded with the principality of Shaki. He could even have bought the district with the
money of one million silver and join it to his family domains(Kambechan). Sahl's son Atrnerseh was the lord of Verin(High)
Khachen (present day Karvacharr-Kelbajar), who "built the fortress of Handaberd and erected a palace in Vaikunk, a hot
spring which had been the site of royal baths of the old Albanian rulers".The site of the baths is today's Istisu health-resort
in Kelbajar district. The next son of Sahl- Hovhannes Muavia (patrick-noble of Arran) ruled over Nerkin (low) Khachen.
Atrnerseh had two sons, Grigor, meaning "awake", "attentive", "caring" and Apuset. "Grigor" was the prince's Christian name
6
having the Arabic form of "Hamam", which also meant "sober", "careing" .
It was this Grigor-Hamam who in 887 restored the Albanian kingdom, achieving recognition by both the Arabs and
Byzantines. His domain comprised the eastern shores of the Lake Sevan, from Mazra and Sodk (which his grandfather Sahl,
7
son of Smbat had forcibly seized from the Siunid family domains) , to Kambechan and Shaki (obtained by Sahl), as well as
the whole Artsakh and Utik.
For his cultural activity Hamam was named "Pious" as his ancestor Vachagan the Pious. Hamam organized the building
of numerous churches and monastries. He paid much attention to the districts Tchar (Jar), Tala and Belukan in southern
Caucasus (the present day Zakatalah and Belokan districts, Republic of Azerbaijan), building fortresses and the churches
Mamrukh and Likit, which bore a strong resemblence to Zvartnots. These two churches condescend the previous ones
architecturally, but of course they are great achievements of art. The historians of Baku school (D.A. Akhundov) announce
the mentioned constructions to be built in the IY-Y centuries, because of political considerations striving to denigrate the
Armenian element in Albania and representing them as Azerbaijanian architectural monuments. Trying to prove that the
Armenian character of Karabagh is a myth, he has deliberately missed to illustrate the cross on the hood. Hamam-Grigor had
five sons; Apuli (Apu Ali Haikasuni), Artrnersah II, Vasak, Smbat, Sahak (Isaak) Sevada. As the historiographer assumed,
Smbat murdered his elder brother Apuli, who was styled "Great Prince of Albania". The whole family lamented over him.
"The other son, Sahak Sevada, was a brave and wise man. He subjected the district of Gardman or Parisos, Kossa (Kusti)
and Parrna and other lands to the north. He leaded the outlaws of Dzoraget. He was a pursuer of literacy and several
teachers were hired by him. The Armenian King Smbat opposed to him in this, but could not do anything to make him
change his mind"9. Probably Smbat Bagratuni, subjecting the greater part of Albania, intended to abolish the Albanian
Kingdom. But the princes of Khachen reinforced centrifugal tendences and counteracted the centralizing policy of the
Bagratids.
Hamam-Grigor's son Atrnerseh ruled over Kambechan-Shaki, founding a petty kingdom there in 910. Smbat was the lord
of Nerkin Khachen, Vassak of Verin Khachen (Haterk and Tsar).
Sahak Sevada gave birth to two sons, Grigor and David. Grigor had two sons - Sevada the Prince and Atrnerseh.
Sevada the Prince ruled over Kambechan-Shaki.
Sahak Sevada was in good relation with the Armenian King Ashot II(Iron) who replaced Smbat Bagratuni on the
Armenian throne. Sevada married his daughter to the king. Sevada the Prince was his brother in law's ally. The Artsakh and
Shaki-Kambechan principalities continued to be vassal states in the Bagratid kingdom of Armenia.When prince Moses
revolted in Artsakh, the King Ashot II came to Sevada's help and suppressing the rebellion, arrested Moses and as a
punishment blinded him. Sahak Sevada married his second daughter to King Mushegh (962-984) of Kars. He was in friendly
relations with the Siunid Houses. He married his daughter Shahandukht to Siunid prince Smbat. Thus the three Armenian
Kingdoms were related by marriage. Later the Siunid prince Smbat founded a kingdom in Kapan. In fact the friendship of
Artsakh-Utik and Siunik had a historical grounding. As far as we can tell, they all descended from the earliest royal families
and spoke the same dialect of Armenian. Artsakh was often regarded as a consisting part of "Siunik Minor". In critical or
decisive historical situations they always came to each other's help. The historiographer of "History of Albania" wrote that
Sahak Sevada patronized the young teachers and the educational system as a whole. It was due to her Armenian education
26
26
that the queen Shahandukht extended her cultural activity in Siunik. As the historian Stepanos Orbelian described "awarded
with an irrestible Godly impulse she founded the beautiful and magnificent Vaghatun (Vorotnavank) monastry, which had
12
been a sacred place for pilgrimage..."
The domain of the great Albanian Prince Sahak Sevada was a place where not only the Armenian King Ashot II, the
Armenian Catholicos, Atropateni governor Yusup, but also other princes and priests, who suffered internal persecution, could
take refuge if needed. The Armenian Catholicos and historiographer Hovhannes, persecuted by foreign tyrants, lived in
Sevada's palace and then in his brother Atrnerseh's estate(Kambechan-Shaki's king) for some time. The Armenian King
Ashot II too, avoiding his cousin Ashot Shapuhians intrigues, (who was enthroned by Atropateni governor Yusup) was given
shelter by his father-in-law. But soon Sahak Sevada actively antagonized his son-in-law.
Ashot Bagratuni, following some unreliable advices, arrested Vasak, prince of Gegharkunik, and kept him in Kayan castle
of Dzorapor. Sevada was dissatisfied with him for the decision and revolted against him. The unevitable war was prevented
by Catholicos Hovhannes.
However the Albanian prince went to Dzorapor (Tavush-Taush), captured the castle and set Vasak free. Vasak soon left
for his province Gegharkunik. Sevada captured some other fortresses and drew the population to his domain. The King Ashot
was in Georgia at that time.After punishing the rebellious Georgian Prince Gurgen and uniting with Georgia by treaty, he was
informed about his father-in-law's revolt and hurried to Dzorapor. He met Sevada's enormous army (8 thousand) and was
quickly surrounded by them.Ashot sent an archbishop to his father-in-law asking for conciliation and suggesting to settle the
conflict as a father and son. Sevada refused to condescend, preferring to fight. With a sudden attack Ashot won a victory over
Sevada and arresting him and his son Grigor mercilessly blinded them both. After this he captured Sevada's Gardman
fortress (Utik's Tigranakert) and announced it as his own, appointing the Prince Amram (nicknamed Tslik, "a bull" in
Armenian) governor of the fortress.
The population of the whole Utik revolted against the Armenian king who was awarded with the title "Shahinshah" by the
Caliphate.
The enormous Caliphate presented no serious power for the newly emerging states. It already couldn't conquer, rule over
or suppress any country. All the subject countries and states were independent and self-governed. Baghdad was turned into
an arena of internal political struggle. The Hamadan Arabic inheritance was gradually centralizing the power in its hands. It
had settled in Msul. Egypt and Syria appeared under the Farmayi inheritance(dynast). The southern shores of Caspian
Sea, Tabassaran (the present day Masandaran) appeared under the originally Persian Ale-Bouye, whose boundries
14
stretched to southern Iran, to the Persian gulf. They soon conquered Baghdad, toying with the Caliph all the time . This
period was a peace break for Transcaucasia. After Yusup was murdered, Atropateni also presented no importance or might
and caused no danger to other states. The next super-power, Byzantium was awakening from a troubled slumber and gaining
might. Three victorious emperors and gifted commanders emerged from the Armenian (Macedonian) dynast. Parallel to the
Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the country was ruled by his father-in-law Romanos Lekabenos the Admiral (919-944)
who was an Armenian himself. Hovhan Kurkuass(Gurgen) was the commander of the Byzantine army and the best general
of the tenth century. He had an Armenian origin too.Kurkuass defeated the army of Russian prince Igor near Constantinople.
The Russians intended to capture and pillage the city but were thrown back. It's interesting to note that the historiographer of
"The History of Albania" wrote about the Russians, "at this same period a dissident, strange tribe appeared from the north.
They are called Rusik". Probably the mentioned strangers were the soldiers of Prince Igor's division, who penetrated to
Transcaucasia through the Derbent gates. Before that the Russian mercenaries appeared with the Hunns and Khasars. Then
the historiographer wrote that "moving for three hours like a wind they entered through the Caspian Sea enterance (the
Derbent gates) and reached the Partav capital of Aghvank (Albania). The citizens were unable to resist and were put to the
sword by them. Then they plundered the conquered town. The same Sasar (the head of the Atropateni Median Delmik tribe)
surrounded them, but couldn't do anything as they were powerful and invincible. The women of the city thought of a plan.
They poisoned the Rusiks(Russians). The Rusiks found out the plot and the women were all slain with their children. They
15
remained in Partav for six months, and leaving the empty city, went to their land".
After the death of Ashot II, his brother Abbas I (930-952) came to the throne in Armenia. He chose the Kars fortress of
Vahand as his residence.
The Abkhaz tribe was beginning to liven up in the north of Armenia. Their king Ber invaded Armenia with an enormous
army, trying to capture Kars and subjugate the whole country, as he noted himself, " to possess the temple built by Abbas".16
Ber's army was defeated in the very first battle. The lofty king was enchained and carried to Kars, to have a look "on the
temple built by Abbas".
Sahak Sevada was succeeded by his elder son Hovhannes. As the last historiographer of "The History of Albania
Dashkhurantsi wrote, "Our God the Christ chose Hovhannes, who was also called Senekerim, achieving the royal status. This
17
way our all-mighty Lord restored the abolished kingdom".
The Persian King sent a throne, a light-footed horse and a royal
tunic to the Albanian King Sanekerim-Hovhannes (958-1003). The representative of Byzantine Empire David Magistros
27
27
presented the king "with a royal purple garb, praising and honouring that godly man, who was anointed by the patriarchal
18
hand (probably by Catholicos Theodoros I) to glorify Jesus Christ". Senekerim chose the city Parrisos as his residence,
19
which was situated on Shamkor stream near the present day Azerbaijani Kelakend village).
Parrisos stretched from the
Mrrav mountains to the city of Shamkor, covering the whole Gardmank. The medieval Armenian historian Asoghik testified
that the mother of King Abbas of Kars was the sister of Parrisos princes Senekerim and Grigor (who was blinded by the
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Armenian King Ashot II) .
During that period of the ninth century Hamam-Grigor's grandson Ishkhanik reigned in Shaki-Kambechan. He inherited
the royal title from his father Atrnerseh. The sister of Georgian Prince of Princes Gurgen's sister was Ishkhanik's mother.
Following his mother's advice, Ishkhanik converted the Shaki- Kambachan Armenians to the Chalcedonian faith, depriving
21
them of the Armenian origin and environment.
The blinded Grigor was considered as the Prince Superior of Albania, his residence situated in Havkakhaghats fortress
opposite Gandzassar. The descendants of Yessayi Apumusseh continued to reside in southern Artsakh. This divided up
principalities of Khachen, Utik and Kambachan-Shaki had to safeguard the Armenian north-eastern frontiers. As the
Armenian Bagratid kings were engaged in internal and external wars, the north-eastern boundries were left defenceless.
Even the Armenian Catholicoses, due to wars, were unable to contact with the subject Albanian religious institutions. In the
second half of the tenth century the Albanian Sahak Catholicos, and Gagik, his brother, who replaced him on the Catholicos'
seat, maintained close relations with the Siunid Archbishop Ter-Hakob. They reinforced centrifugal tendencies, and designed
to counteract the centralizing policy of the Armenian Church. The Catholicos Anania Mokatsi (943-965) was obliged to leave
for Siunik. The Archbishop acknowledged his mistakes and promised to subject to Catholicos' will. The Albanian Catholicos
Gagik was not anointed by the Superior Armenian Catholicos, so Anania Mokatsi applied to the Albanian princes and clergy
calling them not to subjugate the Albanian partiarch. The Albanian nobility sent Hovnan to Armenia to be ordained. Returning
to Albania Hovnan faced Gagik's hostility. Tired and irritated with the Albanian religious turmoil, Anania Mokatsi resolved to
reject both of the candidates.In 949 accompanied by his retinue, he arrived in Khachen, where in Ardakh place the
Gandzassar monastry was situated. He was received by the hospitable Prince Gregory the Great. Here, he was told that the
Albanian Church had a right to independence. Stressing the close links of the Albanian Church with Armenia, the Catholicos
took the book "The History of Albania"(M.Kaghankatvatsi) and read the passage about the first Albanian Catholicos Grigoris,
being ordained by the first Armenian Archbishop Gregory the Illuminator. Then Anania held a meeting in Gandzasar, inviting
the higher clergy and secular lords of Khachen, Utik and Kambechan-Shaki. The Artsakh ruler Ishkhanik, Prince of Princes
Senekerim (some years later to found a kingdom in Parrisos), son of Khachen Prince Gregory-Senekerim, Prince Vachagan
of Gorroz (a descendent of Yessayi Apumusseh), eastern Armenian great prince Gurgen and many other princes and
archbishops took part in the meeting. Anania unfrocked the ordained Hovhan and Gagik as both were guilty of bad conduct
and gossiping. He also refused Khachen Prince Grigor's request on behalf of Gagik to ordain him as the new Catholicos. Hurt
and angry, he left Albania. Both the Siunid bishop Hakob and Albanian Archbishop Gagik died in 958. Anania visited Siunik
once again. Then he left for Kapan, to prince Jivanshir's estate and consecrated Jivanshir's brother Vahan as an archbishop
over the Siunid domain. Vahan was a bishop of Vahanavank. Anania did not succeed in visiting Artsakh as the Armenian
King Ashot III(Merciful) called him to leave for the capital Ani immidiately.
The Albanian princes Senekerim and Ishkhanik sent the bishop of Khotakerats(Karkop) monastry (Armenia, near the
village Khachik) David to Echmiadzin, to be ordained as an Albanian Catholicos. Anania Mokatsi had already calmed down,
23
so he anointed bishop David as Catholicos of Albania and sent him to Parrisos .
In Armenia Ashot IY Bagratuni(Merciful) came to throne (952-977). The capital of the kingdom was transferred to the
castle Ani (previously the capital was Kars), and the Catholicos residence was transferred to Shirak ; to the village Argina
which is not far from Ani. In 961 the ceremonial consecration of the city as a capital took place, Senekerim's successor
Philippos and the Albanian Catholicos Hovhannes were invited to take part in the consecration. Hovhannes arrived with his
forty archbishops.
In 963 the Armenian general Nakephor Pakos came to throne in Byzantium. Soon he conquered Cilicia. The chief
commander of the eastern army was general Hovhannes Chmshkik, who was an Armenian too.He came to throne in 969.
This was a flourishing period for Armenia. Here Smbat Bagratuni was reigning (977-990). He fought against the Abkhazs
(Georgians) with the Vaspurakan, Siunid and Albanian joint army. Gurgen was frightened seeing Smbat's might (the
Byzantine David Kiurapaghat, who was the fourth after the Emperor in the court, supported Smbat) and suggested
reconciliation. Then he returned to his country.
The brother of the King Smbat, Gurgen, being appointed the governor of Tashir province, in 982 assumed royal power,
founding the Gugark Kingdom of Bagratids, which is famous also by the name of "Kiurikian" as Gurgen was called "Kiurike"
by the Greeks.The Armenian King Smbat hated wars and disturbances, so he did nothing to prevent the state from being
divided up. He was busy rebuilding the capital. He erected new cathedrals, churches, ramparts.
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King Smbat was succeded by his brother Gagik I Bagratuni (990-1020), who unlike his elder brother, was fond of wars.
He invaded Siunid Vaiots Dzor and Khachen and conquered many fortresses there. Reaching to Tigranakert (Shahaghbiur)
in Khachen, he left an inscripted monument there. The Siunid Princess Kotramide (Catherine) married Gagik I and having
inherited the bulk of her father's domains, brought them into the hands of the Bagratid ruler of Armenia.
In 989 Gurgen's son David came to power in Gugark. Gugark was a key outpost on the Armeno-Georgian frontier. David,
extending his kingdom, seized new territories from Georgia and Utik. Continuously troubling the Emir of Tiflis, he at last
managed to subjugate him. David never ceased expanding Utik. This expansionism was of great importance at a time, when
the Shedaian inheritance of Emirs had settled in Gandzak. The dynast had a Kurdish descent. They ruled over Dvin too.
Three brothers of the same origin, arriving from Dvin, murdered the Emir, and one of them, Patlun, took his place. Now it was
this Patlun who tried to obstract king David's advance. The very first clash resulted in the Kurds' defeat. Patlun had a narrow
escape. The subject Gag (Ghazakh in present day Azerbaijan), province's Armenian prince revolted against David. The
prince was supported by the Georgians, who had recognized his royal status. He declared about his right to independence,
refusing to submit to "Shahinshah" Gagik Bagratuni. The Armenian elite of the region again reinforced their centrifugal
tendences, counteracting Gagik's centralizing policy, preventing him from establishing a mighty indivisible state. He was
striving to unite all the Armenian principal provinces, which were divided and redivided among the various scions of the ruling
houses. Gagik had to reconquer step by spet the old Armenian land, abolishing the emerging petty kingdoms. The mighty
Baghk Kingdom, where the third branch of the Siunid house reigned, managed to survive the Bagratid annexation, in
Artsakh, which was already famous by the name Khachen, Yessayi Apumussehs descendants, masters of Verin Khachen,
Parrisos and Kambechan-Shaki, had also assumed royal power. Even in further Derbent a petty "Albanian Kingdom" had
25
been set up by a junior line of Bagratuni branch .
Without much difficulty the King Gagik conquered the territories of Gugark Kingdom. Catholicos Sargis mediated the
peaceful settlement of the conflict between David and the King, who was David's uncle. David set to building new fortresses
and ramparts.
In 1003, when the masters of Parrisos died, Gagik Bagratuni immediately lay claims to their inheritance. The Gandzak
Emir Patlun was the other claimant to the same inheritance. He wanted to strengthen his domains by maintaning that
stronghold with its castles and flourishing cities. The short war between them resulted in an alliance, according to which
Parrisos was carved up between the Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia at Ani and the Gandzak Emirate. Probably the highland
Parrisos had a military significance for Armenia - to keep guard of the north-eastern borders. Sevada's descendants
continued to rule over their Parrisos domains till the second half of the eleventh century. The educational institutions were
actively functioning in Parrisos. A certain cultural renaissance was taking place. The great Armenian philosopher and
historian Hovhannes Philosopher (1045-1050) belonged to this land.
In 1919 a barbaric division appeared from the north of Vaspurakan. They terrorized everybody. They looked rough and
ugly. The Armenian historiographer M. Urhaietsi called them "poisonous snakes". The Orient had given birth to this monster,
which soon would chastise millions of people with its scourge. They belonged to Central Asian steppes. This disaster was
called Seljuk-Turks.
At the end of the tenth century groups of Ghuz tribe (Oghuz means bull, a totem sign) had begun to penetrate into the
Iranian Samanid court and occupy high posts26. Seljuk was one of the Ghuz-Oghuz princes, the leader of one of its
branches. He swept in from central Asia to the Islamic world and adopted Muhammadanism. When Ilak's son Baghrkhan
invaded the Samanid territory, they applied to Seljuk for help. Seljuk sent his son Arp Arslan to fight on their side. But the
Samanids were defeated. The Karakhan Turks conquered a part of their domain. Seljuk's relative Alp Tagin was made
sparapet in Khorassan and set up his kingdom in Ghazni city. He was succeded by Muhmud, who subjected Khorassan and
Khoresm.
Muhmud won a victory over Seljuk's son Alp Arslan and settled fifty thousand Ghuzes in Khorasan. At the end of the
tenth century the shepherd Oghuz-Turks penetrated deep in Iran and putting up their tents, settled in different parts of the
country. At that time Vehsudan was the ruler of Atropateni, who was at enmity with the neighbouring Siunik, Artsakh and
Gandzak. The Kurd Emir was glad to shelter the warmonger tribe in his country.From there they overran Armenia and other
27
territories and ravaged the land .
Just then a very weak and selfish person, Hovhannes-Smbat Bagratuni inherited the Armenian throne. The King
Senekerim of Vaspurakan, terrified from the first Seljuk incursion, in 1021 sent his son David to Byzantium suggesting all
his domain in return for an estate in far-away Byzantium. In the same way the Emperor Basil II (976-1024) had attached
another part of Armenian territory, Taik, to his empire. Preserving his royal status, Senekerim moved to Byzantium, to
Sebastia, accompanied by numerous countrymen, residing there safely. 72 fortresses, 8 cities, 400 villages and 115
monastries were transferred to the Byzantine Empire.
To establish close relations with the Emperor, Hovhannes-Smbat sent the Catholicos Petros (Peter) to his court. Petros
was brought up and educated in Byzantium. The Emperor promised to protect the Armenian King both from internal and
external enemies. The Armenian King was very glad to hear that, as he could live in peace up to his last days, even was
29
29
granted with a subsidy from the state treasury. In return for this favours Byzantium maintained the legal right to inherit the
capital Ani after Hovhannes-Smbat's death.The historiographer Aristakes Lastivertsi considered this agreement as "a letter
causing Armenia to perish". The Catholicos Petros, a very greedy person, for promoting the agreement between the
Armenian King and the Emperor, was bribed with much silver and valuable presents, but in fact the king had not authorized
him to act like that. Thus, Peter treacherously sold the independence of his native country to the foreigners. The shrewd and
artful Byzantine Emperor Basil II died in 1025. His brother succeded him on the throne. He reigned for three years, thus
ending the domination of the Armenian (Macedonian) dynast of Byzantium. The bishop of Sanahin Monastry Dioskoros was
chosen as the new Catholicos by Hovhannes-Smbat (the Armenian Catholicos). Peters adherents were dissatisfied, so the
king suggested the Albanian Cotholicos Hovsep to mediate a peaceful settlement of the problem. A religious meeting was
held in Ani. Four thousand secular lords and higher clergy took part in the meeting.Dioskovos was dethroned, and Peter reestablished as the Catholicos.
In 1040 the troops of the Kurdish Emir Abulsuar of Dvin invaded the eastern Albanian provinces, which belonged to King
David. The king's army consisted of only ten thousand soldiers, so he applied to the rulers of Ani, Siunik and Abkhazia for
help. David proclaimed that if they refused to support him, he would unite with the Kurds and overrun their land.An army of 10
thousand was sent to him. The Catholicos Hovsep too tried to be helpful. With his small army David completely destroyed the
enormous Kurdish army.
The unable Armenian King Hovhannes-Smbat died in 1041. The Byzantine Emperor demanded Ani, laying claims to the
city according to the Trebizond treaty. The Catholicos Peter and Vest Sargis did their best to enable the emperor achieve his
aim.The Armenian army, under the leadership of Vahram Pahlavuni, won a victory over the Byzantine troops, who had
arrived "to take" the capital. Eighteen years old Gagik, (1042-1045) son of Ashot Y, was enthroned.
The new Byzantine Emperor Monomakh did everything possible to abolish the last bit of the Armenian Kingdom. Again
the Armenian King Gagik Bagratuni was demanded to fulfil the provision of the treaty. The Emperor persuaded the Kurd Emir
of Dvin to attack the Armenians in return for this promising those Armenian lands which they would manage to occupy. Firstly
the Armenian king destroyed the Byzantine army, then turned to the Kurds. Vest Sargis, another Armenian traitor, advised
the Emperor to use deceit. Gagik was invited to Constantinople, as if to enter into the new peace treaty. The Armenian King
realized that it was a trap. But the other traitor, Catholicos Petros managed to persuade and convince the king to go. The
Catholicos Petros Getadardz was the richest person in all Armenia. He owned five hundred villages. He lived in such a luxury
that the Bagratid kings could not dream of.
In 1045 Gagik left for Constnantinople and never came back. The Byzantines annexed Ani and abolished the monarchy
of the Bagratids. Thus, at the threshold of the Turkish invasions, after 158 years of being, the Armenian Kingdom tragically
ceased to exist.
The Catholicos Petros applied to the king, "What can you give me in return for Ani and other fortresses?" The Emperor
sent numerous treasures to the mean and greedy Catholicos. This was a terrible betrayal with all its consequences. And the
plot was drawn and carried out by the Byzantine Emperor Monomakh. His short-mindedness and mistakes led his own
country, the once powerful Byzantine Empire to destruction. The famous historian G.Herzberg wrote, "Formerly the militant
population of Armenian highlands defended their country, now the Byzantine government is responsible for the defence of
those dangerous borderlands, the realization of it depending upon their far-sightedness, might and means. Monomakh's
mistake was fateful... He laid the population of eastern borderlands under tribute, who were tax exempt before. The local
princes were also exempted from the obligation of keeping a regular army, an army which was always ready to defend their
borders.As a result of this absurd order, about fifty thousand Armenian and Georgian soldiers were freed from military
service. Moreover, the Byzantine Empire was charged with a new difficult task, which, unfortunately was not carried out
29
properly" .
The Armenian historian Leo wrote, "The Byzantine Empire was unable to carry out its great responsibility towards the
human civilization, probably because it was internally undermined. Abolishing Armenia, this vast state became unable to
defend its eastern borders from the desstructive and bloody beast".
The Seljuk-Turks, who humbled themselves before the great super-power, now seeing its broken wings, boldly invaded
inside the country. In 1049 a peace treaty was signed between the Emperor and Turghil-Bek. Taking advantage of the
ceasefire, Monomakh asked the resigned general Nikipor to lead the Byzantine army to Dvin and Gandzak against the Kurd
Emirs. Nikipor crossed the Artsakh mountains, conquered Gandzak and reached Derbent. Dvin's Emir Abulsuar and
Gandzak's Emir Padlunian were defeated and soon agreed to carry out their obligations. Taking Padlun's son Artashir
hostage, Nikipor returned to Byzantium.
Then, under the leadership of Alp Arslan, a full scale Turkish invasion of Armenia was launched. Ani was taken in 1064,
and after the battle of Manzikert, the Byzantines were cleared from the plateau forever, and the Turks were left virtual
masters of Armenia and Albania. The succesor of Alp Arslan, Malik Shah (1072-1092) established definite order in the
subject countries, granting some privileges to the churches. The Khachen and Siunik princes won his favour and maintained
good relations with him. After Malik-Shah's death the Seljuk state gradually weakened. Again local principalities emerged,
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30
attacking each other and ravaging the lands.
In 1136, at night in September, a destructive earthquake destroyed Gandzak, Parrisos and Khachen. Thousands of
people died under the ruins. Mkhitar Gosh described the disaster with deep sorrow30, Kirakos Gandzaketsi wrote that "the
mount Alhrak collapsed and obstructed the way of the river, and a lake was formed. This lake got the name of Mariam (the
Godmother), but later the new inhabitants of the district called it Giol-Giol (Blue lake)".
The representatives of the Padlunian family resided in the administrative centre Gandzak and ruled over the lowlands.
Cracking the unity of the eastern Armenian Koghmants provinces, the new masters entered into rivalry with the descendants
32
of ancient royal dynasts, and tried to do away with them . The Aranshahikids were forced to leave for the highlands. Some
of them, as Arranshahikid Prince Oshin, emigrated from the homeland. Oshin was successful in founding a new kingdom in
33
Cilicia (1080-1375), with its capital at Sis . Oshin was succeeded by Hetum I, by name of which the royal dynast was called
Hetumian. The motherland of Prince Oshin was the Utik Shakashen (Arshakashan) province, not far from Gandzak.
Troubled by the Kurd Emir, the Albanian Catholicos Stepanos moved to Kapan and died there in Vahanavank monastry.
Another disaster followed the earthquake. The shahap (mayor) of Utik and Artsakh, Khuhtughti, revolted against Sultan
Masud(1134-1155), who was Melik Shah's grandson. He intended to extend his territories and found a new large Emirate. As
Mkhitar Gosh told; in 1142 he surrounded the two fortresses of Catholicos' Kar (Catholicos' stone) and Karapet's Kar
(Karapet's stone), kept under siege for some time and then, capturing it, destroyed and burnt down the buildings and the
34
churches .
To suppress the Khughtught revolt, the Sultan sent his general Choly. The rebel was punished. Choly blinded him and
then moved to Khachen, taking fortresses, destroying churches and villages, slaughtering the population on his way. Samuel
35
Anetsi wrote, that inviting the princes of Khachen to his place, Choly imprisoned them . In the Albanian chronicle of
Mkhitar Gosh we learn that in the year 1144-1145 the Turkish Emir, "Choly, growing arrogant, turned against the region of
Khachen, captured all its fortresses, demolished the churches and burned down the monastries". In 1145-1146 Choly was
back a second time, "As the fortresses he took on the first occassion did not remain in his hands...The nobles hiding in the
forest caves retook them and rebelled. Angered by this, he marched against them, seeking revenge.He was not able to
capture the fortresses, but he completely laid waste the entire land. The Dadivank monastry was also burned down". In
another lithograph of Prince of Princes Hasan (1182), we read that he had fought innumerable wars for forty years and had
36
won victories over all his enemies .
Reinforcing their centrifugal tendencies, the local Muslim rulers of Seljuk state were eager to despoil the region, and
though the Armenian princes responded to this in a vigorous way, they were not always successful. Sometimes they tried to
save their principalities by not only accepting the Seljuk overlordship, but also by marrying their daughters to the tyrants. This
marriages excited the temper of other princes and the internal discordance began to spread all over the district. The
Khokhanabert Prince Grigor, for example, had married his daughter to Toghan, who was a governor residing in Charaberd
(Jraberd) fortress. Grigor's relative Hassan was the father-in-law of another Turkmen leader. They began to joust and argue
over the leadership in the region. Toghan himself tried to occupy the whole Arran with his father-in-law's help. Prince
Grigor(1147) allied to Toghan moved to the Herkan district of Artsakh, (later Giulistan Melikdom, now Shahumian district of
37
Karabagh Republic). He settled his army at the foot of Kaitsi Tsar mount, near the Herkan (Zevu or Giulistan) fortress .
They fought a battle with Gurbugha's son-in-law Rovad, who refused to obey. Rovad's Turkmen army attacked from
Divakhorr mount and put to sword all the enemy soldiers. Prince Grigor was also killed. His body was carried back and buried
in the funerary chapel of his ancestors. Such wars were endless. Taking advantage of the turmoil, the Emir of Nakhichevan
province Elktuz occupied Gandzak, then replaced the deceased Atropateni King Sultan Masud by Aslan Shah and he
himself as a trustee of Sultan Atabak, ruled over eastern Armenia and Georgia.
But he didn't succeed in subjugating the Khachen principality, as its fortresses were unapproachable, and the rulers and
people disobedient.
However the continuous wars undermined the Khachen principality. In the second half of the XII century Khachen was
divided up between three princely families. Each third of the land was ruled by a different line of the Siunid branch of the
family. One of the lands centres was Khokhanaberd, or the palace "Darpasner" (gates), the other - Haterk and Akanaberd (on
the left bank of the Tartarr river), and the third - Handaberd (in Tsar province). Parallel to the three principalities, there existed
also petty domains, under the suzerainity of one of the three, maintaning the "Prince of Princes" title, which was inherited by
the family, whose leader was the most influential. Thus, though the Arranshahikids had lost the royal status, they managed
to preserve the "Prince of Princes" title, which enabled them to realize the defence of their country.
The XII century was the rise of the Georgian State, especially during the reign of Queen Tamar the Great (1187-1213).
The royal dynast descended from the Armenian Bagratids. The Bagratid branch ruling in Sper, Taik and Kgharjk, adopted
the Chalcedonian faith in the ninth century.
As the Turks and their various Muslim vassals began to falter in the twelfth century, Georgia expanded into northern and
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eastern Armenia, capturing Ani, Dvin and Kars and all of Siunik, wisely placing the regions under Armenian vassal princes,
and reducing to the same vassalage the rulers of Dizak and Khachen. The Armenians profited from the Georgian domination,
as it enabled the survival of the state and the preservation of its autonomy, which were Armenia's foremost concerns.
The Armenian sparapet Sargis Zakarian, being in treaty with the Georgian State, soon was raised to the rank of
39
commander of the joint army .
As the Armenian historian Ashot Hovhannisian wrote, "The Georgian Bagratids were considered not as conquerers but
as heirs to the Armenian throne, and were supported by the whole nation. Reuniting Armenia and Georgia they referred to
Armenia not as a subject state but as a family domain, which had achieved its feudal freedom by joint effort of Armenia and
40
Georgia .
The Armenian Zakarian dignitaries at the Georgian court (the liberators of Armenia) were the hereditary claimants of the
"amirspasalar's" and "atabek's" positions. Sargis Zakarian married his four daughters to the princes of eastern Armenian most
influented families, thus establishing close relashionship with all Armenian domains.They may be dreaming of restoring the
41
Armenian monarchy. They liberated Gardman, Karherdz, Yergevank, Toush, Terunakan, Gagard and Shamkor .
Sargis Amir spaslar (sparapet, military commander) married his daughter Khorishah to the lord of Nerkin Khachen
(Khokhanaberd) -Vakhtang-Tangik. His second daughter Dop was the wife of Verin Khachen ruler Hasan I. The next
daughter Nana married Abbas Kiurikian of Lori, and the last daughter Nargis was the daughter-in-law of Mamikonian family in
Psegh. All these princes were the Armenian vassals of Georgian kings, but on the whole they were considered as the only
42
masters of their indivisible family domains . The lords of Nerkin Khachen descended from the Albanian king Hamam-Grigor
and his son Sahak(Isaak) Sevada, whose branch originated from the Arranshahikids. The junior line of the branch resided in
Haterk.
From the second half of the XII century the Artsakh Prince of Princes was the Haterk lord Hassan*(1142-1182). His son
Vakhtang inherited his father's title and domain. He had five brothers - Vasak, Smbat, Grigor, Khoidan and Grigoris.
Persecuted by the Albanian Catholicos Stepanos, one of the prominant scholars of the time - Mkhitar Gosh, was given
shelter by Prince Vakhtang. Mkhitar Gosh, the condifier of Armenian law, began to write his codes of law in Heterk43. Mkhitar
Gosh testified that Hassan was the ruler of the principality, and his domain was a piece of the abolished Armenian Kingdom.
Vakhtang and his five brothers built in 1991 the monastry of Nor Getk for Gosh in the Aghstev valley**. They confirmed this
fact in a lithographic inscription. Gosh presented the Prince of Princes with a copy of his book.
Though the Khachen principality was also reduced to vassalage as Armenia, but practically it was an independent
autonomous state, ruled by a sovereign prince. In a colophon of Georgian manuscript we read that Prince Vakhtang of
Khachen sent the Georgian King David a horse, in return for the fortress Gardman and a town.*** The tombstones and crossstones of that period prove that the horse continued to be an object of warship in Artsakh.
The Khachen princes continued to fight heroically against various Seljuk chieftains and rebellious lieutenants. They
fought both in Khachen and in Armenia. Vakhtang's brother Vassak, for example, fell on the battlefield in Siunik in 1201,
fighting the Turks. Thus, the defence of Armenian eastern borderlands was realized by the joint army under the Zakarians.
Vakhtang died in 1212. As he had no heirs (his two sons were dead) the Atabek Ivane Zakarian, following his centralizing
policy, annexed the Hatenk principality to Verin Khachen (Tsare). His sister Dop, whose husband had also died, resided
there.
After the death of her husband, Vakhtang's widow Arzu Khatun, who was the daughter of Tpghis Emir Kurd Artsruni,
built the basilica of Dadivank and decorated the pulpit with miraculous covers and embroidered curtains.
With the help of his mighty brother, Dop was famed for her independent and flourishing Verin Khachen, that's why the
principality as well as the residing family was called Dopian, The principality covered a large territory; from the shores of the
lake Sevan(Gegharkunik) to the Artsakh lowlands.
Even during this period the ecclesiastical conflicts between the Armenian monophysite and the Byzantine dyophysite
churches did not cease to exist. The Byzantine higher clergy did not give up their political strivations, as the existence of
Armenian independent country hindered their political and religious overloadship of the east. The new Greek suggestions
were discussed in the Cilician Armenian religious residence of the Catholicos. The priesthood of north-eastern Armenia was
also invited to take part in the meeting. But instead of arriving in Cilicia, they sent a letter, refusing to unite. At last everybody
understood that by the term "unification" the Byzantine Church meant "subordination' to their faith, and abolishment of others.
As a result of the refusal, the Armenians were forced to adopt Chalcedonianism. The most prominent Armenian political
dealer of the period, Zakare Amirspaslar was authorized to carry out the task. Probably certain doctrinal and liturgical
differences between the Armenian and Georgian Churches hindered his centralizing policy. But the Armenian church didn't
give up its claim to represent an authentic apostolic tradition. Zakare was opposed even by his nephew Grigoris (Dop's son)
who was the head of Haghpat monastry.
Byzantium and its church, as well as the successors of their policy refused to become reconciled with the existence of
another independent church, just beside themselves. In the second half of the thirteenth century the Pope of Rome appealed
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to the Armenian King Hetum of Cilicia to accept subordination to the Byzantine Church, as it was the only church authorized
45
to rule over all the other Christian states .
The attacks on the Armenian authentic apostolic traditions never ceased. But the Armenian eastern wing responded to
this in a vigorous and effective way.
The thirteenth century was the hardest period in the Armenian history and especially for Utik and Khachen (Artsakh).
A new dIsaster originated from Central Asia: the Mongol-Tatars, who had formed a new mighty state in 1206 under
Temuchin who after a few minor inspections, launched a full-scale invasion of the neighbouring countries. Khachen, as well
as the whole north-eastern Armenia flourished under the Zakarian princes, new monastries, cathedrals, fortresses were
being erected. After the death of Nerkin Khachen ruler Vakhtang (1214), his son - Prince Hassan Jalal (1214-1261) reigned
over a large part of Khachen, attaining a certain degree of power and independence. He was praised by the medieval
historiographers as the most able political dealer of the thirteenth century. In 1216 his brother Smbat erected a monumental
46
khachkar (cross-stone) and inscribed on it Hassan-Jalal's name, calling him a king . The use of Arab first names at that time
was common amongst the Armenians, and his name Hassan meant "handsome". "Jalal" is also an Arabic term, meaning
"glorious, supreme, majestic". His third name, "Dawla", derived from the word "dawlat" and meant "wealth, power, might". The
family was later known as "Jalalian".
At one and the same time Hassan Jalal could legitimately style himself as "King of Artsakh", "King of Siunik", "King of
Baghk", not to mention Prince of Gardman, Dizak and Khachen, and Presiding Prince of Albania. He selected the title "King
of Artsakh and Baghk". He was a great builder too. His activity covered not only his native Khachen, but other provinces as
well.(Haghpat and Kecharris). He restored and erected churches, khachkars, supported the historiographers.
The first inscription, documenting his architectural and artistic work was preserved in the Vacharr monastry not far from
his palace "Darpasner" and later was found in the ruins of the church. It read, "I, who am Hassan, son of Vakhtang and
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Khorishah, lord of Khachen, erected this sacred church...(1229)" . The fine monastry of Gandzasar, built near the Jalalian
residence, was one of the temporal and spiritual centres of the principality. Attached in theory to the primatial catholicossate
of Armenia, it was used from the fourteenth century until 1815 as the seat of the Catholicossate of Albania. The monastry,
which is supposed to be of "Zvartnots-type" in the base, is characterized by richly carved decoration, with several portraits of
the patron princes. It was one of the finest speciments of an Armenian thirteenth century ante-nave with the vault resting on
two pairs of interesting arches, and having a central skylight rimmed by stalactite work. It was built between 1216 and 1261
by the Jalalian family.
The town of Vacharr was a flourishing centre at that time, and played an important role linking the shepherds of the valley
and the highlanders. Unfortunately it was destroyed by the earthquake.
Some of the finest khachkars (cross-stones) of Armenia were carved in Khachen in the thirteenth century. Secular nature
was typical to the carvings; soldiers, military and wordly different scenes. In order to stress the flourishing state of Khachen in
medieval era, mention should also be made of its many fortresses, still partially preserved now. B. Ulubabian wrote about the
architectural and artistic activity of the Jalalians, "During the first Mongol-Tatar incursions, in the midst of destruction and
pillage, ravished from time and space, they continously built as if for eternity, affirming the common truth that the creative
51
power can't be stopped" . The Albanian Catholicos Nerses and seven hundred bishops took part in the consecration of the
monastry in 1238. The historian Kirakos Gandzaketsi, who was also there during the ceremony, stated that the monastry
52
was "a skylike temple in glory to God the highest"
The Russian expert of history of architecture A.L.Yakobson wrote that Gandzasar should be considered as "the
53
encyclopedia of thirteenth century Armenian architecture" .A professor of Byzantine architecture of Sorbon University
characterized Gandzasar as the third among the five Armenian architectural monuments included in the international
54
catalogue of architectural masterpieces, after the Church Aghtamar and Hripsime's Cathedral in Echmiadzin .
On the threshold of Mongol invasion of Armenia, the Khorassan Sultan Jalaleddin, persecuted by the Mongols, overran
55
the territories of Gandzak, ravaging the land. In 1255 he captured Tpghis . But soon he was to be defeated by the MongolTatats, who were reaching Albania.
Again the dark days approached Armenia.
The mongol army under Charmaghan, crossed the river Arax and headed for Khachen, Utik, Georgia and eastern
Armenia, ravaging the whole land on the way. They surrounded and soon took Ani. Kirakos Gandzaketsi wrote that they
56
wintered in the fertile Kur-Arax vallay, the Mukhank, which "was full of material benefits - water, wood, fruit, prey" . They
launched attacks on the borderlands from here. In 1231-1232 they attacked Gandzak. The population of the city was
57
predominantly Persian . Most of them burnt down their houses and themselves not to leave anything to the cannibal. The
whole city was destroyed, the population massacred and a small part taken captive.
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Queen Tamar's daughter, Russudan had succeded her mother on the Georgian throne. Kirakos Gandzaketsi compared
her with the Assyrian Queen Shamiram for her voluptousness. Unlike her mother she was unable of ruling a country. After
the death of Ivane Zakarian (1234), the Georgian army was good for nothing. The Armeno-Georgian treaty was broken.
There was nobody to organize a resistence against the Mongols. "The ground was covered with dead bodies and there was
58
nobody to lament for them and bury the corpses", wrote Kirakos Gandzaketsi .
The Mongols, under Molar Noyin, surrounded Shamkor, where Prince Vehram resided. Besides the rampart, the city was
defended by a deep channel, dug around the walls. The Mongols filled earth into the channel and crossing it, captured the
city. The population was slaughtered. Then they conquered Gardman, Terunakan, Yergevank, Matsnaberd, Charek,
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Getapak, invaded Taush, Karsaret, Nor Berd, Gag (Ghazakh)
Prince Vahram managed to escape. Kirakos Gandzaketsi
described in detail the Khachen massacre and Hassan Jalal's relations with the Mongols. "He was humble and modest,
merciful and attentive to the poor, godly and studious, reading the Testaments". Hassan Jalal was an able politician as well.
After trying in vain to fight the Mongols, he contrived to win their favour and maintained good relations with them. He even
married his daughter Rusukan to general Charmaghan's son Boris-Noyin. The Verin Khachen and Tsar ruler Ivane's son
Avag Zakarian had also accepted the Mongol overlordship. Hassan made two journeys to Karakorum, acting as the
representative of the whole of Armenia, and obtained from their Great Khan certain privileges amounting to autonomy. In
certain sources and in a Gandzasar inscription of 1240, Hassan-Jalal styled himself as "Autocratic lord and King of Artsakh
60
country" . But in return for the privileges, Hassan-Jalal and other Armenian princes submitted to the Mongols and led their
troops in the Mongol army. They had only one aim - to save their country and the people. In 1242 the dumb Charmaghan was
replaced by Bachu-Ghurchi, who formed an enormous army to clear eastern Armenia of the Seljuk Sultan Ghiasseddin Kai61
Khosrov. Hassan-Jalal, Avag, Shahnshah Zakarians and other princes supported him .
Hassan-Jalal Dawla promoted an agreement between the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia and Mongols, in this way saving
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the kingdom from destruction . If not Hassan-Jalal, Cilicia was not fated to last long, as it was the ally of the Arab Sultan
Ghaseddin.
But diplomacy and connections failed to save the Khachen lord from the Mongol exisemen. Bugha and Arghun were
appointed collectors of taxes. Both were famous for their deceitful nature. In 1249 Hassan-Jalal applied to Batu Khan's son
Sartakh for help. He made a journey to Karakorum, accompanied by experienced diplomat Grigor Tgha, young prince
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Desum, bishops Grigor and Markos . Sartakh, who had adopted Christianity, was extremely favourable to the Christian
princes. He introduced them to his father Batu Khan, who had settled near the river Atl (Volga), in the Caspian city Itl (the
present day Astrakhan). Batu Khan accepted them with great respect and promised to return "their native Charabert,
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Akanaberd and Karrkar" . The geographical outline of the fortresses confirmed the fact that Hassan-Jalal ruled over the
whole Artsakh. These three fortresses were the key outposts, whose master could easily rule over the neigbouring
borderlands too.
If Charaberd was the famous Jraberd on Tartarr and Akana was Berdavan situated near Haterk, then Karkarr was the
city on the river Karkarr, which became famous by the name of Shushi since fifteenth century. A Georgian source testified
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that Karkarr was not only a city (city fortress) but also a province, and was situated between Khachen and Bailakan .
The tax collector Arghun was making new plots against Hassan-Jalal and always tried to carry them out. Hassan-Jalal,
tired of his persecutions, took his wife Mamkan and his only son Atabek, and accompanied by Sartakh, left for Karakorum
(1255), to meet Mangu Khan and complain of the tax collector's rudeness. This Great Khan affirmed his right to inheritance
in his turn. Then Sartakh was appointed the governor of the northern territories and Caucasus, as Batu Khan was already
66
dead . The King Hetum of Cilician Armenia also attended the Great Khan of Mongols, who ratified the treaty with Cilicia,
promising to patronize the king, of course on condition that Hetum should supply him with a certain number of men-of-arms
to fight against the Arabs.Later Hetum made another journey to Karakorum, to pay a visit and enter into an alliance with the
new head of the Mongol State.
After Hassan-Jalal's second visit to Karakorum, "Arghun was called there and before Smbat (the Siunid prince) reached
the court, Arghun was enchained. He was betrayed by a the treacherous Sevinch Bek and Sharapeddin,... who were eager to
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take his place" . The Siunid prince justified the tax collector and he was set free and restored to his old post .
Hassan-Jalal's journey lasted five years. On his way back he stayed in Tabriz but sent his wife and son to Khachen.
When at last he reached home, his wife was already dead. Unfortunately his friend Sartakh also soon died, poisoned by his
relatives. And his enemy Arghun was thirsting for revenge.
This part of Hassan-Jalal's history was documented in the diary of the Gospel by Hassan himself. The manuscript is kept
in Matenadaran69. The Georgian King David rebelled against the Mongols in 1260. The rising was suppressed, David had a
narrow escape. David's wife, sparapet Shahnshah (Zakare's son) and Hassan-Jalal were imprisoned by Arghun. Probably
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34
Hassan-Jalal too participated in the plot. The lord of Khachen was enchained and taken to Ghazvin, accompanied by Arghun.
Rusucan, the wife of the Mongol general, tried to help her father, using her influence and relations. Arghun knew this, and
hurried to solve the problem."The holy and fair man" was decapitated at Qazvin in 1266. His son Atabek, with the help of a
Persian, took out his father's mortal remains from a well and buried in the ancient graveyard of the Jalalian family in
Gandzassar. Atabek was appointed "Prince of Khachen" by Hulava Khan. Atabek was described as "holy, virtuous, modest
70
and godly, the true son of his parents" .
The historiographers, as was well as certain sources and inscriptions proclaim Hassan-Jalal Dawla as "Lord of Khachen,
Prince of Princes, King of Aghvank, King of the land of Artsakh". According to an unknown Persian chronologer, "Khachen is
an untractable region, lost in woods and mountains. It's one of the Arran provinces. Armenians inhabit there. The Abkhaz
71
people (Georgians) call their ruler "King" . Of course, the word "king" here is not used in the traditional meaning, the "king"
could be only the autocratic lord of a large country. Thus, Hassan-Jalals principality, called Khachen, covered all the territory
of ancient Artsakh with its provinces, from the Arax river to Gardman borders. Hassan-Jalals son Atabek-Hvane ruled in
Artsakh till his death (1287). Thereafter the descendants of the Jalalian family continued their rule and preserved the tradition
of national sovereignity unbroken until the late medieval period.
The thirteenth century Artsakh-Khachen cultural and artistic works played preponderent role in the development of
Armenian culture on the whole. The historians are captivated not only by the remarkable culture of Armenia prior, but
Armeno-Cilician as well. The story of the Armenian political, cultural and ecclesiastical revival of the period is arresting for
those scholars interested in the Armenian history. This era is truely called a silver age of the Armenian culture. The revival did
not cease to exist even under the Mongol domination. The fine monastry of Gandzasar, the Dadivank monastery,
Khatravank, St. Tsara, Vaghuhas Capital, Horrekavank, Gtichavank monasteries are the result of the flourishing period of
thirteenth century. The Dadivank monastery comprised perhaps the largest and most complete monastic group of medieval
Armenia, with twenty edifices divided into three parts, used for worship, living quarters and ancillary purposes. All the
Armenian monastries contained scriptoriums, where numerous manuscripts were copied and illuminated, miniature painting
was flourishing. Educational institutions were functioning in all the monasteries, where, besides languages and philosophy,
painting and embroidering (for virgins) were taught. At the beginning of thirteenth century the first khachcars (cross-stones)
were carved in Khachen. Amongst the most famous are the two at Gtichavank, which were kept in a church specially built for
that purpose. The creative originality of the Dadivank khachkars was as great as those of Gtichavank.
Close ties bound Artsakh-Khachen with Armenian provinces, centres and with Cilician Armenian Kingdom. Several
Armenian and Cilician manuscripts were obtained and kept in Khachen, which, during the Mongol domination were saved
and preserved by the Armenian princes. A certain cultural renaissance took place in Armenian literary activity too, which has
been called "the Albanian School" of Armenian literature, and which produced historians, philosophers, scientists and
codifiers of law. Historical writing was one of the most significant aspects of classical and medieval Armenian literature of the
district.
No violence or power could make the Armenians, sheltered in the highlands, give up their national script. It was the
national spirit that inspired the Armenians of the Albanian region. The Armenian culture on the whole was influenced by the
Artsakhian, as many famous scholars of Artsakh lived in the Armenian religious centres. For a long time the Khachen priests
headed the Haghpat monastery. They erected churches and monuments, copied and illuminated manuscripts in Armenia
proper.
The various foreign dominations and political shifts effected the Arran (Artsakh and Utik) land ethnically. Soldiers,
craftmen, administrative rulers, tax-collectors and other representatives of multinational social strata settled in the country.
They were Persians, Arabs, Jews, Turks, Mongols by origin. They inhabited the cities Partav, Gandzak, Bailakan. The
peasantary was predominantly Armenian, and the bearer of typical Armenian traditions, customs and dialects.
The Arab chronologer Rashid-ad-din had registered an event which took place in 1276. The successor of Hulavu Khan
(1256-1265), Abagha Khan (1265-1282) visited the subjected district Arran. Once he went hunting, surrounded by his
bodyguards. A rebellion broke out while he was there. The Mongol ordered his soldiers to catch and kill all those who took
72
part in the revolt. The leader of the rebellious peasants appeared himself and submitted to the Khan . The auther didn't
mention the nationality of the rebells. But the historian L. Babayan came to a conclusion that "The Arran district was
predominantly Armenian and we won't make a mistake saying that the disobedient rebells were probably the Armenian
73
peasants" .
If the Arabs, then the Turks(Seljuks) ruled in Partav and Gandzak, the different branches of Arranshahikid family were the
only authorized masters of the highlands. The conquerers were unable to leave distinguishable traces on the typically
Armenian environment, culture and way of life. The Khasars left some stone idols, the Arabs a tomb in Nakhichevan, the
Mongols and Seljuk-Turks-nothing. They were good at destroying cathedrals, fortresses, palaces, cities and burning
manuscripts instead...
It was the script and literature that preserved the nation. Though centrifugal and discordant internally, they were never
35
35
broken and there could be no power bending them to its will or depriving of the national creative spirit, which continued to
inspire them during the comings and goings of the foreign powers. There are numerous examples of national endeavour on
the part of the Armenians and there was not a moment during the long centuries when they lost their independence, or semiindependence or control over the destiny of at least a part of their native land.
At the end of the thirteenth century Jengiz Khan's universal domain (from India to the Mediterranean sea, from the
Russian north to the Persian gulf) was undermined and divided into different states. The emergence of Havalu Khan's state
was the result of the process. This state contained Transcaucasia, Armenia and Atropateni-Azarbaijan. Ethnical migrations
took place in Iran, western Armenia and eastern Byzantium. The group of Persian nation called Medes, with the addition of
Arab and later Turkish elements, gave birth to the Azari ethnic group.
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Chamchian noted that some people called them Persians, others-Turks .Their language was a mixture of Median,
Iranian and Turkish terms. Today this ethnicity forms the bulk of population of Azarbaijan (in Iran).
__________________________________
* In the princely houses of Arran, as well as Siunik, the use of Arab first names was at that time fairly commom. "Hassan"
meant "handsome".
** Now it is situated between Armenian towns Dilijan and Ijevan.
*** "Georgian sources about Armenia", B. page 15.
___________________________________
1."Ararat", magazine, 1919, p.51, Leo "Selection of Works", v2, p.51.
2. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, translated from the original, preface and
reference by Hrach Bartikian, Yerevan 1970, p.151 C.P. "About the
Ceremonies of Byzantine Court", book II, ch.48.
B. Ulubabian "The Khachen Kingdom in X-XYI Centuries", Yerevan, 1975,
p.50.
3. A.Sh.Mnatsakanian "About the Albanian Literature", Yerevan 1966 pp.77-78.
4. Tovma Artsruni and Unknown "History of the Artsruni House", Yerevan 1985,
p. 298-299.
5. M. Kaghankatvatsi, p.266
6. B. Ulubabian, p.76.
7. M.Kaghankatvatsi, p.266.
9. Ibid, p.263.
10.Ibid,p.267
11.Leo "Selection of Works", v2, Yerevan 1967, p.58.
12.St.Orbelian "History of Siunik", Yerevan 1968, p.257.
13. Leo, p.561.
14. Leo, p.571.
15.M.Kaghankatvatsi, p.264.
16. Leo, p.576. (He testified that the cathedral was turned into a mosk by the
Turks).
17. M. Kaghankatvatsi, p.267.
18. St. Orbelian, p.257.
19. Leo, p.571.
20. Vardan Areveltsi (of the East) "Universal History", Moscow 1861, p.198.
21. N. Adonts "The Glory of Bagratids", Historical Research, Paris 1948, p.133.
B. Ulubabian, p.84. The princely house, called Sevortids, later was converted
to Islam, and ruled up to the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
22."Ararat" magazine, "The Armenian Catholicos Anania about the Revolt of
Albanian House", 1897, p.143.
23. Orbelian, p.240-248.
24.Stenley Len-Pull "The Muslim Dynasts", p.294.
25. M. Urhaietsi "Chronology", Yerevan 1973, p.152. This information is not
considered true by many historians. But the scholar Sedrak Barkhudarian,
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36
investigating the ancient graveyards near Derbent, unearthed many royal
tombstones. The Armenians inhabited here during the period of Persian
Sassanids. A great army was deployed by them to guard the Derbent frontier.
The soldiers arrived here with their families. Their descendants, as the
Caliphate weakened, established an independent kingdom, which covered the
Lezgian territories (the present day Azerbaijan's northern parts and
Daghestan's southern parts).
See S. Barkhudarian, "The Armeno-Albanian Kingdom of Derbent", "HistoricalPhilological Magazine", 1969, n.3. pp.125-147.
26. Enaitollah Reza "Arran and Azarbaijan", Yerevan 1994, p.134.
27. Ahmade Kiasravi "Karvande Kiasravi", Tehran 1977, p.328.
28. A. Lastivertsi, "History of Lastivertsi", Tiflis,1912,p.17.
29. G.F. Herzberg "History of Byzantium", Moscow 1987, p.227-228.
30. M. Gosh, Armenian Gandzak, Alishan, About Armenians, p.361.
31. K. Gandzaketsi "History of Armenia", Yerevan 1961, p.117.
33. S. Anetsi "Selected Works of Historiographers", p.117 Vagharshapat.
34. "About Armenians", p.386, see B. Ulubabian, p.115. "The Catholicos Stone
is situated in Tonashen village on the river Tartar, in the Martakert district of
Karabagh Republic. Now it's called Katoghikossassar.
35. S. Anetsi "Selected Works of Historiographers", p.132.
37. Herkan is in Giulistan, as on p.387 of "About Armenians", the Parris village
of Giulistan is mentioned.
38. N. Adonts "The Glory of Bagratids", p.154.
40. A. Hovhanissian "Historical Episodes of Armeno-Russian relations".
41. K. Gandzaketsi, p.163.
43. "Record-book of Armenian Manuscipts", Y-XII centuries, Yerevan 1988,
p.242. "Book of Judgement". See Mkhitar Gosh, Record-book, Yerevan 1988,
p.242.
45. "The Letter of Catholicos Constantine to the King Hetum" Tiflis 1901,
p.501-509.
47.H. Atcharian "Dictionary of Armenian Forenames", v.III, p.51.
48. Ibid, v.IV, p.286.
49. Ibid, v.II, p.76.
50.S.Barkhudarian...
53. A.L. Jakobson "The History of Medieval Armenian Architecture, the
Gandzasar Monastry, XIII Century", "Research on the History of Culture of
Oriental Nations". The Selection is dedicated to I. Orbeli, M.-L, 1960,
pp.144-158.
54. T.Toromanian "About the Influence of Armenian Architecture", "Materials on
the History of Armenian Architecture", II, Yerevan, 1948, p.25.
55. Ibid, p.226.
56. Ibid, p.235.
57. Ibid, p.235.
58. Ibid, p.248.
59. Ibid, p.243
60. M. Barkhudarian "Divan of Armenian Lithography", v. Y, Yerevan 1982, p.38.
See B. Ulubabian, p.192.
62. M. Chamchian "History of Armenia", v.3, Yerevan 1984, p.219.
37
37
64. Ibid, p.359.
65. The Georgian Sources about Armenia and Armenians, v.II, Yerevan 1936,
p.14.
67. St. Orbelian, p.330.
68. Ibid, p.330.
69. Repository of Ancient Manuscrips (Matenadaran), manuscript number 387,
p.86, 9a.
71. H.D. Miklukho-Maklai "Geographical Composition, XIII century" (in Persian).
"Research Proceedings of the Institute of Orientology" v.IX, L., 1951.
72.Rashid ad-Din "Collection of Chronicles", YIII, tr-ed by A.K. Arends, M.-L.,
1946, p.91.
73. L.H. Babayan, "The Armenian, Socio-economical and Political History of XIIIXY Centuries", Yerevan, p.375.
74. M. Chamchian, p.418.
CHAPTER 5
KARABAGH IN XIV-XY CENTURIES
The first half of the fourteenth century witnessed the weakening of Mongol domination. The absense of centralizing policy
of Mongol authorities on one side and the centrifugal tendences of khans and generals on the other, resulted in continuous
internal wars and raids. The Mongol governors and warriors attacked each other's domains, ravaged, burnt down and laid
waste the entire land.
Armenian emigration from the homeland grew into a flood. The flourishing cities and villages were turned into heaps of
ruins.
But the Utic and Artsakh highlanders managed to preserve their cities and fortresses, always hoping for the best. For
their basic needs, the population relied upon their rich crops, their flocks and herds, their dense forests, which provided them
with food, both in summer and in winter.
The conquerers used to winter in Mukhank, which from the second half of the fourteenth century was called "the
Karabagh valley" and consequently the whole Artsakh land was called "Karabagh" (black garden) by the Tatars. Thus the
name originated from that time.
"Karabagh" is a compound proper noun. It comprises two word stems; the first is a Turkish term, ghara-black and the
second is a Persian term, bagh-garden. The linguists and historians came across the word for the first time in Georgian
1
manuscripts of thirteenth-fourteenth centuries . The fourteenth century Iranian historiographer Hamdollah Mostafah-Khazvini
2
mentioned the name in his book "A Geographical Part of Nehzatolbub . This author referred to the Karabagh Lowlands as
Baghe Sefid - white garden, and to the Highlands as Baghe siah - black garden. It was typical of Turkish conquerers to
change the geographical names of the occupied countries and lands. The uniqueness of Turkish strategy is expressed in
their ability of giving a typical Turkic name to foreign lands, plains, rivers, springs and mountains. Each nation preserves in
the proper names its culture and ethnicity, and deprived of it, will be easily absorbed by dominant powers. In this sense
Armenia, Iran, the Middle East and all the other countries, where the Turks set their feet, suffered much losses. Nearly all the
geographical names in Asia Minor (Byzantium, Cilicia, Armenia) are Turkicized. The same policy was conducted by the
Turkic tribes who penetrated Transcaucasia in late seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries.
The academician S. Yeremian considers that the term "Karabagh" derived from the word "baghkaran".
38
38
The second half of the fourteenth century gave birth to a new malignant power, whose cruelty had been so far
unsurpassed. This was the power of Timur-Leng (Tamerlane) from Samarghand, an Uzbek-Tatar by origin.
After the death of the local Sultan, Timur-Leng replaced him on the throne in 1366. From Samarghand the Asian
invaders headed for Iran. Timur-Leng (lame Timur) tried to capture Khorassan. His army was defeated by the Khorassan
ruler Shahmassur. Timur used deceit and with a sudden attack took Isfahan and Shiraz putting the whole population to death.
Then he moved towards Atropateni (Media Minor).
At that time Tabriz was ruled by the Tatar Khan Tokhtamish, who had reconquered it from Emir Ahmed.
Learning about Timur's arrival, the Khan ravaged Nakhichevan, Siunik and Tsar district of Artsakh and retreated to the
Derbent Gates, But soon he, frightened to death, left his plunder and had a narrow escape to save his life. In Media
Tamerlane mobilized a new army of 700 thousand soldiers and initiated incursions on all directions. In 1387 he raided Siunik,
Ararat and Artsakh. Timur forgave neither those who fought against him, nor those, who submitted to him. In 1401, on the
ninth of July he took Baghdad and returned to Media. The German traveller Johann Schiltenberg, who was taken captive in a
battle between the Turks and Crusaders, gave evidence about that complicated period. The Turks had sold him to Tatars and
for about thirty-one years he had been travelling with the conquerers in Asian and African countries and at last returning
home in 1427, decided to record the events of his own life and experience. According to him, Tamerlane left Tabriz for
Karabagh in 1401. After Timur's death, the German served his son Shahrrukh. "He (Shahrrukh) used to winter in a large
plain, which was called Karabagh. It was distinguishable for its pastures.... The best silk was found here. Though this valley is
3
situated in Armenia, it belongs to the Muslims, and the Armenian villages payed taxes to them" .
After the death of Tamerlane in 1405, the order which he had established began to break down. Besides his descendants
laying claim to the enormous inheritance, various governors and generals began to struggle for possession of lands.
Meanwhile the Turkmanians (the tribe "Kara Koyunlu") established their domination. Their leader Kara-Yusup was no less
cruel than Timur and his generals.
The descendants of Khachen's Jalalian family survived the invasion of Tamerlane and the incursions of the Turkmens
4
and continued to rule in Artsakh in the second half of the fourteenth century .
Thus Karabagh was the only part of Armenia where a tradition of national sovereignity was preserved unbroken until the
late medieval period.
The fourteenth century witnessed the fall of the Cilician Armenian Kingdom. The revival of the Armenian independent
monarchy proved short-lived (3 hundred years). Under the attacks of the neighbouring Arab states, the kingdom was
destroyed. The last king of Cilician Armenia, Levon Y Lusignan, died in exile in 1393. The Pope of Rome and the European
countries did not come to their help.
As to the ethnic and cultural situation of Karabagh of that period, the country continued to be predominantly populated by
Armenians, and an essencial part of the Armenian culture area. Gandzasar remained as one of the important temporal and
spiritual centres of the principality. Numerous manuscripts were written, copied and illuminated, new cross-stones were
carved. The colophons of the manuscripts read about secular and ecclesiastical heads of the country, and gave coverage of
the most important events of the time. Such a Gospal, dated 1428, was written in the town of Shushi. This was the first time
that Karkarr fortress was called Shushi. In the colophon of the Gospel we read that the book was written in the St.
Astvatsatsin Church of the village Shushi, during the time of Albanian Catholicos Hovhannes and "the torturer" Shandar. The
ancient fortress Karkarr had already lost its importance as a citadel and was turned into a village at early fifteenth century,
though had preserved its essence as a spiritual centre. There existed an ancient tradition in Karabagh, that the patrons were
given the right to inform in the inscriptions carved on a special part of the cathedrals about their donation, the family and the
period. There are such richly carved portraits of the patron princes and 250 inscriptions on walls of Gandzassar monastery,
which describe the events that took place after "The history of Albanian Country" was written. No less significant are the
inscriptions marked on the walls of hundreds of other churches, monasteries and on cross-stones of Karabagh. Historical
writings were also one of the most important aspects of classical and medieval Karabakh culture. One couldn't help admiring
the creative originality of the authors. The Armenians esteem their manuscripts and generally their cultural inheritance higher
than anything else. The colophons of manuscripts became abundant sources for historiography later.
In 1441 the residence of the Armenian Catholicos was established in Echmiadzin. The Cilician, Aghtamar and Albanian
Catholicossates continued to exist. This Catholicossates, in theory having similar powers, recognized that the title of the
Echmiadzin Catholicos was "Catholicos of all Armenians" and all the other institutions of the areas populated by Armenians,
should subjugate to the jurisdiction of the Armenian Apostolic Church in Echmiadzin.
The Turkic tribes, who had already settled in Anatolia, united under the twenty-three year old Sultan Muhammad and
surrounding the Byzantine capital Constantinople, took it on May 29, 1453. Both the militants and the inhabitants of the city
were massacred. Armenia, its monarchy abolished and the country weakened, was unable to help Byzantium. Europe and
Rome were indifferent to this destruction of the cradle of human civilization. Before the fall of Constantinople, the Turks had
called by their name neither their native Altai, nor any of the occupied territories. But, absorbing the internally undermined
Byzantine Empire, they called it "Turkey".
39
39
Thus, the once mighty state, one of the historical superpowers, which had accumulated the treasures of the whole
civilization, was devoured by the Turkic nomads.
The new country did not cease to expand. Already formalized in Asia Minor, the Turks extended to the north-west,
conquering the Balkans, then to the south - Egypt, Arabian Peninsula.
Invading Armenia at early sixteenth century, they became neighboured to Iran, where certain cultural and political
renaissance was taking place.
Over the centuries Armenians were prominent in the commercial life of the two states - Iran and Turkey. The silk route
was dominated by an elite of Armenian merchants, who travelled to Europe accompanied by religious and cultural dealers,
developing a remarkable understanding of all other nations.
A new era in the history of mankind was set up.
1.Georgian Chronology, 1207-1318, translated by P. Muradian, Yerevan 1971,
p.112.
2.Hamid-Allah Mustewi of Gaswin, The Geographical Part of the Mushat-alQulub, tr-ed by le Strange, G.Leyden, 1919, pp.173-174.
3. "Johann Schiltenburg's Journey in Europe, Asia and Africa from 1394 to
1427", tr-ed by F.Berup, Odessa, 1866, p.110.
The book was abbreviated and printed in Baku in 1984, the preface was written
by Z. Buniatov. The title was "Source for Azerbaijani History". The proper name
"Armenia" was changed into "Azerbaijan" by Buniatov.
4. B. Ulubabian, p. 304.
5. Matenadaran, manuscript number 8211.
CHAPTER 6
A NEW ERA (KARABAGH IN 16-17 CENTURIES)
In early sixteenth century the grandson of Sheikh of Ardabil Sheikh Ismail, who was a twenty year old young man and
the only heir of the family, crossed the river Araxes, then Kura, and with a sudden attack took the famous and flourishing
trading Shirvan centre of Shamakhi. During their first attack the Ardabil Turks were thrown back and their Sheikh Heidar was
killed. Heidar was the young Ismail's father. After Shamakh; Ismail captured Baku. Then he fought in a battle in 1501 against
another Turkish tribe, Ak-Koyunlu, and defeated them. During this period the Iranian nobility and nation demanded a
centralizing policy of their authorities. Ismail's victories brought him great fame and he easily claimed to royal power, styling
himself "Shah" and chose Tabriz as his residence. Soon Fars and Khorossan joined his state. Ismail was an able politician
and a keen military commander. Iran did not cease to expand and soon the former territories of the Sassanid Kingdom were
reconquered. The state stretched from Asia to the river Dariaye Eje, from the Persian gulf to the Caucasian mountain range.
Thus under Ismail a new Safavid inheritance was created and formed, which was called State of Ghezelbashes. Karabagh,
as the whole of Transcaucasia, came under the rule of the Safavid Empire, forming one of the administrative units
(beglerbeg) of the state, called the Yerevan Khanate*.
But in fact Shah Ismail I assumed the royal title of Shahinshah of Iran. The Iranian was the only state language. The
expansionism of Ismail makes it clear that we are witnessing a conscious attempt on the part of his house to reconquer step
by step the old Iranian lands and the countries under the Sassanid rule, Ismail did everything to rise to prominence the
ancient Persian traditions. They considered Azarbaijan (Atropateni) as an indivisible part of the Safavid inheritance. It was
one of the provinces of the country. It is, therefore, unfortunate when, because of political consideration historical falsification
is exercised.
When in 641 Iran was conquered by the Caliphate, it seemed that the Islamicized country would lose its traditional
homeland and the ancient culture, would be absorbed by the Arabs. But the great Persian country and the culture did not
cease to exist. The very existence of the nation is a testimony to the significance of the Persian Kingdom, whose rulers
together imposed a sense of unity, identity and self-awareness upon its inhabitants.
Mazdaism was abolished and a small group of Persians emigrated to India. The only way to avoid the policy of
Arabization was the adoption of Shii Muslim faith. Shah Ismail declared it as a state religion, thus uniting the carved up
country and the nations living there. Atropateni was long ago renamed "Azarbaijan", as the Arabs could pronounce the name
of the region like that. The Turkic nomads inhabited the territory only after the Seljuk invasions. The historian Toghan, a Turk
40
40
1
by origin, confirmed that fact. It must be noted that many Turkic tribes were annihilated by the armies of the Chinese Empire.
Those survived, immigrated to the east and mingling with Central Asian tribes, formed a new race, which originally was not
2
Turkic, but they called themselves "Turks", and spoke a mixed up language, derived from the Turkish. In connection to this
Rashid Aldin Fazlollah Hamadani wrote, "Oghuz's descendants formed twenty-four tribes, as was written in detail in the list.
Each of them bore its own name and title, but all the Turkmanians of the world descended from Oghuz's family. But
3
previously they were not called "Turkmen", all the Turk-like tribes of the deserts were simply called Turks". Fazelan
describing the funeral ceremony of the Turks, wrote, "If he was honoured for killing a lot of people, now that he was dead,
they buried with him chips of wood, according to the number of people slain by him and said, "These are the slaves to serve
4
him in the Kingdom of God". The Turkic tribes, which penetrated to Azarbaijan (Atropateni), put up their tents in villages and
pastures on the banks of rivers. The natives came under their influence as they were the winners, and quickly assimilated into
5
them. "The Turkish language was at first dominant in the villages and then spread to the town and trading centers", wrote
Ennaitollah Reza. During the reign of the Safavids, a new language, a mixture of Asian Turkish and Persian dialect, was
dominant in Azarbaijan (Atropateni) and was called "Azari".
"All the Safavid documents were in Turkish, in Tabriz, Ispahan or Ghazvin the Turkish was spoken in courts, most of the
6
proper names and titles were also Turkish", wrote Hamdullah Mustofi. Thus, the ancient Atropateni Iranian ethnicity, with
the addition of Turkish elements, gave birth to the "Azari" ethnic group, which is now the bulk of the population of Iranian
Azarbaijan. There were great linguistic and ethical differences between the Iranian Safavids and the Ottoman Turks, who had
settled in Byzantium. The differences were striking enough to develop a particular enmity and hatred between them.
Religious differences added to the hostility. The Ottomans were adherents of Sunni Muslim religion, while the Iranians were
Shii Muslim. The Ottoman Great Mufti announced, that the death of one Shii Muslim was more desirable to the God, than that
7
of seventy Christians.
The Turkish Sultan Selim condemned to death forty thousand Muslim population, whose only sin was adherence to the
Shii Muslim faith.
Armenia, which had lost its political identity, was turned into an arena of struggle between Persia and Ottoman Empire.
All the invasions, conquests and campaigns of mutual enemies passed through the Armenian territory. Often the battles took
place just in Armenia. Of course, they rivaled also for the right of possessing the Armenian land, as it was geographically a
convient stronghold for their further invasions and conquests. The colophons of Armenian manuscripts contain many
descriptions about despoilation of the region by the Ottoman Turks. Once Shah Ismail, retreating through Armenia, destroyed
and burnt down everything on his way, thus making the country unable to provide the Sultan's army later.
At last in 1555 Armenia was partitioned between the two empires (Turkey and Persia) by the Amassia treaty. Eastern
.8
Armenia, Khachen and Utik included, became attached to Persia
Soon the powerful Persian and Turkish kings were replaced by new unable monarchs.
The fame and influence of the Persian and Central Asian states of that period wholly depended upon the personal
characteristics of the heads of states. A talented commander or monarch, (Seljuk, Jengis, Timur, Osman, Ismail) was enough
to raise his state to prominence. After the death of such a leader, the order, which he had established, began to break down,
and even resulted in the abolishment of the country or the state as such. The Ottoman army, compared with the Iranian one,
had preserved some stable units of organization, transferred from the Byzantine military system. And once in motion, it
continued in the same direction, and in a straight line, despite an unable Sultan. Due to its well-developed artillery, its military
power was unsurpassed.
In the year of 1541 Stepanos Salmastetsi was ordained in Echmiadzin the Catholicos of Armenians. He was a man of
broad outlook. Being brought up in Constantinople and then living in Poland and Moscow, he was aware of eastern subtle
and complex political situations. He spoke several foreign languages. The new Catholicos approached the West European
authorities with a view to freeing Armenia from Turkey and Iran. The Echmiadzin monastry formed the organizational centre
of his political activity.
In 1547 a secret meeting was held here with the participation of secular and religious leaders. A decision was made to
send the Catholicos to Europe and Rome to oblige the Pope to abolish the ecclesiastical differences between the Catholic
and Armenian Apostolic Churches. As the Cilician kings, they too were unsuccessful in the mission.
The armistice did not last long. A new war broke out between the Ottoman Empire and Iran. Their clashes took place in
Georgia, Ararat valley, Karabagh, Shaki, Shirvan... The Turk Osman Yuzdemir was defeated by the Iranian army in 1579. He
left for Derbent, and from there invaded Daghstan, passed to Crimea and subjugating the Khan and several warmonger
tribes, again launched an attack on Iran.
The Khan of Crimea in his turn captured 160 thousand of Transcaucasian population and sent them to Egypt to be sold
as slaves. The chronologer Hovhannes, who was a preacher, witnessed the violences himself and described it in his works.
41
41
The Albanian Church, among others, had given birth to such a writer as Hovhannes (1560-1623), who created and copied a
great number of manuscripts, the works of the first codifier of Armenia law, Mkhitar Gosh included. He descended from the
Jhashah branch of the royal Tsar dynast. Hovhannes was the founder of the St. Astvatsatsin Church (1618) in Geghama
province. In his works he described the Turkish invasions under Osman Yuzdemir (1578) and their raids of Gianja (Gandzak),
Partav, Jraberd, Khachen, Varanda, Dizan. This invasion lasted for three years, 1576-1580. Needless to say that the Turks
captured cities, massacred the population, demolished and burnt down churches and monastries.
The situation was especially grave in Gandzak and Karabagh, as besides Osman, they suffered another misfortune. It
was the plague. This great disaster fully destroyed the cities down to the Araxes river in a few days. The ground was covered
with thousands of corpses, killed either by the Turks or by the plague. The chronologer wrote, "In the partially preserved
11
buildings the naked bodies were sheltered. Those still alive, wandered from place to place, trying to find something to eat".
"But still there were some districts in the Armenian highlands which survived the Turkish and Iranian invasions, parts of
Armenia, where a tradition of national sovereignty and independence movements was preserved unbroken. We can mention
12
the Mountainous Karabagh, Sassun, Zeitun and even the homeland of the Arzu "jamat" Lori..." . Moreover, the ruling
houses got control of the ecclesiastical centers, the primates of which by the fifteenth century were always members of the
13
family. The ruling house also supplied abbots and bishops to the monastries of the district. The Hassan-Jalalians headed
the Catholicossate of Albania. The title "Catholicos of Albania" passed from uncle to nephew and the ecclesiastical lands,
finances and influence was thus always available to the house.
Located at the monastry of Amaras after the Partav destruction, the Catholicossate was transferred to the large monastry
of Gandzasar, founded by Hasan-Jalal Dawla. In the same way the Dopians ruled over Tsar. "The history of the Armenian
"melikdoms", founded on the bases of Nerkin Khachen, Tsar, Verin Khachen princely houses, is a source of continuity
between the reassertation of independence in the ninth century and the rise of new movements. Though officially attached to
14
the conquerors and semi-independent, they were largely autonomous and never destroyed".
The Persians formed three military-administrative units in Transcaucasia - Shirvan, with the center Shamakhi, the
Chukhur-Sad (Yerevan province) and the Karabagh (with the Gandzak centre) beglerbegs. At the end of the sixteenth
15
century Karabagh, together with the region of Yerevan, formed one of the administrative regions (beglerbegs). The Persion
sources from the Repository of Ancient Manuscripts testify that the foreign rulers sometimes "sold" the conquered domains to
their legal masters, i.e. to the local owners of the land.
In 552, when the Albanian Catholicossate was founded, it chose the city Partav as its residence and the fortress
Berdakur as the summer house. The fortress was situated on the bank of Trtu river (the present day village of Hakob Kamari,
in Mardakert district of Karabagh Republic). In the seventh century, coming under pressure of the Arab authorities of Partav,
the Catholicos Hovhannes I preferred to reside in Bardakur. In the ninth century the Catholicossate was transferred to
Gandzak.
Ecclesiastically Karabagh lay within the jurisdiction of Catholicossate of Albania, a subdivision of the administrative
structure of the Armenian church. In the view of ecclesiastical connection with Armenia, it was natural that the Albanian
church should be subordinated to the church of Armenia. In their turn the religious Armenian heads of Shaki, Shirvan and
Derbent subordinated to the Catholicos of Albania. All the divisions and subdivisions recognized that the title of the
Echmiadzin catholicos was "Catholicos of all Armenians". The monastry of Gandzasar, one of the temporal and spiritual
centers of Karabagh, was used from the 14-th. century until 1815 as the seat of the "Catholicossate of Albania", occupied by
the members of Jalalian family. This right was recognized not only by the Catholicos of Armenians, but also by the conqueror
rulers. Their decrees of such kind are preserved in several documents. For example, the wife of Sultan Jhanshah (who had
left for Baghdad to suppress a revolt) Begum Khatun confirmed by a decree of 1462 Jalal Great prince's son Hovhannes as
18
a Catholicos in Gandzassar. Ghanshah was the Black Sheep Turkmanian lord of Armenia. It was mentioned in the decree
that Hovhannes had introduced to the court the previous decree of Sultan Jhanshah, confirming Catholicos Matteus
(Mathew) succession, which in its turn was confirmed by the King Sheikh-Uveis Bahadur (1356-1374). It was also mentioned
in the document that the Albanian Catholicoses were previously ordained by the "Sis King" and the Catholicos of all
Armenians. After signing the decree the ruler ordered all the heads of the administrative local units" to recognize the rights of
the appointed Catholicos as religious leader of Armenians, trust in his authority, not disturb him and his subject clergy
demanding live-stock and other taxes". The priesthood and the Christians were ordered, "Armenians of Gandzassar and
Albania must recognize him as their religious leader and obediently carry out his orders concerning their faith, and follow his
advice, without daring to interfere in his deeds, follow his advice, and respect him and his priests and relatives without any
19
wish or expectation".
20
The Persian Safavids granted the Albanian Catholicoses with various privileges and rewards, confirmed by decrees.
21
But Shah Abbas of Persia ordered the Albanian Church to pay him a tax "tafavut e jezie" for religious dissimilarity.
42
42
The Armenian scholars spoke with enthusiasm about the past of their native Albania. Stressing its close links with
Armenia, at the same time they set out to prove the great age of the Albanian Church and its right to independence. In a
letter, written by the population of Shamakhi, Shaki Shirvan and "the whole of Albania", they complained of those who wanted
"to place the Albanian Catholicossate under the jurisdiction of Echmiadzin". The Armenian leaders understood that the church
was an important factor that kept the national spirit alive, it had come to be recognized as a vehicle of nationalism and selfdefense within empires. It was through the church that they sought to educate their people. The secular heads of
principalities always supported the church, contributing great donations to the religious fund. All these information was
preserved in the inscriptions made on the walls of churches and monastries.
The late sixteenth century witnessed the emergence of the new and talented monarch on the Persian throne. It was Shah
Abbas the First, who was soon styled "Great". In a very short time he brought his country to prominence. Replacing his father
Khudabanda Shah in 1586, he entered into an alliance with the Turks, complying with their demand of Transcaucasia and
Persian Azarbaijan. He realized that there was no way out and tried to make time for further activity. The Uzbeks had
occupied Khorassan, destroyed Herat and Meshed sacred cities. The internal situation was also tense with expectancy.
Doing his utmost Shah Abbas destroyed the Uzbek army in a battle, which took place in 1597, thus reviving the traditions
and honour of the Safavid inheritance. Step by step he restored the domain of his ancestors, developing a powerful unit,
23
which connected not only the divided bits of the land, but established a religious and cultural dominance as well.
He
reconstructed the military forces of the country, promoted economical reforms, developing new directions in trade. To
prosper his country he deported thousands of Armenians, mostly from the plain of Ararat, to his capital of Isfahan. There they
founded a colony at New Julfa, with a cathedral and several fine churches.
During this period anarchy and violence reigned in Turkey. The revolts of militants succeeded each other. Different
divisions of men-of-arms conquered territories, plundered the population. The weak Sultan Muhammad, who came to throne
in 1595, was unable to protect his state and population. This was advantageous for the Persian Shah. Two Englishmen, the
brothers Anthony and Robert Sherly, acted as military advisors in the Shah's court. They intended to support Iran against the
24
Turks, at the same time trying to link Iran with the European countries and with the Pope of Rome.
Many Armenian,
Georgian and Muslim representatives from Transcaucasia appeared in the Persian court of Isfahan. They applied to Shah
Abbas the Great to save them from the Turkish tyrant. The Armenian historiographer Arrakel Davrizhetsi described the visit
of the Albanian (Karabagh and Utik) princes Sarukhan Bek and his brother Nazar, Oghlan Beshir (a priest) and his brother
Ghalabek (from Haterk), Jalal Bek and his nephews (from Khachen), Melik Sujum (from Dizak), Melik Pashik (from the village
Kochiz), Melik Baren (from the village Britis), bishop Melikset (from the Melikzada village of Verin Zakam), Melik Haikaz (from
Zangezur - Kshtagh) to the palace of Ali-Ahap in Isfahan.
The historiographer told that four Armenian villages of Karabagh and Dizak provinces, tired of Turkish persecutions,
25
applied to the Great Shah for help and he inhabited them in the city of Isfahan.
Organizing his army, Shah Abbas with a sudden attack defeated the Turks near Tabriz, and following them, completely
destroyed in the Sofian valley not far from Tabriz. Their commander was taken captive. The turmoil spread all over the
Turkish land. Leaving Nakhichevan the Turks settled in the Yerevan fortress. Shah Abbas crossed the Arax river and entered
Jugha. The Armenians accepted him heartily. They referred to him as to their "liberator". The Great Shah was pleased with
their hospitality. Being situated on the crossroads of trading routes, Jugha was turned into a flourishing centre. The
community came to be dominated by an elite of merchants who lived in the wealthy environment of the city. They traded with
India and China and with the western European countries on the other side. The famous historian Leo wrote, "Shah Abbas
26
was a merchant king".
He managed the silk trade route, connecting the east with the west and filled his treasury with gold. This ability of his
shows that he considered the establishment of a complete system as a basis for the further development of his country.
Yerevan remained under siege for nine months, and in June of 1604 the Shah took the city without a battle. Entering the
city, the soldiers plundered the population and taking them captive, sold in Iran. The Armenians were disappointed, they
didn't expect such a treatment. After conquering the city, the Persian army headed for Kars. The Turkish army was waiting for
them. Shah Abbas was skillful military commander. He announced about the retreat of his troops. But it was not simply a
retreat. He decided to set up an artificial rampart against the Turks, thus creating a "desert" on their way by destroying and
burning down all the inhabited Armenian areas and deporting the population to Persia. It was not only a strategical means.
Aware of the Armenian trading abilities, he tried to export it to Persia. He understood that the might of the country depended
not upon the amount of treasure, but upon the people creating that wealth. Seventeen thousand people were deported and
27
inhabited in Ispahan, others in highland Peria, Chharmhal, Burvar. The Ararat plain, Maku, Aghbak, Khoi, Salmast, Lorri,
Shirak, Aparan, Urmi were deprived of their citizens.
But soon the Shah understood his mistake. The Turkish army seized the opportunity to move freely and unhindered in the
empty territoties. There were no cities or people to rely on. Later the Khan Amirgunna undertook to resettle the Armenians in
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43
the same territories (Zakaria Sarkavak). The Khan headed the compaign himself inhabiting Armenians in Ararat valley,
Artskeh and Khlat.
In 1606 the Turkish army was once again beaten up by the Persian Jghaloghli Pasha. The Turks were defeated and hid
in Gandzak. The Persians surrounded the city and soon taking it, slaughtered the Turks and the local Chekirlu Sunni
tribesmen.
On his way back the Shah was a welcome guest in the house of Melik Shahnazar in Mazra village (now Zod) of
Geghama province. Arrakel Davrizhetsi wrote, "Melik Shahnazar was an Armenian, Christian by faith, a famous prince and
he accepted the Shah and honoured him. He was a close friend of the king and was respected by the king. The king
presented him with splendid garbs. He awarded him with the title of "melik", and gave him and his brothers many other
estates and villages. He wrote a decree and sealed it with his ring, to confirm his and his descendants' right to inheritance
28
forever".
The historian B. Ulubabian, investigating some sorces found out that in 1906 Melik Shahnazar was already dead and
probably the Shah was accepted by his sons Yavri Bek, Kemal Bek and other relatives. B. Ulubabian also found out that the
mentioned family descended from a junior branch of the Dopian princes, later forming a district line. Generally from the
Dopians there were issued several other of the Melik houses.
In the 16-17 centuries, there were five Armenian families which retained power over their mountain domains in the former
Khachen territory, they were called the five melikdoms of Khamsa (Khamsa in Arabic means five). The leading families of the
provinces recieved their titles of Meliks (prince) in the 15th and 16th centuries from the Turkomanian rulers. They were
confirmed by Shah Abbas in 1603. Officially they became attached to the Persian province administrated in Gandzak;
however, they were largely autonomous in matters of defence and internal policy, justice and taxation.
Melik Shahnazar's father Melikbek was the first legitimate Melik of the province. The foreign rulers encouraged the
centrifugal tendences of the Meliks. The noble dynasts showed enmity to each other, and always longed for a foreign
30
overlordship.
But on the whole when the native country was partitioned between foreign empires and the motherland
ceased to be able to protect its population, the meliks were the sole authorities capable of withstanding threats from abroad
and maintaining national traditions. It is understandable that Karabagh survived the invasion of Tomerlane, the incursions of
the Turkmens and also the Turko-Persian wars owing to its nobility. Their revival and existence was a good example of
national identity.
The Melikdoms flourished espesially during the reign of Shah Abbas. The Shah even allowed them to keep military forces
of their own. Though defensive, the rulers and the population relied on this unprofessional army in critical situations. The
historian Leo wrote, "The genealogy of the melik houses takes us to the glorious historical period, when all the princely
31
families united under Zakare Amirspasslar".
The survival of the state and the preservation of its autonomy, were the foremost concerns of the meliks. It was in the five
melikdoms that the desire for a national renaissance, the idea of recreating an independent, national state arose. It were the
Armenian princes or meliks that were consious of their role as one of the last defenders of Armenian independence. In
inscriptions and other documents they refer to themselves of representing the House of Albania or the House of Armenia,
and they spoke on behalf of the intire Armenian nation, recognizing themselves as traditional leaders and spokesmen of the
nation, as descendants of Armenian royal houses, as a source of continuity between the period of reassertation of Armenian
independence in the ninth to eleventh centuries and the rise of new Armenian independence movement in the late
seventeenth century. And at last we should like to mention that the so-called "Autonomous Region of Mountainous Karabagh"
was a direct lineal descendant of the medieval Artsakh Kingdom and the Khamsa Melikdoms, whose rulers imposed a sense
of unity, identity and self-awareness upon its inhabitants, which is reflected in the present-day "Karabagh Problem",
explaining the deepest roots of the question and showing from where it comes and where intends to go, and why it was the
32
Karabagh land that became the cradle of national liberation movement.
In the seventeenth century a certain cultural and religious renaissance took place in Armenia. The founders of this
movement were two modest clergymen - the bishops Sargis and Kirakos, who met in Jerusalem and decided to create an
accord of monks In 1610, in Siunik, not far from the Tatev monastery they founded the Mets Anapat (the great desert). The
rules were very strict - no secular life, austerity and puritanism. The spirituality was expressed in reading the works of the
scholars. Like the other monasteries of Armenia it contained a scriptorium, where numerous manuscripts were copied,
illuminated and distributed among spiritual and educational institution. Hard-working and devoted religious dealers and
preachers were brought up and educated here, who dispersed in different directions, founding new educational and religious
institutions, where their generations were freed from ignorance and enlightened. With literacy the first seeds of national
revival were sown.
_________________________________________
* Some historians, including those of Baku school, consider the Safavid State as Azarbaijanian originally, ethnically and
militarily. (I. Petrushevski "Azerbaijan in the XVI-XVII Centuries. Selected Articles of the History of Azerbaijan", Baku, 1949,
44
44
p.233, as well "History of Azerbaijan", volume 1, Baku, 1958, p.288).
__________________________________________
REFERENCE MATTER TO
CHAPTER 6
1. Togan Zeki Velidi, Umumi Turk Tarihie Giris, C1, Ankaria, 1946 s.186-187.
2. Ennaitollah Reza, p.131.
3. Rashid Aldin Fazlollah, Jame-Ol-Tavarikh, v1. Tehran 1959, p.35,
4. Narikhashi, Abubakr Muhammad ibn Jafar “Tarikhe Bokhara” Tehran 1972,
p.102.
5. Ennaitollah Reza, p.140.
6. Hamdollah Mustafi, Nehzat-ul-Dulab, Tehran 1957, p.334.
7. Ph.Lavalee “Historie de I. Empire Ottoman”, Paris 1855, p.206 Leo, p.172.
8. Ash. Hovhannissian “Extracts from Armeno-Russian Relations”, r.1, p.73.
Ulubabian, p.340.
9. Leo, p.184.
10. Leo, p.195.
11.Magazine “Tchrrakagh”, Moscow 1859, p.69-70.
12. Ash. Hovhannissian, v.1, p.461.
13. Ash. Hovhannissian p.455-456. B. Ulubabian, p.345.
15. Matenadaran, manuscript number 4375, p.264a, Ash. Hovhannissian,
“Extracts...”, v.2, p.24, ref.2.
16. “Persian Documents of Matenadaran” (P.O.M.) II, composed by V. Papazian,
Yerevan 1968, PDM, p.77.
17. B. Ulubabian p.371.
18. POM, v.I, p.45.
19. POM, p.46.
20. Manuscript number 6644, p.166b, 167a.
21. POM, vII, p.87.
22. Topchean “List of Manuscripts”, Kh. Dadean, v.II, p.19.
23. Leo, v.1-3, p.224.
24. M.S. Ivanov “Articles of Iranian History”. M.1952, p.64.
25. Arrakel Davirzhetsi “History”, Yerevan 1988, p.25.
26. Leo, v.1-3, p.238.
27. Davrizhetsi, p.52, Leo, p.52.
28.”History of Deakon Zakaria”, v.I, Vagharshapat 1870, ch.19. pp.45-46.
29. Davrizhetsi, p.85.
30. B. Ulubabian, p.412. Smbat Ter-Avetissian “List” I, pp.67-68.
32. Leo, v.2-3, p.14.
33. Leo, p.27.
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45
CHAPTER 7
THE ARMENIAN SGHNAKHS (PROVINCES) IN THE
STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
The unstable internal conditions led to a weakening of Persian domination in late seventeenth century. Unlike Shah
Abbas the Great, his successors were weak and effeminate. Shah Sultan Hussein (1694-1722), for example, was busy
feasting with his harem all the time, ignoring state affairs. The only means to fill the treasury was the raising of taxes. The
population was leaning under extra taxes. Sooner or later this would lead the state to destruction.
It was due to this weakening of Persian authority that the superpowers of the time again turned to words
Transcaucasia. With the weakening of Persia the Ottoman influence became stronger. They were looking for a chance to
reconquer Transcaucasia, as well as the Azarbaijan(Atropateni) district of Iran. These territories broke the continuity of the
Turkic world, stretching all the way from the Bosphorus to Central Asia, from the Meditarenian sea to Shikeria. The Turks
probably longed for their native Altai too.
The Russian court also paid much attention to the situation in Transcaucasia. The Russian state didn’t want to lose
the chance to expand. The Christian Armenia could become a stronghold for their further conquests and a means to realize
Peter the Great’s military strivings. In this aspect Russia turned Armenia’s being Christian to advantage, as compared with
Iran and Turkey. As such the Armenians and Georgians would believe in Russia’s “liberating mission”, thus assisting its
imperial policy. The Armenians and Georgians had only to choose which of the lords was “better” Russian, Persian or
Turkish. And as the Russians were right to calculate, they were aquainted with Persian and Turkish overlordship, but not with
the Russian and that’s why the nation and the leading circles would look to Russia. Already in 1665, the meliks of Karabagh,
with the desire for a national renaissance and the idea of recreating an independent national state allied to Georgia,
addressed a letter to Russian King Alexei Mikhailovich, asking to free Armenia from foreign yoke. The population of northeastern Armenia, where national traditions were completely maintained, and the sense of national identity was growing day
by day, was especially active.
In 1678 a secret meeting was held in Echmiadzin. Six secular lords and six higher clergy took part in it. It was
decided to send a delegation to Rome, headed by Catholicos of all Armenians Hakob with an agreement to adopt
Catholicism. In return to this, Buzantium might adopt a policy of patronage towards Armenia, with further restoration of
Armenian state.1 New diplomatic steps to this effect were taken in 1699, when in a letter addressed to the Pope of Rome, the
2
Karabagh meliks gave the thorough details of the political circumstances and their intentions. The famous Prince Israel,
who “descended from the prominent Prince Prrosh”, whose family was a junior branch of the Jalalian family, was to
accompany the Catholicos to Rome.
But later the mission was carried out by his son Yavri. Firstly the Catholicos Hakob went to Tiflis, to consult the
Georgian King about creating an Armeno-Georgian alliance, then left for Constantinople, where was met by the Cilician
Armenian Catholicos Yeghiasar, on his way to Jerusalem and the two envoys of the Pope.
Unfortunately the eighty-two year Catholicos could not reach Rome, as he died in Constantinople in 1680. The
delegation returned to Echmiadzin. But the member of the delegation, the twenty-one year old Yavri (to be called Ori in
France), left for Europe, with the same mission. Later this Israel Ori was considered the founder of Armenian liberation
movement in the seventeenth century.
Israel Ori lived in Venice for three years, then left for France, where fought in the French army for ten years. Taken
captive by the English, and set free soon, he left for Germany. While in France, he told the King about Armenia and
Armenians. But the King Lui had already given up the idea of a crusade against the Turks and the centre of that struggle was
transferred from France to the Austrian court. The Turkish problem could be settled only by the Emperor Leopold, and
through the intermediary of Prince Johann Wilhelm, who was one of the most influential politicians of the period. The
members of his family intermarried regularly with all European royal families.
Coordinating their military capability, Austria, Poland and Venice won the first glorious victory over the Turks in
Austria, where they had surrounded the palace of the royal family of Habsburgs. In case of failure, the whole of Europe would
fall under the Turkish tyranny. The Turks retreated, followed by the joint troops under Polish commander Ian Sobeski. Soon
Russia also entered the treaty, intending to “treat the incurable patient”, as Turkey was called in European diplomatic circles.
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46
The Russian kings lay claims on the Byzantine royal inheritance, as the relative of the last Byzantine emperor Sophia Paleolog was the wife of their Tsar Ivan III. The Russian tsars promised to carry out the task of reconquering
Constantinople (Istanbul) from the Turks. In 1696 the Russian army won the first victory liberating the city Azor. Armenian
hopes were highest after this victory. Peter the Great suggested to coordinate the military capability of all the European
states and liberate the Christian nations from the Turks. Under the Tsar’s portrait, painted in Holland, was written “Peter,
3
Monarch of Russian and Greek empires”.
Another victory was won by the Austrian army near the Tissa river. The Turkish army was fully destroyed.
These victories gave a boost to nationalist sentiments in Armenia and quick diplomatic steps were taken. Israel Ori
was sent to Armenia with a special mission. King Leopold had given up supporting Armenia, due to an entry into a new
alliance with the Turks, accepting their surrender. Israel Ori succeeded in reaching Echmiadzin through Turkey. But a new
disappointment was awaiting for him in his native country. The new Catholicos of all Armenians Nahapet was actively
exercising bribe giving in order to maintain his title and his seat.4 Ori hurried to Karabagh, which had become an
organizational centre of the liberation movement. The meliks were ready to support Ori, but the Gandzassar Catholicosate
(as Echmiadzin before) refused to adopt Catholicism.
Eleven Siunid meliks held secret meeting in the Angeghakot Melik Safraz’s house, which lasted twenty days. As a
result, a letter, addressed to the Pope of Rome was written, where they expressed their agreement to adopt Catholicocism.5
The second application was addressed to Johann Wilhelm, where the meliks offered him the Armenian throne. He was to
send an army led by his brother Karl and after liberating the country, he could come himself and inherit the Armenian throne
as the only supreme ruler of the country. The Angeghacot council sent another petition to the Russian Tsar Peter the Great,
calling him Piotr Aleksevich.6 The contents were quite different from the one addressed to the German prince. Neither
provisions, nor a throne were suggested. They asked only for military assistance, promising submission in return for it.
