Summer 2008 - Journal of the War of 1812

Transcription

Summer 2008 - Journal of the War of 1812
Journal of the War of 1812
An International Journal Dedicated to the last Anglo-American War, 1812-1815
The Summer of Events:
Fourteen Historical Excursions
Massachusetts in the War of 1812
The Patriot War: Part II
Visit 1812: “Old Ironsides” and the USS Constitution Museum
Try the
Massachusetts
“Puzzle”
Twelfth National
War of 1812
Symposium
(Details Inside)
USS Constitution vs. HMS Guerrière
Reading
to the
Grandchildren
Before the Battle of Horseshoe Bend: Part II
Features: The Trail and the Ale; Publisher's Profile; Chronology;
News You Use; and More...
Summer 2008
Vol. 11, No. 2
Subscription Rates/
Information Inside
The Journal of the War of 1812
Volume XI, No. 2, Summer 2008
An International Journal Dedicated
to the Last Anglo-American War,
1812-1815
GOVERNANCE
Editor – Harold W. Youmans
Co-Editor – Christopher T. George
Editorial Advisors:
John R. Grodzinski; Eric E. Johnson; and Mary
Jo Cunningham, Editor Emeritus
Board of Scholastic Advisors:
Rene Chartrand, Hull, Quebec; Donald E.
Graves, Almonte, Ontario; Martin K. Gordon,
John Hopkins University School of Continuing
Studies; Donald R. Hickey, Wayne State
College; Michael D. Harris, Newberg, MO; Kathy
Lee Erlandson Liston, Brookneal, VA; Robert
Malcomson, St. Catherines, Ontario; Gene A.
Smith, Texas Christian University; Joseph A.
Whitehorne, Middletown, VA.
ADVERTISING
Contact the Editor at 13194 US Highway 301
South, #360, Riverview, Florida 33578-7410;
Tel: 813.671.8852; Fax: 813-671-8853.
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Single issue costs $4.00 US or four issues for
$12.50 US, $15.00 other countries. All checks
must be in US dollars drawn on a US bank and
sent to: Journal of the War of 1812, 844 E. Pratt
Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201, USA.
Subscription questions Call (813) 671-8852
SUBMISSION GUIDELINES
Authors are encouraged to request and/or
consult the War of 1812 Consortium's Ten-Year
Publication Plan for the Journal's current and
upcoming needs and the Submission Guidelines.
Both are available on request. Contact: the
Editor at email: The1812archive@gmail.com.
Authors should note that the time from receipt of
the submission to its' publication may be up to
six months in this quarterly magazine. Authors
will be notified should the estimated publication
date exceed six months.
All submission should be sent as simple Word
documents without any codes embedded for
headings or other formatting. Font should be
Times New Roman, font size 12, left justified.
Endnotes must be numbered using Arabic and
not Roman numerals.
Important: Images must not be embedded in the
text of a document and must be submitted
separately, either in electronic format or clean
hard copy. Electronic copies should be JPEG
files, 300 dpi.
Authors are responsible for securing permission
to publish copyrighted material.
The Editor reserves the right to make minor
spelling, grammatical or syntax changes to any
submission. Authors will be contacted should
their work require any substantive changes or if
their submission is unsuitable for publication.
At present the Consortium does not pay for
submissions. Authors affiliated with bona fide
historical organizations or societies may receive
free notices of their organization's War of 1812
related activities in the Journal and these
organizations or societies may be otherwise
further profiled in the Journal.
The Journal of the War of 1812 (ISSN
1524-1459) is published quarterly by The War of
1812 Consortium, Inc., 844 E. Pratt Street,
Baltimore, Maryland 21201. Periodical postage
paid at Baltimore, Maryland, and at additional
mailing offices. Postmaster: Send address
changes to The War of 1812 Consortium, Inc.,
844 E. Pratt Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201,
USA.
Copyright © 2008 by The War of 1812
Consortium, Inc.
All rights reserved.
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
Journal of the War of 1812
An International Journal Dedicated to the last Anglo-American War, 1812-1815
Volume XI, No. 2, Summer 2008
DEPARTMENTS
2 | Editor's Quoin:
Off and running with a renewed Journal.
Questions in the Quoin.