Probably this variant was more acceptable. Russia half-encouraged this political activity. Armenia’s turn towards Europe and
Russia antagonized Turkish officials and led to the growing sense that Armenians were a foreign, subversive element in
Sultan’s realm. But Turkey had somebody in Transcaucasia to rely on. It was the native nation inhabiting the territories
between the Kura river and Caucasian mountain range; the Lezgis, Avars, Utis, Tsakhurs, Tabassaranians, who professed
Suni Muslim, and thus were inclined towards Ottoman Turkey. At that time nomadic tribes immigrated from Iran (especially
from Khorassan) and settled in Arran valley and near the Georgian southern frontier. They were Shii Muslim, and unaware of
their ethnicity, called themselves Muslims and Mohammadians. Their language was a mixture of a Turkish dialect and
Persian. Neither the Turks, nor the Persians could rely on them, as they always considered it safer to side with the stronger
party.
Such was the political situation in Transcaucasia when Israel Ori accompanied by bishop Minas Tigranian from
Kharberd, returned to Europe. Here Ori planned out a military and political project of liberating Armenia, consisting of thirty-six
8
points. The most important point of his plan suggested liberating Armenia from the Turks and Persians and restoring the
monarchy coordinating European military and political capability.
The joint army of the European Treaty should reach (via Russia) to the Caspian shores (to Baku) and take Shemakhi,
Gandzak, Ghapan and Nakhichevan, and then cross the Arax river and move to Tabriz. The Western Armenia (Turkish
Armenia, that is eastern Turkey of today) was not mentioned, because, as a result of Turkish policy, the majority in the
country areas were beholden to local Kurdish feudal lords. The Armenians there had an additional problem to cope with.
They were heavily intermixed with a large Kurdish and Turkish population, who originally from more southerly regions, had
been settled there by Ottoman Turkish authorities to guard the frontier with Persia. Moreover, the Kurds and Turks were
armed, whereas Armenians, as a Christian subject race, were forbidden to bear arms. Within a few decades, the Armenians
were a minority in their own land. Israel Ori did not connect the liberation of this lands with his plan of freeing eastern
Armenia.
Officially attached to the Persian Empire, Karabagh and the close lying Armenian territories were largely autonomous
in matters of defense and internal policy, justice and taxation, and were ethnically homogenious. The meliks were the sole
authorities capable withstanding threats and attacks. It was in the five melikdoms and the neighbouring province of Siunik
that rose the idea of recreating an independent national state. "Here the racial self-awareness and self-preservation were
supreme over other vital desires", wrote the historian Leo.9 This was the reason, why Israel Ori trusted the Armenians of
those districts and relied on them.
If not the weakening in the Safavid Persia, the Armenian lords would not join the compaign, as they were satisfied
with their authority, confirmed by the Persian monarchs. In fact they were the only masters of their land. But the serious
political and economical fall of the Persian state caused the anxiety among the Armenian rulers and made them look for a
new powerful patron. They were experienced enough to understand that a new disaster was awaiting their country.
But Israel Ori's plans were not destined to come true. Soon new wars broke out in Europe. In 1700 the Islandian king
died. The heirs of this throne were scattered all over the world. The French King and the Austrian Emperor were also
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47
considered as heirs. The deceased King himself was well-disposed towards the grandson of the French King. Allied to Austria
- England and Holland set up a compaign against France. The Austrian Emperor, who was to realize the liberation of
Armenia, was completely absorbed in the war for the Islandian throne. At this same time the war of Russia with Sweden
broke out. Peter the Great, striving to establish an entry to the Baltic sea, in November of 1700 surrounded the Narva fortress
with his enormous army. The Russians were soon defeated. But the Tsar did not lose hope and actively prepared for another
attack.
It was decided to send Israel Ori to Armenia again, but this time via Russia. Through Johann Wilhelm's intermediary
he was given the letter of the Pope addressed to Sultan Hussein Shah of Persia. The head of the Catholic church asked the
Sultan to improve the conditions of the Christian population of the empire. Under the pretex of taking this letter to the Shah of
Iran, Ori would go there to collect information about the latest developments of events in Turkey and Iran before the attack of
the Russians. The most important thing in this conspiracy was the fact that Europe agreed to place Armenia under the
Russian influence, advising Ori to apply to the Tsar.
Ori obtained fire-arms in Europe to arm the Armenian division in Astrakhan, which would take part in the compaign of
liberating Armenia.
It was in July of 1701, that the Tsar Peter the Great was reported that two foreigners had arrived from the Litvian
frontier with the letters of Roman-German Emperor Leopold, Polish King Ian and Bavarian Kiurfurst Johann Wilhelm
addressed to himself. One of this foreigners was Israel Ori, and the other - Bishop Minas. Peter the Great, who was inclined
to extend his territories to the south, met the Armenian delegates on October 7, 1701 in Petrograd. A new liberation project
was introduced to the Tsar, according to which Peter the Great would send his army of 25 thousand Cossack and Cherkez
soldiers to Armenia. A part of the army would move towards Shamakhi, take the four Armenian strongholds and then attack
Ordubad, joined with the Armenian units. Ori hoped to rearm their divisions in Ordubad, as it was the city providing the
Persians with fire-arms. From here they would advance to Yerevan. This plan had the approval of the tsar, and he promised
to support it.
Ori prolonged his visit to Russia because of the Russo-Swedish war. In June 1707 he left Moscow for Astrakhan
accompanied by a party of fifty men. Then he went to Shamaki and expecting the Shah's permission of going to Isfahan,
remained there for about two years.10 It was evident that he wasn't in a hurry. He consulted the Armenian merchants who
arrived from the all parts of the world with fresh information of the latest events. These Armenian merchants were granted
with several privileges by the Russian Tsar, as they were influential enough to connect Anatolia and Transcaucasia with the
Middle East, Europe and even India.11 They were representatives of the historic nation, who were disconnected socially and
by virtue of distance or international borders from the heartland of its own people, which lay in eastern Anatolia.
In Shamakhi Ori continuously met with the Catholicos Yessayi and the Armenian meliks, who were busy forming
armed divisions in Karabagh. Many prominent Armenian commanders offered their help. Probably it was here that Ori got to
know the Avan General of Shirvan, who undertook to form a division of Shirvan Armenians and go to Karabagh, and
organizing the military and political activity there, defend that Armenian stronghold, with the view of freeing Armenia from the
Turks and Persians.
The arms obtained by Ori in Europe was distributed among the divisions of Avan and merchant Petros (Peter) Sargis
Gilanents, who was a great patriot in charge of the Armenian division in the Russian army.
The weakening of the Persian state caused the Caucasian highlanders to overrun Transcaucasian inhabited areas
from time to time. Iran was unable to maintain order in the vast domain. The only means to prevent highlanders from
ravaging the country was to organize self-defense units. In late seventeenth century, in the predominantly Armenian
territories of Karabagh and Utik a new stronghold was founded, called Armenian Sghnakhs (stronghold). It comprised the six
centres of Gardman or Mlznaberd (the Utik Tigranakert), Mets Koghmants province or Giulistan, Jraberd, Kachaghakaberd
(Khachen), Avetaranots(Varanda) and the Togh castle or Tsoraberd (Dizak).12 Karabagh was famous by the name of
Armenian Sghnakhs, and possessed a status of autonomy. But the heads of the Sghnakhs were not the meliks, but the
military commander. However in Jraberd and Giulistan the local feudal lords- the meliks, kept the power in their hands. The
residence of the Albanian Catholicos, the Gandzassar monastry, formed the organizational centre of political and military
activity of the Sghnakhs.
The Gandzassar councils held out the project of restoration of the Armenian Kingdom and creation of a "Christian"
Armenian state under the Russians, according to Ori's project. Pro-Russian, pro-Iranian and pro-Turkish parties began to
appear. The supporters of the pro-Russian ideology were sure that the Russian empire was inclined the reconquer
Transcaucasia from Iran and form independent Christian states there. Representatives of the pro-Iranian party entered the
service of Iran to fight the Turks.
Each Sghnakh consisted of several fortresses and guarded its subject territories. The victory of the Russian army
near Poltava in 1709 under Peter the Great, gave a boost to nationalist sentiment in the Sghnakhs. The eastern European
Christian countries applied to Peter the Great to liberate them from the Turkish yoke. Russia encouraged this activity and
made preparations to extend to the south. Allied to Armenia, the Georgians conducted active negotiations in Moscow. The
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Georgian King Archil too approached the Russian authorities with the view of freeing Georgia from the Turks.
But the West European states, afraid of Russia's expansionism, tried to hinder its progress by diplomatic means.
They tried to persuade the Shah Sultan-Hussein that Israel Ori intended to restore the Armenian Kingdom, with the help of
Russians, himself laying claims to the same inheritance. Despite this in 1709 Israel Ori was accepted by the Shah, who
handed him a letter addressed to Peter the Great, The letter read;
"In accordance with your wish, for his successful intermediary. We expressed our merciful attitude, respect and
assistance towards Israel Ori. Let your bright sight observe, that there are many ignorant people in the mentioned nation, who
hurt our dignity and deserved punishment for their bad conduct, but your friendly letter, which strengthened the old
brotherhood and unity which existed between Us, called Us to act mercifully and respect Our subject race on Our own
accord, and we magnanimously forgive all the errors of the mentioned people, on condition that they don't repeat their
mistakes further".13
It is evident that the Persian court was attentive to all the political events taking part in the region and abroad. Israel
Ori ceased to reach Moscow. He died in Astrakhan on his way back. His mission was not fated to succeed. There was
nobody influential enough to replace him. But the seeds were sown, and in due course they would come out.
At that same period the Shah sent the Georgian King Gurgen, who escaping persecutions of his rivals had found
shelter in Iran, with his fourteen divisions to suppress the revolt in the Afghan city Ghandahar. Soon the Afghan leader
Mirveis was also sent to Ghandahar. The Shah hoped that they would enter into rivalry and destroy each other. But Mirveis
was very shrewd. He used deceit to kill the Georgian (Gurgen had adopted Islam), then seized the fire arms from his
divisions and arming his own troops, began to threaten Persia. Aware of the internal situation of the Persian state, he was
sure that could easily occupy the whole country. Fear and excitement caused by the expectation of danger, grew in the
Persian court.
At the same time the Gandzassar Catholicos Yessayi Hassan-Jalalian coordinated the Armenian capability and
appointed Bishop Minas as the religious head of Armenians inhabiting Russia. He was also charged with the task of assisting
the Catholicos. Peter the Great sent Artemi Volinski to Armenia as an ambassador. Investigating the situation in the Persian
domain, in a report to the emperor he wrote;
"As far as I can judge, this kingdom is destined to perish. They drag the country into an abyss. I am surprised at
their foolishness, but I consider that it's the God's will and the circumstances are very favourable to Your Highness. Though
the war (Swedish) prevented us from advancing to this parts, but seeing how weak they are, now I think that we can
undertake this conquest without fear, as we can maintain success not with a great army but with a small division, annexing
the greater part of this country to Russia, the time is extremely fit for the compaign, and if this state undergoes restoration by
another Shah, it will be too late for us".14
At that time captain Avan was busy organizing the military capability of Karabagh. Arriving in Artsakh with his brother
Torkhan and other Armenian commanders, he chose the mountain stronghold Shushi (former Karkar fortress) as the centre
of political and military activity. We first came across the name Shushi in a document kept in the Repository of the Ancient
Manuscripts (Matenadaran). The author of the manuscript, Ter-Manuel, created his handwritten Bible in the church of St.
Astvatsatsin. In the colophon of this manuscript we read that, " 1428, this village Shushi is in Amaras. Here this work was
written by Ter-Manuel during the time of Catholicos Ter-Hovhannes and the tyrant Iskantar, who is from the family of
Torgom, and a torturer of Christians. The God is almighty."15
The Amaras Bishop Alexander added in the colophon,"... the bitter and evil times, as the Torgomians rule over the
world, and everybody is grieving, wishing freedom".16 Before captain Avan's arrival, the Shushi fortress did not play any role
in the system of the Sghnakhs, it was used as a summer house and farm for the neighbouring village Shosh.17 Captain Avan
was an experienced militant, as for a long time he had been fighting against the Caucasian nomadic tribes.
Observing the position of the Shushi highland, he estimated it to be a future key mountain outpost. The 2/3 part of
the uplain edged with precipices with vertical cliffs and narrow defiles through the mountains. With the neighbouring Shikakar
village Shushi formed a watch-tower, from where all the close lying territories could be watched and guarded. Shushi was the
heart of the Armenian mountain stronghold. Arran undertook to restore the partially-preserved palace of the princes and the
four-towered citadel. Not far from the former court-house he built a new mansion, installing weapon emplacements in the
walls. The cave here descended into a small reservoir with an outlet in a cave above the village Karintak. Besides supplying
the town with water, it was through this cave that the contact with the external world was realized. The Hunot defile too
attracted the attention of Avan. Two huge caves were situated in the mountains here. Avan restored the old water-mills here
and built new ones. The mountains surrounding the defile, abstracted the progress of the wind, thus creating a special
climate inside and the grass remained green all the year round. This place could serve as a farm-house for the horses of the
Russian army. Soon Avan understook to rebuild the rampart. The huge rampart in the northern side of the uplain consisted of
fifty towers. Not far from the rampart, inside the fortress new houses were built which could serve as shelters for the soldiers.
The reconstruction of the Shushi fortress was finished in 1717.
But there existed several other problems in Karabagh to be settled. The country was divided between the
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monasteries of Gandzassar and Yeritsmankank. The Jraberd and Giulistan meliks and militants, under the priest of
Yeritsmankank, opposed to the heads of Gandzassar monastery, considering their monastery as the seat of the Albanian
Catholicos. This question gave rise to much controversy since the time when the residence of the Albanian Catholicos was
transferred from Berdakur (Katoghikosassar) to Gandzassar (Khachen). Various attempts had been made to heal that split,
since it also added up to a split in the community, but without success. For reconciliation within the Albanian Church, steps
were taken by the Catholicos of all Armenians Hakob in 1677.19
As in the medieval period, the Armenian policy remained local, infused with dynasticism and religious conflicts, and
lacking a generalized, secular, ultimately territorial sense of homeland. In 1691, on February 10, the Karabagh meliks and
princes held a meeting in Gandzassar, expressing their wish to recognize Yeremia as a legitimate Catholicos of Albania.
(The term Albanian around the year AD 1000 only described the inhabitants of ancient Caucasian Albania, ie. the Armenians
and descendants of Albanians, most of whom were Armenized. Later the term took on an ecclesiastical meaning. It
continued to be applied to the patriarchate in charge of the Armenians of Azerbaijan, bearing the title of Catholicossate of
Albania in Gandzassar).
On February 10, 1691 the Karabagh meliks held a meeting in Gandzassar and proclaimed Yeremia a Catholicos. But
the Katoghikossassar clergy refused to recognize the new Catholicos. As a result of the rivalries the Jraberd monastry was
laid to the ground. Simeon's successors, continued the same policy, establishing profound disunion among the lords of the
country, adding to the split in the whole community. The Gandzassar party tended towards the Persians, while the Jraberd
lords were inclined towards the Ottoman Turks. The Echmiadzin heads didn't do anything to bring the different wings
together, they even encouraged the split, as it weakened the Albanian Catholicossate, enabling Echmiadzin to rule over it. In
the first quarter of the eighteenth century Echmiadzin took possession of the Shamakhi diocese, sending his representatives
there. Due to material support of the rich city, this diocese provided Yessayi Hassan-Jalalian in his political encroachments,
so the Gandzassar patriarch considered the annexation as unlawful, and managed to retake the Shirvan diocese. The
ecclesiastical conflict resulted in clashes between the Shushi-Avetaranots and Jraberd-Giulistan communities.
During 1720-es the son of Albanian leader, Mir-Mahmud, frequently invaded Iran. Near the town Kirman the Persian
commander Luft Ali Khan won a victory over them. But soon this able commander fell foul of the court intrigues and was
imprisoned. The Daghestan highlanders, becoming shamelessly licentious, set up a new compaign against the Persian state.
In close relations with the Turkish Sultan, their leader Lezgi Daud Bek, carried out the Turkish orders.
The Hasanli Khan of Shamakhi was trying to obstruct their advance, but was murdered by them. In 1720 the
highlanders' army, under Surkhai Shamkhal, Ismi, Haji Daud and Ali Sultan launched an attack on Shamakhi. The defenders
of the city were supported by the Armenian Sghnaks, Gandzak and Mulkani. The battle lasted eight days. The highlanders
were defeated and returned to their land. But the next year they appeared near Shamakhi once again. They couldn't give up
the hope of taking the flourishing city. The city was captured and ravaged. The inhabitants of the city from the Suni tribe,
blotting with the enemy, at night opened the gates of the city. The Ghzlbash and Shii inhabitants were mercilessly
slaughtered. The highlanders treated them in a domineering manner, calling "Ghajar" (Qajar). The Catholicos Yessayi
Hassan Jalalian, describing the fall of the city, wrote that a river of blood flowed across the city. The Lezgis, who were Sunni
Muslim, decapitated the adherents of Shii Muslim faith in the city mosque. Their children were taken captive. Hating the Shii
Muslims, they were somehow tolerant towards the Christian inhabitants of the city. The whole city was plundered. The
Russian merchants lost 500 thousand roubles.20
The Persian troops from Yerevan and Partav arrived here to prevent their advance. While these troops were resting
on the bank of the Kura river near Partav, with a sudden attack the Lezgiz dispersed this immobile army. The remains of it
ran towards the Armenian Sghnakhs. The Persian court had ceased to protect the country and its authority.
In 1722, in March, crossing the Derbent gates, the Lezgis, with many thousands and thousands"21, appeared in
Dizak and plundering and slaughtering the citizens, passed to Varanda. The local Melik Baghir II met them with innumerable
presents, thus saving the district from destruction and freeing a part of Dizak captives. This Melik Baghir was a descendant of
Gegharkunik (Sodk-Mazra) Shahnazarian branch. His ancestor Mirzabek, who was the brother of Melik Shahnazar I, had
obtained his title of Melik from Shah Abbas the Great in 1603.22 This branch of Melik Shahnazarians, backed by Shah,
became the traditional lords of Varanda. Mirzabek was succeeded by Baghr Khan, Baghr I and Melik Shahnazar I. Melik
Baghr I deported the Armenian population of Mazra to Shushi. He strengthened his fortress on the advise of Jalalians.
Probably this fortress was transferred to them by the Jalalians. Melik Baghr II, "with the help of the local population and
newcomers, in a short time finished the restoration of the castle Avetaranots and settled there".23 Melik Baghr II, who was
called Baghi, to distinguish from the Giulistan Melik Baghr, proceeded with the flexible policy of the ancestors. With a small
ransom he won the favour of the Lezgis and maintained good relations with them. In this aspect captains Avan and Tarkhan
were great help to him, who as Shirvanians had better acquaintance with the habits and traditions of the highlanders.
Generalyy such important problems were solved by the military council of the Sghnakhs.
The Catholicos Jalalian witnessed the slaughter and destruction from his monastry, which looked like "the ravages of
torrential rain". Though the Lezgis couldn't seize Jraberd, Giulistan and Shushi, their gains exposed the disunion among the
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Karabagh lords, and showed that the Sghnaks were unable to protect their population and were not capable of withstanding
threats from abroad. In a letter addressed to Peter the Great the Armenian Meliks informed him that they had fought against
the Lezgi plunderers with an army of 12 thousand soldiers, driving them away from their land. They added that they were
looking forward to the advance of the Russian army of Peter the Great.24
At that time the Albanian leader Mir-Mahmud won a victory over the Shah's army and conquering the country,
established his residence in the court-house near Isfahan. The Shah's son Tahmasp fled to Ghazvin. The Persian Khans
hurriedly proclaimed him the Shah of Persia.
As to the Caucasian highlanders, led by Haji Daud and Surkha, they surrounded Gandzak in May.The Georgian King
Vakhtang came to the citizens' help. Seeing his army, the Lezgis, avoiding any clashes, left Gandzak. But the city refused to
render the promised gold to the Georgians in return for the help. The Georgians found a way out. They ravaged the city - the
houses, churches, took out the cattle and the last clothes of the inhabitants, regardless of religious adherence. The
Catholicos Jalalian who had arrived there for negotiations, described the fellow-Christians more greedy and merciless than
the Lezgis.
However the negotiations took place, and Yessayi persuaded the Georgian King Vakhtang to coordinate their military
capabilities in order to facilitate the progress of the Russian troops. It was decided that the Catholicos would go to Tiflis to
support the king and to come in contact with the Armenians living there.
Vakhtang's son Shahnavas (with the Christian name Bakur) was charged with a task of sending thirty military and
political dealers to different provinces of Armenia for preparatory activity. Davit Bek, the remarkable leader of nationalliberation movement in Ghapan, was among them.
Thus it was in early eighteenth century that the five melikdoms and neighbouriing Siunik province arose with the
desire for a national renaissance, with the idea of recreating an independent national state, allied to Georgia and protected by
Russia. They approached the Russian authorities with a view to freeing Armenia.
In 1722 Vakhtang's army moved to Gandzak. The Armenians formed a majority in the army. Yessayi Hassan Jalalian
wrote that Vakhtang trusted the Armenians more than his compatriots, considering them "insidious and sly".25
When the army reached the bridge Kotrats (broken) over the river Khram, the Catholicos hurried to Gandzak with his
companions to report the Sghnaks about the arrival of the Georgian army.
What has, if anything, brought the rivals and different wings together, and gone some way to creating an atmosphere
for reconciliation within the country, was the hope for the advance of the Russian army. Both Catholicoses Yessayi and
Nerses, all the Sghnakh commanders were working in harmony together. They all accepted Avan as a chief commander. He
had established a strong defence unit in Shushi, which now was the heart of the Armenian mountain stronghold. The military
council decided to form an army of 10 thousand men to join the Georgians (2 thousand from each Sghnakh). Avan had
organized a production of arms and gun powder in Shushi. Leaving his brother Torkhan in Shushi, Avan moved to Gandzak,
joining Jraberd, Avetaranots and Giulistan divisions under Shirvan, Shahan and Sharukhan on his way.
According to the former plan, Georgian joint forces would move towards Shamakhi and destroy the Lezgi plunderers
of Heji Daud, then joining the advancing Russian troops, would liberate Armenia and Georgia. At this same time Shah
Tamasp had ordered his governor (vali) Vakhtang to coordinate the military forces of Georgia and the Soghnaks, and
advance to Shamakhi to punish the Lezgiz. This was a good chance to be used. In case of failure (if the Russian army didn't
come), they would be attested carrying out the Shah's order of demolishing the Lezgi threat.
The Armenian troops, led by the yuzbashiz (commanders in Turkish) of five Melikdoms, princes and religious heads
reached the Cholak place near Gangzak. Vakhtang's army settled on the bank of the Ghochghar river (Ghara-arkh),
welcomed and greeted the Armenians. Yessayi Catholicos, who did his best for this unity, described this incident with great
enthusiasm. The last unity of the two nations had taken place in XII-XIII centuries under the Zakarians. Both sides were
extremely joyous. The two armies faced each other, leaving a small place between them for friendly competitions, shows and
dances. "The smoke-like dust of a mist covered the sun, and we could hardly see each other"26. They considered that the
time of their liberation had arrived. All of them were encouraged by the Caucasian compaign of Peter the Great, who had
reached Derbent and Baku in 1722, and here they were, risen in arms against all kinds of occupation, facilitating the progress
of the Russian troops, assembled near Gandzak with an army of 40 thousand men. But the time for such a Russian advance
into Transcaucasia had not yet arrived.
It was in July that the Russian army had taken Derbent. The arms supplies and horses were loaded on ships but
many ships were wrecked during a storm, thus preventing the Russian advance. The Armeno-Georgian joint army was
unaware of the fact that Peter the Great had left for Astrakhan on October 4. "They were waiting for the autocrat lord, as the
believers looked forward to Christ's arrival in Jerusalem", wrote the religious leader of Tiflis Armenians - Archbishop Minas
Parvasian. After staying near Gandzak for two months, the armies parted. The chief commander of the joint army - Vakhtang,
wasn't resolute enough to undertake a progress towards the Russian troops himself and returned to Tiflis. The Armenian
divisions too returned to their country.
Again the Armenians remained surrounded from all sides - by the Turks, Persians and the Caucasian highlanders.
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As the further development of events showed, the Russian Emperor could not rely on his army, weakened after the RussoSwedish war, and avoided a new war against the Persians or Turks.
Consequently the conquest of Transcaucasia was postponed until another time. Peter the Great informed the Shah
that his advance to Shamakhi aimed at punishing the rebellious Lezgiz, without intentions of war with Persia. Besides, they
couldn't allow Turkey to occupy the Caspian coast. Such excuses made Iran comply with the wishes of the Emperor. With a
new treaty the Caspian coast was transferred to Persia. At this time the Emperor was conducting negotiations with Turkey,
who too considering the circumstances favourable due to a weakening in Persian authority, was trying to seize Armenia and
Georgia and prevent the Russian progress.
Holding out the prospect of the creation of "Christian states" in Transcaucasia, at that period Russia only partly
encouraged the political and military activity of the Armenians and Georgians, but if Vakhtang did not cease to act more
resolutely, the results would be quite different. The Russian commanders and diplomats too blamed Vakhtang for being slow
and timid.27 Thus the failure of the whole campaign was blamed on Vakhtang.
The Muhammad-ghuli Khan(Constand) of Kakhetia, who had adopted Islam, uniting with the Oghurlu Khan of Gianja
and the Yerevan, Borchalu and Ghadzakh tyrants, wrote a letter to Shah Tahmasp, informing him that Vakhtang, allied to
Armenian Sghnakhs, was inviting the Russians to overrun Persia. The Shah ordered them to bring him the head of the
rebellious King. Vakhtang's fortress was beseigned and bombarded by the treacherous Muhammad-guili Khan. Supported by
the Armenian forces, Vakhtang drew the apostate away from his residence. The latter applied to the Lezgis for help, granting
them with the permission of plundering Tiflis. The Caucasian robbers immediately launched an attack on the city under Ali
Sultan. The King had a narrow escape. The city was ravaged and the citizens taken captive.
This Muhammad-ghuli was appointed governor of Georgia, the Ararat province, Gandzak and Karabagh. Soon he
sent his envoy to Shushi, offering captain Avan a profitable post with a high ration. The Shushi (Pokr-Minor Sghnakh) military
council refused him, unswerving that they surved the Russian Emperor and looked forward to his arrival, and even if this
didn't take place, they would never submit to the apostate Muhammad-ghuli. The Georgian Khan, who had treacherously
defeated Vakhtang, and was looking about for a chance to do away with the Sghnakh commander Avan, joining with the
Persian army of Yerevan, moved to Karabagh. But the arrogant Khan was defeated by the brave commander and thrown
away from the Karabagh territory. On his way back the defeated Khan thirsting for revenge, slaughtered the two thousand
innocent inhabitants of Gegharkunik province.
Parallel to the diplomatic negotiations with the conqueror of Iran Mir-Mahmud, Iranian Shah Tahmasp and Ottoman
Turks, Peter the Great strived to preserve the faith and win the trust of the Christian Armenia and Georgia towards the
liberating mission of Russia. On June 3, 1723, in a court meeting he discussed his edict addressed to the Armenian people
with general Fiodor Apraksin and private advisor Count Piotr (Peter) Tolstoi. Ivan Karapet, Armenian by origin, was charged
with the task of taking the edict to Armenia as a special envoy of the Russian Emperor. Before that the Albanian Catholicos
and the meliks had applied to the Emperor for pleas of mercy, "For God's sake...m help us...". The court meeting edited a
second document called "memoir".
Peter's edict was written in general statements and indistinct expressions. It didn't contain any definite proposal or
obligation, concerning the liberation of the country. The Armenian mercantile and trading class was offered a support of the
Russian government, they could develop their activity in the Caspian territories.
Making excuses for the tone of the letter, the Russians explained that, if seized by the Turks, the decree would get
the Armenians into trouble. In the second document, in "Memoir", Peter the Great mentioned that he was aware of the
hardships that the Armenians had to tolerate, and assured them that he was ready to patronize the nation and liberate them
from foreign yoke, after strengthening his position on the Caspian coast.28
Peter the Great's envoy Ivan Karapet was an influential merchant, a citizen of Petersburg. The Russian historian V.
Listsov considered him to be the Armenian merchant Ivan Yepremov, who with two other manufacturers had been invited to
the court on May 10 of 1723 and was charged with managing the trade in Russia.29 The Armenian merchants and
manufacturers took on a highly visible role in development of industry and trade in Russia. Some scholars assume Ivan
Karapet to belong to Karabagh. But considering the language of his reports and letters, we can surely say that they were
written in Shirvan dialect, which formed a branch of the Ancient Artsakh dialect. Moreover, Ivan Karapet was the founder of
the silk works in Ghzlar (Kizliar in present). If we consider also the fact that his brother bore the surname "Shirvanor", we can
say that the envoy Ivan Karapet was a descendant of a Shirvan family.
In Baku Ivan Karapet met the Karabagh delegates Bishop Anton Arakelian and landlord Chalabi on their way to
Petersburg.30 They had got the letters of Karabagh commanders and Catholicos Yessayi Hassan-Jalalian addressed to the
Emperor with them. In his letter the Catholicos requested Peter the Great to use his influence on the behalf of the suffering
Armenian nation and send one thousand soldiers to Karabagh. It took Ivan Karapet seven months to travel from Petersburg
to Karabagh. This was an eventful period for the region. In October, 80 thousand Turks, led by Ibrahim Pasha, launched an
attack on Gandzak. For twenty days they plundered the Armenian villages. A delegation from Sghnakhs requested Ibrahim
Pasha to set the Armenian captives free. Ibrahim in his turn sent a delegation to captain Avan, offering to join his army. Of
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course, the Turks were aware of Shushi as a mountain stronghold. The military council of Shushi refused the proposal.
Instead of supporting the Pasha, Avan hurried to Gandzak's help, obliged by a treaty of mutual assistance, signed a year ago.
The battle took place in downtown Gandzak, twenty thousand Turkish soldiers were killed, Ibrahim fled to Tiflis, where his
army disintegrated. The Turks understood that there existed a great rampart, obstructing their way to the Caspian coast. It
was the country of Karabagh, a mighty mountain stronghold. The Gandzak battle was the first serious failure of the Turkish
army in the occupation of Caspian shores. It was also the first clash of the Sghnakh army with the regular Turkish military
forces, as a result of which they started to believe in their ability to win.
The next year, in March, the Sghnakhs entered into a new treaty with Gandzak against the Turks. From the Sghnaks
side the document was signed by the Catholicos Yessayi and Nerses, captains Avan, Mirza, Tarkhan, Baghi, Sargis and
Abrahamm, Meliks Tahmaz, Bagher, Grigor, Daniel and Yegan.
As a territorial-administrative and military-political unit, the Sghnaks was recognized by the neighbouring countries
and Khanates, they all accepted its "de facto" existence. It had only to make a serious step towards independence, but the
Karabaghians were still not resolute enough to achieve that aim. Unable to choose a reliable patron, the country again
underwent dissension. The Catholicos Nerses had a determined Turkish orientation, considering that no power could resist
them. He separated his subject Jrabert Sghnakh from Giulistan and appointed his brother captain Sargis as the military
commander of the new unit. The Giulistan Sghnakh in its turn opposed to the stronghold of Shushi.
The Giulistan Melik Baghr, as if agreeing to become reconciled with the Shirvanian patriots, invited them to his
fortress and organized a ceremony in their honour. Soon the forty-five Shirvanian military commanders were slain. Their
heads were sent to Shah Tohmasp as a present.33 In a letter addressed to the Shah, Melik Baghr begged the Shah to come
to Karabagh and punish the rebels.34 The Melik's Persian orientation was evident.
Those who approached Russian authorities with a view of freeing Armenia from the Turks and Persians, coordinated
their military capability in Siunik under Davit Bek. The first gains of Davit Bek and captain Avan threw the Persian court into
confusion. The pro-Iranian Giulistan and Gardman Meliks immediately paid a visit of honour to the new Shah, who had
replaced Tahmasp on the Persian throne. The delegates begged the Shah to take actions against the rebels, or else they
would soon seize the Yerevan and Gandzak fortresses.35 Probably Yegan, who was later confirmed as Melik of Dizak, was
among the delegates. There was an inscription on the door of his house which read, "1737,In this way, I, who am the son of
preacher Ghukas, by the name of Melik Yegan, was chosen as a master by the people. Then disorder reigned over the
country, I rendered some service to Sultan-Hussein's son King Tahmasp and he confirmed me as the Melik of this land
(Dizak). Then the Ottomans came..."
Again the Armenian policy was local, infused with dynasticism and religious conflicts, lacking a generalized, secular,
ultimately territorial or ethnocultural sense of homeland or nation. Armenians might fight for Persian kings or Byzantine
emperors, or even, as in 428AD, ask their overlord to abolish the Armenian monarchy. Christian princes joined Muslims and
Mazdaists against their fellow Christians and their fissiparious politics allowed for the larger empires to the east and the west
alternately to dominate its land. The Russian orientation too was destructive for the Sghnaks of that period, as Russia did
nothing to support them in their struggle.36 Russian policy was rather more repressive than the somewhat over-hopeful
Armenians anticipated.
The Vakil of Supreme Divan Murtuza-Kuli Khan ordered Amir Rostom Karakoyunly to go and suppress the Armenian
revolt. The Maragha, Urmia, Khoi, Salmast, Dambali, Burgushat amirs and khans were instructed to coordinate their military
capability in Tabriz in 1723. But before the arrival of the khans, Muhammad Ali Khan instigated the Shah to punish MurtuzaKuli Khan, who was in no time beheacled. The result of the action was the disunion and desertion among the khans.
Peter the Great's envoy Ivan Karapet and his companions, dressed as preachers, in nine days time reached
Pokr(Minor) Sghnakh; Shushi.
The representatives of the Russian Emperor, were accepted with enthusiasm. On June 1, captain Avan invited the
Dizak and Varanda military and religious heads to accept and confirm a warrant of submission to the Russian state. "Of our
own accord and wish we accept to serve the great king, and carry out his orders till the Advent".37 The warrant was signed
and sealed by commanders Avan and Mirza. The document was immediately sent to Petersburg. After this Ivan Karapet
undertook the mission of creating an atmosphere of reconciliation within the Albanian Church and the Sghnakh community.
Without internal harmony the country would soon face a civil war. Captain Avan hardly restrained his men of arms from
attacking Giulistan, whose Melik Baghr ravaged the Shushi and Avetaranots villages on routine basis. The situation was
critical, as aware of the internal discordance in the Sghnakhs, the Turks would soon come. Through the intermediary of Ivan
Karapet, captain Avan sent a declaration about the military forces of Shushi to the Russian court. According to this document
the Shushi regiment consisted of five hundred armed covalry, and 6 thousand 4 hundred unarmed soldiers. The author of the
letter asked the Russian authorities to provide them with arms and ammunition and enable them "to serve the Russian Shah".
The Armenian military political and religious leaders believed that the Emperor's edict and confident Ivan Karapet would be
able to save their country from destruction and disunion. From the three sghnakhs of Varanda, Dizak and Khachen 12
thousand soldiers gathered in Gandzassar. The nation was rejoicing for eight days. At last the Catholicos Nerses and the
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Jraberd and Giulistan hostile meliks and commanders arrived too, and declared about their submission to the Russian
Empire. Thus Ivan Karapet succeeded in uniting the Armenian feudals and militants on the threshold of Turkish aggression.
The whole Karabagh was ready to support the Caucasian compaign of the Russian army.
Through Ivan Karapet's intermediary the Gandzak Shah too submitted to the Russian Empire. The Yerevan and
Baiazet Khans asked the Echmiadzin Catholicos Astvatsatur Hamadantsi to confirm the fact that the Russians had arrived in
the Armenian Soghnakhs, and if it was true, they should like the Catholicos to report them about their submission.The
Russian Emperor's envoy and his mission arouse the interest of Georgian Mamad Ghuli Khan (the King Vakhtang YI of
Kakhet), who sent a messenger to the envoy to inquire about the intentions of the Russians. Vakhtang was a cautious and
circumspect person. He didn't want the Shah to lose confidence in him, without anything in return, so he decided to pay
careful attention and find out everything before taking action.
In a letter of March 5, 1724 addressed to Peter the Great, the Armenian military commanders and meliks reported
that from the 20 thousand soldiers of their army, only 10 thousand were armed. Again they begged the Emperor to render
assistance to their country sending Russian troops.39
Ivan Karapet, who was an able and talented diplomat, tried to arouse the interest of Russian generals and Peter the
Great towards Karabagh, describing the natural treasures of the land in his reports. He begged the Russian authorities to
send at least one regiment for show.
But the political interests of super-powers dictated other terms and other steps were taken. The Russian diplomats
offered to support the Persian Shah Tahmasp against the Afghans, at the same time persuading the Afghan leader not to
yield to Persian or Turkish force. Negotiations were conducted with the Turkish side too, ignoring the prospect of the creation
of "Christian" Armenian and Georgian states.
On June 12, 1724, when the Turks had already taken the Yerevan fortress, the Russians at last negotiated a treaty
with the Turks. Russia hurried to confirm the occupied Caspian territories by treaty. The Shamakhi city with its surroundings
and the whole Shirvan valley, with its towns and villages were placed under Sultan's armed vassal Haji Daud. Thus, although
reduced to vassalage, the Lezgiz received autonomy.
All the other Caspian territories were considered Russian. The passage, where the river Kura joined Arax,
demarkated the limits of Russian, Turkish and Persian boundaries. In accordance to the treaty, if Tohmasp II tried to express
his dissatisfaction with the results in any way, Russia and Turkey would unite in war against Persia.40
A Muslim presence had already existed, since tenth century along the northern and south-eastern borders of
Karabagh, as the result of the establishment of Shaddadid Kurdish emirs in the town of Gandzak (formerly in Utik, it has
alternately been known as Ganja, Yelizavetpol, Kirovabad) and on the Mughan plain. In the sixteenth century there were
reported to be living in the Mughan plain 24 Kurdish tribes. Their tendencies for pillaging and theft were strong, from time to
time they came into conflict with the Armenians. Regularly corresponding captain Avan, David Bek asked him to hurry to
Ghapan (Siunik) as the Kurds had captured the city, ravaged and slaughtered 4 thousand people. Captain Avan immediately
hurried to their help. As far as the geographical position of Siunik was concerned, it was easier to conduct a partisan war
there, than enter into a dirrect battle with the Turks or the Kurds, a thing that was impossible in Karabagh. Davit Bek, a
remarkable leader, had also to fight against the Turks, who had penetrated into Armenia during and after Seljuk invasions,
gradually occupying the territories of former Albania or Arran. Besides the 24 Kurdish tribes, 32 Turkish ones were living on
the Mugham plain, the principle of which was the Jevanshir tribe, who came into a conflict with Armenian movements, but
was conquered by Davit Bek in 1722.
Captain Avan arrived in Siunik accompanied by the Russian Emperor's envoy Ivan Karapet. The leaders of Ghapan
and the whole population declared about their submission to the Russian Emperor Peter the Great, and again applied to him
for assistance to liberate their country. The Turkish army, conquering Tiflis, Borchalu, Kazakh, Lorri in summer of 1724, was
advancing towards Gandzak. In conformity with the treaty those territories belonged to them. But Karabagh was the iron
apple on their way, on which they were to break their teeth. Ghapan had no way out - to fight or perish in the attempt. What
steps did the last Safavid Shah Tahmasp II take in such a situation? Here is his decree of August 21, 1724;
"... after which he (Bergushat governor Fat-Ali-Sultan-B) is bound to coordinate the military forces and the militant
crowds (iljari) and advance to Ordubad and joining the Nakhichevan and Maranda high-ranking hakims, who too are ordered
to go to Ordubad, come to Beglerbeg Mansur Khan, and consulting this able man, drive away the Armenians, the mean
Ottoman Turks and the Kurds with the joint army and seize back the mentioned city (Ghapan). It's also necessary to gather
the Jevanshir and Kabirlu tribesmen, and encouraging and raising their hopes and taking them under Our care, persuade that
Our Highness charges them with the task of rebuking the Armenians and other enemies, and let them know, that they are
given a free hand in the matter, and they should be responsible for the course of events..."41
In a time when the Siunik and Karabagh Armenians were fighting against the Turkish army, the Shah of Iran, taking
as a basis the rumours and reports of doubtful accuracy, considered the Armenians his enemies, while they were fighting
against a common adversary. The chief commander of the Turkish army Umar Pasha compelled the Echmiadzin Catholicos
Astvatsatur to write a letter to the Gandzassar Catholicos Yessayi, obliging the latter to convince the Sghnakh militants to
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submit to the Turks and send a delegation to the Turkish headquarters, or else they threatened to slaughter all the Armenians
in Karabagh. The military commanders and the religious heads of Karabagh decided to refuse the Turk Pasha, and actively
engaged themselves to defend their country.42 Peter the Great secretly ordered his envoy Ivan Karapet to do his best to
prevent Karabagh from being conquered by the Turks, till the advance of the Russian army.
Soon Karabagh was destined to face a new disaster. The Bishop Anton of Shamakhi, accompanied by landlord
Chalabi were charged with the task of taking Yessayi's and the meliks' letters to Petersburg. On his way there, he tore the
letters and wrote new ones instead, forging the signatures of the writers and misrepresenting the contents, asking "His
Highness to protect and give shelter to them near the Caspian sea, in Gilan, Salian, Baku and Derbend, because they, the
Armenians, don't want to live under the Muslim yoke..."43
Already in 1722, when the Russian Emperor charged general Matushki with conquering the Caspian shores, he
intended to settle the Armenians there, thus strengthening Russia's positions in those regions. "Try to do your best to call the
Armenians if possible, to settle them in Gilan and Mazandaran and lessen the number of the Muslims, that is the followers of
Turkish order, very peacefully and confidentially".44
Probably, besides Bishop Anton, this project had other supporters in Karabagh, and captain Avan was one of them,
as he is known to have gathered ten thousand armed men for migrating to Gilan, to the Russians. But "the people cried
bitterly and begged him to stay, otherwise they would be lost, and he was their only hope. And after meditating for some time,
he agreed to stay.",45 resuming the rebuilding of the Shushi fortress.
The Turkish army intended to take the whole of Karabagh during the spring of 1725, then advance to Shamakhi and
from here seize the Baku port with a sudden attack. The first Turkish division (4700 soldiers) under the leadership of Shahin
Salah and Ali Pashas, going round Gandzak, entered Varanda. The military forces of this sghnakh tried to save the country
for a second time,(the first time from the Lezgis), conducting a flexible policy. They met the Turks with presents, and offered
them to winter in Karabagh villages, assuring them of their readiness to provide them with all necessary supplies. The
Turkish commanders, avoiding a clash with the Armenians, were pleased and satisfied with such a turn for the better and
accepted the invitation of the Armenian Melik. All the Ottoman soldiers were distributed among the 33 villages of the region,
one, two or three hundred soldiers in each village. They were kept in the villages for two days. On the third day, at night, they
all were slain. Salah Pasha was taken captive. Only 150 people managed to flee. Shahin and Ali Pashas were killed. Salah
Pasha told everything about their plot against the Armenians. They intended to gather all the Karabagh leaders and slaughter
them, easily taking the whole country.46 This glorious victory stimulated the Armenian militants to further efforts.
The Persian Shah Tahmasp second hurried to congratulate the Sghnakhs with a letter. Karabagh was actively
looking for allies and the delegation, consisting of 200 members, arriving in Ghazvin; Shah Tahmasp's residence, concluded
a peace treaty with Kiarballahi Beg.
All the members of the delegation were honoured with presents, the military representatives received coats from the
Shah.47
But thoughtless Armenian militants were still hoping that Russia would come to their help six months later. In 1725,
on May 16, Bishop Anton and landlord Chalabi returned to Karabagh with Peter the Great's decree of the Armenian
deportation. The messengers were unaware that the Russian Emperor was already dead (Peter the Great died on January
28,1725) and his wife Empress Catherine I had succeeded him on the Russian throne. Bishop Anton behaved very cautiously
first going to Shushi, to captain Avan, instead of Gandzassar. The Catholicos Yessayi, military commanders and Meliks of
Sghnakhs, as well as the Russian envoy Ivan Karapet gathered to discuss the deceased Emperor's decree. They learnt from
the letter that the Derbent, Baku, Gilan and Mazandaran governors were instructed to support the Armenian settlers. Peter
the Great had also written to the Russian ambassador in Constantinople general Rumiantsev to support the Armenians as
much as possible.
"The Armenian delegates came to Us and asked to be defended, and if the military assistance is impossible, allow
them to migrate to the provinces, that we obtained from Iran. We answered them, that as far as military forces is concerned,
we are unable to assist them due to the treaty with the Higher Divan, but we allowed them to immigrate into those territories
and confirmed it by a decree, which is sent to them. If the Turks inquire about the matter, you had better answer that we
haven't called them, that they asked us to act as patron towards them, and we as Christians, were unable to refuse another
Christian subject race stressing that the Vesir himself affirmed the possibility of refusing assistance to a co-religionist, we
must only follow that no acts in violation of the treaty concerning the confirmed borders take place, otherwise we are free to
allow the nations to migrate from one place to another. They will get much benefit from this action too, as they can easily
occupy the territories that the Armenians are going to leave. You may also add that if the Higher Divan expresses a wish of
resettling the Muslim population of our territories, that formerly belonged to them, we shall in no way contrast to that and if
they demand a written affirmation, you are authorized to make it and pass it to them."48
The Shushi military council decided to correct the committed error informing the Russian court about their wish to
leave, but demanding auxiliary means and support. But in fact they didn't intend moving anywhere.
Ivan Karapet wrote in his letter addressed to Count Golovin that Bishop Anton's announcement about the migration
55
55
did not comply with the wishes and spirit of the Armenian nation, being merely the clergyman's personal point of view. The
envoy disliked the idea of migration too.
In August the Turkish army under Sari Mustafa Pasha captured Gandzak. He was supported by the Lezgi leader
Daud Bek's and his brother Hajin Ahmed Khan's regiments. Daud Bek applied to the Sultan to send new divisions for
launching an attack on Baku. But again the Armenian stronghold of Karabagh stood on their way, preventing them from
advancing towards Shamakhi and Baku. The Turks thirsted for revenge. They were making special preparations for the attack
on the Sghnakhs. They were doubtful about their success, remembering the shameful defeat of Gandzak.
Their first attack took place in June, 1726. The villages Ghazanchi, Chankatagh and Ghaprty (in present day
Karabagh Republic, Martakert region) were their first victims. The unarmed population was slaughtered, their houses ravaged. The counter-attack of the Armenian army was launched on June 10. The battle took place near the Khachen village.
The Turks were defeated, and put to flight, leaving their captives and pillage. The Turks suffered heavy casualties, but did not
lose hope. Sari Mustafa's representative suggested captain Avan to surrender and demanded the tribute of five years. Avan
answered that the Armenians didn't owe anything to them, and if they wanted to go and see to it, the Armenians would resist
fearlessly with the help of God.
From another letter of envoy Ivan Karapet to Count Golovin49, we hear about Sari Mustafa's defeat to Shamakhi,
feeling the spirit of Armenian Sghnakhs on his back. Adding new legions and coordinating their military capability in Partav,
they decided that it was the time to aim at Shushi. The Turkish strategists understood that Shushi was the heart of the
Karabagh stronghold, and its fall would enable them to establish themselves in Karabagh.
They surrounded the Hunot defile on both sides. Moving down from their high mountain outposts, the Armenians
attacked the Turkish soldiers encircled in rocks. The defile was turned into a slaughter-house for the Turks. But the Turks
managed to take possession of a part of the horses and cows, which were kept here for the Russians, who were expected to
come to the help of the Armenians. Avan retreated to the Avetaranots fortress, going on with his sudden attacks from here.
The Turks deployed all their forces near Verin Berd. The defence of the fortress was realized by Ohan and Simon military
commanders. The inhabitants of the surrounding villages had gathered in the fortress and were actively helping their
defenders. They stoned the enemy troops from above, and poured hot oil on them. The Turks tried to destroy the rampart
with the guns, but without any result. In the Shushi battle, which lasted eight days, the Turks lost 8 hundred soldiers, the
commanders Ghrkhcheshme and Yengichar among them. The chief commander Sari Mustafa Pasha "escaped at might,
passing a two days' way in a day."50
Thus military forces of the Sghnakhs held off the Turkish troops till hoping for the advance of the Russian army.They
were sure that the Turks would soon come back again.
The Sghnakh population was greatly incouraged by Catherinw II's decree, which landlord Chalabi brought from
Petersburg. The empress promised an urgent help. An Armenian military delegation was sent to general Dolgorukov, who
was the chief commander of the Russian army, to receive the promised assistance, but the general answered that he wasn't
authorized with the permission of the empress to support them.
Prince Dolgorukov was surprised that the Armenians, so small in number, held off the enormous Turkish army, and
wrote about it in a report to the empress. He suggested the Russian government to come to terms with the Higher Divan to
receive back the territories of the Arax valley and patronize the Armenians. He also considered that it would be unwise of the
Armenians to leave their rich and fartile lands and settle elsewhere.51
But the Armenians of Karabagh and Siunik never intended to leave the land and the graves of their ancestors to the
Turks. They were bound with thousand ties to their churches, monasteries, cross-stones, houses, mountains.... Defending the
motherland and the people against the kinds of enemies, is a debt of honour for them. Their hopes lay some way in the
future, but they were patient and resourceful, they had waited a long time and would doubtlessly wait longer.
In 1726 divergences, concerning the political orientation of Siunik, aroused discordance among the military
commanders of the region. Sparapet Mkhitar Bek and his adherents besought the Russians for help.52 Davit Bek was
against this position, considering that the country could exist only allied with Persia. In 1727, after the Turkish destruction in
Halidzor, he sent a delegation to Ghazali Khan, who had settled on the right bank of Arax, not far from Agulis. Through
Ghazali Khans intermediary he suggested Shah Tahmasp II to coordinate their military capability against the Turks.53 Before
that, when David Bek, beseiged in Apostel Tovmas Monastery of Agulis, was on the verge of termination, Shah Tahmasp II
confirmed his title of Prince and officially ordered all the Persian Beks to carry out his orders. It was the start of a new
Armeno-Persian treaty, which had to be realized during the reign of Nadir Shah.
After the death of Peter the Great, the power in Russia was held by the Supreme Secret Council, who was not
consistent in Oriential matters. The court entirely belonged to the foreigners (Birovchina)55, and the Armenian issue was
completely ignored. Besides this, England and France tried to use Turkey for hindering the advance of Russian power, which
was unacceptable to them. The hopes of the Armenians dashed to the ground. The people blamed the failure of the Russian
campaign on Yessayi Hassan Jalalian and captain Avan. The historian Leo wrote that "Hassan-Jalalian's attitude towards his
position (his trust in Russians) was always steady and loyal, in contrast to the Russian ambigious policy."55
56
56
The Ottoman Turks, unable to break down the Armenian resistance, tried to bribe the Catholicos into an alliance with
them. "Perhaps the Armenians would make good use of this opportunity and strengthen their position, but we witnessed for
many times to the truth that the Highlanders are devoted soldiers, but bad politicians."56
The Catholicos tersely refused any approach with the Turks.
The Catholicos Yessayi Hassan Jalalian died in 1728, the remarkable leader David Bek followed him. Their deaths
were a great blow to the liberation movements of Karabagh and Siunik. Yessayi Catholicos gave the written account of facts,
events and other official acts which occured in 1711-1728, and as such is considered one of the most famous historiographes
of Armenia. For his victories against the Turks, captain Avan was awarded with the titles of "Khan" and "Sepahsalar" by the
Iranian Shah, which testify to his ability and authority. He should have made the best of his position obtaining a definite
support or concrete status for Karabagh, but his unquestioning confidence and trust in Russians prevented him from doing
that. His faithfullness turned out to be distructive for the country. Soon this remarkable leader left the Sghnakhs for Russia
accompanied by his brother Tarkhan and 232 other military commanders and soldiers. They entered the service of the
Russian army. This action added to the destruction of the Sghnakhs defence unit, but the Russian army gained from it,
inciting the experienced officers to leave their country.
From Shushi, Avetaranots and other places former soldiers left the country to join their commander Avan and enter
the service of Russia. Possibly Avan was able to create an autonomous Khanate under Persia in Karabagh, thus turning the
country into an independent Armenian state, but he failed to do so, and his mistake was fateful for Karabagh, which later
became an arena of struggle for the Turkish tribes. However, captain Avan was a mighty strategist commander and an able
and experienced political dealer.
Peter the Great's envoy Ivan Karapet too, ending his sad mission, left the country with the Armenian officers. He too,
despised the Russian ambiguous policy.
But Karabagh continued to fight against the Ottoman Turks, who had already conquered Iranian Azarbaijan and the
whole Transcaucasia.
As Bishop Minas testified the bloody clashes and battles with the Turks went on day and night, but Karabagh did not
kneel down.57 Moreover, the Turks were struck a heavy blow in Jraberd battle by the troops of Mets Sghnakhs under
Tonmaz. Totally, during the years of 1728, 1729 5800 Turk soldiers were killed by the Armenians.58. Due to the Armenian
resistance, the Turks were unable to occupy the Caspian coast from the Russians.
Though the tight system of the Armenian Sghnakhs gradually weakened and was undermined by internal
discordance and disunion, the Karabagh people grew in self-awareness and believed in the power of unity and knew that
they deserved better than to be treated as serfs by the Turks or the Kurds.
1. Leo, v.3-1. p.337.
2. M.Y Saint-Martin "Memories historiques of geograpiques sur L'Armenie", t II,
Paris 1819, pp.479-485.
3. Leo, v.3-9, p.34.
4. Leo, p.37.
5. The letter is kept in Vatican. It has been translated into Latin by Polish scholar
Stepanos Roshka (Stepanosi Roska, Chronocles, Vienna, 1964, p.190). The
letter was published by Ezov as "Peter the Great's Relations with the
Armenians", SPB.1898, pp.2-6 (Ezov).
6. Ezov, pp. 19-20.
7. Yessayi Jalalian, "A short History of Albanian Country", Shushi, 1831.
8. Leo, v.3-2, pp. 48-63.
9. Leo, v.3-2, p.12.
10. A"A Review of Deeds Related to the History of Armenian Nation, M 1833.
11. Leo, p.96.
12. Makar Barkhutareants, "History of Albania", Vagharshapar 1902, IIed., p.43.
13. Ezov, p.247, ZEGE, C 3-2, 100.
14. Soloviov, "History of Russia", v.18, p.29-30, ZEGE, 112.
15. Repository of Ancient Manuscripts, manuscript 8211.
57
57
16. Ibid, p.16.
17. Hakob Poghossian "History of Artsakh Province", Repository of Ancient Manuscripts, manuscript 2734, p.3
18. Ash. Hovhannisian, "Episodes...", Yerevan, 1959, ch.2, p.699.
19. Cath. Divan.
20. Yessayi
21. Yessayi, p.44.
22. Raffi.
23. M. Barkhutareants, "History of Albania", v.2, p.43.
24. Ezov, p.340-341.
25. Yessayi, p.60.
26. Yessayi.
27. Leo.
28. G.A.Ezov, p.357.
29. V. Listsev "The Persian Compaign of Peter the Great", M, 1951, p.59.
30. The landlord Chalabi was an unfortunate man, the 19 members of his family
were taken captive by the Lezgis, he hoped to find his family while carrying
out his mission of an ambassador, with the help of the Russians.
31. Ezov, p.365.
32. Ibid, p.365.
33. Leo, p.145.
34. A. Abrahamian.
35. Mohammad Khazim, Namehe Alam-areaye Nadezi. (Persian, origin.) v.1. M,
1960, p.99.
Hakob Papazian "Armeno-Iranian Treaty of 1726-1636 and the Political
Situation of Eastern Armenia During the Reign of Nadir Shah. "Banber
Yerevani Hamalsarani", 1972, ii, p.92.
36. H. Papazian, LNG, 5, p.77.
37. Mohammad Khazin, v.1, pp.100-104.
38. A.A. Abrahamian "A page of the History of Transcaucasian People and
Armeno-Russian Relations", Yerevan, 1953, p.145.
39. Ibid 40. Leo, v.3-2, p.150, Soloviov, p.73.
41. Hakob Papazian "Davit Bek's Struggle Against the Ottoman Invasion and
his Relations with the anti-Turkish Iranian forces", mag. "Patma
Banassirakan Handes", 1987, I, p.92-93.
42. Leo.
43. Leo, v.3-2, p.160.
44. Ezov, p.334.
45. GAFKE, F, SRP, 1725, 5, 365.
46. Ezov, pp.420-421.
47. Leo,v.3-2, p.166.
48. Soloviov, p.74.
49. V. Abrahamian.
50. Ibid, p.439.
51. Leo, 3-3, p.171.
52. Armeno-Russian Relations in the First Half of the XVII Century Collection of
Documents, v.2, part 2, Yerevan 1967, p.273-274.
53. "The History of Davit Bek and the Armenian Wat of Ghapan", Vagharsh,
1871, p.53.
54. Ibid, p.62.
55. Leo, 3-2, p.172.
56. Ibid, p.173.
57. Ezov, p.459.
58. On the way from Dastagir village pf Martakert district to the place Yeghakor,
in the place Ukhtapat, near the northern rampart of the chapel.
Barkhutarean "Divan of Armenian Lithography", Yerevan 1982.
58
58
CHAPTER 8
THE KHAMSA MELIKDOMS
THE REIGN OF NADIR SHAH (1736-1747)
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL UPHEVALS
The Iranian Shah Tahmasp was at a loss for an impetus, which could prevent his country from reaching a crisis. "He
was drowned in trying to find a way out". He was sure that a talented military commander could be a driving force for
coordinating the military capability of the country and resisting the bloody Afghan militants.
The remarkable Armenian leader Davit Bek was considered the only candidate, able to protect the country, but the
Shah's hopes dashed to the ground with the death of the Armenian general. The Armeno-Persian treaty wasn't destined to
come true.
Iran was a country of great potential, but its internal political structures were traditionally not flexible so the prosperity
of the country completely depended upon the individual nature of the monarch and his personal characteristics. The country
as a whole was dependent on the tricks played on it by destiny.
Iran had possessed such great and influential lords as King Kiurosh, Xerexes, Khosrov and Abbas the Great, who
brought their country to prominence, turned it into a flourishing and prosperous state, which did not cease to expand. But
neither of them established a coordinated system capable of maintaining law and order and the defence of the country in the
absence of an able autocratic ruler. The unable and weak rulers too strived to obtain unlimited power. Due to the excessive
ambition of such rulers the once powerful state underwent destruction. The external forces both from the east and west were
carefully watching the internal dissolution of Iran and preparing to overrun the discordant and anarchical country, seize the
power and the throne.
Thus an unstable and uncertain future was awaiting Iran, when the bold and brave outlaw Nadir-Ghuli (slave of
miracles) from the Turkmanian Avshar's Krklu tribe distinguished himself by his courage and strategy among the rebellious
groups. Observing his skill and talent in managing military affairs, the Shah Tahmasp II took him under his service and raised
to high rank calling him Tahmaz-Ghuli (slave of Tahmasp). Soon Nadir was appointed the military head of the country
(sparapet). In 1729, in late September in the Mehmandust river valley and in November near the Murchekholt village not far
from Isfahan, the Tahmaz-Ghuli Khan gained an absolute victory over the Afghan leader Ashraf. Tahmasp II returned back to
the liberated city and was solemnly placed on his father's throne. Afraid of Nadir's tremendous popularity and anxious for his
own fame, despite the military commander's warning, the Shah undertook a new campaign against the Turks in the west.
Soon he was defeated and had to conclude a humiliating agreement with the Turks, accepting and confirming their
overlordship in Transcaucasia. After Nadir's glorious victories this defeat gave rise to vigorous protests against the Shah. The
Turkish Sultan Mahmud I was planning to set up a campaign against Nadir in particular and against the Persian state in
general.
After the fall of the Sghnaks system in Karabagh, the meliks again became the only autocratic lords of their domains.
In the absence of general centralized power and after the break down of the established order, the intermarriages became
the only means to keep the country going. Related by marriage, the princely families of the region managed to overcome the
internal disunion and the excessive ambitions of the Karabagh lords. The marriage connections successfully replaced a
military treaty, due to which the nomadic tribes were unable to penetrate into Karabagh and settle there. The Sghnakhs
soldiers entered the services of meliks.
The investigator of Armeno-Persian relations Hakob Papasian wrote, "The second quarter of the eighteenth century
was one of the exceptional periods in the Armenian political self-awareness, when the historical upheavals did not prevent
the ruling circles from determining how to stand in relation to the surrounding and adopt new political decisions dictated by
1
the new historical situations."
As a result of this reasonable attitude the Armenian militants entered the service of Nadir Khan, to fight against the
Turkish army of Topal (lame) Osman Pasha. In 1732 six Armenian divisions took part in the battles in the Irano-Iraqi frontier
2
and in Hamadan.
Maintaining good relations with the Persian court, the Dizak Melik Yegan promoted the Armeno-Persian relations with
great success. According to the Armenian novelist Raffi, his family descended from the princely dynast of Lorris-Melikian and
moved to Karabagh from the Arto village of Lorri. Melik Yegan was at continuous enmity with his relative Melik Elizbarov who
had forcibly seized his family domain of Pambak valley and a part of Lorri. Yegan was forced to leave his native land
59
59
accompanied by his father and his people and settle in Dizak. Here his father Ghukas Vardanian restored the Gtich
Monastery, establishing a new monastic order, and his son, named Yegan, founded another church in the Togh village, and
3
built ramparts around their new domain.
Nadir Shah's court chronologer Mohammad Khazem in the first book of his historiography (the book consisted of
three volumes) mentioned the name of Armenian Melik Yegan, considering him an able and extremely talented politician,
who had won the confidence and the trust of the Shah. Nadir always believed in the honesty and reliability of Melik Yegan.
After this Melik, the chronologer appreciated highly the abilities of Armenian military commanders Melik Tamraz (Giulistan)
4
and Melik Harutiun (Jraberd). The cooperation of Karabagh meliks and Nadir Shah resulted in the Armenian gains of 1733.
In late autumn of 1732 the Gandzak and Karabagh meliks, avoiding direct conflict with the Turkish regular army, accepted
them in their estates, obliged to supply them during the whole winter. After wintering here, the Turks intended to launch a
massive attack on Iran in spring. Of course, the Turks remembered the Varanda slaughter very well, but they couldn't help
wintering in the fertile and rich Karabagh, besides the once mighty Sghnaks had ceased to exist, and they considered not
dangerous remaining there in winter. Moreover, with the Russo-Persian treaty, the Russian army had left the Caspian coast,
and the Armenians could not turn to Russia for support. But Karabagh, together with the whole of Gandzak Khanate, was
making secret plans against the Turks. The plot was formed and led by the Dizak Melik Yegan. The slogan of the plotters
5
was, "Preserve the old seeds of hope and destroy the new ones, which won't be productive." These metaphors indicated the
Persians to be the "old seeds" and the Turks - "the new ones".
Guns were fired at the first Easter night, signalling the plotters to act. The whole of Karabagh population, already
experienced in such campaigns, immediately attacked the Turks, killing and scattering the soldiers of the Turkish army. The
notorious commander-in-chief Sari Mustafa (we got to know him from the Shushi battle) fled to Yerevan, which was still held
by the Turks. In Varanda the revolt was headed by Anna Khatun, who was Melik Yegan's sister. His beautiful daughter
6
Gayaneh killed the hateful Turkish general Suleiman Bek with a dagger. Later the heroic girl took religious vows and lived a
7
life in the service of God in a convent in the Avetaranots village monastery.
This optional Armeno-Persian alliance laid the foundation of the new political and military treaty with Iran.
The Russians, avoiding direct conflict with the already powerful Persian army, concluded a new Russo-Persian treaty
in 1732 in Resht, with which the Caspian territories were returned to Iran. In the same year, taking advantage of the growing
dissatisfaction of the population towards the Shah Tahmasp II, Nadir managed to overthrow the latter's rule and proclaimed
the three year old crown prince as Shah of Iran. The new Shah Abbas III was placed in the custody of Nadir. The whole
power was centralized in the hands of Nadir. The Turkish war was transferred to Iraq. The Baghdad Ahmad Pasha was
forced to enter into an alliance with Nadir and on behalf of Turkish government promised to draw back to the frontiers,
confirmed with the 1639 Turko-Iranian treaty. Sultan Mahmud I too was forced to accept these substantial reforms.
In 1734 Kioprluzada Abdulla Pasha was appointed commander-in-chief of the Turkish eastern army. He immediately
advanced to Transcaucasia. The Turks always felt an irresistible inner impulse to conquer those territories which obstructed
their way towards their native lands as if separating them from their original roots. It is clear from the map that the
geographical situation of Transcaucasia, and especially Armenia, lying across the Russo-Ottoman frontier, breaks the
continuity of the Turkic world, stretching all the way from Bosphorus to Central Asia. And this is one of the reasons why the
Turks, from time to time pursue policies intended to occupy those territories. Their first and foremost concern was to occupy
Transcaucasia and Persian Azarbaijan (the ancient Atropateni). Besides, the eastern gains would be as a compensations for
the western losses.
Abdulla Pasha was on his way to Kars. Nadir hurriedly passed Tabriz and Ardabil and won a victory over the Lezgi
leader Surkhai in a battle in Shirvan. Surkhai, as his predecessor Daud, was the Sultan's complaisant servant. Nadir
completely destroyed Shamakhi and Kazikumukh then surrounded Gandzak. Soon leaving the besieged city, passed to Kars
through Lorri-Pambak, where Abdulla Pasha had settled in the fortress. After ravaging the neighbouring villages, Nadir
encamped in the Yeghvard field. The Armenian meliks Yegan, Melikjan Shahnazarian (Gegharkunik), Mkrtum(Yerevan) and
Hakobjan led their troops in Nadir's army. Mohammad Khazem described in his book how Melik Yegan explained Nadir the
importance of visiting to the Armenian Catholicos' residence in Echmiadzin. "Presenting him with numerous treasures Melik
Yegan begged the Sovereign to show good will and visit the sacred place (Echmiadzin)..., finding favour in the eyes of
European kings, honouring the influential and mighty meliks and all the Armenian communities all over the world with his visit
and their love towards him would be as bright as the sun and as long as the earth moved, his fame as a caring lord for his
servants would come and his hate for the enemies would be announced and everybody would give glory and honour to
9
him."
In Echmiadzin with a new decree of his Nadir confirmed the rights of the Armenian Catholicos, priesthood and the
10
community.
The Persian chronologer indicated that Nadir ordered many skillful craftsman to restore the monastery,
60
60
allocating one thousand tumans for that purpose, decorated the cathedral with a golden flambeau weighing five man (15
11
kilograms) and ordered to bring the best carpets from Iran.
Melik Yegan was a subtle politician and understood very well that only the union of Armenian Church and feudals
with the mighty Shah could save the nation. And as the historian Leo wrote, "This act of Nadir wasn't a whim, so
characteristic of a talented autocrat." Nadir realized that the Armenians were his reliable allies in his further strivings for
unlimited power.
On July 8, 1735, in the Yeghvard battle, the Persian army, though numerically inferior, won an absolete victory over
the Turks. The Jazai had penetrated the Turkish army and seized their artillery. The Persian artillery in its turn was
13
continuously firing and scattering the Turkish soldiers. The last attack of the Persian cavalry brought a decisive victory.
14
Turkey left the Yerevan, Gandzak and Tiflis fortresses to Persia and retreated from the whole Transcaucasian territories.
However, the Persian rule in some ways was little improvement on the administration. The living conditions of
Armenians were extremely bad. The military tribute called "surset" was gathered especially severely. In 1735 the Armenian
meliks of Karabagh wrote petitions and declarations to Nadir. In the documents, describing the process of tax-gathering, the
Khachen, Varanda and Jraberd meliks asked Nadir to subdue his soldiers, who lawlessly repressed the population
15
demanding to pay "the second surset, when the first one is so far not paid yet."
In 1735, after the failure of the Daghestan campaign, Nadir settled in the Mughan plain and invited the religious and
secular lords of Iran to "Kurru-itai" (high council). The Armenian meliks and the Catholicos of all Armenians Abraham Kretatsi
too took part in the meeting. The High Council recognized Nadir as the only claimant to the Persian throne. The next year, on
March 21 (the day of the Persian New Year - Noruz-Bairam), Nadir was crowned a king of Persia. The coronation ceremony
took place in Mughan. The Armenian Catholicos was responsible for the most important ceremonial part - the fastening of the
sword to the belt of the Sovereign. This coronation marked the end of the Safavid inheritance and the start of the Afshar one.
Unlike the Russians, Nadir Shah appreciated the Armenian victories over the Turks highly, and founded and
confirmed the Khamsa Melikdoms, which was officially attached to the Persian state, and given a large measure of regional
autonomy. The achieved status was the result of the fifteen years' effort of the Armenians. The centre of the Khamsa
(Khamsa, in Arabic means five) Melikdoms was the town Togh, which once accepted Nadir Shah as a welcome guest.
Opposing his rival Khan of Gandzak, (who was against Nadir's coming to the throne in the High Council), Nadir Shah
proceeded to make several territorial changes, establishing the Khamsa Melikdoms' border from Gandzak to the Arax river.
Moreover, the Armenian meliks were declared independent from the Gandzak Khanate in all matters. In the inscriptions
around the door of Melik Yegan's house all the Melikdoms included in Khamsa are mentioned; "One of them is Talish
(Giulistan Melikdom), then Chmta(Jraberd), Khachen, Varanda, Kochez(Kashatagh), Tuzagh(Dizak) and the Khan(Nadir)
appointed me a beglerbeg of the territories..."
Yegan's beglerbeg's title was confirmed by the Shah and he as Shirvan, Gandzak and Yerevan beglerbegs was
made subordinate to Ibrahim, residing in Tabriz. (Nadir's brother).
To weaken the Gandzak Khan, Nadir deported the nomadic tribes Jivanshir, Otuziki, Kabirli (the Sarujali family
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among them) from the Kur-Arax valley to the Sereks province of Khorassan. Thus they were returned back to the territories
from where they had penetrated into Transcaucasia in the seventeenth century. These tribes, allied to the Gandzak Khanate
and the Daghestan nomads frequently overran the Armenian and Persian villages.
According to Melik Yegan's inscription, the Khamsa included the Kashatagh or Kashunik region (the present day
Lachin), which covered the highland valley of the river Hagaru. From ancient times Kashatagh had formed a part of Siunik
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principality, and it was the first time that it was annexed to Karabagh. The historian of Siunik house Orbelian wrote that
there were 53 villages in that province. As to the province Kovsakan (the present day Zangelan of Mountainous Karabagh
Republic), it was already forming a part of Dizak Melikdom.
Nadir was a typical example of such individualities, who are never satisfied with what they have obtained and always
strive for unlimited power and overlordship. Instead of creating and strengthening a mighty defence and administrative units
in Iranian State, he chose to extend his territories. There was the vein of the turbulent outlaw in his character and as all the
great and talented conquerors, he possessed several faults. As long as he was alive, he couldn't help warring and extending
his domain. Nadir Shah possessed another no less important ability for a monarch - he appreciated and made use of his
vassals' practices and ideas perfectly. He never considered humiliating to follow a wise advice. Through the intermediary of
the Armenian Catholicos Abraham Kretatsi he employed two distinguished Armenian militants - the brothers Amir and
Zohrab, who later took part in all his campaigns and achieved great success, being awarded with several titles and estates,
raised to prominence and high rank. Amirkhan was appointed the defense minister of Iran and Zohrabkhan - the head of
Nadir's bodyguards. These Armenian generals never ceased to correspond with the Armenian meliks of Karabagh.
In 1737 Nadir's army invaded Afghanistan and conquered Heat and Ahandahar. In 1739, defeating the Indian Shah
Mohammad, Nadir took Deli and ravaging the Indian land, filled the Iranian treasury.
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For three years the Iranian khans and citizens were not subject to taxation. Nadir's domain covered a vast territory from India to the Caucasian Mountain Range, from Central Asia to the Persian gulf. Nadir was named "Alexander the
Second".
Despite his military talents and individual strong characteristics, Nadir Shah was unable to bear the burden of
responsibility for the universal domain on his shoulders. A moment of weakness from his part and the powerful state would be
dashed to the ground. Soon his rise was followed by a fall. The Daghestan war marked the start of his fall. He moved deep
into that land to punish the highlanders but was humiliated by a defeat. This autocratic rule was not destined to last long. He
unreasonably suspected and distrusted everybody around him. Thousands of people were condemned to death, he sensed
traps everywhere, considering that all his relatives were making secret plans and plots against himself. Soon he fell foul of the
court intrigues. He was convinced that his son Mirza Reza-Gholi was plotting against himself. He ordered to blind the prince.
But then the careful and thorough investigation of the matter showed that the beloved son wasn't guilty. Conscious of his own
guilt, Nadir fell down in fits of depression from time to time. Everything shocked and outraged him. Dissatisfaction was
growing in the state. In 1747 the Great Nadir Shah of Iran was murdered in his bedroom. Nadir died in the age of 47, the
image of Great Iran passed away too.
The collapse of Iranian state was a great disaster for the Karabagh Armenians. The meliks were largely autonomous
in matters of defence, internal policy, justice and taxation, and their titles and rights to inheritance and the status of Karabagh
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as a whole were confirmed by the Shah of Iran, the region depended and relied on that state only.
The family of Melik-Abovians ruled in Giulistan. According to the novelist Raffi and historian Leo, their family
descended from Abov the Black, who probably represented a junior line of the Shaki (Nokhut-Nokhut) Khanate's princely
Sevordian(black) dynast, and adopting Christianity, established their domain in the village of Shaki at early seventeenth
century. His descendants chose the village Giulistan as a permanent centre of the Melikdom and resided there.
The Melik-Shahnazarian Husein inherited the Varanda Melikdom from his father Melik-Baghi. He too, as all the other
meliks of Karabagh, had taken an active part in Nadir Shah's campaigns, and for his loyalty was not obliged to tax-paying. A
tombstone inscription in Avetaranots testifies, "This is the tomb of Melik Shahnazar's son Husein (1736). This owner of
Varanda land with 35 villages deserves our praises. He was merciful and hospitable, the pride of Armenian nation, he fought
against the Turks and slaughtered many of them and did not pay taxes to the King, he was the rampart of his world and it
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happened in 1709." This heroic Melik was succeeded by Melik Baghr's son Melik Mirzabek, after whose death Husein's
son Melik Hovsep inherited his father's domain. Unlike his father, he was humble, weak and lame, but was a clever and
educated person.
During the reign of Nadir Shah a number of important and decisive events took place in the Khamsa land (Karabagh),
which turned to be fateful for the whole of Armenia later. A Panah Ali Khan from the Sarujalu tribe, whom Nadir Shah had
deported from Arran (Kur-Arax valley) to Khorassan, entered the service of the Shah as a town crier (charji). After a crime,
afraid of the Shah's punishment, this town crier fled from the Persian camp with his family to Arran and joining the plunderers
of Jar-Berakan, launched attacks on the neighbouring southern Kura territories, ravaging the villages and towns. The Shaki
and Shirvan Khans were ordered to catch and arrest the robber Panah. But soon after his escape, Nadir Shah was
murdered. Hearing this news, Panah, accompanied by two hundred men, moved to Lowland Karabagh in 1746 and settling
on the bank of the river Tartarr, in the place called Tartarr-Bazar with the permission of the Jraberd lord, became a
stockbreeder, and collecting taxes from his tribesmen, paid it to the Jraberd Melik Allah-Ghuli Sultan. He invited his tribesmen
from Khorassan to come and inhabit the fertile land. During the winter months these nomads lived in holes dug in the ground,
and in summer they took their cattles to the Mrav highland pastures, paying a "decimal" tax to the Jraberd and Khachen
meliks for using their pastures. The meliks patronized the outlaw, as they profited much from the affair. They even refused the
demand of the Shamakhi Khan to arrest Panah. The story of one of the Panah's ancestors based mainly on tradition, says
that this ancestor of his by the name of Ali, was fair-haired and so the family got the name of "Serujai".
Panah's party was increasing by his returning relatives and fellow countrymen and soon it was turned into an armed
band. Taking advantage of the ruling turmoil, the bandits ravaged the lands lying from Shaki to Nakhichevan. Panah became
one of the most rich persons in the region. Related by marriage with the Kabirli tribe, he gave up the nomadic way of life and
established himself in the ancient Baiat fortress, coordinating the capability of his plunderers here. The Shirvan Khan
Chelebi, allied to Khamsa Melikdoms, crossed the river Kura and surrounded the Baiat fortress of Panah, intending to arrest
and punish him. Haji Chelebi was an Armenian by origin. His ancestor Barsegh, who was a bishop, lived in the Sogutlu
village of Kabala province of Shirvan. The local Muslims called him "Ghara-Kashish" (black priest), probably for his descent
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from the Sevordian (sev - black in Armenian) family. As the Albanian Catholicos Hassan Jalalian wrote,
Barsegh left for
Isfahan, and assuming his princely descent, received a firman (document confirming his right as a Melik) from the Shah. But
his rival Mohammad, who was the ruler of Kutkashen, prevented him from establishing his own Melikdom, so Barsegh had to
adopt Islam to leave in peace with that neighbour of his. Ghasab (butcher) Kurbanali was this Barsegh's son. Soon his
grandson Haji Chelebi maintaining friendly relations with the Turks, was raised to prominence as the lord of Shaki and
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Shirvan.
Haji Chelebi failed to conquer the besieged fortress. After this success of his Panah submitted to the Sardar of Tabriz
and with the help of this bribe-seeking Sardar was raised to high rank and awarded with a Khan's title. The Armenian meliks,
deeply agitated, applied to the Kartlina Prince Teimuraz and his son Kakhet's Prince Hercule for help. For his loyalty to the
Persian throne Teimuraz had been appointed to be the beglerbeg of the region. In 1749, through the intermediary of the
Khamsa meliks, the Gandzak and Yerevan Persian governors too suggested beglerbeg Taimuraz to coordinate an allied
army against Panah Ali. At that time, growing more and more arrogant, Panah surrounded Gandzak and kept it under siege,
while the beglerbeg Teimuraz was bargaining with the khans, demanding at first 5 thousand, then 40 thousand roubles to
start the campaign. At last in 1750, in spring, coming to an agreement with the other parties, Teimuraz and Hercule advanced
to Gandzak, allied with the Jraberd Melik Tamraz, and the Nerses Catholicos of Yeritsmank monastery, who had succeeded
Yessayi Hassan-Jalalian. Panah was forced to leave the downtown Gandzak. With a sudden attack the allied army defeated
the troops of chief of Tarakama Turkish tribe Mamad Bek near Partav, and then catching up with Panah in Bargushat,
surrounded his army from all sides. Exercising bribe giving the shrewd and artful bandit won Teimuraz's favour and promoted
an agreement with him. The result was contrary to the Armenian expectation, but they were unable to alter the matter.
Around 1750 a new wave of disunion broke out in Karabagh among the Armenian lords, due to their mutual rivalries
and mistrust. The first disastrous incidents happened in Varanda, and the reaction to it came quickly. A cycle of violence and
hostility was set to motion.
Melik Hovsep's younger son Sein Shahnazar, in contrast to his brother, was tall, handsome and very ambitious. He
was looking forward to a chance to seize the Melikdom from his elder brother. Hovsep's mother was an Armenian woman Anna Khatun, after whose death his father had married Zohra Khanum - the Nakhichevan Khan's daughter. Sein was the son
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of this Turkish mother.
One day late at night, Sein, attacking his brother's house, slaughtered his brother and the whole family. The
Avetaranots village, which before the mentioned event was the centre of liberation movements, now was turned into a
destructive centre, Melik Hovsep was the son-in-law of the Khachen Hassan Jalalian family. The whole family, thirsted for
revenge for the treasonable and inhumane murder of Hovsep's family. The Khamsa Meliks united to get their revenge on
Sein, and maintain justice and order. Sein proclaimed himself an heir of his father's domain and Melik of Varanda and settled
in the Avetaranots fortress, which soon was surrounded by the allied army of the meliks - Giulistan Melik-Hovsep, Jraberd
Melik Allah-Ghuli Sultan, Khachen Melik Allahverdi and Dizak Melik Yessayi. Keeping the fortress under siege for some time,
the meliks decided to scatter, as the winter was near. They resolved to come back in spring and punish the murderer.
Of course, if the meliks had conducted a more flexible and circumspect policy, they would have found a definite
solution to the problem. The absence of a centralizing power and policy added to their misconduct. Their policy was local,
infused with dynasticism and private conflicts, lacking a generalized, secular, ultimately territorial and ethnocultural sense of
homeland or nation. May be Sein Shahnazar would rule the domain better than his brother, and instead of vengeance
seeking they should try to find a way out from that complicated situation. In this context the meliks' first and foremost task
should be speaking on behalf of the entire nation and country as traditional leaders and spokesmen of the nation and the
Khamsa Melikdoms as a whole. The salvation should be found through conducting negotiations with the new lord of
Varanda and not through counteracts, as this self-destruction would encourage the Caucasian highlanders and the Tatar
nomads to overrun their lands. These two powers were the principle threat to the Khamsa Melikdoms.
The chief of the Turkish Sarujalu tribe Panah Ali was longing for such a chance, which would enable him to penetrate
deep into Karabagh. His dream of settling in one of the untractable Karabagh fortresses was soon to come true. He moved
from Baiat to the Shahaghbiur castle of Karabagh Tigranakert which was owned by the Varanda lord. The castle was a
typical medieval building with large covered halls, entrances with arched roofs, high ramparts with round towers in the
corners. From here Panah instigated the Jraberd and Giulistan meliks to raise in arms against each other. Then this Turkish
plunderer, allied to the new lord of Varanda - Melik Shahnazar II, attacked Khachen and soon seizing it from the HassanJalalians handed it over to another traitor - to the landlord of Khrdzirstan village Mirzakhan.
The once mighty Karabagh was thus weakened. Dizak was separated from Jraberd and Giulistan.
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1. Hakob Papazian "The Armeno-Iranian Treaty in 1726-1736 and the Political
situation in Eastern Armenia during the reign of Nadir Shah. 1972 N, p.74.
2. Abraham "History of Wars", Y.1938, p.75-76.
3. Raffi "The Khamsa Melikdoms", v.10, p.173.
4. Mohammad Khiazem " Nameye Alamaraye Naderi" (original in Persian) v1.
M.1960, p.99.
5. Raffi... p.186.
6. Ibid...,p.187. In connection to this Leo wrote his novel "The Melik's daughter".
7. While travelling in Karabagh in 1881, Raffi saw a nice handwritten Bible in the
village Avetaranots, which was written by the nun Gayaneh. Raffi, p.187.
8. H.Papazian, p.77.
9. Mohammad Khiazem, v.1 p.633.
10.Abraham Kretatsi "History of Vagharshapat 1870, p.13.
11.Mohammad Khiazem, pp.622-634.
12. Leo, v.3-2, p.715.
13. Abraham Kretatsi, pp.17,20.
Mohammad Khiazem, pp.622-634.
Mirza-Mohammad Mehdi Khan Astarabadi, "Tarikhe and Naderi", Pers.,
Tabriz, 1869, pp.85-89.
14. H. Papazian, p.79.
15. Repository of Ancient Manuscripts, "Catholicossate Divan", paper 2, 181.
17. St. Orbelian "History of Siunik", Y.1986, p.401.
19. Raffi, pp. 164-170.
20. Leo, pp.258-259.
21. S. Barkhutarian "Divan of Armenian Lithography", b.5, y.1982, p.149.
22. Ibid..., p.149.
23. Yessayi "History of Record of Events of the Albanian Country", Shushi, 1839,
p.32.
24. Raffi, p.210.
25. Ibid, p.198.
26. This fortress is on of the Tigranakerts founded by the King Tigranes the
Great. It is situated not far from the city Martakert, in the place Shahaghbiur,
on the Ishkhanassar mount. The local Turks called it Tarrnakiurt, the
Karabaghians - Tkrakert..
CHAPTER 9
THE SHUSHI KHANATE
(AVSHARS, KERIM ZEND KHAN, THE QAJAR INHERITANCE)
Though the Dizak Melik Yegan received his Beglerbeg's title from Nadir Shah and became prominent as an able
diplomat and politician, he failed to establish a centralized and integral stronghold in Khamsa (Karabagh). It's difficult to
indicate his exact intentions, but the fact that he was satisfied with his Melik's position and didn't do his best to obtain a
written decree of his appointment as a Beglerbeg or Khan, (only an oral order was given by Nadir Shah), speaks of his shortsighted policy. Nadir Shah and the Persian authorities of that time were not the original descendants of the ancient Persian
royal dynasts and were generally alien to Armenians and their land as a result of which they were afraid of liberation
movements and monarchic strivings of the Armenian nation. The development of events would have taken another course if
Melik Yegan had agreed to adopt Islam, but in this case how would the other meliks, the Christian Church and the nation
react to it? The Georgian princess accepted circumcision thus preserving the independence, the autonomous status and the
territorial integrity of their country.
After Melik Yegan's death in 1744, his descendants - Melik Aram and Melik Yessayi did not inherit any right of his,
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except the Melik's title. This fact too became fateful for Karabagh. Around 1750 the short-sighted policy, discordance and
disunion amongst the five Armenian lords due to their ambition, enabled Panah Ali Khan, the chief of the Turkish Sarujalu
tribe, to establish himself in Khachen, as a result of which the nomadic stockbreeders penetrated into the heart of Karabagh.
Long ago had the outlaw Panah sensed that it would be difficult for him to resist his enemies in the lowlands. He was
dreaming of establishing his stronghold in the heart of the Armenian highlands, from where he could control over the entire
land, maintaining the free movements of his herds into the Alpian pastures. Moreover, he wouldn't be obliged to payment of
taxes to the legitimate owners of the land. The possession of Karabagh highlands became a primary goal for the nomads, or
else their existence in the region would be senseless. Panah Ali's friend Melik Shahnazar felt obliged to pay a debt of honour
to his saviour Panah Ali and advised him to take the Shushi fortress, the bulk of his domain. After having a look on the
fortress and the surroundings, the outlaw realized that Shushi was fit for his purpose of gradually conquering the entire
Karabagh and controlling over the land from that fortress. Only 25 years had passed since the flourishing Sghnaks leader
Avan had restored the fortress and probably Panah Ali was aware of the Armenian glorious victories over the Turks and the
Shushi fortress as a base of those victories. If not granted the control of the territories it would be beyond Panah Ali's
capability to conquer and maintain the rule of the region from the heart of the Armenian mountain stronghold from a fortress
later to become the town of Shushi or Shusha. Panah Ali didn't fail to notice that there was very little to restore in the fortress.
The citadel with the two mansions was well-preserved and was in fairly good condition. The main houses and the eastern
ramparts needed rebuilding. Panah Ali was convinced that from that impregnable fortress he could extend his control not only
over the entire, Transcaucasian land-Gandzak, Shirvan, Shaki, Georgia, Armenia, but could attempt to make advances
towards Iran and seize Azarbaijan from it, and if possible the whole Iranian country. Yes, why not Iran? He considered
Sarujalu no less daring and clever than Afshar or Qajar.1 With the help of Melik Shahnazar Panah Ali encouraged many
skillful builders to come to Shushi from all parts of Karabagh, granting them with certain privileges. In summer of 1752 the
restoration and fortification of the city was already in full swing.2 (The nineteenth century Tatar historian Mirza-Jemal
Jivanshir suggests the year of 1759).3 Because of political considerations the Soviet Azerbaijani historians deliberately
refused to accept that the Shushi settlement existed before the year of 1752. It is easy to perceive the purpose of such an
interpretation: the fortress is claimed by the Baku historians to be founded by their ethnical ancestor Panah Ali. The historian
Shushinski writes, "The founder of the town Shushi was the Karabaghian Panah-Ali Khan".1 However it is difficult to guess
what the author means by "Karabaghian", but it's easy to understand that since Panah-Ali in fact belonged to a Turkic tribe, in
other words "Azerbaijani", and founded a town in a country which they say always existed and formed the predecessor of the
present-day Karabagh, then the Armenian character of Shushi and moreover of Karabagh is a myth, and that the
"Karabaghians" living there have no grounds for declaring that they do not belong to the Azerbaijan republic.
Panah Ali first set foot on the Karabagh soil when he was already sixty years old and the primitive monipulation and
deception of the Baku school has no historical basis. Their striving to minimize and denigrate the Armenian element in
Karabagh forms a part of the Pan-Turkic prospect. Giving a distorted perspective of the Armenian history they aim at
Turkicizing the historical Armenian territories (Karabagh and Utik firstly). But this dream of theirs is not fated to come true as
the national spirit inspired and is inspiring the Armenians of Karabagh, and the only fact of establishing a new state by the
name of "Azerbaijan" on the ancient Arran territory is a falsification in itself. It's a historical fact that Atropateni-Azarbaijan
proper is situated southwards from the Arax river and forms an integral part of the Iranian country.
The Shushi fortress had two main enterances; the southern was called Yerevanian, facing Goris and the way to
Tiflis, the nothern-Jraberdian, later Gandzakian. The fortification works were controlled by Melik Shahnazar personally, who
was eager to fortify the town against the rival Khamsa Meliks as soon as possible, and then launch a counter-attack himself.
While carrying out the restoration works, the Armenian builders always remained faithful to the traditions of the Armenian
architecture and culture as a whole. Very often the magnificent ranges of walls joined the precipices of the rocks, creating a
paramount work of art, and it's difficult to distinguish between the man-made and natural cliffs. This was the traditional
characteristic of the architecture of the region, which the Shushi builders had inherited from their ancestors, who had founded
the Karchaghakaberd, Kbokhanaberd, Jraberd, Giulistan, Archaberd, Toghaberd, Gorrozaberd, Handaberd fortresses (berdfortress in Armenian). The reconstruction works were awfully hard. The mansions of meliks, situated in the higher town, near
the fortress gates, were also being rebuilt. This higher town with its own ramparts formed the citadel of Shushi. Panah-Ali
chose one of this mansions as his residence, and the neighbouring one was taken by Melik Shahnazar, which faced the cave
with an access to the village Karintak (Avan's Cave).
A Muslim presence had already existed, since the tenth century, along the northern and south-eastern borders of
Karabagh but it was not until after the 1750-ies that the Turkish Muslim element known as Tatars, became established in
Shushi, in the heart of former Khachen, due to some political shifts.
The opression of the Goghtan Armenians by Nakhichevani Heidar Ghuli Khan grew more and more intense. In 1750
the inhabitants of the Shahkert (Ghazanchi) Armenian village rose in arms against the oppressor under the leadership of
Hovhannes Khandamirian. All the attacks of the Khan were unsuccessful. The enemy was unable to break down the
Armenian vigorous resistance. At last the Khan asked for conciliation. Taken by treachery, the naive rebellous leader was
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poisoned and died. The inhabitants of Shahkert were forced to flee across the mountains to Ghapan. A part of this population
migrated to Shushi.4
Another such incident took place in the town Agulis in 1752. After Nadir Shah was murdered during the years of the
following disorder, a Khan Azat came to rule over the eastern Iranian territories. While extending his domain he couldn't avoid
a direct conflict with the Georgian army and was defeated. On his way back he plundered the Armenian villages in
Nakhichevan. He approached the flourishing town Agulis, which had obtained the status "Khas" from the Iranian Shah, and
was obliged to pay taxes only to the Iranian court, so the citizens refused to pay anything to Azat Khan. The Melik Yessayi of
Oguls who was a very rich and arrogant person, even refused to conduct negotiations with the Khan, who wanted to buy or
borrow supplies for his army from him. So the soldiers attacked the city, and taking it, plundered the population. Melik Yessayi
and his relatives hid in the Apostol Tovma’s Monastery, which had a rampart around it. But the Persian soldiers broke down
the metallic gates and entering the monastery, slaughtered the hidden Armenians. Eleven other churches of the city were
demolished. A part of Ogulis inhabitants migrated to Turkey, another part - to Shushi.5
Panah-Ali seized the eastern section of Shushi from the Armenians and settled the Tatar Raiats, Beks, officers and
soldiers and their families here.6 The higher ancient part of the town, where the St. Astvatsatsin Church and Kamu Khach
sanctuary were situated, was left to the Armenians. The southern area was allocated to the Shahkert (Ghazanchi), Agulis,
Maghri immigrants, who formed their districts, governed by patrons elected by the inhabitants. Thus besides the Armenian
settlers the Turkish Muslims too became established in Shushi. The lower town was occupied largely by Tatars, while the
higher town belonged to the Armenians.
Despite the shifts, the number of Turkish nomads and militants was small. The Armenian community consisted of a
class of bricklayers, builders, craftsmen, as well as an elite of merchants and trading class. This influential class connected
Shushi through the Khudapirin bridge with Tabriz, Gandzak and Tiflis, and livened up the Goris-Yerevan trading route.
Numerous shops and trading centres were functioning along the route stretching from the Yerevanian gate to the Jraberd
gate of the fortress. The shopkeepers were preponderantly Agulis and Shahkert Armenians. The skilled coppersmiths made
in their workshops boilers, pots and different tools. Silkworm cultivators developed their culture all over Karabagh, gradually
maintaining the production of such a luxury as silk. As Mirza Jemal Jivanshir stated clearly, the tactical questions in Shushi
were discussed at a special council, Melik Shahnazar being the heart of it.
After the restoration the Shushi fortress was named after its “founder” - Panahaberd (berd is the Armenian word for
fortress). Again the Turk conquerers remained loyal to their policy of changing the geographical names of the occupied lands.
But this time they were unsuccessful, as the Shushi inhabitants did not adopt the new alien name. The Turkish dwellers had
to reconcile themselves to that fact, changing only the last letter of the proper name. “Shushi” became "Shusha". In this case
the word could be originally explained as "mirror"(Shusha is the Turkish for mirror). However, it's very easy to perceive the
purpose of such a groundless interpretation and ignore it, as the abundant historical sources testify that Shushi was the
ancient Karkarr fortress of Artsakh. For the first time the historians came across the name Shushi in the colophon of
St.Manuel's Bible, created in 1428 in the St. Astvatsatsin church, where he indicated that he had written the Bible in 1418 in
Amaras, in the village called Shushi.8 Later the same Manuel created another Bible in Gtich monastery, in the colophon of
which he described the destressing situation of the country under the tyranous Torgomian family. Mention should also be
made, in order to stress the origin and continuous existence of the Shushi fortress, of another monuscript created in the
scriptorium of the same St. Astvatsatsin church a one hundred and fifty years later. In the colophon of the Bible we read,
"Created this virtuous Bible in Possa Nhank province, in the village by the name of Shushi, under the protection of St.
Astvatsatsin in the year of 1575.8 In the last lines of the the warrant of June 4, 1724 about the Armenian submission to the
Russian Empire, it is clearly stated that: "The letter is written in the Shushi Sghnakh in 1724".9 The historian Leo drew a
conclusion that: "The village Shushi is more likely to get its name from the fortress, than give it to the fortress".10 The term
"shosh" in the Karabagian dialect means shoot, sprout. It is in no way linked to the ancient Persian Shosh capital, and there's
not one document to confirm such a fact. It is unfortunate when, because of political considerations, historical falsification is
exercised. The nomadic tribes which had penetrated to Arran were set on practising such kind of manipulation from the
second half of the nineteenth century, when they first came to know what a national script or written literature mean. The first
Tatar historians - Mirza Jamal Jivanshir and Adigiozalbek, who composed the history of Shushi Khanate, failed to mention the
existence of a developed nation, numerous fortresses and settlements on this territory before the year of 1725, when PanahAli first set foot on the Karabagh land. The works of these historians, as well as those of Baku school and the Turkic
historiography as a whole is characterized by a general striving to minimize, denigrate or eliminate the originally national
element of the conquered territories, moreover, unable to explain the thousands works of typically national non-Turkic arts
and culture created on "their" territory, they claim all those architectural monuments and historical documents to be all a
matter of deception, forced assimilation and manipulation. It is clear from the map that the continuity of the Turkic world
stretching all the way from the Bosphorus to Central Asia is broken by the territories lying across the Russo-Ottomam frontier
and this is one of the reasons why the Turks east and west, pursue policies of assimilation, historical falsification and even of
physical elimination of the native inhabitants, intending to establish a "motherland" on the occupied territories. But they were
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forced to believe that there existed national homelands everywhere, especially on fertile lands and putting up tents on alien
lands or conquering it, wasn't enough to consider that land as their own.
The ethnic nations survived the Mongol, Tatar invasions, who sooner or later left, as they had a homeland of their
own, but they were followed by a great number of nomadic tribes, which without possessing the sense of homeland or
motherland, comfortably established themselves on the occupied territories. At first they flooded the Iranian territories. The
ancient Persian Atropateni province (the ancient Median land) became heavily intermixed with a large number of Turkic
tribesmen, who imposed their traditions and language on the natives, who belonged to the ancient Persian Median tribe. Of
course the nomads too came under the influence of Iranians and continued to develop under that cultural and social
influence. The nomads themselves encouraged the process of assimilating into the Persians as they were inclined to forget
their wild past as soon as possible. At the same time a new Turkic ideology was taking shape which was to have grave and
far-reaching implications on the ethnic nations. The next phase of the process was to lay claims to the history and culture of
the ethnic nation.
It was not difficult to draw the Armenians away from the Arran valley, as their country had long since lost its
sovereignity and ceased to be able to protect its population. As to the Iranian lords, it was all the same for them which nation
should submit and pay taxes to them. But it was no hardship to conquer the valleys. The same can't be said in regard to the
highlands, only by establishing themselves in the mountain strongholds could the nomads assume control of the whole land.
In this context Panah Ali raised the Turkic hopes of better fortune and life as he had already established himself in the heart
of Armenian mountain stronghold, due to the disunion and self-destruction of the Khamsa Meliks.
In 1752 Panah Ali already appeared allied to the Georgian princes Termuraz and Hercule, Gharadagh's Khan Kiazim,
Nakhichevani Khan Heidar and Gandzak Khan Shahverdi setting up a campaign against the Shirvan Khan Haji Chelebi,
who had encamped his troops on the opposite bank of the Kura river in the Armenian village Minkechavr (Kandak). The
Shirvan ruler continued to serve faithfully to Turkey and presented himself as the agent of the Sultan in Transcaucasia.
The Karabagh Melik Shahnazar led his troops in Panah's army.11 The later development of events revealed Prince
Teimuraz's intentions. As a Georgian presiding prince he held a meeting in his army inviting all the "allies" and arrested them.
Shahverdi Khan's bodyguards immidiately informed Haji Chalebi about the incident, who taking advantage of the disorder
crossed the river and attacked the Georgians. The Gharadagh, Nakhichevan, Gandzak and Karabagh troops joined his army.
Winning an absolute victory over the Georgians, the Shirvan lord set the captives free. The Georgians were pursued up to
downtown Shushi and then Haji Chelebi demanded that Teimuraz should leave the "Turkish" lands. Observing a chance of
success in this turmoil Panah made up his mind to occupy the whole of Karabagh territory without delay. The Armenian
meliks had already given up the idea of punishing Melik Shahnazar as they were conscious that their military capability
couldn't provide a base for such a campaign.
Taking advantage of the disorder and arnarchy reigning in Iran, Panah and Melik Shahnazar planned to subjugate
the Karabagh Melikdoms or just capture their territories. They launched the first attack on Jraberd. This fortress was situated
on a huge cliff on the Tartarr river and during the long period of its existence had served as a safe refuge against the foreign
conquerers. Unsuccessful in overthrowing Melik Allah Ghuli Sultan, Panah Ali, who formerly was employed as a tax-collector
by this powderful melik, offered to leave in peace, but didn't cease looking forward to a chance to absorb his melikdom.