7 | The Role of the States
Massachusetts and the War of 1812: A
Portrait in Dissent
14 | War Leader Profile
US Navy Officer Isaac Hull (1773-1843)
16 | Visit 1812
“Old Ironsides” and the USS Constitution
Museum
24 | The Documents
William King's dissent of Dissent and the
Defense of Patriotism
25 | Subscription Form
Order or renew you subscription in advance
of any price increase
26 | War of 1812 Chronology
War of 1812 anniversaries from August
through October
27 | Publisher's Profile
The University Press of Kansas has three
current War of 1812-related books
28 | War of 1812 Calendar of Events
Fourteen summer events, festivals and
commemmorances
FEATURES
8 | BEFORE HORSEHOE BEND
by Charles R. Burns
Part Two of a Series placing the Creek War in
a new perspective
17 | THE PATRIOT WAR
by Colin Murphy
Concluding comments from Colin Murphy on
Florida's Patriot War
23 | NATIONAL WAR OF 1812 SYMPOSIUM
Baltimore, Saturday, October 11, 2008
Latest available planning for the annual
meeting; excellent topics planned
ALSO NEWS YOU WANT TO USE:
3 | National Historic Trail; Threatened War of 1812
Sites; Chesapeake Naval Operations Discussed;
Beer for All; Beginning of the US Navy; Simeon
North and the Flintlocks
5 | Bicentennial Watch; Honoring the War of 1812
Veteran; Declaration of War Remembered; A
Special Apology
5 | Reading to the Grandchildren: Massachusetts
youngsters and the war
6 | War of 1812 Puzzler: Special Mission. Try
your research skills on the Massachusetts Puzzler
COVER PHOTO: Six-hundred miles off Boston, Massachusetts, HMS Guerrière is
blown up after its defeat by the USS Constitution on August 19, 1812.
EDITOR'S QUOIN
The Editor expresses his profound thanks for the
kind comments from readers on the occasion of
the renewed publication of the Journal. That
thanks is shared with all who helped bring the
issue into print.
This issue has a reasonable concentration of
materials on Massachusetts. Of course, the
USS Constitution takes a significant role on
center stage. Our War Leader is Captain Isaac
Hull, arguably the most famous of the brave
ship's brave commanders. Hull's biography could
dwarf the Journal. Here you will see a focus on
his 1812-1815 experience.
Known for its dissent to “Mr. Madison's War,”
the multi-faceted Massachusetts experience is
featured in several articles. As noted historian
Samuel Eliot Morison remarked, “Massachusetts
myopia struggled with ... conflicted political,
religious and economic views throughout the
war.”
Thoughtful Bay Staters recognized the
vulnerability of its long and exposed coastline
and District of Maine residents, more than
others, felt the need to prepare for the inevitable
assault as well as the tug of patriotism and
martial spirit. Future Maine Governor, William
King, supported these views as a member of the
General Court throughout the War. His defense
of his own actions in 1814, featured in The
Documents, portrayed this patriot at his best.
No visit to Boston would be complete without a
stop at the National Park Service's USS
Constitution Museum in Charlestown. The “still
serving” 1797 super frigate, manned by her
active duty US Navy crew rules the waves. Stop
at the museum for the full experience.
This issue also includes the remaining portions
of Colin Murphy's The Patriot War and Part Two
of Charles R. Burns' Before Horseshoe Bend.
Each of these articles continue to provide rich
and colorful detail on these subjects. Mr. Burns'
work concludes in the Fall issue.
Readers are encouraged to try our War of 1812
Puzzler. A one year renewal or a free new
subscription will be awarded to the best
answering essay published.
Several readers have suggested additions to our
departmental line up.
One suggested that
historical and family researchers should have a
feature through which they may ask questions of
other readers designed to fill the gaps of their
own research.
Several rules are under
consideration seeking to support such a feature
and maintain the interest for the general reader.
More of our Questions Page in the next issue.
Another seeks stronger links with the General
Society of the War of 1812 and the U.S.
Daughters of 1812. In this issue we have
included
several
pieces
about
graves
renovations. We actively seek more interaction
between both of these societies as well as with
the War of 1812 reenactors.
A further comment on contributions of articles
and features from our readers: Right now you
are getting a Journal that has just over one half
of its content prepared by the Editor. A better
balance in opinion and research would be a
journal that has about 70-80% of its content
contributed by readers. That's the goal. We want
the Journal to be your Journal in every way.
The War of 1812 Consortium has approved a
production schedule of sorts and that schedule
can be emailed to anyone requesting it. Detailed
submission requirements are also available.
Email us at the1812archive@gmail.com for your
copy.
Right now the Fall and Winter issues are under
development. We are seeking good “Christmasthemed” stories for this Fall and articles on the
Northern New York campaigns for the Winter
issue Thoughtful pieces on these two subjects
would be given priority consideration. The Fall
issue deadline is September 1, 2008.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 2
Your Editor.
THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER
NATIONAL HISTORIC TRAIL
LEGISLATION PASSES
Soon War of 1812 sites from Calvert County's
St. Leonard's Creek to Baltimore's Fort McHenry
will be right along “The Trail.”
On May 8, 2008, the President signed the
Consolidated Natural Resources Act of 2008
which included the provisions creating the 175mile Trail. Other sites along the Trail include
other historical venues in Virginia, Maryland and
the District of Columbia.
Service utilized scholars within advisory
committees and in the end conducted field
efforts that examined the condition of 243
battlefields and 434 associated historical
properties in 31 states, the District of Columbia
and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Of these as many
as 170 sites will face “injury or destruction” in the
next 10 years.
The full, 142-page study is available on-line
through the National Coalition for History
website.
Maryland Senator Benjamin L. Cardin and
Representative John P. Sarbanes, among
others, sponsored this legislative effort.
The aim of the Act is to tie together the public
focus on “heritage” sites throughout the
Chesapeake area and to, as voiced by Gay
Vietzke, superintendent of Fort McHenry
Monument and Historic Shrine, “make a
connection with all these other historic places,”
and to extend the War of 1812 story beyond the
boundaries of particular sites.
A special commemorative celebration was held
at the Fort McHenry National Park on June 9,
2008. This is a good news story!
NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
REPORT CITES THREATENED
WAR OF 1812 SITES
Driven by the risk of loss, injury or destruction
due to development or neglect, the National Park
Service released a long-awaited report to
Congress on June 13, 2008.
“Report to
Congress on the Historic Preservation of
Revolutionary War and War of 1812 Sites in the
United States” is a broad federal effort to
determine the status of these historic resources
and was successful in identifying the sites of
almost 3,000 events associated with the two
wars.
During this study, initiated in 1996, the Park
Horseshoe Bend National Military Park
Courtesy: National Park Service
(Find Chuck Burn's Article on Page --)
DELAWARE CURATOR PROVIDES
INSIGHT INTO ROYAL NAVY'S
CHESAPEAKE OPERATIONS
The Jefferson Patterson Park and Museum and
the Calvert Marine Museum co-hosted a
Delaware expert on colonial and military
archeology last month. Charles H. Fithian,
Curator of Collections for the State of Delaware,
visited the Maryland site to present his talk:
“Heart of Oak: The Royal Navy in the
Chesapeake Campaign, 1813-1814.”
This presentation was part of the “War Comes to
the Chesapeake” lecture series and provided an
overview of the ships, personalities and the daily
life and routines of those serving aboard British
vessels in the Bay.
More information about upcoming lectures is
available at http://www.jefpat.org.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 3
BREWER'S ALE STIMULATES
INTEREST, TASTE
Your Editor was driven to dig out that dog-eared
copy of the Bartender's Guide when a news
release from the Sackets Harbor Brewing
Company hit the streets. At exactly 9:39 am
EDT, May 21, 2008, the Company announced
the introduction of its “War of 1812 Amber Ale”
on a national basis.
slide toward another conflict with Britain
materialized, however, both Jefferson and
Madison altered their position. Should be an
interesting read.
The recently christened brew is now available in
selected northeastern and southeastern beer
markets.
Here at the Consortium's Southern Outpost in
Riverview, Florida, telephones rang, emails
clicked, and glasses clinked as news of the brew
flowed from the exhibit halls at the National
Restaurant Association's show in Chicago,
Illinois.
Even though now available in nearby Orlando,
your Editor has yet to savor its historic flavor.
And trust me, seeking out the ale would be
solely an exercise in historical research. We
await any reader's review of the refreshment.
Really!
“IF WE BUILD IT, THEY (THE
ENEMY) WILL COME”
Dr. George Daughan brings the pre-War of 1812
arguments about starting the United States Navy
into sharp focus in his new book, If By Sea: The
Forging of the American Navy – From the
Revolution to the War of 1812.
In a news article in the Daily Press, servicing
Newport News, Virginia, Daughan's explanation
regarding the attitudes of Washington and
Adams (eventually Federalists in outlook) and
Jefferson
and
Madison
(Democratic
Republicans) reflects in large measure
arguments voiced today between those who
seek broader offensive and defensive military
options and those who do not.