Despite his great experience of a warrior, the Jraberd melik was an honest and noble person. He accepted Panah Ali's
invitation to meet and conduct friendly talks. For the second time they met in the Amaras monastery, which was situated in
Melik Shahnazar's domain. Here Nadir Shah's favourite - the heroic Prince Allah Ghuli Sultan was arrested and transferred to
the Shushi prison. The plot was made and carried out by Melik Shahnazar.
For a long time the people remembered and sang the songs which the Armenian giant was singing behind the bars of
his cell. In the songs he called his brave brother Melik Adam and his brother-in-arms - invincible Avag the Giant (who was
named Mad Bishop by the enemy) to come to his help and destroying Shushi, rescue him from the prison.12
Dali Mahrasa was the Armenian Kior Oghli. The people will remember his
miraculous victories forever. He mounted his famous grey horse and as a
lightening flashed in the battlefield, his fierce and thunderous voice was
enough to make the enemy's blood run cold. The fanatical clergy
punished the mad bishop for his bloody battles. During the reign of
Catholicos Simon13 he was imprisoned in Echmiadzin and was kept in a
icy room to repent of what he had done. Once, feeling that something
unexpected had thrown the prison into confusion, and making inquiries
and finding out that the Jalal Kurds had attacked to plunder the church of
its treasures, the repenter said, "Can you give me a horse and some
guns?" His request was granted. Several hours later he returned the
church bringing back the cattles that the Kurds had stolen. For this act he
was set free under a promise of not murdering anybody.14
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The bishop Avag, Turi-Arzaman and Chalaghan-Yuzpashi kept guard of the Maze bridge (across the Karkarr river, near the
village Varakn) for seven years and not even a Turk set foot on the Jraberd and Giulistan land.
Soon the heroic Melik was murdered in the Shushi prison. His brother Adam replaced him. The novelist Raffi wrote,
"He bore a strong resemblence to his courageous brother, as a child he was taken hostage by the Daghestan Sultan Khosrov
and was brought up among the highlanders, adopting their heroic qualities and characteristics. He was rescued by Nadir
Shah during his Daghestan compaign."15
Bringing together many nomadic tribesmen who had already settled in the Kur-Arax valley, Panah Ali launched a
second attack on Jraberd. Melik Adam was forced to retreat to Giulistan crossing the thick forests of his domain. The
battlefield was transferred to Giulistan. Melik Adam and Melik Hovsep, accompanied by the army and a part of their people
took refuge in Gandzak. The Shahverdi Khan of Gandzak was Panah Ali's rival. Even Nadir Shah's attempts of weakening
the Gandzak Khanate had always antogonized the rulers of Gandzak and now they refused to recognize Panah calling him
an intruder and impostor. Gandzak's Shahverdi Khan maintained friendly relations with the Armenian meliks of Karabagh.
The Giulistan Melik Hovsep's mother was the sister of Shahverdi Khan. This woman had been kidnapped by Hovsep's father
Abov II the Lame, who married her after baptizing and giving her the Christian name Mariam. The Gandzak Khan refused to
become reconciled with the Armenian Melik and soon presented his brother-in-law with several estates. Besides this
relationship, the Shahverdi Khan was grateful to the Jraberd melik for assistance in his struggle for throne against his brother
Mamad Khan.16 No less important was the fact that the Gandzak khans were originally Persian, and as such tried to
maintain close relations with the Armenians, shared mutual affection and fought a common enemy. And so the Shahverdi
Khan decided to settle the two Armenian meliks in Shamkor environs, the boundries of the settlement being clearly defined to
avoid further trouble. Melik Adam and Melik Hovsep "established themselves in those mountainous regions waiting for a
favourable opportunity to resume their bloody quarrel with Panah Ali."17
The Dizak Melik Yessayi remained the only serious rival of Panah Ali in Karabagh. Twice Panah Ali launched attacks
on the Togh fortress and was humiliated by a defeat. But the third attack was successful for him. A peace treaty was
concluded between the lords of Shushi and Dizak. Melik Yessayi's death in 1781 was the chance Panah Ali had been waiting
for. He extended his domain, capturing Meghri from the Karabagh Khanate, Tatev and Sissian from Nakhichevan and Kapan
and Goris from the Tabriz beglerbeg. Then he conquered the Tartarr lowlands stretching to the Kura river and Jabrail. All the
Tatar bandits of the surrounding districts arrived to serve under Panah, as he had not ceased to patronize robbers and
plunderers. The Nakhichevan majors Demirch-Hassanlu and the Jinli chieftain from Georgia entered his service too. Panah's
forces comprised the Jivanshir, Otuziki (thirty-two), Kebirli tribes inhabiting the Kur-Arax valley (Arran).
Thus the Khanate of Shushi, established in the heart of the Armenian stronghold, step by step assuming control of
the whole of what was formerly Khachen and also neighbouring provinces, threatened a serious danger to the Iranian rulers,
who designed to seize Shushi from the Tatar chieftain Panah Ali.18
Mohammad-Hassan Khan Ghajar of Mazandaran undertook the first campaign. Crossing the Arax river he encamped
in the Khatunarkh settlement not far from Shushi. The Armenians constantly attacked their camps and stole their herds. Soon
the Mazandaran governor surrounded Shushi and was making preparations for a decisive attack when being reported about
a threatening rebillion in Iran proper, was obliged to leave Karabagh and hurry back to Iran. The rebells were led by the
Shiraz vekil Kerim Khan Zend. The news threw Mohammad-Hassan Khan into such a confusion that he left without taking
the artillery of the army. Panah Ali rejoiced at the "present" and ordered to carry the cannons into the town.
At that time Shushi continued to be preponderantly Armenian. The lower town was occupied largely by Tatars, while
the higher town was Armenian. Each district possessed its internal way of life. The Armenian settlers gradually forgot their
native language forms and adopted the Artsakh dialect, creating an original atmosphere in the town, which in its turn
influenced the traditional patriarchal mode of life of the whole Karabagh, whose largely Armenian population was forced to
submit to the Tatar rule, which received material and moral benefits from its subjects.
The second campaign against Panah Ali was undertaken in 1761 by the Urmia governor Fatali Khan Avshar. He
assembled an army of 30 thousand men. During the reign of Nadir Shah Fatali Khan was the commander-in-chief of infantry
regiment. He had already subjugated the Azarbaijan (Atropateni) district and was planning to conquer the entire
Transcaucasian land and then seize the Iranian throne. The Georgian King Hercule and the Jraberd meliks Adam and
Hovsep took part in the campaign. The Persian army encamped in the Khojalu village which was situated in the territory lying
between the Askeran fortress and the Varakn village (the present day capital of Nagorno Karabagh Republic Stepanakert).
Fatali Khan promisted to hand Panah Ali over to the Armenians in return for the assistance to take the fortress. Panah Ali
preferred the direct conflict to staying in the besieged fortress, as the reconstruction works were still in duration. Coordinating
the military capability of the Jivanshir tribes he launched the first attack. The decisive battle ended with the victory of Fatali
Khan. Panah Ali and Melik Shahnazar had to obstain from further resistance and submit to the Urmian Khan, obtaining their
freedom in exchange for 10 thousand in gold coins.19 Pledging his word, Panah Ali sent his son Ibrahim Khalil to Fatali Khan
as a hostage. The son was convinced that he was invited to the Fatali Khans tent to marry his daughter. Considering the
results of the campaign, which lasted six months, as successful, Fatali Khar returned to Iran taking Panah Ali's elder son with
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him.15 Fatali Khan had to hurry as he was aware of the new rising against him under the Shiraz governor Kerim Khan Zend
who was Persian by origin. Considering this opportunity favourable Panah Ali joined Kerim Khan, who was already on his
way to Urmia. Panah's younger son Mihrali was ordered to replace his father in Shushi. Panah hoped to save his elder son
from inevitable death. Kerim Khan Zend was thirsting for revenge for his brother, who was killed in a battle by Fatali Khan.
Zend was ruling over the greatest part of Iran. The young Ismail Shah of Iran was placed in the custody of Kherim Khan. The
conflict between Kerim Khan Zend and Fatali Khan was not only the result of personal enmity but a struggle for overlordship
between an originally Persian family and a Turkic tribe (Qajar and Avshar). In 1762 the battle near Urmia resulted in a
decisive victory over Fatali Khan, who was taken captive and decapitated in the same place where Kerim's brother had been
put to death. The new ruler of Iran freed Ibrahim Khalil and took him to Shiraz together with his father Panah Ali, who
immidiately guessed that he had been deceived by Kerim Khan and fallen into a trap and decided to mislead him. Panah was
famous for his addiction to drugs and once after smoking opium he fell asleep. Ibrahim told Kerim Khan that his father was
dead and asked to be given permission to transfer his mortal remains to Karabagh and bury in the funerary chapel of his
ancestors. The Persian Khan who was ingenious enough to sense the deceit of the Tatar nomads, answered that he
intended to organize the funeral ceremony himself to honour Panah Ali's memory. The "corpse" was embalmed. Then
Ibrahim was granted with a Khan's title and sent to Karabagh together with Panah Ali's body who was actually dead this time.
He was buried in the Imarat place near the village Aghdum (white village).21
After the funeral a real struggle broke out between Panah's sons for the material inheritance of their father. Ibrahim
was supported by the Shushi population while Mihrali's adherents inhabited the lowlands and were mainly the nomadic
tribesmen, dissatisfied of Panah's overlordship. Panah Ali's former allies - the Avarians supported Ibrahim's claims. The
Derbend governor Fatali Khan sided with Mihrali as he was in continuous enmity with the Avar, whose leader Mohammad Nutsuli22 was murdered while conducting negotiations with the Derbent Khan. Fatali intended to destroy the den of the Avar
allies and establish his faithful Mihrali there. Fatali, who had already taken Gandzak, was to join Mihrali in the Karabagh
valley and launch an attack on Shushi. But the successive events turned to be destructive for Mihrali. Fatali's sudden death
was a great blow to him. Soon after this Mihrali himself was murdered by a relative of his. Ibrahim easily assumed power in
the Khanate. He had inherited the trait of diplomacy from his father, but was more deceitful and cruel. He decided to restore
the stolen property of the Giulistan and Jraberd meliks, who, settled somewhere near Shamkor, threatened revenge on him.
But the two "mighty and brave princes",23 as the Simeon Yerevantsi Catholicos portrayed them, were of much benefit to the
Gandzak Khan. Ibrahim set up a new, firm alliance with Melik Shahnazar, marrying his daughter - the beautiful Houri-Zade.
She was the granddaughter of the Dizak Melik Yessayi, as Melik-Shahnazar's first wife Sona was the daughter of Melik
Yessayi and was forced by Melik Shahnazar to marry him, while her husband Hovsep was still alive.
In 1763 Catherine II came to throne in Russia. The Empress inherited the essence of Peter the Great's diplomacy.
The conquest of the Black sea straits became the foremost goal of the state. But they were prevented by the Turkish vassal
state of Crimean Khanate and the European powers backing Turkey. Grigori Alexandrovich Potiomkin was the most
influential person in the court. He intended to suppress the Ottoman Empire and make it leave Europe. The Armenian
merchants and manufacturers had already taken a highly visible role in the development of industry and trade in Russia. The
Empress greatly respected and honoured one of the most powerful Armenian magnates - Hovhannes Lazarian (Ivan
Lazarev). His father, the merchant Yeghiazar (Aghazar) in 1747 left New Jugha (Isfahan) accompanied with his four sons
and moved to Moscow, starting his business. Soon the family moved to Petersburg, where his son Hovhannes (Ivan) entered
the state service and soon became famous for his activity in the financial sphere. He was elected a member of the State
Bank administration. Soon he bought the estate Ropsha with its magnificent mansion in the Petersburg environment, which
became the favourite place of the Russian royal family and the court. Hovhannes was a great patriot too, one of the
adherents of the perspective movement of establishing an independent Armenian state under a single monarch. At this time
the Catholicos Simeon appointed the Archbishop Hovsep the leader of Armenian diocese in Russia. This Hovsep Archbishop
Arghutian was an active political dealer and was in fact the Armenian ambassador in Russia. Soon Hovhannes Lazarian and
Hovsep Arghutian addressed to the Armenian meliks of Karabagh a letter, informing about the advance of the Russian
troops. Thus Russia hadn't given up the policy of expanding to the Caspian coast and Transcaucasia and intended to
encourage the native Christian inhabitants to support them before undertaking the campaign.
Again the struggle for the Catholicos' residence broke out in Karabagh. It was not only an ecclesiastical split between
the two wings of Gandzassar and Yeritsmankats monastery but an uncontrolled struggle between the two rivals of Gandzak
and Shushi Khanates. Everybody in the district, prince or peasant, bishop or higher clergy was engaged in the struggle, as if
the fate of the country depended upon this problem. The rule of the Albanian Catholicossate passed to the Nerses Catholicos
after the death of Yessayi-Hassan-Jalalian. Nerses belonged to Jraberd, who according to the written obligation to the
Catholicos of all Armenians had no right to appoint any of his relatives an heir to the title, but transfer the ecclesiastical rule
to the legitimate owners, that is to the Khachen lords of the Jalalian family. Nerses had also promised to reside in
Gandzassar, but he didn't go there, perhaps avoiding submission to the Shushi Khan. His preferred residence was the
Yeritsmankats monastery, not far from Jraberd. After the meliks left the country, his residence was transferred to Gandzak. In
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1763 the 120-years old Catholicos Nerses, sensing his death, broke his promise given to Echmiadzin and appointed his
nephew Archbishop Israel the Albanian Catholicos, in the presence of Armenian meliks and military commanders. After
Nerses' death the religious representatives of the subject regions of Shaki (Nokhut-Nukhi), Shemakhi, Derbent, Baku were
invited to Gandzak, where in the Church St. Hovhannes the Yeritsmankats monastery bishop Israel was ordained as the
Catholicos of Albania. It is said that observing that the number of archbishops was less than was needed to consider the
consecration legitimate, Shahverdi Khan himself dressed like an archbishop and took part in the ceremony. The Catholicos of
all Armenians Simeon demanded that Israel should go to Echmiadzin to be consecrated Albanian Catholicos, but Israel
refused to go. Some time later the Khamsa meliks, about fifty of them, took the Gandzassar monastery bishop Hovhannes
Jalalian to Echmiadzin and asked the Simeon Catholicos to ordain him. Albanian Catholicos, the Gandzak Khan too
supported the meliks in the matter. But Simeon refused the request on the grounds that Israel was already ordained
Catholicos of Albania. The delegates felt hurt, but returning to Gandzassar they themselves ordained Hovhannes. The
Catholicos of all Armenians was persuaded to accept this candidate, as Israel continued to refuse to reside in Gandzassar.
Simeon published a decree and sent it to Karabagh ordering not to recognize Israel as a Catholicos of Albania.24 Thus the
attempt to heal the split was unsuccessful, moreover it added up to the split in the communuty and the whole region suffered
from this fact politically. Israel was backed by the Gandzak Khan, while Hovhannes was patronized by Ibrahim Khan of
Shushi. Israel strengthened his positions often applying to the foreign rulers for help, ignoring interests of the motherland. The
next step was to win the favour of the meliks. This campaign too was victorious for Ibrahim and Israel. Ibrahim conducted
direct negotiations with the Giulistan Melik, suggesting to forget enmity and live in peace. The only thing Hovsep wanted the
Khan to do, was not to interfere in his affairs without invitation. The Gandzak Khan was against this agreement between the
Giulistan Melik and Ibrahim Khan. The atmosphere became tense. The Giulistan Melik left for Georgia.25 The circumstances
were beneficial to Ibrahim Khan.
The dissatisfaction of the neighbouring countries with the Gandzak Khan was on the increase and as a result the
allied army of Husein Khan of Shamakhi, Ibrahim Khan and the Shamshadin advanced to Gandzak. Shahverdi Khan applied
to the Jari highlanders for help in return for numerous treasures. But soon managing to come to an agreement with Ibrahim
and Husein khans, cuncluded a peace treaty with them. The mob of the Avar-Lezgian highlanders, who had already arrived
to support Gandzak, was sent to plunder the settlements in the Yerevan province. One of the heads of Armenian liberation
movements Hovsep Emin was among the Avarians. He was born in 1726 in the Homadan city of Iran, in the family of a local
merchant.26 He was brought up on the stories about the brave defenders of the Armenian Sghnakhs and was dreaming of
being capable to serve the motherland and do his best to restore the once mighty state of Armenia. Soon the family moved to
India, where the young Emin became acquanted with the latest military technics and navy structures and made a resolute
decision to go to Europe to continue his education and work there for some time if possible and then go to Karabagh to
support the Armenian meliks to restore the monarchy in his native land. In 1751 on February 14, he secretly left for England.
Here he established close relations with the London ruling circles, came in touch with the vangards of scientific progress. He
entered the Royal Military Academy in London. In 1756 he took part in the war with France. Then entered the service of the
Russian King. In his letter addressed to the Georgian King Hercule he wrote that he was patronized by the English prince and
asked his permission to serve in the Gedorgian army as a European officer and teach the Georgian soldiers the European
tactics, to enable them to fight "like the Europeans". At last in 1759 Emin left England for Armenia. He reached Echmiadzin
via Turkey. Hakob Shemakhetsi had just been consecrated Catholicos of all Armenians. Following the example of the
Georgian King Hercule and his father Teimuraz the new Catholicos in his turn applied to the Russian Empress for help
against the Lezgi highlanders and begged to support Teimuraz who had left for Russia.
Emin stayed in Echmiadzin as a pilgrim for some time. It was here that he was reported about the death of the heroic
bishop Avag. His intention to go to Karabagh and join the liberation movement under the heroic Avag, dashed to the ground.
Instead of going to Karabagh or Tiflis, he made up his mind to leave for England and remaining there for some time follow his
predecessor Israel Ori's route and return to Armenia via Russia. In May 1761 Emin was already in England. Through the
intermediary of Prince Golitsin who was the Russian ambassador in England, he obtained a Russian passport and left for
Russia where was accepted by the Russian prime minister Mikhail Illarionovich Vorontsov in Petersburg. He met with the
Georgian King Teimuraz, who due to a conflict with his son had left for Russia and was residing in St. Petersburg. Emin failed
to pay a visit to the Empress Catherine II, as she was sick onto death and couldn't accept him. The Princess Elizabeth was
aware of Emin's mission. The Emperor Peter III replaced Catherine II on the Russian throne. Teimuraz and Emin planned to
return to Caucasia but soon Teimuraz passed away and Emin had to return to Armenia alone. He obtained a new passport,
where he was mentioned to be "a bek's son". He took the prime-minister's letter addressed to Hercule with him and left for
Georgia. Probably the prime-minister considered that Emin's activity would give an impetus to the liberation movements in
Armenia and Georgia and thus assist the progress of the Russian power.
The activity was mutually beneficial. In Moscow Ori met with the celebrated representative of the Karabagh
intelligentsia Moses Baghramian. They left for Astrakhan together, from there they went to Kizlar, which demarkated the
Russian border. The commandant of the town sent Emin back to Petersburg, as his passport was signed by Peter III, who
was overthrown by this time.
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The Russian prime-minister suggested Emin to enter the service of the Russian army for several times and head the
Armenian regiment deployed in Astrakhan, but Emin refused the offer. In Moscow Emin was introduced to Hovhannes
Lazarian. In February 1763 accompanied by Moses Baghramian, Emin left for Georgia. He solemnly arrived in Tiflis. With the
weakening of Persian power the Georgian influence had become stronger in Transcaucasia.
But the continuous Lezgi wars were destructive for the kingdom. Herkule was much interested in the person who had
been educated in Europe and wanted him to enter his service. But he did not intend to assist Emin's anti-Turkish project and
fight against Turkey for liberating the Armenian territories. He was satisfied with the Georgian vassalage under Persia, as the
country was enjoying independence and avoided any conflict with Turkey. Of course, as a Christian state he wasn't against
the advance of Russia, and in this case would like to submit to the Russians. He needed Emin only for his tactical
knowledges to realize his own projects. Aware of Kerim Khan's new Transcaucasian campaign, Emin coordinated the
Armenian military capability mobilizing 8 hundred young soldiers for a special regiment. But soon Kerim Khan's brother Zaki
Khan revolted and Kerim had to leave for Isfahan without delay.27
Emin asked Herkule's permission to lead a Georgian regiment of thousand of soldiers. He intended to join them with
his Armenian brigade, move to Iranian Azarbaijan and with a sudden attack defeat Kerim Khan. Herkule tersely refused to
help him. Taking his brigade of 24 volunteers. Emin left for Haghpat in October of 1763, to fight against the Lezgi plunderers.
On his way he met a group of Lezgis consisting of 52 men. The battle lasted 10 hours. The Lezgis were forced to flee,
leaving 14 deads. Only three Armenians were injured. Hercule had broken his promise of supplying the small group with food.
Again Emin applied to the Georgian for help. This time he requested for an army to advance to western Armenia,
Kars, Baiazet, Van, Mush, to join the numerous Armenian regiments. This time Hercule agreed to assist him. The bishop of
St. Karapet monastery, which was situated not far from Mush, promised to place an army of 49 thousand men under his
authority, among them Kurd and Assyrian soldiers.
But a new event prevented this undertaking. The Catholicos of all Armenians did not back Emin's revolt, so hearing
about the promise given to him by Hovnan, he dismissed him from priesthood, as if for adherence to Catholicism. In fact
Hovnan had cooperated with the Assyrians and Armenian Catholics only in the interest of the rebellion.
A war broke out between Imeretia and Turkey. The Turks were defeated by the King Solomon of Imeretia. The Turks
intended to launch an attack on Iran and eastern Georgia. The Catholicos of all Armenians was afraid that Emin's activity
would autagonize the Turkish officials, so he applied to Hercule with a letter of March 25, 1764 and advised "to send back
the Armenian Prince to the place, from where he had arrived".28
Simeon Yerevantsi, who was one of the educated persons of the time, was a great scholar and philosopher, but was
very coutious in political matters and opposed to Emin's undertaking, which could be destructive for the Armenian Church and
the nation. He considered that the nation should be patronized by one of the powerful states and achieve its aims only with
an external assistance. Herkule in his turn appreciated highly the opinion and the influence of the Armenian patriarch.
Hercule, as one of the descendants of the Armenian Bagratids, considered himself an heir of that inheritance, so the
Catholicos' allusion that Emin was a "prince", greatly irritated him. Besides, he was sure that the Turks had given up the idea
of conquering Georgia and decided to get rid of Emin. He sent Emin with the group of his volunteers beyond the Caucasus,
from where he should leave for Russia. On his way Emin fell ill and remained in the Chechen village Bragun for a couple of
months. An Armenian family was taking care of him. The local tribes, especially the tribesmen of Michigiz, suggested Emin to
lead them to Georgia. 12 thousand highlanders were ready to carry out his orders. Emin went to the Khunzakh settlement of
the Avars and met their leader Mohammad Mussakhan. He remained there for three months. He refused the Khan's proposal
of launching an attack on Georgia and asked him to order a group of highlanders to accompany him to Karabagh. His request
was carried out, a group of 21 men accompanied him to Jar.
Led by Shahverdi Khan the Lezgiz and Avarians prepared a new attack and asked Emin to join them. Instead of the
promised payment of the Gandzak Khan the highlanders were persuaded to move to Yerevan and plunder the Armenian
villages. Emin put off his visit to Karabagh trying to prevent them from that disasterous campaign. The Jari Avarians
accepted him gladly and appointed 40 bodyguards to him.29 Emin undertook the leadership of one of the regiments. On their
way to Yerevan they ran into a large group of Kurdish refugees from the Kolani tribe. They were offered a new settlement in
the Karabagh villages Tsar (Karvacharr-Kialbajar), Kashunik (Kochez, then Lachin), Kovshakan (Zangelan) of Jebrail district
by the Ibrahim Khan of Shushi, who intended to draw away the native Armenians from their homeland and also separate
Karabagh from the heart of Armenia, the Ararat valley in this way. He also hoped that the Armenian meliks would have an
additional problem to cope with, as the Kurds had strong tendences for pillaging and stealing Armenian girls. Many other
nomadic tribes migrated to Armenia from Georgia including the tribes Pius, Koi-Ahmedli, Koracharli, Jinly, Dmirchi-Hsanli,
Ghzl-Hajili, Safi-Kiurd, Sahertli, Kergirli.30 The Lezgis won a victory over the Kolani tribe, seizing 2 thousand eight hundred
horned cattle, 6 hundred horses and took 814 captives. The Kolanis turned to Giulistan Melik Hovsep residing in
Shamshadin. He was leading the Georgian army. With a sudden attack Hovsep defeated the Lezgis and taking back the
pillage, and persued them to the Kura river. During that time Emin had already managed to free the number of Kurdish and
Armenian captives from the Lezgis. The Lezgis let the Gandzak Khan know about their intention to punish him for the deceit.
Shahverdi had to collect money from his own subjects to pay the highlanders. The population revolted against him. The khan
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had a narrow escape with his family and found refuge in Shamkor, in Melik Adam's house. The rebells handed up the
Gandzak rule to Ibrahim. Melik Adam and Shahverdi Khan tried to reconquer Gandzak but without success. Shahverdi turned
to the Shemakhi Khan, Herkule and the Lezgis for help. Hercule did his best to reestablish him in Gandzak in return for
recognizing his independence. Through the intermidiary of the Giulistan Melik Hovsep Ibrahim Khan too accepted him as the
only ruler of Georgia. In summer of 1767 Hovsep had established himself in Getashen and released his brigade of 5 hundred
soldiers, when the Shahverdi Khan sent an army of 4 thousand 5 hundred men against him. At that time Hovsep Emin was
hosted by the Melik. Emin had concluded that the cradle of Armenian liberation movement was Karabagh, though the heart
of the mountain stronghold Shushi, was not in their hands. Emin was accompanied by Movses Baghramian, who acquainted
him with the political and economical peculiarities of his native district.
In his autobiography Emin had described thoroughly the attack of the Gandzakians. He wrote about their defenders,
"It was a great pleasure to watch the activity of our heroes. They climbed the hills and attacked the enemy as enraged lions,
scattering them on all sides." The enemy, unable to resist the attacks of Melik Hovsep's brave son Beglar, retreated.
The enemy suffered heavy consualties. From Armenian side only four soldiers were killed, while the enemy lost forty
soldiers and 50 horses. After the victory the melik's soldiers, without rest, prepared to resist the new attack of the Gandzak
Khan. Soon his new army of 10 thousand soldiers arrived under the leadership of his son Mohammad Hassan. This time they
had brought an artillery with them. Mohammad was accompanied by the Jraberd Melik Adam, whose intermediary turned to
be unsuccessful as the Giulistans preferred to fight. During the battle the Giulistan soldiers were trying not to kill their
Armenian brothers on the other side. The Gandzak Khan was humiliated by defeat. His enormous army was pursued by a
small group of Melik Hovsep's son to the Gandzak gates. Seeing this act of bravery Ibrahim Khan agreed to become
reconciled with Melik Hovsep. Melik Adam followed his example and returned to Jraberd with his people and his troops. The
"not real" Catholicos Israel came with Melik Adam and resided in Yeritsmankants monastery.
Hovsep Emin lived in Giulistan for ten months. But one day the hospitable Melik Hovsep asked his guest to leave the
house and the melikdom. Emin went to Gandzassar. The Albanian Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian accepted him warmly.
From here he left for Shushi to meet Ibrahim Khan, accompanied by the Kolani Kurd Sheikh, whom Emin had freed from
captivity, the Shushi dweller Isahac and Movses Bagramian. The Catholicos Hovhannes wrote a letter to Ibrahim Khan about
Emin's arrival, adding that ;
"Accept him according to your wish, but as far as I have noticed, he hopes
to find friendly acceptance and
attentive treatment on the side of Your
Highness, as was treated by the English princes and even by the
Daghestan Lezgis who are in enmity with all the universal nations. Let
Your humanity decide how to meet
the princely guest and lead your mind
to respect the law of hospitability, which was founded by the patriarch
Abraham.
Yours Hovhannes Catholicos of Gandzassar,
and servant of Christ.31"
Ibrahim Khan was aware of Emins intentions and activity but the "guest's" close relationship with the Daghestan
Lezgis and the Russian court prevented him from murdering Emin. Probably Emin paid the visit as a special envoy of the
Russian empire. During this tour his companian Movses Baghdassarian intended to set up educational institutions in different
parts of his native Karabagh but he understood that in the environment of Ibrahim Khan's anti-Armenian policy, it was
impossible to undertake such an activity. Emin adviced him to leave for Madras in 1767, where he devoted himself to
teaching the Armenian language and history to the children of influential Armenian of India, at the same time cooperating
with the famous representatives of the Armenian community Shahamir Shahamirian, his son Hakob, Grigor Khojajanian and
others who were as enthusiastic and patriotic as himself. The Karabagh Armenian immediately engaged himself in is
establishing a printing press in the town and publishing political periodicals and literature there. In 1773 he wrote and
published the book "A New Book Called Yordorak", which was a unique creation in the Armenian historiography. It was a
new project of the Armenian liberation movement, an appeal to the young generation to restore the independence of their
country. It was the first work in the Armenian culture representing public literature and calling the nation to rise for realizing
their supreme goals. Nobody else could do such a work except Movses Baghramian, a traveller, researcher, literary student,
political dealer, a true compatriot of Hovsep Emin.
The Simeon Catholicos, who had adopted a policy of suppressing any revolt still in cradle, punished Movses
Bagramian, unfrocked him and forbade to publish such kind of works.
Hovsep Emin soon returned to Gandzassar from Shushi. The Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian earnestly confessed
that Simeon, the Catholicos of all Armenians had sent letters to himself and the meliks, forbidding to accept Hovsep Emin, or
else threatened to unfrock and anathematize them. Now Emin understood why Melik Hovsep had told him to leave his
melikdom.
Simeon Catholicos had set up a new campaign against the Gandzassar Catholicossate and seized the Shamakhi
and Nakhi-Shaki dioceses, even asking the assistance of the Muslim Khans. It may even seem that the Catholicos of all
Armenians hindered the development of the national liberation movements in the most favourable situation, when anarchy
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and disorder reigned over Iran and there was a weakening in Turkish authority and a well-organized campaign could liberate
the country from foreign yoke and restore the statehood under such a celebrated and devoted leader as Hovsep Emin. In
Shamakhi Emin was informed that the Armenian-Assyrian Christians of Khoi and Salmast were ready to assist him with an
army of 18 thousand armed soldiers. This news made Emin hopeful. He hurried to the Assyrian village Khosrova via
Karabagh. But the Asrgrians refused to cooperate with him when learnt that he had no money. Again Emin applied to
Hercule. But aware of the Catholicos Simeon's request, he politely asked Emin to leave the country. Emin went to the Imaret
King Solomon, and he invited Emin to take part in his feasts. Emin understood that this feasting King would be of no help to
him and left the palace. Emin understood that this was the end of his eight years' strivings and wanderings. All his dreams
dashed to the ground. Emin returned to India, to his family, and lived there till the end of his life.
As Armenia had long since lost its sovereignity and was unable to protect its population and the meliks were the sole
authorities of withstanding threats from abroad and maintaining national traditions, the Armenian political dealers and
liberators all over the world always turned to them. The alliance to Georgia was of vital importance, but the hopes of the
Armenians were frusterated largely by the Georgian King Hercule. The Georgian nobility was disunited and discordant and
the Armenians could not rely on them. Both the Armenians and the Georgians were left to their fate. The only realistic hope
for them became Russia.
At the end of the eighteenth century the population of Karabagh remained largely Armenian. In a report to Empress
Catherine II, General Potiomkin noted that they should consider the question of putting the administration of the region
inhabited by Armenians under the charge of Russia and reestablish a Christian state there, in accordance to the promises of
the Russian Empire.
The Shushi Khanate was undergoing destruction at the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The Khan was looking
for new allies. Soon he married the sister of Jar Khan Umma. The bride Bakhtak was twelve years old. The Sarujalu chieftain
was the close friend of the Caucasian plunderers. The founder of Shushi Khanate Panah Ali used to ravage the Armenian,
Georgian and Persian settlements together with the highlanders. Now, related by marriage, their relations became more
close. The highlanders also benefited from the cooperation, so Umma Khan forcibly married the young girl to the "ugly,
clumsy and hateful Ibrahim."32 The bride left her native land accompanied by a cavalry of three thousand soldiers, which was
needed to supress Armenian risings. Obtaining a solid ground Ibrahim undertook a campaign to deprive the Armenian meliks
of their authority and influence. A plot was formed against the Jraberd Melik Mejlum in his village Ghazarkh (later Maragha),
which turned unsuccessful for Ibrahim.
Again Russia began to encourage the Armenian liberation movements, holding out the prospect of the creation of a
"christian" Armenian state. The Empress Catherine II ordered the heroic general of Russo-Turkish wars A. Suvorov to
undertake the realization of the Caspian project. Hovhannes Lazarian and Archbishop Hovsep Arghutian were the general's
advisers in the matter. Suvorov regularly corresponded with the Armenian meliks from Astrakhan. He thoroughly investigated
the geographical position and the routes of the region and described the Armenian fortresses in his reports to the Empress.33
General Suvorov was firstly acquainted with the Armenian issue in 1778, when settled the Armenians in the southern
regions of Russia. The Armenians migrated there from Crimea. Suvorov was one of the faithful defenders of the nation in the
Russian court. He was brought up in the atmosphere of his grandmother's stories about the Karabagh patriots.The
grandmother had an Armenian origin. Ezov wrote that "the Greek project of the Empress suggested restoring the political
independence of Armenia under supreme protection of Russia. The project was especially actively supported by Prince
Potiomkin and General Suvorov."34
In 1728 Prince Potiomkin appointed his relative General Pavel Potiomkin commander-in-chief of Northern Caucasus.
On March 5, 1728 the Catholicos of Albania held a meeting in Gandzassar. The Armenian meliks of Dizak, Jraberd, Giulistan
and Gharadagh (the former Paitakaran) as well as six bishps took part in it. They composed a petition addressed to Prince
Potiomkin. As a result of this document, the prince ordered General Potiomkin to dismiss the Ibrahim Khan of Shushi, "as
Karabagh might form an independent unit under the protection of Russia. Do your best organize the new state considering
the interests of the population. This way you can make the influential Armenian districts follow the example of Karabagh."35
According to this project Karabagh, should be the heart of the future Armenian state. General Potiomkin wrote in a report to
the Empress Catherine II;
"As soon as the occasion arises, we must consider the question of
putting the administration of this region, which is inhabited by Armenians
under our charge and so establishing in Asia a Christian state, in
accordance with the august promisis of Your Imperial Highness, made
through my intermediary, to the Armenian meliks."
According to the project a part of the army was to conquer the Caspian coast in 1784, while the other part should advance to
Tiflis and from there to Karabagh and then to Karadagh.
At that time Ali Murad Khan Zend was the crown-prince of Iran. He ruled over the greatest part of the country and
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was continuously warring against the Qajars for the royal title. In 1784 he offered the project of a Russo-Persian treaty,
where the restoration of the Armenian statehood was considered very important.36. According to the project the Yerevan,
Nakhichevan, Karabagh and Karadagh (Paitakaran) khanates should unite and form an Armenian state under Russia, in
return for it Russia should be obliged to recognize Ali Murad Khan as Shah of Iran, and also defend Iran against the Turks.
But Catherine II prolonged the conclusion of the treaty. Ali Murad Khan Zend was ill at that time and intended to winter in the
Mughan plain and then in spring of 1784 be consecrated in the Artabil mosque, which was a sacred place for the Shii
Muslims. In the opinion of the historian of Baku school G. Abdulaev in 1784 "Russia and Iran intended to carve up Azarbaijan
between themselves". This point of view is errenous because, firstly, Azarbaijan is an Iranian district, the Baku historian is
striving to denigrate its Iranian element, and secondly, Gharadagh, which in ancient times was called Paitakaran, was
inhabited by Armenians and after the seperation of Armenia in 387, when no Turkic tribe existed there, passed to Iran).
Murad Khan Zend intended to winter in the Mughan plain and consequently the Russian army could not advance the
Gandzak and Karabagh. And again the liberation of Armenia was put off to better times. Soon the French Count and probably
a secret agent Ferier Sovbef arrived in Isfahan. He took several steps "to move the Armenian question" from immobility,
together with Ali Murad Khan, he spread rumours about French and Irano-Turkish treaty, which made Catherine II hurry to
conclude a treaty with Iran. Colonel V.S. Tomara was sent to Isfahan by General Potiomkin, where he declared about the
Empress' order "wishing to make use of Ali Murad Khan's intention to conclude a treaty with the Russian Empire" and also
stressed that Russia would feel safe having "the Armenian nation as a rampart between Russia and Turkey", which was the
continuation of the Empress "rampart tactics."38
With the Russian project of the treaty the restoration of Armenian kingdom was overlooked and mentions were made
only about the Armenian nature of the authoritative powers of the restored state. The second provision of the document
viewed introduction of Russian protection over eastern and western Georgia, which would have an actual power only in case
of the victory of the "Russo-Iranian defensive treaty." The first provision of the document read;
"The liberation of western Armenian territories from Turkey. Later eastern
Armenia reunites with its "national corps" of western Armenia and creates
a united and independent Armenia, under a national
government."Corresponding agreements" should be reached with that
government."
Then it was stated that the treaty must be signed by Ali Murad Khan Zend, laying him under an obligation to guard
and forbid the established Armenian territory "to expand".But the course of events wasn't beneficial for the treaty. While the
envoys were on their way, the news of Murad Khan Zend in death was broken in Khoi (formerly Ter). The Colonel left the
city. Though the hopes of the Armenians were frusterated, but it was the first time in the Armenian history that Russia and
Iran exercised their authority to reunite eastern and western Armenias and establish an Armenian state.
Aware of the current situation of Armeno-Russian relations Ibrahim Khan sent an Armenian envoy to General
Potiomkin in Derbent to declare about his submission to Russia. The queen seemed to back this submission. But General
Potiomkin was soon disillusioned. The Khan wasn't hurrying to submit, gaining time, deliberately using slow methods. He set
on to fortify the Shushi fortress and mobilize his military forces. The Karabagh, Khoi, Nakhichevan and Baku governor khans
made secret plans to hinder the advance of the Russian troops. The Suleiman Khan of Akhaltska took part in the plot too. But
soon observing the threatening position of the Russian army in Transcaucasia, all khans hurried to declare about their
submission to the Russian Empire. Instead of the Russians, the Fatali Khan of Derbent launched an attack on Shushi.
Ibrahim turned to the Georgian King Hercule, who hurriedly came to his help. The Derbent ruler offered Hercule to destroy
Ibrahim with joint power and divide his domain between themselves; the Armenian part - to Hercule and the Tatar part - to
Fatali. But Hercule refused the idea. General Potiomkin demanded that Fatali Khan should draw off his army, as Ibrahim, as a
Russian subject, was placed under Russian protection.39
This situation set the insidious Khan free to realize his intrigues. He considered the circumstances favourable to start
a campaign against the Armenian princehood. The straighforward struggle was full of dangers, so he set a trap for the meliks.
In 1787 the Armenian meliks Mejlum Khan, Abov II, Bakhtam (from Dizak) and thirty other meliks were invited to Shushi. The
naive meliks, being brave warriers but bad diplomats, gladly accepted the invitation of Ibrahim Khan. They were immidiately
arrested and imprisoned.40 Then Ibrahim robbed the Gandzassar monastery of its treasures (a part of the valuable
belongings was hidded by the Catholicos) arrested the Catholicos with his five brothers and took them to Shushi. It is said
that the Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian was betrayed by his brother Allah-Ahuli Bek and the Yeritsmankank monastery
Catholicos Israel, who soon established himself in the Amaras monastery with the help of Ibrahim.
Some time later the Armenian volunteers led by Tuli Arzuman of Metsashen and landlord Khachatur, captured the
Shushi prison and freed Melik Mejlum, Melik Abov and all the other prisoners. The Catholicos Hovhannes, Dizak Melik Yegan
and Melik Bakhtam were already poisoned by the Khan.41
Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov immediately left for Tiflis. Tuli Arzuman in his turn hurried to Gandzassar to persuade
the bishop Sargis Jalalian and his nephew Baghdassar (Daniel Bek's son) to flee. The Gandzak Khan Javad sheltered them
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in his domain. During this time Ibrahim managed to murder the Jalal and Daniel Bek brothers of the Catholicos Hovhannes.
Since 1750 Ibrahim Khalil had set on settling the Tatar nomads in the Armenian villages, deporting the inhabitants to
different parts of the area. The settlers also took possession of the personal belongings of the owners, besides the villages
and houses. Slowly the Armenians were being squeezed out of their native land, mass deportations were organized and
carried out by Ibrahim. During the absence of the Jraberd Melik, a thousand families were deported and settled in Dizak. To
create a Muslim majority in Shushi, Ibrahim invited the Kazakh and Shamshadin Turks to settle here. Parallel to this shifts
Ibrahim tried to convert the Armenian population of Shushi to Islam. After murdering the Dizak Melik Bakhtam in the Shushi
prison, Ibrahim forced the Togh Melik Avanians to adopt Islam. The King Hercule demanded that Ibrahim should return back
the Khazakh and Shamshadin Muslim population as they were his subjects and as such paid taxes to him. But being refused
Hercule joined the Armenian meliks against Ibrahim. Two Russian regiments under Colonel Burrnashov took part in the
campaign. But the seige of Shushi was not fated to come true. The Russo-Turkish war was set in motion and Burrnashov was
ordered to return to eastern Caucasus.
Ibrahim made a new attempt to win Hercule's favour, agreeing to send the Kazakh and Shamshadin settlers back to
their land in return for Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov. Hercule was inclined to satisfy this demand. Sensing the trap, the two
Armenian meliks fled from Tiflis and returned to Gandzak, resolute to revenge on Hercule for his treacherous intention
whenever possible.
Melik Shahnazar died in 1792. The Karabagh Armenians considered him an arch-traitor, as his activity was
destructive for the whole region. Melik Shahnazar had three wives. The wife Taguhi had given birth to Jumshud, Sona - to
Hussein and Hourizad, Malayik - to Jhanbashkh, Jhangir and the daughter Huma. Ibrahim was the trustee of Melik
Shahnazar's sons. The son Jhanbashkh managed to receive a Melik's title from his trustee. Husein attacked and plundered
his brother's mansion in Shushi. Jhanbashkh ran away to the Shamkhi Mustafa Khan who was hostile to Ibrahim.
Melik Shahnazar's death was a great blow to Ibrahim. He became weak and disabled. Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov
frequently attacked his domain, but he was unable to protect his population.42
The Mazandaran Qajar Agha Mohammad Khan was kept as hostage by the Iranian ruler Kerim Khan Zendi. The
Qajar Khan had been castrated and employed as eunuch by Nadir Shah. After Kerim Khan's death in 1799, the Qajar Khan
fled to Mazandaran and revolted against the Iranian state claiming to the royal inheritance of the country. Soon he assumed
royal power and chose Tehran as his residence.
In 1795 he subjugated the Atropateni district of Iran.
The Transcaucasian governors, who had submitted to Russia, treated the new Iranian Shah in a domineering
manner. Agha Mohammad surpassed his predecessors in cruelty. He was an ugly man with short figure, colourless eyes,
yellow hairless skin and squeaky voice. He had blinded one of his brothers - Martaz Ghuli and had murdered the elder
brother Jafar Ghuli Khan. Capturing the rebellious city Kirman, he distributed the local 20 thousand women among his
soldiers and ordered to blind the male representatives of the town. He was handed 7 thousand pair of eyes. This Agha
Mohammad Khan set up the Qajar inheritance in Iran. Dividing his army into three parts the new Shah of Iran advanced to
Transcaucasia. His brother Ali Ahuli Khan moved towards Yerevan. The Yerevan Khan immediately submitted to him. The
second army moved to Talish, Shamakhi and Nukhi (Shaki) via Mukhank and subjugated the mentioned khanates. The third
army led by the Shah, advanced to Shushi in 1795 in August. The Gandzak Khan Javad and the Jraberd Melik Mejlum led
their troops in his army. The Georgian King Hercule sent his son Alexander to support Ibrahim Khalil. Melik Shahnazar's son
Jumshud sided with Ibrahim too. Ibrahim closed the gates of the fortress, expecting to meet his fate. The Persian artillery
continuously fired from the settlement Khachin Tap (Topkhana) but without much result.43 The Shah thought to fill the Hunot
gorge with horse saddles and form a bridge across it to pass to Shushi.44 The Armenian brigades often opened the gates of
the fortress and with sudden attacks scattered the enemy. But the Persians managed to take captive one of such brigades
consisting of one hundred Armenians. The heroic soldiers were soon barbarously victimized. Tied to each other they lay on
the ground and the nailed horses walked over them piercing their bodies. This inhumane method of punishment was called
"Jazid Kharman."
The Qajar Khan greatly enjoyed the sight. Agha Mohammad Khan and his brothers intended to take Tiflis after
Shushi and punish the Georgian King.
Prolongation of Shushi conquest made the Khan leave it to the next spring. On the thirty third day of the siege he
took his army and moved to Tiflis. Melik Mejlum joined him to take revenge on the Georgian King. The next morning the
inhabitants of the besieged fortress opened the gates and hurried to the fields and mountains. But the Persian Shah had set
a trap for them. His soldiers had hidden in the Devatalap gorge and in Avan's cave. With a sudden attack they killed the
Armenians, those alive tried to return to the town, the gates of which were already closed.
Agha Mohammed's army entered Tiflis on September 13 and plundered the city for eight days. The seventy year old
King managed to flee. The Persians took 12 thousand captives. The prominent Armenian poet and bard bishop Harutiun
(Saiat-Nova) was murdered in the St. George's church. From here the Shah hurried to Persia to supress the revolt of Kerim
Khan's brother Liftali Khan in Ghandahar and Herat. He intended to return to Shushi the next spring. Melik Mejlum and Melik
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Abov established themselves in the Gandzak fortress. Soon the King Hercule, allied to the Lezgis and Ibrahim Khan
surrounded the fortress. The Georgians ravaged the Karabagh districts of Gardman, Parrissos, Kusti and Koght and
completely destroyed the large Banants village. The siege of Gandzak lasted four months. Hercule demanded that Javad
Khan should hand Melik Mejlum over to him and then leave Gandzak. The demand was refused. from the eight towers of the
fortress, the four were held by the Armenians. Tiuli-Arzuman fell in one of the battles. Melik Mejlum suffered severe injuries
and died. He was burried in the St. Hovhannes Church of Gandzak. At last Hercule, Ibrahim and Umma Khan agreed to
become reconciled with Javad Khan, whose son and daughter were taken hostage.
In spring of 1796 the Russian army under Count Valerian Zubov moved to the Caspian coast, intending to occupy the
whole of Transcaucasia. The Count was accompanied by the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Russia Archbishop
Arghutian. Valerian Zubov was known to the Turks by the name of Kizil-aiaghi (golden foot), as one of his feet was lost in
battles and replaced by an artificial limb. The prosthesis was covered by sheet gold. Hovsep Arghutian pursuaded the
Shamakhi Mustafa Khan to submit to Russia. Ibrahim Khan sensing the danger, sent his son Abdul-Feteh Bek with his
declaration of submission and presents to the Russian commander. Count Zubov in his turn sent a cane to the Muslim
religious head of Shushi - Molla Panah. the Russians intended to winter in Salian and launch an attack on Iran in spring. A
regiment under General Rimski-Korsakov, accompanied by Hovsep Arghutian moved towards Gandzak. Through Hovsep's
intermediary the Gandzak Javat Khan too submitted to Russia and opened the gates of the fortress. From here the Russians
moved to Tiflis. The Empress Catherine II intended to join Armenia and Georgia, holding out the prospect of the creation of a
mighty Christian state of Transcaucasia.
On November 6 the Russian Empress Catherine II died. Paul I replaced her on the throne. The first thing he did, was
to call Zubov back to Russia. The Armenian and Georgian hopes were frusterated again.
The next year in spring Agha Mohammad Khan crossed the Arax river with an army of 100.000 soldiers and ravaging
the land on his way, moved towards the Shushi fortress.
Ibrahim, trying to save his family, fled to his wife's native country - Jar and Tal.
A new disaster broke out in Karabagh. It was impossible to collect the crops. Plague and famine destroyed the
people. The Armenian migration grew into a flood. Melik Abov taking his people emigrated in Georgia, Melik Jumshud (son of
Melik Shahnazar) headed for Tiflis. The population of Shushi decided to meet the cruel Shah with numerous presents and
icons. The Shah marched solomnly into the fortress. The population came to declare about their submittion. Some of them
were spared, others decapitated. A part of the army set on plundering the inhabitants, but there wasn't much to take. There
was a lack of supplies in the army. Soon the militants gathered to express their dissatisfaction to the Shah. The protesters
were decapitated. The existing hostility between the court people , who were originally Persian, and the military
commanders, who were Turkish, was increasing. The Shah himself encouraged the split and even set the two parties against
each other. Once a crowd of the local people met the Shah and begged him to save them from the violence of his militants.
The enraged Shah, instead of punishing the offenders, ordered to cut the ears of his servant Safar Ali, which "failed to hear"
and threatened to cut off as much heads the next morning as would be needed to erect a tower in Shushi, higher than the
minaret of Khamkor mosque.45
The courtiers formed a plot against the Shah. Safar Ali and Abbas entered into his bedroom at night and stabbed the
Shah.46
The main plotter Sadikh Khan hurried to Iran to occupy the throne. He freed Ibrahim Khalil's nephew Mamed Bek,
promising the Karabagh Khanate in return for his assistance. But Sedikh Khan was not strong enough to seize the throne
from Agha-Mohammad Khan's nephew, who was soon placed on the Persian throne. Encouraged by the turn of events,
Ibrahim sent his son Mehti to Shushi, then arrived personally.
Once again the famine came to rule over Karabagh. The population of Karabagh was Armenian, as witnessed
throughout the whole of the medieval period. It is known from various sources and official Turkish, Georgian and Russian
documents that its population remained largely Armenian at the end of the eighteenth century. Figures are produced
estimating Armenian families 60 thousand in 1795. Later statistics of 1804 put the total at only 4 thousand families. The
decrease was due to the life conditions and the continual shifts of the Armenian population to Georgia, Shamakhi and Shaki.
The Armenian princes left the land too. The Giulistan Melik Freidun moved to a part of Borchalu, Melik Jumshad - to Lorri,
Melik Abov - to Bolnis. They intended to join these territories and form an autonomous region, but didn't consider that Georgia
and Russia would never encourage such an action.
This continuous Armenian emigration from homeland was destructive for the Karabagh country. They were
immediately replaced by the Tatar nomads. Ibrahim encouraged them handing over the Armenian villages and princely
estates.
The Russian governor and commander-in-chief of Caucasian army Prince Tsitsianor left Tiflis and soon surrounded
Gandzak. It was in December 1803. The Armenian meliks Jumshud, Melik-Shahnazarian and the leader of Georgian
Armenians Archbishop Hovhannes and Bishop Nerses (later Catholicos of all Armenians) took part in the campaign. On
January 3 Gandzak surrendered. Javad Khan and his sons were killed during a battle, though Tsitsianov did his best to
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conquer the fortress and generally the Karabagh land and Shushi without much losses.
The Russian strategists considered Shushi a base for their later attack on Azerbaijan through the Kudaferim bridge
accross the Arax river. Besides even a small army could resist external attacks from that stronghold.
Ibrahim shrewdly avoided direct talks and submission to the Russians. He was sure that the Russians would never
forgive him the death of Agha Mohammad Khan in Shushi. At last he made up his mind and calling the Russian Major
Lisanevich in February of 1805, asked him to convey his submission to Tsitsianov.47
The Kurak river, separating Karabagh from the Gandzak Khanate, was chosen as a place where the two parties
were to meet to sign the agreement. On May 14 a treaty consisting of 11 articles was signed by Tsitsianov and Ibrahim Khan.
With the treaty Ibrahim was obliged to provide the Russian regiment of Shushi of 500 soldiers. Ibrahim was given the degree
of Leutenant-general and a flag with the Russian coat-of-arms on it. The Khan was also obliged to pay an annual tribute of 8
thousand in gold. Ibrahim's son Shakur Ullah was to be taken hostage and inhabit in Tiflis. With the third article of the treaty
Ibrahim's descendants would be the inheritors of his title and land. The legitimate masters of the lands, the Armenians, their
rights and obligations weren't even obscurely mentioned in the treaty.
Three days later exactly such a treaty was concluded with the Shaki ruler Selim Khan. This Selim was the last
representative of the princely Sevada dynast's Muslim branch, who had settled in Shaki in the ninth century.
Major Lisanevich, whom the Karabagians called "mad major" settled in the Armenian part of Shushi with his three
hundred soldiers. The Iranian crown-prince Abbas Mirza, who was attentively following the course of events, took advantage
of the fact that Russia was engaged in the struggle against Napoleon, and decided to reconquer Transcaucasia and punish
the treacherous governors and their agents. Observing the Persian presence in the Jebrail gardens, Lisanevich hurried to
Shushi. He was afraid that a revolt of the Tatars would break from inside which would enable Abbas Mirza to take the town. A
week later the Persian army encamped near the Khonashen river, its vanguard cavalary deployed in Askeran. The Georgian
Prince Alexander led his troops in the Persian army. He scolded Ibrahim Khalil in his letter "Nobody ever benefited from
joining the Russians, why did you agree to hand the country over to them, adding to their might?"39
A regiment under colonel Koriagin hurried from Gandzak to support the Shushi defenders. The Armenian captain
Vani from the Karabagh village Kussapat was among the leaders of the regiment. Unable to pass the Askeran (Mairaberd)
castle, the regiment took position in the Muslim graveyard of Aghdam. The Persians continuously stormed their positions. The
Russians suffered heavy casualties. With the help of Vani, the remains of the brigade, 150 soldiers, slipped to the
Tigranakert (Shah-Aghbiur) castle, at night where soon joined by Tsitsanors regiment.
In 1806, on February 8, Prince Tsitsanor was murdered while conducting negotiations with the Baku Khan. His head
was sent to Abbas Mirza, the Russian subject khanates became independent, as they hadn't established an organized
administrative unit, relying only on personal capability of the commanders. Imeretia, Mingrelia, Jar, Shaki, Karabagh and
Shirvan formed an anti-Russian treaty. The Selim Khan of Shaki, who too had signed the Kurak treaty and had been given a
degree of Leitenant-general, revolted against the Russians. All the Russian officers of Shaki were slain. But when the
Russian General Nebelson besieged Shaki, Selim Khan fled to Iran, thus ending the rule of the Sevordian princely dynast
over the territories lying between the Kura river and the Caucasian mountain range.
In 1806, in summer Abbas Mirza again crossed the Arax river. Ibrahim was conducting confidential talks with the
Persian crown-prince about handing Shushi over to them and destroying Lisanovich's regiment.
It was planned to move in two directions - to Yerevan and to Karabagh. The Shirvan, Shaki and Baku troops were to
launch an attack on Karabagh. Ibrahim Khan had left the fortress accompanied by his family and close relatives and lived in a
house in his downtown garden. The Russian commander Lissanevich was aware of Ibrahim Khalil's letter addressed to Fatali
Khan, where he begged to be forgiven for misconduct. The Shah in his turn had promised to assist him. Both the Khan's son
Mehti and grandson Jafar, dreaming of his title and position, suggested Lissanevich to kill Ibrahim. On June 2 at night a group
of Russian Cossacks and Armenian volunteers left Shushi and attacking the summer house of Ibrahim Khan, murdered
everybody inside, Sheitan Tuni who was from the brigade of Jumshud Melik-Shahnazarian, stabbed Ibrahim.
The death of Ibrahim Khan was a great blow to the Iranian Shah as Ibrahim Khan was the only one to be relied on
while taking the fortress. The Persian army ended the siege and withdrew.
The Caucasian governor and commander-in-chier Count Gudovich appointed Mehti the new Khan of Shushi,
granting a degree of Major-general. Mehti left for Tiflis to swear solemnly to be faithful to the Russian Empire. But Mehti was
regularly corresponding with the Shahzada (crown-prince) through his brother Abul Fet. The head of the Russian army in
Karabagh was General Koliarevski, who was famous for his victories against the Turks in Akhlkalak. The Russian governor of
Caucasus was Count Pauluchi. Arriving in Shushi he decided to dismiss Mehti and replace him by colonel Melik Jumshud
Melik-Shahnazarian. But the Armenian Prince refused the honour. Melik Jumshud and Melik Vani were good warriors but bad
politicians, preferring not to be responsible for the fate of the country they handed the rule of it over to an alien lord. Alas,
Israel Ori and Hovsep Emin were not alive to undertake that mission.
Long since had Abu Mirza prepared to seize Transcaucasia from the Russians. English officers were invited to train
his soldiers. He too was educated in Europe and as such was an expert diplomat. General Ratishchev, who replaced
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Pauluchi, was aware of the crown-prince's intentions, and planned to settle the matter through negotiations. But the crownprince treated the Russians in a domineering manner. General Ratishchev was opposed by General Kotliaevski, who
believed a solution could be achieved only forcibly. Without Ratishchev's permission he crossed the Arax river and launched
an attack on the Aslanduz fortress, where Abbas Mirza's main forces were deployed. The Persian army was destroyed. The
crown-prince had a narrow escape. Kotliarovski was granted a degree of Lieutenant-general.
In December he launched a successful attack on Lenkoran. The Persians surrounded and requested the Russian
side for negotiations. The Russian conquest was confirmed by the Russo-Persian peace treaty concluded at Giulistan
(Karabagh) on October 12,1813. The document was signed by Ratishchev and Mirza Abtul Hassan Khan. With the treaty Iran
granted Russia control over Derbent, Ghuba, Baku, Talish, Shirvan, Shaki, Karabagh, Gandzak, Georgia, Daghestan,Shoragial. Iran was granted control over Meghri.
Thus Russia took over Karabagh. The Khanate was annexed to Russia since 1805 but the Russo-Persian Treaty of
Giulistan handed it over to the Russian Empire once and for all. The khanates of Nakhichevan and Yerevan were left to their
fate and didn't come under Russian rule until the Peace of Turkmenchai in 1828. The capture of Karabagh and the prospect
of creating a Christian Armenian state, gave boost to national sentiment. However, Russian rule was rather more repressive
than the somewhat over - hopeful Armenians anticipated, and in many ways was little improvement on the Persian
administration; although Russia contained within itself the seeds of modernization.
The later years saw the disappearance of both the Armenian meliks and the Khanate of Karabagh, which was
transformed into a Russian province. With a view of neutralizing national claims and dividing in order the better to rule, the
Russian authorities later proceeded to make several changes in the territories they had conquered.
In 1816 the Emperor Alexander appointed General Alexei Yermolov governor and commander-in-chief of Caucasia,
who, in the person of the religious head of Russian and Georgian Armenians - Nerses Ashtaraketsi found an expert advisor
and brother-in-arms. He was considered the real head of the Armenian Church, and the Catholicos of all Armenians Yeprem
never took a serious step without consulting him. Yermolov arrived in Caucasus accompanied by the heroic participant of the
French war General Valerian Madatov, who was appointed a military regional governor of Karabagh, Shaki and Shirvan new
administrative unit. Madatov was originally a Karabagh Armenian, from the Avetaranots village. He had left his country with
an Armenian delegation still a young man. Melik Jumshud, Melik Freidun and his influential relative Captain Madatian were
among the delegates. In Petersburg, through the intermediary of the meliks he entered the service of the Imperial Division of
Guards, where became famous as a clever and brave officer and fifteen years later returned to Caucasus with a degree of
General, a title of Prince and several ribbons.49 The young and talented general put an end to robbery. Peace replaced
disorder and anarchy in the region. The Russian rule tried to do away with the Persian administrative units. After the death of
the Shaki Ismail Khan in 1819, the Khanate was abolished. Sensing the threat, the Shamakhi Mustafa Khan fled to Iran. His
territories were attached to Russia without any status. General Madatov was aware of the Mehti Ghuli Khan's traffic with the
agents of the Persian crown-prince Abbas-Mirza, but he wasn't in a hurry to punish him. The Khan handed the MelikShahnazarian's estates over to General Madatov, who managed to confirm his rights on the domain through General
Yermolov. In return for this all the relatives of Mehti Khan were granted control over the former domains and villages of the
Karabagh meliks. Even Mehti Khan's secretary, joker and stable-man became landowner.
In late 1822 General Madatov formed a plot against Mehti Khan and undertook to realize it. Mehti Khan was forced
to flee to Iran, thus ending the existence of the Tatar Shushi Khanate of Karabagh.
1. Shushinski "Shusha", Baku 1968, p.4.
Qajar - the Jahalir tribe, who had been settled in Iran by the grandson of
Jengiz Khan; Gulaku Khan. The Aghu Khan's trustee and the Khorassan and
Tabassaran governor Arghu Khan named his son Qajar. Later the whole tribe
was called by this name..
2. Hakob Pogossian "The History of Artsakh Province". Repository of Ancient
Manuscripts, manuscript N.2734, p.23.
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3. M.D. Jevanshir "Karabagh", "Caucasus" mag., Tiflis 1855, N.61,62.
4. Leo "Selection of Works", v.3-2, Yerevan 1973, pp.230-234.
5. Leo, pp.234-236.
6. M.O. Jevanshir "History of Karabagh", Baku 1959, p.72.
7. Ibid..., p.20.
8. Repository of Ancient Manuscripts, man.N.8211, Colophon, p.3596, p.360a,
"Colophons", 1955, p.384, man. N1575, p.264a.
9. G.A.F.K.E, F.S.R.A. 1724, N4, 19 or prof. A. Abrahamian "A page from the
History of Transcaucasian Nationalities and Armeno-Russian Relations".
Yerevan, 1953, p.145.
10. Leo, p.267, or Leo "History of Karabagh Diocese's Ecclesiastical School",
Tiflis, 1914, p.145.
11. Z. Avagov "Georgia's Incorporation Into Armenia", 1901, p.89, S.P.B.
12. Raffi "Selection of Works", v.10 "The Khamsa Melikdoms", Yerevan, 1964,
p.204.
13. The event took place in the time of Simeon Yerevantsi not Hakob
Shemakhetsi, as in 1763 when Simeon wasn't a Catholicos, Hovsep Emin
was told in Echmiadzin that Bishop Avag was dead.
14. Raffi, p.206.
15. Raffi, p.204.
16. Raffi. p.212.
17. Leo, p.270
18. Leo, p.272-273.
19. Raffi, p.208.
20. M. Barkhutariants "History of Albania", Vagharshapat, 1902, p.101.
21. F. Shushinski, p.11, Raffi, p.213.
22. Kh. Genichulinski "Historical-Biographical and Historical Sketches",
Makhachkala, 1992 (tr-ed from Arabic by T. Aitebarova), p.39.
23. "Simeon Catholicos' Diary", (Divan of Armenian History), Tiflis, book 7, 1894,
p.491.
24. Simeon Yerevantsi "Jambr", Moscow. 1958, p.280.
25. Leo, p.300.
26. At the end of his life in 1788 Emin wrote his "Hovsep Emin's Life and
Adventures" in India, which was published in London in 1792. It has had
several Armenian publications. Was published in Beirut in 1958. A.R.
Hovhannissian wrote about Emin's life and activity, which was published in
1945 in Russian - "Iosif Emil". Leo as well as B. Ulubabian has studied
Emin's life and activity.
Leo "Selection of Works", v.3-2, Yer. pp.973,282.
B. Ulubabian "A Golden Chain", 1979, pp.206-255.
27. Chamchian, v.3, p.959.
28. A.R. Ioanissian "Iosif Emil", Yer.1945, p.177.
29. Leo, p.363.
30. A.B. Jevanshir "The Political Existence of the Karabagh Khanate from 1747
to 1805", Shusha, 1901, p.11 (Akhmed-Bek Jevanshir).
31. Periodical "Azdak", Hovsep Emin's Life and Adventures", Bderrut 1958.
32. Kh. Genichulinski, p.46.
33. Archives of Academy of Sciences of the USSR, F.99, 2, p.13.
Nersissian "From the History of Armeno-Russian Relations", Yer., 1956,
pp.43, 92.
34. "Caucasian Messenger", Tiflis, 1901, N10, supplement.
35. Dubrovin "The History of Russian Wars and Overlordship in Caucasia", v.2,
p.29.
36. "Iran-name", mag. "A Persian Project of Restoration of Armenian State", prof.
B.Balaian, Yer.1993, July 2, p.27.
37.Ibid...p.28.
38. Ibid..., p.29. It's clear that these tribes can in no way be connected to the
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Medians (later Azari nation), and the wish to be called "Azerbaijans" is an
expression of "pan-Turkic" political striving, based on historic falsification and
manipulation, but groundless on the whole.
39. Ibid..., pp.70-79.
40. "Selection of Deeds Related to the Review of the History of Armenian
Nation", M, 1853, publishing house Lazarian.
41. "Karabagh's Secrets", Tiflis, 1902, pp.82-83.
42. Leo, p.370.
43. Hakob Poghossian "History of Albanian Province", Repository of Ancient
Manuscripts, man. N2734, p.7.
44. Akhmed Bek Jevanshir, p.43.
45. Dubrovin, v.3. p.211.
46. G. Shirmazaniants "A Tour of Armenia", mag. "Ararat", Vagharshapat, 1877,
September 30, p.334.
The author, who was the chief Armenian merchant of Tabriz, was told this
story by the commander of the bodyguards of the Iranian Shah Hakob, who
had fled from Iran and found shelter in the St. Stepannos' Monastery of
Artaz.
47. Dubrovin, IY, p.423.
48. Dubrovin, IY, p.44
49. Leo, v.4, p.396.
CHAPTER 9
THE SHUSHI KHANATE
(AVSHARS, KERIM ZEND KHAN, THE QAJAR INHERITANCE)
Though the Dizak Melik Yegan received his Beglerbeg's title from Nadir Shah and became prominent as an able
diplomat and politician, he failed to establish a centralized and integral stronghold in Khamsa (Karabagh). It's difficult to
indicate his exact intentions, but the fact that he was satisfied with his Melik's position and didn't do his best to obtain a
written decree of his appointment as a Beglerbeg or Khan, (only an oral order was given by Nadir Shah), speaks of his shortsighted policy. Nadir Shah and the Persian authorities of that time were not the original descendants of the ancient Persian
royal dynasts and were generally alien to Armenians and their land as a result of which they were afraid of liberation
movements and monarchic strivings of the Armenian nation. The development of events would have taken another course if
Melik Yegan had agreed to adopt Islam, but in this case how would the other meliks, the Christian Church and the nation
react to it? The Georgian princess accepted circumcision thus preserving the independence, the autonomous status and the
territorial integrity of their country.
After Melik Yegan's death in 1744, his descendants - Melik Aram and Melik Yessayi did not inherit any right of his,
except the Melik's title. This fact too became fateful for Karabagh. Around 1750 the short-sighted policy, discordance and
disunion amongst the five Armenian lords due to their ambition, enabled Panah Ali Khan, the chief of the Turkish Sarujalu
tribe, to establish himself in Khachen, as a result of which the nomadic stockbreeders penetrated into the heart of Karabagh.
Long ago had the outlaw Panah sensed that it would be difficult for him to resist his enemies in the lowlands. He was
dreaming of establishing his stronghold in the heart of the Armenian highlands, from where he could control over the entire
land, maintaining the free movements of his herds into the Alpian pastures. Moreover, he wouldn't be obliged to payment of
taxes to the legitimate owners of the land. The possession of Karabagh highlands became a primary goal for the nomads, or
else their existence in the region would be senseless. Panah Ali's friend Melik Shahnazar felt obliged to pay a debt of honour
to his saviour Panah Ali and advised him to take the Shushi fortress, the bulk of his domain. After having a look on the
fortress and the surroundings, the outlaw realized that Shushi was fit for his purpose of gradually conquering the entire
Karabagh and controlling over the land from that fortress. Only 25 years had passed since the flourishing Sghnaks leader
Avan had restored the fortress and probably Panah Ali was aware of the Armenian glorious victories over the Turks and the
Shushi fortress as a base of those victories. If not granted the control of the territories it would be beyond Panah Ali's
capability to conquer and maintain the rule of the region from the heart of the Armenian mountain stronghold from a fortress
later to become the town of Shushi or Shusha. Panah Ali didn't fail to notice that there was very little to restore in the fortress.
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The citadel with the two mansions was well-preserved and was in fairly good condition. The main houses and the eastern
ramparts needed rebuilding. Panah Ali was convinced that from that impregnable fortress he could extend his control not only
over the entire, Transcaucasian land-Gandzak, Shirvan, Shaki, Georgia, Armenia, but could attempt to make advances
towards Iran and seize Azarbaijan from it, and if possible the whole Iranian country. Yes, why not Iran? He considered
Sarujalu no less daring and clever than Afshar or Qajar.1 With the help of Melik Shahnazar Panah Ali encouraged many
skillful builders to come to Shushi from all parts of Karabagh, granting them with certain privileges. In summer of 1752 the
restoration and fortification of the city was already in full swing.2 (The nineteenth century Tatar historian Mirza-Jemal
Jivanshir suggests the year of 1759).3 Because of political considerations the Soviet Azerbaijani historians deliberately
refused to accept that the Shushi settlement existed before the year of 1752. It is easy to perceive the purpose of such an
interpretation: the fortress is claimed by the Baku historians to be founded by their ethnical ancestor Panah Ali. The historian
Shushinski writes, "The founder of the town Shushi was the Karabaghian Panah-Ali Khan".1 However it is difficult to guess
what the author means by "Karabaghian", but it's easy to understand that since Panah-Ali in fact belonged to a Turkic tribe, in
other words "Azerbaijani", and founded a town in a country which they say always existed and formed the predecessor of the
present-day Karabagh, then the Armenian character of Shushi and moreover of Karabagh is a myth, and that the
"Karabaghians" living there have no grounds for declaring that they do not belong to the Azerbaijan republic.
Panah Ali first set foot on the Karabagh soil when he was already sixty years old and the primitive monipulation and
deception of the Baku school has no historical basis. Their striving to minimize and denigrate the Armenian element in
Karabagh forms a part of the Pan-Turkic prospect. Giving a distorted perspective of the Armenian history they aim at
Turkicizing the historical Armenian territories (Karabagh and Utik firstly). But this dream of theirs is not fated to come true as
the national spirit inspired and is inspiring the Armenians of Karabagh, and the only fact of establishing a new state by the
name of "Azerbaijan" on the ancient Arran territory is a falsification in itself. It's a historical fact that Atropateni-Azarbaijan
proper is situated southwards from the Arax river and forms an integral part of the Iranian country.
The Shushi fortress had two main enterances; the southern was called Yerevanian, facing Goris and the way to
Tiflis, the nothern-Jraberdian, later Gandzakian. The fortification works were controlled by Melik Shahnazar personally, who
was eager to fortify the town against the rival Khamsa Meliks as soon as possible, and then launch a counter-attack himself.
While carrying out the restoration works, the Armenian builders always remained faithful to the traditions of the Armenian
architecture and culture as a whole. Very often the magnificent ranges of walls joined the precipices of the rocks, creating a
paramount work of art, and it's difficult to distinguish between the man-made and natural cliffs. This was the traditional
characteristic of the architecture of the region, which the Shushi builders had inherited from their ancestors, who had founded
the Karchaghakaberd, Kbokhanaberd, Jraberd, Giulistan, Archaberd, Toghaberd, Gorrozaberd, Handaberd fortresses (berdfortress in Armenian). The reconstruction works were awfully hard. The mansions of meliks, situated in the higher town, near
the fortress gates, were also being rebuilt. This higher town with its own ramparts formed the citadel of Shushi. Panah-Ali
chose one of this mansions as his residence, and the neighbouring one was taken by Melik Shahnazar, which faced the cave
with an access to the village Karintak (Avan's Cave).
A Muslim presence had already existed, since the tenth century, along the northern and south-eastern borders of
Karabagh but it was not until after the 1750-ies that the Turkish Muslim element known as Tatars, became established in
Shushi, in the heart of former Khachen, due to some political shifts.
The opression of the Goghtan Armenians by Nakhichevani Heidar Ghuli Khan grew more and more intense. In 1750
the inhabitants of the Shahkert (Ghazanchi) Armenian village rose in arms against the oppressor under the leadership of
Hovhannes Khandamirian. All the attacks of the Khan were unsuccessful. The enemy was unable to break down the
Armenian vigorous resistance. At last the Khan asked for conciliation. Taken by treachery, the naive rebellous leader was
poisoned and died. The inhabitants of Shahkert were forced to flee across the mountains to Ghapan. A part of this population
migrated to Shushi.4
Another such incident took place in the town Agulis in 1752. After Nadir Shah was murdered during the years of the
following disorder, a Khan Azat came to rule over the eastern Iranian territories. While extending his domain he couldn't avoid
a direct conflict with the Georgian army and was defeated. On his way back he plundered the Armenian villages in
Nakhichevan. He approached the flourishing town Agulis, which had obtained the status "Khas" from the Iranian Shah, and
was obliged to pay taxes only to the Iranian court, so the citizens refused to pay anything to Azat Khan. The Melik Yessayi of
Oguls who was a very rich and arrogant person, even refused to conduct negotiations with the Khan, who wanted to buy or
borrow supplies for his army from him. So the soldiers attacked the city, and taking it, plundered the population. Melik Yessayi
and his relatives hid in the Apostol Tovma’s Monastery, which had a rampart around it. But the Persian soldiers broke down
the metallic gates and entering the monastery, slaughtered the hidden Armenians. Eleven other churches of the city were
demolished. A part of Ogulis inhabitants migrated to Turkey, another part - to Shushi.5
Panah-Ali seized the eastern section of Shushi from the Armenians and settled the Tatar Raiats, Beks, officers and
soldiers and their families here.6 The higher ancient part of the town, where the St. Astvatsatsin Church and Kamu Khach
sanctuary were situated, was left to the Armenians. The southern area was allocated to the Shahkert (Ghazanchi), Agulis,
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Maghri immigrants, who formed their districts, governed by patrons elected by the inhabitants. Thus besides the Armenian
settlers the Turkish Muslims too became established in Shushi. The lower town was occupied largely by Tatars, while the
higher town belonged to the Armenians.
Despite the shifts, the number of Turkish nomads and militants was small. The Armenian community consisted of a
class of bricklayers, builders, craftsmen, as well as an elite of merchants and trading class. This influential class connected
Shushi through the Khudapirin bridge with Tabriz, Gandzak and Tiflis, and livened up the Goris-Yerevan trading route.
Numerous shops and trading centres were functioning along the route stretching from the Yerevanian gate to the Jraberd
gate of the fortress. The shopkeepers were preponderantly Agulis and Shahkert Armenians. The skilled coppersmiths made
in their workshops boilers, pots and different tools. Silkworm cultivators developed their culture all over Karabagh, gradually
maintaining the production of such a luxury as silk. As Mirza Jemal Jivanshir stated clearly, the tactical questions in Shushi
were discussed at a special council, Melik Shahnazar being the heart of it.
After the restoration the Shushi fortress was named after its “founder” - Panahaberd (berd is the Armenian word for
fortress). Again the Turk conquerers remained loyal to their policy of changing the geographical names of the occupied lands.
But this time they were unsuccessful, as the Shushi inhabitants did not adopt the new alien name. The Turkish dwellers had
to reconcile themselves to that fact, changing only the last letter of the proper name. “Shushi” became "Shusha". In this case
the word could be originally explained as "mirror"(Shusha is the Turkish for mirror). However, it's very easy to perceive the
purpose of such a groundless interpretation and ignore it, as the abundant historical sources testify that Shushi was the
ancient Karkarr fortress of Artsakh. For the first time the historians came across the name Shushi in the colophon of
St.Manuel's Bible, created in 1428 in the St. Astvatsatsin church, where he indicated that he had written the Bible in 1418 in
Amaras, in the village called Shushi.8 Later the same Manuel created another Bible in Gtich monastery, in the colophon of
which he described the destressing situation of the country under the tyranous Torgomian family. Mention should also be
made, in order to stress the origin and continuous existence of the Shushi fortress, of another monuscript created in the
scriptorium of the same St. Astvatsatsin church a one hundred and fifty years later. In the colophon of the Bible we read,
"Created this virtuous Bible in Possa Nhank province, in the village by the name of Shushi, under the protection of St.
Astvatsatsin in the year of 1575.8 In the last lines of the the warrant of June 4, 1724 about the Armenian submission to the
Russian Empire, it is clearly stated that: "The letter is written in the Shushi Sghnakh in 1724".9 The historian Leo drew a
conclusion that: "The village Shushi is more likely to get its name from the fortress, than give it to the fortress".10 The term
"shosh" in the Karabagian dialect means shoot, sprout. It is in no way linked to the ancient Persian Shosh capital, and there's
not one document to confirm such a fact. It is unfortunate when, because of political considerations, historical falsification is
exercised. The nomadic tribes which had penetrated to Arran were set on practising such kind of manipulation from the
second half of the nineteenth century, when they first came to know what a national script or written literature mean. The first
Tatar historians - Mirza Jamal Jivanshir and Adigiozalbek, who composed the history of Shushi Khanate, failed to mention the
existence of a developed nation, numerous fortresses and settlements on this territory before the year of 1725, when PanahAli first set foot on the Karabagh land. The works of these historians, as well as those of Baku school and the Turkic
historiography as a whole is characterized by a general striving to minimize, denigrate or eliminate the originally national
element of the conquered territories, moreover, unable to explain the thousands works of typically national non-Turkic arts
and culture created on "their" territory, they claim all those architectural monuments and historical documents to be all a
matter of deception, forced assimilation and manipulation. It is clear from the map that the continuity of the Turkic world
stretching all the way from the Bosphorus to Central Asia is broken by the territories lying across the Russo-Ottomam frontier
and this is one of the reasons why the Turks east and west, pursue policies of assimilation, historical falsification and even of
physical elimination of the native inhabitants, intending to establish a "motherland" on the occupied territories. But they were
forced to believe that there existed national homelands everywhere, especially on fertile lands and putting up tents on alien
lands or conquering it, wasn't enough to consider that land as their own.
The ethnic nations survived the Mongol, Tatar invasions, who sooner or later left, as they had a homeland of their
own, but they were followed by a great number of nomadic tribes, which without possessing the sense of homeland or
motherland, comfortably established themselves on the occupied territories. At first they flooded the Iranian territories. The
ancient Persian Atropateni province (the ancient Median land) became heavily intermixed with a large number of Turkic
tribesmen, who imposed their traditions and language on the natives, who belonged to the ancient Persian Median tribe. Of
course the nomads too came under the influence of Iranians and continued to develop under that cultural and social
influence. The nomads themselves encouraged the process of assimilating into the Persians as they were inclined to forget
their wild past as soon as possible. At the same time a new Turkic ideology was taking shape which was to have grave and
far-reaching implications on the ethnic nations. The next phase of the process was to lay claims to the history and culture of
the ethnic nation.
It was not difficult to draw the Armenians away from the Arran valley, as their country had long since lost its
sovereignity and ceased to be able to protect its population. As to the Iranian lords, it was all the same for them which nation
should submit and pay taxes to them. But it was no hardship to conquer the valleys. The same can't be said in regard to the
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highlands, only by establishing themselves in the mountain strongholds could the nomads assume control of the whole land.
In this context Panah Ali raised the Turkic hopes of better fortune and life as he had already established himself in the heart
of Armenian mountain stronghold, due to the disunion and self-destruction of the Khamsa Meliks.
In 1752 Panah Ali already appeared allied to the Georgian princes Termuraz and Hercule, Gharadagh's Khan Kiazim,
Nakhichevani Khan Heidar and Gandzak Khan Shahverdi setting up a campaign against the Shirvan Khan Haji Chelebi,
who had encamped his troops on the opposite bank of the Kura river in the Armenian village Minkechavr (Kandak). The
Shirvan ruler continued to serve faithfully to Turkey and presented himself as the agent of the Sultan in Transcaucasia.
The Karabagh Melik Shahnazar led his troops in Panah's army.11 The later development of events revealed Prince
Teimuraz's intentions. As a Georgian presiding prince he held a meeting in his army inviting all the "allies" and arrested them.
Shahverdi Khan's bodyguards immidiately informed Haji Chalebi about the incident, who taking advantage of the disorder
crossed the river and attacked the Georgians. The Gharadagh, Nakhichevan, Gandzak and Karabagh troops joined his army.
Winning an absolute victory over the Georgians, the Shirvan lord set the captives free. The Georgians were pursued up to
downtown Shushi and then Haji Chelebi demanded that Teimuraz should leave the "Turkish" lands. Observing a chance of
success in this turmoil Panah made up his mind to occupy the whole of Karabagh territory without delay. The Armenian
meliks had already given up the idea of punishing Melik Shahnazar as they were conscious that their military capability
couldn't provide a base for such a campaign.
Taking advantage of the disorder and arnarchy reigning in Iran, Panah and Melik Shahnazar planned to subjugate
the Karabagh Melikdoms or just capture their territories. They launched the first attack on Jraberd. This fortress was situated
on a huge cliff on the Tartarr river and during the long period of its existence had served as a safe refuge against the foreign
conquerers. Unsuccessful in overthrowing Melik Allah Ghuli Sultan, Panah Ali, who formerly was employed as a tax-collector
by this powderful melik, offered to leave in peace, but didn't cease looking forward to a chance to absorb his melikdom.
Despite his great experience of a warrior, the Jraberd melik was an honest and noble person. He accepted Panah Ali's
invitation to meet and conduct friendly talks. For the second time they met in the Amaras monastery, which was situated in
Melik Shahnazar's domain. Here Nadir Shah's favourite - the heroic Prince Allah Ghuli Sultan was arrested and transferred to
the Shushi prison. The plot was made and carried out by Melik Shahnazar.
For a long time the people remembered and sang the songs which the Armenian giant was singing behind the bars of
his cell. In the songs he called his brave brother Melik Adam and his brother-in-arms - invincible Avag the Giant (who was
named Mad Bishop by the enemy) to come to his help and destroying Shushi, rescue him from the prison.12
Dali Mahrasa was the Armenian Kior Oghli. The people will remember his
miraculous victories forever. He mounted his famous grey horse and as a
lightening flashed in the battlefield, his fierce and thunderous voice was
enough to make the enemy's blood run cold. The fanatical clergy
punished the mad bishop for his bloody battles. During the reign of
Catholicos Simon13 he was imprisoned in Echmiadzin and was kept in a
icy room to repent of what he had done. Once, feeling that something
unexpected had thrown the prison into confusion, and making inquiries
and finding out that the Jalal Kurds had attacked to plunder the church of
its treasures, the repenter said, "Can you give me a horse and some
guns?" His request was granted. Several hours later he returned the
church bringing back the cattles that the Kurds had stolen. For this act he
was set free under a promise of not murdering anybody.14
The bishop Avag, Turi-Arzaman and Chalaghan-Yuzpashi kept guard of the Maze bridge (across the Karkarr river, near the
village Varakn) for seven years and not even a Turk set foot on the Jraberd and Giulistan land.
Soon the heroic Melik was murdered in the Shushi prison. His brother Adam replaced him. The novelist Raffi wrote,
"He bore a strong resemblence to his courageous brother, as a child he was taken hostage by the Daghestan Sultan Khosrov
and was brought up among the highlanders, adopting their heroic qualities and characteristics. He was rescued by Nadir
Shah during his Daghestan compaign."15
Bringing together many nomadic tribesmen who had already settled in the Kur-Arax valley, Panah Ali launched a
second attack on Jraberd. Melik Adam was forced to retreat to Giulistan crossing the thick forests of his domain. The
battlefield was transferred to Giulistan. Melik Adam and Melik Hovsep, accompanied by the army and a part of their people
took refuge in Gandzak. The Shahverdi Khan of Gandzak was Panah Ali's rival. Even Nadir Shah's attempts of weakening
the Gandzak Khanate had always antogonized the rulers of Gandzak and now they refused to recognize Panah calling him
an intruder and impostor. Gandzak's Shahverdi Khan maintained friendly relations with the Armenian meliks of Karabagh.
The Giulistan Melik Hovsep's mother was the sister of Shahverdi Khan. This woman had been kidnapped by Hovsep's father
Abov II the Lame, who married her after baptizing and giving her the Christian name Mariam. The Gandzak Khan refused to
become reconciled with the Armenian Melik and soon presented his brother-in-law with several estates. Besides this
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relationship, the Shahverdi Khan was grateful to the Jraberd melik for assistance in his struggle for throne against his brother
Mamad Khan.16 No less important was the fact that the Gandzak khans were originally Persian, and as such tried to
maintain close relations with the Armenians, shared mutual affection and fought a common enemy. And so the Shahverdi
Khan decided to settle the two Armenian meliks in Shamkor environs, the boundries of the settlement being clearly defined to
avoid further trouble. Melik Adam and Melik Hovsep "established themselves in those mountainous regions waiting for a
favourable opportunity to resume their bloody quarrel with Panah Ali."17
The Dizak Melik Yessayi remained the only serious rival of Panah Ali in Karabagh. Twice Panah Ali launched attacks
on the Togh fortress and was humiliated by a defeat. But the third attack was successful for him. A peace treaty was
concluded between the lords of Shushi and Dizak. Melik Yessayi's death in 1781 was the chance Panah Ali had been waiting
for. He extended his domain, capturing Meghri from the Karabagh Khanate, Tatev and Sissian from Nakhichevan and Kapan
and Goris from the Tabriz beglerbeg. Then he conquered the Tartarr lowlands stretching to the Kura river and Jabrail. All the
Tatar bandits of the surrounding districts arrived to serve under Panah, as he had not ceased to patronize robbers and
plunderers. The Nakhichevan majors Demirch-Hassanlu and the Jinli chieftain from Georgia entered his service too. Panah's
forces comprised the Jivanshir, Otuziki (thirty-two), Kebirli tribes inhabiting the Kur-Arax valley (Arran).
Thus the Khanate of Shushi, established in the heart of the Armenian stronghold, step by step assuming control of
the whole of what was formerly Khachen and also neighbouring provinces, threatened a serious danger to the Iranian rulers,
who designed to seize Shushi from the Tatar chieftain Panah Ali.18
Mohammad-Hassan Khan Ghajar of Mazandaran undertook the first campaign. Crossing the Arax river he encamped
in the Khatunarkh settlement not far from Shushi. The Armenians constantly attacked their camps and stole their herds. Soon
the Mazandaran governor surrounded Shushi and was making preparations for a decisive attack when being reported about
a threatening rebillion in Iran proper, was obliged to leave Karabagh and hurry back to Iran. The rebells were led by the
Shiraz vekil Kerim Khan Zend. The news threw Mohammad-Hassan Khan into such a confusion that he left without taking
the artillery of the army. Panah Ali rejoiced at the "present" and ordered to carry the cannons into the town.
At that time Shushi continued to be preponderantly Armenian. The lower town was occupied largely by Tatars, while
the higher town was Armenian. Each district possessed its internal way of life. The Armenian settlers gradually forgot their
native language forms and adopted the Artsakh dialect, creating an original atmosphere in the town, which in its turn
influenced the traditional patriarchal mode of life of the whole Karabagh, whose largely Armenian population was forced to
submit to the Tatar rule, which received material and moral benefits from its subjects.
The second campaign against Panah Ali was undertaken in 1761 by the Urmia governor Fatali Khan Avshar. He
assembled an army of 30 thousand men. During the reign of Nadir Shah Fatali Khan was the commander-in-chief of infantry
regiment. He had already subjugated the Azarbaijan (Atropateni) district and was planning to conquer the entire
Transcaucasian land and then seize the Iranian throne. The Georgian King Hercule and the Jraberd meliks Adam and
Hovsep took part in the campaign. The Persian army encamped in the Khojalu village which was situated in the territory lying
between the Askeran fortress and the Varakn village (the present day capital of Nagorno Karabagh Republic Stepanakert).
Fatali Khan promisted to hand Panah Ali over to the Armenians in return for the assistance to take the fortress. Panah Ali
preferred the direct conflict to staying in the besieged fortress, as the reconstruction works were still in duration. Coordinating
the military capability of the Jivanshir tribes he launched the first attack. The decisive battle ended with the victory of Fatali
Khan. Panah Ali and Melik Shahnazar had to obstain from further resistance and submit to the Urmian Khan, obtaining their
freedom in exchange for 10 thousand in gold coins.19 Pledging his word, Panah Ali sent his son Ibrahim Khalil to Fatali Khan
as a hostage. The son was convinced that he was invited to the Fatali Khans tent to marry his daughter. Considering the
results of the campaign, which lasted six months, as successful, Fatali Khar returned to Iran taking Panah Ali's elder son with
him.15 Fatali Khan had to hurry as he was aware of the new rising against him under the Shiraz governor Kerim Khan Zend
who was Persian by origin. Considering this opportunity favourable Panah Ali joined Kerim Khan, who was already on his
way to Urmia. Panah's younger son Mihrali was ordered to replace his father in Shushi. Panah hoped to save his elder son
from inevitable death. Kerim Khan Zend was thirsting for revenge for his brother, who was killed in a battle by Fatali Khan.
Zend was ruling over the greatest part of Iran. The young Ismail Shah of Iran was placed in the custody of Kherim Khan. The
conflict between Kerim Khan Zend and Fatali Khan was not only the result of personal enmity but a struggle for overlordship
between an originally Persian family and a Turkic tribe (Qajar and Avshar). In 1762 the battle near Urmia resulted in a
decisive victory over Fatali Khan, who was taken captive and decapitated in the same place where Kerim's brother had been
put to death. The new ruler of Iran freed Ibrahim Khalil and took him to Shiraz together with his father Panah Ali, who
immidiately guessed that he had been deceived by Kerim Khan and fallen into a trap and decided to mislead him. Panah was
famous for his addiction to drugs and once after smoking opium he fell asleep. Ibrahim told Kerim Khan that his father was
dead and asked to be given permission to transfer his mortal remains to Karabagh and bury in the funerary chapel of his
ancestors. The Persian Khan who was ingenious enough to sense the deceit of the Tatar nomads, answered that he
intended to organize the funeral ceremony himself to honour Panah Ali's memory. The "corpse" was embalmed. Then
Ibrahim was granted with a Khan's title and sent to Karabagh together with Panah Ali's body who was actually dead this time.
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He was buried in the Imarat place near the village Aghdum (white village).21
After the funeral a real struggle broke out between Panah's sons for the material inheritance of their father. Ibrahim
was supported by the Shushi population while Mihrali's adherents inhabited the lowlands and were mainly the nomadic
tribesmen, dissatisfied of Panah's overlordship. Panah Ali's former allies - the Avarians supported Ibrahim's claims. The
Derbend governor Fatali Khan sided with Mihrali as he was in continuous enmity with the Avar, whose leader Mohammad Nutsuli22 was murdered while conducting negotiations with the Derbent Khan. Fatali intended to destroy the den of the Avar
allies and establish his faithful Mihrali there. Fatali, who had already taken Gandzak, was to join Mihrali in the Karabagh
valley and launch an attack on Shushi. But the successive events turned to be destructive for Mihrali. Fatali's sudden death
was a great blow to him. Soon after this Mihrali himself was murdered by a relative of his. Ibrahim easily assumed power in
the Khanate. He had inherited the trait of diplomacy from his father, but was more deceitful and cruel. He decided to restore
the stolen property of the Giulistan and Jraberd meliks, who, settled somewhere near Shamkor, threatened revenge on him.
But the two "mighty and brave princes",23 as the Simeon Yerevantsi Catholicos portrayed them, were of much benefit to the
Gandzak Khan. Ibrahim set up a new, firm alliance with Melik Shahnazar, marrying his daughter - the beautiful Houri-Zade.
She was the granddaughter of the Dizak Melik Yessayi, as Melik-Shahnazar's first wife Sona was the daughter of Melik
Yessayi and was forced by Melik Shahnazar to marry him, while her husband Hovsep was still alive.
In 1763 Catherine II came to throne in Russia. The Empress inherited the essence of Peter the Great's diplomacy.
The conquest of the Black sea straits became the foremost goal of the state. But they were prevented by the Turkish vassal
state of Crimean Khanate and the European powers backing Turkey. Grigori Alexandrovich Potiomkin was the most
influential person in the court. He intended to suppress the Ottoman Empire and make it leave Europe. The Armenian
merchants and manufacturers had already taken a highly visible role in the development of industry and trade in Russia. The
Empress greatly respected and honoured one of the most powerful Armenian magnates - Hovhannes Lazarian (Ivan
Lazarev). His father, the merchant Yeghiazar (Aghazar) in 1747 left New Jugha (Isfahan) accompanied with his four sons
and moved to Moscow, starting his business. Soon the family moved to Petersburg, where his son Hovhannes (Ivan) entered
the state service and soon became famous for his activity in the financial sphere. He was elected a member of the State
Bank administration. Soon he bought the estate Ropsha with its magnificent mansion in the Petersburg environment, which
became the favourite place of the Russian royal family and the court. Hovhannes was a great patriot too, one of the
adherents of the perspective movement of establishing an independent Armenian state under a single monarch. At this time
the Catholicos Simeon appointed the Archbishop Hovsep the leader of Armenian diocese in Russia. This Hovsep Archbishop
Arghutian was an active political dealer and was in fact the Armenian ambassador in Russia. Soon Hovhannes Lazarian and
Hovsep Arghutian addressed to the Armenian meliks of Karabagh a letter, informing about the advance of the Russian
troops. Thus Russia hadn't given up the policy of expanding to the Caspian coast and Transcaucasia and intended to
encourage the native Christian inhabitants to support them before undertaking the campaign.
Again the struggle for the Catholicos' residence broke out in Karabagh. It was not only an ecclesiastical split between
the two wings of Gandzassar and Yeritsmankats monastery but an uncontrolled struggle between the two rivals of Gandzak
and Shushi Khanates. Everybody in the district, prince or peasant, bishop or higher clergy was engaged in the struggle, as if
the fate of the country depended upon this problem. The rule of the Albanian Catholicossate passed to the Nerses Catholicos
after the death of Yessayi-Hassan-Jalalian. Nerses belonged to Jraberd, who according to the written obligation to the
Catholicos of all Armenians had no right to appoint any of his relatives an heir to the title, but transfer the ecclesiastical rule
to the legitimate owners, that is to the Khachen lords of the Jalalian family. Nerses had also promised to reside in
Gandzassar, but he didn't go there, perhaps avoiding submission to the Shushi Khan. His preferred residence was the
Yeritsmankats monastery, not far from Jraberd. After the meliks left the country, his residence was transferred to Gandzak. In
1763 the 120-years old Catholicos Nerses, sensing his death, broke his promise given to Echmiadzin and appointed his
nephew Archbishop Israel the Albanian Catholicos, in the presence of Armenian meliks and military commanders. After
Nerses' death the religious representatives of the subject regions of Shaki (Nokhut-Nukhi), Shemakhi, Derbent, Baku were
invited to Gandzak, where in the Church St. Hovhannes the Yeritsmankats monastery bishop Israel was ordained as the
Catholicos of Albania. It is said that observing that the number of archbishops was less than was needed to consider the
consecration legitimate, Shahverdi Khan himself dressed like an archbishop and took part in the ceremony. The Catholicos of
all Armenians Simeon demanded that Israel should go to Echmiadzin to be consecrated Albanian Catholicos, but Israel
refused to go. Some time later the Khamsa meliks, about fifty of them, took the Gandzassar monastery bishop Hovhannes
Jalalian to Echmiadzin and asked the Simeon Catholicos to ordain him. Albanian Catholicos, the Gandzak Khan too
supported the meliks in the matter. But Simeon refused the request on the grounds that Israel was already ordained
Catholicos of Albania. The delegates felt hurt, but returning to Gandzassar they themselves ordained Hovhannes. The
Catholicos of all Armenians was persuaded to accept this candidate, as Israel continued to refuse to reside in Gandzassar.
Simeon published a decree and sent it to Karabagh ordering not to recognize Israel as a Catholicos of Albania.24 Thus the
attempt to heal the split was unsuccessful, moreover it added up to the split in the communuty and the whole region suffered
from this fact politically. Israel was backed by the Gandzak Khan, while Hovhannes was patronized by Ibrahim Khan of
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Shushi. Israel strengthened his positions often applying to the foreign rulers for help, ignoring interests of the motherland. The
next step was to win the favour of the meliks. This campaign too was victorious for Ibrahim and Israel. Ibrahim conducted
direct negotiations with the Giulistan Melik, suggesting to forget enmity and live in peace. The only thing Hovsep wanted the
Khan to do, was not to interfere in his affairs without invitation. The Gandzak Khan was against this agreement between the
Giulistan Melik and Ibrahim Khan. The atmosphere became tense. The Giulistan Melik left for Georgia.25 The circumstances
were beneficial to Ibrahim Khan.
The dissatisfaction of the neighbouring countries with the Gandzak Khan was on the increase and as a result the
allied army of Husein Khan of Shamakhi, Ibrahim Khan and the Shamshadin advanced to Gandzak. Shahverdi Khan applied
to the Jari highlanders for help in return for numerous treasures. But soon managing to come to an agreement with Ibrahim
and Husein khans, cuncluded a peace treaty with them. The mob of the Avar-Lezgian highlanders, who had already arrived
to support Gandzak, was sent to plunder the settlements in the Yerevan province. One of the heads of Armenian liberation
movements Hovsep Emin was among the Avarians. He was born in 1726 in the Homadan city of Iran, in the family of a local
merchant.26 He was brought up on the stories about the brave defenders of the Armenian Sghnakhs and was dreaming of
being capable to serve the motherland and do his best to restore the once mighty state of Armenia. Soon the family moved to
India, where the young Emin became acquanted with the latest military technics and navy structures and made a resolute
decision to go to Europe to continue his education and work there for some time if possible and then go to Karabagh to
support the Armenian meliks to restore the monarchy in his native land. In 1751 on February 14, he secretly left for England.
Here he established close relations with the London ruling circles, came in touch with the vangards of scientific progress. He
entered the Royal Military Academy in London. In 1756 he took part in the war with France. Then entered the service of the
Russian King. In his letter addressed to the Georgian King Hercule he wrote that he was patronized by the English prince and
asked his permission to serve in the Gedorgian army as a European officer and teach the Georgian soldiers the European
tactics, to enable them to fight "like the Europeans". At last in 1759 Emin left England for Armenia. He reached Echmiadzin
via Turkey. Hakob Shemakhetsi had just been consecrated Catholicos of all Armenians. Following the example of the
Georgian King Hercule and his father Teimuraz the new Catholicos in his turn applied to the Russian Empress for help
against the Lezgi highlanders and begged to support Teimuraz who had left for Russia.
Emin stayed in Echmiadzin as a pilgrim for some time. It was here that he was reported about the death of the heroic
bishop Avag. His intention to go to Karabagh and join the liberation movement under the heroic Avag, dashed to the ground.
Instead of going to Karabagh or Tiflis, he made up his mind to leave for England and remaining there for some time follow his
predecessor Israel Ori's route and return to Armenia via Russia. In May 1761 Emin was already in England. Through the
intermediary of Prince Golitsin who was the Russian ambassador in England, he obtained a Russian passport and left for
Russia where was accepted by the Russian prime minister Mikhail Illarionovich Vorontsov in Petersburg. He met with the
Georgian King Teimuraz, who due to a conflict with his son had left for Russia and was residing in St. Petersburg. Emin failed
to pay a visit to the Empress Catherine II, as she was sick onto death and couldn't accept him. The Princess Elizabeth was
aware of Emin's mission. The Emperor Peter III replaced Catherine II on the Russian throne. Teimuraz and Emin planned to
return to Caucasia but soon Teimuraz passed away and Emin had to return to Armenia alone. He obtained a new passport,
where he was mentioned to be "a bek's son". He took the prime-minister's letter addressed to Hercule with him and left for
Georgia. Probably the prime-minister considered that Emin's activity would give an impetus to the liberation movements in
Armenia and Georgia and thus assist the progress of the Russian power.
The activity was mutually beneficial. In Moscow Ori met with the celebrated representative of the Karabagh
intelligentsia Moses Baghramian. They left for Astrakhan together, from there they went to Kizlar, which demarkated the
Russian border. The commandant of the town sent Emin back to Petersburg, as his passport was signed by Peter III, who
was overthrown by this time.
The Russian prime-minister suggested Emin to enter the service of the Russian army for several times and head the
Armenian regiment deployed in Astrakhan, but Emin refused the offer. In Moscow Emin was introduced to Hovhannes
Lazarian. In February 1763 accompanied by Moses Baghramian, Emin left for Georgia. He solemnly arrived in Tiflis. With the
weakening of Persian power the Georgian influence had become stronger in Transcaucasia.
But the continuous Lezgi wars were destructive for the kingdom. Herkule was much interested in the person who had
been educated in Europe and wanted him to enter his service. But he did not intend to assist Emin's anti-Turkish project and
fight against Turkey for liberating the Armenian territories. He was satisfied with the Georgian vassalage under Persia, as the
country was enjoying independence and avoided any conflict with Turkey. Of course, as a Christian state he wasn't against
the advance of Russia, and in this case would like to submit to the Russians. He needed Emin only for his tactical
knowledges to realize his own projects. Aware of Kerim Khan's new Transcaucasian campaign, Emin coordinated the
Armenian military capability mobilizing 8 hundred young soldiers for a special regiment. But soon Kerim Khan's brother Zaki
Khan revolted and Kerim had to leave for Isfahan without delay.27
Emin asked Herkule's permission to lead a Georgian regiment of thousand of soldiers. He intended to join them with
his Armenian brigade, move to Iranian Azarbaijan and with a sudden attack defeat Kerim Khan. Herkule tersely refused to
help him. Taking his brigade of 24 volunteers. Emin left for Haghpat in October of 1763, to fight against the Lezgi plunderers.
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On his way he met a group of Lezgis consisting of 52 men. The battle lasted 10 hours. The Lezgis were forced to flee,
leaving 14 deads. Only three Armenians were injured. Hercule had broken his promise of supplying the small group with food.
Again Emin applied to the Georgian for help. This time he requested for an army to advance to western Armenia,
Kars, Baiazet, Van, Mush, to join the numerous Armenian regiments. This time Hercule agreed to assist him. The bishop of
St. Karapet monastery, which was situated not far from Mush, promised to place an army of 49 thousand men under his
authority, among them Kurd and Assyrian soldiers.
But a new event prevented this undertaking. The Catholicos of all Armenians did not back Emin's revolt, so hearing
about the promise given to him by Hovnan, he dismissed him from priesthood, as if for adherence to Catholicism. In fact
Hovnan had cooperated with the Assyrians and Armenian Catholics only in the interest of the rebellion.
A war broke out between Imeretia and Turkey. The Turks were defeated by the King Solomon of Imeretia. The Turks
intended to launch an attack on Iran and eastern Georgia. The Catholicos of all Armenians was afraid that Emin's activity
would autagonize the Turkish officials, so he applied to Hercule with a letter of March 25, 1764 and advised "to send back
the Armenian Prince to the place, from where he had arrived".28
Simeon Yerevantsi, who was one of the educated persons of the time, was a great scholar and philosopher, but was
very coutious in political matters and opposed to Emin's undertaking, which could be destructive for the Armenian Church and
the nation. He considered that the nation should be patronized by one of the powerful states and achieve its aims only with
an external assistance. Herkule in his turn appreciated highly the opinion and the influence of the Armenian patriarch.
Hercule, as one of the descendants of the Armenian Bagratids, considered himself an heir of that inheritance, so the
Catholicos' allusion that Emin was a "prince", greatly irritated him. Besides, he was sure that the Turks had given up the idea
of conquering Georgia and decided to get rid of Emin. He sent Emin with the group of his volunteers beyond the Caucasus,
from where he should leave for Russia. On his way Emin fell ill and remained in the Chechen village Bragun for a couple of
months. An Armenian family was taking care of him. The local tribes, especially the tribesmen of Michigiz, suggested Emin to
lead them to Georgia. 12 thousand highlanders were ready to carry out his orders. Emin went to the Khunzakh settlement of
the Avars and met their leader Mohammad Mussakhan. He remained there for three months. He refused the Khan's proposal
of launching an attack on Georgia and asked him to order a group of highlanders to accompany him to Karabagh. His request
was carried out, a group of 21 men accompanied him to Jar.
Led by Shahverdi Khan the Lezgiz and Avarians prepared a new attack and asked Emin to join them. Instead of the
promised payment of the Gandzak Khan the highlanders were persuaded to move to Yerevan and plunder the Armenian
villages. Emin put off his visit to Karabagh trying to prevent them from that disasterous campaign. The Jari Avarians
accepted him gladly and appointed 40 bodyguards to him.29 Emin undertook the leadership of one of the regiments. On their
way to Yerevan they ran into a large group of Kurdish refugees from the Kolani tribe. They were offered a new settlement in
the Karabagh villages Tsar (Karvacharr-Kialbajar), Kashunik (Kochez, then Lachin), Kovshakan (Zangelan) of Jebrail district
by the Ibrahim Khan of Shushi, who intended to draw away the native Armenians from their homeland and also separate
Karabagh from the heart of Armenia, the Ararat valley in this way. He also hoped that the Armenian meliks would have an
additional problem to cope with, as the Kurds had strong tendences for pillaging and stealing Armenian girls. Many other
nomadic tribes migrated to Armenia from Georgia including the tribes Pius, Koi-Ahmedli, Koracharli, Jinly, Dmirchi-Hsanli,
Ghzl-Hajili, Safi-Kiurd, Sahertli, Kergirli.30 The Lezgis won a victory over the Kolani tribe, seizing 2 thousand eight hundred
horned cattle, 6 hundred horses and took 814 captives. The Kolanis turned to Giulistan Melik Hovsep residing in
Shamshadin. He was leading the Georgian army. With a sudden attack Hovsep defeated the Lezgis and taking back the
pillage, and persued them to the Kura river. During that time Emin had already managed to free the number of Kurdish and
Armenian captives from the Lezgis. The Lezgis let the Gandzak Khan know about their intention to punish him for the deceit.
Shahverdi had to collect money from his own subjects to pay the highlanders. The population revolted against him. The khan
had a narrow escape with his family and found refuge in Shamkor, in Melik Adam's house. The rebells handed up the
Gandzak rule to Ibrahim. Melik Adam and Shahverdi Khan tried to reconquer Gandzak but without success. Shahverdi turned
to the Shemakhi Khan, Herkule and the Lezgis for help. Hercule did his best to reestablish him in Gandzak in return for
recognizing his independence. Through the intermidiary of the Giulistan Melik Hovsep Ibrahim Khan too accepted him as the
only ruler of Georgia. In summer of 1767 Hovsep had established himself in Getashen and released his brigade of 5 hundred
soldiers, when the Shahverdi Khan sent an army of 4 thousand 5 hundred men against him. At that time Hovsep Emin was
hosted by the Melik. Emin had concluded that the cradle of Armenian liberation movement was Karabagh, though the heart
of the mountain stronghold Shushi, was not in their hands. Emin was accompanied by Movses Baghramian, who acquainted
him with the political and economical peculiarities of his native district.
In his autobiography Emin had described thoroughly the attack of the Gandzakians. He wrote about their defenders,
"It was a great pleasure to watch the activity of our heroes. They climbed the hills and attacked the enemy as enraged lions,
scattering them on all sides." The enemy, unable to resist the attacks of Melik Hovsep's brave son Beglar, retreated.
The enemy suffered heavy consualties. From Armenian side only four soldiers were killed, while the enemy lost forty
soldiers and 50 horses. After the victory the melik's soldiers, without rest, prepared to resist the new attack of the Gandzak
Khan. Soon his new army of 10 thousand soldiers arrived under the leadership of his son Mohammad Hassan. This time they
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had brought an artillery with them. Mohammad was accompanied by the Jraberd Melik Adam, whose intermediary turned to
be unsuccessful as the Giulistans preferred to fight. During the battle the Giulistan soldiers were trying not to kill their
Armenian brothers on the other side. The Gandzak Khan was humiliated by defeat. His enormous army was pursued by a
small group of Melik Hovsep's son to the Gandzak gates. Seeing this act of bravery Ibrahim Khan agreed to become
reconciled with Melik Hovsep. Melik Adam followed his example and returned to Jraberd with his people and his troops. The
"not real" Catholicos Israel came with Melik Adam and resided in Yeritsmankants monastery.
Hovsep Emin lived in Giulistan for ten months. But one day the hospitable Melik Hovsep asked his guest to leave the
house and the melikdom. Emin went to Gandzassar. The Albanian Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian accepted him warmly.
From here he left for Shushi to meet Ibrahim Khan, accompanied by the Kolani Kurd Sheikh, whom Emin had freed from
captivity, the Shushi dweller Isahac and Movses Bagramian. The Catholicos Hovhannes wrote a letter to Ibrahim Khan about
Emin's arrival, adding that ;
"Accept him according to your wish, but as far as I have noticed, he hopes
to find friendly acceptance and
attentive treatment on the side of Your
Highness, as was treated by the English princes and even by the
Daghestan Lezgis who are in enmity with all the universal nations. Let
Your humanity decide how to meet
the princely guest and lead your mind
to respect the law of hospitability, which was founded by the patriarch
Abraham.
Yours Hovhannes Catholicos of Gandzassar,
and servant of Christ.31"
Ibrahim Khan was aware of Emins intentions and activity but the "guest's" close relationship with the Daghestan
Lezgis and the Russian court prevented him from murdering Emin. Probably Emin paid the visit as a special envoy of the
Russian empire. During this tour his companian Movses Baghdassarian intended to set up educational institutions in different
parts of his native Karabagh but he understood that in the environment of Ibrahim Khan's anti-Armenian policy, it was
impossible to undertake such an activity. Emin adviced him to leave for Madras in 1767, where he devoted himself to
teaching the Armenian language and history to the children of influential Armenian of India, at the same time cooperating
with the famous representatives of the Armenian community Shahamir Shahamirian, his son Hakob, Grigor Khojajanian and
others who were as enthusiastic and patriotic as himself. The Karabagh Armenian immediately engaged himself in is
establishing a printing press in the town and publishing political periodicals and literature there. In 1773 he wrote and
published the book "A New Book Called Yordorak", which was a unique creation in the Armenian historiography. It was a
new project of the Armenian liberation movement, an appeal to the young generation to restore the independence of their
country. It was the first work in the Armenian culture representing public literature and calling the nation to rise for realizing
their supreme goals. Nobody else could do such a work except Movses Baghramian, a traveller, researcher, literary student,
political dealer, a true compatriot of Hovsep Emin.
The Simeon Catholicos, who had adopted a policy of suppressing any revolt still in cradle, punished Movses
Bagramian, unfrocked him and forbade to publish such kind of works.
Hovsep Emin soon returned to Gandzassar from Shushi. The Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian earnestly confessed
that Simeon, the Catholicos of all Armenians had sent letters to himself and the meliks, forbidding to accept Hovsep Emin, or
else threatened to unfrock and anathematize them. Now Emin understood why Melik Hovsep had told him to leave his
melikdom.
Simeon Catholicos had set up a new campaign against the Gandzassar Catholicossate and seized the Shamakhi
and Nakhi-Shaki dioceses, even asking the assistance of the Muslim Khans. It may even seem that the Catholicos of all
Armenians hindered the development of the national liberation movements in the most favourable situation, when anarchy
and disorder reigned over Iran and there was a weakening in Turkish authority and a well-organized campaign could liberate
the country from foreign yoke and restore the statehood under such a celebrated and devoted leader as Hovsep Emin. In
Shamakhi Emin was informed that the Armenian-Assyrian Christians of Khoi and Salmast were ready to assist him with an
army of 18 thousand armed soldiers. This news made Emin hopeful. He hurried to the Assyrian village Khosrova via
Karabagh. But the Asrgrians refused to cooperate with him when learnt that he had no money. Again Emin applied to
Hercule. But aware of the Catholicos Simeon's request, he politely asked Emin to leave the country. Emin went to the Imaret
King Solomon, and he invited Emin to take part in his feasts. Emin understood that this feasting King would be of no help to
him and left the palace. Emin understood that this was the end of his eight years' strivings and wanderings. All his dreams
dashed to the ground. Emin returned to India, to his family, and lived there till the end of his life.
As Armenia had long since lost its sovereignity and was unable to protect its population and the meliks were the sole
authorities of withstanding threats from abroad and maintaining national traditions, the Armenian political dealers and
liberators all over the world always turned to them. The alliance to Georgia was of vital importance, but the hopes of the
Armenians were frusterated largely by the Georgian King Hercule. The Georgian nobility was disunited and discordant and
the Armenians could not rely on them. Both the Armenians and the Georgians were left to their fate. The only realistic hope
for them became Russia.
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At the end of the eighteenth century the population of Karabagh remained largely Armenian. In a report to Empress
Catherine II, General Potiomkin noted that they should consider the question of putting the administration of the region
inhabited by Armenians under the charge of Russia and reestablish a Christian state there, in accordance to the promises of
the Russian Empire.
The Shushi Khanate was undergoing destruction at the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The Khan was looking
for new allies. Soon he married the sister of Jar Khan Umma. The bride Bakhtak was twelve years old. The Sarujalu chieftain
was the close friend of the Caucasian plunderers. The founder of Shushi Khanate Panah Ali used to ravage the Armenian,
Georgian and Persian settlements together with the highlanders. Now, related by marriage, their relations became more
close. The highlanders also benefited from the cooperation, so Umma Khan forcibly married the young girl to the "ugly,
clumsy and hateful Ibrahim."32 The bride left her native land accompanied by a cavalry of three thousand soldiers, which was
needed to supress Armenian risings. Obtaining a solid ground Ibrahim undertook a campaign to deprive the Armenian meliks
of their authority and influence. A plot was formed against the Jraberd Melik Mejlum in his village Ghazarkh (later Maragha),
which turned unsuccessful for Ibrahim.
Again Russia began to encourage the Armenian liberation movements, holding out the prospect of the creation of a
"christian" Armenian state. The Empress Catherine II ordered the heroic general of Russo-Turkish wars A. Suvorov to
undertake the realization of the Caspian project. Hovhannes Lazarian and Archbishop Hovsep Arghutian were the general's
advisers in the matter. Suvorov regularly corresponded with the Armenian meliks from Astrakhan. He thoroughly investigated
the geographical position and the routes of the region and described the Armenian fortresses in his reports to the Empress.33
General Suvorov was firstly acquainted with the Armenian issue in 1778, when settled the Armenians in the southern
regions of Russia. The Armenians migrated there from Crimea. Suvorov was one of the faithful defenders of the nation in the
Russian court. He was brought up in the atmosphere of his grandmother's stories about the Karabagh patriots.The
grandmother had an Armenian origin. Ezov wrote that "the Greek project of the Empress suggested restoring the political
independence of Armenia under supreme protection of Russia. The project was especially actively supported by Prince
Potiomkin and General Suvorov."34
In 1728 Prince Potiomkin appointed his relative General Pavel Potiomkin commander-in-chief of Northern Caucasus.
On March 5, 1728 the Catholicos of Albania held a meeting in Gandzassar. The Armenian meliks of Dizak, Jraberd, Giulistan
and Gharadagh (the former Paitakaran) as well as six bishps took part in it. They composed a petition addressed to Prince
Potiomkin. As a result of this document, the prince ordered General Potiomkin to dismiss the Ibrahim Khan of Shushi, "as
Karabagh might form an independent unit under the protection of Russia. Do your best organize the new state considering
the interests of the population. This way you can make the influential Armenian districts follow the example of Karabagh."35
According to this project Karabagh, should be the heart of the future Armenian state. General Potiomkin wrote in a report to
the Empress Catherine II;
"As soon as the occasion arises, we must consider the question of
putting the administration of this region, which is inhabited by Armenians
under our charge and so establishing in Asia a Christian state, in
accordance with the august promisis of Your Imperial Highness, made
through my intermediary, to the Armenian meliks."
According to the project a part of the army was to conquer the Caspian coast in 1784, while the other part should advance to
Tiflis and from there to Karabagh and then to Karadagh.
At that time Ali Murad Khan Zend was the crown-prince of Iran. He ruled over the greatest part of the country and
was continuously warring against the Qajars for the royal title. In 1784 he offered the project of a Russo-Persian treaty,
where the restoration of the Armenian statehood was considered very important.36. According to the project the Yerevan,
Nakhichevan, Karabagh and Karadagh (Paitakaran) khanates should unite and form an Armenian state under Russia, in
return for it Russia should be obliged to recognize Ali Murad Khan as Shah of Iran, and also defend Iran against the Turks.
But Catherine II prolonged the conclusion of the treaty. Ali Murad Khan Zend was ill at that time and intended to winter in the
Mughan plain and then in spring of 1784 be consecrated in the Artabil mosque, which was a sacred place for the Shii
Muslims. In the opinion of the historian of Baku school G. Abdulaev in 1784 "Russia and Iran intended to carve up Azarbaijan
between themselves". This point of view is errenous because, firstly, Azarbaijan is an Iranian district, the Baku historian is
striving to denigrate its Iranian element, and secondly, Gharadagh, which in ancient times was called Paitakaran, was
inhabited by Armenians and after the seperation of Armenia in 387, when no Turkic tribe existed there, passed to Iran).
Murad Khan Zend intended to winter in the Mughan plain and consequently the Russian army could not advance the
Gandzak and Karabagh. And again the liberation of Armenia was put off to better times. Soon the French Count and probably
a secret agent Ferier Sovbef arrived in Isfahan. He took several steps "to move the Armenian question" from immobility,
together with Ali Murad Khan, he spread rumours about French and Irano-Turkish treaty, which made Catherine II hurry to
conclude a treaty with Iran. Colonel V.S. Tomara was sent to Isfahan by General Potiomkin, where he declared about the
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Empress' order "wishing to make use of Ali Murad Khan's intention to conclude a treaty with the Russian Empire" and also
stressed that Russia would feel safe having "the Armenian nation as a rampart between Russia and Turkey", which was the
continuation of the Empress "rampart tactics."38
With the Russian project of the treaty the restoration of Armenian kingdom was overlooked and mentions were made
only about the Armenian nature of the authoritative powers of the restored state. The second provision of the document
viewed introduction of Russian protection over eastern and western Georgia, which would have an actual power only in case
of the victory of the "Russo-Iranian defensive treaty." The first provision of the document read;
"The liberation of western Armenian territories from Turkey. Later eastern
Armenia reunites with its "national corps" of western Armenia and creates
a united and independent Armenia, under a national
government."Corresponding agreements" should be reached with that
government."
Then it was stated that the treaty must be signed by Ali Murad Khan Zend, laying him under an obligation to guard
and forbid the established Armenian territory "to expand".But the course of events wasn't beneficial for the treaty. While the
envoys were on their way, the news of Murad Khan Zend in death was broken in Khoi (formerly Ter). The Colonel left the
city. Though the hopes of the Armenians were frusterated, but it was the first time in the Armenian history that Russia and
Iran exercised their authority to reunite eastern and western Armenias and establish an Armenian state.
Aware of the current situation of Armeno-Russian relations Ibrahim Khan sent an Armenian envoy to General
Potiomkin in Derbent to declare about his submission to Russia. The queen seemed to back this submission. But General
Potiomkin was soon disillusioned. The Khan wasn't hurrying to submit, gaining time, deliberately using slow methods. He set
on to fortify the Shushi fortress and mobilize his military forces. The Karabagh, Khoi, Nakhichevan and Baku governor khans
made secret plans to hinder the advance of the Russian troops. The Suleiman Khan of Akhaltska took part in the plot too. But
soon observing the threatening position of the Russian army in Transcaucasia, all khans hurried to declare about their
submission to the Russian Empire. Instead of the Russians, the Fatali Khan of Derbent launched an attack on Shushi.
Ibrahim turned to the Georgian King Hercule, who hurriedly came to his help. The Derbent ruler offered Hercule to destroy
Ibrahim with joint power and divide his domain between themselves; the Armenian part - to Hercule and the Tatar part - to
Fatali. But Hercule refused the idea. General Potiomkin demanded that Fatali Khan should draw off his army, as Ibrahim, as a
Russian subject, was placed under Russian protection.39
This situation set the insidious Khan free to realize his intrigues. He considered the circumstances favourable to start
a campaign against the Armenian princehood. The straighforward struggle was full of dangers, so he set a trap for the meliks.
In 1787 the Armenian meliks Mejlum Khan, Abov II, Bakhtam (from Dizak) and thirty other meliks were invited to Shushi. The
naive meliks, being brave warriers but bad diplomats, gladly accepted the invitation of Ibrahim Khan. They were immidiately
arrested and imprisoned.40 Then Ibrahim robbed the Gandzassar monastery of its treasures (a part of the valuable
belongings was hidded by the Catholicos) arrested the Catholicos with his five brothers and took them to Shushi. It is said
that the Catholicos Hovhannes Jalalian was betrayed by his brother Allah-Ahuli Bek and the Yeritsmankank monastery
Catholicos Israel, who soon established himself in the Amaras monastery with the help of Ibrahim.
Some time later the Armenian volunteers led by Tuli Arzuman of Metsashen and landlord Khachatur, captured the
Shushi prison and freed Melik Mejlum, Melik Abov and all the other prisoners. The Catholicos Hovhannes, Dizak Melik Yegan
and Melik Bakhtam were already poisoned by the Khan.41
Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov immediately left for Tiflis. Tuli Arzuman in his turn hurried to Gandzassar to persuade
the bishop Sargis Jalalian and his nephew Baghdassar (Daniel Bek's son) to flee. The Gandzak Khan Javad sheltered them
in his domain. During this time Ibrahim managed to murder the Jalal and Daniel Bek brothers of the Catholicos Hovhannes.
Since 1750 Ibrahim Khalil had set on settling the Tatar nomads in the Armenian villages, deporting the inhabitants to
different parts of the area. The settlers also took possession of the personal belongings of the owners, besides the villages
and houses. Slowly the Armenians were being squeezed out of their native land, mass deportations were organized and
carried out by Ibrahim. During the absence of the Jraberd Melik, a thousand families were deported and settled in Dizak. To
create a Muslim majority in Shushi, Ibrahim invited the Kazakh and Shamshadin Turks to settle here. Parallel to this shifts
Ibrahim tried to convert the Armenian population of Shushi to Islam. After murdering the Dizak Melik Bakhtam in the Shushi
prison, Ibrahim forced the Togh Melik Avanians to adopt Islam. The King Hercule demanded that Ibrahim should return back
the Khazakh and Shamshadin Muslim population as they were his subjects and as such paid taxes to him. But being refused
Hercule joined the Armenian meliks against Ibrahim. Two Russian regiments under Colonel Burrnashov took part in the
campaign. But the seige of Shushi was not fated to come true. The Russo-Turkish war was set in motion and Burrnashov was
ordered to return to eastern Caucasus.
Ibrahim made a new attempt to win Hercule's favour, agreeing to send the Kazakh and Shamshadin settlers back to
their land in return for Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov. Hercule was inclined to satisfy this demand. Sensing the trap, the two
Armenian meliks fled from Tiflis and returned to Gandzak, resolute to revenge on Hercule for his treacherous intention
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whenever possible.
Melik Shahnazar died in 1792. The Karabagh Armenians considered him an arch-traitor, as his activity was
destructive for the whole region. Melik Shahnazar had three wives. The wife Taguhi had given birth to Jumshud, Sona - to
Hussein and Hourizad, Malayik - to Jhanbashkh, Jhangir and the daughter Huma. Ibrahim was the trustee of Melik
Shahnazar's sons. The son Jhanbashkh managed to receive a Melik's title from his trustee. Husein attacked and plundered
his brother's mansion in Shushi. Jhanbashkh ran away to the Shamkhi Mustafa Khan who was hostile to Ibrahim.
Melik Shahnazar's death was a great blow to Ibrahim. He became weak and disabled. Melik Mejlum and Melik Abov
frequently attacked his domain, but he was unable to protect his population.42
The Mazandaran Qajar Agha Mohammad Khan was kept as hostage by the Iranian ruler Kerim Khan Zendi. The
Qajar Khan had been castrated and employed as eunuch by Nadir Shah. After Kerim Khan's death in 1799, the Qajar Khan
fled to Mazandaran and revolted against the Iranian state claiming to the royal inheritance of the country. Soon he assumed
royal power and chose Tehran as his residence.
In 1795 he subjugated the Atropateni district of Iran.
The Transcaucasian governors, who had submitted to Russia, treated the new Iranian Shah in a domineering
manner. Agha Mohammad surpassed his predecessors in cruelty. He was an ugly man with short figure, colourless eyes,
yellow hairless skin and squeaky voice. He had blinded one of his brothers - Martaz Ghuli and had murdered the elder
brother Jafar Ghuli Khan. Capturing the rebellious city Kirman, he distributed the local 20 thousand women among his
soldiers and ordered to blind the male representatives of the town. He was handed 7 thousand pair of eyes. This Agha
Mohammad Khan set up the Qajar inheritance in Iran. Dividing his army into three parts the new Shah of Iran advanced to
Transcaucasia. His brother Ali Ahuli Khan moved towards Yerevan. The Yerevan Khan immediately submitted to him. The
second army moved to Talish, Shamakhi and Nukhi (Shaki) via Mukhank and subjugated the mentioned khanates. The third
army led by the Shah, advanced to Shushi in 1795 in August. The Gandzak Khan Javad and the Jraberd Melik Mejlum led
their troops in his army. The Georgian King Hercule sent his son Alexander to support Ibrahim Khalil. Melik Shahnazar's son
Jumshud sided with Ibrahim too. Ibrahim closed the gates of the fortress, expecting to meet his fate. The Persian artillery
continuously fired from the settlement Khachin Tap (Topkhana) but without much result.43 The Shah thought to fill the Hunot
gorge with horse saddles and form a bridge across it to pass to Shushi.44 The Armenian brigades often opened the gates of
the fortress and with sudden attacks scattered the enemy. But the Persians managed to take captive one of such brigades
consisting of one hundred Armenians. The heroic soldiers were soon barbarously victimized. Tied to each other they lay on
the ground and the nailed horses walked over them piercing their bodies. This inhumane method of punishment was called
"Jazid Kharman."
The Qajar Khan greatly enjoyed the sight. Agha Mohammad Khan and his brothers intended to take Tiflis after
Shushi and punish the Georgian King.
Prolongation of Shushi conquest made the Khan leave it to the next spring. On the thirty third day of the siege he
took his army and moved to Tiflis. Melik Mejlum joined him to take revenge on the Georgian King. The next morning the
inhabitants of the besieged fortress opened the gates and hurried to the fields and mountains. But the Persian Shah had set
a trap for them. His soldiers had hidden in the Devatalap gorge and in Avan's cave. With a sudden attack they killed the
Armenians, those alive tried to return to the town, the gates of which were already closed.
Agha Mohammed's army entered Tiflis on September 13 and plundered the city for eight days. The seventy year old
King managed to flee. The Persians took 12 thousand captives. The prominent Armenian poet and bard bishop Harutiun
(Saiat-Nova) was murdered in the St. George's church. From here the Shah hurried to Persia to supress the revolt of Kerim
Khan's brother Liftali Khan in Ghandahar and Herat. He intended to return to Shushi the next spring. Melik Mejlum and Melik
Abov established themselves in the Gandzak fortress. Soon the King Hercule, allied to the Lezgis and Ibrahim Khan
surrounded the fortress. The Georgians ravaged the Karabagh districts of Gardman, Parrissos, Kusti and Koght and
completely destroyed the large Banants village. The siege of Gandzak lasted four months. Hercule demanded that Javad
Khan should hand Melik Mejlum over to him and then leave Gandzak. The demand was refused. from the eight towers of the
fortress, the four were held by the Armenians. Tiuli-Arzuman fell in one of the battles. Melik Mejlum suffered severe injuries
and died. He was burried in the St. Hovhannes Church of Gandzak. At last Hercule, Ibrahim and Umma Khan agreed to
become reconciled with Javad Khan, whose son and daughter were taken hostage.
In spring of 1796 the Russian army under Count Valerian Zubov moved to the Caspian coast, intending to occupy the
whole of Transcaucasia. The Count was accompanied by the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Russia Archbishop
Arghutian. Valerian Zubov was known to the Turks by the name of Kizil-aiaghi (golden foot), as one of his feet was lost in
battles and replaced by an artificial limb. The prosthesis was covered by sheet gold. Hovsep Arghutian pursuaded the
Shamakhi Mustafa Khan to submit to Russia. Ibrahim Khan sensing the danger, sent his son Abdul-Feteh Bek with his
declaration of submission and presents to the Russian commander. Count Zubov in his turn sent a cane to the Muslim
religious head of Shushi - Molla Panah. the Russians intended to winter in Salian and launch an attack on Iran in spring. A
regiment under General Rimski-Korsakov, accompanied by Hovsep Arghutian moved towards Gandzak. Through Hovsep's
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intermediary the Gandzak Javat Khan too submitted to Russia and opened the gates of the fortress. From here the Russians
moved to Tiflis. The Empress Catherine II intended to join Armenia and Georgia, holding out the prospect of the creation of a
mighty Christian state of Transcaucasia.
On November 6 the Russian Empress Catherine II died. Paul I replaced her on the throne. The first thing he did, was
to call Zubov back to Russia. The Armenian and Georgian hopes were frusterated again.
The next year in spring Agha Mohammad Khan crossed the Arax river with an army of 100.000 soldiers and ravaging
the land on his way, moved towards the Shushi fortress.
Ibrahim, trying to save his family, fled to his wife's native country - Jar and Tal.
A new disaster broke out in Karabagh. It was impossible to collect the crops. Plague and famine destroyed the
people. The Armenian migration grew into a flood. Melik Abov taking his people emigrated in Georgia, Melik Jumshud (son of
Melik Shahnazar) headed for Tiflis. The population of Shushi decided to meet the cruel Shah with numerous presents and
icons. The Shah marched solomnly into the fortress. The population came to declare about their submittion. Some of them
were spared, others decapitated. A part of the army set on plundering the inhabitants, but there wasn't much to take. There
was a lack of supplies in the army. Soon the militants gathered to express their dissatisfaction to the Shah. The protesters
were decapitated. The existing hostility between the court people , who were originally Persian, and the military
commanders, who were Turkish, was increasing. The Shah himself encouraged the split and even set the two parties against
each other. Once a crowd of the local people met the Shah and begged him to save them from the violence of his militants.
The enraged Shah, instead of punishing the offenders, ordered to cut the ears of his servant Safar Ali, which "failed to hear"
and threatened to cut off as much heads the next morning as would be needed to erect a tower in Shushi, higher than the
minaret of Khamkor mosque.45
The courtiers formed a plot against the Shah. Safar Ali and Abbas entered into his bedroom at night and stabbed the
46
Shah.
The main plotter Sadikh Khan hurried to Iran to occupy the throne. He freed Ibrahim Khalil's nephew Mamed Bek,
promising the Karabagh Khanate in return for his assistance. But Sedikh Khan was not strong enough to seize the throne
from Agha-Mohammad Khan's nephew, who was soon placed on the Persian throne. Encouraged by the turn of events,
Ibrahim sent his son Mehti to Shushi, then arrived personally.
Once again the famine came to rule over Karabagh. The population of Karabagh was Armenian, as witnessed
throughout the whole of the medieval period. It is known from various sources and official Turkish, Georgian and Russian
documents that its population remained largely Armenian at the end of the eighteenth century. Figures are produced
estimating Armenian families 60 thousand in 1795. Later statistics of 1804 put the total at only 4 thousand families. The
decrease was due to the life conditions and the continual shifts of the Armenian population to Georgia, Shamakhi and Shaki.
The Armenian princes left the land too. The Giulistan Melik Freidun moved to a part of Borchalu, Melik Jumshad - to Lorri,
Melik Abov - to Bolnis. They intended to join these territories and form an autonomous region, but didn't consider that Georgia
and Russia would never encourage such an action.
This continuous Armenian emigration from homeland was destructive for the Karabagh country. They were
immediately replaced by the Tatar nomads. Ibrahim encouraged them handing over the Armenian villages and princely
estates.
The Russian governor and commander-in-chief of Caucasian army Prince Tsitsianor left Tiflis and soon surrounded
Gandzak. It was in December 1803. The Armenian meliks Jumshud, Melik-Shahnazarian and the leader of Georgian
Armenians Archbishop Hovhannes and Bishop Nerses (later Catholicos of all Armenians) took part in the campaign. On
January 3 Gandzak surrendered. Javad Khan and his sons were killed during a battle, though Tsitsianov did his best to
conquer the fortress and generally the Karabagh land and Shushi without much losses.
The Russian strategists considered Shushi a base for their later attack on Azerbaijan through the Kudaferim bridge
accross the Arax river. Besides even a small army could resist external attacks from that stronghold.
Ibrahim shrewdly avoided direct talks and submission to the Russians. He was sure that the Russians would never
forgive him the death of Agha Mohammad Khan in Shushi. At last he made up his mind and calling the Russian Major
Lisanevich in February of 1805, asked him to convey his submission to Tsitsianov.47
The Kurak river, separating Karabagh from the Gandzak Khanate, was chosen as a place where the two parties
were to meet to sign the agreement. On May 14 a treaty consisting of 11 articles was signed by Tsitsianov and Ibrahim Khan.
With the treaty Ibrahim was obliged to provide the Russian regiment of Shushi of 500 soldiers. Ibrahim was given the degree
of Leutenant-general and a flag with the Russian coat-of-arms on it. The Khan was also obliged to pay an annual tribute of 8
thousand in gold. Ibrahim's son Shakur Ullah was to be taken hostage and inhabit in Tiflis. With the third article of the treaty
Ibrahim's descendants would be the inheritors of his title and land. The legitimate masters of the lands, the Armenians, their
rights and obligations weren't even obscurely mentioned in the treaty.
Three days later exactly such a treaty was concluded with the Shaki ruler Selim Khan. This Selim was the last
representative of the princely Sevada dynast's Muslim branch, who had settled in Shaki in the ninth century.
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Major Lisanevich, whom the Karabagians called "mad major" settled in the Armenian part of Shushi with his three
hundred soldiers. The Iranian crown-prince Abbas Mirza, who was attentively following the course of events, took advantage
of the fact that Russia was engaged in the struggle against Napoleon, and decided to reconquer Transcaucasia and punish
the treacherous governors and their agents. Observing the Persian presence in the Jebrail gardens, Lisanevich hurried to
Shushi. He was afraid that a revolt of the Tatars would break from inside which would enable Abbas Mirza to take the town. A
week later the Persian army encamped near the Khonashen river, its vanguard cavalary deployed in Askeran. The Georgian
Prince Alexander led his troops in the Persian army. He scolded Ibrahim Khalil in his letter "Nobody ever benefited from
joining the Russians, why did you agree to hand the country over to them, adding to their might?"39
A regiment under colonel Koriagin hurried from Gandzak to support the Shushi defenders. The Armenian captain
Vani from the Karabagh village Kussapat was among the leaders of the regiment. Unable to pass the Askeran (Mairaberd)
castle, the regiment took position in the Muslim graveyard of Aghdam. The Persians continuously stormed their positions. The
Russians suffered heavy casualties. With the help of Vani, the remains of the brigade, 150 soldiers, slipped to the
Tigranakert (Shah-Aghbiur) castle, at night where soon joined by Tsitsanors regiment.
In 1806, on February 8, Prince Tsitsanor was murdered while conducting negotiations with the Baku Khan. His head
was sent to Abbas Mirza, the Russian subject khanates became independent, as they hadn't established an organized
administrative unit, relying only on personal capability of the commanders. Imeretia, Mingrelia, Jar, Shaki, Karabagh and
Shirvan formed an anti-Russian treaty. The Selim Khan of Shaki, who too had signed the Kurak treaty and had been given a
degree of Leitenant-general, revolted against the Russians. All the Russian officers of Shaki were slain. But when the
Russian General Nebelson besieged Shaki, Selim Khan fled to Iran, thus ending the rule of the Sevordian princely dynast
over the territories lying between the Kura river and the Caucasian mountain range.
In 1806, in summer Abbas Mirza again crossed the Arax river. Ibrahim was conducting confidential talks with the
Persian crown-prince about handing Shushi over to them and destroying Lisanovich's regiment.
It was planned to move in two directions - to Yerevan and to Karabagh. The Shirvan, Shaki and Baku troops were to
launch an attack on Karabagh. Ibrahim Khan had left the fortress accompanied by his family and close relatives and lived in a
house in his downtown garden. The Russian commander Lissanevich was aware of Ibrahim Khalil's letter addressed to Fatali
Khan, where he begged to be forgiven for misconduct. The Shah in his turn had promised to assist him. Both the Khan's son
Mehti and grandson Jafar, dreaming of his title and position, suggested Lissanevich to kill Ibrahim. On June 2 at night a group
of Russian Cossacks and Armenian volunteers left Shushi and attacking the summer house of Ibrahim Khan, murdered
everybody inside, Sheitan Tuni who was from the brigade of Jumshud Melik-Shahnazarian, stabbed Ibrahim.
The death of Ibrahim Khan was a great blow to the Iranian Shah as Ibrahim Khan was the only one to be relied on
while taking the fortress. The Persian army ended the siege and withdrew.
The Caucasian governor and commander-in-chier Count Gudovich appointed Mehti the new Khan of Shushi,
granting a degree of Major-general. Mehti left for Tiflis to swear solemnly to be faithful to the Russian Empire. But Mehti was
regularly corresponding with the Shahzada (crown-prince) through his brother Abul Fet. The head of the Russian army in
Karabagh was General Koliarevski, who was famous for his victories against the Turks in Akhlkalak. The Russian governor of
Caucasus was Count Pauluchi. Arriving in Shushi he decided to dismiss Mehti and replace him by colonel Melik Jumshud
Melik-Shahnazarian. But the Armenian Prince refused the honour. Melik Jumshud and Melik Vani were good warriors but bad
politicians, preferring not to be responsible for the fate of the country they handed the rule of it over to an alien lord. Alas,
Israel Ori and Hovsep Emin were not alive to undertake that mission.
Long since had Abu Mirza prepared to seize Transcaucasia from the Russians. English officers were invited to train
his soldiers. He too was educated in Europe and as such was an expert diplomat. General Ratishchev, who replaced
Pauluchi, was aware of the crown-prince's intentions, and planned to settle the matter through negotiations. But the crownprince treated the Russians in a domineering manner. General Ratishchev was opposed by General Kotliaevski, who
believed a solution could be achieved only forcibly. Without Ratishchev's permission he crossed the Arax river and launched
an attack on the Aslanduz fortress, where Abbas Mirza's main forces were deployed. The Persian army was destroyed. The
crown-prince had a narrow escape. Kotliarovski was granted a degree of Lieutenant-general.
In December he launched a successful attack on Lenkoran. The Persians surrounded and requested the Russian
side for negotiations. The Russian conquest was confirmed by the Russo-Persian peace treaty concluded at Giulistan
(Karabagh) on October 12,1813. The document was signed by Ratishchev and Mirza Abtul Hassan Khan. With the treaty Iran
granted Russia control over Derbent, Ghuba, Baku, Talish, Shirvan, Shaki, Karabagh, Gandzak, Georgia, Daghestan,Shoragial. Iran was granted control over Meghri.
Thus Russia took over Karabagh. The Khanate was annexed to Russia since 1805 but the Russo-Persian Treaty of
Giulistan handed it over to the Russian Empire once and for all. The khanates of Nakhichevan and Yerevan were left to their
fate and didn't come under Russian rule until the Peace of Turkmenchai in 1828. The capture of Karabagh and the prospect
of creating a Christian Armenian state, gave boost to national sentiment. However, Russian rule was rather more repressive
than the somewhat over - hopeful Armenians anticipated, and in many ways was little improvement on the Persian
administration; although Russia contained within itself the seeds of modernization.
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The later years saw the disappearance of both the Armenian meliks and the Khanate of Karabagh, which was
transformed into a Russian province. With a view of neutralizing national claims and dividing in order the better to rule, the
Russian authorities later proceeded to make several changes in the territories they had conquered.
In 1816 the Emperor Alexander appointed General Alexei Yermolov governor and commander-in-chief of Caucasia,
who, in the person of the religious head of Russian and Georgian Armenians - Nerses Ashtaraketsi found an expert advisor
and brother-in-arms. He was considered the real head of the Armenian Church, and the Catholicos of all Armenians Yeprem
never took a serious step without consulting him. Yermolov arrived in Caucasus accompanied by the heroic participant of the
French war General Valerian Madatov, who was appointed a military regional governor of Karabagh, Shaki and Shirvan new
administrative unit. Madatov was originally a Karabagh Armenian, from the Avetaranots village. He had left his country with
an Armenian delegation still a young man. Melik Jumshud, Melik Freidun and his influential relative Captain Madatian were
among the delegates. In Petersburg, through the intermediary of the meliks he entered the service of the Imperial Division of
Guards, where became famous as a clever and brave officer and fifteen years later returned to Caucasus with a degree of
General, a title of Prince and several ribbons.49 The young and talented general put an end to robbery. Peace replaced
disorder and anarchy in the region. The Russian rule tried to do away with the Persian administrative units. After the death of
the Shaki Ismail Khan in 1819, the Khanate was abolished. Sensing the threat, the Shamakhi Mustafa Khan fled to Iran. His
territories were attached to Russia without any status. General Madatov was aware of the Mehti Ghuli Khan's traffic with the
agents of the Persian crown-prince Abbas-Mirza, but he wasn't in a hurry to punish him. The Khan handed the MelikShahnazarian's estates over to General Madatov, who managed to confirm his rights on the domain through General
Yermolov. In return for this all the relatives of Mehti Khan were granted control over the former domains and villages of the
Karabagh meliks. Even Mehti Khan's secretary, joker and stable-man became landowner.
In late 1822 General Madatov formed a plot against Mehti Khan and undertook to realize it. Mehti Khan was forced
to flee to Iran, thus ending the existence of the Tatar Shushi Khanate of Karabagh.
1. Shushinski "Shusha", Baku 1968, p.4.
Qajar - the Jahalir tribe, who had been settled in Iran by the grandson of
Jengiz Khan; Gulaku Khan. The Aghu Khan's trustee and the Khorassan and
Tabassaran governor Arghu Khan named his son Qajar. Later the whole tribe
was called by this name..
2. Hakob Pogossian "The History of Artsakh Province". Repository of Ancient
Manuscripts, manuscript N.2734, p.23.
3. M.D. Jevanshir "Karabagh", "Caucasus" mag., Tiflis 1855, N.61,62.
4. Leo "Selection of Works", v.3-2, Yerevan 1973, pp.230-234.
5. Leo, pp.234-236.
6. M.O. Jevanshir "History of Karabagh", Baku 1959, p.72.
7. Ibid..., p.20.
8. Repository of Ancient Manuscripts, man.N.8211, Colophon, p.3596, p.360a,
"Colophons", 1955, p.384, man. N1575, p.264a.
9. G.A.F.K.E, F.S.R.A. 1724, N4, 19 or prof. A. Abrahamian "A page from the
History of Transcaucasian Nationalities and Armeno-Russian Relations".
Yerevan, 1953, p.145.
10. Leo, p.267, or Leo "History of Karabagh Diocese's Ecclesiastical School",
Tiflis, 1914, p.145.
11. Z. Avagov "Georgia's Incorporation Into Armenia", 1901, p.89, S.P.B.
12. Raffi "Selection of Works", v.10 "The Khamsa Melikdoms", Yerevan, 1964,
p.204.
13. The event took place in the time of Simeon Yerevantsi not Hakob
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Shemakhetsi, as in 1763 when Simeon wasn't a Catholicos, Hovsep Emin
was told in Echmiadzin that Bishop Avag was dead.
14. Raffi, p.206.
15. Raffi, p.204.
16. Raffi. p.212.
17. Leo, p.270
18. Leo, p.272-273.
19. Raffi, p.208.
20. M. Barkhutariants "History of Albania", Vagharshapat, 1902, p.101.
21. F. Shushinski, p.11, Raffi, p.213.
22. Kh. Genichulinski "Historical-Biographical and Historical Sketches",
Makhachkala, 1992 (tr-ed from Arabic by T. Aitebarova), p.39.
23. "Simeon Catholicos' Diary", (Divan of Armenian History), Tiflis, book 7, 1894,
p.491.
24. Simeon Yerevantsi "Jambr", Moscow. 1958, p.280.
25. Leo, p.300.
26. At the end of his life in 1788 Emin wrote his "Hovsep Emin's Life and
Adventures" in India, which was published in London in 1792. It has had
several Armenian publications. Was published in Beirut in 1958. A.R.
Hovhannissian wrote about Emin's life and activity, which was published in
1945 in Russian - "Iosif Emil". Leo as well as B. Ulubabian has studied
Emin's life and activity.
Leo "Selection of Works", v.3-2, Yer. pp.973,282.
B. Ulubabian "A Golden Chain", 1979, pp.206-255.
27. Chamchian, v.3, p.959.
28. A.R. Ioanissian "Iosif Emil", Yer.1945, p.177.
29. Leo, p.363.
30. A.B. Jevanshir "The Political Existence of the Karabagh Khanate from 1747
to 1805", Shusha, 1901, p.11 (Akhmed-Bek Jevanshir).
31. Periodical "Azdak", Hovsep Emin's Life and Adventures", Bderrut 1958.
32. Kh. Genichulinski, p.46.
33. Archives of Academy of Sciences of the USSR, F.99, 2, p.13.
Nersissian "From the History of Armeno-Russian Relations", Yer., 1956,
pp.43, 92.
34. "Caucasian Messenger", Tiflis, 1901, N10, supplement.
35. Dubrovin "The History of Russian Wars and Overlordship in Caucasia", v.2,
p.29.
36. "Iran-name", mag. "A Persian Project of Restoration of Armenian State", prof.
B.Balaian, Yer.1993, July 2, p.27.
37.Ibid...p.28.
38. Ibid..., p.29. It's clear that these tribes can in no way be connected to the
Medians (later Azari nation), and the wish to be called "Azerbaijans" is an
expression of "pan-Turkic" political striving, based on historic falsification and
manipulation, but groundless on the whole.
39. Ibid..., pp.70-79.
40. "Selection of Deeds Related to the Review of the History of Armenian
Nation", M, 1853, publishing house Lazarian.
41. "Karabagh's Secrets", Tiflis, 1902, pp.82-83.
42. Leo, p.370.
43. Hakob Poghossian "History of Albanian Province", Repository of Ancient
Manuscripts, man. N2734, p.7.
44. Akhmed Bek Jevanshir, p.43.
45. Dubrovin, v.3. p.211.
46. G. Shirmazaniants "A Tour of Armenia", mag. "Ararat", Vagharshapat, 1877,
September 30, p.334.
The author, who was the chief Armenian merchant of Tabriz, was told this
story by the commander of the bodyguards of the Iranian Shah Hakob, who
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had fled from Iran and found shelter in the St. Stepannos' Monastery of
Artaz.
47. Dubrovin, IY, p.423.
48. Dubrovin, IY, p.44
49. Leo, v.4, p.396.
CHAPTER 10
THE RUSSIAN DOMINATION IN TRANSCAUCASIA AND
RUSSO-PERSIAN PEACE TREATY OF 1818
All the foreign powers dominating Armenia throughout centuries assumed overlordship in the country through the
Armenian Church and especially through the Echmiadzin Main Chair (Mair Ator), which had been replacing statehood since
the day when Armenia was divided between the Roman Empire and Persia, soon after the Sassanid Persians putting an
end to the existence of the Kingdom of Armenia and its independence in 428. The Armenian Apostolic Church played a
central role in the life of the Armenian community in early nineteenth century. All the Armenians regarded membership of the
Church as an integral part of being Armenian. Aware of these circumstances the Russians managed to keep the rule of
Echmiadzin in their hands through the pro-Russian Armenian Catholicos Nerses Ashtaraketsi, who in his turn hurried to put
an end to the Iranian war and liberate Armenia from the Persian domination. Turkey too, had tried to transfer the Armenian
Catholicossate to Constantinople from Echmiadzin, but the attempts turned to be fruitless.
Abbas Mirza was aware of the pro-Russian tendences of the Armenian religious head. Though geographically
Echmiadzin was situated in the sphere of Iranian influence, he formed an interesting plan, according to which the Catholicos'
Chair should be transferred to southwards of the Arax river, far from the Russian influence. The Iranian crown-prince, who
was parallel the viceroy of the Azarbaijan district (Atropateni), chose the St. Thaddeus Monastery near the town Maku as a
residence for the Armenian Catholicos. The monastery underwent restoration since 1910. The restoration works were in full
swing and soon, because of the press of the crown-prince through the Yerevan Sardar Hussein Kuli Khan, the weak Yeprem
Catholicos was unable to resist the crown-prince and agreed to move to Maku. The increase in oppression and the extra
taxes had made him heavily indebted to money lender beks and he saw no way out of the trap set for himself. In winter of
1812 the Catholicos, accompanied by his retinue left for Siunik then for Nakhichevan from were was to cross the river thus
realizing Abbas Mirza's intentions, when suddenly the agents of Nerses Ashtaraketsi, who had been following the Catholicos
during the whole journey, forced him to return back to the Tatev Monastery, where on the pretext of receiving the generous
contribution of the prosperous Shushi merchants, he was persuaded to go to Karabagh, which was already under the
Russian jurisdictions, and the Persian crown-prince would be unable to do him harm. It seemed that this step of the
Catholicos would give an impetus to a new escalation of a Russo-Persian conflict, but nothing happened as Abbas-Mirza
was not ready for a new war. The situation of Russia was not satisfactory either, as a new cycle of violence was set in motion
in the Caucasian Highlands, where Russia was fighting against the Lezgis, Avars, Dargins, Chechens and the others for fifty
years.
The Russian utilization of Christianity as a device for imperial expansion encouraged those opposed to Russia, to
utilize Islam as a counter force. The highlanders were led by Imam Shamil, the Chechens among his most ardent supporters
and suppliers of warriors dedicated to the North Caucasian independence in the name of Islam.
General Yermolov reported about the tour of the Armenian Catholicos to Shushi to the Emperor Alexander I and
asked his imperial permission for the Catholicos to reside in Shushi as a civilian. Yermolov turned to the Archbishop Nerses
Ashtaraketsi, who had won the favour of the Russians and maintained good relations with the court, to promote an
agreement between the Catholicos and the Emperor.
On December 15 the Catholicos of all Armenians and his retinue appeared in downtown Shushi, where were met by
the Armenian community led by Bishop Anton. The Catholicos was accompanied by the future literary dealer historian
Mesrop Taghiadian, who later described this tour in a work. The Armenian Patriarch was accepted by the prosperous Shushi
merchants - the two brothers Zohrap and Markos Tarrumians. The town had taken a highly visible role in trade before the
arrival of the Russians. In the absence of normal trade routes and a market the two brothers pioneered and controlled a
serious trade between Siberia and Europe, India, Iran and Russia. Due to its mercantile and trading class, Shushi had grown
to the second trading centre in Transcaucasia, after Tiflis. The Hakhumians had invested one million roubles in the Russian
bank. The Hakumians were originally Karabaghian, while the Tarrumians belonged to Shahkert (Goghtan province).
Migrating to Yerevan in 1750 and being constantly subdued by the Sarder, they moved to Shushi. Hardly had the Russians
taken over Baku, when 1808 the Shushi merchant Baba Tarrumian appeared there. He undertook to pioneer the Baku oil, as
well as the Salian and other fishing places and other enterprises, which were extremely profitable. After Baba's death in
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Derbent, his capital was taken to Shushi, where his brothers Markos and Zohrap resumed Baba's activity adding new sacks
of gold to those already filled by their brother.2
At that time Shushi was the third largest town of Transcaucasia, with a population of about 2600, or 500 families.
There existed three churches in the higher town, occupied largely by Armenians. The churches were; Karabagian (St.
Astvatsatsin), Aguletsian and Ghazanchian (an ancient building, in 1886 was replaced by a new one).
In contrast to the Tarrumians, the Hakhumians were not so munificent. They developed trade through their
innumerable agents called "chraghs", who gradually increasing their own capitals became independent merchants later.
Moreover, the Shushi centre itself encouraged several dealers to serious business. The sense of wealth now united people
around itself. The atmosphere gave an impetus to the process of assimilation of the new-comers into the natives. Though the
Hakhumians were far from being generous, they established a strong mercantile unit in Karabagh.
The most prominent scholars of the time bishops Peter Ghardaghtsi and Hovsep Ter-Avagian Artsakhtsi were invited
to teach the mercantile and trading class children. The latter was a specialist in theology, logics and grammer. He was
famous for his activity in the Gandzassar and St. Hakoba monasteries. He was the author of a number of research works,
such as "Concise Logics", "Grammer", "Grabar - Ashkharabar Dictionary". After staying in Shushi for a short period of time he
returned to his monastic schools.
General Yermolov, returning from the Caucasian war, ordered the Catholicos of all Armenians to leave for
Echmiadzin at once. He was afraid that his stay would cause a Russo-Persian conflict. The Russian Emperor shared his fear
in the matter.3 The restoration works of the St. Thaddeus Monastery had come to an end but the belfry was partially restored
and the Persians did not undertake to resume the work, as they were not sure that their project to transfer the Main Chair to
Maku would succeed. On June 8, 1822 the Archbishob Nerses arrived in Shushi. Markos Tarrumian was sick onto death. He
paid eight thousand in gold to the Catholicos Yeprem instead of the requested four thousand.
At that time, after its reconstitution the Albanian Catholicossate became a Bishopic. The Yeprem Catholicos, afraid
of Abbas "Muirza's punishment refused to return to Echmiadzin. On August 5 the old Patrirch wrote a formal letter to the
Russian Emperor, as well as to the Iranian crown-prince and to Prince Golitsin, where describing the unbearable situation of
the Armenian priesthood under the Persians, asked for the Russian patronage. Probably this letter was the result of Nerses
Ashtaraketsi's diplomacy. Residing in the Haghpat Monastery, Yeprem kept being recognized as the Catholicos of all
Armenians. The Iranian government demanded his return to Echmiadzin, but was responded that return would take place
after the abolishment of the Sardar's rule.
At that time the third largest town of Transcaucasia in the Mountainous Karabagh: Shushi, with a population of forty
thousand, was preponderantly Armenian. A new educational movement was set up in the town by the Swiss Evangelical
missionaries. Their preachers August Ditrich and Felician Zaremba were granted the permission to found German
communities, printing houses and schools in Caucasia from the Russian authorities. They chose to work in Shushi as it was
a settlement where both Christians and Muslims lived side by side. Before the Basle missionaries had arrived in Shushi,
some events took place in the region, which deserve to be mentioned. The details of the events were given by the English
traveller Lynch.4 The European protestant preachers, after a thorough investigation of the political situation in Asia, decided
that it was high time to convert the Middle East Muslims to Christianity. It was beyond the English missionaries capability to
christianize the local Muslims, but the Evangelical missionaries thought of other means to persuade them to adopt the
Christian faith. They spread the news of the Advent: the second coming of Christ at the last Judgement to destroy the Earth
and punish the inhabitants, sparing only the people of those regions where he will arrive, and they will live in the Kingdom of
God. They mentioned the exact year of Advent - 1836, and the exact territory - the Kur-Araxes valley. 1500 German families
took their way to the unknown land of the man-God. More than the half of pilgrims perished on the way to Odessa. Only one
hundred families reached Georgia in 1817. They moved to the Tiflis and Yelizavetpol provinces and founded the Yelendorf
(the present day Khanlar) and Annefeld (Shamkhor) settlements. The Armenian Protestants of the time intended to set up
several Christian colonies on the Persian frontier thus providing the preachers and missionaries with a base. This activity
would enable the access of Christian Faith to the Muslim world, of course not without political considerations, and conquer
the Orient peacefully, an aim that the Crusaders failed to achieve.
And so the members of Basle Evangelical community Zaremba and Ditrich were accepted by the Russian Emperor
Alexander and granted with certain priviliges and permission to baptize and set up printing houses and schools. They were
also authorized to supply and appoint abbots to the German communities. In 1823 they bought a land and built a three storey
house on it. This residence of theirs was situated between the Armenian and Tatar parts od Shushi. They set on preaching
among the Armenians intending to spread their acticity on the Muslims some time later. With the arrival of Basle missionaries
Shushi gradually became a flourishing centre of Armenian culture. They established a school and a printing press in the town.
The Iranian crown-prince Abbas Mirza, having the former Transcaucasian Khans around him, decided to set up a
campaign against the Russians, instigating the Transcaucasian and Daghestan Muslims to rise in arms against the Russian
rule, thus supplying the Persian army with a base. The unexpected death of the Russian Emperor Alexander on November
25, 1825, threw everything into confusion in Russia. The Persians tried to make the better of it. Alexander's young brother
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Nikolai was the legitimate inheritor of the throne, but Constantine' discontented adherents stirred up trouble amang the
soldiers of the Russian army. The new Tsar immediately suppressed the attempt of revolt. Probably Abbas Mirza was sure
that the situation was much more critical in Russia and hoped to advance easily and conquer Transcaucasia in a short period
of time. General Yermolov, unaware of the Persian threat, was in Daghestin fighting against Shamil.
On July 1826 the Persian army advancing in the directions of Yerevan and Karabagh violated the frontier and entered
the territories which were under the jurisdiction of Russia. Muslim revolts broke out in former Karabagh, Shaki, Shamakhi,
Shirvan, Gandzak, Baku and Talish khanates.
Yermolov lost his head, unable to react. The Armenians were his only hope. Nerses Ashtaraketsi published an
appeal to the Armenian nation in the school printing press of Tiflis, which was established by himself. They called the
Armenians to rise in arms to defend the country. At that time General Madatov was in Piatigorsk healing his wounds in the
local minaral waters.
The Karabagh commandant Major Cheliaev sent Armenian couriers to Yermolov to report that the Iranian crownprince with an army of 60 thousand soldiers and 30 cannons had already entered Karabagh and was advancing to Shushi.
Abbas Mirza's main intention was to capture Tiflis. But he decided to take Shushi first. And this decision turned to be fateful
for them.
Only 2700 soldiers and 400 Cossacks with 6 cannons were left in Shushi under Colonel Iosif Reut. He was heroic
participant of Caucasian war and Akhalkalak battle.
Three batallions deployed in Goris were ordered to leave for Shushi at once. The Tatar inhabitants of the city had
plotted to attack the Russian soldiers defending the city and slaughter all of them and then open the gates of the town to
Abbas Mirza under the ramparts hundreds of Armenian corpes were laid. Abbas Mirza had promised a gold coin for each
Armenian head, as the Russian success of Transcaucasian campaign was related to the Armenian moral and material aid.
Besides, the Persian court didn't possess Nadir Khan's political and diplomatic abillities. Instead of preserving the Armenian
autonomous or semi-independent position, as Nadir Shah did, they tried to increase the supression of the Armenians as
much as possible, and consequently the latter refused to accept their overlordship or enter the service of the Persian army,
adding to their might. The erronous nationalities policy gave impetus to the liberation movements of the Armenian side in
Karabagh and other regions inhabited by Armenians. Under such circumstances, the Armenians had nothing else to do but
turn towards Russia, which was considered the only power able to free them from the violences of the Persian administrative
structures. The anti-Armenian policy of Abbas Mirza made them rise in arms against the Persian rule and support the
Russian batallion of Shushi.
Considering the Shushi fortifications not satisfactory, Yermolov intended to build a new fortress on the bank of the
river Arax, in the Aslanduz settlement. The Shushi battalion was ordered to retreat to Tiflis or Yelizavetpol, destroying the
fortifications beforehand. But the Persians had managed to catch the courier on his way and take the letter, realizing their
previous action had been fatal to their plans. Reut himself decided to hide the contents of the letters from the defenders of
Shushi.
The three Russian batallions, under Colonel Nazimka, were surrounded by Persians on their way to Shushi and
completely destroyed.
The Russian General Valerian Potto later described the Shushi defence in detail,5 accepting that it would be
impossible to hold the fortress without the Armenian volunteers' and inhabitant's support. Abbas-Mirza offered Reut to hand
the fortress over to him and leave in peace. After the latter's refusal, the Persians resumed the attacks but without any result.
Again the crown-prince tried to settle the matter through negotiations. The defenders deliberately prolonged the answer to
gain the time, as they were looking forward to the arrival of auxiliary troops.
Probably the Persian officers had failed to adopt Nadir Shah's military tactics of conducting war through the sudden
attacks of a mobile army. Besides the army being very immobile, the crown-prince was irresolute himself and couldn't
distinguish between the principal and secondary actions. Being a bad warrior, Abbas Mirza was the best politician and
diplomat of Iran. As a governor of Iranian Azarbaijan he did his best to develop the trade in his region. He granted the
Armenian merchants with certain priviliges, he himself took part in their ventures and in a couple of years turned the region
into a flourishing trading centre. He never encouraged the anti-Christian campaigns of Muslim fanatics. The Tabriz Armenians
were freed from paying taxes to the court.
Arriving in Tiflis Prince Madatov mobilized an army of 2 thousand soldiers and headed for Gandzak. Archbishop
Grigor Manucharian and his cavalry joined his army. This brave soldier was named "Dalikeshis" (mad priest) by the Tatars.
He took off his priest's mantle and took up a gun or a sword instead of a cross whenever needed. With the army of his
Madatov had to struggle against a superior army of 10 thousand men under the Shah's son-in-law Amirkhan Sardar and elder
son Mohhamad Mirza. By taking Gandzak this Persian army intended to lead the way for the immobile army of Abbas Mirza
advancing to Tiflis. The Karabaghian commander advised Madatov to avoid direct conflict with numerically superior army of
the Persians. But on September 3 a battle took place between them. The Shushi historiographer Hakob Poghossian gave all
the details of this battle.6 General Madatov set a trap for the enemy and destroyed the enormous army of the Shah. For this
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brilliant victory the Armenian Prince was awarded with a diamond-sword and a degree of Leutenant-General. The enraged
Abbas Mirza left the besieged Shushi and headed for Gandzak to punish the "audacious" Madatov. But confronting the
Russian army under General Paskevich arriving from Tiflis, he couldn't avoid a battle with fateful results for his army. Leaving
a thousand captives, 2 thousand deads, 2 cannons and 4 flags in the battlefield, he drew back the remains of his army.
Prince Madatov, crossing the river Yeraskh, invaded Shahsevan and seizing 80 thousand sheep, 15 thousand cows, 4
thousand horses and 3 thousand camels, took them to Karabagh. 40 thousand Iranian Armenians, led by Colonel Ghazar
Lazarian, migrated to the Ararat valley. The citizens of the Maragha town moved to the close lying territories of Partav, but
unable to bear the summer heat, they migrated to Karabagh and settled in the Ghazarkh winter house of the Jraberd meliks,
naming it Maragha.
Mehti Ghuli, aware of hostilities between the Russian commanders Paskevich and Yermolov, introducing himself as
the victim of Madatov's and Yermolov's policy, offered his service to Paskevich in the hope of restoring his former rank and
position. Through Mehti Ghuli's intermediary the Tatar beks were rehabilitated and returned to Karabagh. The Armenian
princes who were devoted servants and supporters of the Russian power, were supressed and exiled from the country. Such
were the surprises of the Russian bureaucracy, which accepting the Armenian support on the one hand and supporting their
enemy Tatars on the other, later became the victim of its own policy.
In 1828 the Russian army, supported by the Armenian volunteers, took the Yerevan fortress. Russia took over the
whole Transcaucasia. The German missionary Felician Zaremba accompanied General Raskevich during his Persian
campaign, distributing the Bible translated into Turkish among the Muslims and preaching. But the Persian nation refused to
adopt the Christian faith and destroyed Zaremba's books. Establishing themselves in Tabriz, the Russians conducted
negotiations with the Persian court. On February 10 1828 the Russian conquest was confirmed by the Russo-Persian Peace
Treaty concluded at Giulistan. The year saw the disappearance of the Yerevan Khanate, which was transformed into the
Yerevan province. Mountanous Karabagh, geographically an extension of the Armenian plateau, conquered by Russia 21
years before the Armenian territories around Yerevan, remained separate and was attached instead to the east. In 1840 it
was incorporated in the Caspian province, in 1846 became a part of Shamakha province, renamed Baku province later. In
1868 it bacame part of Yelizavetpol province (Yelizavetpol or Elizavetpo was the name for Gandzak or Gianja).
Thus the "liberator" Russia captured eastern Armenia from Qajar Persia. The Russian rule turned to be more
repressive than over-hopeful Armenians had anticipated. The idea of establishing national statehood soon died out. Russian
authorities immediately neutralized national claims. The Catholicos Nerses Ashtaraketsi was exiled to Bessarabia. The
proposals made by the Armenian side, that areas populated by Armenians in the Russian Empire should be united as one
administrative unit, were rejected by the Tsar on the grounds that an ethnic - homogeneous territory would have meant a
danger to the Russian ruling powers.
Soon a Russo-Turkish war was to break out.
1.M. Taghiadian "Literary Inheritance", v.9. Academy of Sciences of the R.A.,
Yerevan,1975, p.157.
2. Leo, v.IY, p.512.
3. Al. Yeritsian "Catholicossate of all Armenia and Caucasian Armenia", Tiflis,
1894, p.199.
4. Lynch XFB, Armenia, Reports and Sketches, Tbilisi, 1910, p.127.
5.V. Potto "The Heroic Defence of the Shushi Fortress". Petersburg, 1903.
6. Hakob Poghossian "History of Albanian Province", Yerevan, Repository of
Ancient Manuscripts, m. N2734, pp.3-9.
CHAPTER 11
THE RELIGIOUS AUTONOMY IN KARABAGH (1828-1905)
With the decree of Nicolas the First of March 20,1928, just after the conclusion of the Turkmenchai Treaty, the
khanates of Yerevan and Nakhichevan were joined together, including the Ordubad region, to form the province of Yerevan.
Karabagh, on the other hand, became part of the "Caspian Territory"1 in 1840, part of the province of Shemakha in 1846 and
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eventually in 1867 part of the province of Yelizavetpol (which was called Gandzak until 1804, Kirovabad between 1935 and
1989 and since then Gianja) together with the provinces of Kutaisi, Tiflis, Yerevan and Baku.
The Russian rule, though rather repressive, in many ways contained within itself the seeds of modernization, and
saved the Armenian nation from physical elimination. Neither the Caucasian highlanders, nor the Turkish tribes and not even
the Shah's army threatened its borders. In general the Armenians prospered from the Russian conquest. In this aspect
Russia is such a European country which guarantees the security of each nation within itself and provides them with an
opportunity to develop economically. The Armenian historian Leo writes, "and this is a privilege granted to the nations who
had been suffering under the Oriental yoke, and especially to Armenians"2. But the Russian bureaucracy brought the
repressive structures of the Tsarist rule.
From 1827, with the arrival of missionaries from Basle, who established a school and a printing press in the town,
Shushi gradually became a flourishing centre of Armenian culture, the most important after Tiflis and Baku. Of course the
Basle enlighteners hadn't forgotten their main cause of penetrating into the Muslim population of the area step by step and
spreading the Christian faith through educational institutions. Within a year the number of their students in the Shushi school
grew to 130. It was a true national educational institution. "The children came from various strata of society, but we strived to
engage pupils from the lower classes more", wrote the preachers. Poghos Vartabed (preacher) Garadaghtsi was teaching in
that school. The Bastle preachers were especially attentive to the teaching methods, morality and conduct. They were
surprised at the vigour of the Shushi children, trying to be diligent, and encouraged their general strive for education.
Moreover, the school carried out another important mission in Karabagh; the graduates opened schools in the Karabagh
villages. Soon five more schools were functioning on the Karabagh territory - two in Shushi, three in villages, each with 20-30
pupils. In addition to its schools and monuments, Shushi bacame after 1865 a centre for theatrical activity in the building of a
large theatre. Also, from 1874 onwards, the presses in Shushi published numerous periodicals, as well as first editions of the
works of numerous authers, including those of the celebrated historian Leo. In 1900, Shushi was third after Constantinople
and Tiflis, for the number of Armenian students sent abroad. The Basle missionaries encouraged the use of the Armenian
litarary language (ashkharabar), as it enabled to educate easily and freely. The Armenian nation should appriciate highly the
activity of the preachers in this aspect, without obscuring the role of the great Armenian novelist and enlightener Khachatur
Abovian. The Basle missionares were also researchers; August Ditrikh studied the Armenian grabar (the ancient literaty
language) in Moscow and Haaz studied the Karabagh dialect of the Armenian language, to publish books using the
mentioned languages. They had planned to publish the Bible in the Karabagh dialect, which alas, did not come true. The
Basle activists published books both in Shushi and in Moscow, in the publishing house of the Lazarian Academy. The Shushi
printing press was the second in Armenia, the first was in Echmiadzin. During the 7 years of its existence it published 11.679
Armenian, 728 Persian, 147 Turkish and 100 Hebrew books. In 1828 Harutiun Jughaetsi Davtian's translation of the Russian
"History of Holy Books" came out. The books published here, were distributed all over Karabagh. Soon textbooks,
dictionaries, guides to the Armenian language were published. In 1829, 1830 they published the first editions of Poghos
Gharadaghtsi's "Armenian Grammer in Brief", and Hovsep Ashtaraketsi's "Grabar-Ashkharabar" dictionary. The following
subjects were taught at school; Arithmetics, Armenian language, Geography, and for the able students - Latin and English.
But soon the preachers expressed their motivation of converting the Apostolic Grigorians to the protestant faith, which
aroused protest on the Armenian side.
Mirza Farukh (Harutiun Nerses Amirkhanian) taught in the Shushi school. Still a child he was taken captive by the
Persians from his native Taghar village. He was set free in 1828 and immediately returned to Shushi. Here giving up Islam,
he devoted himself to the study of basic principles of the Protestant faith and soon became an adherent of that Church. He
had an excellent command of Persian and Arabic languages. He wrote the history of Karabagh in Persian; "Tarikhe-Safi",
which was later translated into Armenian as "Revised History".3 The book depicted the events that took place at late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The author was the participant and witness of all the events described in the book.
The Catholicos Nerses Ashtaraketsi and Yeprem Dzoragetsi encouraged the activity of the Basle preachers. But the
Catholicos Hovhannes Karbetsi set up a vigorous campaign against them, considering their activity as a great threat to the
authority of the Armenian Church. The protector of the Basle missionaries, the Russian Emperor Alexander was already
dead. The Caucasian governor, Baron Rozen sent a letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs, noting that the activity of the
Basle missionaries was unacceptable and should be forbidden. The Ministerial Council decided,
"The members of the above mentioned society and the Basle preachers inhabiting Shushi, are forbidden to spread all sort of
missionary activity. They are allowed to engage themselves in agricultural activity, economy and crafts. Considering the
protests of the Armenian priests, they are forbidden to accept Armenian children to their schools."
The preachers asked to be permitted to resume the printing activity and being refused, sold their enterprises and in 1837 left
Shushi. But the preachers had already set the educational and editorial activity in motion. In 1830 a Russian liceum was
founded in Shushi. From its 109 students 92 were Armenians and only 17 Tatars. A number of private schools were
functioning in the region. The general tendency of the Karabagh Armenians to education was not only for developing trade
but meant that the old subservience of the Armenians would not last, that is the European diplomats could not overlook a
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nation whose sons were receiving education in France, Venice or Russia. Besides, with the revival of study of national history
and litarature, the Armenian protoitelligentsia of the early ninteenth century emphasized past glories and lost statehood. The
national emancipation began as liberal and democratic movements of the writers, journalists and teachers and by the last
decade of the century this group of national intellectuals was shunted aside by younger and more radical activists, who
struggled for full participation in the modern European life.
If the Shushi Armenians were engaged in trades or handicrafts and their children could go to school, the conditions
for the Armenians living in the villages were deplorable, even worse than under the meliks' rule. Zavilevski, becoming
acquainted with the life of peasants, wrote;
"The peasants freedom is formal, in fact they are slaves, completely in the power of agalars and melik. It's surprising that the local
Armenians, the most loyal subjects of the empire and the most diligent to develop crafts, agriculture and trade, and the most productive
element of the population, are treated almost like slaves by the rebellious aghafars who exploit their labour and hate them for their
faithfulness to the Russian Empire".4
In 1830 Paskevich sent one of his administrative employees - Chubariov to investigate the established order and regulations
in the country. In his report he informed that the land had been distributed among the favourites of Abkhazov (who replaced
Madatov and the commandant of Karabagh) and the taxes were distributed considering the relationship of the governor beks
to the high rank officials. The power in Shushi was centralized in the hands of Abkhazov's favourite Captain Mirza
Adigiozalov, who had given refuge to 3 hundred criminal families, granting them control over the whole of Karabagh.5 The
bribe seeking officers and bureaucrats supported the robbers. All the local Tatars exercised bribe giving. They didn't have
their equal in that sphere of action. It was like an unwritten law - the lower in rank gives bribes to the higher.
The Russian bureacrats were fond of that practice too. The Armenian nobility was pressed off the lands of their
ancestors. The Tatar beks brought their tribesmen to inhabit the Armenian villages and settlements. Despite the increase in
Armenians in the nineteenth century in absolute terms and their continued economic and political domination over the largest
cities of Caucasus, the Armenians in Karabagh villages increasingly perceived themselves to be in vulnerable demographic
and political position. Not yet minority in their own land, their situation worsened with the growth of the Tatar population, the
in-migration of Muslim elements and out-migration of Armenians. At last the Karabagh population, seeking reforms in the
administration, applied to General Paskevich, who promised amelioration for the Christians.
In 1836, the Tsarist government issued a regulating statute or "polozhenie", permitting the Armenian Church to retain
its lands and Armenian schools to keep their autonomy. According to the document Armenians obtained sovereignity as a
religious community with the Catholicos of all Armenians as its head. All the members of Armenian communities througout
the world had the right to take part in the election of Armenian Catholicos. The Russian Tsar himself had to choose among
the two candidates to the post.6 Armenian dioceses were formed in Russia, the Karabagh diocese being one of them. It
included the whole of historic Karabagh; Shaki(Nukhi), Shamakhi, Gandzak and Talish. The "Consistoria" and the "Diocese
Council" resided in Shushi. The ancient fortress became the spiritual centre for the Shaki, Shemakhi, Lenkoran and
Karabagh Armenians. In 1837 Archbishop Baghdassar Hassan Jalalian was appointed Metropoliten Bishop and chairman of
the Consistoria of the ecclesiastical province. He undertook to buy the Basle printing press and resumed to publish Armenian
literature. He tried to revive the Albanian Catholicossate but without result, as faced the opposition of the Catholicos Nerses.
The Metropolitan Bishop did his best to return the lands seized by the Tatar beks and succeeded in it in some degree. He
restored the economy of the Gandzak domain. In 1838, on June 22 a new school was opened in Shushi. It was housed by
Mesrop Tarrumian. The following subjects were taught; Theology, Holy History, Armenian Grammer, Russian language,
Persian language, Arithmetics and Music. All the classes of the society realized that without education they couldn't achieve
anything in life. Children from different parts of Karabagh arrived in Shushi to continue their education. There already existed
6 schools there with 240 pupils, included the 10 girls of the Nunnery school. Thus the Church came to be recognized as a
vehicle of nationalism and self-defence. It was through the Church that Armenians sought to be educated.
The Christian Armenians and Muslim Turks (Tatars) continued to live in Karabagh, although differing in culture,
language, religion and way of life.
The Armenians were by tradition settled farmers and enterpreneurs, the Tatars (now known as Azeris) were originally
semi-nomad shepherds, under leading military families who were also extensive landlords.
In 1832 there lived 762 Armenian and 936 Tatar families in Shushi. 138 Armenians were engaged in trade, the rest
were craftsmen. One of the influential Armenians supplied the town with water, but it was not enough to satisfy the increasing
need of the population. In 1829 one hundred and 32 machines of the town produced natural silk.
After the Russo-Persian Treaty of Turkmenchai, the Shushi fortress lost its defensive importance and obtained a new
status of a trading centre. The three Armenian families of the town controlled the trade and production of silk. They bought
the silk in Shaki, Shirvan, Shushi, Gandzak and Iran and sent it to Russia. The Shushi merchants bought products worth 140
thousand roubles in Iran, salt worth 90 thousand roubles in Yerevan and Nakhichevan, ready made goods worth 30 thousand
roubles in Tiflis and Nukhi and sold all this product in Russia or other places.
Shushi was the fourth largest town in Transcaucasia, Baku and Gandzak followed it. The German "Algemeine
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Zaitung", periodicle wrote, "The main city of Karabagh; Shushi, without exaggeration can be called the Caucasian Jibraltar. It
is situated on the route, connecting Iran, Turkey, Yerevan, Tiflis.... The Shushi merchants are seen in Nizhegorodsk,
Islambul, Leipzig fairs".
The Nerkin Tagh (lower district) of Shushi, occupied largely by Armenians, existed till 1840. The Tatars had set up
new districts around it and were intending to squeeze out the Armenians from there. They practised the same tactical means
of their ancestors, gradually persuading the Armenians that it was impossible to live side by side with them. Their extremism
frightened the administration of the city, who would bear responsibility for the riots, which threatened to break out. The
Armenians gradually left their houses in that part of the city. Phychologically it was very difficult for them to leave their spiritual
centre; the St. Astvatsatsin Church, where their ancestors had created several Bibles, the Holy place Kamu Khach and the
tombs of their fathers. But being constantly subdued by the Tatars and the administration, they left their houses and moved
higher, setting up their Verin Tagh district there.7
It may seem that under the Russian centralized power such hostilities were impossible but in fact national
confrontation was growing day by day. The Tatar tribes tried to capture new lands from the Armenians in Karabagh. In the
mid ninteenth century some balance was maintained, which was soon broken by the new discourse which penetrated to the
region.
Many scholars consider that the "seeds of the conflict were sown" after the establishment of Yelizavetpol province.
The upsurge of Armenian culture in Karabagh was checked as a result of the evolution of Tsarist policy. From 1868 the
administrative structure of Transcaucasia was artifically changed. Eastern Armenia was cut in three. The province of
Yerevan was preponderantly Armenian, including Nakhichevan, but cut off from Zangezur and Karabagh, which both formed
the two districts of the Yelizavetpol province, where the Tatars constituted a majority.
From different parts of Karabagh the population moved to Shushi, where the Armenian manufacturers opened new
factories and workshops with more than a thousand workers. In 1895 nearly all the silk thread and silk material produced in
Shushi was sent to Moscow and France.
The Shushi businessmen intended to open factories in other parts of Karabag-Hadrut, Kolatak etc. Soon Hadrut (on
the Iranian border) became the second industrial centre of Karabagh.
Culture and literature were constantly developing in Karabagh. In 1837 Byron's works and the Albanian Catholicos
Yessayi Hassan-Jalalian's "History of Albania" were published in the printing house of religious direction. The Metropolitan
Bishop Baghdassar, who descended from the Jalalian family, adapted the work of the great historiographer. The novelist and
traveller Raffi wrote that he had seen the large original manuscript, which unfortunately was not preserved.
In the mid nineteenth century the German traveller Baron von Gaksthauzen,10 the Russian printer Vereshchagin11
and the publicist Segal12 visited Shushi. The appointment of one of the most educated intellectuals Doctor Hamidi as the
director of Diocesan School was a great event in the cultural life of Karabagh. He was educated in Tiflis Nersissian School,
Moscow Lazarian Academy, Moscow and Petersburg Universities as a lawyer. He had lived in several European centres,
attended Paris and Rome Universities. He brought to Karabagh a new national self-awareness.
The prominent Armenian scholars, writers, teachers, historians, linguists of the time such as Perch Proshian,
Ghazaros Aghayan, Makar Barkhutareants, Manuk Abeghian, Yervand Lalayan, Nikol Aghbalian and others contributed for
the purpose of Armenian cultural revival. They revived the study of national history and literature on the basis that the early
clerics and scholars had created, recovering national historiographics and compiling the first modern dictionaries and
grammars, secularazing education, calling for use of vernacular language and appreciating of the people and nation.
The historian of Baku school Firdun Shushinski wrote, "Shushi competed with Tiflis in trade and culture. The first
theatrical performance was staged here in 1848. The local Armenian intelligensia organized and staged several plays. At that
time no dramatic work in Azerbaijani language (the Tatar language - B) was created."13 The literary language, besides
Armenian, was the Persian, and Islam was taught in Arabic, both of which the Muslim nomadic settlers of Shushi were
unable to understand. The first performances were organized and staged in the Shushi theatre by the Shushi students, who
had returned to their native town during the summer holidays. The old building of the warehouse was turned into a theatre. In
1865 the famous artist Gevorg Chmshkian was a guest-performer in the town. They presented the historical dramas
"Samvel" and "Vardan Mamikonian", which aroused national patriotic emotions among the audience.
The new building of the theatre with 350 seats was founded by the prosperous citizen Mkrtich Khandamirian. Many
prominent Armenian artists of the time visited Shushi. New plays were performed and presented, including those of
Shakespeare. The famous theatrical dealer Hovhannes Abelian staged "King Lear" in Turkish. Several printing-presses and
libraries were functioning in the city in early twentieth centuries. More than twenty periodicals and magazines were published
at that time. The library had 670 readers in 1896. The periodical "Mshak" had the largest circulation. 19 from each thousand
citizens subscribed to newspapers.14 Twenty performances were given annually. The ethnologist Yervand Lalayan in his
work "Ethnographical Review", according to the data at his disposal, gave record of the criminal offences of the city in 18901895. The figures had been taken from "The Caucasian Calendar". Twenty-four Tatars and only seven Armenians were
convicted of murder. From thousand Armenian only four were charged and imprisoned, from the Tatars; thirty-three. One of
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each thirty Tatars was kept in prison.15
1. "Collection of Deeds Concerning the History of the Formation of the Armenian
Nation". v1, M, 1833, p.278.
2. Leo "Selection of Works", v.4, Yerevan 1973, p.485.
3. S.D. Davtian "Artsakh as an Important Centre of Armenian Culture", Yerevan,
1991, p.106.
4. Leo, v.4, p.520.
5. Ibid, p.521.
6. Review on the Russian Overlordship of Caucasus, part III, 1836, St.
Petersburg, p.307-309.
7. Leo "History of Karabagh Armenian Religious School", Tiflis, 1914, p.63.
8. "Armenia and Karabagh. The Struggle for Unity" Edited by Christopher J.
Walker, London, 1991. p.83
S. Manukian, A. Vahramian "A Karabaghian Document", Milan, 1988, p.47.
9. Raffi, v10, p.181.
10. Baron von Gaksthauzen "Transcaucasian Region, Notes" S.P.B. 1857.
11. V. Vereshchagin "Stories, Reports and Memoirs". A Tour of Transcaucasia.
M, 1990, p.119.
12. Caucasian Messenger, 1902, N4, Segel "Yelizavetpol Province, Impressions
and Memoirs", p.144.
13. Shushinski "Shusha", Baku, 1968, p.64.
14. Lalayan "Compositions", v2, Artsakh, Yerevan, 1988, p.92.
15. Ibid..., p.92
CHAPTER 12
"THE ARMENO-TATAR WAR" 1905-1906
Till the year of 1905 no reports of Armeno-Tatar mass clashes have been made. As a result of the continuous
slaughter of western Armenians, during the first Russian Revolution, riots broke out between Muslims and Armenians, which
led to pogroms. In Karabagh the clashes occured between the two ethnic groups also in the course of Armenian resisting
Azerbaijani-Turkish attempts at a pogrom. The growing national tention beneath the surface exploded and came out.
The Sultan Abdul Hamid's promised reforms were followed in October-December 1895 a series of massacres
throughout Turkish Armenia, where up to 300.000 Armenians perished. Later massacres were organized in the streets of
Turkish capital. The mutual rivalries and mistrust, and the sums invested in the economy of Ottoman Empire, prevented any
effective action being taken from the side of the European powers. Besides the Turkish nationalist ideology of pan-Turkism or
pan-Turanism, which had taken shape, had its grave and far-reaching implications for Armenians not of only Turkish Armenia,
but of the whole Transcaucasian region. The doctrine had its powerful adepts not only in Turkish ruling circles, but in the
Transcaucasian Tatars.
During 1880s, the favour shown to the Armenians by Russians began to evaporate. Among the reasons for this was
the dismissal of the liberal Chief Minister lorris-Melikov after the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881. In 1884 senior
grades of Armenian schools were closed, in 1897 the Governor-General of the Caucasus, Prince Golitsyn closed the schools
altogether.
This officious functionary also reduced the number of Armenians in the civil service. Then, by his decree of June
1903, the Tsarist authorities nationalized all Armenian Church property. As a result of the resistance of clergy, the Russian
police occupied the seat of the Catholicos, the head of the Armenian Church in Echmiadzin. The new Russian policy of
seeking to avoid conflict with the Ottoman Empire naturally favoured the Tatars of Transcaucasia as opposed to the
Armenians. The anti-Armenian policy of Prince Golitsyn, especially after he decreed the confiscation of the property of the
Armenian Church, provoked an uprising on the side of Armenians, at Shushi in particular. After the massacres in Ottoman
Empire and the Russifying policy of Golitsin, the Armenians became conscious of the need to organize self-defence.
Although Golitsyn was relieved of his office in January 1905, the seeds of the conflict were sown and the year of the first
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Russian revolution saw "the Armeno-Tatar war", which lasted a year and a half, Karabagh being one of its most bloody
scenes of fighting.
The pan-Turkic leaders attentively watched the movement of 2,5 million Tatars in Transcaucasia, constantly assuring
them that they belonged to Central Asian Turkic race, and persuading that it was more important than the religious
connection to the Persian Shir' Muslim faith. The Tatars called themselves "Muslim" considering it a nationality. Armenia
broke the continuity of the Turkic world, and this is one of the reasons why the Turks from time to time pursue policies
intended to lead to suppression and physical elimination of the Christian Armenians inhabiting the region. This policy was
given new impetus by the development of the pan-Turkic ideology both in the Ottoman Empire and among the Tatars. On
this way to establish links with their former territory they needed a passage, that passage included Karabagh and this fact
explains the intensive attacks on the Armenian mountain stronghold. The Armenian general strive of achieving statehood and
independence antogonized them still more. Despite the fact that Armenians and Tatars had long lived together in the same
regions, their relations were bound to be problematic. In the Transcaucasional regional capital of Tiflis the population was
preponderantly Armenian. The other large town, Baku, lying on the shore of the Caspian, owed its development to its oil,
which attracted the important Armenian business managers, who taking on a highly visible role in the development of
Transcaucasian industry, pioneered the Baku oil. The migrant Muslim villagers of Baku, whom members of educated society
often considered to be an unenlighted, benighted people, developed resentment against skilled workers and employers, who
were mostly Armenians. The Tatar population began to call for "jhad", ready for the application of the pan-Turkish theories,
clearly summed up by the Turkish leaders.
As a result of the 1905 defeat of Russia by Japan and the January 9 events of Petersburg, the anarchy spread to
Baku. The governor of the city encouraged the local Tatars to attack the Armenian population of the city. It was with the
acquiescence of the Tsarist authorities that the riots broke out. An event, which took place in Baku in February 1905, served
as a pretext for the massacre with impunity.
One day in February the famous Tatar bandit Ashur Bek was being taken to prison. Going along with the Russian
guards, he tried to escape. The soldiers fired. An Armenian guard hit him. On February 6 near the Armenian Church, in the
Parapet square a Babaev approached the same Armenian guard and firing, injured him. He was immediately arrested by the
Armenians and handed over to police. Babaev was soon released, but some hot-blooded young Armenians did not let him
go. The instigator was killed. The next day the Tatars, carrying the body all over the Tatar districts, called for revenge. In the
evening, the young Tatars, armed with guns and sabres, set out to massacre the Armenians in the streets. The killings took
place in the Armenian districts. The mob attacked and slaughtered the innocent people, who did not expect such a violence
and were not ready to resist.
After shooting down many unarmed victims, the mob attacked the Armenian houses, and pouring kerosene set them
alight. The whole family of the prosperous citizen Lalaian was slain. Mob violences lasted 40 hours. The bodies of Armenians
were scattered all over the city.2
The Armenian reaction came quickly, organized largely by the Dashnaks (revolutionary socialist group) Nikol
Duman, who had carried out acts of armed defiance against the Turks in Eastern Armenia, arrived in Baku from the Balakhan
oil-fields and undertook to organize the self-defence of the Armenians. Soon they gained the upper hand and worsted the
Tatars. The Armenians were aware of the fact that the anti-Armenian pogroms were encouraged by the Baku authorities, and
particularly by the Chief Governor Nakashidze. The "Caucasus" periodical reported;
After the February 6-9 events in Baku, the terrorists have flown kites that the Baku Chief Police Officer Captain Deminski,
municipal intendants Prince Mikeladze and Shahtakhtinski Pristav Captain Mamedbekov, his assistant Sultanov and ChiefGovernor Prince Nakashidze are condemned by the Dashnak committee.3
The May issue of the newspaper reported;
Today, at 3p.m. the Baku Chief Governor Prince Nakashidze was returning home after a visit to Governor-General Amiroghli.
On the corner of the Michaelian street, just before the hotel "Metropol" a bomb was thrown on his coach. Prince Nakashidze
died.
The act was carried out by Dro. All the other organizers of the events were soon killed by the Armenian terrorists.
From Baku the rioting spread to all the other Armenian provinces and districts. The Baku pogroms repeated in August
and October.
Firstly the fighting spread to Yerevan. On February 20 the Turks of the city began to fire on Armenians in the central
market of the city. From here the rioting spread to Nakhichevan. The Tatar preachers went all over the region "setting up
grounds for slaughters".6 Encouraged by the fact that previous crimes had gone unpunished, the Muslims organized and
carried out pogroms in Nakhichevan and Goghtan. The Armenian villages were sacked, the inhabitants murdered. Forty-four
of the 60 villages of the province were demolished. Those who survived, fled to other places. The wave of pogroms passed to
Gandzak (Yelizavetpol) in August. The population of the province was 878 thousand in 1897, among them 294 thousand
Armenians, 544 thousand Muslims.7 The Armenians inhabited the highland areas. The situation was tense in Shushi. The
Muslims were encouraged by Gandzak Chief Governor Takaiashvili, who was thirsting revenge for his uncle Nakashidze. In
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July the Tatars, led by a bandit Abbas Vezirov, attacked a bus on the road between Shushi and Yerlakh, a station on the
Batum-Baku railway line. In August further similar incidents took place along the strategic road and in Shushi itself. All the
Armenian villages on the way to Gandzak were destroyed, the population massacred. The capital Shushi was sacked and
400 Armenian houses were burnt. But the Armenians of the town, already conscious of the need to organize self-defence,
invited a council in Shushi.
Groups of national militia (police) were formed. The defence was led by Vardan with his 150 volunteers. They
secured positions on the top of the Tshakats Kerts, in Yerevan Gates, Mirzabek's Gardeons, opposite Geovhar Agha's house
(the mansion of Melik-Shahnazar), in the Kamu Mill, Ghumlugh, Aguletsots Church. On August eight clashes occured
between the highland nomands and the Armenians in the Vank village. The Aghdam valley looked like a boiling pan. The
Aghdam landowner Jafar-Bek Vezirov came to Shushi to organize an attack on Shushi. The issue of the Baku newspaper
"Caspian" published a telegram from Shushi; "At 3 a m three Armenians in large shoes and bushy hats have cut a Muslim
into pieces and run away". This report arouse a new wave of excitement in Shushi. The Tatar judge Luniakin was killed as a
result of a debate among the Muslims. The Armenian traders were fired on in Meidan (Sheitan bazear). A circle of violence
was set in motion. The Topkhana Armenians attacked the Turks of the neighbouring districts. The Armenians left the Turkish
districts and vice versa. The town was divided into two fighting parties.
Besides A.O. full coverage of Karabagh events were given by Aramais- Missak Ter-Danielian8, Michael Vardanian9,
as well as by the Armenian and Russian press of the time.
The Russian garrison was the quiet spectator of the events. The Vice Governor Baranovski arrived in Shushi
accompanied by 200 Cossacks. But they didn't do anything to establish order in the town. The factory of Tamirian in
downtown Shushi, near the Pekhi spring and Davit Nersissian in Ghaibalu were burnt by the Tatars. The Armenian reaction
came quickly. All the Tatar houses near the Yerevanian Gates were burnt. Bread and other foods were brought to Shushi on
carriages through the Yerlakh station. The carriages belonged to the Tatars of the Malibeklu village. Now, instead of providing
the town with products, they carried everything into their village. They subdued the Armenians also by blocking up the Gorris
route. The Armenians had to counteract. They held the approach roads from the Askeran fortress and Berdadzor. They also
blocked up the route of Lachin. Thanks to their position in the top of the town and to their preperations, they emerged
victorious after five days of fighting. The Tatars of the town were deprived of their bread and other products. The Aghdam
brigade of Tatars had reached to the Aguletsots Church, on one side, and to the Kamu Mill positions on the other. The
Armenians retreated deep in their district. Baranovski persuaded the Armenians to cease firing. Encouraged by the ceasefire
the Tatars immediately attacked the Armenian positions. They burnt a house near the Church. The wind blew and the fire
spread all over the Armenian district. Two large Armenian districts with four hundred houses, encircled by the Armenian
market (Topkhana), the Theatre, Aguletsots Church and the Post street were burnt. The fire spread lower and lower and
reached the Gianja Gates. The famous Armenian actor, eye-witness Vagharsh Vagharshian later wrote, "I saw how the
building of the "Khandamirian" theatre caught the huge flames of fire from a neighbouring house, the roof became the prey of
the flames and soon the whole building was in fire."11
The leaders of the Armenian and Tatar communities soon applied to the fighting parties with a statement, but
without any result. On August 19, the attacks broke out with special ferocity. The Tatars, trying to take the Armenian
positions, burnt the Aguletsots Church's eastern gates and securing positions there, guarded the two streets leading to the
Church. The Armenians continued to hold their ground. An Armenian soldier managed to enter the territory of the Church and
throw a bomb. The huge explosion frightened the Turks, leaving their positions they retreated. On August 20 the Tatars
launched a decisive attack on the Armenian district, intending to take it and drive out the inhabitants.
As the Yerlakh and Goris roads were blocked up and Shushi with the neigbouring villages was besieged, the
Armenians decided to take Askeran without delay, blocking up the way from Aghdam to Shushi, through which the Tatars
received their aid. It was a kind of "counter-blockade". A small group of Armenians settled in the Askeran fortress. An army of
500 Tatars constantly attacked the fortress, but each time was defeated due to the inventive acts of the defenders. The
recurrent attack of the Tatars was met with sudden firing of the snipers. The next time the Tatars hid themselves in the
passing cattle and opened a fire on the defender of the fortress from that position of theirs. At last the defenders managed to
block up the gorge. A part of the Tatar cavalry had moved towards Khramort, another part to the Nakhichevanik village. The
Khachen and Varanda volunteers, waving the red flag came to the Khramort defenders' help. The Tatars were humiliated by
defeat.
The Shushi governor, unable to prevent the war, applied to the Armenians, "Defend yourselves". The Armenian
warriors, observing an old cannon of General Madatov's times, dragged it to their Baghunts Dzor positions, and filling the gun
with gun-powder and pieces of metal, fired. The Tatars were frightened to death and raised a white flag of surrender. The
"battle" of Shushi ended at the end of August in a victory for the Armenians. As a result of this war, the court-house, the
municipal building, the girls' school, two hundred shops, the three-storeyed building of theatre in the Armenian district of
Shushi were burnt to the ground.
Soon Governor-General Takaiashvily arrived in Shushi. Accompanied by orchestral music, his battallion marched
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along the Shushi streets. He ordered to arrest physician Atabekian, R. Yuzpashian and Melikian, who were charged with
provokation of armed conflict.
The Shushi "war" came to an end, but the vicious clashes left a legacy of hatred between the Armenians and Tatars
of the town. The skirmishes continued in September in other villages of the region. When the Armenian defenders informed
the Russian watch of the fortress about the Tatar attacks, the latter answered that the Tatars had said that the Shushi
armistice did not refer to them.
A lot of Turk-Tatar plunderers had gathered in the Khojalu village (situated between Shushi and Askeran), looking
forward to a chance to carry the theft to their houses. Two hundred of them with the theft loaded on horsebacks, entered
Askeran. A bribe - seeking Armenian Pristav was leading them. The clash ended with the defeat of the Tatars.
Before the fightings of Shushi, the Tatar inhabitants of the Zarisslu (190 families) and Khalaflu (213 families) villages,
allied to those of Noradin and Vaghadin villages and the Lachin Kurds, tried to enter the town "to teach a good lesson" to the
Armenians, but were thrown back by the self-defence groups of the Armenian villages Ghaibali, Krkdzan, Karintak, Hunot,
Arkatli. During the second attack on the Ghaibalu village, the mob managed to burn 4 houses and carry 75 cows. Two
Armenians were killed. The Tatars intended to destroy all the Armenian villages on the way to Shushi. The peasants of the
Jamillu Armenian village took refuge in the neighbouring Khankend (Varakn) village. The defenders of the Khanatsakh and
Baluja villages managed to hold their ground. The Armenians in their turn attacked the Tatar village Ghushchilar, driving out
the population.
The ancient village Vararakn, which was renamed Khankend: by the Shushi khans, consisted of 100 Armenian and
60 Tatar families. On December 18, 60 armed Tatars came here from the villages Malikbeklu and Ghushchilar and hiding
here, prepared to attack. An old Armenian woman and her 8 year old grandson were murdered by them. A fighting broke out.
The Turks took refuge in the barracks. The number of casualties was 30 on Tatars' side and 6 on the Armenian. The
Cossacks ceased to interfere.
The residents of the Tatar village Ghajar (300 families) repeatedly looted the neighbouring Armenian villages.
Sensing a new attack on the Drakhtik village, the Armenians prepared to resist the plunderers.
Facing the strong resistence of the Armenians the Turks retreated. The counter-attack forced the Tatars to hide in
their village, which was soon surrounded on all sides. The number of Armenian casualties was 9. The next year, on August
14, the Ghajar Turks attacked the Armenian village Shekher at night, looted and burned 8 houses.
The residents of the Tatar villages Avdal and Gulaplu, located on the bottom of the Chraghlu hill, looted and stole the
cattles of the neighbouring Armenian village Avshan almost on daily basis. They called the village "halva Ashani", that is the
village was as sweet and attractive as the Oriental pastry halva.
Encouraged of the Shushi massacres, the Tatars and the Muslim nomads launched attacks on the Armenian villages,
as a result of which the residents were killed, seized as hostages, driven from their homes. The two Armenian villages
Sevssulan (70 families) and Yarumja (20 families), located in the Martakert field were surrounded by the Tatars on all sides.