Although we have not seen the book, and would
welcome a review, Jefferson initially argued that
creating a Navy would do little more than
entangle the young country in war. As the slow
United States of America
Department of the Navy
GUNMAKER SIMEON NORTH
STANDARDIZING INTERCHANGEABILITY,
CIRCA 1813
Gun maker Simeon North is credited by the
American Precision Museum in Windsor,
Vermont, as the first government contractor in
the United States to recommend to the War
Department that government manufacturing
contracts require interchangeable parts. That
was on April 16, 1813.
He got the contract he bid on.
At the beginning of the War of 1812 North owned
a gun manufactory in Middletown, Connecticut.
His contract called for 20,000 flintlock pistols.
The interchangeability provision is hailed as a
strong step toward mass production, a significant
hallmark of the American industrial dominance of
the late 19th and early 20th Century.
North's invention of the earliest primitive milling
machine replaced the hand-filling in the shaping
of metal parts and made interchangeability
possible.
Each pistol cost the Army $7.00 in 1813.
Economists say that's about $84.00 today. Does
that sound about right?
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 4
late April. The Journal will keep you informed.
BICENTENNIAL WATCH:
RUSHING THROUGH PORT
CLAIBORNE'S PAST
NIAGARA FALLS COUNCIL COMMITS $2
MILLION TO LEGACY PROJECT
“Hurry” seems to be the watchword in Port
Claiborne, Ontario. Dan Anger, a local historian
with several books to his credit, is rushing
through the past to highlight Port Claiborne's
War of 1812 history.
The Lundy's Lane Historical Museum is one of
the principal beneficiaries of a decision of the
City of Niagara Falls Council to commit $2
million to the Lundy's Lane Battlefield Legacy
Project. The Councilors action is a visible
expression of local support for a project hoping
to seal more than $11 million from Canadian
federal and provincial resources in advance of
the Bicentennial. The area on the Niagara
Peninsula was a crucial battleground during the
war and visitors will get more enhanced views of
the battleground on which the British
commander exclaimed: “They're Regulars, By
God,” when approached by the forces
commanded by General Winfield Scott in July
1814.
Bicentennial planning is well underway on both
sides of the border and Anger and his wife,
Virginia, curator at Port Claiborne Historical and
Marine Museum, seek to put Port Claiborne “on
the map.”
According to a recent story in the Welland
Tribune, Anger is intrigued by the “scruple of
conscience” provisions in the Militia Act of 1808
which exempted religious pacifists from military
duty in British North America. They are also
examining the role of this community in the
larger Laura Secord story and the paramilitary
raids launched from the American side upon the
Sugarloaf Settlements during the War.
PERIOD AUTHORS SERVE ON
MICHIGAN'S WAR OF 1812
BICENTENNIAL COMMISSION
Two War of 1812 scholars have been appointed
by Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm to
serve on that state's Commission for the War of
1812 Bicentennial. Brian Dunnigan and Phil
Porter were appointed by the Governor this
Spring.
Mr. Dunnigan, interim director at the University
of Michigan William L. Clements Library in Ann
Arbor, lives in the Mackinac Island area. Mr.
Porter, from Sheboygan, is the Director at
Mackinac State Historic Park.
Both have penned numerous War of 1812
pieces and serve this community well. Another
appointee is Mr. Richard G. Micka, from Monroe
who is co-chairman of the Monroe County War
of 1812 Bicentennial Experiential Tourism
Subcommittee.
The first meeting of the Commission was held in
How many of you have taken the time to read
John A. Minahan's juvenile fiction, Abigail's
Drum (NY: Pippen Press, c1985), to your
grandchildren? It tells the story of two sisters
from Scituate, Massachusetts, who saved their
town from marrauding British seamen but
beating
on
the
“drum.”
Delightful.
Grandchildren are fun, too!
HONORING AND CARING FOR
WAR OF 1812 GRAVE SITES
One of the principal objectives of the General
Society of the War of 1812 is the caring for the
graves of the veterans of the War. The General
Society has a long and honorable reputation in
the pursuit of these efforts and where
appropriate and permitted the Journal seeks to
keep the broader War of 1812 community
abreast of these activities.
An occasional
feature will be the mention of these efforts and
so herein is the hope that members of the
General Society will keep the Journal informed.