At last the residents fled to Martakert amid chaos and panic without any belongings. As a result, they suffered severe
casualties. Mardakert in its turn was attacked by the Tatars of the Maprravand village. Resisting for 18 days, the residents of
the Armenian villages Begum-Sarov, Maralian-Sarov and Hassan-Saya were forced to flee to Maragha. The prosperous
Sarov village was completely destroyed.
On December 21 a large crowd of Tatars attacked Maragha from the Tartarr bazaar. The Armenians put up a violent
resistance. Suffering severe casualties, the Turks retreated.
The situation was disasterous in the village Minkend, located near Lachi (Kashatagh). The residents of the village
were engaged in farming and trades. They had a school. They had a school, which was attended by the Tatar children of
the neighbouring villages. The governor of Zangezur Avaliani sent 25 Cossacks to defend them. Some days later the
Cossacks were ordered to return to Zangezur. Soon after the Mughanlu, Khalatch, Ovshar and Tarakama tribesmen put up
their tents in the Milkend field. The 700 residents of the village asked the governor to let them leave the village for some time
as they had sensed the trap. Their request was refused. On August 19 the Turks stole their cattles. The next day the village
was besieged. The Turkish and Kurdish mobs took the village, looted 21 shops, the houses. The unarmed population was
massacred. 200 residents took shelter in a basement. All of them were tortured to death.13 Their bodies were mutiliated. The
murderers spared neither the children, nor the old people. Cutting open the belly of Manuchar Grigorian's wife, who was
prgnant, one of the villains took the unborn baby on the sword and showed the others. They captured 500 cows, 1423 sheep,
150 horses, 3000 carpets, 1290 bedcloths, 14 sewing machines, 6520 roubles worth silvery, golden and silver ornaments,
food products. The organizers of the massacres divided up the theft.14
Like Minkendi, many other villages of the region were left to their fate. The Russian authorities turned a blind eye to
all this massacres. The Armenians organized groups of self-defence to use force to counter the Tatar violence. A new circle
of violence was set in motion. The Armenian combatants destroyed the two Jejimlu villages, punishing the residents for the
committed crimes. The Tatars launched four attacks on the Berdadzor villages, intending to eliminate the Armenian presence
on the strategic route Lachin-Shushi. But the Berdadzor residents set up a vigorous resistence. They gained a series of
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victories over the Tatars. The vicious clashes left a legacy of hatred between the residents of the Armenian and Turkish and
Kurdish villages. For a long time the Berdadzor Armenians failed to reach Goris or Shushi.
On November 18 the Gandzak slaughter began. The market was full of armed Tatars. It was the day of Muslim
"juma" - Saturday. Tens of unarmed Armenians were murdered, their shops were looted. Then came the turn of the
craftsmen. The goods were loaded on carriages and taken away. The Gandzak massacres were described in the periodical
"Caucasus" and in book "Yelizavetpolsk" and "Bloody Days". Several testimonies confirm the fact that one of the organizers
of the Gandzak slaughter was Chief Governor Takaiashvili. The police had closed themselves in their houses, turning blind
eye to the massacres.
Issue n.27 of 1906 of "Caucasus" condemned Takaiashvily, bringing several facts of his assistance to the extremists.
He failed to prevent the mob from violence and burnings. The better part of the town was destroyed by fire. He even blocked
up the way to the bridge, from where the Armenians could come to save their dying brothers. The cannons were directly
aimed at Armenian targets. The n.238 issue of "Mshak" (1905) reported that Takaiashvily was the only one responsible for
the destruction. Visiting the Armenian districts he even made fun of the people who had lost their heads in expectance of an
attack. And indeed the attack came. The survived Armenians took refuge in their cathedral for four days. Their houses had
become the prey of the flames. Soon they organized a self-defence and threw back the mob of the Chailu and Molla-Jallu
districts. On November 22 the Turk-Tatars burnt the Norashen district. As a result of the counter-attack of the Armenian selfdefence forces, the two above mentioned Tatar districts were intentionally destroyed. The bandit Dali-Ali (mad Ali). arrived in
Gandzak to organize an attack from the Banghmanlar district. The giant resident of Gandzak, Hambo, crossed the river with
his volunteers and attacking the guards of Baghmanlar, frightened them to death and scattered all over the district. The
number of Armenian casualties was 150 in Gandzak, 60 shops were looted, tens of houses burnt. After all this events
Takaiashvily was relieved of his office. The Gandzak slaughter too was an undivisible part of the pan-Turkic project and the
Armenians should be conscious of the need to organize self-defence beforehand, more particularly after the massacres in the
Ottoman Empire. The wave of pogroms triggered deportation of Armenians. As a result of the attacks on 38 villages of the
Gandzak province, three of them were emptied and robbed. The village of coppersmiths Bada set up a strong resistence
against the Turks. The residents continued to fight in the streets and in their houses to their fast breath. A 70 year old man fell
after killing ten bandits. After Bada the villages Getabek and Ghazakh became the prey of the mob. The Getabek residents
hid in their houses, which were sel alight. The Chardakhlu village sheltered the survivors and continued its fighting, throwing
the mob back for tens of times.
Further clashes took place in Baku, the most violent in September. Infuriated by the news from Shushi, the Tatars
attacked the Armenians. For several days a murderous battle raged in the town, ringed round by flames arising from the oilfields, set afire throughout the whole region. Considerable material damage was done to the owner, most of which were
Armenians. But the greater part of the 600 victims were Tatars. In late 1905 a third wave of pogrom broke out from Baku and
the war spread from here to Tiflis and Yelizavetpol, where the Armenians were better organized and maintained law and
order quickly, suffering fewer casualties than the Tatars. On the whole the fightings ended with the defeat of the Tatars, as a
result of a successful Armenian self-defence, led by the revolutionary parties. Trying to counter the influence of these parties
the Tsarist authorities authorized the re-opening of schools and restored the property to the clergy. The next outbreak of
violence occurred in 1906 in Shushi. The Tatar nomads from the plain, going up into the Mountainous Karabagh with their
herds, cut the roads and isolating Shushi began to liquidate the surrounding Armenian villages. Preparations were made in
Aghdam (a Tatar town lying on the strategic road from Shushi to Yerlakh) for an attack on Shushi. Despite the pro-Tatar
attitude of the Russian authorities, the Armenians won this battle of Shushi too. The fighting came to an end on 22 July 1906.
The Shushi residents, though numerically inferior, won an absolute victory over the Tatars.
Nationalistic confrontation intersified in the whole Transcaucasia. The fighting moved to the neighbouring Zangezur
district, from where the Turkish population was driven out, and then to Yerevan. During the two years of fighting 252 villages
were destroyed, among the 119 were Armenian. Totally 14680 houses were destroyed. The number of casualties is 10
thousand.15
The Viceroy of Caucasus Vorontsov-Daskov initiated to serve as a peaceful mediator for both sides. On February 20,
1906 he invited 30 representative from each party to his palace to conduct talks. The Armeno-Tatar assembly lasted 15 days.
All the high rank officials of the Divan Viceroyalty took part in it, the Yerevan and Tiflis chief governors included. But the
mediation efforts failed to succeed, the conflict continued to escalate as the instigators of it conflict did not take part in the
negotiations and were far from taking steps to solve the conflict. Moreover, they were provoking new clashes. But on the
whole their intentions to oust the Armenians from the Transcaucasian region, resulted in a failure, as the Armenians set up a
strong resistence in respond to their pun-Turkic theories. They hoped that the stateless nation wouldn't be able to organize a
self-defence and frightened to death would leave the region, migrating to Russia, Europe, America. The common people held
their ground. Those who left the country were the prosperous Armenians, who having invested inormous somes in the
economy, were afraid to lose them. Only the villages in the Karvacharr(Tsar), Lachin (Kashatagh), Zangilan (Kovsakan)
regions were emptied as the population of the mentioned areas was heavily intermixed with Kurdish and Tatar settlers.
These wars were far from being religious, though the organizors would be glad to give it such a shade. The
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Transcaucasian Turkic language speaking Tatars practiced the Shii Muslim faith as the Iranians, that's the reason why the
pan-Turkic leaders always stressed the common roots, persuading the Transcaucasian nomads that they belonged to the
Turkish race. They even founded special organizations in Transcaucasia to unite the Turkic-Tatar tribes and arouse national
self-awareness and spirit in them.
The Turko-Tatar press condemned the Russian authorities and the Armenian Dashnak for the conflict, trying to hide
the real instigators. But in fact the Armeno-Tatar clashes raised the esteem of the Dashnak revolutionary party in the eyes of
the nation, as they were the only effective armed group prepared to protect the Armenians. Their armed power reversed the
anti-Armenian policy of the Russian authority. Soon the Russian policy was to change to a pro-Armenian for the first time in
several decades.
1. A-D o. The Armeno-Tatar Conflict in Transcaucasia (1905-1906)
(with statistical, geographical, documental coverage). Yerevan, 1907,
pp.14-15.
2. The February 1905 Issues of the Newspapers "Novoe Obozrenie", "Bakinskoe
Izvestie", "Tbilisski Listok".
3. "Caucasus", periodical, Tiflis, 1905, March 29.
4. Ibid..., March 11.
5. A-Do, pp 32-37 and pp 38-42.
6. Ibid, p.95.
7. Ibid..., p.144. Villary L. "Fire and Sword in the Caucasus", London, 1906,
p.198.
8. Aramais "Several Chapters about Armeno-Tatar Clashes", Tiflis 1907.
9. M. Varandian "The History of Dashnak Party", Yerevan 1992, pp. 389-404.
10.This small district was set up by Panah, to defend his palace in the citadel
through his tribesmen.
11.V. Vagarshian "My friends, Relatives and Me", Academy of Sciences,
Yerevan 1959, pp.53-54.
12. In 1897 there lived 40 Tatar and 80 Armenian families in Khojalu.
13.A-Do, p.259.
14. Ibid, p.260.
15. Ibid, p.402.
CHAPTER 13
KARABAGH UNDER SIEGE (1917-1920)
As a result of the development of capitalism in the region, Shushi being cut off from the new trading routes, lost its
predominant position in the economical life of the region. The trading families ceased to guard the movements of caravans
from the height of their town. The prosperous merchants and manufacturers, sensing a new massacre, left the country taking
their capitals with them. Some residents, with their courage and willingness to engage in enterprises, undertook to build a
railway and restore the former fame of Shushi. In 1906 the applied to one of the magnates of oil industry Alexander
Mantashian set up a joint stock company for the purpose. The publisher Tigran Nazarian set up the "Reciprocal Land Credit
Company", whose "economic and moral growth will prevent all kinds of rough forces from disturbing us".1
Soon the schools were re-opened in Karabagh. The Karabagh diocese supervised 42 Armenian schools the Nukhi
region's educational institutions included. The number of periodicals and magazines published in the region was increasing.
New publishing presses were founded. The destroyed factories and workshops were being restored all over the country, new
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ones were being built. In 1908 the wealthy industrialist Arakelian undertook to build the large Shushi real school.
Various political parties and societies, drawing their inspiration from the Russian committees, published their
newspapers. Even the Kadet party, with the membersip of 7 men, had a newspaper of their own. The population of Shushi
was 40 thousand in 1917, with an Armenian majority.2
In late 19th century two mighty political doctrines were taking shape in the Ottoman Turkey, aiming at uniting of all
the Turanian peoples of Asia around the Turkish core under a single rule. The first movement intended to establish a "Muslim
Union". The second one intended to unite the closest relatives of Ottoman Turks - the Caucasian Tatars and the Turkic
people of Persia and set up a "Turkic Union". Their theorizing was far from being harmless.
By early 20th century the pan-Turkism became the ideology of a most powerful "Young Turks" militants. In 1907 this
group founded the "Ittihad" or "Committee for Union and Progress" party, which is popularly known as Young Turks. The
Task of the organization was to Turkicize all the minoities of the Ottoman Empire, and then turn to Caucasus or to its Turkic
tribes. Taking advantage of the growing dissatisfaction of the Caucasian Tatars the Russian authorities, the theoreticians of
the party aroused a Tatar anxiety about the Armenian "threat", hostility to the privilaged wealthy Armenian element within
their midst and a feeling of connection to other Muslims, particularly Turks. Law literacy, inadequate schooling and poverty
among the Tatars, slowed the development of a Turkic intelligentsia, but the few political activists adhered to the pan-Turkic
ideology and participated in the revival of Muslim organizations. The Tatars espoused the nationalist and pan-Islamist
ideology of the "Muslim Democratic Musavat Party", founded in 1911. The Turkish politicians intended to abolish the Iranian
religious influence on the Transcaucasian Muslims, which becoming in early sixteenth century Skii rather than Sunni,
continued to develop under Persian not only religious but also social and cultural influence. The theoreticians inspired the
Tatars imagining themselves as part of a continuous Turkish tradition. The pan-Turkic leaders patronized the Musavat
(equality) party, which served a kind of agency for Turkey in Transcaucasia. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia described the
party thus: "The project of the Musavat party was to unite the Muslim world under the leadership of Turkey".3 Professor of
London University David Marshall Lang and writer and researcher Christopher J. Walker write in the book "Armenia and
Karabagh";
"At the same time (early 20th century), a Turkish nationalist ideology was taking shape which was to have grave and farreaching implications for the Armenians. This was pan-Turkism or pan-Turanism - a doctrine which continues even today to
have many powerful adepts in Turkish ruling circles. Serge Zenkovski describes the ideology thus: First the Ottoman Turks
had to consolidate their grip over the empire and Turkicize its minorities. In the second, pan Turkic phase, the closestrelatives
of the Ottoman Turks - the Azerbaijanis of Russia and Persia were to be taken into the Turkic state. The third step would be
the uniting of all the Turanian peoples of Asia around the Turkish rore.
A biographer of one of the chief pan-Turkists, Zia Gokalp, comments: Gokalp, Halide Edib and their associates
dreamt of a union of all the Turks under a single ruler who would renew the days of Attila, Jengiz Khan or Timur-leng.
The implications of pan-Turkism for the Armenians were extremely grave. They were among the least willing of the
minorities within the empire to be Turkicized, clinging to their ancient Church as a symbol of that defiance".
Before the First World War in 224 villages of Karabagh 222 Churches were functioning. The population was 206768. The
International conscience and Karabagh and Transcaucasian Armenians in particular were shocked by the 1915 April
genocide of the Armenians in Turkey. The events of the World War I took a tragic turn for the Armenians. The war served as
a pretext for the Turkish authorities to solve the Armenian question. On April 24, 1915 after the massacre of the Armenian
intellectuals of Istambul, the Young Turk Government organized the mass deportation of the Armenian population of Turkish
Armenia and Asia Minor, in course of which about one and a half million Armenians perished. It is beyond doubt that the
successfully executed genocide had an official and deliberate nature and resulted from the dominent pan-Turkic ideology and
the decisions taken by the Young Turks party. The Ittihad took the opportunity of the turmoil and hostilities among nations
after the World War I to organize the genocide thus solving the Armenian issue. The Karabagh Armenians crossed the border
in small groups to support their compatriots. But most of the able-bodied male population of Karabagh was conscripted into
the Russian army and fought in differrent fronts, as the loyal Armenians did their duty of Ottoman citizens in the Turkish army,
where they were starved, beaten or machine-gunned.
Despite this terrible disaster the over-hopeful Armenians didn't cease to believe that they could achieve justice
through the civilized world, which had turned a blind eye to the Armenian torture, left them unprotected and done nothing
concrete in their behalf. They ceased to understand that a wretched, toothless nations are always being placed under the
heals of alien masters, Turk, Mongol, English.... People usually give mercy to the beggers, but don't like or respect them.
Justice, in particular, can't be begged. It must be conquered, achieved. And this is the only way.
Parallel to pan-Turkism there existed another factor, no less important for the Armeno-Tatar or Karabagh-Muslim
relations, which resulted in frequent bloody clashes. This factor was the traditional way of life of the Armenians and Tatars. In
this context their relations were always problematic, despite the fact that they had long lived together in the same region. The
Tatars were mainly nomad stockbreeders, who, in summer, took their herds up into the hills, while the Armenians, in contrast
to them were settled farmers and agriculturalists. The Tatar nomads wintered in the Arran valley, from where the Armenians
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had been driven out in late medieval period. They occupied the western Arran, stretching in the north-eastern section of the
Armenian mountain range. In summer the nomads from the plain were accustomed to go up into the Karabagh, Zangezur,
Sevan mountain pastures with their herds. The masters of the herds were the Tatar chiefs of tribes, beks, mullahs. The
Russian rule established a situation of balance between the two opposing forces, as it was beneficial for it to receive regularly
the taxes paid by the Armenian melik owners of the areas, collected from the Tatar stockbreeders. But on their way to the
mountains the Tatars passed through the Armenian inhabited areas, treading on their fields, gardens, which resulted in
clashes. Whenever needed, the pan-Turkist nationalists spread rumours that the Armenians had decided to close the way to
their pastures and that was enough to instigate a nationalistic confrontation. In such cases the nomads took arms, cut the
roads and liquidated the surrounding Armenian villages.
The 1917 February revolution was warmly greeted by the Armenians, as a result of the declaration of the Provisional
Government that recognized as Armenian several disputed areas of Transcaucasia, including Karabagh.7 A Council of
Commissars was set up in Tiflis, and an Executive Committee in Shushi. The Regional Committee was replaced by a
Regional Council of Commissars. The major of the town Gerassim Melik-Shahnazarian took an active part in the political life
of the town. The Tatar nobility set up the "National Committee" in their district. The soldiers of the 532 Simbirian division and
the veterans of the Russo-Turkish war set up their "Council of Military Delegates".
The national tensions exploded after the October Russian (Bolshevik) Revolution, or rather as a result of the
dissolution of the Russian Empire. The dispersal of the Russian troops opened the way for the Turkish authorities to fulfil
their pan-Turkish aims.
Mountainous Karabagh was cut off from the rest of the world. The Tatar bamdits attacked the Karabaghian soldiers
returning from Western Armenia on the way Yerlakh-Shushi. Anarchy began to reign all over the region. Again the pan-Turkic
preachers instigated clashes and wars between the Armenians and the Tatars. The latters declared a boycott and
spearheaded an economical blockade of Karabagh. The Armenians were not allowed to sell or buy anything in the Aghdam
market. The Tatars cut the road of Yerlakh, isolating Karabagh. In response to this the Armenians blocked up the road
Shushi-Askeran. Karabagh was left without most consumer goods. Hostilities spread all over the region.
A Russian regiment of 500 left Shushi for Russia. The Armenian intellectuals tried to persuade them to postpone it to
a better time, as the Yerlakh road was far from being safe. But the Russians insisted on. In Aghdam they were attacked by
the "dikaya divizia", the "wild division" of Tatars. Only some of them, unarmed and looted, managed to reach Yerlakh.
In December 1927 the representatives of different parties set up a joint plan to put an end to the anarchy and
Armeno-Tatar hostilities. A "Provisional Council of Parties", with 14 members was formed. The chairman of the council was
the historian Hairapet Mussaelian. The council was called "Interparty Bureau".8 The national committee of the Muslims
approved the Armenian offer of establishing an "inter-national body". The former Shushi judge Iosif Kobiev was elected a
chairman of that structure. He was a Georgian and was greatly respected both by the Armenians and the Tatars.
As a result of the taken measures the Shush-Yerlakh and Shush-Goris roads were guarded by an armed brigade.
Civil and military representatives were authorized to watch all the important locations all over the region. These
representatives were responsible for the activity of armed groups, had to maintain law and order in all the settlements, and
organize self-defence if needed. Since the Armenians had no illusious about a lasting coexistence with the Tatars, they were
quietly preparing for self-defence. The military commissar H. Tumanian, accompanied by a group of 300 riders on January 6
left for the Jraberd region to abolish the threat of the armed bandits on the way. With the assistance of the peasants the
bands were destroyed in eight days.
Soon the Russian army of half a million refusing to carry out the order of attack of the Provisional Government,
accepted the Bolshevik appeal "Peace without annexations and contributions" and deserted the front. The Russian army
collapsed. The Turkish army, functioning in the Caucasian front, was weakened as a result of previous Russian attacks, but
seeing the dissolution of the Russian army, crossed the 1914 Transcaucasian border and attacked the defenceless
Caucasian peoples. A part of the army advanced to Iranian Azarbaijan - Urmia, Tabriz, Gharadagh, Salmast, Khoi
massacring the Armenian population there. The Urmia Armenian and Assyrian self-defence groups failed to resist them. The
survived residents of the region migrated to Syria.
The troop-train took the Russian soldiers of the disoluted Russian army to Gandzak. Here on January 9, at night, the
"wild division" surrounded the train. The train was destroyed by the artillery bombardment. Twenty thousand soldiers were
killed. A month ago the Tatars had disarmed the 219 regiment deployed in Gandzak. At the same time the Shushi garrison of
100 men was formed under the command of Captain Artashes Vardapetian. In 1918 the regional congress was held in
Shushi. The Shushi, Jivanshir and Zangezur Armenian and Tatar representatives took part in it. It lasted four days. It dealt
with duck problems as the peace-keeping, spring works and provision of the region with supplies.
The Karabagh and Zangezur contributions to the Patriotic Society Fund enabled to form a new self-defence group in
Tiflis by the name of "Shushi Legion" which headed for Shushi via Zangezur. The legion was led by Colonel Michael MelikShahnazarian. The soldiers of the legion were well-armed and well-trained, they could realize the defence of the region. Not
only the Turkish army but the local Tatars and Turkic tribes were threatening the safety of Shushi. The Shushi "Interparty
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Bureau" was renamed "Council of Commissars", which was de facto replacing the government. The "Council" set up a
"Provisional Revolutionary Tribunal" which had to investigate especially violent cases.
After the 1917 revolution, Russia withdrew from World War I. The new treaty signed between the Turks and the
Bolshevik government on March 3, 1918 of Brest-Litovsk, left the Caucasias peoples defenceless before the Turks and their
German allies. The Turkish authorities thought that their enemy - the "blond infidels" (sari-giavur) were destroyed. The
restored Turkish divisions took Erzinjan on February 13 and Erzerum on March 12. Advancing inexorably, soon the Ottoman
army seized the Kars fortress and entered Alexandropol on May 15. A part of the army moved towards Yerevan, another part
towards Gharakilissa (Vanadzor) and Dilijan. Refusing to recognize the Bolshevik government in Petrograd, the
Transcaucasian socialist parties (with the exception of bolsheviks) separated the region from the rest of Russia by declaring
autonomy, later independence for the whole of Transcaucasia and finally establishment of three seperate independent
republics. The Tatars identified the Soviet power in 1917-1918 with the Christians, Soviet power met indifference or active
resistence, when attemped to extend its sway over the surrounding countyside and in the town Giaja. The Baku Commune, a
Soviet government that ruled Baku a couple of months, failed to rally the peoples of Transcaucasia around the Soviet power.
After crushing a Muslim revolt in the city, the Bolshevik led government was forced to rely on Armenian troops led by
Dashnak officers. The Tatar nationalist leaders welcomed and offered support to the advancing Ottoman Turkish army and
entered Baku with those troops, which resulted in a new killing of Armenians.
The Armenian soldiers, which had deserted the front, refusing to fight against the "liberator" Turks, sensed the new
Turkish threat, coordinating the military capability of the regular armed divisions and volunteers in Sardarabad, succeeded, in
desperate circumstances to stop the Turkish advance. The Armenians were led by their heroic generals and partisan
commanders of the time. The Karabagh Armenians took an active part in that battle, which was to become a national legend.
The "Karabaghian Legion" fought with great courage. The Commander-in-Chief of the whole army was Daniel Bek Pirumian,
who belonged to Karabagh. Another Karabaghian - Archbishop Garegin Hovsepian, appealed to the Armenian soldiers and
volunteers to defend their country against the bloodthirsty enemy. Many of them fell on the field of honour, defending the
Motherland. The vigourous fights resulted in the destruction of the 30 thousand army of Shevki Pasha. The remains of the
army retreated to Giumri. The Turks then captured Baku a few weeks before the Ottoman Empire surrendered to the Allies.
After Sardarabad, the Armenians found that they possessed one of the most powerful military forces in the region.
The propoganda of the revolutionary parties; the effective mobilization of the Armenian population to vote and fight for the
national future, had worked.
On May 26 Georgia proclaimed itself independent. Following Georgia the Azerbaijani - Turkish forces in the region of
Yelizavetpol proclaimed the Republic of "Azerbaijan". No specifically Azerbaijani state existed before that day, and rather
imagining themselves as part of a continuous national traditions, like Georgians and Armenians, the Muslims of
Transcaucasia chose that name, which indicated Turkish strivings to Persian Azarbaijan, which contained a mixed population
of Persians, Tatars, Armenians.... The chosen name surprised everybody as it was widely known that geographically the new
state had no links with Iranian Azerbaijan prior. But the Turkish militants had far-reaching aims; to unite the two territoties of
"Azerbaijans", and after which no force could obstruct their way to Middle Asia. Christopher J. Walker and David Marshall
Lang noted in their book that;
"The Tatar element, which gradually became the largest, took some time to forge the notion "Azerbaijani" or "Azeri", which
changed gradually from meaning "inhabitant of Azerbaijan" to "Muslim inhabiting Azerbaijan", thus turning the large and
ancient Christian minority into foreigners in the country".
Ennaitollah Reza wrote;
"Supposedly the naming of Arran and Shirvan as "Azerbaijan" was the result of the Turkish demand to do so, as in contrast
to the fact that the Turks had attacked the territories of Azarbaijan prior and massacred, the population for several times and
facing their strong resistence, had realized the impossibility of winning their favour by direct and fair means. This is the
reason why the Turks chose an indirect way and attempted to unite Transcaucasia and Azarbaijan prior under the name
"Azerbaijan" and then annex the two territories to them."9
And so the government of this new "Republic of Azerbaijan" moved from Tiflis to the city of Gandzak(Gianja), "liberated" by
the Turkish army, since Baku was in the hands of the Bolshevik "Baku Commune", ruled by 26 People's Commissars.
In view of these developments Armenia (Yerevan and Nakhichevan) declared itself an independent Republic of
Armenia on May 28. The members of the newly elected government Alexander Khatissian, Hovhannes Kajaznuni, Michael
Papajanov and Simon Vratsian took part in the peace talks held in Batum. The Turkish delegation forced the Armenian part
to leave Karabagh. The Ottoman Turkey intended to reinforce a subject Musavat government in Baku, establish a new state
and joining Nakhichevan, Karabagh and Zangezur to it, set up a new way to Turkish Asia. During a "friendly talk" with
Alexander Khatissian, the head of the Turkish delegation Vehib Mahmed Pasha said, "Our sacred dreams of a union of all
the Turks and Islamists clash with the Armenians and we are forced to eliminate the obstucle on the way to our sacred
national dreams and ideals."10
The situation wasn't favourabale enough to abolish the whole of Armenia, the first fase of it had been carried out in
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1915 by physical elimination of the Armenian population of historical Armenia in their subject territories. By the terms of the
Batum Treaty Armenia agreed to move back its western frontier, ceding Alexandropol and most of Nakhichevan to the
Ottoman Empire. The subject of dispute between the Armenian and Turkish sides was the frontier between the newly
established Armenian and Azerbaijanian Republics, in particular with regard to Karabagh and Zangezur. The Armenians were
forced to give up their rights over the mentioned territories. In spite of the fact that the peace terms were humiliating for
Armenia, the head of the Armenian delegation Alexander Khatissian in his letter addressed to the Chairman of the National
Council A. Aharonian expressing his opinion, on the matter noted that the Armenia side didn't suffer much losses, considering
that on the whole they had achieved independence and creation of a state, which, though small in size (ten thousand square
kilometres) had perspectives to grow and develop in the future.11 Thus, the small enclave around Yerevan became the only
realistic hope for an ethnic Armenian homeland.
By late May 1918, in the context of Russian retreat and Turkish-German advance, the Georgians opted for the
Germans, Azerbaijan turned expectantly toward the Turks, though Baku had chosen Soviet power, and the Armenians once
again were placed under the Turkish heels.
The communist government of "Baku Commune", ruled by Stepan Shahumian, sensing the Turkish threat, moved its
troops towards the Yerlakh station on June 10, trying to transfer the battlefield with the Turks far from Baku. On March 3,
1917 new Armeno-Tatar clashes broke out in Baku. The Musavat party, organized a rising against the Soviet power. A new
wave of pogroms was driggered. Houses and the Tatar market were burnt. The Tatar inhabitants fled to the country. In three
days a delegation headed by the Tatar religious representatives, accepted the terms of Revolutionary Guards Committee, the
main demand of it being the recognition of the Bolshevik rule. The number of casualties was 1700 Tatar and 1200 ArmenianConsiderable material damage was done to the Tatars. Bishop Yeghishe Geghamiants in his book "Tatars in Caucasia and
the Fall of Baku" called the classhes a civil war, as both sides followed far reaching political aims, but it grew into nationalistic
confrontation within itself.12
The Turkish divisions, allied to the local "Army of Islam" forced the Commune army to retreat to Shamakhi. Practicing
diplomacy, the head of the Soviet state Lenin tried to keep the Turks away from Baku. He applied to the Germans to press
the Turks in the matter but without success.
Vehib Pasha, commander of the Turkish army on the eastern army, summed up in 1918;
"We have left the Balkans, and we are also leaving Africa, but it is our duty to spread to the east, for it is there that our blood,
our faith and our language are to be found."13
Baku, with its strategic oil had attracted the attention of Britain, who despatched an army from Baghdad to northern Iran and
Caspian shores, from where they moved in the north-eastern direction and captured Krasnodar. Soon they succeeded in
destroying the power of the Baku Commune. On July 25, 1918 in a session of the Commune against the advice of
Shahumian, the Baku Soviet invited the British to enter the town. The Baku Commune was replaced by a new government of
Mensheviks, Eserrs and Armenian Revolutionary Dashnaks. A month later, on September 15, 1918, the Turkish army under
Nuri Pasha took Baku. For three days the Turkish-Tatar mob massacred the Armenian population and looted their houses.
This was the predictable continuation of the pan-Turkic project of physical elimination of the Armenian nation. Thirty-five
thousand Armenians were killed, a part of which were the Armenians of Karabagh and Siunik, which had left for Baku in
search of work. The Baku Commissars, included Shahumian, were executed, with the possible connivance of the British.
Of course, if the civilized Europe and America turned a blind eye to the 1915 massacres and later did their utmost to
forget the promises given to the Armenian state, then the Turks, with their personal dislike or religious, social or political
fanatism were free to massacre or deport whole communities of the disliked nations; Armenians, Bulgerians, Greeks.... Such
tragedies should shock international conscience and gain international condemnation and recognition. Russia's guilt is
leaving the Armenians unprotected was great. They did very little for the Armenians since early 18th century, when, despite
their high sentiments did nothing concrete on their behalf and even left them to the fate in critical moments.
For centuries they instigated the Armenians to rise against the Iranian state, trusting the "eastern Christian
liberaters" but each time the hopes of the Armenians were frusterated largely by the Russian "liberating hand". They didn't
come to the aid of the beleagured Christians, and moreover, with their acquescence the Turks were gradually realizing their
plans of "Armenia without Armenians". As to Iran, due to Turkish activity, its influence over the Transcaucasian region was
weakening day by day.
The effects of the Armenian Declaration of Independence on Karabagh and the Armenian-Turkish areas of
Nakhichevan and Zangezur were at first unclear. Karabagh was de facto independent in the summer of 1918. On August 5,
1918, a "Congress of the Armenians of Nagorny Karabagh, which sympathized with the Bolshevik Commune of Baku, was
formed in the capital Shushi. The requests that it should submit to the government of Gandzak were turned down. The
commander of the Turkish army deployed in Gandzak, Nuri Pasha had blocked up all the roads to Karabagh. The region was
cut off from the rest of the world. Turkish troops were deployed in Aghdam, Tartarr, Kariagino, Zabukh.14 One hundred eighty
representatives took part in the Congress of the Armenians of Karabagh. The Congress decided to start from the principle of
electing a government consisting of representatives of different political parties and trends. An independent national
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government was elected, composed of seven governors. Yeghishe Ishkhanian being the chairman, responsible both for
internal and foreign affairs. The ministers were; Arshavir Kamalian, Arto Hovhannissian, Markos Ter-Astvatsatrian, Harutiun
Tumian, Martiros Aivazian, Melikset Yesayan. The congress decreed the confiscation of the lands of the beks by the
commities of peasants;
Declaration of the Karabagh National Government, July 24, 1920
The Great Russian Revolution abolished the despotic Tsarist power and all its structures rooted up the heritage of the past.
The waves of the revolution spread to Caucasus.
The creation of a new life is a must. But due to peculiarities of our conditions, the revolution faced a lot of problems. We
carried out a zealous activity from the first days of the revolution. But the catastrophic economical conditions adding up to
local difficulties, being the result of the war, make our work uneffective. After the Russian troops were ordered to quit, the
political life of Transcaucasia lost its centre of gravity. The revolution lost its bulwark after our isolation. The Caucasian
Commissarate, as a chip on the stormy waves, set new complications in the political life of the region. The situation changed
to better when the three National Republics came to function in Caucasus.
Karabagh remaind beyond the political upheavals. We were at dead point for eight months. We couldn't connect our
fate with the arbitrary development of events. The situation was critical. With its characteristic innate impulse the Karabagh
Armenians decided not to wait for fraternal help (Republic of Armenia-B), which would come to free us of fetters. Any delay
could be fateful for our achievements. And now the national representatives have gathered here to decide the fate of our
country.
Once again we should like to stress that we are resolute to maintain friendly relations with all the other nations, based
on the democratic principles. Only in this way we can achieve the realization of one of the most eminent conceptions of the
Russian Revolution - the peoples' right to self-determination. And this notion must be the basis for the activity of our
government. The first and foremost task of the government, elected by the congress, must be the realization of this will of our
nation.
The coordination of the capability of the masses is considered one of the most important obligations of the
government. Many urgent problems, related to the security of the nation, are awaiting their solution. The government is to set
up a strong resistance to any expression of anarchy. The neutralization of the criminal dements, and the realization of the
control over all the district and regions, require strengthening of administrative units. Lawful decisions on political disputes,
the defence of the oppressed and the forbidding of mob-murder require improvement of the work of judicial bodies.
The resolution of the congress "to allow the communities of peasants to undertake the confiscation of the former
lands of the beks "must be carried out in an organized and orderly way. Special commissions must be formed to coordinate
and secure the process of confiscation to be carried out without any excesses.
The experience of the past showed that the provision of supplies to the population must be organized without delay.
The electorial principle is accepted as a base for all kinds of organizational activity.
The government promises to do its best as required by duty to realize the above mentioned project.
Nothing can prevent the government from carrying out its responsibilities with the support of the population.
National Government of Karabagh15
Juricial bodies were formed in Jraberd-Giulistan, Khachen, Varanda, Dizak and Shushi. The following settlements were
chosen as regional centres; the village Metshen for Jraberd-Giulistan, the town Khankend for Khachen, the village Taghavard
for Varanda and the town Hadrut for Dizak.
After establishing a new Muslim state in Transcaucasia, the Turks had another task to carry out in the region; to
subjugate Karabagh to that state. Continuing this policy, they tried to isolate the region, cutting it off from Zangezur. The
member of the National Government of Karabagh, historian Harutiun Tumian wrote, "It was due to the enterence of the
Ottoman army into Azerbaijan that the relations between the Armenians became tense and hostile, and with the appointment
of Turkish commandants in different frontier outposts, their pan-Turkic ideology spread all over the region".16 From Tartarr,
Aghdam and Kariagino "commandants" launched attacks on neighbouring Armenian settlements.
The strategic route Aghdam-Shushi was guarded by the Armenians. The situation of the Muslim and Christian
population of Shushi was improving. The highland Gandzak, (the ancient Gardmank and Parrisos) whose population was
90% Armenian, as well as Giulistan, were declared as an integral part of Mountainous Karabagh by the government. The
member of government Markos Astvatsatrian was sent there. The representatives of those regions, taking part in the first
Congress, had applied to the government themself with the request of joining their historical region with Karabagh. The
Giulistan (Talish) representatives begged the government to consider the critical and alarming situation of the peasantry of
their regions and do their best to take them in hand.17
The Turks continued to launch attacks against the Armenian villages lying between the two districts. The regions,
headed by the "commandants" appointed by Nuri Pasha "to maintain law and order" were especially active in destroying the
Armenian villages one by one. Meantime the Armenian diplomatic representative in Tiflis protested to the head of German
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delegation against the Turkish intentions in relation to Karabagh. Von Kress promised to correspond the Turkish command
and inform about the results. On August 10, 1918 the German diplomat expressed in document n.396 the reassurances of
Nuri Pasha, that the Ottoman military commanders were appointed in different parts of Karabagh to maintain law and order
only with "peaceful intentions". The German diplomat promised to inform Armenians about further such appointments,
warning the Armenian government not to encourage the clashes between the Armenian soldiers and the Turkish
commanders. In n.357 document of August 14, 1918 the Armenian representative reported the Armenian Foreign Minister
about "the Turkish encroachment upon Karabagh." The government of Karabagh did his best to establish peace in the region.
When, for example, investigating the case of the Armenian soldiers, who had returned to their native Khankendi and were
launching attacks on the neighbouring Muslim villages, the authorities found out that the families of the soldiers were starving
and they had nothing else to do, but loot the Muslims. This activity was strictly forbidden, and the soldiers were provided with
supplies.
General Andranik's arrival in Zangezur with his special Armenian Legion and 15 thousand refugees, threw the
Turkish command into confusion. They felt unsafe on the back as understood very well that Andranik would protect Zangezur
from a possible agression by them. The unison of the two districts of Zangezur and Karabagh would mean a destruction of
Turkish plans towards Karabagh. The Turk commanders already feared the facing of Andranik's army of 30 thousand
soldiers. They were sure that the whole campaign was organized and ruled by the Armenian government. Unfortunately, it
was untrue. In respond to the protests of Azerbaijan, the Armenian government answered that General Andranik was long
ago dismissed from the service together with his Legion. The response to the protest of the commander of the Turkish
eastern army Khalil Pasha read;
"You know very well that the territories of Zangezur and Mountainous Karabagh are populated with Armenians and in our
opinion, according to the great project of dividing territories, they must belong to Armenia".19
The responses addressed to the Musavat government of Baku also contained refusals to the absurd intentions and
encroachments upon Karabagh and Zangezur. Arriving in Yerevan, Khalil Pasha cynically offered to coordinate the military
capability of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey against Andranik. This proposal was refused on the grounds that Andranik was
very popular among the Armenians as a national hero, and the allied forces of Karabagh and Zangezur highlanders in
defence of their hero could lead to numerous destruction and bloodshed. Meanwhile Karabagh was cut off from the rest of
the world, circled by Kurdish and Turkish forces. The only way to contact the external world was the Zabugh corridor. The
Hagar (in ancient limes Agar) river marked the border between Siunik and Karabagh. Now it was held by the Turks as a key
military outpost, from where they guarded the blockade of Karabagh from Armenia and Siunik. The newly established
Republic of Armenia was unable to protect its population and the Armenian regions of Karabagh and Zangezur.
Two hundred soldiers of Karabagh and Nukhi decided to leave Goris for Shushi or their own accord. The Turk
regiments deployed in Zabugh, allowed them to reach the bridge of the river Hagar. Then the Armenian soldiers were
surrounded and killed to the last. Andranik decided to take revenge on them for this act and with a sudden attack defeating
the Turks, succeeded in transferring 2500 refugees to Berdadzor villages of Karabagh, unable even to await the permission
of the Karabagh National Council. The Shushi accepted the refuges (from western Armenia and Nakhichevan) with all its
heart, though the economic conditions were catastrophic there too. The scenes of famine and privations were as bad as the
horrors of massacres. As Andranik didn't undertake to open the Zabugh corridor, the Shushi Legion and the Karabagh forces
decided to attack the outpost from both sides. This attempt failed. Zabugh was held by several Turkish regiments and Turkish
and Kurdish armed cavalry. Perhaps Andranik ceased to be able to support the undertaking of the Shushi Legion, as being
short of arms and ammunition himself, didn't attend to transfer arms to Karabagh. The 200 soldiers of the Shushi Legion,
joined with 800 men from Tegh, Kornidzor and the surrounding villages, tried to achieve breakthrough with a sudden decisive
attack. But during the battle the Zangezur soldiers deserted their positions. The 1500 Karabagh fighters, stormed by a 10
thousand Turkish and Turkish cavalry were forced to retreat.
The population of five villages of Berdadzor migrated with the retreating army. The Manager of Military Affairs of
Karabagh Harutiun Tumanian wrote, "The history cannot forget the event when Zangezur seized the arms and armoury
obtained and transferred to Goris for Karabagh, leaving it to fight a regular military army and the numerous hordes of Bek's
with bare hands".20
The result of the loss of Berdadzor was extremely grave for Karabagh, as the corridor between Zangezur and
Karabagh became larger.
Aware of the German defeat and the victory of the Entente, the National Council of Karabagh decided to cease acting
and wait till the withdrowl of the German ally of Turkey. The government succeeded in its readiness to compromise popular
nationalism and tolerance and willingness to use their military and political power to achieve a relatively stable peace in the
region. In situations like this the nation should rely not on its party leaders, but strong military power, who were more sensitive
to the social dynamics within the revolutionary crises and more ready to use military power if needed.
Meanwhile the Turks were robbing Azerbaijan. As the famous Armenian writer H. Tumanian wrote;
"The soldiers of Ottoman army practiced all kinds of violent acts in Tatar villages, depriving the population of supplies.
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However the Musavat leaders turned a blind eye to all those actions for the sake of the pan-Turkic, pan-Islamic absurd and
made up nationalist ideology, which should lead to the establishment of "Great Azerbaijan", settling their accounts with
Armenian, Georgian and Iranian territories with the help of "fraternal forces" of Turkey".
The Turkish forces, retreating from Transcaucasia, decided to solve the Karabagh problem on the way. An Armenian
delegation was sent to the Turkish headquarters, based at Aghdam, to protest against the Turkish violences. The commander
of that division Jamil-Jayid Bek demanded that they disarm and submit to Azerbaijan authorities. They treacherously mudered
Luftali Bek Behbudov, who had arrived with the Armenian delegation to promote peace. Two days later in Aghdam the Turks
presented a 24-hour ultimatum, demanding to permit the Turkish forces to march on Shushi.22
The Armenian Council decided to gain time, prolonging negotiations with the Turks. The situation was examined in
the third Congress of Karabagh Armenians, convened on September 26, which concluded to refuse the demands of
submission to Azerbaijan,23 and agree to the deployment of a division of 600-1000 soldiers in the Tatar district of Shushi.
Meanwhile the Turkish force of 5000 men advanced from Aghdam and flooded the Karkarr valley. They launched attacks on
the villages Margushan-Maragha, Varazbuin and Nakhichevanic. Despite the resistence put up in all the villages, on October
6, 1918, with the help of the Muslim population, the Ottoman army of Nuri Pasha (4 thousand men) entered Shushi. The
Ottoman army settled in the Armenian part of Shushi. Although the population was determined to fight, but the Karabagh
government preferred being condenscended to and waiting for the British aid, who were to come, originally, to halt the
Turkish advance.
Arrests and plunder followed the Turkish capture of Shushi. Seventy members of the Karabagh national government
were arrested. The Armenians of the region were aware that they would soon meet same fate as that suffered by the Turkish
Armenians. But soon, unable to control the vast region, the Turks retreated, wreaking their revenge by massacring the
Armenian population on their way. The intervention of Great Britain in Baku and the British support of the National-Turkish
government of Azerbaijan led to the replacement of the Turkish rule by the British in Karabagh. Harutiun Tumian wrote;
"The British presence in Baku was enthusiastically accepted by the Karabagh Armenians and especially by the intelligentsia,
who counted on the British support and hoped that their presence would abolish the Turkish threat, the blockade of the region
would be lifted, the roads would become safe, and friendly relations with the Muslim neighbours would be restored, peace
would be established all over the region, the economical situation would improve and at last the issue of attachment of
Karabagh to Armenia would be solved positively would achieve a positive solution."
But the inability of the Armenian leaders to understand, recognize and judge the British expansion, proved damaging
for the Armenians. They were at first blind to the British threat.24 Even the experience of the past failed to teach them a
lesson. Suffice to mention the treaties of Berlin and San-Stefano, where the Armenians were left unprotected against the
Ottoman power. The historian Leo noted that; "Despite being disillusioned of the nullity (Article 61 of Berlin Treaty), the naive
and politically immature Armenians became over-joyed and lost their heads. Taking romantic ideas for reality, they saw the
day of their liberation, and considered Armenia a concern of European powers."25
Armenians profoundly affected by their divisions between great empires, by the immediate threat to national survival
presented by their Muslim neighbours and by the loss of the hold on the historical homeland, might see the realistic hope for
an ethnic homeland only in their power to unite "to establish an independent state, to take control of their own destiny and not
turn to foreign powers for support. They had to understand that only the statehood was able to protect its population.
Britain's guilt in leaving the Armenians unprotected was later recognized by the English Prime Minister (1916-22)
David Lloyd George, who was one of the authors of the Paris Peace Conference and 1919 Veral Treaty. In 1938 he noted
that the Treaty of Berlin was "entirely due to our minority Pressure" and the Treaty was "acclaimed by us as a great British
triumph which brought peace with honour as with honour. Armenia was sacrificed on the triumphal alter we have erected. The
Russians were forced to withdraw: the wretched Armenians were once more placed under the heel of their old masters..."26
Realizing its plans concerning the Transcaucasian region, Turkey withdrew leaving his emissars in the newly
established state of Azerbaijan. It had succeeding in founding a base in eastern Transcaucasia, which, though seperate,
formed a part of it. Though defeated Turkey was concerned in preserving the Ottoman Empire and withdrawing with the least
losses. Before leaving they hostily mobilized a regular army of Tatars to replace them in the struggle with the Armenians.
Soon the Baku authoritied strengthened the Avdalar(Lachin) and Zabugh corridors. Aware of the facts that the Turks
had evacuated Shushi in accordance with the Brest agreement and the British were calling on the Karabagh Armenians to
submit to Azerbaijan, the hero of Zangezur; Andranik, determined to advance to Karabagh. He set out on November 29.
Forcing his way through the Muslim resistence, he reached Karabagh in three days' time. Hardly had he reached the Ttu Jur,
when received a message from the representative of the British Mission in Baku General Thompson, who alarmed of the
"Armenian movements" which might have "a negative effect on the Armenian issue, which was peacefully being solved in
Europe", warned Andranik not to go any further and threatened that if "anybody ceased to carry out the order, will be
considered an enemy to Britain and will have to deal with us".27 Andranik stopped, despite the persuasions of the officers to
go forward. According to historian B. Ulubabian Andranik had to choose between two things at that moment; Karabagh and
the Armenian question,28 as the Armenians were awaiting the results of Paris Peace Conferency, hoping that it could settle
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all issues, including the Armenian one. But the hopes of Armenians were again frusterated by the Great Powers of the time.
But Andranik, falling into the diplomatic trap of the Baku authorities, made a fateful mistake, which cost the nation
numerous suffering, and the correction of which demanded great losses and victims. The new message from Thompson
about suspending military operations made him return to Goris. As later S. Vratsian noted;
"Thus as a result of the warning of a British general, this last historic opportunity to attach Karabagh, once and for all, to the
Armenian Republic, was not taken."29
Meanwhile the London representatives were negotiating with the Musavatists for the attachment of Karabagh and
Zangezur to Azerbaijan.30
Skillfully manipulating the British with the factor of the oil, the Baku authorities strived to annex new territories
inhabited by Armenian to their state. The British diplomacy, trying to favour a pro-British Azerbaijan, promoted the Turkish
and Azerbaijani designs on Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan. In a talk with the poet H. Tumanian still in 1914, the
member of the British House of Commons Beckstone said; "The British have numerous interests in the Muslim world and
you must never believe that Britain can protect the Armenians."31
In accordance with the conventions between Allies, the British were kept in charge of the Caucasus. Their policy was
inspired by two aims, even contradictory, but both anti-Bolshevik; to support Denikin's White Army forces in the north, and to
favour a strong and pro-British Azerbaijan in the south.32 Moreover, the British presence gave the Tatars a free hand to
plunder and massacre the Armenians of the Karabagh region.
Soon the British representative Major Monc-Mezon arrived in Shushi accompanied by 50 Indian soldiers. The British
mission was completely indifferent to the Muslim attacks. The manager of military affairs of Karabagh testified that they were
engaged enlisting agents of Armenian nationality with pro-Tatar tendences. Karabagh continued to persist in its refusal to
submit to Baku authorities. The British decided to apply strong measures. All the roads leading to Karabagh were cut off. All
trading with Armenians was forbidden on pain of death. The Tatar armed forces, controlling the strategic road AghdamShushi, continuously attacked and looted the neighbouring Armenian villages. In January 1919 the Shushi National Council in
a report to the Baku Armenian National Council, wrote;
"We have defended ourselves against the Turkish regular army units and the local Muslim armed bands without any external
support. We have borne innumerable hardships and sufferings for almost a year, without allowing anybody to encroach upon
our freedom and independence."
Then describing the violences committed by the Azerbaijani soldiers, they added;
"It's obvious that we are being surrounded from all sides... We have accepted and carried out all the demands of the British
Mission, without opposing them in any way, put in mildly we are digging a grave for the Karabagh Armenians ourselves."33
Both the Karabagh National Council and the Government members were sure that all the pressing was instigated by
the British, having decided to settle the problem of Karabagh by forcing them to submit. The protests and objections raised
by the Armenian Government had no effect on the British plans. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Armenia on June
30, 1919 reported the Zangezur National Council about the January 21 decision of the Armenian government on establishing
a "Provisional Committee of Karabagh and Zangezur."34 Article of the decree states;
"The Zangezur and Karabagh Armenian regions, forming an integral part of Republic of Armenia, are governed by the
administrative bodies confirmed by the central government of the Republic in accordance with the acting laws."
The document officially declared Karabagh as a consisting part of Armenia and created a special body; "Zangezur-Karabagh
Regional Council", to realize the administrative rule of the area.
This decision of the Armenian government raised the hopes of the Karabagh Armenians. But it also forced the
Azerbaijani government and the emissars to counteract. The British too were resolute to force the Armenians to submit. They
made the Armenian government understand that Kars and Ardahan was their "share" in return for Karabagh and Zangezur.
Faced with this situation, the Fourth Congress of Karabagh Armenians met in Shushi on February 10, 1919 and persisted its
refusal to submit to Baku and protested against the appointment of Kurd bandit Sultan Bek's brother, pan-Turkist and antiArmenian member of the Musavat party Khosrov Bek Sultanov as Governor-General of Karabagh and the surrounding
districts, Zangezur included. The following Resolution was made by the Congress;
"Persisting on the principle of the national self-determination the Armenian population of Karabagh deeply respects the same
right of the neighbouring Turk people and resolutely protests against the strivings of the Azerbaijani government to ignore the
practising of the principle in regard to Nagorny Karabagh, which has never recognized the authority of Azerbaijani
government inside its frontiers, nor will it ever do so. The Congress persists on its rights and declares about it to all the
Caucasian representatives of the Allied Powers and the European Peace Congress.
Copies of this protest must be sent to the Commander of the Allied Powers in Baku, General Thompson, Azerbaijani
government and the Armenian delegates to the European Peace Congress.
Chairman A. Shahnazarian
Secretary Arrustamian35
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Two days later the Armenian National Council received the following official declaration of the British Mission headed
by Monc Meson;
"The British command declares that the population is obliged to obey the following orders:
To recognize the authority of Doctor Khosrov Bek Sultanov as temporary Governor-General of Zangezur, Shushi, Jivanshir,
Jebrail provinces, appointed by the British command. His political assistant is an Armenian. Besides the post of GovernorGeneral, the control over the region will realize the Council consisting of 3 Armenian and 3 Muslim members. The British
Command will be represented in the Council by an officer of the Mission. The British Mission must be notified of all the
military movements and operations. The British Mission considers its duty to confirm once again the statement that as far as
the above mentioned regions are concerned, only the Peace Conference is entilted to decide its attachment to this or that
state unit."36
As if the times of the establishment of the chief of the Sarujalu Turkish tribe Panah Ali Khan had returned back. As a 150
years ago Turkey tried to force Karabagh to wear that Tatar papakha which didn't match with its essence, instead of Turkey
the same papakha was offered by the British Empire.
During the critical period of over two years the Armenians struggled for their independence without any support. The
British politicians made beautiful speaches in the Parliament about their duties to Armenia. On December 20, 1917, the
British Prime Minister Lloyd George made a speech in the Parliament, describing Armenia as a land soaked in the blood of
innocents "and declaring that it would never be restored to the "blasting tyranny" of the Turk. Later he again declared that
Britain would not forget its responsibilities to the Armenians. The French leaders made similar promises.37 The Armenian
President Woodrow Wilson, deeply sympathizing for the Armenian cause, the Twelfth of his Fourteen Points, which formed
his plan for a postwar improvement, stated;
"The other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted Security of life and anabsolutely
unmolested opportunity of autonomous development."38
Relying on this promises the Armenian leaders conducted a policy of establishing an independent state patronized by
America.
The Tatar troops had already settled in the Askeran fortress and the Khankend. Discussing the British report with the
commanders of all the regions the Karabagh National Council concluded that; "Karabagh is unable to accept such terms, as
its independence on Azerbaijan, whatever the form of it, is unacceptable to the Armenian population of the region. Karabagh
has shown the whole world that it has never recognized and will never recognize the presence of Azerbaijani authority
inside its frontiers, as confirmed in the Congress of the Karabagh Armenians.
Considering that the Armenian Karabagh is recognized by the British command as a territory, which hasn't submitted
to any power, consequently the Azerbaijani either, and awaiting the results of the Paris Peace conference, the National
Council of Karabagh declares that the only ruling body, accepted by the region would be the position of an English GovernorGeneral and requests the British High Command undertake the appointment through the intermediary of the British
Mission."39
The request was refused, as the British had chosen to settle the problem of Karabagh in their own way. They did their
best to strengthen the newly established Azerbaijan state against the advance of Russian power, which was unacceptable.
Soon the National Council made another suggestion; to form an "Autonomy of Armenian Karabagh" with
representatives of both Armenian and Muslim sides under the British control, till the publication of the results of the Peace
Conference about the fate of Karabagh.
The Regional Committee might constitute of seven Armenians, three Muslims, one representative from Yerevan and
one from Baku, as well as the head of the British Mission with the right of veto. This project was sent to General Thompson,
with a letter, which read; "In contrast to your call, after the arrival of the Allied Mission, Azerbaijan has deployed troops in
strategic military outposts of Askeran, Khankendi, Zabugh and Kariagino. Moreover, Ottoman Turkish groups, under Turk
officers, are active in borderlands."40 This activities meant that with the connivance of the British, Azerbaijan was undertaking
an aggression on Karabagh.
The policy of Great Britain in Karabagh, more or less openly allied with the Musavats of Azerbaijan, was
contemporary with the new French policy adopted in Cilicia, of closer relations with the Kemalist Turks. In both cases the
allies were contributing to drive the Armenians out of the area. They reached this aim in Cilicia but not in Karabagh, where,
despite the lack of any outside aid, the population resisted all attempts to drive them out.41 Thus the seeds of the future
conflicts were largely sown by the British, who thereafter withdrew from Karabagh and later from the Caucasia.
At the end of August 1919 the British military representative in Yerevan, Colonel J.C. Plowden noted that; "The
handing over of Karabagh to Azerbaijan was I think the bitterest blow of all... being the cradle of their race and their last
traditional sancfuary, their last refuge when their country has been invaded. It is Armenian in every particular way and the
strongest part of Armenia, both financially, militarily and socially."42
Despite this expression of high sentiments, this British diplomat would act as the loyal British subjects General
Thomson or Colonel O.I. Shuttleworth who later replaced the former and was heard to threaten the Armenian delegation to
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do his utmost to force them to submit.
General Thomson was aware of the presence of the Turkish officers in Baku, which were obliged to leave in
accordance with the armistice signed in Mudros on 30 October. He even granted Nuri Pasha the control of Baku,43 of course
aware of the fact that the massacre of 35 thousand Armenians in Baku was organized by the Turk.
Furious with the attitude of Armenians, the British undertook to arrest all the prominent leaders of Karabagh. In April
General Thomson was appointed Commander-in-Chief of British in Transcaucasia, Colonel D.I. Shuttleworth replaced him in
Baku. The latter demanded that Karabagh should obey the orders of Governor-General Sultanov without contradicting him in
any way. According to some sources, the Allies were dissatisfied of British Transcaucasian policy. The member of Baku
National Council H. Bahatrian in a letter addressed to the Compatriotic Union of Karabagh and Zangezur Armenians
(Chairman-Leo), reported that according to some Tehran reports, the British policy had given rise to vigorous protests of the
French Mission, who were against the appointment of an Azerbaijani Governor-General in Karabagh.44
The objections raised by the Armenian government in the meeting of the National Council, which was attended by
Colonel Shuttleworth, had no effect on the fate of Karabagh.
On April 23, 1919 the Fifth Congress of Karabagh Armenians met at Shushi. Sixty nine delegates took part in it.
Official Armenian representatives Michael Arzumanian and Hovsep Arghutian were present there too. Once again the
Congress persisted in its refusal to submit to Baku. The Congress considered "unacceptable any administrative project
related to Baku, the enforcement of such a project would lead to nationalistic clashes and bloodshed, for which the Fifth
Congress of Karabagh Armenians can't be responsible."45 This dicision of the Congress was taken a vote on and carried
unanimously in the presence of Colonel Shuttleworth and Khosrov Bek-Sultanov. Calling on the National Council to submit to
Baku, the British Colonel added, "Take into consideration that your roads can be blocked. In this case how can you deliver
supplies to the region?, how can you realize communication with the outside world?. And if you are put under an economical
boycott, are you able to live without bread? And if the over-excited and armed crowd attacks you, will you be able to defend
yourselves?"
"The prophecy" of the Colonel fulfilled in a short period of time.
Colonel Shuttleworth declared that unable to accept the National Council as a governing administrative body, the
British Mission would have no further relations with it.47
During an official visit to the representative of the British Mission, Michael Arzumanian was told that the Armenian
government had admitted Karabagh's submission to Baku, and he himself must do his best to support that decision. But the
Armenian representative told Arzumanian that he had declared Karabagh as an integral part of Armenia and the statement
as if accepted by him, was far from being true.48 The English were already explicitely showing their orientation. As a result of
Armenian persistence, Sultanov decided to apply strong measures. All the roads leading to Karabagh were cut off. A Tatar
cavalry attacked the village Khtsaberd. Many other villages suffered the same fate. The blockade brought famine to
Karabagh. The Azerbaijani government decided to put Karabagh under a boycott. Trading with the Armenians was forbidden
on pain of death. A Muslim, who sold oil to an Armenian, was executed on order from Sultanov. The Chairman of the National
Council Yeghishe Ishkhanian, Manager of Military Affairs Harutiun Tumian and Astvatsatur Avetissian were sent into exile,
many other leaders were arrested. Soon the Kurdish and Tatar irregulars led by Sultanov's brother, attacked the
Gheibalishen village, 6 kilometres distant from Shushi. The Tatar population of the village had been warned to leave the
village in advance. From 700 Armenians only 11 men and 87 women and children survived. The Armenian villages Jamilu,
Krkdzan and Dashushen were also destroyed by the terrorist brigade. The inhabitants of the village Karin Tak hindered their
advance and defeated them. The British officers witnessed all these atrocities. The silk plants of David Nersissian and Daniel
Aharonian were looted and burnt down. All these actions aimed at squeezing and driving the Armenians out of the area. But
as a result they became more persistent and unbreakable. The defenders of the Sghnakh village offered Shushi their support.
But the National Council answered that it was trying "to reach an agreement" with Sultanov."49 While the Shushi Armenians
possessed only 400 cartriges, the Tatars were armed with caunons, guns and a big supple of arsenal.
The British policy towards Karabagh is expressed in the talk between the British General Corr and the head of the
Armenian delegation to the Tiflis conference of Transcaucasian republics. The diplomatic representative of Armenia in
Georgia reported to the Armenian Foreign Minister Ohanjanian the view of the British General.50 "The situation is inflated.
Certainly there were some disturbances, as a result of which both sides suffered a loss of 15 people, including the one killed
and two injured British soldiers." He also stressed that such course of events would make him take tough measures and
"break everything to pieces." The Armenian representative added on his part, "By the way the General, smiling widely noted
that we, the Armenians are more quick in conquering countries than the Europeans. He meant that we took Olti without the
British permission, but despite this remark, he had sent a message to Constantinople ordering General Miln to recognize
Armenian control over Olti."
On June 17 the officer of British Mission Hockance told the Armenian delegation, "We shall drive out all the women
and children of that region to the highlands and then we'll kill the male population of that region to the last. Karabagh must be
annexed to Azerbaijan. Convene congresses, hold conferences, die if you wish, that's your own business. Even if the whole
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of Karabagh is reduced to rubble and burnt to ashes, we'll be only spectators to the scene..."51
In mid June the British were already leaving Karabagh. By that time it was clear that an attack on Zangezur was
imminent. The operation was led by the officer of the Ottoman army Kiazim Pasha. The Turkish generals, Ittihadists Nuri
Pasha and Khalil Pasha were still in Baku.52
On June 29 in a battle near the village Yeghvard the Armenians won an absolute victory over the Turkish army,
seizing 3 cannons, 120 guns and 15 horses loaded with cartridge.53
On August 13 in the village Shosh, not far from Shushi, the Seventh Congress of Karabagh Armenians opened.
Sultanov appeared on August 14 with an ultimatum to the effect that within 48 hours the Council must undertake negotiations
with Baku. At last the Armenian leadership accepted recognition of the government in Baku. A resolution with 26 articles was
adopted. It stated;
Considering that the Karabagh issue is to be settled at the Peace Conference and that any nationalistic confrontation is
destructive for the population of Karabagh and that the Armenians and Muslims are to live side by side in the region, the
Seventh Congress of Karabagh Armenians recognizes provisionally the authority of the Azerbaijani government.54
Article 1 of the treaty stated;
"The Contracting parties accept this temporary agreement in expectation of the decision that depends on the Peace
Conference and whose same decision both parties agree to respect."
Article 2 stated;
"The mountainous parts of Karabagh, where the population is Armenian, declares itself as part of Azerbaijan but
provisionally."
The resolution was signed by 15 delegates. The majority of delegates, those who opposed to any kind of submission to
Azerbaijan, didn't arrive in Shushi.
The Armenian Foreign Minister expressed its protest against the Seventh Congress and its agreement with
Azerbaijan in a note sent to the Peace Conference on August 28, 1919. If the Karabagh Congress recognized Azerbaijan
"provisionally" i.e. pending the conclusions of Paris Peace Conference, Baku and Ankara considered that period "endless", as
they had already achieved their aim of forcing the Conference not to discuss any question connected with Karabagh.
The next months of 1919 brought further difficulties in Karabagh. In late November an agreement was signed
between the Karabagh Armenians and Sultanov, under the aegis of the American Colonel W.H. Haskell, representing the
Allied High Commision. The latter was a crook "selling to Azerbaijan the aid sent for Armenia and particularly for Karabagh
from Europe and America, and acting so as to encourage Baku's designs on Karabagh."55
Meanwhile Sultanov, considering the agreement of August 22 his victory, but unsatisfied of the existence of the
Armenian governing bodies, renewed his threats of razing Karabagh to the ground. A new attack was organized on
Zangezur. Turkey instigated a Muslim revolt against the Republic of Armenia in Nakhichevan. The Armenian troops and
refugees were forced to leave the region.
Once again Armenians enjoyed their Zangezur victories. The retreating Azerbaijani troops attacked the Armenian
villages of Karabagh. The former General of the Caucasian front Salkevich, now the chief of the Azerbaijani army staff, taught
the Tatars his skills of masacring Armenians. There was no doubt about his experience in that sphere, as it was he, who, in
the Caucasian front allied to General Yudenich, organized international retreats, leaving the last remnants of the Armenian
population to the Turk murderers.56
The Azerbaijani authorities diplomatically convinced the English and Armenian representatives that it were the
Armenians who attacked the Tatars and not vice versa. The Armenian diplomats failed to convince the opposite.
Again the situation was grave in Karabagh. In February 1920 Sultanov demanded that the National Council should
agree to the presence of reinforcements of Azeri troops in Karabagh. The answer was negative. As a result new circle of
violence was set in motion. Sultanov tried to deploy troops in the estate of Avan Yuzbashian, in the village Margushavan, but
the 11 February 1920 Congress of Jraberd, Khachen and Giulistan Armenian population decided to put up resistence against
that plan. The Armenian armed units drove the Turks out of the area.
The Eighth Congress was to open again in Shosh, but on orders from Sultanov all the roads, leading to Shosh were
blocked up. One hundred sixty eight delegates had to go to Shushi, where on 22 February the Eighth Congress of Karabagh
Armenians met. The division of Karabagh leaders into two factions was already clear, and as a result two district assemblies
were held. The minority, led by the Bolshevik, founder of the Communist Party of Karabagh Alexander Ruben Tsaturian,
including the towndwellers, was already to compromise. The resolution of their assembly was published in the March 24 issue
of the Bolshevik newspaper "Iskra".58 Blaming the "imperialist" governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan, it appealed for
social resolution and called the Karabagh, Zangezur, Nakhichevan, Goghtn and Kars Armenians to unite for further struggle.
The fate of Karabagh was tied to the tides of revolution, it was evident that the resolution was dictated "from above". It was
written that;
"In view of the close economic ties with Azerbaijan the political departure of Karabagh from the territory (from Azerbaijan - B),
opposes the vital interests of the two people (the agreement of the Seventh Congress), inhabiting Karabagh and
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consequently the instigations of Armenian government opposes to the interests of Armenians and Muslims of the region,
hindering their peaceful co-existence."59
Meantime, at Shosh the majority of the delegates, including the Dashnaks, taking a harder line, categorically refused
integration in Azerbaijan. The resolution accepted by this Eighth Congress of the Karabagh Armenians (28 February - 4
March 1920) denounced Sultanov's attitude and violations of the provisional agreement.
By the beginning of March, it was clear that an attack on Karabagh was imminent. Faced with this situation the
Armenians set up "the Central Body of Karabagh Self-Defence". Meanwhile the collapse of the White Guards had reinforced
the position of Red Army on the borders of Transcaucasia. On March 24, 1920 new clashes took place between the
Azerbaijani army and the Karabagh self-defence forces. The fighting was especially violent in Askeran. The front here
stretched for 20kms. The cannon-ball "Schneider", seized from the Turks in 1918 was carried to Askeran by the Armenians.
The 80% of the Azerbaijani regular army was fighting in the Karabagh front, leaving the northern borders defenceless, from
where the Bolsheviks were expected to enter.
Karabagh struggled, awaiting the Armenian help. Meanwhile Sultanov on orders from the Musavatists, was
organizing the destruction of Shushi. On the night of March 23, 1920, a group of 50 Armenians attacked the reinforcement of
the troops, deployed in the Armenian part of the town. It served as a signal for the Tatar terrorist brigades and the mob to
enter the Armenian part. Thousands of houses were burnt down and the majority of the inhabitants were massacred. The
deliberate and official nature of the Shushi destruction is beyond doubt. It was organized by Sultanov - Kurd by origin and
Mehmandarov - Tatar by origin. Both of them were physicians. Leo wrote, "Those two doctors, under the academical vow of
serving the suffering humanity, ordered the mob, "Kill them! Loot them! Burn down everything! Yours are all the Armenian
girls and women!.
Seven thousand Armenians were slaughtered, about five thousand managed to flee, 2-3 thousand were taken
captive. New Tatar troops, advancing from Gandzak, destroyed all the Armenian villages on the way..."60
Returning to their native town only in 1929, the Armenians lifted hundreds of skeletons from their wells. The exact
number of the victims was never known. The Tatar soldier Ismail Almanderbekov wrote to his brother in Baku; "The Armenia
which you have seen (the Armenian part of Shushi) is burnt down. Only five of ten houses remained. More than thousand
Armenians are taken captive. All the male population is slaughtered, even the Kaliph is slain (Bishop Vahan Hakobian) and
all the dignitaries.... Many famous Armenian leaders are beheaded, their heads are paraded throughout the markets.... You'll
find no Armenian in the area, and no Turk without less than one hundred thousand roubles worth pillage. Some of them owe
goods worth one million roubles. Now there are no classes, we all are equal, there are no rich and no poor... All the wealth of
the Armenians is ransacked by the Muslim dwellers of the town. (April 7, 1920)."61
Visiting Shushi in 1926 the writer Marietta Shahinian wrote; "The scene of skeleton buildings in rows lay before me.
Nothing is left... Ruins of rubbles everywhere, and stones, only stones like white, fleshless bones. The fact is that from the 35
thousand inhabitants of Shush none is left."62
In the Askeran front Armenians gained a series of victories over the regular Azerbaijani army. Armenians were short
of arms and ammunition. The officer of Ottoman army Khalil Pasha took the leadership of the Turkish troops. An army of 3
thousand men was fighting against to thousand badly armed Armenians. When the supply of cartridges was over, the
Armenians let the enemy approach their positions and continued the fighting with swords. The Baku authorities provided the
Turkish army sending large amounts of arms and reinforcements of Azeri troops. The Jivanshir, Gandzak third, Tatar,
Karabaghian third legions, Selim Bek Sultanov's cavalry of 600 constantly stormed the Armenian positions. It was estimated
by Tumian that an 80 thousand Azerbaijani army was fighting in Karabagh. The total length of the front was 300kms.63 On
April 3 Khalil Pasha succeeded to break through the left wing of the Askeran front and take the village Khramort. The other
wings were forced to retreat. The defence of Askeran lasted 12 days. The Tatars took control over the strategic road
Aghdam-Zabugh. The defence of Karabagh was devided into two; Dizak and Varand on one side, Khachen, Jraberd and
Giulistan on the other.
The Musavat government of Baku believed that they could already destroy the region bit by bit and then Turkicize it.
The Azerbaijani Minister of Defence ordered, "to spare neither the Armenian villages nor its inhabitants."64
But the Azerbaijani troops were humiliated by defeat in Khachen, although they destroyed all the highland and
lowland villages of Giulistan. The population of those villages had fled to the woods before the attacks of Tatars. The villages
Giulistan, Armavir, Karachinar, Suluch, Manashid were razed to the ground. The inhabitants of the Talish village retreated to
the forest after resisting for some days. Once again on April 11 the Azerbaijani forces were humiliated by defeat near the
village Getashen. Gandzak was ringed and kept under siege.65 Thirty nine villages of Shaki (Nukhi) and Aresh were
completely destroyed. The population of the villages Nidzi, Vardashen and Jalut was physically eliminated.66 After
massacring the population of Nukhi on the night of March 26, a special state commission arrived to confiscate the Armenian
property.67
On April 14 the Turkish army underwent a sudden dissolution. Thus in March and April months of 1920 a real
genocide was taking place on the Azerbaijani administrative territory. The policy of Turkicization of Karabagh was the epitaph
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of the Musavat government of Baku. Profiting from the radical international changes and from the fact that the bulk of the
Azeri army was operational in Karabagh, the 11th Red Army marched into Baku on 28 April. Meanwhile the military forces of
Armenian Republic were engaged in fighting for Nakhichevan. Iran remainded neutral.68
The Transcaucasian congress held in Tiflis, decided to put an end to the Karabagh fightings. Soon Dro's and
Ndzdeh's troops entered Karabagh. The Armenian control was established in Karabagh
After entering Baku on April 28, a Red Army division advanced to Nakhichevan and demanded Armenia to leave
Nakhichevan declaring it an integral part of Azerbaijan. On May 19 the representatives of the 11th Red Army arrived at the
Gharabulagh village of Varanda to inform the commander of the Karabagh forces Dro about Orjonikidze's intention to send a
Red Army division to Mountainous Karabagh, as it was decided that the Karabagh territory up to the river Haagar belonged to
Azerbaijan, ignoring the right of Karabagh's self-determination. Dro proposed applying to the Armenian government.
In late 1917 the Bolsheviks had already published several false declarations and appeals about the selfdetermination of the nations. On December 29 the Council of Commissars published a decree about "Turkish Armenia" where
"the government of Russian workers and peasants supported the right of self-determination of the Turkish Armenians
inhabiting the territories occupied by Russia to the point of independence." The document was signed by Lenin and Stalin.
Another such a declaration was sent to the eastern Muslims, which made the Musavatists believe that they could pursue
their previous policy basing their claims on the false affirmation that the disputed regions had been under the authority of the
Musavat and realize their aims of forming a Turko-Tatar state in eastern Transcaucasia. The appeals of Bolsheviks for social
revolution, land to peasants, self-determination to nations and even a kind of greater all-Russian nationalism found
supporters. Lenin's estimation that national separatism would be reduced by central Russian tolerance and willingness to
allow national self-determination to the point of independence appeared to be a political dissimulation, and soon the
Bolsheviks began to fight against that principle both in Russia and Caucasia.70 One of its first expressions was the Brest
Peace Treaty between Russia and Germany and its allies. Russia handed the Armenian Kars, Ardahan and the Batum district
over to the defeated Turkey,71 and were soon to hand over Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan, realizing the eastern
projects of Turkey.
On April 29, 1920 in Martakert the Ninth Congress of Karabagh Armenians opened. Sixty-two delegates from seventy
villages took part in it. The Congress decided, emphasizing the Turko-Tatar massacres of Karabagh, to unite with Armenia,
refusing to obey to the Shushi Revolutionary Committee, with its chairman former Musavatist and Pan-Turkist Khosrov BekSultanov. Karabagh was declared as an integral part of Armenia.72 The same resolution had been accepted by the
representatives of Dizak and Varanda in the village Taghavard on April 25. The Ninth Congress annuled the "provisional
agreement" with Azerbaijan accepted by the Seventh Congress of Karabagh Armenians, on the grounds that it was violated
by Azerbaijan, attacking Shushi and the Armenian inhabited areas of the region. The second article declared Mountainous
Karabagh an integral part of Armenia. Article 3 of the resolution applied to the Armenian delegation in Moscow; the Levon
Shant Mission to inform the Russian government about the decision of the Karabagh Congress.73
On April 29 the executioner of Armenians, Khosrov Bek Sultanov published his declaration;
"The revolutionary Karabagh, always supporting the recognition of the Soviet Azerbaijan, liberating of its proletariat from the
violences of capital, has looked forward to the arrival of Soviet Russia. Now the Karabagh democratic forces are happy facing
the realization of their dreams and are sure in their success, due to the unity with Soviet Russia. The Karabagh democracy is
sure that the working class should be free and independent of Britain and all the other western imperialist states, based on
the common efforts of Soviet Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. Long live Soviet Azerbaijan, Turkey, the Red Army and their
proletarian leaders!"
Chairman of Karabagh Revolutionary Committee Sultanov
April 29, 1920, Shushi74
Probably Sultanov hoped to reinforce the conquest of Karabagh this way. On 12 May 1920 the 181 brigade of 32nd division
of the 11th Red Army marched into Shushi, under Commander-in-Chief Abazarov and military commander Gaidelov. On
May 18 the President of the Military Council of Caucasian front S. Orjonikidze arrived in Shushi. The atmosphere of the
region was absorbed with the Bolshevik propaganda. The Commander of Armenian forces Dro, convinced of being unable to
fight against Bolshevism, evacuated Karabagh after the acceptance of Sovietization of Karabagh. He left for Zangezur, which
was defeated by General Nzhdeh, and who too was in favour of leaving Karabagh to the Bolsheviks. This was the big
mistake of the Dashnak party, as it was followed by the enterance of the Red Army to Armenia soon.75 However, they had no
way out, as before the Sovietization of Karabagh Dro had tried to mobilize the population to fight against the Bolshevik power,
but in contrast to him the population chose to side with the new power. Thus the principle threats of the Armenian ethnic
enemies, Ottoman Turks and the Azerbaijanis, completed what two decades of revolutionary propaganda had been working
to accomplish; the effective mobilization of the Armenian population to vote and fight for the national future as defined by the
Dashnak party. The Dashnaks should have paid much attention to Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan than to the western
Armenian areas, where the population was eliminated and as such couldn't provide a base for the Dashnak activity, whether
in the above menthioned 3 areas, they could have achieved fruitful results. Their strategic mistakes testify the absence of
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mass media and political analitical units in Armenia, without which the state looks like a blind man.
Dro's telegram of 21 May 1920 to Armenia read; "Soviet Power is established in Jivanshir"76 In May a revolt against
the Bolsheviks was organized by Nuri Pasha. The rebells abolished the Soviet power in Gandzak and Shushi and prepared to
attack the 11th Red Army units. But the armed forces of the Gandzak highlanders and Giulistan peasantry came to the
Bolsheviks' help. Yegor Ter-Avetikian's (from the Banants village) and Mnatsakan Hovhannisian's (from the Buzlukh village)
brigades in three days vigorous fighting abolished the threat to the Soviet power, which they believed would bring them "a
safe and peaceful life" and support them in their cause.
On 26 May 1920 the Tenth Congress of Karabagh Armenians met in the Taghavard village of Varanda. All the
delegates were Bolsheviks. The Congress welcomed the entry of the 11th Army to Karabagh, declared it as Soviet and
established a Revolutionary Committee under Sako Hambartsumian.
1. Museum of Literatureof Arts of R.A. Tigran Nazarian's archive...
2. Marrier G., "Guide Caucase", Paris 1894, p.175
Bedaker B., "La Russie", Leuprig, 1902, p.410
3. B.S.E. v.29, M.278
4. "Armenia and Karabagh. The struggle for Unity"ed by Christopher J. Walker,
London 1991 p.21. (further "Armenia and Karabagh")
5. Ibid..., p.26
6. "Ararat" Beirut 1914, p.637
7. "Armenia and Karabagh"
8. Harutiun Tumian "The events of Karabagh in 1917-1920. Repository of
Ancient Manuscripts
man.n.58, p.16 (Further H. Tumian)
9. Ennaitollah Reza "Arran and Azarbaijan", Yer.1994, p.151
10.B. Ulubabian "The Artsakh Struggle for Existence". Yer., 1994, p.20(further
B. Ulubabian)
11. A. Khatissian "The origin and Development of the Republic of Armenia",
Beirut, 1968, p.77
12.Yeghishe Geghamiants "The Turks in Caucasia and the Fall of Baku". Baku,
1919, p.42
13. A. Khatissian, p.77
14. H. Tumian, part 1, p.70
15. "Karabagh Messenger", weekly, Shushi, 1918, August 1, also H. Tumian,
pp.74-76
16. H. Tumian , p.84
17. Ibid..., p.86
18. H.P.P.K.A.F. 200.b.70.
19. H.P.P.K.A.F. 200.b.612, p.68
20. H. Tumian, p.113
21. Ibid..., p.126
22. Ibid..., p.130
23. Ibid..., p.137
24. Ibid..., p.7-8
25. Leo "The Ideology of the Turkish Armenian Revolution", Paris 1934, p.58
26. Armenia and Karabagh p.22
27. Kirs Sarrot "Karabagh's Attachment to Azerbaijan" Hairenic, 1929, pp.188
199
28. B. Ulubabian p.94
29. Simon Vratsian "Republic of Armenia", Beirut, 1958, p.232
30. Armenia and Karabagh, p.93
32. H.P.P.K.A.F. 223, 72, p.27, also H. Tumian, p.2, p.1
33. H.P.P.K.A.F. 223, b.86, p.36
34. H.P.P.K.A.F. 199, b.86, p.5-6
35. "Arev" daily, Baku, 1919, n.17
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122
36. H.P.P.K.A.F. 252, b.1. p.4-5.
38. Ibid..., p.33
39. H.P.P.K.A.F. 252, b.1, p.4-5
40. H.P.P.K.A.F. b.1, p.6-7, also Tumian, p.28
41. Libaridian G. "The Karabagh File", Cambridge, Mass. 1988, p.156
42. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.691, p.1-2
43. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.17, p.691
44. H. Tumian, p.2, p.40
45. Aramais (Missak Ter-Danielian). The Karabagh Alarm. (April 26 - July 26,
1919) Yerevan 1993, p.18
46. Ibid..., p.20
47. Ibid..., p.21
48. H. Tumian, p.2, p.53
49. H.P.P.K.A.F., 276, 6, 42, p.81
50. Aramais, p.76
51. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.615, p.219
52. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, p.219
53. Aramais, p.96, Tumian, part 2, p.69
54. "Harraj", daily, Sevian, Beirut, 1988, March 19
55. H. Tumian, p.90
56. Ibid..., p.97
57. "Iskra" daily, n.63, 1920, March 24 "The Revolution of the Congress of
Karabagh Armenians, held in Shushi, on February 28, 1920".
58. Ibid...
59. Leo, p.438
60. H.P.P.K.A.F.,200, pp.135-141
61. Marietta Shahinian "Mountainous Karabagh" m.1930, pp.41,42
62. H.Tumian, p.3, p.12
63. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200 p.563, p.12
64. H.P.P.K.A.F.,200, b.563, p.71
65. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.563, p.74
66. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.563, p.69
67. H.P.P.K.A.F., 223, b.72, p.30
68. "Zartonk", "The Moscow Turko-Soviet Negotiations", Beirut, 1965, December
28
69.Y.Yeganiants, p.40-41
70. Arm. Encyclopedia, Yer. 1976, p.561
71. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.581, p.98
72. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b.581, p.98
73. "Hairenic", 1923, n.12, p.125
74. Hovh. Kajaznuni "Armenian Revolutionary Dashnaks Ended Their Mission"
Yerevan, 1994, p.52
75. H.P.P.K.A.F., 200, b. 563, p.199
CHAPTER 14
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SOVIET POWER IN TRANSCAUCASIA. THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE KARABAGH AND
NAKHICHEVAN ANNEXATION TO AZERBAIJAN (1920-1923)
Never fully secure in Baku, where Bolshevism had deep roots, the nationalists relied on foreigners, especially the
Turks, to back them against the Reds. When the Red army marched into Baku in April 1920, there was little resistence.
Tadeusz Swietochowski writes in a recent study of Azerbaijani national identity;
"While the intelligentsia experienced an evolution that took it in quick succession from pan-Islamism to Turkism to
Azerbaijanism, the masses remained on the level of umma (an ancient Shumerian city state, III millenium BC, the Muslims of
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Transcaucasia saw themselves as part of the larger Muslim world, the umma), consciousness with its typical indifference to
secular power, foreign or native. The idea of an Azerbaijani nation-state did not take root among the majority of the
population; the very term nationalism was either not understood by them, or worse, it rang with the sound of a term of abuse,
a fact the Communists exploited in their propoganda against the Azerbaijani Republic. This might help explain why the
overthrow of the republic was amazingly easy. Even those who subsequently rebelled against Soviet rule did not fight for the
restoration of the fallen regime."1
Although Armenia and Georgia were still independent, but on the whole the power of the Transcaucasian region was in the
hands of the Bolshevik Soviets, which quickly reached an understanding with the Anatolian Kemalists, who under Mustafa
Kemal, known to the world as Ataturk, staged national recovery. On April 26 Kemal sent an official delegation to Moscow, to
declare that Mustafa Kemal appreciated highly the role of Moscow in the struggle against imperialism, and that he was
ready "to set up military campaign against the imperialist government of Armenia" at the same time "calling on Azerbaijan to
"enter the Bolshevik state union."2
The Turkish diplomats were shrewd enough to understand that their Russian orientation could help them to achieve
their aims. The reinforcement of Kemalo-Bolshevik links was full of future promise. In May, the Soviet army, allied to the
Persian revolutionary Kuchuk Khan, established the Gilan Soviet Republic on the southern Caspian coast. Though the
political situation remained fluid and unstable in Iran, the Tehran government appeared prepared to distance itself from the
British and influence and initiate direct negotiations with Russia.
Again the question of the three disputed territories became the burning problem of the time. The Bolsheviks
preserved the name "Azerbaijan", adopting the pan-Turkic and Musavat policy of uniting "the northern and southern
Azarbaijans". They hoped to give an impetus to the spreading of Bolshevism to Iran in this way. The Soviet outstanding
scientist, academician Bartold, explaining the origin of the name "Azerbaijan", writes; "The name Azerbaijan was chosen for
the Republic with the further prospect of integration of Iranian Azarbaijan into the Republic of Azerbaijan."3 The Iranian
scholar Ennaitolah Reza notes; "The population of Azarbaijan, men, women or children of the territories from Tabriz to faraway villages or towns, who rose against the foreign conquerers and fought against the Ottoman armies, opposed to the idea
of establishment of another state by the name of their country."4 Another prominent Iranian researcher Ahmade Kiasravi,
who belonged to the Azarbaijan land in his work "The history of Azarbaijan's Eighteen Years", writes about the renaming;
"From the first days of the rising, Haji Ismail Agha Amirkhizi, who was one of the freedom-loving persons of the past and one
of the Khiabani's supporters suggested, considering the fact that Azarbaijan had strived for the Iranian Constitutional order
and Freedom, naming it "Freedomland".... In the books that country (the Azerbaijan Republic) is mentioned as "Arran", but
now it is not used and on the other hand the founders of that state were hopeful and expectant to unite with Azarbaijan..."5.
It was evident that despite political shifts and theories, Russia always remained the inheritor of Peter the Great's
policy of extending to the Indian Ocean and to Tsargrad (Constantinople). Everything depended upon the shrewdness of the
parties to do all in its power to guess the Bolshevik intentions, win their favour and make use of them. The president of the
Azerbaijani Revolutionary Committee Nariman Narimanov didn't even try to hide his policy towards the disputable territories,
as reported by the Armenian ambassador in Baku.6 Once again the Armenian diplomacy faltered, whilst the Tatars were
actively trying to maintain close relations with Bolsheviks. Narimanov changed his tactics and methods from time to time. The
Russian press was full of anti-Armenian articles, which criticized the "imperialist nature" of the country, which "exploited and
persecuted Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan." Narimanov tried, with the help of Russia, to subdue the Karabagh
Armenians, who meanwhile were supported by the national Dashnak Party from Armenia, and this fact wasn't favoured by the
Bolshevik leaders. "To weaken the Dashnak Armenia" Narimanov demanded the attachment of Zangezur and Mountainous
Karabagh to Azerbaijan, adding that the going of the two territories to Armenia would "disgrace the Soviet power in the eyes
of Iran and Turkey".7 At the end of June there was a proposal that Nakhichevan should go to Armenia, Karabagh to
Azerbaijan and the status of Zangezur to be decided by the special Russian envoy Legrand. Armenia belonged its reply, still
trusting in the Paris Peace Conference. The Armenian delegation in Moscow, the "Levon Shant Mission" tried to normalize
relations with Moscow, but it turned out to be late, as the Kemalists had already reinforced the Kemalo-Bolshevik links. But
not all the Bolshevik leaders were convinced in the arguments of the Azerbaijani government and Turkey. The Russian
Peoples' Commissar for External Affairs Georgi Chicherin wrote Lenin on June 29;
"As to the Turks, the situation is very complicated. We still don't know what is the hidden meaning of the displacement of their
troops, about which Mdivani informed us."8
Before that, on June 22, considering Narimanov's demand to annex the three disputed regions, Lenin asked Chicherin
"whether it was not possible to reach agreement with Narimanov", to which Chicherin replied;
"...The last phase of that confrontation is Azerbaijan's claims to that vast region, which belongs to Armenia and are in the
hands of the Armenian government.... The Baku Soviet government's internal policy had caused clashes with the Muslim
masses (the Gandzak revolt - B), and as a compensation he is trying to maintain the above mentioned territories called
"disputable" by him to bribe the nationalistic elements of Azerbaijan. To realize this combination through the Russian divisions
is unpermittable.... Seizing these parts from Armenia and handing them over to Azerbaijan would give our eastern policy false
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colouring.... The territories should not be attached either to Armenia or to Azerbaijan, but should be placed under the
authority of the Russian occupation forces and should set up local Soviets, till the day, when the political situation will be
favourable for reaching a successful and peacefull settlement of the problem, satisfactory for all sides."
Diplomatic aspirations are connected with fluid and unstable political situations, or maybe Chicherin wasn't sure that he could
"save Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan", however staging his diplomatic abilities in a letter addressed to the Dashnak
government of Armenia, he wrote;
"The friendly relations, which the Soviet government is trying to establish with the Turkish national government in Asia Minor,
by the way is aiming at enabling the Armenian nation to obtain new territories in the Asian region and to free themselves of
the eternal and fateful hostilities with the Muslims."9
Soon the Armenians understood the meaning of the "friendly links" between Russia and Turkey.
Narimanov didn't give up his policy of seizing the disputable areas. His note to a collegue in Tiflis read;
"There is no power in the world to force us to give up our policy of inciting the population of the regions in question to
pronounce in favour of union with Azerbaijan."10
The meaning of the words "to incite the populations" was explained in his secret correspondence with the president of the
Revolutionary Committee of Karabagh, Asad Karaev, who in his turn proposed methods in his letter addressed to the Muslim
Regional Revolutionary Committee at Zangezur;
"Your previous policy is erroneous, that is the conquest of Zangezur and Karabagh, through armed forces. We know that our
troops were defeated and had to retreat, but now instead of force our money is accomplishing miracles.... The government
has decided to assign 200 million roubles for the purpose of attaching Zangezur and Karabagh to Azerbaijan. No time must
be lost...."
Meanwhile famine and epidemics reigned in Karabagh. Nothing besides the tumid speeches about the friendship and
brotherhood between the two nations and internationalism was done to save the nation from the disasters. "meanwhile the
infuriated spirit of military communism was wandering in the streets, destroying relatively safe households and families",
wrote B. Ulubabian.11 The Armenian villages were disposed by the Muslim "revolutionaries", who pillaging and discriminating
the peasants still further, made their lives unbearable. Protesters were arrested or killed. The national fury gave birth to an
armed rising. The rising was well-organized in Dizak under Tevan Stepanian, who had been an officer in the Tsar's army. He
abolished the Soviet power in Dizak. But soon he faced the resistence of Jebrail, Varanda and Dizak Bolshevik forces.
Tevan held on for six months, after which, unable to fight three divisions of the 11th Red Army, passed to Zangezur joinded
Nzhdeh's army.
Narimanov practised all kinds of methods to achieve his aims. The public opinion was forced to accept Karabagh as
an old Azerbaijanian territory. The Baku historian D. Guliev provided this theory with a base, stressing the economical links
between Karabagh and Baku. He persisted that Armenia was economically weak and undeveloped, while the Baku oil could
make Karabagh a flourishing region. Narimanov's claims were supported by the People's Commissar of Nationalities I. Stalin.
His position was defined in a letter to Orjonikidze;
"It is essential to take sides firmly with one of the two parties, in the present case, of course, with Azerbaijan and also
Turkey."12
Armenia was unable to resist the Red Army in the disputable regions, so had to agree to the Bolshevik occupation of the
three regions. On 10 August 1920 an agreement was signed in Tiflis between the Armenian representatives and the Russian
envoy Legrand. (It was the day that saw the signature of the Treaty of Sevres). With the treaty of Tiflis Russia occupied
Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan, in order to maintain law and order there till the "creation of favourable and peaceful
conditions for an equitable solution of the territorial disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The "favourable conditions"
probably meant the Sovietization of Armenia, which would give in to Bolshevism preferring to preserve its territorial integrity.
Despite the stated goals of the Bolshevik party, and the establishment of the Russian Republic "on the basis of a free union
of free nations", and placing the national principle at the base of its federal structure, later these principles were opposed,
fearing the dissolution of a unitary state. The Tiflis treaty was the first phase of the project of secedeing Karabagh,
Nakhichevan and Zangezur from Armenia. Soon the provisional occupation of the disputed regions was followed by an attack
of Turkish "red" troops under Kiazim Karabekir Pasha on Armenia. This was one of the measures of "bolshevization" from
which both Turkish and Russian sides gained. New massacres of Armenians took place in Kars, Ardahan and Kazvin. The
Armenians were killed with guns that Russia had sent to their "red" brothers. For several months had the Turks been waiting
for such favourable opportunities, and now, with the help of Russia and Narimanov they fulfilled their aims. It was still in June
1920 when Mustafa Kemal asked Lenin to provide him with gold and arms as if to fight against Entente in the western front.
The answer was positive, though Chicherin in a letter to Lenin sounded doubtful about the use of the arms, fearing that they
should be used against Russia one day.
As Tatar one of the Dashnak leaders; Hovhannes Kajaznuni mentioned, Armenian Dashnaks failed to understand
analyze the political situation of the period neither in the region nor internationally. Of course it was absurd to demand an
Armenia stretching from the Black Sea to Mediterranean the Paris Peace Conference, and it would be right to come to an
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agreement with the Turks, conducting negotiations in Sevres in September 1920. Turkey suggested an Armenia of 54
thousand square kilometres. Giving up some of the rights confirmed by the Sevres Treaty they could at least preserve the
territories that they had, and not lose later.
Some scholars suggest that the attack on "imperialist" Armenia from both Russian and Turkish sides was planned
beforehand. During the Turkish attack, the Russian propoganda had already undermined the Armenian army internally. The
Bolshevik preachers convinced the Armenian soldiers, that the Turks were their "liberators", arriving to free them from the
chairs of imperialism. As a result of propaganda the Armenian soldiers, without sign of resistence handed Kars and other
settlements over to the Turks. The Russian diplomacy even refused to act as a peaceful mediator between Turkey and
Armenia later, in September. While in his letter to the People's Commissar of Trade L. Krasin Chicherin wrote that "Soviet
Russia had offered its intermediary to Armenia and Turkey. After the latest successes of the Turkish nationalists (the
occupation of the whole of western Armenia) the situation of Armenia is disasterous and Russian help would be just in
time...13
Remains only to conclude that the actions of both sides were previously secretly and thoroughly worked out. The
Turks overran the Kars districts, then took Alexandropol (Giumri). Meanwhile the Red Army led by the Armenian Bolsheviks,
marched into Ijevan and Dilijan. The Dashnak government decided to hand over peacefully to the Bolsheviks, as there was
nothing else to do in the catastrophic situation, and Soviet power appeared to offer physical safety and more hopes to
Armenian aspirations. On November 30, in Alexandropol the Dashnak government, through the Russian intermediary, signed
an agreement with the Turks. This Treaty of Alexandropol confined Armenia within the frontiers fixed by the Treaty of Batum.
Armenia lost Kars, Nakhichevan and Zangezur. Paradoxically the treaty was signed by a superseded government, as the
government of Vratsian was to resign the next day, handing the power over the Soviets.
The Bolshevik victory in Armenia on 29 November 1920 seemed for a short time to be on the verge of realizing the
formation of a Soviet Republic of Armenia on the territorial basis of Yerevan, Nakhichevan and Nagorni Karabagh. Under the
influence of these developments, the President of the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan Nariman Narimanov and the
Peoples' Commissar of external Affairs Husseinov, stated publicly on November 30, 1920 in a telegram sent to Narimanov's
Armenian counterpart;
"The worker-peasant government of Azerbaijan, receiving the good message of establishment of Soviet Power in Armenia,
welcomes the achievement of the fraternal Armenian nation. As of today the old frontiers between Armenia and Azerbaijan
are annuled. Nagorny Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan are recognized as integral parts of the Socialist Republic of
Armenia. Long live the brotherhood and unity of the Azerbaijani and Armenian workers and peasants.
President of the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan Narimanov
Peoples' Commissar for External Affairs Husseinov
November 30, 1920
On December 2. 1920 Orjonokidze informed Lenin and Stalin;
"Azerbaijan had proclaimed already yesterday the attachment of Nakhichevan, Zangezur and Karabagh to Soviet
Armenia."15
Staling himself officially confirmed this step, taken by Narimanov and declared that the age-old conflict between the
neighbours had been settled. But the situation was far more complicated. The discrepancy remained unresolved. It was seen
from the course of the further events that Azerbaijan had given up neither Karabagh, nor Nakhichevan. The apparent about
face on the part of Narimanov, later proved to be a tactical device. Soviet Armenia didn't hurry to enter Karabagh and
Nakhichevan and the delay turned to be fateful. Narimanov's declaration gave rise to a wave of protest in Baku. The
musavatist B. Shahtakhtinski regarded it as treachery and called on the Muslims of Nakhichevan to turn to Ankara.16
Russia's special envoy B. Legrand informed G. Chicherin that Turk Veissal Bek had declared himself as the Provisional
Special Commissar of Turkey in Nakhichevan, awaiting the real masters of the region to arrive from Turkey.17
The historians of Baku school have mentioned for several times and are trying to prove that the appearance of the
name "Karabagh" in the declaration was a mistake, a misprint, ignoring Orjonikidze's and Stalin's telegrammes. But in fact
Narimanov was just trying to mislead the Armenian Bolsheviks for a short time to prepare new tactical methods.
It was planned to hold a Russo-Turkish conference in Moscow in early 1921, to sign an agreement between the two
countries. February 9 telegram of Orjonikidze from Baku informed Lenin that after staying in Baku for several days, the
Turkish delegation had left for Moscow on February 6. Orjonikidze on his part advised Lenin to treat them with great respect
and "hurry with the agreement as Chicherins claims to Mush, Van and Bitlis to be attached to Armenia - may result in Mustafa
Kemal's agreement with the Entente." Orjonikidze considered that the settlement of the Armenian question was the regard of
Anatolia, a fact very important for the Soviets, as in case of "Ankara inclination towards Entente, eastern Anatolia will remain
with us."19 On the copy of Orjonikidze's telegram Stalin wrote his own explaination; "Comrade Lenin, only yesterday I was
informed that Chicherin has made a stupid demand to the Turks, about Van, Mush and Bitlis (Turkish provinces, with a
majority of Turkish population) to be attached to Armenia. That Armenian - imperialist demand can't be supported by us. It is
necessary to forbid such claims, dictated by the Armenian nationalists." Soon an article was published in the newspaper of
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People's Commissariat of Nationalities under Stalin "Nationalities life", written by the correspondent of the newspaper A.
Stachko, which explained Russia's leadership's attitude to the Armenian question. "The forthcoming conference of Soviet
Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey, the active fighter against imperialism, is of exceptional importance, in the history of
internatioanl revolution. The author explained that as Turkey had chosen the path of the revolution, being followed by the
whole of the East, then they are obliged support and encourage him, or else it would give up revolutionary activity and join
the Entente, which would be a serious blow to the development of the eastern revolution, which in its turn will result in the
eternal prolongation of the western revolutionary process." The writer of the article (Scachko or Stalin?) concluded that
"Armenia has nothing else to do but sacrifize its territories and its population of Turkish Armenia on the alter of international
revolution. Armenia is obliged to give up not only its territories of Turkish Armenia, but also those of consisting the Soviet
Armenia for that great cause." This was the Lenin - Stalin nationality policy, which was adopted by the Soviet government and
who acted as the carrier of the nations' will for seventy years. Narimanov who had had preliminary talks with the Turkish
delegation, in a letter to Lenin wrote that he never suspected that the Kemalists earnestly wanted to tie their future with them,
opposing England and that in his opinion the Armenian question was complicating the situation as the Kemalists had tried
hard to make the better use of it and to gain from its settlement. He added; "In the talks about Batum and Akhaltskala they let
me know that the Armenian issue is a matter of "to be or not to be" for them, they won't make concessions to anybody as the
masses won't follow them..."