In the meanwhile:
Northfield, Minnesota: The headstone of Isaac
Barrick, marked with his initials, was unearthed
in an abandoned cemetery in Northfield by his
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 5
descendents assisted by a local genealogist.
Isaac was a lad of 15 when he enlisted to serve
and was assigned, probably because of his age,
to duties as a fife major. His descendants hope
to form an association to restore and maintain
the old Prairieville Cemetery, now all but
impossible to walk through, thick with weeds and
other growth.
anniversary of this critical Congressional action
passed. Alas and alack! There was only one
mention of the action Congress took that day.
Buffalo, New York: There he was; 50-year-old
militiaman, Job Hoisington, standing his ground
as almost 1,000 British raiders attacked and
burned Buffalo on December 30, 1813. His
mutilated body was identified by his wife after
the battle. When his remains were moved from
his initial resting place in Cold Spring Burying
Ground to Forest Lawn in 1850, something was
missing: his head. The ghost of Job is said to
roam his old neighborhood. This May area
redevelopment preservationists seeking to honor
this brave man placed a marker near Porter and
Plymouth Avenues, in Buffalo. Now, rest easy,
Job!
New Delhi Television, Limited, founded in 1988,
is India's first and largest private producer of
news, current affairs and entertainment
television on the sub-continent.
Westport, Connecticut: The 3.3-acre Lower
Green's Farms Colonial Burying Ground
contains War of 1812 veterans and other grave
sites dated as early as 1730. Local authorities
hope soon to add this area and adjoining
property within an historic district. In a process
perhaps unique to Connecticut, property owners
adjoining the cemetery will be allowed to vote
with the local authorities on whether the area will
become an officially designated historic district.
It is indeed a slow and deliberative process, but
should be concluded this Fall. With the support
of the cemetery's owner, grave stone restoration
is underway and will continue.
Unfortunately available space and the Editor's
learning curve took over and it was obvious that
the article would have to slide to a later issue.
THE WORLD REMEMBERS?
The Eighteenth of June has come and gone. As
any complete War of 1812 chronology will show,
on that day the United States Congress voted to
declare war against Great Britain in 1812. The
Journal of the War of 1812 monitors the Internet
activities through numerous search engines that
provide War of 1812 events, news and blog
comments worldwide.
The Editor expected to see hundreds of citations
commemorating the passage of the day as the
The anniversary of the war was not recorded in
any of the scanned daily sites or blogs except,
and yes Virginia..., the New Delhi, India (that's
India) NDTV.com's “Today in History” feature.
We at the Journal have more work to do. Oh
yes, thank you NDTV.com whereever you are.
A SPECIAL APOLOGY
As the planning for this issue of the Journal was
being worked up, your Editor communicated with
Eric E. Johnson, one of our Editorial Advisors. I
intended to publish Part 1 of his fine article
“Cartels, Hostages and Reprisals.”
For this I humbly apologize. Look for this topic in
the Fall 2008 issue of the Journal.
THE WAR OF 1812 PUZZLER
SPECIAL MISSION FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Letters of Marque vessels Rambler, John
Jones and Tamaamaah kept company on a
special mission for Boston merchants. What
was their mission, where did they go, and what
was the result?
No answers this quarter. Readers can submit a
100-150 word answer for publication. If you
solve this Puzzler and are selected to have
your essay published subscribers will get a
year's renewal free; if not a subscriber, you will
receive the following four issues free.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 6
Good Luck!
45th Infantry, raised late in the war, saw no
enemy action.
MASSACHUSETTS AND
THE WAR OF 1812
At the beginning of the War of 1812,
Massachusetts had many citizens that agreed
with the Federal government in Washington that
Great Britain deserved and should receive a
drubbing. Many of these remembered the role
the Bay State had played in the American
Revolution and although individually were thirty
years older, they were ready to pick up the
musket again. However, many others did not
agree and were not willing to rush off to war.
Political opposition was centered in the General
Court (the state's legislature) and in the
governor's office.
Federalists greatly outnumbered the Jeffersonian Democrats and
opposed this rash action on political, religious
and economic grounds.
The Federalist
Governor, Caleb Strong, leading the opposition
to the war, refused to call out the state militia
and it went downhill from there.
Samuel Eliot Morison, in his Maritime History of
Massachusetts (Boston: 1960) remarked that the
war affected equally both “her pocket and her
heart.” The war was simply “immoral,” “unjust,”
and “hypocritical.” (Sound familiar?)