Narimanov advised Lenin make concessions themselves, otherwise the Turks would embrace the opportunity of joining
England.21
February 21 a new letter was sent to Lenin by Narimanov, where he hurried to inform him that the Dashnaks had
seized power in Yerevan, the Soviet Power was overthrown. And again cautiously advised Lenin to ignore the Armenian
issue while negotiating with the Turks.22
The negotiations between Turkey and the RSFSR took place in February, March 1921, at the time when the antiBolshevik Dashnaks had regained power in parts of Armenia. Under pressure the RSFSR declared in a treaty that was
initiated in Moscow on March 16;
"The first article of the Treaty confirms the formation of the Nakhichevan as an autonomous territory under the protectorate of
Azerbaijan, on condition, that Azerbaijan is not allowed to surrender its protectorate to a third state."23
The third state was Armenia. Thus under Narimanov's influence the Moscow government took the side of Azerbaijan. The
treaty that was finally ratified on October 13, 1929 in Kars, by the three Transcaucasian Republics, confirmed the provision on
Nakhichevan. Later in 1932 Turkey transferred a 50 kilometres long territory to Iran (unaware of Turke's political intrigues at
that time) in return for a 17 kilometre corridor along the Arax river to obtain common border with Azerbaijan.
Article 15 of the Russo-Turkish Treaty was an expression of the Bolshevik Nationality Policy. It read; "Russia is
obliged to undertake measures against the Transcaucasian Republics, in case they fail to fulfil the provisions of future
agreements with the Turkey, reflecting this one." If such a pressure was desirable to Azerbaijan, for Armenia it meant new
loss of rights and benefits.
Bolshevism continued to devide and redivide Armenia. Armenia was carved up. New territories including the historical
Goghtn, Yernjak Sharur-Ararat, Jauk, Kovsakan provinces were presented to Azerbaijan. It was curious that the Nakhichevan
district, an integral part of ancient and medieval Armenia, from where the Apostoles Thaddeus and Bartholomew propagated
the new faith, where Mesrop Mashtots founded the first Armenian schools, should be attached to Azerbaijan, based on Baku.
Formerly extensively peopled by Armenians, it gradually became Tatar. In 1916 the Armenians formed 4040 of the
population, i.e. 50 thousand men.
The anti-Bolshevik rizing of Zangezur, led by Nzhdeh was crushed in July. But Nzhdeh, following the footsteps of
Andranik, had already succeeded in re-armenizing the region. Zangezur is sure to become an integral part of Armenia due to
the activity of Nzhdeh.
Soon the time came for Baku to tackle the next piece - Karabagh. The Caucasian Bureau of the Communist Party on
3 June 1921 decreed in the presence of N. Narimanov, Al. Miasnikian, S. Orjonikidze, F. Makharadze that "Mountainous
Karabagh belonged to Armenia." On June 12 the Peoples' Commissariat of Armenia published the following decree;
"On the basis of the Declaration of the Revolutionary Committee of Baku and the Consensus Between the Socialist Soviet
Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, henceforth Mountainous Karabagh constitutes an integral part of the Soviet Socialist
Republic of Armenia."24
This declaration made a great impression on rebellious Zangezur. they too, hoped "to form an undivisible part of the
Motherland, based on their right of self-determination", and were persuaded to put down the arms.
Soon Narimanov gave up the Declaration of the Revolutionary Committee of Baku of December 1 about Karabagh
and Zangezur being recognized as integrated parts of Soviet Armenia. Subsequently the Caucasian Bureau of the
Communist Party of Russia, stressing the urgency of the situation assumed the role of an arbitrator. The Bureau decided to
meet in Tiflis on July 4, 1921 finally to settle the frontier problems of the two Soviet Republics. At the first meeting, in which
Stalin, Orjonikidze, Kirov, Figatner, Makharadze, Narimanov, the Comsomol secretary Breitmanov and members of Georgian
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Central Committee Tsiniuadze, Mdivani and Svinadze took part, was decided by a majority vote'
"... the Karabagh question. During the discussion of this item, two viepoints emerged and the following items were taken vote
on:
a) to leave Nagorny Karabagh inside the frontiers of Azerbaijan.
Voted for - Narimanov, Makharadze, Nazaretian.
Voted against - Orjonokidze, Kirov, Miasnikian, Figatner.
b) to organize a referendum, restricted to Karabagh, with the participation of the
Muslim and Armenian population.
Voted for - Narimanov, Makharadze
c) to annex the Highland Karabagh to Armenia
Voted for - Orjonikidze, Miasnikov, Figatner, Kirov, Nazaretian."
The final resolution was to annex Nagorny Karabagh to Armenia and to organize a referendum, restricted to
Karabagh. When as a result, Narimanov threatened to take a question before the Central Committee of the Russian
Communist Party, the Caucasian Bureau met again on July 5, 1921. In the presence of the Central Committee member
Stalin, the Party Bureau members Orjonikidze, Makharadze, Kirov, Nazaretian, Orkhelashvili, Figatner, Narimanov,
Miasnikov Commissar of External Affairs of Azerbaijan Husseinov; to reconsider the question and then what followed defied
logic. Without discussion the Bureau made a contradictory dicision;
"a) Regarding the necessity of national peace between the Muslims and
Armenians, and the economic links between Nagorny and Lower Karabagh, its
constant tie to Azerbaijan it is decided to leave Mountainous Karabagh inside
the frontiers of Azerbaijan, granting it extensive regional-territorial autonomy
and having as its centre Shushi, forming part of the autonomous region.
b) to charge the Central Committees of Armenian and Azerbaijani Communist
Parties with the task of finding an appropiate candidate to the post of Karabagh
Emergency Committee Commissar.
c) the borders of Mountainous Karabagh will be decided by the Azerbaijani
Central Committee and represented to the Party Central Bureau to be
confirmed."
Later, to justify the decision of 5 July 1921 the Moscow magazine "Novosti" published an official pamphlet, which read;
"Narimanov is one of the outstanding figures of Azerbaijan" and "Stalin's stand was internationalist, correct and therefore
socialist."26
The historian Hrant Abrahamian writes; "The July 5 decision made by the Caucasian Burean is completely unlawful
and illegitimate. The matter did not fall within its jurisdiction, as it isn't a legislative body. Without regarding the Armenian
nation and in the absence of Karabagh representatives such an unlawful decision was made..."27
Many other historians and legislative representatives of courts of justice all over the world have the same view on the
matter. But it was time of "unlawfullness" and all the laws adopted were "illegitimate", but the question is; was it possible to
correct the mistake after the victory of democracy?
Months later on January 1920 in the first Congress of the Armenian Communist Party Al. Miasnikov said about the
July 5 decision of the Caucasian Bureau; "A kind of nationalism appeared from the part of the Caucasian Soviet Republics.
Giving the characteristics of the last session we can say that it looked as if Aharonian, Topchibaev and Chkhenkeli were
present there. Azerbaijan was saying that if Armenia claimed Karabagh, they should not supply her with oil. We were sitting
there with the map in our hands. This is an exact example of former nationalism. I have worked in Western Russia where
discordance was great between the Polish and the Jews, but no much problems existed among the communists. but here the
Georgian communist hated the Armenian, the Tatar communist too. Those, who spoke about abolishing the borders, were
called colonizers."28
Of course the Armenian Bolsheviks "with their sense of internationalism" and out of hatred of Dashnaks did not do
their best to achieve a positive solution of the problem, but couldn't be expected much as everything was decided
beforehand, as demanding the problem to be submitted to the Central Committee, Narimanov already was sure to be backed
by Lenin, Stalin and others.... The fact is, that all the powers, dominating Transcaucasia, conducted the same policy; Turkey,
Britain, Russia, giving Baku preference over Armenia. Of course the main reason for such an attitude was the Baku oil. The
local Tatars, both Musavatists and Bolsheviks were inclined to pan-Turkism and aware of the benefits that could be provided
by the oil. As a main source of economic development Baku radiated its influence on state that came in touch with it. As to
Turkey, conscious of its retreat of "leaving" the Transcaucasian Tatar population within the Soviet structure, it never ceased
to follow the development of events in the region, always preserving its role of a patron. It was through Azerbaijan that Turkey
hoped to fulfil its pan-Turkic cause. The Turkish leaders realized at once that the Bolsheviks backed and continued their
policy concerning the Iranian Azarbaijan and the Soviet Azerbaijan. If the Russians never succeed in seizing the Iranian
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territory of attacking it to Soviet Azerbaijan, than Turkey has nothing also to do but wait for a favourable moment to occupy
both.
Though the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Armenia formally protested against the decision made by
the Caucasian Bureau on Karabagh, no results were achieved. It was to take a good three years to realize the decision
concerning the autonomous status of the region due to the fact that the leadership in Baku were not united in their plan for "a
large degree of autonomy" on the other hand, that solution was found to be unsatisfactory by Nagorny Karabagh. On 21
October 1920 the conference of Karabagh leaders decided that "it was inexpedient to separate Mountanous Karabagh as an
autonomous region."
The United Politbureau and the Organizational Bureau of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan formally requested the
Caucasian Bureau of the Communist Party to reconsider its declaration and to disregard territorial autonomy. At the
beginning of December 1922 the Committee of the Russian Communist Party for the Transcaucasian region (on March 12,
1922 the Transcaucasian Federation consisting of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia had been formed) set up a Central
Commisssion for the affairs of Nagorny Karabagh at the Council of the Peoples' Commissars in the Azerbaijan Soviet
Republic and another such a committee in Karabagh, which fulfilled government duties concerning particular issues in the
territory of Karabagh. The special commission led by A.G. Karaev was ordered to determine the new borders of the
autonomous Republic of Karabagh on June 27, 1923.30 On July 7, 1923 the Central Executive Committee of the Azerbaijan
Soviet Socialist Republic published the decree "On the formation of the Autonomous Region of Nagorny Karabagh" which
stated;
"The ellimination of national suppression and inequality in whatever form, the replacement of national enmity and national
hate with the international solidarity of the workers and the brotherly cooperation of the peoples in a uniform state union, is
one of the main tasks of the workers' and peasants' revolution of the Soviet Power. In fulfilling this task, the Azerbaijani
Central Executive Committee of the Soviets has decided;
1) to form an Autonomous Region out of the Armenian part of Karabagh, with
the administrative centre Khankent as an integral part of the Azerbaijani SSR.
2) The administrative organizations of the Autonomous Region are the regional
Executive Committee and the local Soviets."
It was followed by the formation of the "Kurdistan Region" (Red Kurdistan). This deliberate act excluded the "corridor" formed
by Lachin, Kelbajar and Kubatli, connecting Karabagh with Armenia. Mountainous Karabagh was cut off from Zangezur,
which together with Karabagh had formed the ancient Siunik province of Armenia. Both districts had the same culture, dialect
and developed under the same socio-economical influences. But soon the new political unit of Kurdistan, having fulfilled its
mission of seperating Karabagh from Armenia, dissolved, giving birth to three Azerbaijani districts of Kelbajar, Lachin, Kubarli
and Zangelan. On the north the districts of Shamkhor, Khanlar, Dashkasan and Shahumian (the former Giulistan) were
seized from karabagh. the population of these districts was predominently Armenian (90%).
Instead of Shushi, Khankendi (Vararaku till 1847) became the regional centre of Mountainous Karabagh and was
renamed Stepanakert (after Stepan Shahumian). This way the Baku leaders tried to abolish the Armenian spirit of Shushi,
preserving it as a Muslim towm in the heart of the region. The establishment of Shushi as a regional cente would mean
restoring the Armenian life in the destroyed city, which was against the Tatar plans, what followed the formation of Kurdistan
defied logic. Shushi was declared the capital of Kurdistan region 32 (the capital of one political unit on the territory of
another).
Thus the region designated as autonomous was only a part of previous Karabagh. The Bolshevik Armenak
Karageuzian was appointed President the Regional Committee, who enthusiastic in celebrating the Armenian defeat stated;
"The Armenian worker-peasant received his autonomy not from imperialism or their Dashnak or Musavat lackeys, but only
from the proletariat of Baku and the revolutionary peasantry of neighbouring Azerbaijan."33
Thus, thanks to its diplomacy Azerbaijan succeeded in seizing Karabagh and Nakhichevan from Armenia. With the
help of far-sighted Russian diplomats (Chicherin, Karakhan) and due to Nzhdeh's anti-Bolshevik revolt, Zangezur remained
an integral part of Armenia.
As to the Caucasian Bureau's decision on "organizing a referendum, restricted to Karabagh", the Baku government
successfuly ignored and soon forgot it. There was no doubt that the results of the referendum would confirm the Armenian
wish of uniting with the Motherland. The rights of the Armenian population of the historical Utik province (Gandzak highlands)
were ignored and forgotten too. Thus in summer of 1923 in the mountainous part of the historical Artsakh a new, mutiliated
administrative unit was established, called "The Autonomous Region of Mountainous Karabagh". On July 23, 1923, the
Presidium of the Central Committee of the Azerbaijan SSR substituted "the Revolutionary Committee of the Autonomy
Region" instead of the "Karabagh Committee." The work on the Organization Statute was continued in a special commission,
which probably acknowledging the interests of the Armenian population more strongly, was dissolved by the Presidium of the
Azerbaijan Communist Party, which was unsatisfied with its work and a new one was constituted without any Armenian
members. The result was the Organization Statute of Nagorny Karabagh, which was published on April 26, 1924. Its second
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129
article stated;
"All the official acts, judicial proceedings and teaching in the Autonomous Region of Karabagh will be carried out on the
mother tongue of the region."
The responsible organizations of the Azerbaijan Republic had forgotten, and defined "the language of the region" at
no point. So, if Armenian was meant by this, but this was deliberately not mentioned, then it was the "Nagorny Karabaghian"
language, the existence of which so far is not observed. The Autonomous Region consisted of the following districts - Shushi
(122 settlements), Jivanshir (56 settlements), Kariagin (31 settlements) and Hubatli (a group of Berdadzor villages).34 As
was mentioned in the decree of 23 July 1923 of the Azerbaijani Soviet Central Executive Committee, the Autonomous
Region of Mountainous Karabagh was formed "from the Armenian part of the region"35, where the Armenians represented
94,4% of the population, that is 157,8 thousand, living on an area covering a territory of 4,4 thousand kilometres.36 In 1913
the population was 176 thousand.37
Innumerable migrations and massacres had resulted in the decrease of the population in the region.
1. Ronald Suny "The Revenge of the Past Nationalism, Revolution and the
Collapse of the Soviet Union," Stanford, p.42 (further R. Suny)
2. Richard G. Hovhannissian "Armenia and the Caucasus in the Genesis of the
Soviet-Turkish Entente". International Journal of Middle East Studies, p.47
R. Suny, p.91.
3. V. Bartold "Compositions", v.2, p.873
4. Ennaitollah Reza "Azarbaijan and Arran", 1994 Yerevan, p.153
5. Ahmade Kiasravi "Azarbaijan's History for 18 Years", v.2 Tehran 1978, p.873
6. H.H.P.P.K.A.F. 200,b.4, p.17
7. S.M. Kirov "Articles, Speeches, Documents", M.1930, p.144
8. M.L.I.K.K.A. F.64. I.1, b.5, p.19
9. See p.4
10.M.L.I.K.K.A. F.64,1.2, b.5, p.80
11. B. Ulubabian "The Artsakh Struggle for Existence", b.1. Yer. 1994. p.103
12. USSR H.H.P.P.K.A.F. 13, p.4, B.496, p.142
13. Messenger of Armenian Archives, 1967, N3, d.N11, p.76
14. "Communist", periodical, Yer., Dec.7, 1920
15. G.O. Orjonikidze "Articles and speeches", M., 1956, p.142, "Pravda" news.
Dec.4, 1920
16.H.H.P.P.K.A.F. 114, I.1, b.45, p.15
17.M.L.I.K.K.A. F.64, 1.2, b.11, p.281
18. T. Kocharly "The Essential Definition", Baku Worker.
D. Guliev "Serving Truth not Ambitions", Baku Worker, 1989, July 12
D. Guliev "The Attitude of Internationalism", Baku Worker, July 14, 1988
19. Hr. Simonian "During the Tragedy", Garun, mag. Yer; 1981, N4
M.L.I.K.K.A. F.558, I.1, b.5240, p.1
20. A. Scachko "Armenia and Turkey in the Forthcoming Conference",
Nationalities' life, per.,M., 1921, March 4
21. Ts.P.A.I.M.L., F2, b.1, I.24503
22. Ts.P.A.I.M.L., F2, b.1, I.24504
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130
23. Armenia in the Documents of International Diplomacy and Soviet Foreign
Policy (1828--1923) Yer.,1972, p.501, further Documents
24."Soviet Armenia", Yer, June 19, 1921
25. Ts.P.A.I.M.PL. of the KPSUS.C., F.64, 1, X, p.p.1, 116, 124
M.L.I.K.K.A. F.17, 13, b.384, pp.66,67
26."News", mag. 1988, pp.10,13
27. Hr. Abrahamian "The Artsakh Struggle for Existence", Yer.1991, p.57
28.M.L.I.K.K.A. F.1,2, b.1, p.23
29. Documents, p.100
30. Ibid..., p.129
31. Ibid..., pp.149, 151, 153
32. Documents, p.192
33. G. Mirjanian "Harraj". per. January 7, 1988
34. H.H.P.P.K.A.F. 21,I.1, b.17, pp.102-103
35. "N.K.A.R in Soviet Family for 50 Years (1923-1973), Stepanakert, 1973, p.4
36. Ibid., p.11
CHAPTER 15
THE NATIONALITY POLICY IN THE USSR
The analysis of the nationality policy of the Bolshevik leaders by the investigators of reconstruction era defined two
approaches of the solution of national question - Leninism and Stalinism. Considering the resolutions of the II Party Congress
of the Soviets and different declarations on the national problems of 1917, they concluded that the Soviet nationality policy
accepted the "Leninist principles" of national self-determination but practised the "Stalinist" theory of "autonomization", which
became one of the structural basis for the formation of the USSR. Stalin opposed Lenin's stand in favour of national selfdetermination, argueing that the freedom of self-determination should be given only to the labouring classes. He was against
referendums and nations' will to separation, subordinating the national interests to that of the proletarian. He refused to
accept the principle of federalism, suggesting his variant of autonomy. Both federalism and national territorial autonomy were
written in the first Soviet constitution and exercised in the USSR, though, as the historian L. Khurshutian writes, that the
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131
republics were independent only formally, in fact being only autonomous, and the autonomy in its turn was formal.2
The Bolshevik leaders were secure in their faith that "national differences and antagonism between peoples are
vanishing gradually from day to day" and that the "supremacy of proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster". The
Bolshevik theorists opposed to political solutions of promoting ethnic identity and to the principle of "extraterritorial national
and cultural autonomy" (each nationality represented in parliament no matter where its members lived). Leninists preferred
"regional autonomy" in which political units would not have ethnic designations. The proletarian solution to the nationality
question would preserve the unitary state, allowing local self-governing and guaranteeing complete cultural and linguistic
freedom within the unitary state. Lenin's self-determination meant that nationality could choose to become fully independent,
but according to his other formulations they wouldn't have the right to an autonomous political territory or to a federative
relationship to the centre. But the Bolshevik previous theories did not survive the revolution intact. The Soviet state was both
federative (though theoretically) and based on ethnic political structures. Inspite of "vanishing", the Soviet state gave birth to
new nations. As Ronald Suny noted, "Rather than a melting pot, the Soviet Union became the incubator of nations."
Accepting "the full right of seperation from Russia of all nations and nationalities, oppressed by tsarism, joined and
held by force within the borders of the state, i.e., annexed" (as it would cause the Tsarist Russia to collapse), he insisted that
the goal of proletarian party was the establishment of the largest possible state and the "approachment" and "gradual
merging" of nations, not through force but voluntarily. In his book "The Formation of the Soviet Union; Communism and
Nationalism, 1917-1923 the American researcher Richard Pipes noted, "Soviet Russia became the first modern state to place
the national principle at the base of its federal structure."4
Among the republics Stalin practised his "autonomization", including other territorial-autonomous structures of nations
and nationalities in a republic. This policy resulted in the formation of a "federation within federation". The nations appeared
under a double and triple subordination. For example the Mountainous Karabagh Autonomous Region besides direct
subordination to the Baku administrative and party structures, was also subordinate to the like structures of Moscow. While
Karabagh was being attached to Azerbaijan, the will of the population was not considered, a population which ethnically and
linguistically belong to the Indo-European family (the Tatars - to the Turkic family), are Christians (the Tatars belong to Shii
Muslim faith), if the Armenian mentality was formed on Christian moral, cultural, spiritual values, the Azerbaijani developed
under the influence of Islam and Oriental traditions. Establishing the structure with grades of authority from lowest to highest
(hierarchy), placing one nation under another's authority Lenin and Stalin disregarded the history and the social relations of
the nations. The "extraterritorial" theory of the "nations' father" Stalin was a destructive power, which originated not from his
personality but from the nationality policy of the new Bolshevik state, which ignored, violated not only the rights of the
repressed nations, but also those who had obtained political and ethnical hegemony over the others as one day they would
become a target of hatred and their country; an arena of civil wars.
The inhumane decisions of the Bolshevik leaders humiliated the Armenian, Tajik, Ukranian, Lezgi and other nations.
The passed laws and the taken measures violated not only the right of self-determination, but the elementary human rights
and were in contrast to democracy. The effort directed primarily against British imperialism brought Lenin into a series of
alliances with the murderers of Anatolia - the Kemalist Turks, thus encouraging them to massacre the Armenian population,
seize 4/5th of their national territory, including Kars, Surmalu, Ardahan, Kazvin, Olti provinces..., carve up Nakhichevan and
Mountainous Karabagh, as well as Javakhk, leaving the official Armenian state a population of 700 thousand people, while in
the neighbouring Azerbaijani and Georgian Armenian territories one and a half million Armenians inhabited. Armenia was
sacrified on the altar of Lenin's and Stalin's "international revolution",5 which had become their only master and ruler. The
Bolsheviks used all the means available to realize their dream of international revolution. The Persian government too,
appeared prepared to distance itself from the British imperialists and open negotiations with the "liberator" Soviets. As to the
Turks they understood very well that through the Soviet Russia and declaring themselves "the revolutionary nation of the
East" they could fulfil their goal, which as the Turkish general Khalil Pasha told the Armenian leaders explicitly in September
1918, was;
"We want to re-establish our links with our former territory, Turan, and for this purpose, we need a passage connecting our
two countries, unhampered by foreign jurisdiction."6
By "foreign jurisdiction" the Pasha meant the Armenian territory.
Some Turkish historians believe the proper name "Turan" to be connected with the Turks. This is a completely false
and invented theory. By "Great Turan" the Turks mean the Turkic world, stretching all the way from the Pacific Ocean to
Mediterreanian Sea and Scandinavia. The fact is that according to mythological and ecclesiastical sources, the founder of
the royal inheritance of Kian; King Freidun devided his domain among his three sons; Salm, Turi and Iraj. The tenth century
historian Tarabi represents the name of Salm as "Sarm". The three lands were named after their masters; Sarman, Turan and
Iran. The land of "Sarm" is menthioned as "Sairim" in Avesta. The inhabitants of that land were known as "Sarmats". The
Sarmats were a nation of Aryian origin and Aryan language and inhabited the close lying territories of the Danub river. It has
been proved by the scholars that all the geographical names and forenames of the Turan country are Aryian too. I.M.
Diakonov regards eastern Iran or the Asian country of Saks as Turan. The term "tur", deriving from Sanskrit, means "brave".
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132
It has the meaning of "mad", "wild" in some Kurdish dialects. The German researcher Markwartt considers the Turanians as a
nation of Iranian family. The river Amuctarya is mentioned to be flowing between the two lands of Iran and Turan. Thus
during the existence of the Turan country no Turkish nation or Turkish language existed.
Stalin's "autonomization" was an evil might, deciding the future of the nations. Anomalous enclaves of ethnic
minorities were set up in Mountainous Karabagh, an autonomous region in Azerbaijan, where over three quarters of the
population was Armenian, in Abkhazia, which from December 13, 1922 to 1931 (until Stalin's wish to grant it to Georgia)
formed a part of the Transcaucasional Federation. In the same way the southern part of Ossetia was given to Georgia and
the eastern - to Russian Federation. The Lezgi land was carved up too: one part to Daghestan Autonomous Republic,
entering the Russian Federation, and the other part - to Azerbaijan. The Avarians too had the same fate, the BelakanZakatala regions being attached to Azarbaijan, the northern regions - to Azerbaijan. The Asian republics too were established
on the basis of this principle. A vast territory with the ancient Bukhara centre was seized from Tajikistan and attached to
Uzbekistan. On October 23, 1924 the Kirgizian part of Turkestan was attached to the Kirgiz Autonomous Republic, forming a
part of Russian Federation. The Karakalpak Autonomous Region in its turn formed a part of Turkeministan Autonomous
Republic, which was attached to Kazakhstan SSR in 1925 and to Russian federation in 1930. Two years later the region was
turned into an Autonomous Republic. The Crimean region was taken from Russia and given to Ukraine. On November 17,
1964 the USSR the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council "regarding the requests of the population of some regions"
made a decision to hand a district of Smolensk Region over to Belorussia. The provision "d" of Article 14th of the USSR
Constitution provided this decision with a base.7 The Kirov and Pakhto-Aralian regions, a part of Chemkend region, a still
larger part of Kizil Ordinsk region were given to Uzbekistan. Belorussia gave Litva an area of 2 thousand square kilometres.
All these decisions were made in the ruling circles. The territorialization of ethnicity resulted in migrations and deportations.
The Chechens, Ingushes, Crimean Tatars, Armenians, the Transcaucasian Germans appeared in Siberia. Soviet authorities
promoted an idea fixed to territory, and mixing the nations they hoped to establish a unitary system, from which no one could
be released. Even if allowed to seperate, the nations couldn't do that leaving a part of the nation inside the unitary state.
The USSR Constitution excludes such an expression of free will. Its 70th article confirms the self-determination of
nations, while in opposition to it, the 78th Article states that "the frontier of a Union Republic can't be changed without the
consent of that Republic" and that "the frontier changes between two republics may take place only with the mutual consent
of the two republics." This means that the principle of the self-determination has only a formal nature and can never be
exercised.
With the coming of Soviet Power cosmopolitanism declined, nationalism and shovinism gradually took its place. Many
formerly multinational regions and cities became more ethnically homegeneous. The territorialization of ethnicity and the
increased power of titular, nationality created new problems of national minorities. The Soviet Empire had created territorial
nations, with their own state apparatuses and ruling elites. They all possessed the trappings of any sovereign state, from the
national opera house to a national flag and seal, but without any real sovereignity or the right to full political expression.
The professor of Harvard University Tom Nairn calls this the establishment of "reservation culture", i.e.,
ethnolinguistic culture without political nationalism was the only permissible healthy nationhood.8 Daghestan, which was a
country of thirty-three nations formed an Autonomous Region inside Russia. Many nationalities founded their national script
based on the Cirillic alphabet. If the Lezgiz of Russia could enjoy developing their national culture and literature than their
southern part was deprived of that opportunity inside Azerbaijan. The ancient Lezgi country was mercilessly devided into two
parts with the river Samas. In the "hierarchy of nations" the Lezgis were deprived of even the status of cultural autonomy.
Without considering the will of the Muslim nationalities of Azerbaijan SSR, they were all treated as one nation. The
nationality Bolshevik policy was making a new nation, "Azerbaijani" nation and the scholars of that "nation" were "moulding"
their history, based on historical falsification, ignoring the real past of that "nation". Either they connected their origin with
Caucasian Albania (Albania proper), claiming over the inheritance of the Albanians, or tried to "preserve" and "prove" their
ethnic ties with Iranian Azarbaijan, striving for the northern Iranian territories. There also existed a third "origin", i.e., their
being a part of the Turkish nation.
Before the revolution the population of the main Transcaucasia cities was mixed, with Armenians being the most
urbanized of the three peoples (Armenian, Georgian, Tatar) but in the Soviet period high rates of urbanization led to solid
majority of Azerbaijanis in Baku. Tbilisi too, a city that had been dominated by Armenians and Russians both
demographically and politically, achieved a Georgian majority in 1960. The foundamental contradiction between empire and
emerging nations grew like a cancer within the Soviet state.
As the tsarist empire, even more, the USSR became a "prison of nations", of those nations that had grown up within
itself and were the result of Stalin's "autonomization". The inherently inequitable relations between the centre and the
republics, and within the republics between the capital and the autonomies became intolerable as nationalities became
capable of self-development. As the professor of Michigan university Ronald G. Suny wrote, "By the post - Stalin period, both
titular nationalities in the union republics and minorities within republics expressed growing frusteration at restraints on
development imposed by bureaucratic centralism."
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133
1. The decree of the Soviet of peoples' Commissars about Turkish Armenia, 29
December 1917. The Karabagh Issue, Stepanakert 1991, p.37
2. L. Khurshudian "The Nationality Question Yesterday and Today", The Truth
about Nagorny Karabagh, Yer., 1989, p.83
3. Ronald G. Suny " The Revenge of the Past Nationalism, Revolution and the
Collapse of the Soviet Union", Stanford 1991, p.85
4. Richard Pipes "The Formation of the Soviet Union. Communism and
Nationalism, 1917-1923", Cambridge, 1954, p.11
5. Sachko "Armenia and Turkey in the Forthcoming Conference", news,
"Nationalities' Life", 1921, March 4
6. "Armenia and Karabagh. The Struggle for Unity"-ed. Christopher J. Walker,
1991, London, p.84
7. Register of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, N63, p.542
8. Tom Nairn "Beyond Big Brother", New Statesman and Society, June 15, 1990,
p.31
CHAPTER 16
THE KARABAGH PROBLEM AS A RESULT OF THE PAN-TURKIC POLICY OF THE BAKU AUTHORITIES
In 1922 the three Caucasian republics - Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan federated to form the Soviet Socialist
Federal Republic of Transcaucasia with the Tbilisi centre (this union was dissolved in 1936). As the historian B. Ulubabian
notes;
"The internal demands and the dissatisfaction of the nationalities entering this administrative unit were subdued, internationalism was
woven into a policy which demonstrated a false brotherhood".1
In contrast to the Azerbaijani Bolshevik political leaders, the Armenians literally absorbed all the nations of the
internationalist theory and became active propagandists of brotherhood between nations. The Azerbaijanis always made the
better use of that discourse and achieved national prosperity. The policy of the Azerbaijani Bolsheviks was adopted by all the
succeeding leaders and turned to be benefitial to their state and the nation.
Though Mountainous Karabagh was attached to Azerbaijan with "a large degree of regional autonomy", the Baku
authorities attemped to ignore that aspect, the effect of which would be to limit their sovereinty over the region. So unrest
continued in Karabagh. A report was presented to the Regional Committee of Transcaucasia, which examined the question in
its 12th congress in April 1923. During the discussions Karl Radek declared that there existed the possibility of the
Azerbaijanis of Karabagh being pressured by the Armenian minority and added that he had received such information from a
high Azerbaijan functionary.2 To this Joseph Stalin, who wasn't distinguished for his respect towards the Armenians,
answered;
"Radek now told that the Armenians are subdueing or can subdue to Azerbaijanis.... I must say that in general nothing of the kind had
occurred in the nature. Vice versa is widely known, when the Azerbaijanis of Azerbaijan as an ethnic majority subdue the Armenians and
slaughter them, as was the case in Nakhichevan, where nearly all Armenians were massacred".3
Meantime the Chairman of the Regional Party Committee Asad Karaev conducted a severe anti-Armenian policy in
Karabagh. The Armenian patriots and the intelligentsia were being persecuted, murdered, driven into exile by the chief of allunion Emergency Committee (V.Ch.K.) Mirjafat Baghirov and his agents, skillfully forged the new loyalties to the ideals of the
socialists. The representative of the Transcaucasian Federation in Karabagh Suren Shadunts constantly applied to
Orjonokidze and Kirov, trying to persuade them that it was impossible to leave the region within Azerbaijan. One of his letters
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134
read;
"...The mentioned facts give evidence that leaving this region within the borders of Azerbaijan, when it was and is treated like this, is not
permittable. This is the reason why I think that the autonomous region must be directly linked to the Committee of the Transcaucasian
Federation".4
The official attempts to seize Karabagh from Azerbaijan, made the Baku leaders to conduct a sobre policy. Their historians
were trying to supply the attachment of Karabagh to Azerbaijan with a firm ground. As to the telegraph message of the
Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan of November 30, 1920 to the leaders of Armenia stating publicly that Nagorny
Karabagh, Zangezur and Nakhichevan were recognized as integral parts of the Socialist Republic of Armenia, they say the
mentioning of Karabagh was a mistake or a misprint. In the same way they explain Orjonikidze's message to Lenin and Stalin
on the subject of Nagorny Karabagh being attached to Armenia.5 Probably the President of the Revolutionary Committee of
Azerbaijan Nariman Narimanov had changed the text of that famed telegramme later, under the pressure of his brothers-inarms. The revised variant of the document informed that "The Mountainous part of Karabagh has a right to selfdeterminate".6 This too is a manipulation, as on June 12, 1921 citing the above mentioned Declaration of the Revolutionary
Committee of Baku and the Consensus Between the Socialist Soviet Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, the Armenian
government had stated that Nagorny Karabagh was an integral part of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia.7 It was only
on June 27, 1921 that the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan decided to disagree to the unification of
Nagorny Karabagh to Armenia on the grounds that Karabagh and Azerbaijan were linked by close economic ties. The Baku
historians point to A. Mikoyan's report to Lenin of May 22, 1919, the text of which informed that the Armenian peasantry (of
Karabagh) had decided in their Fifth Congress to join Soviet Azerbaijan. In fact A. Mikoyan couldn't have written such a report
as in 1919 there didn't exist such a state with the name of Azerbaijan. As to the Fifth Congress of Karabagh Armenians, it had
made a decision of refusing to submit to Baku, stating eloquently that Azerbaijan had always been an ally of Turks and taken
part in the atrocities committed by the Turks against the Armenians and in particular the Armenians of Karabagh. On April 26,
1919 the Congress sent a letter to the British Colonel D.I. Shuttleworth, who had threatened to force Karabagh to submit to
Baku authorities, informing that the region would never accept Azeri domination.9
The policy of manipulation was put into practice since the victory of the Soviet power. The real situation of things
could not be expressed in the Soviet mass media, whose aim was to bring up new generations absorbing the ideas of
internationalism between the nations.
After the Bolshevik victory it was only the foreign press that made weak attempts to tell the truth about Karabagh. In
1926 during his tour of the Caucasian land the publicist Marietta Shahinian, visiting Karabagh, wrote that the situation was
deplorable there as "the budget of the region was the most tragic in the country".11 When in 1921 the Caucasian Bureau
made its decision of leaving Karabagh within the borders of Azerbaijan, it regarded the economic links between Nagorny and
Lower Karabagh, its constant tie to Azerbaijan, instructing the Central Committee of the Azerbaijan Communist party to carry
out the resolution of granting extensive territorial autonomy to the region and undertake economical measures, which was
never done. The decision-making process that led to the establishment of the territorial autonomy of Nagorny Karabagh took
a good three years and showed that its population was denied even the most minimal possibility of participation. No state
organ could be authorised in any way to make such wide - ranging decisions over the heads of the people concerned. A
change for the worse was made in later decisions and regulations. In the constitution of Azerbaijan of March 14, 1937, the
Autonomy of Nagorny Karabagh was taken into consideration in many respects, but only formally, without taking the ethnic
characteristics of the region into consideration in any way. In the post - Stalin period the Karabagh Armenians dreamed, in
vain, that unjustice would be repaired. The anti-Armenian policy of the Baku authorities emerged during the trial of the First
Secretary of Azerbaijani Communist Party Mirjapar Bazirov in 1953. The historian B. Ulubabian was present of the court and
later described the process.12 The former chairman of the Karabagh Regional Executive Committee Suren Badumian, who
was sent into exile and passed 17 years there, witnessed that Bazirov was conducting an anti-Armenian policy in the region.
Nearly all the famous Armenians were being labelled "bandits" or "anti-Soviet" and sentenced to death. The armed bands of
Bazirov were wandering all over the region, terrorizing and killing those Armenians who failed to win their favour. The
Armenians constantly lived in an atmosphere of terror and saw no way out. If an Armenian functionary was called to Baku,
there was no hope of his coming back home.13
In the Fifth Party Conference of the Communist Party of Karabagh in 1928, the First Secretary of the Executive
Committee A. Sahakian said that "the solution of nationality problem in Azerbaijan SSR and in NKAR is of great importance,
effecting the political situation of the region".14 Even this subtle remark was characterized as "anti-Soviet" by the Azerbaijani
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135
officials and set up a campaign against the leadership of the region, A. Sahakian, T. Mirzabekian among them. The
chauvinist policy of Azerbaijan designed to ruin the economy of the region and eventually force the Armenians to leave.
Nothing was being done to develop the agriculture of the region, in addition to which culture and education were on decline.
The situation in the northern districts was even worse. There existed the electric dependence of the region upon the
Republic of Azerbaijan. Not even one hydro-electric power station was built on numerous rivers of Karabagh, though they
could provide even the whole of Azerbaijan with electricity. Even the irrigation canals and reservoirs were in the hands of the
Azerbaijanis. For example the farms of the Martakert region could irrigate their fields only with the permission of the officers
residing in Mir-Bashir (an Azerbaijani village). Under these circumstances the whole of the region could be easily blockaded.
The silk factory of Stepanakert produced 16 millions of high-quality silk annually. The silk was taken to Shaki as a
product of a second sort, and being dyed there, was sold as a high quality textile. This affair brought considerable income to
Azerbaijan, while the Stepanakert factory workers hardly made both ends meets.
In the 60 years between 1913 and 1973 industrial production grew in the USSR 113-fold, in Armenia about 221 - fold
in Azerbaijan about 40-fold but in Nagorny Karabagh however only 14 fold. In 1970 only 10% of the population was employed
in industry, compared to an average of 24% in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Between 1980 and 1986 the basic funds of
production in the Republic of Azerbaijan rose by 43 whereas in the same period they decreased by 17% in Karabagh.16
The capital investments in the region were far below the national avarage in the forties and stagnated at this lowlevel.
In 1986 in Azerbaijan 473 roubles were invested per head of the population, in Karabagh it was less than a third of that,
namely 181 roubles. The Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan, meanwhile populated entirely by Azerbaijanis, was
practically twice or welloff with investments of 342 roubles per head.
A large part of the investments went towards the building of the artificial lake of Sarsang, which was important to the
economy of Azerbaijan but only stood to a small extent at the disposal of the people of Nagorny Karabagh for their water
supply, even though the supply of water to the area was extremely strained. In the capital of Stepanakert water was only
made available during two phases of the day even though it would have been possible to tap wells in the city area. Because
of this large scale project and other one-sided concentration on points of emphasis, particularly in the wine industry, only
minimal resources were left for capital investment. Under such circumstances it was not especially surprising that the socioeconomic development of the region was more or less lagging behind in nearly all fields and according to nearly all indicators,
in comparison to Azerbaijan and to the Union's average as a whole.
The traffic system in the region was also poorly developed. No railway connections existed in the area. Apart from
two through roads of importance to the Union, which crossed the autonomous region, the road network was in bad or largely
unimproved state. The roads were built in such a way that long detours had to be made, sometimes over administrative
districts outside Karabagh, in order to reach the district centres from the capital of Stepanakert. Although the region was
located in favourable geographical position with regard to Georgia and Armenia, and could establish close economic
contracts with them, the exchange of good with them accounted only 2% of the region's total foreign trade volume. From all
the above mentioned facts it could be easily concluded that the government of Azerbaijan pursued an economic policy that
consciously hindered strong economic involvement of the region especially with Armenia. Even the trans-border cultural
contact with the Soviet Republic of Armenia was subject to extremely harsh restrictions. Programmes from central Moscow
and Yerevan TV stations were more difficult to receive than those from Iran. As to the demographic development of the
region, in 1913, before the World War and the Revolution, 176000 people lived in the administrative districts of Karabagh
(96%). Their number decreased there - after and at the establishment of autonomy (1923-24) numbered 157.800 people of
whom approximately 147.000 were Armenian, i.e. 94%. In 1926, at the first official census in the Soviet State, the population
only numbered 125.300, of which 111.700 were Armenians (89%) and 12.600 Azerbaijanis (10,1%). It is evident from a
comparison of numbers that - probably mainly because of disappointment with the questionable status of autonomy - a large
percentage, practically 1/4 of the Armenian population, migrated. The time up until the outbreak of the Second World War led
to a limited consolidation. In Nagorny Karabagh in 1939 the population numbered 150.800 - 138.228 Armenians and 14.100
Azerbaijanis. As a result of the war and Stalin's regime of terror and of migration, the population sank by the census in 1959
to 130.400, the Armenians numbering only 110.100 and the Azerbaijanis increasing to 18.000. The loss was only on the
Armenian ethnic group's side. The Azerbaijanis, on the contrary, rose in their proportion - the rise in population in the USSR
overall was 7,6%, in Azerbaijan 13%. With war losses of 15% amongst the Armenian ethnic group of Nagorny Karabagh, the
Armenians lost twice as many people as other nations or nationalities in internal Soviet comparison. The main reason for this
was the fact that a disproportionately high percent of residents were called to the front, namely 45.000, of whom only around
1400 were Azerbaijanis. The servicemen who came home from war, had to leave Karabagh, because they couldn't find work
and many of them became victims of deportation action carried out in 1949 by Azerbaijan against the Armenians of
Karabagh. Considerable increase in the Azerbaijani population continued until the census of 1979. Numbering 37.200 out of
a population of 162.200 inhabitants they accounted for approximately 23% of the whole population, whilst the Armenians with
a slight increase up to 123.100 barely account for 76%. Between 1979 and 1987, the last year before the great upheavals in
Karabagh, the trend continued. Approximately 2500 Armenians left Karabagh annually, whilst approximately 500 Azerbaijanis
immigrated into the region annually. A comparative look at the demographic development of the region showed that the
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demographic process of change was the expression and the result of an anti-minority policy of the party and state leadership
of Azerbaijan, providing the strongest proof of the massive discriminatory neglect of Nagorny Karabagh by the Azerbaijani
government.18
During the 70 years of Soviet Power 70 villages disappeared in Nagorny Karabagh. New Azerbaijani settlements
were established instead. The reasons for the migration of the Armenian population were manifold. Firstly and probably of
most importance are the unfavourable work or professional and promotion possibilities in Karabagh, the oppression on
Armenian national culture, and political, administrative and economic preference given by the government of Baku to the
Azerbaijani population of Karabagh.
The number of the Armenians was rapidly decreasing in the Shahumian, Khanlar, Shamkhor, Dashkesan regions.
The thousands of Armenian monuments, scatlered all over Karabagh caused a great headache to the Azerbaijani
authorities. Once again historical falsification and manipulation was exercised. In regard to the Armenian historic inheritance,
the phraseology used by the scientist and authorities of Baku called the monuments "Albanian" thus trying to conceal their
Armenian origin.
The orientalist historian Klod Mudafian wrote that the Baku historians were trying to invent an "Azeri past" by
appropiating the Caucasian Albanians just as the Turks of Ankara appropiating the "Hittits" in order to forge an "Anatolian
past". Of course, they also consider as their own the Roman, Byzantine, Greek, Armenian, Kurdish cultures, reaching even
to the times of Babel. The policy of theirs may be called "a cultural massacre".
The main task of the Baku pan-Turkic policy was to get rid of it wounds of Armenians of Karabagh and Nakhichevan.
To achieve this aim the Baku historians were charged with the task of proving that all the ancient and medieval monuments of
the regions were not Armenian. It may seem that it would be impossible to carry out such a task, because the monuments
told in Armenian letters about the Armenian clergy and nobility. There was not even one Muslim monument on the whole of
Karabagh territory as well as in the mountainous Utik, the Shushi Persian mosques being an exception. The mosques had
been built in the first quarter of the twentieth century. If it was possible to destroy the Armenian monuments in Utik and in
Kurdish regions, then it was impossible vandalize them in Karabagh, in the presence of a majority of Armenian population.
Led by Zia Buniatov the Baku scientists set up a campaign against the Armenian monuments, trying to represent them as
"Albanian". On the other hand the Baku authorities were trying to persuade the Armenians that they were Albanians too. They
took the view that the Azerbaijani people, "Protoazerbaijanis", were preceded by the Caucasian ethnic group of Albanians, an
ethnos whose eastern parts had become Islamic (the Azerbaijanis) and western parts Christian (Armenians). Allegedly this
Christian substatum was ethnically "Azerbaijani".
If anything hinders the way of Turkicizing, the Baku historians immediately turn to the Iranian culture. Declaring the
monument Persian, they say that it is the same as "Azerbaijan" at the same time pointing to the Turkish origin of Azerbaijan.
Research works of this level have flooded the whole of Europe and America, the Muslim World. Collecting the old hand-made
Armenian carpets, the Azerbaijani scientists opened the "Museum of Azerbaijani Carpets" in Baku, unable to notice the
Christian signs on them.
Seing no way to "Albanize" the medieval Armenian Dadivank Monastery, they declared it as Georgian on the grounds
that the Armenian Prince Ivane Zakarian had adopted the Georgian faith and the monastery was situated in the domain of the
latter's sister Dop. The fact that Dop belonged to the Armenian Apostolic Church and that the monastery was built a century
earlier than Dop's reign, did not interest the Azerbaijani scholars.
Backed by the Communist leaders of the USSR, the Baku authorities and the historians, led by Heidar Aliev,
exercised historical falsification in great extent. Adopting the pan-Turkic policy of uniting the "Northern and Southern
Azerbaijans", aiming at seizing the Azarbaijan district from Iran, the Soviet leaders conducted a pro-Azerbaijani policy,
winning the favour of Narimanov, Baghirov, Aliev. When, in the times of Mir-Jafar Baghirov, the Soviet troops entered Iran,
the Communists immediately established "the Republic of Southern Azerbaijan" in Tabriz, which was to be joined with the
Eastern Caucasian section later.
This dream of Baku and Kremlin was not destined to come true, as the Iranian nation was conscious enough not
sense to fall into the trap, set for them by Kremlin, Baku and some traitors among themselves, who were soon driven out of
their country.
At the beginning of 1977 some Armenians fled to Iran from Karabagh. They revealed the truth about Karabagh,
describing the hard life of their compatriots at the hands of both Bolsheviks and the Turkish-Azerbaijanis. In 1936 the new
Soviet Constitution dissolved the Federation of Transcaucasia and separated the three republics, without changing the
frontiers. The result was to make Karabagh even more dependent in Baku. The timid attempts of the Armenian First Party
Secretary A. Khanjian to discuss the problem of Karabagh, was possibly one of the reasons for his assissination in 1936. His
successor Grigor Harutiunov was courageous enough to apply to Stalin to settle the problem. His letter read;
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"All-Union Communist Party Central Committee
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To Comrade Stalin
Iosif Vissarionovich, the territory of the Autonomous region of Nagorny Karabagh, neighbouring Armenia, was attached to
the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic in 1923. The population of the region is preponderantly Armenian. 137 thousand
people live in the region, of whom approximately 137 thousand are Armenian. The agricultural areas are exactly like the
Armenian mountainous ones. The attachment of the region to Armenia would give an impetus to economical development
and management.
The mass access of the population to the culture and policy of Armenia and the use of the native language would put
the development of the region on firm bases.
The local cadres would have an opportunity of profession promotion in the higher educational institutions of Armenia.
On the other hand the Armenian SSR in its turn could gain from the intellectual and managerial contribution of the Karabagh
Armenians, whose abilities, naturally are not given preference by Azerbaijan. Considering all this factors and the will of the
population of Nagorny Karabagh Autonomous Region, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Armenia and the
Council of Commissars would like to ask the USSR Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Union government to
discuss the question of attaching the Azerbaijan SSR Nagorny Karabagh Autonomous Region to the SSR of Armenia. If the
question is solved positively, the Central Committee of the Armenian SSR and the Council of People's Commissars will
introduce the restoration project of the former centre of Karabagh - Shushi, which had been destroyed before the
establishment of Soviet Power.
Secretary of Communist Party Central Committee of Armenia G. Harutiunov
November 11, 1945" 19
Harutiunov made another approach to Moscow in 1949, but as the first one, it was fruitless too. In view of Turkish
defeat in the Second World War as a USSR's rival and Azerbaijan's patron, the transfer of the region to Armenia was possible
and Harutiunov knew of it very well. But probably he wasn't aware that a Communist rule was established in Tabriz, whose
aim was to unite the so-called "two Azerbaijans". But in 1946 this government was overthrown and the pan-Turkic (Azerbaijan
and Turkey) and Communist (Azerbaijan and Moscow) hopes dashed to the ground.
The historian B. Ulubabian, who had taken part in the trial of M. Bagirov in 1953, told that as a result of Baghirov's
interrogation by the Public Prosecutor R.A. Rudenko, it became clear that Baghirov had planned to attach the Daghestan
Autonomous Region to Azerbaijan and besides, he, together with Stalin and Beria had decided to organize a new deportation
of Armenians in the summer of 1953, so that the population in the Republic would be less than a million, which would deprive
Armenia of its status of a republic and would enable the plotters to divide its territory between Georgia and Azerbaijan.
Bagirov added that Stalin's death prevented them from realizing the project. To Roman Rudenko's question what united Stalin
and Bagirov, the latter answered;
"I am the leader of Azerbaijan and as such interested in the growth of its might. As to Stalin, it's favourable for him to have
such an powerful and loyal ally in the Orient, on the threshold of Muslim world as the Republic of Azerbaijan".21
It was evident that the hope of seizing the Iranian Northern territory of Azarbaijan proper was still alive.
In autumn 1947 the heads of the republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan Bagirov and Harutiunov met on the border of
Kelbajar(Karvachar) and Vaik to conduct negotiations concerning the migration of Armenian Muslims to Azerbaijan. The
same year, on December 3, Bagirov and Harutiunov signed an agreement which was sent to Stalin. This document was firstly
published by the Baku historian J. Kuliev;
"Thinking over the recent economical developments in the republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, we came to a conclusion to
make the following suggestions: the construction of the Mingechaur hydro power-station demands extra manpower. Besides
the productivity in the cotton fields is low due to the same reason. The increase of the population in those regions through the
resettlement of 130 thousand Azerbaijanis of Armenia, can solve the above mentioned problem.
The migration of the Azerbaijanis of Armenia to Azerbaijan will make it possible to organize the repatriation of
Armenians from abroad and accept them in their native country. The peasant repatriates can settle in the territories and
houses, emptied by the Azerbaijanis. Considering all these factors we should like to ask your permission;
1) To resettle the Azerbaijani inhabitants of Armenia in the cotton regions of Azerbaijan SSR and exploit the areas and
houses left by them for the purpose of accepting and settling the repatriates to the Armenian SSR.
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2) To allow the Council of Ministers of Armenian SSR and the Council of Ministers of Azerbaijan SSR establish a joint
commission to organize and carry out the resettlement.
3) To include all the expenses connected with the resettlement in the Union budjet".22
The resettlement of the Azerbaijanis was carried out with the help of the Soviet Army, in the presence of Azerbaijani
representatives. The so-called "Muslims of Armenia" settled in Karabagh. This step of Bagirov made clear that he intended to
increase the number of Azerbaijanis of Karabagh thus changing the demographic process. Once again the loss was only on
the Armenian ethnic group's side. Another part of the migrants settled in the Armenian - inhabited areas of Azerbaijan Dashkesan, Khanlar, Shahumian. Not one Muslim from Armenia was sheltered in the "cotton regions".
Thus, it was evident that the demographic process of change was not virtually the natural result of objective
economic pressure and unspecified country - town migration but simply an expression and the result of the anti-minority
policy of the party and state leadership of Azerbaijan.
The Karabagh intelligentsia followed the developments of the situation in Nakhichevan with great anxiety. The fate of
Nakhichevan Armenians was in question. The region had formed one of the administrative states of greater Armenia since
times immemorial. In the first century AO the Christianity spread to Armenia from the Artaz and Nakhichevan regions. The
creator of the Armenian alphabet Mesrop Mashtots set up the first schools in the Goghtn district of Nakhichevan. The
European travellers described the Armenian way of life in medieval Nakhichevan in their memoirs. In the 17-18th centiries
when the Russian Empire set to expanding the Transcaucasian regions, because of political considerations the governors of
Iran strengthened their northern territories by settling the Caucasian Muslims (the Tatars) in those territories.23 Due to the
Russo-Persian war the Armenian population of Nakhichevan migrated to Russia. In the years of 1829-1832 the 41,2% of the
population of the region was Armenian. By the census of 1916 approximately 50.000 Armenians, i.e. 40% of the population
was Armenian. On February 9, 1924 Nakhichevan, under pressure from Turkey, went not to Armenia but rather to Azerbaijan,
receiving the status of "Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic, whereby, in order of precedence of the autonomous regional
units of the USSR, it stood one level higher than the Autonomous Region of Nagorny Karabagh. Of the 50.000 Armenians
who lived there in 1917, only about 10.000 were counted in 1926. In 1959 their number decreased to 9.500 (6,7%).28 Finally,
in 1979 only two Armenian villages existed in the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan, with approximately 3.400
inhabitants, i.e. 1,4% of the population. Their number sank further until 1987, and since 1989, no Armenian can call
Nakhichevan his home.
The decrease in the absolute and relative numbers, especially in direct comparison to the steep rise in the
Azerbaijani population in the Azerbaijani enclave of Nakhichevan, provides the strongest proof of the massive discriminatory
neglect of the region by the Azerbaijani government. The process truelly may be called "a white massacre". The Azerbaijani
politician Heidar Aliev played a great role in the realization of ethnic cleansing of Nakhichevan. Parallel to the driving out of
Armenians the destruction of Armenian monuments took place. The Armenian intelligentsia protested about the neglect and
destruction of Armenian cultural monuments in Nakhichevan and Karabagh, such as the blowing-ups of monasteries and
churches, cross-stones and fortresses and many other monuments, to the Kremlin - to the Central Committee, which turned
to be fruitless.
In 1960, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Sovietization of Armenia, people dreamed that injustice would
be restored. In 1963 the problem was brought to open notice, a petition signed by 2500 Karabagh Armenians was submitted
to the Centre, which turned a deaf ear to the appeal. In June 1965 another petition, addressed to the Communist Party and
the government, was sent to Moscow. The petition asking for Mountainous Karabagh to be re-attached to Armenia, was
signed by 13 prominent figures of Karabagh, including B. Ulubabian - president of the Writers' Union of Karabagh since 1949
S. Shakarian - the president of the Stepanakert Executive Committee, L. Gasparian - editor in chief of the regional newspaper
"Soviet Karabagh, G. Stepanian - editor-in-chief the regional radio committee. In 1966 it was the turn of Yerevan to send a
petition to Moscow demanding the re-attachment of Karabagh to Armenia but without results. Meantime Azerbaijanis were
trying to repay the Armenians for their timid protests, cases of illegal imprisonment, murders and official threats took place. In
1968 many Armenian intellectuals of Karabagh were forced to go into exile on pain of death.
The directors of the Stepanakert N2 and Sos state farms A. Babayan and A. Makanian, the head of the Regional
Cultural Administrative Committee G. Gabrielian, poet B. Jananian, artist M. Korganian, the director of the building enterprise
A. Manucharov, the director of the electrotechnical enterprise A. Seiranian, editor-in-chief in the local radio committee M.
Avanessian and chief engineer of the building enterprise S. Grigorian addressed a lengthy letter to the Presidium of the
USSR Central Committee, as well as to Brezhnev, A. Kosigin and A. Mikoyan. The letter read;
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"Can Karabagh be considered as a part of Azerbaijan, when the leaders of Azerbaijan threat it as a land inhabited by foreigners. Do they
think that a black mark on map is enough to split nation of ancient history, phychology and fate.... Separated from the ethnic brethren for
45 years, the Karabagh Armenians are deprived of economical, cultural perspectives. It's the international duty of the Azerbaijani
Communist Party, the government and the nation to respect the rights of the Armenians of Karabagh and return the region to Armenia.
The working people of Karabagh have dreamed of it for years. Ask them one by one and you'll be requested and begged to unite
Karabagh with Armenia. We are not collecting signatures, not to provoke people, but dissatisfaction is growing day by day being
expressed in nagative forms. We apply to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR and the government, hoping that
they will consider the legitimate demands of Karabagh Armenians and will attack the Nagorny Karabagh Autonomous Region to the
Armenian SSR".30
In 1965 the leader of the national-liberation movement of Karabagh B. Ulubabian left for Moscow. He and his
adherents were sure that the Kremliun was being constantly disinformed about the real situation of events in the region, and
reading the letter, would try to correct the mistake. But none of the Kremlin functionaries wished to meet with Ulubabian to
discuss the matters. The Centre turned a deaf ear to the claims of the Karabagh Armenians, though "the letter of the thirteen"
had obtained 45.000 signatures in the region, including Azerbaijani ones.
In the same period the "Party of National Unity", which sought for independence in Armenia, but was also deeply
concerned with the problems of Nakhichevan and Karabagh, was established in Armenia.
On 24 April 1965 the 50th anniversary of the genocide of the Armenians in Turkey, there was a demonstration in
Yerevan, accompanied by spontaneous cries of "our land", referring both the Armenian regions in Turkey and to those in
Azerbaijan. The people demanded to declare April 24 a day of national grief officially. Moscow chose to satisfy this demand
and gave its consent to eract a monument commemorating the memory of 1,5 million Armenian victims.
On August 8, 1966 the Central Committee of the USSR Communist Party adopted a resolution that charged the
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders with discussing the issue of reattachment of Karabagh to Armenia jointly, and introduce the
suggestions concerning the problem to the Central Committee for the final solution of the problem. This resolution appeared
to open up hopeful prospects for the just satisfaction of all manner of formerly ignored claims, cultural, territorial and even
secessionist, but the steps taken by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Armenia Yervand
Kochinian turned to be slow (though he supported the Armenian claims), while the Azerbaijani leaders (Akhundov, Alikhanov,
Iskenderov) flooded Moscow with protests against the reattachment, trying to prove personally that the only "place" for
Karabagh was the Republic of Azerbaijan, even threatening the Centre with an Azerbaijani revolt, the result of which would
be the enmity of the whole of the Muslim world with the USSR.
The Autonomous Region of Karabagh, as well as the Armenians of the whole world lost that decisive battle. Reprisals
followed the position in Karabagh steadily worsened. Arrests, deportations, illegal imprisonment, murders were committed
with impunity and official threats. The prominent communist leader Aram Babaian was forced to resign, unable to bear
unjustice his heart gave in.
Though in their letters and petitions the Armenian and Karabagh Armenian leaders complained about oppressive
measures taken by the Azerbaijani authorities and explained the socio-economic and national-cultural advantages of an
annexation of Nagorny Karabagh to Armenia (with explicit reference to the will of the population of Nagorny Karabagh to
decide their political fate themselves), on the whole they failed to convince the Kremlin that the just solution of the Karabagh
problem was more important than the absurd project of attaching Iranian Azarbaijan proper to the false Republic of
Azerbaijan, thus carving up Iran and providing Turkey with an access to Central Asia. In January 1966 the poet Balash
Azeroghli, who had fled Iran, in a speech, made at the Azerbaijani Writers' Union's Congress, declared;
"I am looking forward to the day when I can accept you in Tabriz already attached to the Soviet Azerbaijan".
A storm of applause followed the declaration. The Byelorussian representative added;
"We know very well what it means to live under capitalism. I am sure that you'll succeed in liberating the Southern Azerbaijan, and our
next meeting will be in Tabriz".30
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Following the Moscow resolution, there were several years during which little information filtred through, through it
was clear from unofficial sources that the situation of the Karabagh Armenians was worsening. The region was governed by
a leadership appointed by and working in the interests of Baku. They tried to compel the Karabagh Armenians that any
resistence was useless, that sooner or later they would have to leave the region. The phychological pressure was felt in all
the spheres of life. The Chief agronomist of Kuropatkino state-farm was murdered, his successor Benik Movsisians nine-yearold son was murdered too. The body of the boy was mutiliated. The organizer of this cruel act was the director of the local
school Arshad Mamedov. The Armenian side considered him a villain, while the Azerbaijanis regarded him as a hero. The
building which housed the watchman of the Martakert state-farm and his family was set alight. The tractor drivers of the
Norashen state-farm were murdered at night, while working in the field. In all cases the criminals were not charged. The
Azerbaijani authorities went so far as to order the destruction of the Shushi Armenian graveyard. (The architect K. Meidov
made the suggestion on February 2, 1966 in his article "The Dead Ate Those Alive").32 The destruction of the tombstones,
which were unique specimen of Armenian architecture, was set in motion.
In July 1967 the criminal A. Mamedov was sentenced to ten years imprisonment. During the trial his wife declared,
addressing to him, that he would be freed in ten days, as all the officials were already bribed. The Armenians of Stepanakert
lost their temper. The villain was lynched.33 This act caused a new wave of reprisals. Fifty people were arrested immediately.
Most of them died in prison. An atmosphere of terror ruled all over the region.
Meanwhile the Armenian dissidents were setting up new parties in Yerevan and other cities of the USSR. In 1967 the
semi-legal "Club of Armenian Culture" was founded in Moscow. V. Manukian, K. Takhtajian, V. Hambartsumian, Y.
Stepanaian were among its members. The First Secretary of the Soviet Comsomol Party Committee (later the chairman of
the Russian Federation) ordered the three Armenian students to leave Moscow. They returned to Yerevan and set up their
"Club" there. Though the organization considered the independence of Armenia their cause, they didn't believe themselves
that the collapse of such superpower as the USSR, was possible. During a talk in Moscow the Chief Marshal H. Babajanian,
a native of Karabagh, said jokingly to the members of the "Club"; "If you manage to create an independent Armenia one day,
don't forget to appoint me a Minister of Defence".34 The leader of the "Union of National Self-Determination", P. Hairikian and
his adherents believed that sooner or later democracy would penetrate to the USSR and people could achieve
independence through their right of self-determination. Meanwhile the pro-Soviet Armenian politicians were frightening the
nations pointing to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with Turkey as one of its member states.
By the end of 1960s, the Brezhnev regime, when in general backed the entrenched Party cadres, found it difficult to
tolerate the continued frusteration of its economic plans. In order to improve the unhealthy situation in Azerbaijan, Heidar
Aliev, a native of Nakhichevan, a career KGB officer was elected as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan.
Once again a Baku leader was to become the "realizer of the hopes and dreams" of the revolutionary East. The mandate
given to Aliev was to end the economic and political corruption, to stimulate economic growth, to promote a new governing
elite able to carry out the policies of the Communist Party. But the underground economy and corrupt political practices in
Azerbaijan proved to be resistent to reform. The Republic was essentially ruled by the Communist Party and its leader, whose
reach extended throughout society. Despite the critical economical situation of the stagnation period Azerbaijan,33 the Soviet
and Azerbaijani mass-media was singing the praises of the Azerbaijani leader H. Aliev and Soviet leader L. Brezhnev,
pointing to a "flourishing" Azerbaijan. With the establishment of indirect rule from the Centre and the easing of the
extraordinary restrictions on ethnic expression, the national political elite of Azerbaijan, under H. Aliev, promoted a corrupt
system of patronage, favouritism and the wide spread practice of bribe-taking and payoffs to the Centre. With the rise of
complect networks of patrons and clients and family circles, H. Aliev became enmeshed in the corruption and favouritism that
characterised normal Azerbaijani political and economic practices. Among the peoples of the Soviet south and particularly of
Azerbaijan, loyalty is given first to the boss, hierarchical favours done or received are the operative currency of both social
and political relations. Since the political and police structures were also penetrated by such relations, protection from
punishment was a frequent favour. Applying all the "southern methods" and fawning on the First Secretary of the Communist
Party of the USSR H. Aliev quickly won the lattlers favour and became a member of Political Bureau and vice chairman to the
USSR Council of Ministers.
In general, in the whole of the USSR, once Stalinist terror was reduced and in the absence of effective democratic
control from below - the republics were essentially ruled by "national mafias", centred within Communist parties and state
apparatuses, whose power extended throughout society.35 The tensures of the mafia Communist leaders were marked by
extraordinary longevity. Corruption and favouritism characterised not only normal Transcaucasian political and economic
practices but also the Uzbek, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Turkmen ones. The situation was similar in the Soviet west. The
longevity of the national leaderships led to the consolidation of local elites, who placated the local populations with moderate
concession to nationalist feelings and a high degree of economic permissiveness. That the party leaders were the heads of
"national mafias" was later proved by the special group of the procurator's office under Telman Gdlyan, but Gorbachov's
apparatus did everything to close the "Uzbek case", though the name of Sharaf Rashidov had already become synonymous
with corruption. In each republic the "national mafia" had its characteristic features. In Azerbaijan a so-called "feudal
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socialism" was formed, the system of which excluded the Autonomous Region of Karabagh. The Baku leaders and other
functionaries despised the Karabagh first secretaries and other officials. The Baku Armenians (350 thousand in reality) were
unable to change the attitude due to their secondary positions. The capital investments were far below the national average
in the region (Nakhichevan was twice as well of with investments), because Baku could gain no profits from the investments
in the region, while the Aghdam region investments enabled them to receive the "lion's share" of the profit. Of the surplus
earned by the region of Karabagh, less than half was returned to the regional budget.
The hard-line attitude towards Karabagh of the stagnation period again caused the Armenians to complain to
Moscow, but with no results. However, it was surprising, that in the November 23, 1977 session of the Presidium of the USSR
Council of Ministers, while discussing the new constitution (the Brezhnevian), the Karabagh problem came to the fore.
Letters and suggestions from Armenia, Georgia (Javakhk), Karabagh and Nakhichevan were consulted. This is an extract
from the registration of the session;
"Due to a number of historical circumstances, the Autonomous Region of Nagorny Karabagh was artificially attached to
Azerbaijan decades ago. The historical past of the region, its ethnical, characteristics, economical constitution and the will of
the population have not been considered. Several decades passed but the question of Karabagh has not been solved yet,
arousing the anxiety and indignation of the two brother nations. To correct the situation, the Autonomous Region of Nagorny
Karabagh (Artsakh in Armenian) must be attached to the Armenian SSR."36
This registration could have no further effect as such questions in the USSR were being solved in highest echelons of
power, where the Armenians had no access. The above mentioned discussion was just a piece of bone throne to the people.
In 1973 Heidar Aliev appointed Boris Kevorkov, the sole Armenian member of the Central Committee of Azerbaijan
Communist Party as the First Secretary of Karabagh Regional Communist Party Committee. For 15 years he acted at the
head of the region. On 21 March 1975 he made a long speech at the plenary session of the Regional Committee, the subjectmatter of his speech was; "Where is the place of Nagorny Karabagh."37 His speech was a model of obscurantism. Ignoring
the ethno-cultural, historical and economical aspects of the region, he declared that those people, i.e. the whole of Karabagh
intelligentsia, who wanted Karabagh to be attached to Armenia, strived to break the bases of the age-old brotherhood
between the two nations (the Armenians and Azerbaijanis). The Karabagh writers, poets, journalists and historians were
accused and described as "retrograde nationalists", their idea of attaching Karabagh to Armenia - as "Dashnak propaganda".
This puppet of Baku was realizing Heidar Aliev's false policy of "internationalism" and "friendship between nations", which
was the only weapon at that time to stifle the national-liberation movements of the ethnic communities inhabiting AzerbaijanArmenian, Lezgi, Kurd, Talish, Avar, Tatar. Kevorkov "proved" that Karabagh was in no way linked to Armenia, when, in fact,
there was hardly any family in Karabagh, whose member did not study in the higher educational institutions of Armenian
SSR. In contrary to this, there ran only some buses over the roads from Karabagh to Baku. The Karabagh young people were
promoting their careers in many scientific institutions of Armenia, where their abilities were appreciated highly. Many of
them, such as the physicist and chemist N. Yenikalopian, biologist A. Takhtajian, chemist A. Kassian, economist A.
Aghankegian and others became famous all over the USSR. The Marshal of USSR H. Baghramian, H. Babajanian, Admiral
Isakov, Colonel-General Parseghov, the legendary double hero of the USSR, pilot N. Stepanian were natives of Karabagh.
On the threshold of Gorbachov's policy of reforms, in 1985, approximately half a million Karabagh Armenians lived outside
their country, but always anxious of the fate of their native land and their countrymen.
1. B. Ulubabian "The Artsakh Struggle for Existence", Yer.,1994, p164
(further "Struggle for Existence")
2. The 12th Congress of the Communist Party of the USSR, registerations,
M.,1968, pp.618-619.
3. Ibid., p.660
4. MLKhKKA, F85, 24, 307, p.1.
5. "Bakinski Rabochi", July 8, 1989, N133.
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142
6. PAAFIML (Central Committee of CPSU), file 1, 76, 121, l-s, 58-59.
7. Ts.PAIML (Central Committee of CPSU), file 64, 1,1, l.77.
8. Ts.PAIML, file 461, 1, 45452, l.1. (Azerbaijan SSR)
9. HKPPA, F276, 1, 42, N159
10. Ruben "The Quarrel of Gandzak-Karabagh", "Droshak", 1926, N2.
11. Marietta Shahinian "Mountainous Karabagh", M., 1930, p.1.
12. "Struggle for Existence", p.107
13. Ibid., p.108
14. MLI Azerbaijani branch, archives, file 89, 1, 486, l.7.
15. "The National Economy of Azerbaijan SSR", Baku, p.3, 11, 266
16. "Narodnoie Khoziastva Azerbaijanskoi SSR" Baku 1987, pp.266, 279.
17. "The Truth about Nagorny Karabagh", Yer., 1989, pp.10-23.
18. "Nagorny Karabagh's Right to State Independence According to International
Law", Prof. Dr.Otto Luchterhardt, University of Hamburg, 1993, p.66.
19. Ts.AAFIML, file 1, 25, 42, P.1
20. Archives of Communist Party of Azerbaijan, file 1, 169, 249, l-s 3-6.
21. "Struggle for Existence", pp.184-185.
22. MLIHBA, file 1, 97, l14.
23. I. Shopen "A Historical Monument of the Situation of the Armenian Region in
the Period of its Attachment to the Russian Empire", SPB, 1852, pp.599-642.
24. Ibid., pp.599-642.
25. "Caucasian Calendar of 1917", Tiflis, 1916, pp.214-221.
26. Central State Archives of the October Revolution and the Building of
Socialism in the Armenian SSR (TsGAORSS, Arm.SSR) file 123, 42, 8, l13.
27. All-Union Census, 17 December 1926, ed.4, M., 1928, pp.127-128.
28. "ESFSR in Figures", p.4, "The Results of the Census of 1959 in Azerbaijan",
Moscow, 1969, pp.140-141.
29.Argam Aivazian "Nakhichevan, Book of Monuments", Yer., 1990, p.7.
30. "Struggle for Existence", p.266.
31. Ibid., p.266.
32. "Stroitel"., news., 2 February 1966, Baku,
K. Seidov "The Dead Ate Those Alive".
33. "Struggle for Existence", p.266.
34. V. Manukian "Diary", p.12.
35. Ronald Suni "The Revenge of the Past Nationalism, Revolution and the
Collapse of the Soviet Union", Stanford University Press, p.117.
36. Registration of the Session of the Presidium of the USSR Council of
Ministers of 23 November 1977, N61, II-4133.
37. "Soviet Karabagh", news., March 23 and 25, 1975, Stepanakert.
CHAPTER 17
THE GORBACHOV REFORMS AND THE REVOLT OF KARABAGH
Relations between the centre and the ethnic peripheries remained basically imperial based on a subordinate
relationship to the Russian centre during the whole period of the rule of Soviet Power. Though the centre's control loosened
after Stalin's death, the ultimate power and the sovereignity with the central party authorities in Moscow until 1990s. The
Khrushchev and Kosigin years already needed reforming. The regime, which in general backed the entrenched party cadres,
found it difficult to tolerate the continued frusteration of its economic plans. The vast state reminded primitive creature, each
part of whose body was disconnected with the others, and even if aware of the illness in one part, the mind was unable to
cure it. The mind of that patient was degenarate, though the claws and teeth were sharp enough to fight against the illwishers. Despite the immence size the whole organism was desrupted, deprived of even a single healthy organ. This strange
creature was unable to feed itself, unable to provide itself with elementary means of existence....
The radical reforming of the political and economical system became especially urgent after Khrushchov's drawing
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the "iron curtain". The people of the state got to know the exact situation of the country and understood that the development
was hidered by the ruling system.
When in 1985 M. Gorbachov came to power that is became the General Secretary of the USSR Communist Party,
the USSR was experiencing the years of political and economic stagnation, was internationally isolated and unable to resist
the international technological revolution. Gorbachov undertook to restart the Sovieteconomic engine and restore the
country's position internationally. To achieve the two aims he needed first a political base for his programme of reform, indeed
a revolutionizing reform that would bring the Soviet Union to democratic polity and market socialism. As a member of the
Communist party he believed that the rebuilding should be carried out from above, based on special directives and
declarations, as handles of the motionless Soviet mechanism were in the hands of the bureaucratic apparatus of the Party.
Any sharp movement would bring the huge mechanism to destruction, and would likely lead to the collapse of the Soviet
Union (as it did later). Here's an expressive example of economical hierarchial arrangement of subordination; a high rank
Italian lady intended to buy linen in Moscow in early 1980s. But it turned out that it was impossible to obtain linen not only in
Moscow, but in the whole country, as there hadn't been an instruction from above to set to producing linen. The above
mentioned lady was brave enough to express her surprise during a Kremlin meeting. The Special Bureau, discussing this
question and making consequent decisions, instructed the Ministry of Light Industry of Armenia to organize the production of
linen. The work was in full swing and soon all the shops and stores of the vast country were full of that product, but now the
production could not be stopped without another instruction from above, or perhaps a new visit of the lady was needed to
warn the political heads that the shops were full of linen.
The situation was the same in all the spheres of economy, there existed not even one flexible structure in the
system. All the enterprises were inter-connected. The eneffective work of one sphere resulted in the failure of the others.
Due to an accident in an Azerbaijan plant, the Moscow corresponding head factory was unable to continue the production
process. It was impossible to achieve revival with limited reforms, the huge mechanism had to be changed radically, but at
the same time the radicalization of the reforms presented enormous dangers to the unitary system. Gorbachov's efforts of
limited reform were transformed into a liberating process of state - dismantling. Seeing his success in the implementation of
a Strategy that would accomplish the goals of democratization of the conservative apparatus, mobilization of society to
criticize the old system (glasnost), stimulation of popular partisipation in the process of reconstructing (perestroika), the
initiation of a series of limited economic reforms, and realizing that his strategy was fraught with dangers, Gorbachov was
trying to "point the shabby house with fresh colours", the house which was destined to collapse. Gorbachov did not fully
realize that the USSR was no longer a single society. The fiction of the united state and people, defended by Soviet theorists
of ethnicity, was belied by the powerful identification with nationality of many intellectuals.
The first mass resistence that could not be contained within the metamorphosing Soviet system, the crisis that
precipitated the urraveling of central Soviet authority, came from an Armenian enclave of Karabagh in the Republic of
Azerbaijan.
World attention returned to Armenia from the beginning of 1988 when the Karabagh issue again came to the fore.
Besides Gorbachov's perestroika, the liberation movement of Karabagh was given impetus by the materials published by the
Karabagh authors, residing in Yerevan. The Czech historian Miroslav Hroch, investigating the development of national
liberation movements in Eastern European countries, bases his conclusions on close imperical investigations on smaller
Eastern European peoples. Hroch proposes a three-stage evolution of nationalist movements. Phase A occurs when a
smaller number of scholars first demonstrate "a passionate concern for the study of the language, the culture, the history of
the oppressed nationality. Phase B involves "the fermentation process of national consciousness" during which a larger
number of patriotic agitators diffuse national ideas. Phase C is the full national revival, when the broad masses have been
swept up into the nationalist movement.1
The USSR had experienced not only years of stagnation but also a frusterating absence of able and stable
leadership. Weakness in the centre had enabled the local ethnic and regional mafias within the party-state apparatus to
increase their power. The republics were essentially ruled by national mafias, their reach extending throughout society.
Transcaucasia and Central Asia in particular, promoted a corrupt system of patronage, favouritism and the widespread
practice of bribe-taking and payoffs. Moreover, the USSR was bogged down in a draining war in Afghanistan and faced an
aggress: vely hostile American president and the CIA, which aimed at a weakening of Soviet power.
"In order to restart the Soviet economic engine and restore the county's position internationally, Gorbachov needed
first to build a political base for his programme of reform, not least in the non-Russian republics",2 comments R.G. Suny.
The history of nations show that one of the supreme ironies of history is the fact that not all progressive reforms are
destined to success, they may have tragic results for nations. "Probably the most concentrated opposition to Gorbachov's
leadership and his policies", writes Marth Brill Olcott, "has come from the party and state bureaucracies in the national
republics."3
Gorbachov was caught between nationality leaderships that opposed his reforms, and intellectual and popular forces,
most of which, once they overcame their suspicion of the Kremlin, were interested in the general liberalizing thrust of
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Moscow's new policies. In nearly Transcaucasian and Central Asian Republic, a series of purges eliminated the top leaders,
though not always without resistence.4 One of the leaders of Armenian national movement Vazgen Manukian commented,
"When Reagan introduced his project of the star war, and noted that a new technological contest was set in motion, to which
the Soviet Union could not resist, we understood that it would bring the Soviet Union to destruction. In contrast to China,
which is homogeneous, to Poland and Hungary, the USSR had in itself the national problem and any reforms would lead to
the revival of liberation movements, which in its turn would mark the collapse of the USSR."5
At first the ideas of "perestroika and glasnost" appeared to open up hopeful prospects for the Karabagh Armenians.
But some time later, sensing the threats of the Gorbachov's reforms in the environment of unstable development of events
inside the state, the Armenians suspected that the "perestroika" could be used against them by Baku authorities. "If one day
the trucks arrive accompanied by the militia and internal troops and force us to take our belongings and migrate to Armenia,
what shall we do?", worried the Armenians in Stepanakert. On November 28, 1987 the first Karabagh official delegation left
for Moscow. Meanwhile signatures were being collected in Armenia for the reattachment of Karabagh to the Motherland. The
second delegation arrived in Moscow on January 7, 1988. An Armenian economist, a native of Baku Igor Muradian was
among the delegates. Soon he became an important figure. The delegation was accepted by the Chairman of the Presidium
of Supreme Soviet of the USSR P. Demichev and then by the chairman of the National Relations of the Central Committee V.
Mikhailov. Both of them offered to wait for the forthcoming Party Conference in June 1988, to discuss state policy toward the
nationalities, and the Karabagh question in particular. If in 1960s the authorities turned a deaf ear to the Karabagh appeal, in
1988 they promised to do their best to solve the problem.7 In February the delegation of Armenian intellectuals left for
Moscow and handed over new appeals, letters and resolutions to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the
Central Committee of the Communist Party. The eighty thousand Armenian signatures represented as if a result of a
referendum.
During the year of 1987 meetings were held in all the enterprises, farms and state farms of Karabagh, where the
population and the local authorities supported the leaders of the Karabagh movement. These leaders were sure that 1973
won't repeat. In 1973, after the appointment of Boris Kovorkov, the sole Armenian member of the Central Committee of the
Azerbaijan Communist Party, First Secretary of the Regional Committee for Mountainous Karabagh, 53 prominent
Armenians complained to Moscow, Kevorkov, the puppet of Baku accused the whole of Karabagh intelligentsia. Unfortunately
his attitudes were shared by the authorities of Karabagh and the plenary session of the Regional Committee rejected the idea
of attaching Karabagh to Armenia. Maybe this attitude of the Karabagh authorities was due to 1967 repressions, when the
Armenian timid protests resulted in imprisonment, murders official threats, and going into exile on pain of death.
In 1988 H. Aliev (the First Secretary of the Azeri Communist Party) and B. Kevorkov hoped to repeat the experience
of 1973, but soon were to be convinced that it was impossible.
On February 11, 1988 the Second Secretary of Azeri Communist Party Vasili Konovalov (all the second secretaries
of Union Republics were the representatives of the Kremlin) an Azeri Central Committee member and the First Secretary of
the Shamkhor district M. Asadov, and the head of State Security Council (KKB) of Azerbaijan I. Imramov arrived in
Stepanakert, where the next day a session of the Regional Party activists was held. The leaders of Karabagh movements
understood that Baku intended to put an end to the revolt through the Russian Emissar, forcing the Karabagh authorities to
make slanderous declarations, ignoring the 80 thousand signatures. But it was evident that the position of Baku was not
echoed by the deputies of the Regional Soviet of Karabagh.
"We won't allow the extremist groups to crack up to age-old friendship between the Armenian and Azerbaijani
nation", declared Konovalov at the meeting. Probably the term "extremists" originated from the Baku and Moscow
authoritarian sources. The participants protested against the use of such an expression. The Karabagh authorities, the heads
of the enterprises among them, again concluded by stating that the only solution was to re-unify with Armenia. The director of
Karabagh silk factory Robert Atayan proposed to organize a referendum. The three thousand collective of the plant was the
life and soul of the movement, led by Robert Atayan and Party Secretary Robert Kocharian. The meeting was the first victory
of the Karabagh Armenians over Konovalov's and Kevorkov's policy. The emissar of Kremlin Konovalov called the meeting
"a rally of political hooligans", declaring that "such questions can't be settled from below, and there exists no such question in
the above circles". But the Karabagh communists declared that the region ceased to submit to Azerbaijan and decided to
make a proposal to Moscow to send a commision to this effect.10 After the talks with Demichev and Mikhailov they hoped
that the problem would be solved in accordance with perestroika and democracy.
In the meeting in Askeran Konovalov declared, "No question is going to be discussed by the Central Committee of
the USSR Communist Party" and "Believe me, the perestroika and democracy are temporary processes, which are to decline
soon".
Facing a hostile participants here too, Konovalov and Kevorkov hurried to Martakert, where the demostrators met
them near the building of Regional Committee and demanded to answer their questions. Not instructed how to behave in
such a situation, Konovalov and Kevorkov returned to Stepanakert.
In the evening the secretaries of Azerbaijan Communist Party Central Committee T. Orujev and R. Mekhtiev arrived
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in Stepanakert.12
Already from January the Baku authorities were informed by the head of the State Security Committee of Karabagh
G. Septa, that the application to Moscow about the attachment of Karabagh to Armenia had obtained several thousand
signatures. The leader of the Regional committee had shrugged his shoulders sceptically, and declared ironically that it was
the imagination of the KKB officer, as to himself, he was a realist and intended to have a peaceful vocation since mid February.
The Regional Committee delegations sent to Hadrut and Martuni, suffered the same failure. Here too, a resulution of
unification with Armenia was accepted by majority vote and sent to Moscow.
On February 13, 1988, inspired by the rhetoric of perestroika, 500 students of Agricultural College and Pedagogical
Institute of Stepanakert, carrying Gorbachov's pictures and perestroika-style slogans, marked the start of the series of
demonstrations in favour of union with Armenia. On their way to Lenin square, near the Shahumian park they were stopped
by the militia. "Don't you allow Gorbachov to enter the square?", requested the demonstrators. The militiamen retreated. A
rostrum was constructed in the middle of the square. Stepanakert workers, civil-servants, intellectuals, about one thousand
five hundred people had already gathered in the square. Arkadi Karapetian was the first to speak. The whole square echoed
his appeal of unification. Grigor Afanasian ended his speech with the words; "Down with Kevorkov!". Meanwhile the high rank
Baku officials and the members of Regional, District Bureaus had gathered in Kevorkov's office to pass a law on forbidding
rallies and demonstrations. Later the members of the Hadrut Bureau told; "Konovalov told that during his talk with Lukianov
the latter had informed that Gorbachov had been reported about the situation in Karabagh and had noted that the socialeconomical problems should be solved jointly, while territorial problems wouldn't be discussed... T. Orujev and M. Asadov
threatened us, saying; "what if the Azerbaijanis of the neihbouring attack your villages" or "how are you going to get home
passing through Fizuli and Jebrail, aren't you afraid to be stopped there? And who is going to be responsible for the results?
You too are enclosed in an enclave". When they were told that only 14 thousand people lived in our region, they said; "Look
at them! they shouldn't have been granted even a regional status." The population of Hadrut was 33 thousand Armenians in
1913 and 16 thousand in 1970.
The Soviet internal troops under Grigorev and Safonov marched into Stepanakert. The vallies and demonstrations
came to an end. On February 15 the Azerbaijanis of Shushi responded with a rally, protesting against the Armenian will for
the incorporation of Karabagh into Armenia. But masses of demonstrators did not stop arriving in Stepanakert from the
neighbouring Armenian villages. Two thousand Azeri militiamen arrived from Baku, Kirovabad and other regions and
guarded the streets and squares of Stepanakert. The number of the demonstrators was already 30 thousand. It was the time
to set up an organizing official committee to lead the masses. The heads of the Stepanakert enterprises applied to the
collectives of workers for representatives. Everything was done based on principles of democracy. On February 16 the 33
representatives of the workers' collectives gathered in the publishing house of the newspaper "Soviet Karabagh" and elected
a committee of nine to lead the movement. The committee got the name "Crane". The manager of the Stepanakert plant of
construction materials Arkadi Manucharov was elected the chairman of the "Crane Committee". (the name crane refers to a
well-known Armenian poem and song about the bird flying from the homeland and is a symbol of homesickness for
Armenians). Arkadi Manucharov was one of the authors of the 1965 petition of Karabagh Armenians addressed to the
Communist Party and government of the USSR and was later forced to seek exile in Armenia.
On behalf of the Karabagh Communists a telegram was sent to Moscow. It read; "The officials of the Regional
Committee of the Communist Party of the Nagornoy Karabagh Autonomous Region, seriously worried by the tense and
threatening situation of the region, insist on the arrival of the Commission of the Central Committee of the USSR Communist
Party."15
On February 8 in the evening the delegation of the Karabagh writers and artists, arriving from Moscow faced a
demonstration of 40 thousand people in the Lenin square and told them about their talk with the head of the Nationality
Sector of the Central Committee of the USSR Communist Party V. Mikhailov, about the letter's statement of "a green road
awaiting you."
Politically unexperienced, the Karabagh intellectuals believed the problem settled. The news was greeted with
rejoicing in the Lenin square of the Karabagh capital. In a historic move the extraordinary session of the Karabagh Regional
Committee, usually nothing more than a transmitter of party policy, was to take an important step on February 20, 1988. The
First Secretary of the Azerbaijani Communist Party Central Committee Kemran Bagirov, the official representative of
Propaganda department of the USSR Communist Party V. Yashin, a group of Baku Armenian intellectuals arrived in
Stepanakert. This historical session was the first example of violating the law of subordination within the Party apparatus.
Each delegate was greeted with a storm of applause from the side of the 40 thousand demonstrators. The Azerbaijani militia
was instructed to block up all the roads leading to Stepanakert, all the passing vehicles were checked and the arriving
delegates were forcibly sent back. Many of the delegates managed to survive the check-outs and arrived in Stepanakert in
time.
Bigirov tried hard to order the Chair of the Regional Soviet to forbid the session, but the members of the Chair didn't
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submit to him. They were afraid neither of Bagirov, nor of Kevorkov. Bagirov sensed the session to mark his destruction. The
Young Secretary of the Sumgait City Sovied was expecting his fall to seize his position and power. At nine o'clock in the
evening of February 20, 1988, the 112 delegates from the 149 were already present. Farmers, stepherds, milkmaids formed a
majority among the delegates. For years they had been the mute supporters of the party resolutions, charged with putting up
hands and applauding. The election of deputies to the Soviets and other organs was generally a formal process in the USSR.
The status, age, education of the future deputy was decided from above", and then corresponding candidates were chosen.
The existing system was just dressed in democracy, bearing no signs of it inside. And now the delegates of the system were
to oppose the system itself for the first time.
In the session Bagirov suggested replacing the issue of attachment of Karabagh to Armenia with the issue of
economical and social reforms to be conducted in the region. The answer to this was negative. Bagirov understood that he
was powerless to prevent the adoption of the historic resolution, which was a real bombshell. The resolution was adopted at
10 p.m.;
"The resolution of the Exraordinary Session of the Regional Soviet of Deputies of Karabagh about calling on the soviets of
Azerbaijan and Armenia to make every effort to reach a positive decision concerning the transfer of the region from the
Azerbaijan SSR to Armenian SSR".
Hearing, discussing and considering the speeches made by the peoples delegates at the Extroardinary Session of
the Regional Sovied of Mountainous Karabagh concerning the appeal to the Azerbaijani and Armenian Supreme Soviets to
reach a positive decision concerning the transfer of the region from Azerbaijan SSR to Armenian SSR, the Extraordinary
Session of the Regional Soviet decides;
Promoting the wishes of the workers of the region request the Supreme Soviet of Armenia and the Supreme Soviet
of Azerbaijan to express a deep understanding towards the desire of the population of the region for the incorporation of
Karabagh into Armenia, at the same time interceding with the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for the positive decision
concerning the transfer of Karabagh to Armenia.16
Stepanakert was like the epi-centre of a mighty earthquake. Tens of minority nationalities were carefully following the
development of events in the small Armenian enclave within a Soviet Republic, which had adopted a resolution, which at last
had given their claims a legal basis in the Soviet sense of the term, as out of total 140 deputies, 110 voted for the resolution.
The next day, on February 21 the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR,
gave its reply, reading that the demanded changes "run counter to the interests of the workers of Armenian and Azerbaijani
SSR "with the addition of threats against the "irresponsible extremists".
The Soviet media continued to keep silent on the matter. The censorship was still mighty enough to forbid anything
that was undesirable. The Gorbachov government faced a serious crises for which neither the Soviet Constitution, nor
political precedent provided much guidance - the need to settle a violently contested territorial conflict between two union
republics. The very next day thousands marched in Yerevan in support of Karabagh, then the movement grew and was
turned a continuous demonstration. Azerbaijanis, reacting the Armenian demands, took the streets.
A telegram of the "National Self-Determination" party was sent to the USSR Foreign Minister A. Gromiko. It read;
"Out of accord with Armenia, Moscow permitted and realized the annexation of Armenian territories to other republics. It's
time to correct its mistake. Our hopes of decades are ruined. Now the population of Nagorny Karabagh claims for its own land
basing the unification with Armenia on democratic principles and notions of self-determination. If Moscow has given up
Stalinist strategy, it must choose to confirm the decision made by the nation of Karabagh."17 The Resolution of the Session
had not been ratified with the round seal of the Regional Soviet, as it was stolen by the Chairman of the Regional Soviet V.
Osipov.
The atmosphere grew tense in Stepanakert. All the ways to Karabagh were blocked up. The Armenian passengers
were beaten up, tortured on the roads. On February 20 on the road of the Boyakhmedlu village of Aghdam region a bus was
stopped by the Azerbaijani hooligans and the passengers were mercilessly beaten up. The materials of the incident were
sent to the special investigation group of the USSR Prosecution Department.
A new blockade of the region was being organized. Everything reminded the years of 1917-1920. The age-old
conflict was continued by a new generation after an interval of 70 years.
In the evening once half an hour the Azerbaijani television informed the report of the news agency "Azerinform",
where the events of Karabagh were qualified as the result of "extremis activity". This declarations aroused Armenian
indignation, as the movement was in fact national and their demand - constitutional. The Baku authorities again backed by
Kremlin, were inclined to the forcible solution of the problem. The Karabagh movement was able to defend itself in no way as
the whole region was guarded by the Azerbaijani internal structures. The population and the movement placed their hopes in
the USSR internal forces as it was the only means to defend them, publicize the problem and make the international
community to react.
In Yerevan the first "Karabagh Committee" was set up, under the direction of some 15 members. After Gorbachov's
asking for a month to settle the Karabagh problem, it was decided to stop demonstrations in Yerevan. Meantime Kevorkov
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was dismissed from his post of Secretary of the Communist Party of Karabagh.
Meetings in Yerevan attracted up to 120.000 people without a single incident of hoolganism. There were no troops in
the city. There were strikes. In Stepanakert too tools were downed. The only disruption was that many workplaces were
closed. High party officials arrived in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Karabagh. On February 22 the secretary of the Central
Committee G. Rasumovski and the First depute chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council P. Demichev arrived in
Stepanakert, to introduce the resolution of the Central Committee on Karabagh issue adopted on February 21 to the
population.
In the neighbouring district centre of Aghdam, a meeting was held on 21 February to discuss the Resolution of the
Karabagh Regional Soviet to unify with Armenia. Having discussed it, the audience dispersed. Next day, in the morning
several hundred young Azerbaijanis from Aghdam set off for Askeran "to watch the demonstrations" there. On the way to
Azerbaijanis died in mysterial circumstances, but following word of their deaths, 20.000 people gathered and set off for
Stepanakert, threatening "to teach a good lesson" to the demonstrators of Lenin Square. Destroying and burning down the
premises of the Khanabad farm, and beating accidental Armenian passers-by on the way, they reached Aghdam. They were
stopped by a group of Armenians (200 men), who were already taking positions to prevent the mob from advancing. But
being heavily stoned by a mob, they retreated. At that moment a gun fired. One of the Aghdam residents was killed. Before
this event another Aghdam young man was killed by a major of militia. The retreating mob moved towards the close lying
Armenian villages, the resident of which took positions to defend their homes. A truck-driver of Khanabad drove the machine
on the crowd, frightening and scattering them. The attack on the village Nakhichevanik was a failure too.
Twenty-five Armenians were beaten up that day, other fourteen, suffering serious physical injuries, were hospitalized,
but the situation however, remained under control for the time being. In Stepanakert they refused to leave the square, for
fear of internal troops occupying the square. At night, as a result of Aghdam attack, a general strike was declared.
The Kremlin representatives had to prolong their stay. Moscow too, was at a loss what to do, but their intention to
keep the process under pressure than to solve the problem, was evident.
In Azerbaijan the tension was also rising, but for the time being, everything was orderly. The newspapers were full of
official articles about friendship and brotherhood between people and about the "flourishing region of Karabagh".
"Bakinski Rabochi", 23 February 1988
"The dinamic development of the economical, cultural and spiritual spheres of Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous
Republic, due to the active support and attention of the party, economical and Soviet structures of the Republic, has achieved
a high level".
"Nagorny Karabagh is a developed agricultural and industrial region, playing a visible role in the economy of the
whole Republic".
"... trying to provide their absurd demands with a base, declaring that the economy, culture and education of the
region are on the decline".
"The workers of the NKAR have all the guarantees to look optimistically to the future".
The national poet of Azerbaijan Bakhtiar Bahubzade used to repeat his provocative poem "No Share in the Land":
"Won't this serve as a lesson, or maybe they need to lose a flood of blood."
In Baku everyone refused to consider even for a moment that Karabagh might be handed over to Armenia. Requests
from Stepanakert for unification with Armenia were seen as nibbling away at the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. In this rare
instance the people and the Party were indeed, as the Communist slogan used to say, as one. During the night of 22-23
February the First Secretary of the Karabagh Regional Party Committee was replaced. Now the area was being run by H.
Pogosian, who was fairly popular with the people. The dismission of Heidar Aliev's puppet Kevorkov was the victory of
democratic forces. On that day 800.000 people gathered in Theatre Square of Yerevan.
Meanwhile, the situation on the borders of the Karabagh was becoming more tense. It was impossible to get to
Stepanakert by road due to road blocks. Cars with Karabagh numbers were being stopped, passengers and drivers
murdered, the cars reduced to scrap metal. Several members of Lachin militia were patrolling the road from Armenia. The oil
store at Askeran was ransacked, a mill-attacked, in the course of which the grain had been destroyed, a cane processing
works was setalight, many hectares of vineyards were ruined. In Stepanakert such events aroused waves of hostile
emotions, for everyone was conscious that only self-control, discipline and maintenance of order would save the enclave
from catastrophic conflict.
A group of journalists from Armenian television - B. Karapetian (commentator), H. Petrossian (editor-in-chief of
"Yeter" newspaper), K. Davtian (producer) and G. Simonian (cameraman), overcoming the border difficulties within 2 days,
on February 23 managed to reach to Karabagh via Kazakh - Kirovabad - Shahumian road. They shot video films about the
demonstrations in Lenin Square, talked to the activists of the movement, and prepared reports presenting the real situation of
the region, intending to make the world community to react. The civilized world could not be indifferent to the lawless efforts
of the authorities to put down forcibly the rising of a whole nation, thus preventing Gorbachov from taking extreme measures.
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In spite of Gorbachov's notions of glasnost (openness) and democracy, the Soviet mass media preferred not to get
involved in the interracial conflict, awaiting a signal and guidance on the way to cover the Karabagh situation. Moreover,
when it was clear that a signal was imminent and the shape of the guidence became quite transparent, the TASS news
agency made a provoking announcement calling the whole nation "a group of extremists". There was a moment when
Gorbachov could solve the problem, correcting the mistake of Stalin's "autonomization", but he and his apparatus preferred
not to carve up the unitary state.
During a speech in the Lenin Square the 65-year old Nina Baghdasarian, pointing at Lenin's monument said. "Look,
Demichev and Razumovski reject your notions. They are in a few metres distance, but don't want to listen to you".
Addressing to the demonstrators Vasili Mikhailov said, "The 26 Baku Commissars did not ask the nationality of people. Why
do we ask now, who are you?, with whom are you?, we are the sons of a common Motherland. For that Motherland we have
sacrified 20 million lives from Ararat to Moscow, even the North Pole has seen the blood of its defenders. In this historic era
of perestroika, the enemies of our revolution will take advantage of our discordance and... Gorbachov has said, "Yes, we
know the history of the Armenian nation, but all the nations are equal for us, we love all of them in the same way". Believe
me, the Central Committee can't solve this problem otherwise..."
Beating over the bush for a whole hour, Razumovski too added nothing to what was said. Even if eager to add
something, he would be unable to do that, as the Central Committee didn't understand what was taking place in reality. The
members of it of course accepted the real truth, individually but the Party machine on the whole had its own programme of
work. The programme was still not being changed by anybody daring enough to undertake that mission. The London
"Independent" wrote, "There are two ways to be chosen by Gorbachov:
1. to tighten the screws strengthening the power of 140 million ethnic Russians over multinational states with the nearly same
number of population.
2. to accept the logic of his own policy, which means adding up to the transfer of power from Moscow to the regional
authorities and not vice versa. Otherwise Gorbachov's empire will be dismantled".
On February 26 the Lenin Square of Stepanakert was again full of peoples. The residents of neighbouring regions
and villages arrived in great numbers. Reaching the posts of the patrolling militia they went round and entered the city
through the forests, carrying with them supplies of food and wood for the population of the town.
In the evening of February 26 the people were waiting for Gorbachov's appeal to the populations of Armenia and
Azerbaijan on the television. Before the historic speech, the people were shown the famous Soviet film "1905, Bloody
Sunday", horrifying the people by mass scenes of bloodshed. The text of Gorbachov's appeal was read by Razumovski from
Baku. The people in Lenin Square, numbering 50 thousand were petrified with expectaition. Gorbachov said nothing
essential. "I call on you to express political maturity and return to normal life and work and maintain law and order.
"It's the time to be sober-minded and keep your balance". The last words of Razumovski were followed by a
thundering shout, "Strike! Strike!".
Meanwhile, two leading figures in the Armenian democratic movement, the poetess Silva Kaputikian and publicist
Zori Balayan, were in Moscow and obtained an interview with Mikhail Gorbachov on 26 February. Gorbachov was
accompanied by Central Committee Secretary Alexander Yakovlev. Gorbachov gave his word to "make a renaissance" in
Karabagh. His words meant that the Armenian delegates were asked to go to Yerevan and damp things down. Next day, 27
February they were back in Yerevan, where Silva Kaputikian went to tape an interview for the local television station and Zori
Balayan went to address a meeting. About half a million people in Theatre Square were waiting for him to tell them about the
results of the meeting. Zori Balayan told them that the Central Committee of the USSR was charged with wrestling with that
most painful problem and suggested it was better to go back to work and call the strike off. Igor Muradian told the people that
there would be another meeting a month later, on March 26. Meanwhile the deputy Procurator General of the USSR Katusev
announced on the television that as a result of nationalistic clashes in Karabagh, two Azerbaijanis had been killed. The
tension grew in Azerbaijan.
Discussing the results of Zori Balayan's and Silva Kaputikians visits to Moscow, one of the leaders of the movement;
Vazgen Manukian said; "To my mind the meeting of Silva and Zori with Gorbachov was not organized well. They mentioned
the problem of pan-Turkism, which is threatening for Russia, Armenia serving as a forepost for it... When nothing in the world
can compare with the Soviet might, Armenia is a trifle problem for it. They should have represented the problem from the
political aspect. They should have stressed the demonstration of half a million people. The attachment of Karabagh to
Armenia was dangerous as it could give birth to several similar demands and the refusal in its turn would result in the creation
of several like movements. In case Gorbachov tried to crush the movement. West would deprive him of its support and the
future of perestroika would be fateful. In my opinion such an approach should be more effective. But as intellectuals Silva
and Zori chose the national issue as a base, not the political one, which I consider not right. I understand Zori. He probably
thought that having one million army of supporters, he couldn't be refused further negotiations, concerning the problem. He
hoped to reach a solution of such a serious problem that way. But in all cases it is a grave mistake to consider an individuality
responsible for such a powerful movement. The power of such an individual could be easily abolished or he might not be
strong enough to resist the attracts of power... A mass movement of such might either must be opposed to or given in. Igor
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and Zori dispersed the people. The people were disappointed..."20
At that moment Gorbachov aimed at calming down the Armenians with promises and his effort was crowned with
success. But the movement could awake any moment, so new measures were to be undertaken. The "Azerbaijanian factor"
was an instrument to be used not only against the Armenians, but also prevent other movements to emerge.
The "Washington Times" wrote; "Though Gorbachov managed to keep under control the Armenian movements
temporarily, the Sumgait bloodshed, when the Armenian minority was attacked by an Azerbaijani mob, made it clear that the
border changes could be a threat to his new regime".
The Sumgait drama received world-wide publicity and was a terrible shock to all Armenian communities, reviving
memories of 1915 genocide. With Sumgait, the possibility of a peaceful transfer of Karabagh to Armenia became remote. It
was evident that the massacre of Sumgait had been carefully planned beforehand. After the World War II, Azerbaijan
undertook to build a hidroelectrical station in Mingechaur and to turn Sumgait to a centre of chemical industry. It may seem
that the economical development of the Azerbaijan Republic had nothing to do with the Karabagh problem, but in fact there is
a direct link between the two. All the young people of Karabagh were persuaded to move to the developing centre of
chemical industry, and Azeris were settled in Karabagh instead, intending to achieve a solution of the problem through
demographic changes. Due to such a migration 18 thousand Karabagh Armenians appeared in Sumgait.
The outbursts of mass nationalist movements, first in Tarnscaucasia and soon after in Baltic Republics, occured at
the same time. Then the events of Kazakhstan, Moldavia, and later Ukraine and Belorussia followed. After trying to crush
brutally the national movements, Kremlin understood the impossibility of using armed force against the burgeoning national
movements. The nationalists identified the Soviet experiment as the enemy of essential, authentic, natural national
aspirations. The Soviet experience of making nations entered the new discourse of separatism. The image of the USSR as a
state having no ethnic problems dashed to the ground. The empire was dying. Gorbachov's commitment to democratic reform
restrained the kind of physical force that had forged the empire and preserved it for seven decades.
In 1930s Stalin solemnly declared that the ethnic problem was non-existent in the state, and that a new soviet culture
was founded. After this declaration, the friendship of nations came forward. Gorbachov's preferred solution for the "national
question" was a return to Lenin's nationality policy, a genuine federalism to replace the Stalinist emasculation of the
federation. He spoke of restoring the violated rights of Soviet nationalities, at the same time consistently rejecting demands
for redrawing the administrative boundries in the USSR. The Karabagh movement and the Sumgait events were the first
blows to his policy of restructuring.
The Sumgait events took place on February 28-29 (the days of Sumgait massacre).
"With Sumgait, the possibility of a peaceful transfer of Karabagh to Armenia became remote. As attitudes on both sides
hardened, a mediated settlement satisfactory to both parties bacame extremely unlikely", writes R.S. Suny.
Though condemning the riots of Sumgait, the Azerbaijani intellectuals maintained that Karabagh was historically a
part of their homeland. The Sumgait villuins were even justified by a Baku scholar, academician Zia Buniatov in his article
published in the newspaper "Elm";- "Why Sumgait" (comment on the current situation). Starting from history, setting out
"exclusive" historic claims to the region and rejecting Armenian right to statehood, he reaches the XX century and stressing
the massacres of Armenians as if conducted by the Dashnak Party, repeated the pan-Turkic "truth" of barbarian Armenians,
massacring the "peaceful Turkish population". Mentioning the sign of the village Maragha "150 years" and the fact that the
oldest tombstones in the village graveyard are as old as 160 years, he draws the conclusion of "In this case how can
Karabagh be Armenian", forgetting the numerous ancient monuments in all the villages of Karabagh. Arriving in Sumgait he
declared, "a couple of hours earlier the representatives of Armenian TV had secretly entered the city, awaiting the events".
Of course he was dissatisfied of the fact that the military had taken pictures in the city on March 1 and 2. The only
Armenian reporter, who had been in the city was B. Karapetian, who went there in mid-March and met with the leaders of the
city (Bairamova), public prosecutors and the victims of vandalism. Z. Buniatov wrote that the first Armenian citizen was killed
by a Grigorian, an Armenian. The author knew very well that it was not true. This patriot considered a moral duty to defend
those who planned and carried out the campaign. Generally all his works breathe of hatred towards Armenia and Armenians
and his strive of falsifying the history and "Albanizing" the Tatars is evident. The Armenian scholars wrote their answers to
the above mentioned article24 which was followed by another such article by professor of Dubna research centre, physicist V.
Petrovski,25 who warned to be cautious of "diversion". Probably the work of the author wasn't worth the attention paid to it,
but being the founder and spiritual leader of the Baku school, he deserved to be bared for his manipulation and speculation
to persuade the other Azerbaijani scholars give up falsification and throw away the rubbish of Buniatov's made theories, as
its humiliating to lay false claims to the typical Armenian medieval architecture, inscriptions, cross-stones.
The Baku school inherited the non-scientific approach to its history from their "relatives": The Turkish historians and
theorists, who had practicing the methods of historical falsification since times immemorial, thus laying claims to the cultural
inheritance of the ancient nations of Asia Minor. Instead of devoting his life to the development of pan-Turkic theory, Buniatov
had better turn his attention to the Iranian roots of the minority inhabiting Azerbaijan and called "Tats", nationality, to which he
himself belonged. Instead of supporting his native nation to survive, he preferred to support the "Azerbaijanization" of the
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Tats' nationality.
After Sumgait the "Washington Post" reported (based on Azerbaijani sources) that Soviet troops had arrived in Baku,
to prevent the conflict from further escalation. In an interview to the American reporter, two Azerbaijanis had said that the riots
were provoked by the Armenians. According to their variant the first demonstrations were held in Baku on February 24, when
several thousand Baku students had gathered in the central square of Baku to express their protest against the Armenian
demand of attachment of Karabagh to Armenia. Then thirty young Azerbaijanis had arrived from the Armenian town of
Ghapan and told the demonstrators that the Armenians of that town had beaten up and raped the Azerbaijani women. Then
the above mentioned thirty young Azerbaijanis had left for Sumgait, telling the same story there.
Later, an official statement was made that no such events had taken place in Ghapan. The Soviet mass media too
had no reports about any violences in Ghapan. The representative of the USSR Ministery of Foreign Affairs Gerassimov and
other Soviet officials considered that the Sumgait events were the result of untrue rumours. It had been officially established
that the Sumgait militia did not try to prevent lowless deeds, but even released some of the criminals who had been arrested
by the troops on the streets. The behaviour of the first secretary of the Sumgait Town Soviet Muslim-Zade was difficult to
explain. He was on leave and only with greatest difficulty was finally persuaded to cut short holiday and return to town.
On March 1 a meeting of the leaders of Sumgait "demonstration" (massacres) representatives of the army, Central
Committee and Interior Ministry took place. The Azerbaijani leaders officially demanded the transfer of the capital of Nagorny
Karabagh Stepanakert to Aghdam, which was preponderantly Azerbaijani the deportation of all Karabagh Armenians to
Armenia and dismissed of all officials for neglect of duty if they try in any way to support the further escalation of the
Karabagh conflict.
The March 1 issue of the "Bakinski Rabochi" reported; "Unfortunately in such a glorious town as Sumgait, the
working collectives had turned to supporters of hooligans, watching the events without interfering".
Massive crimes; violent murders and gang rapes, which are impossible to believe to have taken place towards the
end of twentieth century, are called just "deeds of hooligans".
Noisy demonstrations and meetings might have been expected in Yerevan and Stepanakert, but there were none,
the people kept their word. The members of the Karabagh "Krunk" Committee congratulated M. Gorbachov on the occasion
of his birthday, again declaring that there were going to be no more demonstrations in the city. In this way they expressed
there trust in the leader of perestroika.
Despite the calls to attack Shushi, Khojalu and Malibeili, in return for Sumgait, Aghdam and Kirovabad massacres,
the leader of the Committee A. Manucharov rejected any idea of application of force, declaring "our only way is the
constitutional struggle".
A group of Moscow Armenian intellectuals, academicians T. Khachaturov, N. Yenikalopian, correspondents of the
Academy I. Atabekov, A. Sarkissian, professors M. Sarkisov and R. Sapeniants were charged with the task of preparing
special material about the Karabagh Autonomous Region, its political and economical situation, adding their own analyses
and suggestions. Staying in the region for a week and studying the situation carefully and thoroughly they suggested,
considering the will of the population of the region forming the 5% of the Azerbaijani territory, transfer Nagorny Karabagh
from Azerbaijan to Armenia. Parallel to this variant, another one was suggested: to attach the region to the Russian
Federation.
However till mid-March, various signs suggested that no positive decision would be taken by the Kremlin. The
Stepanakert square came to life again, with 40 thousand people demanding a plenum. This routine went on until 17 March,
until the plenum of the Party Regional Committee. The Plenum began at 8 a.m. Forty thousand people waited for it to
complete its work. At 1.30 a.m., fifteen and a half hours later, the plenum meeting ended. The following text of its decision
was firstly read out to the people in the square;
"Expressing the aspirations of the Armenian inhabitants of the Autonomous Region and the will of the majority of the
communists of Nagorny Karabagh, the Party Committee Plenum decides to ask the Politburo of the Central Committee of the
CPSU to consider and answer positively the question of the unification of NK Autonomous Region with the Armenian SSR,
thereby rectifying the historical mistake of the territorial allocation of Nagorny Karabagh".
The decision of the Regional Soviet put official circles in Moscow, Baku and Yerevan on their guard. In Yerevan the news
was greeted with wild rejoicing. Six thousand Armenian refugees from Sumgait became witting or unwitting propagandists
against Nagorny Karabagh remaining within Azerbaijan. The atrocities they described gave rise to an anti-Azerbaijani mood.
For the time being there were no acts of reciprocal violence from the Armenian side. Yet the situation was precariously
balanced and any act could detonate an explosion.
On 26 March an army was sent to Yerevan. Theatre Square was surrounded with tanks and helicopters hovered over
the town, carrying out patrolling flights. Meanwhile Armenian refugees continued to arrive from Azerbaijan, they were
registered and some were sent to Karabagh, some stayed in Yerevan and others were dispersed throughout the country.
Many of the refugees were of Karabagh origin and to Azerbaijan's great dissatisfaction, they resettled in Karabagh, increasing
the number of the Armenian population in the region.
As to the Soviet press, the earlier TASS communique and Isvestia reported that the riots of Sumgait were provoked
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by Armenians, because mention had been made of extremists in "their" ranks. Furthermore, the aggression was apparantly
mutual, since people of "various nationalities" had died. "Pravda" published an article, headlined the "Provocators". The
preface read; "The editors continuously receive letters, in which our readers express their views on and around the problem
of Nagorny Karabagh. Condemning the "democratic" methods of demonstrations and strikes and keeping the state authorities
under pressure through them, the authors of the letters are sure that the Armenians and Azerbaijanis cannot be put the
blame on for this. In their opinion the people marched into streets and squares unable to bear the burden of decades'
economical, social, ecological difficulties. But there are people who are trying to achieve political capital on the wave of this
dissatisfaction, provoking nationalistic passions and blemishing perestroika that way". In this article too "Pravda", stigmatizing
the "nationalist demonstrations" which "would not effect the friendship between Azerbaijan and Armenia", avoided dealing
with the problem, just putting blames on leaders and supporters of the movement; P. Hairikian (Party of National SelfDetermination), S. Grigorians (editor-in-chief of "Glasnost" newspaper), and considered the foreign radio stations and other
agencies their patrons, who are trying to provoke "nationalistic clashes" in the USSR.
The first attempts to lift the informational blockade of Karabagh was Henry Borovik's TV programme "Policia,
Karabagh, Meditations". In the situation of Communist censorship the author had tried to give an objective and true view of
the problem as much as possible. With the programme he set up a new "position" in the war against informational blockade.
The Stepanakert square was closed on demonstrators day and night. The people chose a new way of expressing
their will. They gathered in the circlyng square. They continued chanting. "Lenin, Party. Gorbachov, Unification. We believe in
perestroika. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR will support us". The foreign politicians and
correspondents were surprised. Did the naive Armenians still believe in the perestroika? But the Karabagh Armenians
probably thought that it was impossible to solve their problem being hostile to Gorbachov and the Party for the time being.
Meanwhile the powerful national front in Armenia; the Karabagh Committee, combined nationalism with ecological
cencerns and a firm commitment to democratic politics. The Azerbaijani intellectuals created the Azerbaijan People's Front,
though it never acquired the degree of authority, organization and discripline over the crowds that the Armenian nationalist
achieved.
The Stepanakert demonstrators continued to express protest against Vasilenko as Procurator - General of the region
and deputy Procurator General Bairamov, both of them were appointed by Baku authorities. The two officials had at once set
to check the city graveyard, trying to estimate the value of the tombstones erected by the leaders of the movement on the
tombs of their relatives. This way they aimed at bringing charges against the mentioned leaders for illegal incomes. Seing the
investigators working in the graveyard, the Armenians felt insulted and the sense gave rise to a new way of demonstrations.
The Shushi Azerbaijanis responded the Armenian movements with their own rallies in the town. In an interview to the
local T.V. the Shushi resident Earnest Mnatsakanian told about the first rally in Shushi. Calls to drive the Armenians out of
Shushi were heard. The crowd chanted "Karabagh is an integral part of Azerbaijan", "Not an inch of land to Armenians". On
May 15, gathering in the market square, the crowd moved to the building of Regional Committee. The Sumgait symptoms
were developing and beginning to emerge. An appeal to the Central Committee was read. It was demanded to dissolute the
Autonomous Region, suggesting a Moscow representative to be appointed First Secretary. When the term "friendship" was
mentioned, the crowd shouted "without Armenians". The Azerbaijanis of neighbouring regions had arrived in Shushi.
Armenians were refused to be given food and bread in shops. The Armenians were dismissed from employment, they were
stoned and beaten up in streets. The internal troops were unable to protect the Armenian families from the growing threats.
Four Armenian citizens of the city left for Moscow to protest against the unlawful actions of Azerbaijanis. Earnest
Mnatsakanian was one of the delegates. The correspondents of Pravda Ovcharenko and Chernenko making an antiArmenian report used his name and wrote that he was ashamed of his compatriots. The Armenians condemned
Mnatsakanian for betrayal of his country. After the incident the poor man appeared nowhere.
The whole country was set against the Armenians, awaiting the events of 26 March. On 24 March in Moscow the
Central Committee and the Council of Ministers gave out a decree concerning the socio-economic development of
Karabagh. Though expected, the decision came as a thunderbolt, denying the reattachment, threatening legal action and
condemning nationalist and extremist demonstrations. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR considered it
"inadmissable to strive to solve complex national and territorial problems by exercising pressure on the organs of state power
in an atmosphere marked by the exacerbation of emotions and passions, whilst setting up all kinds of illegal bodies proposing
the changing of the state and administrative bounderies laid down in the USSR constitution with consequences impossible to
foresee". It was said in the resolution that Gorbachov himself called on the deputies of the SSR of Armenia and Azerbaijan
"to improve their mass political and educational work amongst the population, always using Leninist principles as the basis for
the nationalities policy and for friendship and unity between the peoples of the USSR; to make a profound analysis of all the
reasons for the exacerbation of inter-ethnic relations; to eliminate such conflicts and to take energetic measures against all
demonstrations of nationalism and extremism".
Although a number of economic and cultural measures were decreed, they could not lessen the effect of the refusal.
The Armenians were disillusioned. instead of the expected mass meetings and speeches, the day of March 26 passed
quietly. The army quit Yerevan. April 24 is the annivarsary of the 1915 massacre of Armenians by the Turks. The students of
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University installed a khachkar to the memory of Sumgait, next to the monument to the 1915 genocide. Two days later by
government decree the Karabagh Committee and the Krunk Society of Karabagh were disbanded. On May 21 Moscow
announced the simultaneous dismissal of the first secretaries of the Azeri and Armenian Communist parties, who were
replaced by Abdul-Rahman Vezirov and Suren Harutiunian respectively.
On May 14 and 15 rallies took place in all the regional centres of Azerbaijan. In Baku 15 thousand Azerbaijani
students marched into the Armenian district "Khutor" chanting, "Do away with Armenians!" The crowd was on the verge of a
new slaughter. An over-excited and frightened Armenian fired and killed the leader of the mob, which hostily retreated.
Another part of the demonstrators were shouting at the building of the Supreme Council; "Freedom to the heroes of Sumgait",
"They saved Karabagh". Even a fund was raised to support the families of the "heroes", who had been accused of
aggravated hooliganism rather than contemplating genocide at the court hearing and were to be set free soon. Mass rallies in
Baku were led by a dynamic young worker Neimat Panakhov, who belonged to the less-educated and less-privileged class of
Baku workers. The Azerbaijan People's Front intelligent leaders were replaced by Panakhov's adherents. The Front was torn
socially between those concerned with the many problems facing Azerbaijan and those who had concentrated on Karabagh
issue.
The Armenian national leaders came from professional intelligentsia and were firmly conducting democratic politics.
They even voted off Igor Muradian, who had called on people to be ready to defend themselves because the government did
not guarantee their safety and had stated that force had to be met with force. The Stepanakert movements were led by the
intellectuals too; scientists, university, teachers, writers, engineers....
As before the Soviet mass media remained to be completely biased. The Baku papers published humiliating articles
about the unofficial Armenian leaders, the Armenian press kept silent, deprived of the right of commenting on the fateful
situation of the nation. Any political report or programme could be released by a special permission of the Central
Committee. The changes in the administration of both republics at the end of May took place in the presence of Politburo
members Yakovlev in Yerevan and Ligachov in Baku. The new secretary of Communist Party of Armenia S. Harutiunian was
greeted by the Karabagh Committee and people as he seemed a completely democratic leader. Y. Ligachev declared in
Baku that the Karabagh issue was not going to be discussed by the Centarl Committee and no territorial changes were to be
awaited.
This declaration gave rise to a strong protest in Karabagh and a general strike was organized. People all over the city
went round the Lenin Square, which was empty, only with Lenin standing in the middle. The demonstrators continued
chanting "Lenin-Party..." This call already didn't mean loyalty to the leader of the revolution or his party, but had turned into a
strong demand from that party to settle the national problem of Karabagh. By June the leaders of Karabagh distanced
themselves from the Karabagh Committee of Yerevan. The discordance grew among the two parties and Levon TerPetrossian and Vazgen Manukian were unable to achieve reconciliation. The "Krunk Committee" refused to agree to the
dismissal of Igor Muradian and did not support the change of policy of the Karabagh Committee, which besides the Karabagh
conflict had focused attention on the democratization of society, cleansing it of the influence of organized crime and
corruption, the anti-Soviet tendences of the party was emerging. If the "Krunk" members were trying to achieve a positive
solution of the problem by gaining the favour of Moscow, then the Karabagh Committee leaders were already fighting for
power. As to Igor Muradian, he was called to the Procurator's office to account for his call to arms, which was quoted in the
leading article of the newspaper "Communist". Undertaking that he would refrain that theme in future, Igor was not arrested.
But the Karabagh Committee members after the incident forcibly prevented him from getting in touch with people, declaring
him a provocateur and a KGB agent who was appointed to lead the masses astray.
Meetings were accompanied by hunger strikes. Tens of people were sitting in the Yerevan Theatre Square around
the monuments of Tumanian and Spendiarian on hunger strike for an emergency session of the Supreme Soviet to discuss
the Karabagh February 20 application to the Armenian government for the attachment of Karabagh to Armenia.
The Armenian TV made a dicision to release B. Karapetians documental film concerning the latest events of
Stepanakert and Shushi. But the Central Committee was trying to prevent the show. The demonstrators moved to the TV
station demanding the release of the programme. It was decided to show the film after the June 16 session of the Supreme
Soviet.
Half of the 231 industrial works of Armenia were on strike. The Karabagh committee demanded the work of the
Armenian atomic power station to be stopped, which was the same as the Chernobil station and was a great threat to the
nation, as well as the "Nairit" industrial complex, which presented another ecological threat to the citizens. The enterprise
was the only in its kind in the whole USSR and played in important role in the military industrial complex of the country.
Probably the Karabagh Committee was striving not only to achieve political success, but also undermine the industrial might
of the country. The demand to stop the work of the atomic power station too was a political step of the Committee, trying to
prove the Communist power that it was becoming the only master of the situation and the country. But they had decided in
Armenia, they were right and the others were not.
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1.Hroch "Social Preconditions", pp.22-23.
Ronald G. Suny "The Revenge of the Past Nationalism...", Stanford University
1991, p.10.
2. R. Suny, p.127.
3. Martha Brill Olcott "Gorbachov's Policy and Central Asia".
Limits to Soviet Power, Lexington, 1989, pp.69-70.
4. R. Suny, p.127.
5. Talk to Vazgen Manukian, man. p.2.
6. B. Ulubabian "The Artsakh Struggle for Existence".
7. Ibid., p.292.
8. Ibid., p.295.
9. Ibid., p.300.
10. B. Karapetian "Around it, the Island Country", Yer., 1994, p.289.
11.Ibid., p.11.
12. Ibid., p.12.
13. R. Suny, p.132.
14. Ibid., p.132.
15. B. Karapetian, p.28.
16. "Soviet Karabagh", news., Stepanakert, February 1988, p.21.
17. Ibid., pp.95-96.
18. Ibid., p.96
19. Talk to V. Manukian, man., pp.8-9.
20. Roy Medvedev "Social Conflict in the Soviet Union". Los Angeles Times,
April 16, 1988.
21. R. Suny., p.137.
22. Ibid., p.138.
23. Ibid., p.138.
24. "Soviet Karabagh", news., Stepanakert, 1988, March 18.
25. "Huriet", news. March 11, 1988.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. B. Karapetian, pp.292-295.
CHAPTER 18
A STONE WAR
By June 1988, having the support of the overwhelming majority of the population, the Karabagh Committee in
Armenia had become a de facto opposition, controlling political affairs in the country by regular meetings attended by the
crowd in the Theatre Square. The month was marked by demonstrations in Baku. Azerbaijanian part, taking advantage of its
superiority on the roads to Nagorny Karabagh, organized block ups at any time, instigating crowds of Azerbaijanis to stone
the passing cars, attack the Armenian transport and civillians and conduct other acts of vandalism and violence. There was a
pile of such reports in the regional office of Interior Ministry.
One of such reports informed that on February 20, 1988 a bus was stopped on the road to Hadrut by the Azerbaijani
crowd. The bus was stoned, the passengers beaten up. The materials were sent to the regional procurator's office.1 Another
such report tells that within a month 12 attacks on passing transport took place on the road to Martakert. All the buses of the
Martakert regional transport station were out of use due to stoning and breaking up.2 The machines of the directors of the
farms of Hadrut region were stoned too.3
A crowd of 400 people had gathered on the Aghdam section of the road Mardakert-Stepanakert. The crowd was
engaged in stoning the passing Armenian cars. These clashes could be called "a stone war", to which the Armenians were
not prepared to react. The "arms", i.e. the stones were as big as a fist. Piles of such stones were being stored on different
parts of the road in advance. The Sumgait Armenians later testified that before the knowd violences took place in the town,
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such heaps were observed in the transport station of the town. Later taking the stones from the "stores" and filling in special
sacks also prepared beforehand, the infuriated mob headed for the Armenian districts. The Azerbaijani residents of the
village Krkdzan, neighbouring Stepanakert, armed with stones, took up a highest position over the village, looking forward to
stone the Armenians taking water from the springs. The blockade of the region was especially pressing during the days of
general strikes. This policy was conducted with the acquescence of Baku authorities. The blockade and stoning had begun
since May 15, its first victims being in Shushi and Mingechaur Armenians. In May 16 rally the head of Shushi internal troops
Toghiev expressed the meaning of the new strategy, which was later named "the Azerbaijani syndrome;
"We, like a first, opening and closing, will make our word heard, whenever needed..."4
It was already evident, that unable to conduct a legal, political war from legislative point of view, Azerbaijan reinforced
the stone war. From the part of the Centre too, mentions were made of the "Azerbaijani syndrome" as a threat to keep the
Armenian movement under pressure. Though the Committees "Krunk" and "Karabagh" refused force and violence on their
way the democracy and independence, they sometimes failed to prevent the population from taking such actions in return for
the Azeri violence. For example, in return for the driving out of Armenians from Shushi, about 1000 residents of Stepanakert
forced the Azerbaijani students to leave for Aghdam and other places, where they lived.
Parallel to the stone war, tens of thousands of Armenian refugees began leaving Azerbaijan for Armenia, and
thousands of Azerbaijanis, fearing reprisals, migrated from Armenia. The Azerbaijani refugees, largely farmers from rural
areas of Armenia, ended up in Baku and other cities in an inhospitable environment and troubled by high unemployment.
They were resentful of the Armenians who had pressured them to leave their villages. These unsettled migrants made up the
bulk of the crowds which later savaged the Armenians in Baku. The pressures on the Armenian and Azerbaijani governments
were effective. On June 13 the Presidium of Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet discussed the request of Nagorno-Karabagh
Regional Soviet about the reattachment of Karabagh to Armenia, considered it unacceptable, as its realization will be
harmful to the Armenian and Azerbaijani population of the two republics and also, in general to the friendly relation between
the peoples of the USSR and to perestroika".5
On June 15 there was the session of the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR. The troops stood by. There was
enormous crowd in the square, some of whom were continuing the hunger strike. The building of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of Armenia was surrounded by lines of troops. Undertakings had been obtained from almost all the deputies
to vote for the motion, but nearly a million people were standing outside awaiting for the result. The session of the Armenian
Supreme Soviet voted unanimously for the reattachment of Karabagh to Armenia - a decision countered two days later by
the session of Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan.
Of course, the results of both sessions were long ago known to Gorbachov and he had confirmed it himself. The
population of the two republics and in Karabagh greeted the decisions with rapture but the most sober, however, understood
that a real solution to the problem was still very far off.
Voice of America, June 18, 1988
"Following the example of Armenia, the Azerbaijani TV station transmitted the session all over the country. The negative
decision was expected, as something like this decision was accepted by the Presidium of Supreme Soviet early this week.
This decision of the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan counters the decision of the Supreme Sovied of Armenia, adopted two
days ago, on Wednesday. The Supreme Soviets of both republics appealed to different articles of the Soviet Constitution.
The Supreme Soviet of Armenia points at Article 70, stating the free union of independent peoples and states as a
basis for a multinational state, while the Azerbaijanian side relies on Article 78, which says that the borders of a republic
cannot be changed without its consent. The two articles of fundamental law are mutually contradictory both in spirit and in the
letter and political scientists say its difficult to say which will subordinate to the other."
In late June there was an intensification of Azeri attacks on the convoys passing between Armenia and Karabagh: the
road running through Lachin became more and more dangerous and was gradually abandoned. Use was made of the
northern route, which was longer but patrolled by the army. The Armenian lorries, loaded with building materials and food,
tried to reach Stepanakert through Zabugh but were sent back to Goris twice. 15 machines of "Armtransgas" were stoned in
Lachin, the drivers being cruelly beaten up. The cars, which managed to reach Stepanakert, were a terrible sight. It seemed
that the actions of 1917-20 were repeating. It was due to the blockade of the region, that the Tatars managed to make the
leaders of Shushi sign the provisional agreement with them. And this agreement didn't prevent them from slaughtering the
population and destroying the town later.
Now the campaign against Karabagh was organized and led by the Azerbaijani Communist Party. On February 21
the First Secretary of the Party Bagirov held a meeting at Aghdam. A crowd of 15 thousand people headed for Stepanakert
the next day. As major of Azerbaijani internal troops Valeri Hovhannissian testified, on February 29, 1988, early in the
morning K. Begirov, V. Konovalov, and other leaders of Azerbaijan had arrived in Sumgait. They had a meeting with the
industrial and political leaders of the town. It was ordered to keep strict secrecy. The meeting was declared closed only at half
past seven in the morning.6 All the projects of actions were made and ordered from above. This organizing centre decided to
transfer the "stone war" to Armenia, victimizing the local Azerbaijanis to balance Sumgait. The life and soul of this
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organization was the head of the physics chair at the Baku University Navtali Khojaev, the "headquarters" being situated in
the University building. A plan was made to instigate a mass inter-ethnic clash, the attack of the Aghdam residents serving a
signal for the campaign. It's interesting to note that Khojaev was born, educated and received his degree in Armenia. All the
other Azerbaijani professionals were his supporters. On March 9 his agent, an Osman, arriving in Armenia accompanied by
several adherents of the organization, visited all the Azerbaijani villages of the republic, teaching the population how to
instigate inter-ethnic clashes, without being afraid of loss of property, as everything would be compensated, and after the
fighting advance towards the Turkish frontier, trying to draw Turkey in the conflict that way. In case they were not allowed to
cross the border, let them put up tents on the bank of the Arax river, threatening Moscow that way, as it was afraid of
internationalization of the problem. "I know it will be difficult, but you must hold on, we need to abolish the echos of Sumgait,
you may fire too, don't be afraid, we have our people in all the spheres and ruling circles. Later you are to go to Shushi with
your tents, you have a soul-destroying work there to be alone".7
On May 14 new such propagandist groups arrived in Armenian Azerbaijani villages, holding secret meetings with the
above mentioned prospects. As a result of the campaign, a dramatic event occured on June 14.
In the regional centre of Masis, twenty kilometres from Yerevan, there was a mass poisoning of workers at a sewing
factory, in a workshop where all the workers were Armenian except two Azerbaijani women. The two women, after having
written a complaint about their dismissal, left polyethylene packages and overalls at their work place, which were moist and
smelt something. The fifty-one workers of the workshop began to feel suffocated, some of them who were pregnant, later
suffered miscarriages. It transpired that they had been poisoned by chloropeptin.
In the Zangelan Azerbaijani village of Masis region at 8p.m. the residents began to fire on Armenian cars passing
through the village. 10 people injured. Some time later the internal troops arrived and prevented the further advance of the
mob, taking positions on both sides of the road in three lines. The Azerbaijanis answered with firing from the roofs and trees,
then suddenly moved towards the Arax river, to the Turkish border. Probably it were these events that provoked inter-ethnic
clashes in the Ararat valley. The Baku "physicist nationalists" achieved their aims. The mob put up tents along the bank of the
river, hindered from crossing the border by the Soviet frontier guards. To avoid further escalation of the conflict the Armenian
government organized the migration of 160 thousand Azerbaijanis. According to Azerbaijani sources ten of the residents of
the village were killed.
The newspaper of the Azerbaijani Academy of Sciences "News" reported;
"Totally from 19 Armenian villages and 9 towns 180 thousand Azerbaijanis were deported. The territories inhabited by
Azerbaijanis in Armenia constituted 20% (26 thousand sq.km) of the whole of Armenian (28,8 thousand sq. kms) territory, that
is 1,6 thousand square kilometres more than the territory of Nagorny Karabagh (4,4 thousand sq. km) with its 125 thousand
Armenian population".8
Probably the editors had forgotten that the deportation of tens of thousand of Armenians in March and May from
Sumgait, Mingechaur, Shaki, Shamakhi and other places would result in the same process from the Armenian side.
These events scandalized Armenia. Strikes began, coinciding with the party conference. The whole country held its
breath, the future of perestroyka was at stake. The Baku authorities firstly needed the in-migration to balance the Sumgait
events, in which they failed due to lack of well-organized propoganda, and secondly the 160 thousand Azerbaijani refugees,
resentful of Armenians, developed "the aggressive Azerbaijani syndrome" and later made up the bulk of the mob, that
murdered Armenians in Baku. The Baku leaders hoped to hinder the solution of the Karabagh problem. But the Turkish
political leaders condemned this campaign and the policy adopted by Baku. The Turkish president mentioned in his speech
that opposing the reattachment of Karabagh to Armenia, Baku lost the chance of peaceful conquest of whole of Armenian
land, as this was possible through the increase of the Azerbaijani population within the Republic of Armenia, achieving a
majority and power. Thus, this new strategic project of Turkey dashed to the ground. Probably that country had its concern in
Masis events too, or was connected with the Azerbaijani "physicists" organization. Doubtlessly the Sumgait and the Masis
events were ordered by that organization.
With these events in the faceground the strikes and meetings in Yerevan became of secondary interest. The mass
media, as a rule, passed over them in silence. Resentment grew and with it the desire to shout outloud about what was going
on. The people demanded to publish decisions about Sumgait, to bring the organizers to justice, to declare what had
happened there to be genocide and to tell the truth about the Masis events. Thus, on the eve of the session of the Supreme
Soviet of the USSR the situation was extremely tense. Any serious disorder with loss of blood could be dramatic for
Karabagh, as it would even up the score between the Azerbaijanis and the Armenians, effecting the decision making at the
forthcoming conference, which, as was seen later, did nothing to untic the Caucasian knot.
Meantime the First Secretary of the Regional Party Henry Poghosian was trying hard to restore the work routine in
the region, but without any success. The communists had already lost the real power. The "Krunk" committee, which had
gone underground, was the master of the situation. The businessmen made up the bulk of the Committee, which easily
directed the movements of the masses, ordering to resume the work or to go on strike or demonstrations. Besides, many
communists of the region were actively engaged in all-national movement, and Poghossian was left without supporters. The
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only way out was to declare that Poghossian himself was for the movement and unification. H. Poghossian was a native of
Karabagh from the Vank village and descended from the Hassan-Jalalians. In his opinion neither the Council of Directors, nor
the population should undertake new actions, awaiting the decision of Regional Party Committee. But he failed to understand
that the driving force of the Karabagh movement was the unity of the leaders and the masses. A force which was considered
both by the Kremlin and Azerbaijan and the whole of civilized world. To stop the movement and leave an individual
representative to solve the problem, sounded absurd and impossible. It was the might of the movement that made Gorbachov
declare that "it stabbed perestroika in the back". The head of the country undertook to realize a "long range" programme,
which was to be carried out by a special representative of the Russian government, the USSR machinary industry minister,
formerly Yuri Andropov's personal assistant and secretary Arkadi Volski. In his first Karabagh meeting Volski suggested that it
was urgent to solve the problem of Karabagh secession from Azerbaijan, considering its attachment to Armenia secondary.
The problem needed to be settled bit by bit. It was important to grant a special status to the region seperate from Azerbaijan
but leaving it within the bounderies of Azerbaijan for time being. This would allow Karabagh to adopt its own ruling system
and laws and settle the question of its official language. In this case Karabagh could be granted the status of autonomous
republic, unswerable to Moscow. Volski added that he was going to prolong his stay in the region.
Meanwhile the country continued to hear scanty reports of the events taking place in the vast territory of the USSR.
Control over national press was maintained by the party bureaucracy, whose general drift could be easily read. Many
newspapers continued to play the game of publishing their own letters, containing declarations of friendship, brotherhood,
international duty. Such articles evoked stromes of protest but without much result. "...Great nations must have great
patience. The Azerbaijani nation has confirmed that truth.... We announce that Karabagh was an ancient Azerbaijani region
and will remain as such".10 The Azerbaijani "Communist" newspaper wrote; "Karabagh is the pearl of Azerbaijan, its glory
and pride, its heart...". The magazine "Molodiozh" in its July issue published an article about Karabagh. "It's urgent to find a
remedy to the "Karabagh" disease and explain the Armenian leaders and their supporters that without the official consent of
Azerbaijan not one inch of its territory can be taken...".11 The Baku Armenian newspaper "Communist" published the letter of
its 32 readers, headlined "Full of Excitement and Alarm". It read; "We, representing the 200 thousand Armenians of the city
are alarmed and excited. Where are the instigators, extremists and nationalists dragging us? The events taking place in
Karabagh are instigated by individuals, who are trying to gain from the complicated situation". If this letter is considered true,
then its easy to explain that it was written from motives of alarm and anxiety for their future, as the Baku Armenians knew
very well that the fate of Sumgait was awaiting them. "We, representing the 200 thousand community of Baku Armenians,
beg you to maintain law and order in Karabagh, bringing charges against those people who are guilty in provoking interethnic hostilities. It's impossible to wait".12 Maybe the Baku Armenians earnestly blamed Karabagh, which had set up the
campaign, without considering the situation and future of their compatriots inhabiting the Azerbaijani cities and towns. Their
way of thinking puzzled Karabagh. "We don't want to live in slavery for the benefit of the former Karabaghians, who prefer to
live safe and sound in an alien environment..."
But the Baku Armenians sensed that they were already hostages in that political struggle.
The magazine "Communist Azerbaijana" wrote; "Of course, the time will bring the reasons of Karabagh issue to light,
but the foreign publications and the various "voices" (Voice of America, Dolch Vele, B.B.C, Svoboda) testify that all the
campaign was cautiously organized in advance by our political enemies". Azerbaijan's position was defended nearly by all
Union republics, which had within themselves autonomous formations, carved up and attached to them from the neighbouring
republics. The Russian Federation too was afraid of the awakening of the majorities in within itself, whose ethno-cultural and
territorial demands against the Russifying programs of the Soviet Communist Party would lead the federation to destruction.
In this case Russian Federation would remain merely with Moscow and Leningrad with the environs. Such territorial
problems existed between Russia and Kazakhstan, the Ukraine and Russia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The Georgian
intellectuals following the development of events in Karabagh, continuously sensed the threat from the side of the three
autonomous formations within the Republic - Ajaria, Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia plus the three districts of Armenian
Javakhk - Akhalkalak, Akhaltskha and Bolnis, which were transmitted to Georgia without an autonomous status by the
Caucasian Bureau. All these republics having autonomous units within themselves, sided with Azerbaijan, and aware of this
defence, the Azerbaijani politicians and diplomats tried to make the better use of it. The Centre too was aware of the threat
and had set its huge machine of investigation agencies to motion - the K.K.B (State Security Office), the Ministery of Interior
Affairs, the army, the military-industrial complex. The whole bureaucratic apparatus of the Communist rule was horrified by
the name of "Karabagh".
The European states, in their effort to unite in a common European homeland, were satisfied seeing the destruction
of the Soviet superpower, but were afraid of the emergence of nationalistic movements within themselves. The situation
made the US and other countries to abstain from interfering in the conflict, but theoretically supporting the notion of territorial
integrity.
On July 10 the Armenians attacked the Azerbaijani a great number of cars moving to Kelbajar. Blocking up the ways
they stoned the cars. The machines were broken up, the passengers injured. The attack was led by the internal troops. The
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only way to Kelbajar was blocked up.
In Karabagh itself all this time a strike had been in process. All work had stopped except farming. Officials from the
Azerbaijan Republican departments were not allowed anywhere near. The group of industrial managers and directors of
various local concerns, which was replacing the disbanded "Krunk Committee", led and organized the general strikes and
demonstrations. Strikes were generally accompanied by meetings demanding secession from Azerbaijan. Popular
participation was high but ties were being broken with Armenian movements, whose leaders were occupied with the problems
pf "mafia" and the questions of democratization, forgetting the Karabagh problem.
On June 21 the emergency session of the Regional Party Committee took place, in the presence of Baku and
Kremlin representatives. The commandant of Sumgait Leutenant-General Kraev threatened to send a hundred of armed
soldiers to maintain law and order in Stepanakert. The chairman of the presidium of the Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet S.
Tatliev mentioned that the decision of secession would give rise to new inter-ethnic clashes. Ignoring the threats of the
guests, the session adopted a resolution;
"To stabilize the extremely complicated situation and restore the normal
working process in the region, the emergency session of Regional Soviet
of Karabagh decides to apply to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of
the USSR to hand the direct rule of the region over to Moscow
provisionally as an only acceptable variant, till the final and positive
solution of the Nagorny Karabagh problem".13
A telegramm was sent to Gorbachov, reporting that the leaders of Karabagh had called on the population to suspend
the strikes pending the decision of Moscow, at the same time hoping that the XIX Party Conference would take its decisions
based on democratic principles of nationalities policy.
But the Kremlin authorities had adopted another policy. They were sure that the people could not bear to burden of
phychological tension, blockade and the "Azerbaijani syndrome" and would soon give in. But the nomenclatura's will to resist
the popular national discontent, legitimized by the glasnost policy, prevented them from understanding that Gorbachov's
reforms by the glasnost policy, prevented them from understanding that Gorbachov's reforms had rapidly envolved into a
revolution after the Karabagh events of February 1988.
The Centre didn't understand that after failing to democratize the apparatus through multicandidate elections and
solving the nationalities problems, the Party's monopoly and the existence of the unitary state was condemned to death. The
above mentioned two factors spelled the death of the Soviet political power. The outburst of mass nationalist movements in
the vast state occured at the same time and the Centre was unable to maintain its influence and suppress the liberation
movements.
The important date of 18 July was approaching. The Karabagh issue was again to be examined by the Presidium of
the Supreme Soviet in Moscow. Within Armenia the Karabagh Committee had succeeded in keeping within legal limits,
awaiting the decisions of the Supreme Soviet to support either Azerbaijan or Armenia. The decision was never really in doubt,
what interested the leaders of the movement was, how they should react in case the Centre provoked new inter-ethnic
clashes before announcing the refusal on the question of reattachment. Rumours crept through Armenia that there existed
some unknown forces which were trying to destabilize the situation in the state, create new critical, economical and ethnical
situations. An obvious breakdown of law and order would be welcomed in the game played by the Soviet government.
Despite the precaution taken by the leaders of the Karabagh Committee on July 4 prearranged by someone, a group of
several hundred demonstrators were provoked to leave for the Yerevan airport, where strike talks were going on. The new
visitors started to picket the ticket desks. Flights were delayed and soon the airport ground to a halt, though none of the
demonstrators went out on the tarmac. Soon para-troopers arrived and sealed off the building from the runway. The strikers
understood the full seriousness of their action in seizing the airport and were prepared to organize only a limited six-hour
strike. During talks with troops a car appeared on the runway just as a plane was making its landing approach. The plane
avoided the car and landed safely. This incident had nothing to do with the strikers. According to hundreds of eye-witnesses
the car belonged to the military. Talks were continuing when the internal troops were ordered to clear the terminal. Armed
with truncheons and shields, the soldiers rained blows on the unarmed crowd, regardless of whether they were strikers or
passengers. Stone throwing started. A military guard truck was stopped by the crowd, the soldier driver ran away, the
corporal co-driver shot one of the demonstrators, who was soon dead. The wounded were deliberately taken to the square,
where a meeting was in progress. The sight of the wounded electrified the crowd, what would have happened if the 300.000
demonstrators had indeed reached the airport to fight against the armed soldiers, beggars the imagination. But the
demonstrators understood that the whole affair was a provocation and dispersed in an orderly way. The casualties were: 3
officer cadets had various injuries, 36 civilians were hospitalized, 12 of them women and one was killed. The TV reports of
the Moscow station explained the viewers that the troops had behaved themselves politely and bravely against a band of
hooligans. Except this report, there was no other official information available on this subject. On July 6 meeting Levon Ter158
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Petrossian read the declaration of the Karabagh Committee; "Yesterday the soldiers attacked the demonstrators and strikers.
As a result one is dead and 2 are wounded. The First Secretary of the Communist Party of Armenia Suren Harutiunian seems
to have arrived here to suppress the Karabagh movement. (The plane from Moscow, carrying the Party Conference
Delegates, S. Harutiunian among them, due to land at Yerevan, landed at Kirovakan instead). It's obvious that in this situation
the only right answer to the monsterous project of the authorities in the general strike, "general" in the full sense of the world.
Any "anti-strike" action must be characterized as treacherous to our national interests. Our first demand must be the quit of
the soldiers from the capital, as well as the condemnation of the organizers of yesterday's violence. The strike won't be
stopped till our demands are fully fullfilled. We call on to understand the complex situation, be sober, don't give way to
provocation".15
The 18 July 1988 Session of Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which again examined the Karabagh question, the
Mountainous Karabagh Soviet's unilateral decision to secede from Baku and Armenian and Azerbaijani official resolutions in
respond to it, was a great disappointment to the Armenians, as it declared another refusal to the reattachment. Moreover, the
Presidium demanded the situation "to be normalized".
Human and minority rights activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner Andrei Sakharov who considered that;
"for Azerbaijan the issue of Karabagh is a matter of ambition, for the Armenians it is a matter of life and death"
wrote about the July 18 session;
"It was evident that Gorbachov's position was preconceived and pro-Azerbaijanian. He conducted the session in antidemocratic methods, as a dictator, he was especially rude and impolite to the Armenians. He often interrupted them while
speaking and commented on their speeches. Member of Presidium, rector of Yerevan State University S. Hambartsumian
was interrupted by him and asked, "who gave you the right to speak on behalf of the whole nation?" Hambartsumian
answered with dignity; "Those who elected me". Gorbachov's anti-Armenian, pro-Azerbaijani position was difficult to explain.
He had an army of supporters of his policy in Armenia, the slogans of the movement testify this, but why did he chose another
way? Some people say that his policy was the result of the growing influence of Islam on the whole world and the USSR in
particular, which couldn't be ignored. Others confirm the facts which in a recent meeting Yakovlev was trying to convince me
to be true, i.e. the fright of new Sumgait". And lastly they say that an example of territorial changes should not be set in the
country, as there are numerous such hotbeds here. All this arguments are unreasonable and not convincing. They must not
exceed the ethnic justice in any way. There are some people who regard Gorbachov's attitude as dictated by the Azerbaijani
mafia or its connections. In such a situation, when we don't know anything about the high-rank officials' and generally the
ruling circles' biography, personal life and relations, such allusions can be neither accepted, nor rejected. My and Liusia's
(Yelenna Bonner) suggestion of special governing system was not paid attention at the session. A resolution was adopted on
mountanous Karabagh's economical development and more close ties with Armenia. This should have been done in
February, or even earlier to abolish the tention in a way. But the July decision had fallen behind the popular consciousness.
After the session I tried for a week to contact Gorbachov, but it turned out to be impossible. I understood that he avoided
meeting me, I gave up my attempts and left the city with Liusia".16
On July more troops were transported to Yerevan. Disorder was expected but there were no public meetings, the
wave of strikes was dying down. The country was meditating over what had happened, to develop new plans. Andrei
Sakharov's mentioned Yakovlev's viewpoint was explained to the journalists by Yakovlev himself. He said that any boundry
changes would bring about an explosive situation at no fewer than eighteen other points of intercommunal tension within the
USSR.
In its programme "Morning" the Baku radio reported (the report was based on an article in the newspaper "Kim Kim
Dir" (who is who) that their compatriot, for the time being a Moscow resident Sabir Rafizade, on a visit in the Privolnic village
of Jalilabad region two years ago, had been told that Gorbachov's ancestors descended from that village. Rafizade'z talk to
the families of Gorbachovs' and Gorbatovs' had left the village for Russia. But not being allowed to go further, the migrants
had settled in Stavropol region, founding a new village of Privolnic. But the residents of the Azerbaijani village Privolnic
remember very well the ex-villager tractorist Sergei Gorbachov. Then Rafizade had told about his talk with Gorbachov's
mother, which had been recorded by him and the old woman had confirmed the fact of the migration of the family from
Azerbaijan. Before this made up story was published, the Turkish newspapers too made allusions to Gorbachov's Azerbaijani
descent. All these tuned out to be a political provocation.
The same day, in a press round up the Chairman of the Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet Presidium Tatliev declared that
the demand to pass the rule of Karabagh to a third side was absurd and unacceptable. Mention was made that the 120
thousand Armenian demanding reattachment, hadn't considered the interests of 335 thousand Armenians inhabiting other
territories of Azerbaijan.
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July 18 issue of "Washington Post" reported that the Soviet commentators are convinced that the Kremlin failure to
calm down the Armenians was based on its wish not to hurt the feelings of Azerbaijanis and Muslims inhabiting the USSR.
Other commentators and political analysts consider that the reattachment of Karabagh to Armenia would encourage the nonRussian population of the state to demand territorial changes. The American reporters added that a Moscow intellectual had
mentioned that as the Afghan war dishonoured the Soviet leaders of that time, now in the same way the Karabagh question
brought shame upon Gorbachov and his party. According to the report of "Washington Post", a Russian writer, expressing his
point of view on the matter, had said that the session had showed that glasnost was a myth, and the Karabagh problem had
bared the inability of Gorbachov's party to solve a problem lawfully and democratically.
The July 25 issue of the "Christian Science Monitor" in an article "Gorbachov's Achille's heel?" reported;
"Restructuring had its limits. That's what the Soviet leadership seemed to be saying instridently rejecting pleas to unite the
autonomous region of Nagorno-Karabagh with the Socialist Republic of Armenia. Months ago, when the controversy was
starting to simmer, Mikhail Gorbachov had indicated he might be willing to take a more conciliatory approach. He met with
activists who laid out their case for making the predominantly Armenian region part of Armenia proper. Since 1923 NagornoKarabagh has been administered by the largely Muslim republic of Azerbaijan. Armenian hopes were raised. Demonstrations
were launched, strikes organized, and at one point Armenian lives lost in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait. Confronted with this
outburst of popular, nationalistic feeling, the attitude of Soviet officialdom hardened. The problem had Mr. Gorbachov over a
barrel. His policy of openness had spawned the attempt to air and adjust what Armenians viewed as a long-building
grievance. Yet this grievance raises an issue that goes to the heart of Soviet governance: the nationalities question.
Nationalistic aspirations bubble all over the Soviet landscape: Armenia, the Baltic states, the Ukraine. Faced with the
prospect of setting a precedent by recognizing one set of these aspirations, the Politburo and Gorbachov did the obvious:
they squelched the idea in terms that clearly indicated that this kind of thing would not be tolerated. For the Soviet leader and
his collegues, Nagorno Karabagh may have provided training under fire.... The leadership's firm declaration that borders in
the Caucasus region will remain unchanged..., may result in new demonstrations and strikes in Yerevan, Armenia's capital
and else where. Ethnic feelings are running high. To the north, Soviet citizens in Baltic republics are forming national front
organizations that come close to being competing political parties and doing so in the name of perestroyka. The present
outcome in Armenia indicates that Gorbachov may be less than angelic if pushed too far on the nationalities issue. His policy
of restructuring and liberalization never really took into account the Soviet Union's ethnic and national diversity - a diversity
that can be seen as demanding tight central control. Events may now force him to correct that oversight, but the task won't be
easy.
On July 25, on the request of H. Poghossian poetess Silva Kaputikian, artist Sos Sargsian and writer Zori Balayan
arrived in Stepanakert, trying to persuade the population to give up strikes, awaiting the solution of the problem in a month.
The respected popular leaders were refused. Arkadi Volski arrived in Karabagh once again, with the status of Central
Committee and Supreme Soviet representative. He was charged with the task of coordinating Armenian, Azerbaijani and
Karabagh party and Soviet capability to undertake economical reforms. The Belorussian writer V. Yakovenko arrived in
Karabagh to make a true report of the events. his article was firstly published in Stepanakert newspaper "Soviet Karabagh".
The chairman of Azerbaijani Writers' Union Anar protested against the mission of the writer, addressing letters to the Union of
Belorussian Writers and Central Committee of the republican Soviet. The Azerbaijani propaganda hoped to achieve its aims
blackmailing the friends of Armenia. V. Yakovonko's "question" was discussed in the meetings of Central Committee and the
Writers' Union. The writer was forbidden to touch the problem of Karabagh. Many other Soviet intellectuals were being
persecuted and blackmailed as a result of the Azerbaijanis campaign, the commentator of the Central TV H. Borovik among
them, who was constantly being threatened for his support of the Karabagh cause.
In the middle of September Karabagh woke up again. On 18 September the Azerbaijanis stoned the bus of students
of the Pedagogical Institute of Stepanakert. Some of the students were injured. On the same day there was an officially
sanctioned meeting in Stepanakert, dedicated to the memory of the Armenian victims of the 1915 Turkish massacre in Baku.
In the Azerbaijani village Khojalu the local people stopped and stoned Armenian cars and drivers. The beaten-up drivers
arriving in Stepanakert explained what had happened, and several hundred men - armed in axes and hunting rifles set out for
Khojalu. They were met with a rifle fire. As a result of the clash the driver Hairapet Shahramanian and 17 year old refugee
from Sumgait Armida Barkhudarian died. Twenty-five people were taken to hospital, 19 with bullet wounds, 7 with knife
wounds and the rest with a variety of other injures. In the Azerbaijani village Krkdzan two Armenian houses were set on fire.
Two hundred Armenian young men from Stepanakert went there armed with stones and sticks "to teach them a good lesson".
The militia prevented them from going any further. Fortunately no one was hurt.
In Stepanakert 30 houses of the Azerbaijanis, who had already left for Shushi to Stepanakert were being stoned.
Volski declared a curfew with all the inevitable consequences in Stepanakert, Shushi and Khojali. Meetings were
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forbidden. It was not permitted to be on the street between 9p.m. and 7a.m. Local vigilante groups patrolled the houses round
the clock. The leaders of the movement were taking steps to pacify the population.
On September 21 the appeal of the commendant was announced to Karabagh and Aghdam population. It read;
"Taking into consideration that the situation is extremely tense in and around Mountainous Karabagh Autonomous Region,
which can lead to violation of public order, on September 1988 an emergency situation and a curfew is being imposed on
Stepanakert. mountainous Karabagh Autonomous Region and Aghdam Region. It means that due to the emergency situation
the following activities are forbidden:
1) Meetings, demonstrations, processions, gatherings at any hour, as well as professional strikes in the spheres which
concern food production, medical care, educational system, transport, communication, water, gas, electricity, mass media,
press in particular. Those violating the regulations will be dismissed and face a charge.
2) Persons elder than 16 to leave their houses without passports or other identification documents.
3) To keep weapons and explosives at home or elsewhere.
4) The use of any kind of transport from 9 p.m. till 6 a.m. without a special pass.
5) To be on the street between 9 p.m. and 7 a.m. without a special pass.
6) To insult physically or morally the employers carrying out their duty in the emergency situation.
The army and the law-enforcement bodies have the right:
1) To arrest those civilians who violate the regulations of the emergency situation.
2) To search civilians and means of transport in the absence of a special pass.
3) To realize the check of passports in the houses of the civilians.
I call on you to follow the rules and regulations of the emergency situation and be sober.
Commendant of Mountain Karabagh Autonomous Region and Aghdam Region of Azerbaijani SSR".
The leaders of the movement never doubted that Khojali was a provocation aiming at a curfew and emergency
situation.
The soldiers of the "liberator" Red Army felt the masters of the situation. They behaved bery badly beating the
citizens without any reason and stealing the vegetables and fruit of the hungry people.
Meanwhile the demonstrators in Yerevan demanded that immediate measures be taken to save their fellow
countrymen in Karabagh. The whole city was "boiling". The authorities tried to calm the people down, but the demonstrators
demanded the convocation of an extraordinary session of the Armenian Supreme Soviet, and that troops should withdraw. A
national strike was declared. Students continued with their hunger strike. Going further than the question of unification or
secession, the Karabagh movement was calling for democratization and social reform.
The Centre sent a commission of the USSR Nationalities Soviet, headed by August Voss, who was a Latvian.
Gorbachov himself was sure that the commission wouldn't be able to solve any problems, as before that during a meeting
with Zori Balayan and Silva Kaputikian, he had stressed Lenin's words about different commissions as a means of prolonging
the settlement of any problem. Forty people were included in the commission - USSR Ministers, professionals in different
spheres. At first the commission met the directors of Karabagh enterprises. Industrial managers and directors and workers of
various local concerns Robert Kocharian, Rashid Mangassarian, Boris Dadamian, Tatiana Soboleva, Rudolf Israelian,
Tamara Shvedova, Arkadi Manucharov, Arthur Mkrtchian and others talked to them. They all stressed that the Karabagh
problem wasn't invented by individuals, but was the problem and the demand of the masses. Though the industrial situation
of the region was tragic, the investment of half a million roubles was being used on building new houses and strategic roads
in Azerbaijani villages Khojali, Malibeilu and others. Then the commission met with the Karabagh intellectuals. According to
some evidence, the visitors from Moscow came to the conclusion that secession from Azerbaijan was essential, although the
form it might take remained unclear.
On October 10 the meeting of the directors and managers of local interprises decided to stop the general strike. A
telegramme, signed by the director of silk factory Robert Atayan and Party Secretary Robert Kocharian, was sent to
Gorbachov. It read;
"The working collectives of Stepanakert accepted with enthusiasm the decisions of the USSR, Communist Party Central
Committees 1988 September Plenum, about the dismissal of the politicians of stagnation period. We are sure that the new
leaders will strengthen the positions of the activists of perestroika, that democracy and openness will become part of our
lives. We are sure that just resolutions, concerning the nationalities problem, will be adopted. The arrival of Commission of
the USSR Soviet of Nationalities in Karabagh was a positive step taken in that direction. This is the reason why the working
collectives of the Mountainous Karabagh decided to call off the strikes and appeal to the leaders of the country, to seperate
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the Mountanous Karabagh region from the administrative system of Azerbaijan. This problem needs an urgent solution, by
the forthcoming session of the USSR Supreme Soviet, as the situation in the region is extremely tense with far-reaching
consequences. The Azerbaijani authorities don't want to give in, to restore their old views on the matter, moreover, they
provoke riots aiming at destabilization of the situation in the region. The Armenian population of the region is resolute in its
demand. The decissions of the USSR Communist Party Control Committee Plenum to place the region under direct rule of
the Centre, till the final solution of the problem, will be an affective compromise and will prevent the escalation of further interethnic conflicts".
In October 1988 some high rank officials of the Stepanakert works of building materials were arrested, to be forced
to give a testimony against the manager of the works Arkadi Manucharov. This was the realization of Gorbachov's plans to
decapitate the movement hinting of bribe-seeking leaders of the movement.
The information of Nagorno-Karabagh Internal Affairs told that on 8 October 1988 some unknown people tried to set
fire to the airport building. The Azerbaijani propaganda was especially active in Russian mass-media. They published several
anti-Armenian articles through the Russian "Samizdat". There was such an article by Khalapov and his seven co-authors,
headlined "The Voice of Consciousness and History". The article was full of curses against the Armenian kings Artashes,
Tigranes the Great and the following Armenian leaders till our days. They "proved" that no specially Armenian nation existed
and even if there was such a group, it possessed no native land. As if they had made use of several "sources". This kind of
struggle was another stone war. Another such article tried to instigate conflicts between the Armenians and the Georgians.
Once again historical falsification was exercised. No Armenian respond was published. In this kind of struggle the Armenian
strategy of "ignoring the ignorant" is wrong, as the defeat in propogandist war can result in political and diplomatic failures.
As to Georgia, it considered the Karabagh problem a threat of its territorial integrity, as it had several minority
problems to cope with - Southern Osetia, abkhasia, Ajaria, Megrelia, Svanetia, Javakhk. The Georgian academician
Vakhtang Tchichinadze advised the young Georgians;
"I don't like our demands (about Georgia's secession from the USSR) to coincide with those of Armenia and Karabagh, and
with the Armenian and Azerbaijani movements on the whole. We have our own benefits, and it won't be right to interfere in
others quarrels, moreover we can be the next object of attack".
On October 11 the Armenian and Azerbaijani Communist leaders S. Harutiunian and A. Vezirov met in Stepanakert.
In fact this meeting was a contest of diplomacy - which side had won more of Kremlin favour. Both leaders were unable to
control the situation in their states. Both of them were toys in the hands of the Centre. No compromise agreement was
arrived at. Moreover, the next day Azerbaijan set to settling the Azerbaijani refugees in the newly built houses of Shushi,
Khojali, Malibeklu, Meshali, trying to achieve a demographic increase of the Azerbaijani population in Karabagh.
On October 15, 1988 on the bridge near the Malibeklu village a ZIL-139 car was searched. The driver was A.A.
Rileev. His companian Sahib Fatim Oghli Rustamov had 100 cartridges with him. On November 7 the 8th session of the
Karabagh Regional Soviet took place, which discussed the issue of making changes and additions in the USSR Constitutions
as well as the question of electing candidates to USSR Supreme Soviet. The second item in the agenda dealt with the
problems of the social and industrial development of the region. The attitude of the mass-media to the coverage of Karabagh
events was discussed. Boris Dadamian said; "Some comrades think that the correspondents and news reporters are to be
blamed for untrue publications on and around Karabagh. This matter has a mass character. In my opinion this is the policy
of the Central Committee and not the result of the defective work of an editor. The impression is that in the process of
democratization and publicity the only enemies to perestroika are Nina Andreeva and the Karabaghians. In reality it is vice
versa. We were the first heralds of perestroika and its base, as we explicitely declare that the slogans and notions which
forbade us to express our will for decades are false and full of deceit".
In session condemned the Central and Azerbaijani mass-media characterizing their activity as provokative, "hurting
the ethnic feeling of the Armenians", "not fit for the position or ethnic of the Soviet journalist".
But in fact all that campaign was the result of the Communist "ethnics" and moral principles. For example the eighthour session of the Supreme Council was shown in two hours, the full edition being sold both to Armenians or Azerbaijanis.
The "Time" programme of Central TV showed an item from Zvartnots airport in Yerevan, featuring a Tallinn passenger who
answered the interviewer, that he had never dreamt of witnessing such scenes in the Soviet Union. The full text, transcribed
from the tape, revealed that the second half of the man's sentence, "that Soviet soldiers could beat up completely
defenceless people" was omitted.
On November 2 the member of USSR Journalists' Union and commentator of Armenian TV Bakur Karapetian and
cameraman Sh. Vardanian were arrested in Khojali by the USSR internal troops. After interrogating them for five hours, the
colonel of political department of emergency situation Arkadi Naumenko apologized and set them free.
The November 7 ceremonial procession devoted to the anniversary of the October 1917 Revolution was cancelled in
Stepanakert because of the curfew. In Yerevan the Central Committee of the Armenian Communist Party was worrying about
how the celebration procession would pass off. They distributed in advance ready - made banners, nominated those who
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were to carry the banners. The governors of the republic were "to stand with their arms raised in salute, while crowds would
file past their platform. The Karabagh Committee decided to take part in the demonstration, but without being dictated to
about the banners, the people could decide themselves what banners to carry, being politically mature enough to choose
slogans for himselves. As the first column of marchers came through Lenin Square with the usual banners, the "dual power"
was already evident in the square. The second column got as far as the rostrum and stopped. Tens of thousands of people
flooded the square from neighbouring streets, chanting "Unification" and brandishing aloft tricolour flags. The Communist
banners were thrown down, being replaced by new ones reading "Constitutional solution to the Karabagh problem", "Hands
off Karabagh", "Metsamor is tomorrow's Chernobil", "Moscow + Baku = Sumgait", "Don't stifle democracy", "Who ordered the
soldiers to open fire?" and so on. On the rostrum above the crowd were the Party leaders, generals. There was a mierophone
in front of Suren Harutiunian but he remained silent. The member of Karabagh Committee Levon Ter-Petrossian spoke below
the rostum, reminding people of the help needed for Karabagh, problems of democratization and environmental questions,
such as the need to close the atomic powers station and various chemical factories. They called the Communist leaders to
resign or to support their people. S. Harutiunian was at a loss, but soon got a grip on himself and went to the microphone.
People began to whistle, Harutiunian fell silent. Vazgen Manukian spoke from below the rostrum. He mentioned that during
the struggle of nine months, they had had victims, victories and defeats. But they were sure no struggle can achieve its aim
within a period of nine months. Years were needed for that. their struggle was against Moscow and Moscow was to solve the
problem. But only formally. In fact only the nation was able to solve its vital problems, and to achieve its aim the nation
needed unity, but not the unity of nation with the government, but the governments unity with the nation. During that
extraordinary demonstration the authorities realized that they must strike hard if they wanted to remain in office.17
On the morning of November 7 the famous sociologist and ethnographer Galina Staravoitova left for Shushi,
accompanied by B. Karapetian and Sh. Vardanian. During a talk with the Shushi Regional Executive Committee chairman
Michael Goja Oghli Giozalov and Azerbaijani refugees, they were arrested by the Shushi Internal Affairs officer Toghiev. In
this connection the deputy minister of Azerbaijani Internal Affairs Office Ramiz Mamedov hurried to Shushi. The crowd
demanded to hand the Armenian TV commentator B. Karapetian over to them. The Azerbaijani officials refused Staravoitova
and his companions were interrogated for five hours and set free. They returned to Stepanakert accompanied by a group of
military guards.
Soon a convoy of vehicles, carrying building materials for building houses for Sumgait refugees in the place Khachin
Tap, facing Shushi, arrived in Karabagh. The Armenians were rejoicing. This constructing undertaking was a respond to A.
Vezirov's speech to build a bridge across the river, which can down a beautiful valley to enlarge Shushi. The Armenians
understood very well that a bridge was not necessary, being merely a symbol intending to say that the other side of the river,
which up to then had belonged to the Armenian community, was claimed by the inhabitants of Shushi. This was the reason
why the Armenians decided to make a symbolic outpost at Topkhan a (from this place the cannons of Persian Shah AghaMohammed Khan fired Shushi in 1795) intending to mark the territory as Armenian.
Meantime the Askeran Internal Affairs Office informed that on November 19, 16 cows were stolen from the farm
house of the Shosh village. As a result of the clash between the inhabitants of the Shosh and Ghushchilar villages the same
day, the residents of the Shosh village L. Hovsepian, Z. Avanessian and I. Shahramanian, and the resident of Ghushchilar
village Chingiz Markaz Oghli Hajiev were injured and taken to hospital to Stepanakert.
The November 20 issue of the newspaper "Bakinski Rabochi" (Baku Worker) reported;
"In Topkhana, near Shushi, which is known as a historical place, the cooperators of Armenia have cut down the unique trees.
The Topkhana forest is not only a monument, but a living witness of battles, a sacred place for our nation and for Shushi".
The November 23 issue of "Maladiodzh Azerbaijana" (Youth of Azerbaijan) declared;
"The humiliation of Azerbaijani monument of history and nature - the Topkhana forest was the last test to our patience".
A special delegation arrived from Moscow to discuss the problem of Topkhana. The deputy headmaster of the USSR
Committee of Preservation of Nature R. Maksimov and the expert of the USSR State Construction Office L. Samsonov
composed document, which read;
"The land section of Topkhana is place with just one sprindy tree and some scrubby bushes. The cutting down of bushes
can't be considered a violation of the law on land. in the list of 310 different monuments, confirmed by the government of the
Republic, the Topkhana place is not included".
This decision confirmed the fact that the Topkhana dispute was a means to provoke political passions, that there was
no "sacred grove to be destroyed" and no attempt to "desecrate the landscape". However the government of Azerbaijan
forced the trucks to withdraw, demonstrating they were the only masters in Karabagh. The incident made it clear that, withput
secession from Azerbaijan, there would be no radical economic, political and social reforms in the region.
On November 14 a new series of strikes began in Karabagh. The troops were asked by the strikers to take away the
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Azerbaijani refugees from Shushi, as they were threatening the balance of nationalities in the region.
On November 16 the troops of internal Affairs Office surrounded the building where the chairman of Directors'
Council Arkadi Manucharov lived, intending to arrest the leader of the movement. But more than 15 thousand demonstrators
immediately gathered there, preventing the soldiers from carrying out the task. Fortunately there were no casualties, though
the soldiers attacked the unarmed people. In a few days Manucharov managed to leave for Yerevan. In Yerevan a meeting of
200.000 demonstrators decided to reject the whole draft Constitution, as the amemendments to the Constitution, i.e. the right
of republic to make an independent decision about its borders, were now more limited than they were previously. A national
strike was declared.
On November 22 mass demonstration and meeting in Baku, protesting against the "destruction of the sacred grove"
and against the Armenians in general was shown on TV and served as a warning that the Azerbaijani activity was taking on
an alarming and dangerous form. Azerbaijan was preparing new tragedies in different towns. In Nakhichevan the army
evacuated Armenian women and children to Armenia. Menfolk stayed to protect their homes. In Kirovabad the mob crossed
the bridge to attack the Armenian quarter of the town. As in Sumgait, the unarmed soldiers failed to block up their way.
Attacks on Armenian houses began. The houses were burned down, the owners beaten up. Two thousand houses were
completely destroyed. One thousand five hundred Armenians took refuge in the St. Astvatsatsin Church. Two hundred
Kirovabad Armenians were massacred. Military helicopters were trying to evacuate all the Armenians from the town. The old
building of the Armenian school was turned to a hospital.
The Hadrut Internal office reported;
"On November 23, at 12 a.m. 150 Azerbaijanis demanded that the residents of the Armenian village Biniatlu should leave the
settlement. The same day, at 18.20 p.m. leaflets were sent to the village Hakhulu. The Russian text of the leaflets read; "Long
live Sumgait and Khojali. Leave for Stepanakert and Yerevan".
Once again the Armenian efforts to focus the attention of the general public on Kirovabad events were dissipated in a
conspiracy of silence by television and newspapers. Probable the Centre judged the silence to be the best weapon to fight
against any problem, confrontation or clashes. They failed to understand that the modern life has provided us with the best
means to destroy evil in all its formations and that means is the mass media. The government "measure" of keeping silent
gave rise to resentment and to a desire to shout out loud about was going on. The national strike too became such a means.
The November 26 issue of the newspaper "Molodiozh Azerbaijana" reported;
"The Azerbaijani nation up to now has not refused to comply, but now we declare that we are fed up, we must secure our
positions and express our viewpoint. In our opinion the demonstrations are no more a good means to express ourselves...".
On November 27 the Azerbaijani poet Bakhtiar Vahabzade announced on TV;
"It is possible to change the history of our nation all the time? Once we are Medes, another time Arabs, Pdersian or Albanian.
But our nation has its roots - we are Turks. We made a small mistake, but we are to pay the price for it, we are being
constantly scolded for Sumgait. This is the reason why I call you to be self-controlled, remember that we are a humanist
nation".
On November 22 session of the Supreme Soviet of Armenia Arkadi Volski, representing the Central Committee of the
CPSU in the meeting, told the delegates that according to his information, Armenians were being beaten up in Azerbaijan, in
Armenia too the situation was critical and suggested that the session should be concluded and members should return to
their posts to start putting out fires. It was decided to adjourn the session.
With the permission of commendant Lieutenant-General Samsonov and head of the army political department MajorGeneral Surkov, the commentator of Armenian TV B. Karapetian and cameraman R. Khachatrian accompanied by
Lieutenant-Cdonel Yershov left for Kirovabad to find out what was in fact taking place there. The commander of the helicopter
Gasparian, second pilot Danielian and mechanic Harutiunian undertook the dangerous operation to land in Kirovabad. On
November 28 the machine landed in the centre of the besieged Armenian district, in the yard of the old school.
The Armenian and Russian witnesses told that the events started to develop since November 20, when the TV
programmes were interrupted all the time with the news that the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan was
going to make an important announcement. In the evening he came on with an appeal to Azerbaijanis to rally round. The next
day the mob went to the Armenian quarter, broke windows and beat up the priest Ter-Sahak. The crowd toppled the statue
of Marshal Baghramian (an Armenian hero of World War II), poured petrol over it and set it on fire. Then attacks on Armenian
houses began. As a result of Kirovabad events three hundred Armenians were wounded. The number of the dead was
unknown, as the corpses were hidden (considering the Sumgait experience). Sixteen children were never found, nineteen
Armenian women and girls were raped, 960 houses and 16 cars were looted and burned down.
The Armenian correspondents could not stay in Kirovabad for a long time as the troops of Azerbaijani Interior Affairs
Ministery hurried to Kirovabad to arrest them. The helicopter of the Armenians took off without delay. The Armenian villages
of Getabek, Shamkhor, Dashkesan, Khanlar regions were beseiged. On its way to Yerevan the helicopter landed in the
mountainous village Barum of Getabek region. The village was being continuously attacked. The residents, avoiding direct
conflicts, hid in the forests at night, returning home during day time. The helicopter evacuated 52 Armenian children from that
village. The material of the correspondents was introduced to Surkov, who forbade to show it on TV, saying that it would
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provoke new demonstrations and clashes with the troops. The military commanders decided to send helicopters to Kirovabad
to evacuate all the Armenians from the town. In the Kirovabad airport the local authorities forced the Armenians to sign
documents reporting that they were leaving on their own accord. About forty thousand Kirovabad Armenians were taken to
Karabagh, which was at that time blockaded. Probably this step was taken to instigate the Armenians to counter the
"Azerbaijani aggressive syndrome". Though soon an order from Moscow made the Kirovabad Armenians leave far Yerevan,
but their Karabagh compatriots were again resentful against the human race called Azerbaijanis.
A new "stone war" was set in motion all over Azerbaijan. On November 23 the Jebrail Azerbaijanis crossed the
border of Karabagh and attacked the Armenian village Arrakiul. The self-defence group of the village forced them to retreat.
On the same day the residents of Isakhli village of Gebrail region broke down the electricity posts on the way to the Donolar
village of Hadrut region. On November 27, in the evening the mob from the Azerbaijani village Fizuli, armed in stones, guns,
sticks, knives attacked the Armenian district of Togh village. This village had been Armenian since the reign of Ibrahim Khan,
when a part of Dizak Melik Yessayi's descendants were forcibly Islamicized. This Islamicized stratum later turned to a
fanatical anti-Armenian community. Gradually the native Armenians were forced to sell their houses to the Azerbaijani settlers
of Fizuli. The authorities were trying to attach the village to the Fizuli administrative unit. Soon they succeeded to attach the
Azerbaijani district of the village called Hogher to Fizuli. As a result of the last clash two Azerbaijanis were wounded and
taken to the Fizuli hospital. On the same day, fifty Azerbaijanis from the Ghajar village of the same region attacked the
Armenian village of Matshkalashen of Martuni region. The new bloodshed was prevented by the USSR internal troops. On
the way back the mob set the six stacks of the Avetaranots (Chanakhchi) village on fire.
In the evening five armed Azerbaijanis (or Kurds) from the Svaras village of Lachin region, arriving in the Armenian
village Arpagiaduk, had told the stepherds to leave the village in three days' time, otherwise all the residents of the village
would be massacred.
The internal office of Mountainous Karabagh reported that on November 28 on the road Shushi-Aghdam some
unknown people (Armenians) had attacked the Zhiguli car of Tariel Gamza Oghli Aghaev, beaten up the owner and his
companian who was a police Colonel. The Colonel had walked to Shushi and informed about the incident, which served a
pretext for 200 young Azerbaijanis to attack Stepanakert. Again the internal troops managed to send them back.
It seemed that no army, no tanks, no states of emergency could prevent the conflict from the further escalation. A
circle of violence was set in motion. The Azerbaijani government led by Aliev did everything to support the violence, while the
Armenian government authorities were only trying to censor all information about the events. Yet times had changed and the
Armenian refugees arriving from Azerbaijan had paid the price. The Azerbaijanis living in Armenia, less numerous, began to
move in the opposite direction. Only the secession of Karabagh from Azerbaijan could save the situation as the status of
autonomous region suggested by the Baku government in the months of February and March was already unacceptable to
Karabagh. But again Gorbachov and the Centre were trying to gain time. In Baku, meetings of up to 800.000 were continuing.
The demonstrators wanted the Armenian "instigators" in the government of Nagorny Karabagh put on trial. On 23 November
a curfew was imposed in Baku. Troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, many thousands of people refused to
leave the square. Attacks on Armenians and their homes became numerous in Baku. Martial law was declared in Kirovabad
and Nakhichevan. Troops were put on active service alert. This meant they would respond to attacks with rifle fire. The
stream of refugees in each direction from each republic increased. The inhabitants of 14 villages of Shamakhi region left for
Armenia in 67 lorries. They were protected by 65 unarmed and 90 armed soldiers. The residents of Baku left for Daghestan in
a line of 400 cars, which was attacked and stoned in the regional centre Ghuba. The cars were damaged, the passengers
injured. Three hundred cars entered Armenia via Ossetia and Georgia, other two hundred ones moved to Krasnodar.
The Armenian resident of Baku Nikolai Babajanian noticed to sign on the door of his garden "To be sold, don't enter".
Two policemen accompanied him to the office where he was forced to agree to leave the Republic. On November 30 the
sixteen year old resident of Baku Ashot was called by his friend Vitia to the yard, where he was attacked by eight other
Azerbaijanis. The boy was stabbed twice in the back by Vitia and a 27-year old Azerbaijani man stabbed him to the heart with
a kitchen knife. The three thousand Armenians of the Madras collective farm were protected only by 45 soldiers armed in
rubber clubs. Anti-Armenian demonstrators were organized in Shamakhi by the Azerbaijani refugees. The residents of the
village Saghiyan managed to reach Armenia. The commendant of Shamakhi region Captain Sultanbec (a Ghazakh) forbade
the Armenians to ring up their relatives in Baku. In Baku during the night of 27 to 28 November about 10.000 people
gathered in Lenin Square. Offensive weapons were confiscated. The inhabitants were disregarding the curfew. Several
people were arrested for distributing leaflets of ant-Soviet and nationalistic character. Several people received threats in form
of anonymous telephone calls, letters and graffiti scrawled on their flats or houses. Many Azerbaijanis were detained in police
custody for breaking the law. On December 2 in the railway station Sabunchi in Baku there was a clash between the
Azerbaijani refugees and the leaving Armenians. The troops had to fire to maintain law and order. Every day 500 Armenians
left Kirovabad. The four thousand Azerbaijani refugees went out to streets, demanding the emptied flats. The mob in Baku
filled the streets day and night, shouting; "Death to Armenians". Throughout the town rumours spread again that building was
going on in Topkhana. The military commander of Baku described it as a provocation.
The December 6 issue of the newspaper "Moscow News" reported that there was a continuous demonstration in
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Baku in front of the government building since November 18. The commendant of Baku Major-General M. Tiagunov's appeal
to the population was announced on TV and radio for several times. The chairman of the Baku Executive Committee and
procurator General called the public to leave the square. The answer was negative. Certain people tried to smuggle arms and
explosive devices into Lenin Square. Rumours spread in connection with the Azerbaijani refugees from Armenia to the effect
that there was a great number of severely wounded and dead Azerbaijanis left behind. It was particularly believed that there
were corpses with savagely mutiliated faces with their ears and noses cut off. All these rumours were shown to be
provocations and lies. By then, the number of refugees from Armenia exceeded 78 thousand. Measures were taken by the
Azerbaijani government and the military governor of Baku to assist the families from various parts of Armenia. The extremist
groups increased the threats against the Armenians. Armenian flats were ransacked and broken, instances of arson were
recorded.
The curfew patrols detained, three inhabitants for the unwarranted eviction of Armenians and for attempting to install
refugee Azerbaijanis in their flats. On December 5 early in the morning 40 people from the square ran all over the central
streets shouting "Azerbaijan, Strike, Freedom, Nemat". Soon the crowd from the square joined them. They demanded to
release their leader, the worker of the Lieutenant Shmidt factory Nemat Panahov. During the night of 5 December the troops
removed, everyone gathered in the square. Simulteneously state of emergency was declared in 12 districts of Azerbaijan
and a curfew was imposed. There was another romour in the city that weapons had been fired during the clearance of
demonstrators from the square and people had been killed. The military commander of Baku announced that as a
consequence of the great number of people gathered in the square, the square had become a "focus of insanitary
conditions".This was the reason for the decision to clear the people out, to clean the square, hose it down and disinfect it.
During the clearing no weapons had been used. Rumours of casualties were provocations aimed at destabilizing the situation
still further. In order to keep peace at night, troops were ordered to carry arms as a deterrent. In Armenia too, the situation
remained potentially explosive.
The newspaper "California Courier" reported that 6 Armenians had occupied and kept for three hours the office of the
USSR "Aeroflot" company in France as a protest against the refused of Soviet government to reunite Karabagh with Armenia.
These young men were members of the Armenian Youth Society.
As a result of mass disorders and series of offences carried out by the mob, an inquiry was undertaken by the
investigative division of the USSR Procuratorr's office in Armenia and Azerbaijan. The founder-leader of the Krunk society
and director of building materials company in Stepanakert, Arkadi Manucharov was arrested in Yerevan by the deputy
minister of Armenian Ministery of Interior Affairs Yerin (to be the Minister of Interior Affairs of Russian Federation later).
Manucharov was taken to Shushi, where the inspector of Procurator's office K. Maidukov tried to force him to sign a
document testifying that he had taken 50 thousand roubles from his employers to bribe the first Secretary of the Regional
Committee B. Kevorkov. Then Manucharov was taken to Moscow to be kept in the Lefertovo prison.
The programme of Turkish TV "The 32-nd Day" requested;
"What is it that the Azerbaijanis want? Will the Armenians insist on their demands? Is Russian military interference possible?
And the most important question - is this the collapse of the Soviet mosaic? But still Gorbachov is against the nations, their
viewpoints and demands. The events undermining the base of the Soviet system led to growing concern all over the country.
A virus is causing the spread of a disease which is impossible to prevent neither by economical reforms nor by military force.
The interethnic conflicts in some republics served as a serious test to Gorbachov's political reforming of "perestroika" and
"glasnost". All the latest unprecedented events put the question "Is this the collapse of the USSR?" The second source for
concern is the problem of territorial changes. Especially explosive and bloody are the clashes between Armenia and
Azerbaijan. It's already a year that in Azerbaijan, were the Turkish visitors are welcomed warmly, the situation is extremely
tense. Mountainous Karabagh has no economical peculiarities. The region is 75% Armenian. In 1923 Stalin gave the region
to Azerbaijan. Concerning historical and relegious aspects the Armenians consider the region as Armenian, and are trying to
achieve the aim of attaching it to Armenia over the last 20 years. That is, the discordance is not a modern problem. The
most important and bloody event took place in the Azerbaijani town Sumgait. The town closed its on the whole world except
our programme "The 32-nd Day". The Armenians drew a parallel between the 1915 Anatolia events and the Sumgait incident.
They declared; "There is no difference between the Turks and the Azerbaijanis. Both of them want to eliminate our nation".
But the Azerbaijani poet Anar said; "We say that the Turks and Azerbaijanis are not the same. They are very close to each
other, they are brothers, they speak the same language, but they are different nations like the Russians and Ukrainians, like
the Americans and the English. Innocent people were victimized, and we condemn it, but why not let bygones be bygones.
It's neither in the Armenian nor Azerbaijani interests.... We too said that Sumgait was a bitter page in our history, we are so
sorry for it, we grieved as everybody at it. But the incident had its reasons.... The national self-awareness is awakening in
Azerbaijan, the Armenian demand of Karabagh giving an impetus to it. The Azerbaijani public opinion is not divided on that
question - Karabagh is Azerbaijanis and as such cannot secede from Azerbaijan". The Armenian authorities, despite
Moscow's permission closed the gates on us for being Turkish journalists. They noted that were not able to guarantee our
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security. The situation is in process since February. Has any Azerbaijanis been killed in Armenia, has any tourist woman or
child been attacked? Of course, not. There was no reason to forbid us to enter the country. I should like to add that tourists
from Turkey and all other parts of the world arrive in Armenia every day. The modern Turks have nothing to do with the
events of 1915.... The only thing that Moscow can't accept is the loss of centralized rule. If the authorities fail to bring the
situation under control, they will face the conservative circles and an army of apponents".18
Though there was no disorder or clashes of an ethnic or other variety in Armenia, on November 25 a state of
emergency was declared in Armenia. Tanks and troops were brought into the centre of the city. There was no way that
people could disperse before the curfew. People began to disperse in groups to their homes. Those who were not in a group
were beaten by soldiers with truncheons. In late November in Armenian settlements with a mixed Armenian-Azerbaijani
population there were clashes, which resulted in casualties. An intense movement of population, deported from Azerbaijan
continued. In hundred of lorries they arrived in Kirovakan leaving behind their houses, gardens and even their personal
belongings. The Azerbaijanis didn't allow them to take anything, they used to say that the property of Armenians belonged to
the land on which they had lived for years. The 250 thousand Baku Armenians were predominantly grandchildren of those
Karabaghians, who had been deported during the 1905-1906 and 1917-1920 Armeno-Tatar wars from Kelbajar, Lachin
Ghubatli, Zangelan, Jebrail, Fizuli, Aghdam and Tartarr regions. The new refugees were accompanied by the population of
historical Utik-Getabek, Dashkesan, Shamkhor and Khanlar regions. A special commission was working in Armenia on the
refugee problem. Flats were allocated for refugees in various parts of the Republic - Kirovakan, Leninakan, Stepanavan,
Spitak. Some of them settled in Karabagh. There were some days only to go before 7 December, when the earthquake
struck. As a result of the great tragedy the towns Leninakan, Spitak, Kirovakan, Stepanavan and hundreds of villages were
ruined, 25 thousand people perished, thousands became disabled, 500 thousand remained homeless. The refugees from
Armenia suffered losses too.
In Karabagh and Aghdam the military strictly kept guard of all the strategical roads, though there were many people
who wanted to leave for Armenia to help their suffering compatriots. The First Secretary of Regional Party Committee H.
Poghossian and the chairman of Regional Executive Committee S. Babaian applied to the chairman of the USSR Council of
Ministers N. Rizhkov and the First Secretary of the Armenian Communist Party S. Harutiunian to protest against the
unjustified actions of the military during the curfew, forbidding the inhabitants to go to Armenia and bring their relatives. They
added in their letters, that it was strange that in a situation when the whole world was hurrying to help Armenia, Karabagh
was deprived of that opportunity and even the flights of planes to Armenia were reduced. The inhabitants of Stepanakert
were greatly depressed seeing the rejoicing crowd of Azerbaijanis of Shushi, singing and dancing merrily and congratulating
each other "on the occasion of Armenian disaster". The Armenians understood that it was already impossible to live side by
side with those rejoicing neighbours of theirs.
Meanwhile the Karabagh Committee dealt with the problem of aid to the victims, attempting to make up for the
shortcomings of the authorities.
Gorbachov, visiting the earthquake area declared that "the Karabagh problem was being exploited by dishonest
people, political demagogues, adventurers and currupt characters". Action followed quickly. In three "round ups" the
members of the Committee were arrested. Detained in secret in Moscow they were to be set free in several months. Contrary
to the hopes of the authorities, their popularity increased.
The "Washington Post" reported that the earthquake could have far-reaching political results, as Gorbachov and
Soviet authorities tried to make use of the disaster in their interest to condemn and humiliate the Armenian demand of
Karabagh, describing it as an attempt of demagogues and dishonest people to come to power. The famous dissident S.
Grigorian declared in a press round-up in his own house on January 2; "The arrest of the members of the Karabagh
Committee is another example of lawless actions of Gorbachov and his administration. The results of these arrests were
destructive and undermining for Armenia. During the first days of the disaster the members of the Committee were of great
help, as they had had some experience while assisting the refugees before the earthquake. The authorities were unable to
make use of the military forces, fulfilling the state of emergency".
The leaders of Georgian popular movements protested against the arrest of the members of the Karabagh
Committee in a letter addressed to Gorbachov; "Gorbachov's inhumane reference to our Armenian brothers aroused the
indignation of all decent people. You, Mr. Gorbachov, the Central Committee and the Supreme Soviet insulted the Armenian
nation, ridiculing their lawful demand of attaching the land of their ancestors to Armenia. With this action of Yours, you proved
the truth that today's authorities of the USSR are ready to continue Stalin's anti-ethnic policy, which has transformed into a
mighty force in Transcaucasia.... We demand that the members of the Karabagh Committee be released, otherwise we'll set
up a joint Armeno-Georgian campaign to defend the political prisoners, which may have a negative influence on your policy
and authority". The letter was signed by Georgians Chanturia, Georgadze, Kaznitsishvily, Gukava and Sarishvily on 20
January 1988.
The Karabagh people tried to help the victims of the earthquake to bear their loss as they could. The internal troops,
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deployed in Karabagh, organized an escort for the 500 rescuers who left for Leninakan and Spitak. Then systematically
vehicles loaded with timber, food and fresh milk went to the disaster area from Karabagh. The two disasters seemed to have
met - the earthquake and the movement. The 10-year struggle and strikes had undermined the economy of the region but
Karabagh was ready to send its last piece of bread to those who were suffering in the Motherland, to their beloved brothers
and sisters. They themselves feeling badly wounded and in despair too, but helping the victims to withstand and survive their
vicissitude, to conquer the forces of death and regenerate themselves.
On 12 January 1989, a decession was at last taken on the modification of the status of Karabagh: the USSR
Supreme Soviet decided to confer on the Autonomous Region, provisionally, a special administrative status. It was to remain
part of Azerbaijan, but to be dependent on administration directly from Moscow Arkadi Volski was appointed "Viceroy" in
Karabagh. Under this arrangement the population of the region practically had no place in the administration of the region as
there was no Regional Soviet, only a Council with purely formal powers. Andrei Zubov of Oriental Institute and Galina
Storovoitova of National Institute suggested another variant and asked Andrei Sakharov to support it. The new project
intended territorial exchange between the two republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan: Armenia would take Mountainous
Karabagh, the Shushi region excluded and the Shahumian district included. Sakharov found the project interesting enough to
introduce it to the Secretary of the Central Committee A. Yakovlev. After consulting Gorbachov, Yakovlev suggested that
Andrei Sakharov and his delegation should pay a visit to Baku, Stepanakert and Yerevan to discuss the project, as neither
the Central Committee, nor the eminent physicist had sufficient objective information.
On December 20 the group consisting of Andrei Sakharov and his wife Yelena Bonner, the ethnophychologist Galina
Staravoitova and historians Leonid Batkin and Andrei Zubov left for Baku, where they had meetings with the First Secretary of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan Vezirov and members of the scientific and artistic intelligentsia.
Sakharov's authority was extremely high in the Soviet Union but in this occasion the Azerbaijani intelligentsia did not treat him
with due respect. They talked among themselves during his speech, openly turned backs on him rattling their keys. Zia
Buniatov was especially aggressive, blaming all the time the "Armenian extremists". During a meeting with Vezirov Yelena
Bonner said; "You speak of friendship with the Armenians, they have suffered a greaf national tragedy. Thousands of people
have lost their relatives, their possessions. The very existence of the nation is threatened. Eastern people are famed for their
generosity and greatness of heart. Do something noble in dealing with suffering friend, give Karabagh to them, a gift to a
friend in need. The whole world will be awed by this act. It will be remembered by generations".
Deprived of his artistic talents for a moment, with a face like a stone, Vezirov said; "Land is not given, it's conquered".
Sakharov recalled later that Vezirov might have added "by blood" but he's not certain of that. Of course, even if Vezirov had
a great wish to solve the problem, he would be unable to do so, as the power was in the hands of Soviet system and not an
individual, besides neither of the parties would agree to territorial exchanges.
Sakharov's group left for Yerevan, then Stepanakert. The situation there was tense. The military were everywhere,
soldiers with machine-guns, armoured personnel carriers positioned by the radar scanners. Sakharov's group had meetings
in Shushi and Stepanakert. The members of the Council of Directors (the Krunk Committee) criticized the status of special
administration, as it had done away with the structures of local governing system.
Returning to Moscow, Sakharov spoke about his impressions to A. Yakovlev, and to his mind the Bureau had
already lost interest in the problem.
On 5 January 1989 the appeal of Armenian and Azerbaijani Central Committees and Councils of Ministers (defined
by the USSR Supreme Soviet) to the people of both republics, who had left places of permanent residence, came out. It read;
"You long for the work on your native soil, your eyes long for the native mountains and meadows, your gardens are looking
forward to your arrival, you may return to your houses, to your working collectives..."19 The appeal was formal, the wording
absurd, as nobody promised to guarantee their security and refugees continued to arrive from Azerbaijan, military helicopters
continued to evacuate them from the disaster area.20
The internal office of Nagorny Karabagh reported; "On 5 January 1989 some unknown men in a white car without
numbers had followed the car of the resident of Seidlu village Akif Mamedov on his way to Shushi. As a result of firing the
driver was injured. The man who had shot on him wore a policeman's uniform".
In the first half of January the Azerbaijanis blew up the water-pipe carrying water to Stepanakert for twelve times. The
town was provided with water through Trakert, Ghaibalu and Chaighash water-pipes. If the latter was safely guarded, the
first two were constantly attacked and blown up. The regional internal office applied to the head of the USSR operative
headquarters General Paskal for help. The General answered; "I have worked in Baltic republics, then in Ukrain. In my
opinion you don't behave properly, your attitude to the problem is errenous. Azerbaijanis are 7 million, there are 10 million
Azaris in Iran, plus the 50 million Turks of Turkey. You must also consider the might of the Moscow Azerbaijanis..., you'll lose
Mountainous Karabagh in five years and the whole of Armenia is fifteen. It's better to give in now, then it will be too late".
Probably the General was charged with the task of horrifying the Armenians.
The decree of the USSR Supreme Council about conferring on the Autonomous Region of Karabagh a special
administrative status was published in newspapers;
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"Based on Provision 4 of Article 119 of the USSR Constitution, the Supreme Council decided;
1. To confer on the Autonomous Region of Karabagh, provisionally, a special administrative status, keeping it as a part of
Azerbaijan.
To form a Special Administation Committee, with A. Volski as the chairman.
2. The Administration Committee is dependent as administration and governing structures directly from Moscow, has the
authorities of the Regional Soviet and its Executive Committee, the chairman has the rights, responsibilities and obligations of
the chairman of the Executive Committee.
3. Release the village, city and regional Soviets of Deputies from their obligations, organize new elections.
Release all the public organizations.
The "New York Times" wrote about the decree to be advantageous in obviously freeing the Armenians of
Mountainous Karabagh after 65 years of arbitrary rule of Baku, however placing the disputable region under the direct rule of
Moscow. The newspaper stressed that the decree hadn't had a precedent in the history of the USSR. Many people used to
say that the decision would be fruitful if is adopted in 1965 or at least in 1986-1987.
The following people were appointed as members of the Special Administration Committee:
1. Semion Babayan (the chairman of the Executive Committee of the
Mountainous Karabagh Regional Soviet of deputiees since August 1988).
To be responsible for relations with Armenia.
2. Vagif Jafarov Jafar Oghli (First Secretary of the Shushi Party Committee).
To be responsible for the work with the Azerbaijanis.
3. Sergei Kuprev (Major-General of the USSR Ministery of Interior Affairs).
To be responsible for the work of force structures.
4. Viktor Mishin (Secretary of Central Council).
5. Viktor Plisov
To be responsible for material and technical delivery, planning of economical
mechanisms.
6. Valeri Aidorov (with his Afghanian experience)
To be responsible for the sphere of ideoligical struggle
7. Vladimir Tovmassian (Chairman of National Inspection Committee)
As a chairman of the Special Administration Committee Arkadi Volski set to a series of meetings with the working
collectives. In a meeting in Stepanakert electrotechnical works he said; "From now on the region is going to solve the
financial and professional problems itself. Such an experience has never been exercised and it's possible that we'll face
difficulties, some people may even try to get in our way. I call you to clear our way of democracy and restructuring of all kinds
of foam which hinders us from our cause - the normalizing of all the spheres of life".
Volski's speeches made clear that the special administration, the internal troops, the Soviet militia and the state
security forces were trying to put an end to the movement, which had united all the strata of society-director or worker,
chairman or farmer, teacher or student.
The Communist Party of Armenia, in its attempt to oppose the movement, was destined to destruction. The same fate
was awaiting to the USSR Central Committee, as the Karabagh movement had already turned to a mighty flood, which was
able to destroy everything in its way to the sea of liberty.
The members of the Krunk Committee knew that Volski had arrived in Karabagh with a list including 60 names of
those which were to be arrested in the region.
The broadcast of the radiostation "liberty";
"In an interview to our correspondent the deputy editor-in-chief of the Shushi regional paper Ali Mamedov said; "The activity
of the special administration hinders the development of healthy inter-ethnic relations, trying to put an end to the economical
ties of the region with Azerbaijan. The Special Administration Committee sees the solution of the problem in driving out the
Azerbaijani population through the economical blockade of the region, and then hand Karabagh over to Armenia".
In early March a delegation of Americans, headed by the vice chairman of the Armenian Benevolent Union Luiz
Simon-Manukian arrived in Karabagh. The delegation took part in the first congress of the Armenian benevolent organization
"Amaras". Boris Dadamian was elected to be the chairman, with Arthur Alexanian as a vice chairman. The bishop of the
Siunik diocese Asoghik Aristakessian took part in the congress as a representative of Main Chair of Echmiadzin.
A. Volski, H. Poghossian, V. Grigorian, V. Gabrielian, B. Dadamian, Z. Balayan and B. Jafarov were elected
delegates to the USSR Supreme Soviet. Only two of them represented the Krunk Committee. R. Kocharian was defeated.
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On April 24 the Special Administration committee allowed to organize a rally commemorating the 1915 Armenian
genocide. A column of 60 thousand people moved to the movement. The university teacher Hamlet Grigorian, poets Gurgen
Gabrielian, Hrachia Beglarian, Sokrat Khanian, Arkadi Tovmassian, Roma Balayan made speeches. The military were unable
to arrest them. Two days later they were arrested by commandant of Special Administrative Region General Safonov. The
crowd surrounded the square and demanded to set them free. The demonstrators stoned the soldiers. Soon G. Gabrielian, R.
Balayan and S. Khanian were fined and released, while H. Grigorian and A. Tovmassian were sent to the Rostov prison.
From 6 April 1989 till 21 April 198 people were arrested in Stepanakert, 67 of whom were detained in police for
breaking the laws of state of Emergency. Steps taken by Volski and even his words and expressions were carefully
considered in Baku and Karabagh, in their strive to find out his true attitude towards the movement. The paper
"Sotsialisticheskaya Industria" published the interview of Volski to the correspondent of the newspaper M. Rostarchuk. The
chairman of the Special Administration Committee said;
"60 million people in the USSR live in alien ethnic environment, the danger is great everywhere, if there is a spark, there will be a fire.
The inter-ethnic clashes are increasing in the country. The antagonistic parties are becoming more and more aggressive. In many
regions of the country the escalation of the conflict is already representing a threat to legal norms. This is already a fact which cannot be
ignored. We have to deal with the results of Stalinist decisions opposing the interests of nations and nationalities and democracy in ethnic
and territorial structures. Accepting the present territorial integrity means to backing the activity of the administration which gravely
metamorphosed all the Socialist structures. Justice towards ethnic problems must be restored".21
It's evident from his speech that an element was existent within the Centre, which understood that a new phase of liberation
from fascism and colonialism was set in motion in the country. That was the breathing life into the self-awareness of
minorities, in the moribund system that had uninhibitedly called itself socialist for so many decades. The outburst of mass
nationalist movements, first in Karabagh and soon after in other republics, soon made clear that the solution of the problem
lay not in political and military suppression of minority democratic oppositions but maintaining influence through a deep
analysis of the problem. The solution of Karabagh problem in time would prevent Azerbaijan from being carved up by Lezgi,
Talish, Tat, Avar separatist movements, later, in 10-15 years time. No empire is destined to live forever. The forces of
nationalism and localism undermined the hypercentralism and bureaucratization of the old system, which on the one hand
eliminated real sovereignty and political autonomy, on the other encouraged the ethnic development of dominant
nationalities.
In Armenia, the youth wing of the Karabagh Committee under David Shahnazarian, had replaced the arrested
members. On 1 May they organized a demonstration, after long negotiations with the government (Minasbekian), which at
last sanctioned the rally.
In Karabagh the people used to visit the graves of their ancestors on May 2 and light candles on them. This time
there were leaflets on the tombstones which read;
"Karabaghians, the life showed that the so-called Special Administration Committee is in fact a special manipulation. As always, they
were again trying to deceive the natives of Karabagh. To stain the reputation of our movement and defame it, they use all kinds of false
accusations. Volski and his brother-in-arms Vezirov condemn Arkadi Manucharov as if for being bribe-taking. Their imagination invented
"the millions" of Manucharov to stain the reputation of the whole Karabagh. The population of Karabagh demands to set A. Manucharov
free. The life confirmed the fact that the Special Administrative Status cannot guarantee the Armenian population against shameless
interference by Azerbaijan. Moscow amissars, its high time for you to return home and let us exercise the right of self-determination. We
call all the Karabaghians to insist on the political solution of the problem. There is no other way.
National Front of Karabagh
Another leaflet called for a strike. On May three a report on the new administration was submitted to Gorbachov by the top
officials of the Communist Party and executive committees of the districts of Mountainous Karabagh. The text of the report
read;
"We are obliged to note that the hopes of the Armenian population of the Autonomous Region of Karabagh have not been
realized. The region remains to be an apple of discord. Even the introduction of a special form of administration has not
guaranteed the Armenian population against gross and shameless interference by Azerbaijan. Even worse, it looks as if the
Special Administration Committee has adopted the policy of aiding the authorities of Azerbaijan to "Azerbaijanize" the
region.... Steps are being taken to accelerate the installation of Azerbaijani villages. In Armenian villages, on the otherhand,
no work is being done.... The people of Mountainous Karabagh are indignant at the provocative statements made by Vezirov
and the indulgent attitude of the Central Committee of the USSR Communist Party towards the authorities of the Republic.
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The best solution was and continues to be the reunification with Armenia".
In response to the letter on May 17 the Azerbaijani side applied to Gorbachov with another letter signed by "the
working class and representatives of intelligentsia of Azerbaijan". It read;
"The open letter addressed to you by the authorities of the region, is completely false and impractical. The authors strive to
provoke new clashes aiming at destabilizing the situation in the area, defaming the decisions of the USSR government and
the Communist Party on Karabagh. Their intention is clear - to increase the tension in the region.... The authors of the letter,
though concealing their nationalistic and separatist strivings, are trying to undermine the bases of friendship between nations,
which is a sacred thing for us and our only pride. We consider that its high time to make the adventurers know their place.
It's high time to make the extremists, who push their nation into an abyss, know their place".
Of course, the authors of this letter tried to make use of subtleties of diplomacy, slandering the Armenian nation on one hand,
and winning the favour of the Centre on the other. The stone war was transformed into a new "letter war". The Karabagh
party was led by Zori Balayan. This new method aimed at effecting the public opinion. It soon resulted in parliamentary
debates.
The election of deputies to the parliament of the USSR was organized and carried out by the Special Administration
Committee. The elected deputies had no experience for parliamentary struggle. The Azerbaijani side was still poorer and
weak. However, the rhetoric of Boris Dadamian surpassed all expectations. Gorbachov deprived him another opportunity to
speak from the rostrum. The Azerbaijani mass-media paid great attention on that speech of Dadamian;
"In this hour of distress for all Soviet people, the delegate of Mountainous Karabagh, and before him the Armenian delegate, tried to gain
chiep reputation in the eyes of the extremist elements with their graceless speeches. To make it clear whole powers encourage such
speeches, suffice it to say that Academician Sakharov got up of his seat and loudly applauded for the longest time, expressing his
approval of extremist speeches..."22
On June 27 in the Victory square of Stepanakert 30 thousand people had gathered to meet S. Babayan, V.
Tovmassian, V. Grigorian, M. Mirzoyan and V. Atajanian to tell about their talk with Gorbachov, who had promised to restore,
very soon, the authority of Regional Soviet and the Regional Party Committee. The first Secretary of the Party Committee of
Stepanakert V. Atajanian said that the authority of Special Administration Committee would be enlarged, and it would be able
to guarantee the region against Azerbaijani interference.
V. Grigorian told about his talk with the USSR Procurator General A.Sukharev, who had told that Manucharov's
charge was changed.
R. Kocharian said that the congress of the USSR Supreme Soviet was not going to make an objective decision on
Karabagh problem and suggested that a new organization should be set up to lead the movement. He suggested the
formation of the Karabagh National Front, to be included in the All National Armenian Movement.
As the situation continued to be tense in the region with strikes and demonstrations continuing, such an organization
was indeed needed to work out a new strategy for the movement. The most radical wing of the movement was represented
by the young politicians, led by R. Kocharian. This wing opposed to the party of A. Manucharov, especially repulsing their
opinion that there should be no like answer to the "Azerbaijani aggressive syndrome" in the stone war.. R. Kocharian
considered that the parliamentary struggle was not enough to reach success. On July 8 in the hall of the Karabagh silk
factory a conference took place to set up the "Miatsum" (unification) national movement's chair. R. Kocharian was elected
chairman. The movement intended to join the All National Armenian Movement, forming its Karabaghian section. Soon the
new organization was legally recorded by the Stepanakert City Council Executive Committee.23
Soon Karabagh too was involved in the stone war, initiated by Azerbaijan.
The Ministery of Azerbaijan Interior Affairs reported;
"On 10 July 1989 in Martakert the Armenians attacked a column of 157 cars moving to Kelbajar. In one of the narrow streets
of regional centre they surrounded the cars on both sides and began to stone them. The machines were broken up. The
passengers were injured. the attack was led by the militiamen. Now, the only way to Kelbajar is blocked up".24
Before that there was a clash between the Armenian and Azerbaijani communities of Krkdzan. Saleh Shakurov and
Hovhannes Atayan were injured. The way to the water spring was blocked up by the Azerbaijanis. Shots were fired. On July 7
the Krkdzan question was discussed in Stepanakert City Committee, in the presence of the commandant of Special
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Administration Musatov, who was taken hostage during the meeting and kept for a couple of hours. He was forced to send
troops to Krkdzan to stop the firing. Colonel Musatov confessed that his wife and children were in Baku, and so he couldn't
take any action against the will of Azerbaijani authorities.25
On July 10 the Khojali Azerbaijanis began to stone the passing Armenian cars. Since 12 a.m. 200 Armenian young
men blocked the Stepanakert section of the strategic road Aghdam-Shushi-Lachin, meantime stoning four Azerbaijani cars.
At 17 p.m. the internal troops managed to clear up the road. But it was soon again blocked up with tractors and the high
voltage electrical post. In their effert to clear up the road, the troops were attacked by a group of Armenians. As a result of the
clash 19 soldiers were injured.
It was evident that the youth wing of the movement was countering "the Azerbaijani aggresive syndrome", thus
creating a new "Karabaghian syndrome". It took them a year and a half to draw this conclusion. As a result of Armenian
counter action the whole of Karabagh was soon blockaded.
Since July 15 armed militiamen began to appear in the Azerbaijani villages. Their appearance marked the foundation
of the Azerbaijani OMON (special groups of militia). In the further struggle for Karabagh the Azerbaijani authorities relied on
them.
Thus the direct rule from Moscow failed to produce more than a temporary relaxation of tension between Armenians
and Azerbaijanis. The people of Nagorny Karabagh were deprived of any form of democratic representation. This is the
reason why the representatives of the Armenians held a constitutional convention and established their National Council to
articulate the views of the community. The National Council stood as a rival to the Soviet imposed Special Commission. The
Kremlin was soon to try to end the stalemate in the region by abolishing the Special Commission and returning Karabagh to
Azerbaijani rule on November 28, 1989.
On July 20, 1989 the delegation of the USSR Supreme Soviet arrived in Karabagh. The delegation was headed by
the vice chairman of the Union Republics' Council of the USSR Supreme Soviet, chairman of the Presidiun of the Moldovian
Supreme Soviet Alexander Makonu and the vice chairman of the Nationalities Council of the USSR Supreme Soviet,
secretary of the Ukrainian Writers' Union, poet Boris Oleinik. The Commision included Professor Alexei Yemelianov from
Moscow Lomonosov State University, chairman of the Workers' and Veterans' Council Nikolai Sichev, First Secretary of
Checheno-Ingush Regional Committee Vladimir Vateev, chief researcher of Estonian Academy of Sciences Klara Khalik. The
delegates met with the inhabitants of Stepanakert and villages. Probably this commission too, as the previous one (Voss'
Commission) was a means to calm down the population of the region. The delegates were also accepted by the head of the
Artsakh diocese Bishop Pargev Martirossian in Gandzassar Monastery. Then they visited the Sarsang hydrocomplex, which
continued to supply the Azerbaijani regions of Mirbashir, Aghdam, Barda with water. The Karabagh movement refused the
"water war" though Azerbaijan kept the region under siege. The pipe-closure would be disasterous to the fields in the hot
August days.
The construction of the road Hadrut-Talish was in full swing, Armenian building organizations took part in the works
too. There was a rally on July 26 in Stepanakert. About 20 thousand people filled the streets, unanimously chanting
"Unification, Armenia", with slogans: "There is only one solution to the Karabagh problem - the unification with Armenia",
"Abolish the monopoly of the bureaucratic apparatus on mass-media", "A political solution to Sumgait", "Exercise the right of
self-determination of nations". The Moscow commission watched the demonstration.
On 14 August an unsanctioned meeting took place in Lenin Square in Baku. Thirty thousand people took part in it.
The public demanded a quick solution to the Karabagh problem, discussion of the problem in an emergency session of
Supreme Soviet. They also demanded the release of political prisoners "who had been charged in the stagnation period",
official recognition of the "Azerbaijani National Front". There were appeals to form a "national division", to keep guard in the
city and another armed one to be sent to Karabagh. the Ministery of Interior Affairs was blamed of being unable to maintain
law and order in Karabagh. The slogans read; "Death to Armenians", "Down with the dictate of Moscow", "We defend only the
National Front of Azerbaijan".
Meantime the TASS correspondent Valeri Rudenko reported that two Azerbaijanis were killed in Krkdzan. The report
gave rise to a new wave of demonstrations in Stepanakert. The demonstrators demanded to report the Armenian casualties
too. The Commision of the Supreme Soviet was back in Moscow. The vice chairman of the Nationalities Council of the
Supreme Soviet B. Oleinik was said to change the text of the report of the Commission.26 He said;
"As a result of our investigation, each member of the Commission and the Commission in general came to a conclusion that the situation
of Karabagh has moved even from the point of being explosive. Unfortunately, the undertaken measures to normalize that situation proved
to be fruitless.... Presently the atmosphere is extremely tense, which is expressed in all the spheres of public life. The historical and
cultural monuments are being vandalized, houses burnt down. People are extremely cruel to the representatives of the opposite
nationality. New measures must be introduced to overcome the crisis, to put an end to violence, to secure the life and property of the
population, to guarantee the social, national and other rights of population. It's advisable to discuss the possibility of restoring the civil
administrative structures, preserving its Special Administrative Status, considering the interests of both sides..."27
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It was evident too that he was sent to Karabagh to gain time. Another member of the Commission, Academician Yemelianov,
in an interview to the newspaper "Argumenti i Fakti", commented;
"The situation is extremely complicated. I never thought that they had gone so far. Now we have to deal with two hostile parties, with
opposing positions. One of them is the reunification of Karabagh with Armenia, the other is the preservation of territorial integrity. The
source of the escalation of the conflict lies not only within the republics, but in the Centre as well. Our central structures are immobile
and slow. They don't pay due attention to the problem. The need of radical reforms had grown long ago. We have missed a year. Now the
situation and the measures undertaken must be carefully considered. Besides we must assure the people that the measures are going to be
radical. By September session all the questions must be solved".28
The situation in Karabagh wastense with strikes continuing. The strikes had become the only means to pressure Azerbaijan
and the Special administration Committee. All the public spheres had come to a halt too. Refugees continued to arrive from
Azerbaijan and also from Central Asia. The economical situation was extremely hard. The 16 August 1989 constitutional
convention which was held in the hall of Stepanakert Dramatic Theatre, established a National Council. The movement
seemed to turn back to its sources, to the National Council which was established in Shushi 70 years ago. Vachagan
Grigorian, a deputy to the USSR Supreme Soviet said in his speech;
"The nation decides everything. The representatives of the nation will elect a National Council to lead our movement. It will be the only
legitimate power in the region".
The leader of the movement "Miatsum" Robert Kocharian said;
"It's difficult for me to understand the role of the Special Administration Committee. Is it a body of the ruling powers or a governing
structure. Considering Point 14 of Article 119 of the Constitution it's not a form of power, as is not elected by people. With the
Constitution nobody, not even the Supreme Soviet has a right to abolish the regional constitutional power - the Regional Soviet. the
establishment of the Special Administration Committee violates the second article of the principal law. The handing over of the Regional
Party Committee functions to the Special Administration Committee is a gross violation of the USSR regulation and is condemned by the
Communists of the region".
Henrik Poghosian, a deputy to the USSR Supreme Soviet, the former First Secretary of the Regional Party Committee, said
in his speech;
"It's evident that the Special Administration Committee is unable to improve the situation in the region, moreover, its activity increases
the tension in the region. The subjective military units too are of no assistance to the process of normalizing the situation in the region.
Their policy is partial and anti-Karabaghian. Their declarations confirm the fact that their actions are not disinterested. I've heard such
statesments of the chairman of the Special Committee Volski for several times. He announced that the Armenians had killed two
Azerbaijaniz in Krkdzan. We know the result of another such an irresponsible announcement in Sumgait".
Boris Nefodov, an assistant to Volski said;
"The fact that the population is not satisfied with the activity of the Special Administration Committee, depresses me. The creative unions
of Nagorny Karabagh are now dependent on administration directly from Armenia or the Soviet Union and its result of the efforts of the
Special Administration Committee. A literary editorship is established in the region, and it's not our guilt that so far it hasn't published
anything. A new document has been signed by the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, with which the material and technical
management of the region will be realized through its independent relations with the Union republics."
Razmik Petrossian, the director of Stepanakert stadium, a member of Krunk Committee, said;
"When the movement began in Karabagh, we were called extremists by the whole country, in the same way now you consider our
congress illegitimate. It would be better for you to study all the documents before expressing yourselves. Call professionals from all parts
of the country and let them explain their viewpoints on the matter."
Boris Nefodov spoke again;
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"Have I ever called you extremists? Yesterday I was discussing the items of the agenda of the congress with your representatives. Not
everything is clear in your programme. you don't have experts."
Major-General Safonov, the commandant of the Special Region, said;
"The Special Administration Committee has made a decision to withdraw the troops from the buildings of schools 4 and 10. A special field
has been appointed by the City Soviet for that purpose. We'll establish our own settlement , winter is close, but we'll overcome all the
difficulties ourselves. As to the building of the Pedagogical Institute, it's occupied by your native internal troops, which is obliged to
maintain law and order in the city ."
Turning to Safonov H. Poghosian said;
"You accepted yourself that the troops are sent to the Azerbaijani regions surrounding Karabagh. Have you discussed the question of
declaring those regions "special"? A second question, who had made the decision of confiscation of weapons, and why in some regions
the decision is being carried out and in others not?"
General Safonov answered that the decision was made by the Special Administration Committee. Troops were being
deployed in all the regions of Karabagh to carry out the task of disarming the population.
Then V. Grigorian asked why the Khramort patrolling post was removed and why three more were added on the
territory from Aghdam to the border.
G. Safonov answered that it was a good question and he would like the Party and Soviet structures of the region to
support them to decide where to put up the military posts. Yuri Nersisian put in that a continuous firing was heard from the
Krkdzan village which made clear that weapons hadn't been canfiscated there.
Safonov answered that their obligations were strictly planned and they hadn't yet reached that village.
The deputy headmaster of the Stepanakert car works M. Martirossian asked;
"I am an employed in transport works. The transport now serves the military. Why don't you prevent the mob from destroying that
transport. Who is to answer for our losses, 70 cars have been broken till now?"
The voices from the hall gave an answer to this last question; "The General..."29
The Constitutional Convention held by the representatives of the Armenians of Nagorny Karabagh published the following
resolution;
"!. Considering the will of the population, which is reflected in the decisions of the Municipal and Regional Soviets, Municipal and
Regional Party Committees, Collectives of Workers and Meetings of Local Representatives in villages aiming at stabilization of the
situation in the Region, the Congress elects a National Council and confirming its right of a supreme governing body till the restoration
of the powers of the Regional Soviet of National Deputies and the Regional Party Committee.
The National Council is a democratic, self-governing body, breathed into life by the Restructuring and the creative power of the
population in accordance with the basic Soviet principal "The power in the USSR belongs to the people", being its actual reflection.
2. The National Council, on its part, elects a Presidium to manage the current works. The first and foremost task of the National Council
and its Presidium is to stabilize the situation in the region, to prevent the inter-ethnic confrontation from further escalation, to support
the policy of "perestroika" actively, to develop democracy and openness in the region, to solve the Karabagh problem.
The National Council and its Presidium is a joint body articulating the views of both the Communists and non-Party people.
Accepting the rules and regulations of the USSR structures, the National Council and its Presidiums acts through the Local Soviets of
Deputies, Party Committees, Tradeunions, Comsomol, Collectives of Workers, Councils of Workers and public organizations. The
Congress defines the obligations and rights of the National Council and the Presidium itself.
3. The Congress declares that it remains resolute in the decision of reuniting the Region with Armenia.
4. The Congress rejects any interference by Azerbaijani authorities and its policy of dictate.
5. The Congress supports the decision of the Regional Soviet of national Deputies of Shahumian district on reuniting the Region with
Karabagh and confirms its wish to do everything possible to reach the solution of that problem.
6. The Congress calls on the population to suspend the strikes and charges the National Council with the task of taking measures to set a
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normal working process in motion in the Region.
7. The USSR flag is accepted as a state symbol on the territory of the Region."27
The congress also published appeals to the commandant of the Special Region, to the officers and soldiers of the Soviet
Army and Internal Troops and the people of Azerbaijan. This last appeal read;
"The Constitutional Convention of the representatives of the Armenians of Nagorny Karabagh, concerned about the growing
hostility between the Armenian and the Azerbaijani nations, which has turned into an inter-ethnic hatred and enmity, notes
that the roots of the present conflict lie in the gross mistakes made in 1920-ies on the fate and future of the Autonomous
Region.
The Congress recognizes each nation's right to historical self-determination. Without accepting this truth, it will be
impossible to live in concord and co-exist peacefully. Violence always gives birth to violence.
The Congress considers that the rightful solution of the Karabagh problem will be in the interests of both parties and
will put an end to the hostilities between our nations.
The Armenian population of Mountainous Karabagh relying on the principle of national self-determination, which is
the right of each nation, has expressed its will of secession from Azerbaijan and reattachment with Armenia in unilateral
decisions of the sessions of Regional Soviets of Deputies. This decision is now way opposes the interest of Azerbaijani
people, as no nation, ruling over another, can be regarded as a free nation.
The policy of democratization, openness and restructuring gave birth to our Congress, which, led by the principles of
humanity and friendship with all the nations, appeals for common sense and sobriety, mutual respect, peaceful co-existence
and activity which can guarantee an unruffled future to our children.
We are sure that a peaceful solution to the problem will be found and we'll live in peace soon."31
V. Grigorian was elected a chairman to the National Council, with the member of Special Administration Committee V.
Tovmassian and First Secretary of the Party Committee of Stepanakert V. Atajanian as his assistants. Of course many
people worried whether First Secretary of the Regional Party Committee V. Grigorian would be able to tackle all the
problems, as he was used to working in the structures of the communist command-system. And now, when the situation was
critical in the region, could he avoid errors? In what direction would his relations with Volski's party develop? Could he
express enough flexibility and make use of it to achieve the realization of the nation's demand? The other Party leader - H.
Poghosian, left the hall after his declaration. He was hurt. He was not involved in the activity of the Special Administration
Committee, as the Centre was against his participation, considering the view of Baku authorities. And now he wasn't elected
a chairman of the National Council. H. Poghossian, who had enjoyed great popularity, was henceforth only a deputy to the
Supreme Soviet.
The Turkish TV programme "Khabarlar (news), August, 1889;
"The 925 anniversary of taking of Kars fortress by the Turks was celebrated solemnly. In the square, bearing the name of
Ataturk, the Vali of the city-Faker, made a speech. He said that seizing Kars on August 16, 1064 (from the Armenians), the
Turks cleared the way leading to other cities and to Anatolia. He also stressed that "The seizure of Kars was the first basic
victory on the way of the Turkish army moving from the times of Alp Arslan to Ataturk's."
The evening falstivities included the conference held on the occassion of the Kars seizure.
Soon the decision of the Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet was published in response to the establishment of the National
Council of Karabagh.
"A new, anti-Constitutional step was taken in the Autonomous Region of Karabagh - the so-called Congress of the
representatives of the Armenians of Nagorno Karabagh was held, which established a National Council. The Congress
declared that it didn't accept the autonomous status of the region within the borders of Azerbaijani SSR, and announced the
region to be "an independent Union territory", where the Azerbaijani Constitution and other laws could not be exercised. The
representatives of Azerbaijan and other national communities of the region did not take part in the so-called Congress. The
National Council established by the Congress is declared to be the only governing body in the region. This act is an attempt
to deprive the Special Administration Committee of its authority.
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All these, as well as the transference of all power to the National Council is another expression of nationalist,
separatist and extremist anti-Constitutional strivings, which leads to seizure of power through unlawful methods. The
Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan SSR decides;
1. To consider the establishment of the so-called National Council and the decisions made by it unlawful, as it aims at
provoking inter-ethniv conflicts and hostility, separating Karabagh from the Azerbaijani SSR.
2. To notify the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet that the Congress of Karabagh Armenians has declared the 12
January 1989 resolution of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet on the establishment of Special Administration
Committee as illegitimate.
Chairman of the Presidium of Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan SSR
Kafarova
Baku, 26 August 1989"
The deputy of the USSR Nationalities Council Boris Oleinik, considering his article in the newspaper "Pravda" not enough,
wrote;
"...I have serious objections to the Centre and personally to the head of the government for being irresolute to untic ethnic knots. The
Karabagh problem could be solved easily and not in such painful circumstances. No, the situation is extremely tense there. To be exact,
civil war is expected. At the same time I should like to note that it's not a deadlock. To avoid a deadlock the Centre and the General
Secretary of the USSR must call the two leaders of the Armenia and Azerbaijan, communistes in whom the nations trust, to conduct
negotiations and arrive at a compromise agreement for the future of their nations."35
Later it turned out that the seven members among the ten of the Commission which had arrived in Karabagh, had demanded
secession of Karabagh from Azerbaijan and attachment to the Centre and three - to Armenia. But the USSR Commission on
Nationalities Policy with G. Tarazevich as chairman, under Gorbachov's pressure made a decision to leave the region within
the borders of Azerbaijan.34a
Once again the head of the delegation to Karabagh proved that the Centre was unable to understand what was in
fact going on in the region. The VIP-s of the two countries were called to conduct negotiations not for once. Their meetings
were fruitless, as these heads of states were already unable to control the situations in their countries. In the same way the
mass media continued to be a tool in the hand of the Centre, including the TASS news agency. It is vital for any problem to
be publicized at first, the population of the country must distinguish what is true and what is false, and not toy with the
problem as the Centre, which was unable to accept the fact that the empire was dying and the new form of union was to be
negotiated on the basis of openness equity and mutual respect. Peoples commitment to democratic reform restrained the
kind of physical force that had forged the empire and preserved it for seven decades. The Centre's will to resist the popular
discontent, now legitimized by the policy of glasnost, dissipated. Gorbachov's reforms, begun in 1985, rapidly envolved into a
revolution after the Karabagh events of 1988. The outburst of mass nationalist movements occured nearly at the same time.
The Uzbek events were followed by the Abkhaz ones. The Abkhazs demanded the secession of the region from Georgia.
The Georgian inhabitants of Abkhazia felt unsafe. Thousands of Turk-Meskhets migrated to Azerbaijan from Fergana. A part
of them were taken to Shushi to increase the number of Azerbaijani inhabitants in the region. A number of Armenians
deported from Azerbaijan left for Russia as the conditions in Armenia were becoming worse and worse after the disasterous
earthquake. The refugees deprived of all their possessions became a burden to the local authorities. The chairman of the
executive Committee of the Krasnodar district N. Kondratiuk in the 10th session of the Regional Soviet expressed his
dissatisfaction noting;
"The situation is extremely tense due to inter-ethnic conflicts, which exert an influence on our district. Such an influence is connected with
the arrival of Turk-Meshkets from Uzbekistan, Kurds from Armenia and a great number of Armenians from Azerbaijan.... We face a
serious problem, for example how to deal with the increasing in-migrating people. Now we have 3 thousand Turk-Meshkets, 200 Kurds
from the Armenia disaster area, 53 thousands Armenians from Azerbaijan.... This leads to social difficulties. People wait for flats for 2530 years, we don't have enough food supplies to meet the needs of the population. The increase of the population has created ecological
difficulties.... We can't take a decision on settling the refugees."35
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The European and Asian socialist structures were already showing signs of collapse too. The Roiter news agency reported
that the Communist leaders of Hungary had condemned the interference of their country in the occupation of Chechoslovakia
in 1968. It was mentioned in the report that the Hungarian Communist Party now had its own views on socialist sovereignty
and independence principles and refused all kinds of military or other interference in the internal affairs of another state. The
Polish Parliament condemned that interference too, considering it an aggression on democracy and human rights.
Once popular nationalism had already overwhelmed the old Communist elites in Baltic republics, becoming an
irresistable force. On August 22 the commission of the Supreme Soviet of Litvia published its conclusion on the 1940 SovietGerman Treaty and its results. That secret treaty, with which Polland was handed over to Germany and the Baltic republics
to the USSR, was declared illegitimate, the decision of the Litvian Seim of 21 July 1940 about its attachment to Soviet Union not valid. Soon Gorbachov's call on Lithuania to restore the full force of the USSR and Lithuanian SSR constitutions was to
be refused and the USSR system of laws and principles was to be labelled as the "constitution of invadors".
By the end of 1989, the nationalist movements had all but displaced the official power structure in the
Transcaucasian republics. In Azerbaijan the People's Front organized a blockade against Armenia to force the Supreme
Soviet of Azerbaijan to declare Azerbaijan a sovereign socials state within the USSR. But soon at the end of the year mass
rallies called for the separation of Azerbaijan from the USSR. Parallel to the demand of Karabagh in Armenia too anti-Soviet
calls were heard.
The report of the Karabagh Regional Internal Office;
"On August 27 the Azerbaijani mob in the town Mir-Bashir stopped and stoned the bus from Yerevan to Stepanakert. With the
help of the USSR internal troops, the bus and the passengers reached Stepanakert".
General Safonov testified that the within month July 1500 cars had moved under the escort of the troops. During
seven months of 1989 fifteen thousand two hundred people were arrested for disregarding the curfew and from August 8 to
15 six men were detained in police custody for breaking the law.
Another surprise was awaiting the Karabagh population in September. The regional TV station was one of the
achievements of the movement, though it worked only an hour every day. From this hour Azerbaijani population had a
concern of 12 minutes for broadcasting news. And on September 1 something unusual happened. The Stepanakert
programme was suddenly interrupted with the news of Azerbaijani television. It was soon found out that an underground
television station was set up in Shushi, which kept on switching off the regional Armenian programme. Volski's administration
was unable to support the Stepanakert television station, in that new way of struggle, which was in fact the continuation of the
stone war. The Armenian offer to use the Baku wave was refused with the response "We're going to interfere even if you use
the BBC". This act aimed at increasing the tension in the region. The programmes of the Shushi television were mainly antiArmenian. The Armenians were constantly being threatened and labelled "extremists" and "terrorists".
The Soviet press published the project of the USSR Central Committee on nationalities question. Once again
Gorbachov proposed to settle the dispute by making a compromise. Forced to face the most fundamental of Soviet dilemmas
- how to democratize the country while maintaining the multinational empire, he continued to prefer the genuine federalism as
a base for the USSR. He spoke of restoring the violated rights of Soviet Germans, Crimean Tatars, Meskhetian Turks,
Kalmyks, Balkars, Karachai, Chechens, Ingush, Greeks, Koreans, Kurds and others but consistently rejected demands for
redrawing the administrative bounderies in the USSR. No mention was made of the legal status of the 38 autonomous
regions. According to the document the discord of the union republics and the Centre should be discussed with the Centre.
The Centre's passion for the preservation of the Soviet federations territorial integrity turned to be fateful for it. Azerbaijan had
set up a blockade against Armenia. All the roads to Armenia were blocked up.
London Daily Telegraph;
"Armenia's economy was devastated by the earthquake of 1988. People are living in tents for the third winter. Neighbouring
Azerbaijan maintains a crippling energy and transport blockade, in response to Armenia's support for the Armenian
population of Nagorno-Karabagh enclave within Azerbaijan. Keeping Armenia under pressure, Azerbaijan hopes that it
should give up its demand of Karabagh. Armenian aircraft has to land in the neighbouring Georgia or Grozni for fuel."
Los Angeles Times;
"In August 1989 the Azerbaijani Popular Front declared a boycott of Armenia and spearheaded a railway blockade of
Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh. Since then Azerbaijan has been blockading Armenia, preventing the passage of food and
other goods along the railway line from Baku. It intends to cut off gas supplies too. The railway trucks that reach Armenia are
either empty or full of water or spoiled food. The Centre is unable to solve the Armenian problems and many Armenians are
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no more friendly to Gorbachov and his policy. Azerbaijani Communists in their turn cannot be seen to negotiate with the
Armenians. The situation remains to be tense in Byelorussia, Moldova, Ukrain and Central Asia".
In September the Armenian Presidium of Supreme Soviet applied to the Presidiums of the Supreme soviets' of the USSR and
Azerbaijan to prevent the violent reprisals against Armenians in Azerbaijan and to lift the blockades of Armenia and Nagorno
Karabagh, which would normalize the situation in the whole region.
The application was discussed at the 10th Session of Azerbaijani Supreme Soviet of September 15.
The economy of armenia suffered as a result of the disasterous performance of the economy throughout the USSR
since the advent of perestroika, then it was devastated by the earthquake and more especially because of the blockade
imposed upon Armenia by Azerbaijan. As a result there was a very severe fuel shortage and food was often in short supply.
The disasterous situation of the integrated Armenian industry had a negative effect on the industrial might of the USSR. Many
enterprises in different parts of the vast state came to a halt. There was another railway to Armenia through Georgia but
being single lined in many parts, it couldn't provide Armenia with all the necessary supplies. It was evident that the possibility
of blockading Armenia had been considered while drawing its borders in 1920-ies depriving the country of its own strategic
roads. The Turk militarists had been extremely far-sighted in realizing their far-reaching plans.
In the September 15 Session of the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan no mention was made of the blockade and the
application of the Armenian Supreme Soviet was ignored. The Special Administration Committee was vigorously attacked for
taking decisions without Azerbaijani consent. The poet Bakhtiar Vahab Zade and the chairman of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic Heidar Aliev expressed the same view on the Armenian problem;
"You can't make friends with the enemy". The First Secretary of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan A. Vezirov said; "We
must increase the activity of the masses day and night. We must be unanimous to be able to strike a blow and move in the
same direction. There exists no such a state as Azerbaijan, long live our nation. Do you know what the Georgians, Russians,
Armenians write? All our refugees have returned to Azerbaijan while the Armenians have scattered in all directions. Did you
guess what I mean? Now everybody says long live the Azerbaijani nation instead of shouting long live the Communist Party.
We must be unanimous and the Armenians vice versa... Some people spoke with excitement, I didn't like it. We must always
consider that not only our seven million is listening to us...".
Then A. Vezirov and the representative of the Popular Front Issa Gambarov tried to push each other of the rostrum.
Waving some papers in his hands Issa shouted; "Let everybody know that you have signed these papers and you do
nothing". Another representative of the Popular Front - Etibar Mamedov added from his place that they declared a strike all
over the republic right from the next day.
After a two-hour interval the Session resumed its work. The representative of the Popular Front Issa Gambarov
spoke again; "I suggest renaming the Declaration. It's better to call it "The Draft Resolution of the Session", and instead of
"asking the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to dissolve the Special Administration Committee", use the following wording; "The
Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan SSR dissolves the Special Administration Committee". Vezirov added; "I have spoken about
sovereignty, so I suggest ;
1. The Declaration of Sovereinty. 2. A new edition of Article 70 with the following wording; "The soil and the territory are
integral" as it is written in the Turkish Constitution and also mention that any political or important question is referred to a
direct vote of the electorate".37
Vezirov's "heroic Azerbaijanis" from time to time lifted the blockade and railway tracks arrived in Armenia, then,
suddenly they blocked up the road again and began to pillage. The protest of the press of the whole world was regarded as
the result of the propaganda of the Armenian lobby by them.
The report of the Iranian Radio;
"Azerbaijan has also blocked up the railway to Georgia preventing the passage of goods to Armenia through this route. The
USSR Minister of Railway Transport Konarev noted that during the last month the government of Georgia had refused the
proposal of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan to block up the railway to Armenia. This is the reason why the Front imposed the
blockade upon Georgian railway".
The Azerbaijani scientists and politicians often complained that in spite of their telling the "truth", Europe and Asia
back the Armenians and they explain that this "trust in Armenians" is the result of the activity of the Armenian lobby,
forgetting that the stone war and the blockade imposed on Armenia by Azerbaijan, that Sumgait, Kirovabad and the
deportations of Armenians of Nakhichevan were organized by Azerbaijan and all these acts of vandalism and violations of
international laws created an international anti-Azerbaijani atmosphere. All the above mentions acts amounted to a virtual act
of war against the Armenian republic. Yet the leaders of the country avoided discussing the Armenian issue. Gorbachov
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hoped that his policy of pressure towards Armenia and Karabagh would be of benefit to Azerbaijan. Having discovered that
legitimate advocacy of their strivings advanced the process better than illegitimate prosecution of it Azerbaijan tried to
strengthen its ideological position though the attempt was based on manipulation and deceit. The composition "Archives of
Samizdat" consisting of three parts was published. The first part headlined "The Voice of History and Consciousness" was
signed by professors M. Khalapov, M. Aleskerov, F. Husseinov, assistant-professors P. Mamedov, A. Mamedli, R. Kuliev and
instructor M. Movsumov. The enumerated authors are supposed to be research-associates in the Juridical Department of the
Azerbaijani State University. The composition was dedicated to the Armenians, thoroughly depicting their ethnic, ethnopolitical, ethno-cultural, ethno-geographical, ethno-psychological and historical characteristics. Considering their own
comments and strange explanations they came to a conclusion that "all the people of the world must know and always
remember that the friendly feelings are alien to them (Armenians), that its impossible to live side by side with them, that they
are dishonest and ungrateful people, always ready to stab a friend in the back. Such are the Armenians".38 Being always
hostile to the Azerbaijanis now they "have become more treacherous".39 The authors presented non-Armenians with the
most prevalent image of the Armenian.
"In general the peculiarities of their nature are innumerable - inclined to trading, greedy, sly and avaricious, arrogant and
cruel, unable to spare the weak and fawning on authorities, and last but not the least they are distinguished for their ability of
singing their own praises and are extremely ambitious".40 "Their origin is doubtful and not clear". "Their anthropological
characteristics are - short-necked, bearing strong resemblence to the Jew-highlanders, Syria-Khalda-Assyrians and prePalestinian Jews". A part of them descended from the pure Kurds, another part - from the "Turkish tribes". "Probably the
Persians, Azerbaijanis, Turks, Georgians and the highlanders easily seduced the proudless Armenian women".42 "F. Engels
has stressed that the Hierodul Armenian women have been the first prostitutes. It's already clear what kind of blood flows in
their veins".43 "The Armenians are cowards and some of them are brave due to their alien blood". "They are distinguished for
their treacherous, sly and double-faced nature".44
As to the Turkish masses K. Marx considered them "one of the active and moral representatives of peasantry". As to
the Armenians they don't belong to the Transcaucasian land, are wild tribes alien to the country.45 Deprived of a generalized
sense of homeland they "haven't created anything poetic during the whole period of the existence of the nation".46 The
historic names such as the Armenian Kings Tigranes the Great and Artashes were oullaws, Andranik was a bloodthirsty
beast, A Mikoyan was an immoral person, all the other present day patriots (Z. Balayan, S. Kaputikian) are "dashnaks",
extremists and provocators.47
After reading the above mentioned "research work" Professor P. Muradian asks; "The naive reader may think that
these titled carping critics had not made use of any literary or other sources containing any positive information or opinion
about a whole nation. It's beyond doupt that they have come across many authoritative individual viewpoints, mentioning the
name of an Armenian in admiration, but it has not been the thing they are searching. As to those foreigners who spoke of
Armenians in admiration, they act from "mercenary motives" and deserve the criticism of the authors as they have not
considered the Azerbaijani view-point while investigating the Armenian history and culture".48 The Armenian scholar,
investigating the work thoroughly, found out that all the sources are false. The Azerbaijani scholars declare that the
Albanians were "Turkic tribes"49 and lived all over Transcaucasia50 that is Turkic motherland was being "transferred" to
Transcaucasia from Arkhon-Yenissey. And if Albanians are referred to as Turks, then they were the ancestors of the present
day Azerbaijanis, and this means that all the Armenian culture, the monasteries, the historical monuments, the mediaeval
manuscripts were Turkic-Albanian, that is Azerbaijanian and Albania itself formed the immediate predecessor of present day
Azerbaijan. It's not difficult to perceive the purpose of such an interpretation: to show that the link of Karabagh Armenians
with Armenia has no historical basis, since they are Albanians, in other words Azerbaijanis; then the Armenian character of
Karabagh is a myth.
It's not only the Armenian inheritance that the historians of Baku school are striving to arrogate to themselves. Since
1938 they are laying claims to the famous Persian scholar and poet Nizami Gianjavi. In 1988 the doctor of philosophy M.
Kapustin published an article headlined "There is no Mud in Soil Composition" in the newspaper "Sovetskaya Cultura", where
once again he stressed that the strivings of Baku scientists were false, as Nizami Gianjevi could in no way be linked to
Azerbaijani culture living in an epoch when Azerbaijanis did not exist.52 All the scholars of the world regard Nizami Gianjevi
as a national poet of Persia.53 His works were first translated into German in 1818, into Russian in 1826, into French in 1829,
into English in 1846. As to the Azerbaijanis they first got acquainted with the works of the poet in 1938. Nizami himself was
born in the Iranian city Kum, later he moved to the Gandzak city of Arran. No mention of the geographical term "Azerbaijan" is
made in his works. The Baku scholars try to prove that he was born in Gianja, insisting on "the great influence of his literary
works on the Persian literature on the whole". As to the language of Nizami's works, they say "that definite historical
circumstances made him write in Persian".54 Of course these theory is absurd and its high time for the Baku scholars to
return Nizami Gianjavi to his native Iran.
The report of the Azerbaijani Ministery of Interior Affairs;
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"On 16 September 1989 on the Yerlakh section of the road Tbilisi-Baku a bomb exploded in a bus. As a result of the
explosion five people were dead, nineteen - injured".
In autumn of 1989 the situation in the region remained to be as explosive as before. The flow of refugees in both
directions continued, more and more clashes accurred, there was no shortage of weapons. Armenia itself continued to be
mercilessly economically blockaded, its transport links through Azerbaijan being cut and its villages North of the Autonomous
Region of Karabagh enduring severe restrictions and hardships. The Session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR had not yet
discussed the problem of the blockade of Armenia and Karabagh, though it was the third week of its work. On October 10,
after a short interval the session resumed its work. The vice chair of the USSR Soviet of Ministers L.I. Voronin mentioned that
due to the blockade Armenia could not get fuel through the railway of Azerbaijan and it received only the third part of the fuel
if needed through the Georgian transport links. He added that measures were being taken. I. Voronin agreed that the
situation was explosive in the Autonomous Region. The population suffered numerous hardships as a result of Azerbaijan's
economic and transport blockade. The region was left without fuel and most consumer goods. Despite the Azerbaijani
promises the blockade was not being lifted. During the session the deputy Igitian remarked from his place in the hall; "We
have a great number of problems to deal with, that's true but is the issue of cooperation more important than that, what is
going on in Armenia. I want everybody in this hall to understand that the existence of a whole nation is being threatened".
A.I. Lukianov declared that the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was ready to discuss all the interethnic questions, but as it would take a long period of time, they could not stop the discussion of the current problems and
pass to it. He added that a proposal has been made;
1. To accept the viewpoint of the government concerning that problem.
2. To apply to the governing bodies of the two republics to take measures and
ask the deputies of Armenia and Azerbaijan to take an active part in
normalizing the ethnic relations between the two nations.
3. To change the Council of Ministers with going on with its mission.
The item of the blockade was left out of the agenda, and the Karabaghian and Armenian deputies left the hall as a
protest. Before leaving they handed the chairman of the session Lukianov a letter addressed to the USSR Supreme Soviet. It
read;
"It's already a year and a half that Karabagh is entirely blocked off traffic and Armenia is suffering of blockade for three
months. All our attempts to solve the problem were unsuccessful. Today's decision on the issue of blockade added nothing to
the previous ones. The deputies of Armenia and Karabagh had nothing else to do than to leave the hall. We request for
political decisions on the blockades of Armenia and Karabagh, as we consider that only a just political estimation of that
action can prevent the escalation of the conflict and will lead to the lift of the blockade. We should like to discuss the
problems concerning the blockades of Armenian SSR and Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region in a normal, working
atmosphere and come to an agreement of lifting the blockade through peaceful methods. We should like to know the
approximate date of the discussion of the Nagorno Karabagh problem which can prevent the conflict from further escalation.
We should like the session of the USSR Supreme Soviet to consider this proclamation and make it known publicly".
The letter of the Armenian deputies was read in the session.54
The report of the Nagorno Karabagh Internal Affairs office;
"On 10 October 1989 the fire-brigade of the students of Sverdlovsk college travelling from Shushi to Kirovabad via
Stepanakert, suddenly began to fire from their cars passing the Karakulov, Pavlov, Baghramian, Lenin and Kirov streets. Six
passers by were injured".
The next day thousands took the streets in Stepanakert. Meanwhile Shushi was feasting as it was announced on the local TV
that there was a bloodshed in Stepanakert and the curfew was lifted in Baku.
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On October 10 at midnight some unknown people blew up the bridge accross the Tartarr river not far from
Stepanakert. The road from Stepanakert to Martuni and Hadrut and from Aghdam to Shushi was blocked up.
On November 4 the first congress of the Armenian All National Movement opened in Yerevan. There was no doubt
that the movement was coming to power.
Since 1989 Karabagh had been ruled from Baku and the Azerbaijani authorities were doing all they could to make
life impossible for the population with an apparent aim of driving them out and repopulating the territory with Azerbaijanis. The
Spitakashen village of the Hadrut region had a strategic location as it could guard the western border of Karabagh. It was a
cold autumn morning when the Russian soldiers surrounded the village, launched an attack on it and taking, arrested the
inhabitants. Before this event, the village had been unsuccessfully attacked by the Azerbaijanis. The Colonel of the USSR
internal troop, in charge of the operation, refused to introduce himself to the reporters. Two months later all the arrested
inhabitants of the village were released. Such incidents took place in many settlements of Karabagh. The Azerbaijani armed
forces continued to keep the region under siege, at the same time extending the territories of Azerbaijani settlements within
the borders of the region. The regional centre too was blockaded though the population staged strikes to protest the blockade
of the city, region, as well as of Armenia. The Malibeilu village territories had expanded to the western section of
Stepanakert. The small Khojalu village had become a town. New industrial buildings were being constructed there. The
Azerbaijani authorities were engaged in building new strategical roads connecting the Azerbaijan settlements within the
borders of the region with each other. The National Council considered that Azerbaijan was preparing for a war. Meanwhile
the Volski's direct administration system was being attacked from all sides. baku was in practice acting automatically without
reference to Moscow. The situation of Karabagh continued to be tense with strikes. Volski's administration was unable to do
anything and was bound to come to a grief. The National Council failed to cooperate with Volski who at that time needed to
be defended. Neither the Armenian government did anything to prevent the establishment of a new military administration
system in the region. In such circumstances Gorbachov decided to abolish the Special Administration System oficially and
replace by a military administration system attempting by various means to push the Autonomous Region back into the
Azerbaijani sphere. The claim to continued Azerbaijani rule over the region helped galvanize the Azerbaijani Popular Front,
which after declaring a boycott of Armenia and spearheading the railway blockade of both Armenia and Karabagh, organized
a campaign to take the Armenian villages of the region. Firstly they decided to occupy the village Gedtashen, and as it was
difficult to defeat large village of five thousand inhabitants they thought to take the neighbouring small villages Azat, Kamo,
Kushchi, Armavir and thus keeping Getashen under siege, force the population to leave the village. After suffering a
humiliating defeat on January 1989 near the Azat village (the Armenian self-defence group of ten resisted the attack of 200
Azerbaijanis) they avoided direct conflicts and changed the methods of their policy. The inhabitants of the above mentioned
small villages were being constantly threatened and suggested to sell their houses and leave, or else all of them would be
slaughtered within a night. Some of the inhabitants unable to bear the severe strain, left for Getashen. The Azerbaijani village
Todan blocked up the road between Getashen and the Armenian villages of the Shahumian region. Arriving in Getashen the
Colonel-General Yuri Shatalin declared that one of his battalion would defend Getashen. As to the villages Azat and Kamo he
said that he could not guarantee their security.56
Policy makers all over the world became concerned about the Transcaucasian conflict and Iran's mediation and also
about possible Turkish involvement, fearing that the conflict might deteriorate into a Christian-Muslim religious war. The
United States felt indebted to Turkey for its assistance to the USA and supported it as a role model and instrument of
Western influence in Central Asia. The United States wanted to avoid having the conflict in the Caucasus become a USTurkish policy issue.
Late November witnessed the mass demonstrations in Baku. For the next three weeks such nationalist
demonstrations were regular occurences in Baku. The rallies involved over 500.000 Azerbaijanis. "Death to Armenians" and
"Armenians out of Azerbaijan" and other anti-Armenian slogans featured prominently. On November 23 two thousand people
surrounded the Central Committee building, trying to enter. The crowd was led by the poet K. Rza, who called to destroy the
monuments to the 26 Baku Commissars, Dzerzhinski and Orjonikidze. The Mullah Seid suggested capturing the houses of
the Armenians. The same day a lot of Azerbaijani refugees were taken to the villages Kamo and Azat by the members of the
National front, for the purpose of resettling them in the Armenian villages. The Armenians set up a strong resistence. There
were casualties on both sides.
The report of the Nagorno Karabagh Internal Office;
"On November 23 at 4.30 a.m. three hundred Azerbaijanis armed with guns, sticks and stones attacked the farmers working
in the fields of Martakert district. As a result N. Petrossian was injured. The chief agronomist M. Kardumian and driver S.
Andrian were taken hostage. The Mardakert Armenians responded with a similar act. The inhabitants of the Azerbaijani
village Maniklu M. Hajiev, R. Kaliev, Sh. Aghaev and F. Heibatov were taken hostage to exchange with the two Armenians.
On the same day two Armenians from the Marshal Bagramian village - the drivers A. Arakelian and B. Balayan were taken
hostage by the armed residents of the Azerbaijani villages Khatunbeili and Ortapala. The hostage exchange took place the
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next day".
On 28 November 1989 the first conference of the USSR Supreme Soviet was held in Moscow. All the reporters were
ushered out of the hall. It was announced that the question of Karabagh would be discussed. Without preliminary discussion
the following resolution was introduced;
"Considering the necessity of normalizing the situation in and around the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region, including
the economical blockades, the USSR Supreme Soviet decides;
1. To take into consideration the declaration of the Chairman of the Presidium of
the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan stressing that the governing bodies and the authorities would take resolute measures to
restore the functioning of the
Azerbaijani railway and other transport links.
2. To appreciate the resolutions and suggestions adopted by the USSR Supreme Soviet aiming at normalizing the situation in
the Autonomous Region of Nagorno Karabagh within the Azerbaijan SSR.
3. To establish a republican constituent committee and restore the functions of the Regional Soviet and the Executive
Committee, which had been abolished with the 12 January 1989 decree of the USSR Supreme Soviet.
4. To oblige the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan SSR to take legislative measures in the shortest time possible, to insure the
increase in the status of actual autonomy, effective guarantees for the Armenian population of the Autonomous Region of
Nagorny karabagh, the observence of legality, the protection of the lives and safety of its citizens, the constitutional
settlement of all problems which occur; to elaborate and pass a new law within two months under the participation of the state
organizations of the Autonomous Region of Nagorny Karabagh that guarantees to a full extent its equal development in all
spheres of state, economic and cultural construction on the basis of self-governing, self-financing, territorial and economical
estimation and cultural freedom.
5. To consider the further functioning of the Special Administration Committee inexpedient as the organs of state power are
being restored in the region.
To quarantee the security of the residents and to normalize the atmosphere in the region on the whole - appoint a
commission of union revisers and observers under the USSR Supreme Soviet's direct rule.
6. To guarantee the presence of the USSR Interior Ministry troops dependent on the commission of revisers and observers
till the final stabilization of the situation in the region.
7. It is incumbent on the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan SSR, the Council of Ministers and the Regional
Executive Committee to take concerted measures to stop the deliberate demographic shifts of population in the region. To
establish a special committee to deal with the refugee problem.
8. It is incumbent on the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Azerbaijan SSR and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of
the Armenian SSR to take concerted measures to reinforce legality and social development of the Autonomous Region of
Mountainous Karabagh, to make measures against those who commit acts designed to destabilize the situation, to the
detriment of friendship and cooperation between the two nations.
Chairman of the USSR Supreme Soviet M. Gorbachov
Moscow, Kremlin, 28 November 1989"58
This resolution aroused the indignation of the Karabagh deputies and they left the hall as a protest. The Armenian
deputies followed them. Without considering the Armenian viewpoint, the vice chairman of the Supreme Soviet Lukianov
resumed the discussion and votes were taken.
The next day the population of Stepanakert and neighbouring villages gathered to protest against the resolution
adopted by the Supreme Soviet, as it didn't solve the problem in any way. The demonstrators decided;
"To declare a boycott of the unlawful resolution of the USSR Supreme Soviet. On this ground the regional party and Soviet
organs, subject to the Azerbaijani government, won't function in the territory.
To appeal to all the communists in the region not to give the membership payment unless the regional party
organizations join the Armenian Communist party. Those communists who don't trust in the USSR Central Party Organs'
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principles, must give up their membership.
All the organizations, enterprises must refuse the Azerbaijani control as it has lost that moral political right of its long
ago. The National Council is declared to be the only state power in the region".
It was decided not to go on with strikes as they were already useless.59 On December 3 the Azerbaijani flag was
removed from the building of the Regional Soviet and the Armenian flag was raised. In response the Azerbaijanis blew up a
section of the Stepanakert airfield, which was immediately restored.
The inhabitants of the Armenian villages of Meghri had blocked up the railway passing through their region and
connecting Baku to Nakhichevan. The Soviet and Azerbaijani mass media reported about the November 28 resolution of the
Presidium of Supreme Soviet of the USSR, dissolving the Special Administration of the Union in Nagorny Karabagh.60
By the end of 1989 the Popular Front, increasingly hostile to the Communist Party, effectively organized and
continued the blockade against Armenia and Karabagh and initiated strikes and demonstrations to force the Azerbaijani
Supreme Soviet to declare Azerbaijan a sovereign state within USSR. By November the Azerbaijani Communist Party had
essentially capitulated to the Popular Front. On December 29, while the militia of Jalilabad region was trying to lift the
blockade of the echelon of the "Sovtransavto" organization, over 8 thousand demonstrators in Nakhichevan tore down border
markers and guard post along the Soviet-Iranian border to reunite "Southern Azerbaijan" and the Soviet Republic of
Azerbaijan, something long desired by Soviet Azerbaijani intellectuals. The crowd was led by the Popular Front. Mass
demonstrations with anti-Armenian slogans went on in Baku. The rallies involved over 500.000 Azerbaijanis. On December
12 V. Mirzoyan and N. Volodina appealed to the USSR deputies with a letter in the name of the Russian, Ukrainian, Jew,
Armenian refugees, former residents of Baku. It read;
"We demand that a state of emergency be declared in Baku in connection with the pogroms of Armenian population and other violences
initiated by the Popular Front. The flow of refugees from Baku goes on. The deportation of Russian families has just begun. Only
yesterday more than 20 families have been beaten up, the band of nationalists murdered Khachick Grigorian in his appartment (bldg.28,
Kirov st.), his wife Larissa Grigorian is in the reanimation ward in the hospital, their house, as thousands of others, is looted. A young
Armenian woman was stoned to death by a mob. The humiliated, beaten up continue to arrive in Moscow, without means of existence.
Once again we should like to stress and focus your attention on the fact that the Russian families too are driven out of their
homes, being forced to flee to Russia. Some Russian families have arrived in Moscow just today, among them the family of Valeria
Vladimirovna Tushechkina (5 members), Igor Vladimirovich Zakharov (4 members) and others.
We protest agaist the indifference of authorities, which allows this "new Sumgait" to be fulfilled".
In early January 1990 the militants of the Popular Front made preparations to launch an attack on the Karachinar
village of Shahumian Region. The region itself was under siege, the only connecting it with the external world was the road to
Talish, guarded by the Azerbaijani militants.
The army commissar of the Shahumian district distributed the 160 hunting guns, confiscated the previous week,
among the population to defend themselves as there was a little hope of help. On January 9 the first secretary of the
Regional Party Committee V. Aghajanian and the chairman of the Executive Committee Shahen Meghrian were taken
captive. Sixteen other people were taken captive by the Azerbaijanis on the way to Getashen. In response to this action fifty
Azerbaijanis among them women and children, were taken hostage by the Armenians for future exchange. The practice of
hostage - taking soon became common, frightening people in neighbouring villages. The negotiation over the release of
Aghajanian and Meghrian was unsuccessful. The deputy minister of Azerbaijani Ministry of Inferior and the head of
Azerbaijani Special Function Militia Troops (OMON) Ramiz Mamedov refused to release the two Armenians in return for the
fifty Azerbaijanis.
Two days later the Azerbaijani militants launched an attack on the Manashid village, intending to seize it in a short
time.
After the unsuccessful attempt to take the Kamo and Azat villages this was their next defeat. The Armenians set up a
strong resistence. A detachment of interior troops was watching the battle but during the shoot-outs between the Armenian
and Azerbaijani militants, they too had casualties. Leautenant I. Zimbaliuk died, Captain V. Spiridonov and sergeant
E.Sapfilov were injured. The detachment had to join the Armenian self-defence group. A group of Armenians, crawling
through the deep snow attacked the enemy in the rear. The Azerbaijani militants fell into a trap. Panic-stricken they scattered
in various directions. Five militants were taken captive, the commander of the Khanlar Popular Front among them. He wished
to be exchanged with the two Shahumian regional leaders.
It was not till 13 January 1990 that Armenian blood was shed in Baku on a mass scale. The previous day, on January
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12, the eve of a mass rally in the city's Lenin Square, which was already renamed "Freedom Square", radical Azerbaijani
nationalists of anti-communist Popular Front and their leader Abulfaz Elchibei were allowed to broadcast appeals for the
defence of Azerbaijan's sovereignty, from the demands of Armenians, a thing, that the government was unable to do.
Meanwhile, groups of young people began to roam the streets, terrorizing Armenians and warning them to leave Baku. On
the 13th the murders got under way. As A. Vezirov told during a press round-up the next day, the police and the Interior
organs did not intervene. The local housing authorities had access to information about individuals living in apartments including their nationality. That information was easily tapped by parties seeking to seize and murder Armenians, i.e. the
national identity of the victims was revealed through the state structures. The militants of the Popular Front attacked the
Salian military barracks, where 130 Armenian families had taken refuge. The soldiers defended them from the enraged
militants.
"Komsomolskaya Pravda", Moscow, January 30 , 1990 issue;
"On 30 January 1990 after 5p.m. a 50 thousand people, leaving the rally and dividing into groups, committed violent actions,
burning down and looting houses and killing people..."
Who were those people committing murders, raping and burning, the newspaper failed to answer. Conclusion could
not be drawn yet, but it was mentioned that those arrested were not from Baku but Armenia, Karabagh, Nakhichevan and
were called Yerazis (Azerbaijanis of Yerevan).61
Perhaps the representing of the massacre as a "revenge" of refugees had also been planned in advance. As MayorGeneral P. Provorotov told later the Staff began to mobilize the armed forces of its own in the name of the Popular Front, the
groups of the so-called "assaulters" were well-organized and disciplined. The areas of action and zones of influence had
been ensigned before. Such armed units were organized in the navy, in taxi garages and depots, intending to make use of
transport if needed. The Baku events unmasked the Popular Front, showing its true character and intentions. They aimed at
neutralizing the influence of the Azerbaijani Ministry of Interior (MVD) to involve themselves in mass terror fully and freely.62
Maya Galustova (born in 1951, a resident of Baku, apt.26, Mir 1 st., a nurse) reported;
"On January 14 the group of masacrers entered my house. I was alone. They carried my things away or threw them out of the window.
Then they beat me and threw me on the floor and tore my clothes. I was naked. They carried me to the coutryard and threw me into the
fire. I managed to crawl out and lost consciousness. When I opened my eyes, found a sheet and covered myself. The militia took me to the
Japaridze hospital where I've been working for years. Then I was taken to the second hospital. There were nineteen tortured Armenians in
my ward. The medical personnel made fun of us, refused to give water and food".
On January 15 the anti-Armenian pogrom was still running its course, leaving 33 dead within three days. But most
houses of the Armenians had not been checked yet, so the figure was not still exact.65
"Soiuz";
"Nobody could be indifferent to the Armenian grief, learning that the enraged crowd literally mutiliated the bodies of the
Armenians and threw the remains into the rubbish bin"66
"Literaturnaya Gazeta";
"It's the normal death that is horrifying. But people being tortured to death through mutiliation, longed for it".
An Azerbaijani woman, whose husband was Armenian , told;
"They mutiliated his body, he was shouting "Kill me", I was tied up and begged them to kill him".
Later, when the whole country lamented over the dead, left by the Soviet troops, nobody made up his mind to visit the
hospitals, where old Armenian men, with broken ribs, women, raped, tortured and humiliated, were dying.67
The USSR deputy V. Chelishev stated that on January 15 the anti-Armenian bloody pogrom had already run its
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course, leaving 150 dead, according to the customarily low official figures. Within months of the Baku pogrom, Azerbaijan
had been virtually cleansed of Armenians.
During the Baku tragic days shoot-outs became frequent accurence between the armed groups of Armenian and
Azerbaijani militants on the border of Nakhichevan and Armenian SSR near Yeraskhavan. This demonstrative actions were
probably organized to draw the public attention off the incident that took place on the Soviet-Iranian border. This new clashes
made obvious that the stone war was over and the conflict was entering a new phase, where modern arms and technical
means were to be used.
On January 19, 1990 Soviet troops stormed Baku, purportedly to protect Armenians, but more likely to put down the
Popular Front, which had turned its anti-Armenian course into anti-Soviet, surrounding the building of the Central Committee
of the Azerbaijani Communist Party. The troops of the USSR Ministry of Interior left death and destruction in their wake,
enforcing a state of emergency declared in Nagorny Karabagh and at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. As a result of the
brutal force used by the troops in Baku, 100 Azerbaijani residents were killed.
The report of the TASS news agency;
"On January 19 new disturbances and pogroms took place in Baku, which resulted in casualties. All the enterences to the city
were blocked up by lorries. Armed militants are trying to prevent the troops from entering the city".
"Express-Khronika", 20 January 1990;
"On January 18, at night three lorries with Armenian refugees arrived at the region of Golden Bridge on the Samur river, on
the Azerbaijan - Daghestan border. They tried to blew the bridge up. The newcomers were arrested".
In fact the Daghestani Lezgiz had organized a rally on the Golden Bridge, to protest against the division of their nation and
land into two parts - Daghestanian and Azerbaijani. The Azerbaijani mass media preferred to call the Armenians.
The armed bands of the Popular Front continued to attack traffic on the two roads linking Armenia with Karabagh.
Armenia and Karabagh were entirely blocked to traffic. So too were the enclave's rail links to the outside world. The
Armenians of Karabagh became dependent almost entirely on their meagre resources and aid flown in from Armenia. But
the road from Azerbaijan to Shusha was open. While the Armenian community was deprived of food and basic medicines,
essential supplies continued to reach the Azerbaijani population and armed units. The noose around the Armenians of
Karabagh slowly tightened, Armenia too was punished economically, Azerbaijan reduced vital gas and oil deliveries to its
neighbour.
The Armenians of Karabagh appealed to the USSR Supreme Soviet, to the Armenian Supreme Soviet, to the
parliaments all over the world, to the United Nations Organization and to the people of the whole world. This was an urgent
call for help "from a ship in danger in the wilderness of the sea".
"Compatriots, people of the world, the Mountainous Karabagh, the Shahumian and the Getashen regions are applying to you. This
territory is a small Armenian island which was preserved on our historical native land, occupied by Azerbaijan. We are being mercilessly
blockaded. The winter is severe, we have to endure severe hardships. We survive through helicopter relief flights which are not regular,
as the weather is bad. The water-pipe to Stepanakert, where many refugees have taken shelter, is blown up by the Azerbaijani militants.
The siege of Mountainous Karabagh is being carried out by the armed bandits, who realized "Sumgait", "Kirovabad", "Nakhichevan",
"Baku". From an order of Azerbaijani authorities the regions phone and telegraph lines - the lifelines to the outside world are turned off.
The Moscow and Yerevan TV and radio programmes are not available, due to the unlawful action of the Shushi station. We are unable to
call a doctor for a dying person.
Though the state of emergency is declared in the whole of Nagorno Karabagh, arrests and confiscation measures are being taken
only in the Armenian settlements. The familiar spectre of genocide is looming above the Karabagh Armenians, but we don't lose heart and
apply to you to give us a friendly hand and voice our indignation to all decent people".
Meantime the USSR troops' armoured columns were crushing the manned barricades in Baku. The militants of the Popular
Front put up violent resistence. The soldiers fired. The press secretary of the Azerbaijani social-democrats - Leila Yunussova
reported that 300 Azerbaijanis were killed and 1000 injured. She considered that the Armenian massacres were organized by
the Armenian, Azerbaijani and USSR Communist Party leaders as a pretext for the entry of the troops to the Azerbaijani
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capital. Later the Popular front and other nationalistic parties voiced the slaughter of the Azerbaijanis by the Soviet soldiers
so vigorously that one might think that it were not they, who had organized the massacre and deportation of the Armenian
inhabitants of Baku.
"New York Time", January 23, 1990;
"Mr. Gorbachov insisted that the troops were sent to Baku to prevent the actions against Armenians and put down the
rebellious forces, who tried to seize the power through force and threats".
After Sumgait Gorbachov declared all over the country that the troops were late for a few hours only, and after the Baku
events he could have said that the troops were late for many days, as Armenian blood was being shed in Baku on a mass
scale since January 12 till the 16th, while the Soviet troops moved into Baku on January 19 when the Communist rule was
threatened.
Trying to maintain the last multinational empire, Gorbachov finally, exercised the full armed power of the state. Soon
dozens were arrested in Baku, as the Soviet army, in a desperate campaign, attempted to restore authority to the discredited
Azerbaijani Communist party. As the newspaper "Kommersant" reported 14 people were arrested and kept in the State
security Office's (KKB) prisonhouse Lefertovo. The leaders of the Popular Front Etibar Mamedov and Rahim Ghaziev were
among them. Two hundred and fifty people were arrested in Baku.
The Moscow press centre reported that the militants of the Popular Front had blown up a part of the TV station in
Baku. The station came to a halt. The Popular Front assured in leaflets full responsibility for the fate of the people. The
Shushi illegal TV station was allowed to broadcast appeals for the defence of Baku. The military commanders swore to
"cleanse Karabagh of its Armenians, up to the last". It was obvious that the Popular Front intended to seize the power from
the Communists and take tough measures against the Armenians. This was the strategy of a party which was preparing for
war.
Meanwhile Turkey appealed to Moscow to end bloodshed in Azerbaijan. Turkish Foreign Minister Mesut Yilmaz
indicated that Turkey's regarding the developments in the Caucasian Republics as an internal affair of the Soviet Union,
should not be taken as a declaration that Turkey is not concerned about developments in Azerbaijan. The Turkish opposition
politicians appealed to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachov to extend the compassionate approach he had extended to Soviet
Armenia during the earthquake to the Azerbaijani people.
The January 25, 1990 issue of the "Turkish Times" wrote;
"The incidents which began in the USSR by injust Armenian territorial demands from Soviet Azerbaijan and turned into
widespread ethnic clashes in a short while are being followed closely in Turkey. Political parties, press institutions and
professional organizations voice concern over the incidents and stress that pro-Armenian commentaries and news from only
one source are misleading world public opinion. Turkish press and television teams who have applied for vises to observe the
incidents on the spot have not yet received a reply. USSR Ambassador in Ankara Albert Chernishev has said that this is
because no foreign radio-television teams are allowed to enter the region".
In fact the Soviet and western publicists understood and analysed the situation quite justly. A Kibrik mentioned that the Baku
massacres had nothing to do with the Karabagh problem, as no similar events took place in Yerevan.70 The publicist Yuri
Rost wrote that the word "massacre" was replaced with "inter-ethnic clashes", the term "hooligans" was used instead of
"racists" and the government backed nationalistic forces were called "forces, which benefit destability" and the mysterious
party leaders who provoked mass pogroms and murders - "party apparatus".71 The charges for the "black January" night or
might not come to court, or be proved. But it was clear that the army intervened in January not, as Mr. Gorbachov claimed, to
halt pogroms against Armenians which had stopped days earlier before the invasion. In fact the troops were sent to prevent
the Popular Front overthrowing Soviet power. A delegation from the military trade union, Shield, has made the change that,
against international law, no attempt was made to forewarn civilians that state of emergency was to be imposed, and martial
law was announced only after the troops had occupied the city.
In an interview to the Lithuanian journalists the associate of the Azerbaijani Academy of Sciences' Literature Institute
Hamid Herichi reported;
"We don't accept the possibility of secession from the USSR, as it will mean leaving the Turkish Union. As to the Baltic republics, their
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186
secession will be beneficial for us as the USSR will lose three European Christian nations, which will result in the increase of the Muslim
influence in the USSR. We are against the dissolution of the USSR as it will be destructive to Muslim unity.
Azerbaijan, Kirgizia, Kazakhstan, Bashkiria, Povolzhie, Tataria, Yakutia, Crimea, Northern Caucasia - all these are Turkish
lands. And we won't leave them to anybody. Yes, the elements of "jihad" (Arabic, sacred warforfaith) are prescnt in our struggle, we have
sworn all over the world to fight to the last, defeat is equal to death. According to jihad everybody, even the children and women must be
involved in struggle, and if they die in defence of their faith, they'll go to heaven. For the time being, we needn't apply such a powerful
weapon (the jihad). Peaceful, democratic methods must be applied. For example, the economical blockades.... It's the Armenians that are
expecting help from the outside world, and appeal to the Organization of United Nations, the Pope of Rome, the American congress to
side with them. We, according the laws of our faith, must rely only on ourselves, knowing that Islam world is with us. Even in the
atmosphere of pro-Armenian hysteria, Armenians are being defeated (the Armenian blockade and the Baku massacres) and with it the
entire Christian world".72
"Yezhednevnaya Glasnost", January 21, 1990;
"The persecutions of Azerbaijani Jews, as an ethnic minority, is possible, Israel has organized their migration. The first
refugees have already arrived in Israel. One of them told that they had been warned that their turn would come in 1993. The
Israeli prime minister declared the Azerbaijani Jews would be evacuated in a short time".
Both the Armenians and Azerbaijanis were interested in the Iranian attitude to the escalation of the Armeno-Azerbaijani
conflict. The Iranian radio reported that "the state of emergency and the deployment of troops in the region have alarmed the
political spheres of the country, as it is destructive to the democratic changes taking place both in Armenia and Azerbaijan.
We are sure that the exercising of the armed force in the region will be beneficial to the West". It was also reported that the
USSR ambassador in Tehran met the Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs to discuss the recent events and the situation in the
region. Vaezi mentioned that the reports from the zone of the conflict were alarming and they are concerned about the Soviet
Muslims. He added that the peaceful solution of the conflict was possible. The Foreign Minister stressed that any rude
interference would have negative results and only the peaceful solution of the conflict should be achieved. He added that the
Iranian government and the President were ready to serve as a peaceful mediator for both sides, indicating that Iran regarded
developments in the Caucasian Republics as internal affair of the Soviet Union. The Iranian radio covering the incidents
taking place on the Poldesht region, near the Iranian border, reported that the Soviet Azerbaijanis had again gathered on the
opposite bank of the Arax river. The manned chain stretched for 6 kilometres. Appeals were being chanted. The population
from the Iranian side answered the calls of the Soviet muslims. Thirty Azerbaijanis swam to the other side. More than
thousand Azerbaijanis crossed the border the next day. About 6500 muslimis passed to Iran across the Astara bridge.
Probably the pan-Turkists of Azerbaijan planned to realize long-dreamed project of secession of Northern Iranian territories
from Iran proper. Generally the state borders in the USSR were considered untractable, it was even impossible to approach
the demarcation line without special permission. The Karabagh-Azerbaijan conflict had led to the variant of uniting "the two
Azerbaijans", the project being backed by the Kremlin authorities. That was the reason why the initial Armenian reaction to
the Sumgait and Baku massacres, to the blockade of Armenia and Karabagh were muted, why the deportations and other
anti-Armenian measures were orchestrated by the Azerbaijani and Soviet authorities, why all those measures were
undertaken with their tacit consent. The strategy of the Azerbaijani government was to use its limited power gradually to
intensify pressure on the Republic's Armenian community, while pressing the Kremlin to apply massive force against what it
viewed as Armenian separatists in Karabagh. As to the Iranian Azerbaijan, Soviet Azerbaijan's method depended on political
support from Moscow. Fortunately the majority of the Iranian Azerbaijan's population, soon sensed the political provocation.
The newspaper "Christian Science Monitor" reported that the Azerbaijani nationalists, insisting on getting help from the
Iranian sympasizers, carried Kemal Ataturk's pictures and the Turkish flag during their demonstrations. According to a
Turkish television report Foreign Minister Mesut Yilmaz had met the USSR ambassador in Ankara Albert Chernishev for three
times since the beginning of the events and receiving information, had conveyed his own opinions on the matter. On 23
January Yilmaz made an ex-agenda speech at the TGNA and gave information to parliament. Albert Chernishev was said to
have welcomed the Turkish policy of regarding developments in the Caucasian republics as an internal affair of the Soviet
Union. Chernishev thanked Mesut Yilmas on behalf of the Soviet government.
During a meeting with the American President George Bush, the Turkish President Turgut Ozal expressed his
indignation on allegations of Turkey's culpability for the early 20th century genocide of Armenians as preconditions to new
arrangements. Bush had promised to support him. As to the genocide, the Turkish President considered it should be
discussed by the historians and by politicians. In connection to this, the Turkish television reported that the Turkish Research
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Centre was preparing all the Ottoman documentary material, able to cover the Armenian question, for publication, with
corresponding Turkish and English introductions and explanations. The U.S. State department attemped to maintain an even
handed position, support the peacemaking and avoid a direct U.S. role. Legislation proposed in the Congress had tended to
favour Armenia, denying Azerbaijan assistance until it stoped using force and ended the blockades. The concerns of the
active Armenian-American community and the threat the conflict posess to world peace have ensured continuing
congressional interest in the issue.
Iran's relations with Azerbaijan were generally complex. Trying to be carefully neutral, it wanted to appear
constructive and sought to end the conflict. When in December 1989 the barriers of its borders were torn down by the
Azerbaijanis to assure free passage, and with the election of Elchibei supported by the US and Turkey, Iranian-Azerbaijani
relations deteriorated. Iranian newspapers charged that Elchibei championed unification with Iranian Azerbaijan.
Turkey seeked to expend its ties to Turkic nations of central Asia, and tried to balance friendship with Azerbaijan and
a need not to compromise relations with the US, Europe and Russia. The Turkish government repeatedly said that there
would be no Turkish military intervention but granted that parliament decided military action. The Turkish opposition
politicians called for intervention. While the Turkish politics put a premium on rhetorical excess, the opposition cencerns were
matched by genuine outrage.
1. B. Karapetian "... and Around it ". Yer.1980, p.55. (further B. Karapetian)
2. Ibid., p.56
3. V. Harutiunian "The Nagorno Karabagh Events", Yer., 1990, p.97.
4. B. Karapetian, p.179
5. Ibid., p.254
6. Azerb. Academy of Sciences "On the Situation of the NKAO within Azerbaijan
and on Measures to Overcome the Inter-Ethnic Crisis", Baku, 1989, N4, pp.27
29.
10. "Bakinski Rabochi", Baku, 19 June 1988.
11. "Molodiozh", Baku N6, 1988
12. "Kommunist", 1988, April
13. "Sovetski Karabagh", Stepanakert, N145, 23 June, 1988
14. Ibid., p.1
15. Video Materials of July 1988 rally (B. Karapetians Archives)
16. A. Sakharov "Gorky, Moscow and Everywhere Else".
17. Video Materials of 7 November 1988 (B. Karapetians Archives)
18. Armenian SSR Radio and TV State Committee, "The Thirty-second Day",
programme.
19."Sovetakan Karabagh", newspaper, Stepanakert, 5 July 1989
20. B. Karapetian "Disaster", Yer., 1990, p.48
21. M. Rostorchuk "Region of Special Administration", "Sotsialisticheskaya
Industria", newspaper, M., 30 April 1989.
22. "Bakinski Raboch", newspaper, Baku, 7 June 1989
23. "Miatsum", N1, August 1, 1989, Stepanakert
24. "The Situation in the NKAR and the Taken Measures to Overcome the Crisis
in Inter-ethnic Relations", N4, Baku, 1989, p.23.
25. Video Materials of 7 July 1989, Stepanakert
26. V. Harutiunian "The Events of Nagorno Karabagh", p.II, Yer.,1993, p.134.
27. "Barekamutiun", newspaper, Martakert, 12 August 1989, N96.
28. "Argumenti i Fakti"
29. The Programme on Armenian TV "The Artsakh Diary" (B. Karapetian).
30. "Khorhrdain Karabagh", newspaper, Stepanakert, 19 August 1989, N187, p.3
31. Ibid.
32. "Bakinski Rabochi", Baku, 27 August 1989.
33. B. Oleinik "Reading the Tea Leaves", "Pravda", newspaper, M., 27 August
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188
1989.
34. V. Harutiunian, p.288
35. "Sovetskaya Kuban", news, Krasnodar, 29 August 1989, N198, p.3
36. "Khorhrdain Haiastan", news., 13 September 1989.
37. The text of the Decisions of the September 15 Emergency Session of the
Azerbaijan SSR Supreme Soviet.
38. M. Kholdtov "The Voice of History and Common Sense", Samizdat, N46, 14
October 1988 p.1 (further "The Samizdat Materials")
39.Ibid., p.1
40.Ibid., p.7
41.Ibid., p.2
42.Ibid., p.3
43.Ibid., p.p.3-4
44.Ibid., p.9
45.Ibid., p.11
46.Ibid., p.18
47.Ibid., p.18
48. Paruir Muradian "Armenians on the Judgement of the Azerbaijani Scientists",
"Grakan Tert", N36, Yer., September 1989.
49. Samizdat Materials, p.17
50. Ibid., p.13
51.'Kommunist", Baku, 3 August 1989
52. M. Kapustin, "Sovetskaya Kultura", newspaper, M., 27 December 1988.
53. H. Simonian "A Forgotten Falsification", "Grakan Tert", Yer., N32, 4 August
1989.
54. G. Aliev "Introduction", A. Karimski "Nizami and his Contemporaries", Baku,
pp.18-19.
55."Grakan Tert", Yer., N42, 13 October 1989
56. Video Materials (B. Karapetian's Archives)
57. "Yerekoyan Yerevan", 21 November 1989, p.4
58. "Izvestia", M., 30 November 1989
59. V. Harutiunian, pp.337-338
60. Izvestia, M., 9 December 1989
61. The Memoirs of R. Petrossian - the Defendant of the Village Manassi Shen".
62. "Komsomolskaya Pravda", M., 9 December 1989
K. Mosesova, A. Hovnanian "The Baku Massacres", Yer., 1992, p.35. (further
"The Baku Massacres")
63. "Kommunist", 16 January 1990, pp.87-88
64. "Khorhrdayin Haiastan", 17 January 1990
65. "Izvestia", M., 19 May 1990
66. "Soiuz", M., May 1990
67. "Dossye", M., March 1990, p.12
68. Ibid., p.3
"The Baku Massacres"
69. "Kommersant", weekly, M.,N27, 1989, p.13
70. "Strana i Mir", a public and political, cultural and philosophical magazine,
Munhen N1, 1990
71. "Literaturnaya Gazeta", M., 8 August 1990
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189
CHAPTER 19
MOUNTAINOUS KARABAGH'S RIGHTS ACCORDING TO INTERNATIONAL LAW
19.1. Expert Opinions on the right of Self-Determination in the Case in
Question
19.2. The Right of Self-Determination as not only a Political Principle but a Rule
of Existing International Law
19.3. Professor Otto Luchterhandt's Study on International Law in the Case of
Nagorny Karabagh
19.4. Precedence of the Right of Secession in the Case of Nagorny Karabagh
based on Expert Reports and Documentary Materials of the International
Organizations
Since the February 1988 outburst of the Karabagh antagonism till the end of his life in late 1989 the physicist human
rights activist and Nobel Prize winner Andrei Sakharov concentrated his attention on the Karabagh issue. In November 1989
he wrote;
" For Azerbaijan the issue of Karabagh is a matter of ambition, for the Armenians of Karabagh it is a matter of life and death".1
He believed that the principle of national self-determination was a part of human rights and tried to conduct exceptionally a
humanitarian policy. Still in 1960-ies on the dawn of his political activity Andrei Sakharov wrote;
"Our country has declared the right of self-determination to the point of seperation.... But there are no guarantees for that right. The
problem needs juridical working out and guarantees for secession, which would have great internal and external importance".2
As a result of the struggle for the right of national self-determination, the USSR confirmed and signed several important
international documents concerning that right. As the Soviet jurist, professor Yuri Barseghov writes;
"Inter-ethnic relations, the ethnical-territorial seperation in particular, as the international experience shows, is one of the most difficult
problems to solve. The search for a peaceful, democratic and lawful decision as a basis of territorial exploitation and division, has urged
the humanity to accept the necessity of the principle of self-determination".3
On the long way to the right of self-determination, the mankind passed fierce antagonisms, violence and massacres,
deportation and destruction, abolishment and suppression of "weak" races.
It is true to say that all the existent nations of the world have tried to exercise their right of self-determination. Nothing
can oppose separations and moves toward independence. All the national liberation movements have the principle in their
base.4 The Conventions of the Protection of Minorities after the First World War were forms of the realization of the national
right of self-determination in a compromising balance with the principle of state sovereignity. Whilst the statutes of the league
of Nations had remained silent about the right of self-determination, Article 1, Paragraph 2 of the charter of the United
Nations recognized the "equal rights and self-determination of peoples as a fundamental principle". Since the late fifties the
process of decolonization has, on a practical level, shown quite fundamentally that the formulation was right. The December
16, 1966 decision of the United Nations (Article 1, Paragraph 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) had the following wording;
"All people have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely
pursue their economic, social and cultural development".
The principle was further developed in the Declaration of the United Natious General Assembly on "Principles of International
law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations" of
October 24, 1970.5
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"By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples enshined in the Charter of United Nations, all
peoples have the right freely to determine, without external interference, their political status and to pursue their economic,
social and cultural development, and every State has the duty to respect this right in accordance with the provisions of the
charter. The establishment of a sovereign and independent State, the free association or integnation with an independent
State or the emergence into any other political status freely determined, by a people constitute modes of implementing the
right of self-determination by that people".
After this legal declaration it seems that the statement of "Karabagh is an integral part of Azerbaijan" sounds as a colonialist
slogan. Azerbaijan refuses the demand of the Karabagh community on false grounding, declaring in the letter of the members
of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, addressed to the USSR deputies, that;
"...It is important to mention that the encroachment of the Armenian SSR on the territory of Mountanous Karabagh has no legal
historical, political, economical or any other basis (the "ethnical" and "cultural" terms are not mentioned deliberately) . Their
demand is mainly based on historical falsification. Mountainous karabagh is declared a "pure Armenian land", when numerous official
documents of the Russian Empire, historiographical researches, Armenian ones included, testify that the Armenians settled in the region
after the 19th century Russo-Iranian and Russo-Turkish wars, when because of considerations of "Christian mercy" the Tsarist
government decided to settle them in the Transcaucasian region. Sheltering the Armenian refugees in Azerbaijani territories, the
Azerbaijani nation was never concerned about the increase in the number of the "guests". Inhumane methods were not applied to hinder
that growth. We couldn't expect the ungrateful guests to intend to seize our land".6
This primitive, groundless, non-scientific declaration proves that the Azerbaijani scientists kept on using the methods of
"Sumgait" and "stone war" because of political considerations and strivings. As to the democratic principles and even Leninist
notions of self-determination, they added that the Armenians have already exhausted it establishing the Armenian SSR, and
the Karabagh Armenians - establishing the Mountainous Karabagh Autonomous Region within Azerbaijan. In general they
countered with defences of territorial integrity and contitutionalism.
The Azerbaijani point of view is more evident in "The Application of the Azerbaijani Intellectuals;
"One of the most beautiful areas of Azerbaijan, the motherland of the most celebrated people; Karabagh, where every stone preserves the
memory of the past, has been disturbed for already a year and a half. The Armenian extremists and their puppets in the Region of
Mountainous Karabagh, who dream of "Greater Armenia" strive to violate the territorial integrity and covereignity of Azerbaijan,
dragging the Azerbaijani nation into the conflict. Our nation is famous for its generousity, patience and internationalism. Now they are
undermining the basis of our authority.... The extremists know that the land of Karabagh belonged and will belong to Azerbaijan forever,
but all the same they continue to poison the conscience of their people. They will be punished sooner or later. We are declaring finally
that Nagorny Karabagh is an Azerbaijani land, we won't give an inch of it to anybody. Nagorny Karabagh is an undivisible part of the
Great Karabagh, as undivisible as the heart and the soul. The Azerbaijani people demand to punish the extremists, who unlawfully
encroach on others' land".7
Though the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan was not homogeneus, it integrated the lands of number of ethnical
minorities i.e. its an administrative-territorial unit. But the Azerbaijanis now at that land treat the natives Armenian, Lezgi,
Talish, Tat, Uti, Avar, Tsakhur, Tabassaranian minorities, which possessed an ethnic territory and permanent settlement as
foreigners in their own land.
The Azerbaijani "exclusive" historic claims to the region, based on invented arguments, sound false and absurd. It
seems to the Azerbaijani intellectuals that declaring the ancient Armenian monuments "Azerbaijani" and consequently
"Turkish" on the grounds of historical falsification, they can persuade the whole of the world that their cause is fair and just.
Though countering the principle of national self-determination to the point of seperation with defences of
constitutional guarantee of the right of secession from a union, Azerbaijani intellectuals did not stop to lead the protestors
who tore down border markets and guard posts along the Soviet-Iranian border to "reunite" "Southern Azerbaijan" and the
Soviet Republic, something long desired by them.
The "Principle Catalogue of the CSCE Final Act from Helsinki on August 1, 1975, which confirmed "equal rights and
self-determination of peoples" as its eighth principle, showed unmistakably that the relevance of peoples' right to selfdetermination was not and should not be restricted only to the colonial territories of the Third World, but extend also to
Europe. The Charter of the United Nations declared that any military action or pressure against peoples who want to exercise
their right of self-determination must be stopped, meanwhile the principle of territorial integrity must be considered.8
The Armenians of Karabagh, constituting the demographic majority, bolster their claim based on democratic
principles, Leninist notions of self-determination and article 70 of the Soviet Constitution. Azerbaijanis countered with
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defences of territorial integrity based on Article 78 of the Soviet Constitution. Thus, the right of self-determination of the
Armenians of Nagorny Karabagh collides with the right of sovereinty of the Republic of Azerbaijan. How can a solution, in
accordance with international law, be found to the problem?
A detailed research of the Karabagh issue according to international law, was carried out by a well-known specialist
in international law Dr. Otto Luchterhandt, the director of East European Research Departmentment at the University of
Hamburg. He writes;
"The right of self-determination is not only a political principle but a rule of existing international law. The people of Nagorny Karabagh
is the subject of the right to self-determination. The people of Nagorny Karabagh can claim for the highest level fulfillment of the law of
self-determination - secession from the state of Azerbaijan because on the one hand its restriction to the status of a national minority
stands in no reasonable relation to its legitimate interests in development and protection, and on the other hand the measure of its
oppression has reached such unbearable proportions, that remaining in the federation of Azerbaijan has become unacceptable and it has
announced it will for self-determination in an unmistakable and convincing manner".9
According to the "Principle Catalogue" of the CSCE-Final act;
"The participating States will respect the equal rights of peoples and their right to self-determination, acting at all times in
conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and with the relevant norms of international
law, including those relating to territorial integrity of States.
By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, all peoples always have the right, in full
freedon, to determine, when and as they wish, their internal and external political status, without external interference, and to
pursue as they wish their political, economic, social and cultural development".
The entry into force of the two Covenants on Human Rights of January 16, 1966, on January 3 and March 23, 1976,
has led to the certainly that the peoples' right to self-determination is a norm of universal international law.
In the sphere of tention between the right of self-determination and state sovereignity, the aim is to bring both rights
on rules into a justifiable state of balance, which takes into account the weight of each in the particular case. Principle 10,
Paragraph 4 of the Principle Catalogue of the CSCE Final Act, attempts to express the same thought by formulating that
every one of the 10 principles must be interpreted taking into account the other nine .10
Some authors identify the right of self-determination with the right of secession, without recognizing its firm connection with
national autonomy, others make considerable demands on the precedence of the principle of territorial integrity. In principle
the right of self-determination and sovereignty are of equal strength and priority, as recognized by the Friendly Relations
Declaration of 1970, finding their firm place in Principle Catalogue. In spite of the fact that the two norms of law are of the
same legal quality, both of them in fact possess different importance. Due to the fact that the integrity of states is of
outstanding significance, the right of self-determination in its offensive form appears as a dynamic principle which, with more
or less revolutionary force, changes or even destroys existing structures and especially alters the borders of one or more
states. This basic relation between sovereignty and self-determination must lead to the maxim that the realization of the right
of self-determination can only take place, and is only justified, if the sovereignity of states concerned is preserved to the
greatest possible extent. The reasons for exercising the right of self-determination must meet higher and stricter standards.
Quite rightly the prevailing in literature on international law takes the view that the right of secession can be claimed under
special conditions, only in exceptional cases in contrast to the regular case of having to respect the sovereignty.11
It can be concluded for the problem in question from the difference between the unstable situation (the dissolution of
the state) and normal situation to be found in an established system of states and with reference to the League of Nations
expertise12 with Hermann Raschhafar that the importance of the state sovereignty of Azerbaijan must be ranked lower than
the importance of the sovereignty of a state in "a normal situation" and therefore, lower than the right of self-determination
with the right of secession of the Armenians of Nagorny Karabagh. Thus in the case of Nagorny Karabagh a certain change
of emphasis in favour of the right of self-determination occurs, i.e. the national right of self-determination of the Armenians of
Nagorny Karabagh in the form of the right of secession has precedence over the state sovereignty of Azerbaijan.
Just as the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan, since 1989 had, on its way to full state sovereignty and
independence from Soviet Unitary State, cited the right of self-determination of peoples, so too can do the Autonomous
Region of Nagorny Karabagh.
The Republic of Azerbaijan has forfeited the claim to keep the Armenian ethnic group in its state federation by their
70-year juridical and actual denial of the regional autonomy of Karabagh. The statutory definition of discrimination is fulfilled
in its chronological dimension and to such a degree that the Armenian ethnic groups right of self-determination in its strongest
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form, intensifies to a right of secession, compared to which the interest of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the undiminished
preservation of its territorial integrity and sovereinty is secondary.13 Important in this context is the fact that the Republic of
Azerbaijan received its sovereignty and state independence at a time when the Armenian ethnic group in Nagorny Karabagh
was already fully exercising its right of self-determination. The Armenian minority of Karabagh is a subject of the right of selfdetermination, because it fulfills all the characteristics of such an ethnic group, which has got yet exercised its right in a
binding manner and thereby exhausted it. The right of self-determination is to be seen neither in the subjugation to Baku,
through the treaty of August 22, 1919, nor in the regional autonomy established in 1923-1924, nor in the participation in the
elections and nor in freedom for cultivation of the national characteristics of the Armenian ethnic group. In this exceptional
case, that is to say, when a national minority is discriminated against in an unbearable manner, the right of self-determination
has precedence over the sovereignty of the state concerned, in the case in question the Republic of Azerbaijan, which itself
has only just broken free from the dissolved USSR by using its right of self-determination.
As a result of expert studies and expert reports as a whole, it can be established that in accordance with current
international law, the Armenian ethnic group of Nagorny Karabagh hold the right of self-determination in form of a right to
separation from the Republic of Azerbaijan (right of secession), which takes priority over the Republic of Azerbaijan's right of
sovereignty. By virtue of the right of self-determination, the Armenian ethnic group of Nagorny Karabagh is entitled either to
form a State of its own or to unite with the Republic of Armenia, provided the latter so wiches.14
1. Caroline Cox and John Eibner "Ethnic Cleansing in Process".
Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World, Zurich, London,
Washington, 1993.
2. A. Sakharov "Memorandum to the General Secretary of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR - L. Brezhnev", March, 1971,
p.1.
3. Yuri Barseghov "The Right to Self-Determination, the Basis of Democratic
Solution of Inter-ethnic Conflicts", Yer., 1989, p.12, (further Barseghov)
Ibid., p.13.
4. Academy of Sciences of the USSR. History, Phylosophy, Law, Baku, N4
pp.12-13.
5. Text: United Nations, 1978, Vol.4. p.138.
6. Academy of Sciences of the USSR...
7. Yuri Barseghov, p.32.
8. Professor Dr. Otto Luchterhandt "Nagorny Karabagh's Right to State
Independence According to International Law", Boston, 1993, p.9 (further O.
Luchterhandt).
9. Ibid., pp.11,12.
10. Blech Klaus "Die Prinzipienerkl Nrung der KSZE Schluakte", Europa-archiv,
1976, p.257.
11.O. Luchterhardt, p.42.
12. Hermann Raschhofer "Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht", p.16.
13. O. Luchterhardt, p.46.
14. Ibid, p.75.
CHAPTER 20
NATIONAL REVIVAL. THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR
THE EMERGENCE OF THE FIFTEEN INDEPENDENT REPUBLICS
The "stone war" soon gave birth to a number of new syndroms, which escalated the struggle for control over Nagorny
Karabagh Autonomous Region still further. The new "Karabagh syndrom" countered the "Azerbaijani aggressive syndrom". It
was no less fierce and violent than the Azerbaijani one. Both parties to the tragic conflict vilated the most basic rules of
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193
international humanitarian law, involving themselves in the armed conflict with extreme ferocity.
The Karabagh Armenians pursued their claim persistently. The privations of 70 years had made them unbreakable.
To Gorbachov's question what the Karabagh Armenians were like, A. Volski answered they were the same
Armenians, but "different in a way". The representative of the President meant the strength of will of the Karabagh Armenians
that overcame all obstacles.
As to the Azerbaijanis, their intellectuals made a good use of the Karabagh claim to awaken the sense of selfawareness in the Azerbaijani nation. Azerbaijan was in strong position in regard to Armenian Mountainous Karabagh, which,
though isolated, was increasingly determined not to submit to the Baku authorities after the pogroms of Baku and
persecutions, unification with Armenia was seen, more than ever, to be the only solution, to the Karabagh problem. But it
was a solution that Azerbaijan was less ready than ever to accept.
Though enduring severe restrictions and hardships, the Karabagh Armenians countered the Azerbaijani attacks,
setting up a strong resistence against the Azerbaijani forces in the fight for the Armenian villages of Manashid and Getashen
regions. The armed conflict was rapidly escalating. The level of violence in Nagorny Karabagh and surrounding districts
increased steadily, Armenian and Azerbaijani residents engaged in communal violence so easily as due to lack of discipline
within the armed forces of the USSR, the property of the army; the heavy artillery, grenades, rocket launchers, tanks, armed
personnel carriers and the like were either sold to, loaned to, or otherwise found their way into the hands of combatants on
both sides, making the armed conflict more lethal. It was easier for the Azerbaijani side to obtain the weapons because all the
stores of The Transcaucasian Military district were situated on the territory of Azerbaijan SSR. As to financial problems, the
Azerbaijaniz did not suffer any, and paid great amounts for the arms. After withdrawing its troops from Afghanistan and the
European Socialist States, the military industrial complex had to deal with the problem of selling the military equipment. The
production of arms came to halt, as a result of which many metal urgical plants had to be closed, the miners became
unemployed. The country faced a severe economical distruction. In this situation the Karabagh conflict was beneficial for the
generals of the Soviet military-industrial complex. They were secretly instructed to allow the sales of army equipment in the
region. They knew very well that Azerbaijan would apply to Turkey for financial support to buy arms, Armenians - to the
influentian diaspora. The deal would breathe life into the immobile structures of the military-industrial complex of Russia,
millions of people would be employed again. But Karabagh was not enough for them. Arms fired and bombs exploded in
Ossetia and Abkhasia, forming a new source of profit for Russia.
The Soviet mass media constantly alleged of Armenian arming villages and outposts for guerrilas and military
equipment, as making allusions to the Azerbaijani side to arm itself too. This tactics of the Centre dictated the leaders of the
country to create new forms and means to prolong the solution of the Karabagh problem.
After placing Nagorny Karabagh under Moscow's direct rule in January 1989, neither the clashes between the
residents and government authorities (mainly USSR Interior Ministry troops) nor the clashes between Azerbaijanis and
Armenians stopped. On November 28, 1989 Moscow ceased its direct rule over the region and returned control to Azerbaijani
authorities. During the course of above events the level of violence increased steadily in Karabagh and the surrounding
districts. The Azerbaijani authorities did all they could to make life impossible for the population of Karabagh, with the
apparent aim of driving them out and repopulating the territory with Azerbaijanis. The Second Secretary of the Azerbaijani
Communist Party, KGB officer who reportedly supervised the distruction of villages in Afghanistan Viktor Polianichko
seriously formulated a plan for deporting all Armenians from Karabagh. The Centre continued to conduct a policy of
"equalization". Its "Appeal to the population of Armenia and Azerbaijan" had the following wording;
"The tragic events of Baku and other places of Azerbaijan, as well as of some regions of Armenia pierced the hearts of the
Soviet people".1
Direct words to condemn the Baku pogroms were avoided. "The Economist", January 1990;
"It was in Azerbaijan that the Soviet Union tested Military force - the ultimate guarantor of its power - to the limit. On January 15
President Mikhail Gorbachov sent 20.000 troops into the republic's capital, Baku, to crush an attempt to seize power by the Azerbaijani
Popular Front. In the carnage of "Black January" at least 150 people were killed. When the troops moved in, the Azerbaijani Popular
Front vowed to continue fighting underground".2
194
194
The decision to return Karabagh to Azerbaijani rule marked the beginning of a coordinated effort by the KGB and Azerbaijan's
Communist Leadership to destroy the Armenian community. The members of Nagorny Karabagh National Council were
arrested on January 19, 1990. Ten days later a fourmen delegation of Azerbaijani officials headed by Viktor Polianichko
arrived in the enclave accompanied by military vehicles to establish their authority. On the day of Polianichko's arrival in
Karabagh, strict cencorship was imposed and the enclave's only Armenian daily was closed down. Within a week, dozens of
Armenian leaders were behind the bars on Polianichko's orders. He himself travelled all over Stepanakert in his armed
carrier calling the population for submission. The Armenian TV station Continued to be blacked out and communication with
the outside world was limited to short wave radio. There was no press access to the region.
The only information broadcast from the region was; "The situation is nornmalized. The military command control
over the region".
The Centre and the Baku authorities hoped to break the resistence of Armenians of Karabagh through strict
measures. But even after so many pogroms and persecutions, the Karabagh Armenians considered secession from
Azerbaijan to be the only way to solve their problem. Azerbaijan vigorously opposed to this. A complete deadlock was
reached.
According to a TASS report on the way Lachin-Shushi a car was stopped and two machine-guns, two kilograms of
drugs and 350 thousand roubles were found in it. Two days later the mayer declared that only two machine-guns were found
in the Azerbaijani car.
Once again the Azerbaijani authorities in Baku viewed the Soviet Union's conservative organs of repression - i.e. the
KGB, the Interior Ministry and the army - as their natural allies against the Armenians who were striving to overturn Stalin's
settlement of Karabagh question. The headmaster of the local stadium R. Petrossian, the worker R. Mangassarian, the
assistant editor-in-chief of the newspaper "Soviet Karabagh" A. Ghukassian (for his article "Open your eyes", and his speech
about the murder of the sculptor A. Hakobian on the TV), the head of the r

THE ROOTS OF KARABAGH PROBLEM

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