But this general feeling could not suppress the
enthusiasm for the naval victories of the small
but valiant US Navy. From the successes of the
super frigate, USS Constitution, to the privateer
victories which largely sustained the nonsmuggling economy, Massachusetts patriots
took heart and in the end limited or ended the
real discussion regarding disunion.
While villages and towns provided many more
sailors
and
privateers
than
soldiers,
Massachusetts still was able to fill six US
Infantry Regiments from within the state.
Men from the 9th and 21st Infantry fought on the
Canadian border from Sackett's Harbor to the
Niagara region. The 33rd and 34th Infantry fought
at Chateauguay and Plattsburg. Elements of the
40th Infantry were at Fort Sullivan in Maine and
with Andrew Jackson at Pensacola, Florida. The
As the war wore on, both sides felt renewed
energy. The US Army was gaining experience,
confidence and skill; the British were gaining the
assets available to deploy to North America,
both naval and ground forces.
The naval
blockade generally affected Massachusetts and
was tightening.
By either conviction or
necessity, attitudes at least among the general
citizenry changed toward the British.
Blockading and coasting British ships sent more
and more foraging parties ashore. But the
greatest threat was to the Massachusetts District
of Maine. The British invasion in July 1814
occupied the coast from Fort Sullivan in Eastport
to Machias, Calais and beyond. Neither state
forces nor the more active Maine militia could
stem the British tide. Who was to say, maybe
even Boston itself was next! What had our
leadership brought on?
Of course, too, was the disaffected diehards
calling for a Convention at Hartford. In the end
Massachusetts may have saved itself from itself.
Events at far off Ghent, Belgium, certainly
curtailed any British threat to more of the New
England coastline, made mute the worst of the
the ideas germinating in Hartford, and although it
took several years after the cession of hostilities
restored the District of Maine to Massachusetts.
The significant results of the war for
Massachusetts can be simply stated. Opposition
to the war, seen by the general public as a
victory, set in stone the demise of the Federalist
Party and the further loss of influence of New
England and Massachusetts on the national
scene.
The war also saw the long-term decline of
Massachusetts dominance in the seafaring
sector of the economy. Newburyport, Salem and
other colonial ports had to evolve or die.
Finally, the separation of the Republicandominated District of Maine from Massachusetts
was accelerated and Maine was admitted to the
Union in 1820.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 7
BEFORE THE BATTLE OF HORSESHOE BEND:
Part II: Mobilization for War and Initial Moves
By Charles R. Burns
Editor: This is Part II of a fresh look at the
Creek War of 1813-14. Author Chuck Burns
previously outlined the critical phases of the
war and now in this Part discusses General
Jackson's preparation for and the conduct
of his movement to contact against the Creek
Nation in Mississippi Territory.
Author Profile:
Chuck Burns, a professional archaeologist, lives
on Alabama's Coosa River with his wife Hayley
and their two year old daughter, Charley. He is
currently with the Alabama National Guard.
Jackson Prepares For War
Around the middle of September, news of the massacre at Fort Mims reached General Andrew
Jackson in Nashville. At that time he was bedridden, suffering from a broken arm caused by a
gunshot wound he received while dueling with Tennessee Senator Thomas H. Benton. Jackson
was not completely taken by surprise when he received the information; he had been staying informed
about British and Creek developments by scouts commissioned to watch the Creeks. The General had a
number of scouts, including Sam Dale, who is recognized for his heroics during the canoe battle that
took place on the Alabama River on November 12, 1813 and Sam Houston whose name is later
synonymous with Texas independence.1
Jackson called into service two thousand volunteers and by October 12, he had assembled an army of
twenty-five hundred. Jackson’s army consisted of an 800-man volunteer cavalry led by John Coffee,
and a militia infantry comprised of frontiersmen. These frontiersman were not well organized or
trained. However, they proved to be a good lot from which to acquire fighting men because of their
ability to adapt to military conditions. They were generally armed with their own rifles, smooth bore
muskets, and shotguns.2
Andrew Jackson was able to procure a shipment of 400 long rifles in transit to South Carolina from
Pennsylvania. These well-crafted firearms fashioned by expert gunsmiths in Lancaster, Pennsylvania
were to be used by traders as commerce with Indians. The Federal Government had recently issued a
ban on gun trade with the Indians because of the conflicts at hand, and the shipment was stopped. Each
rifle cost fifteen dollars bringing the total dollar amount for all the rifles to $6,000. The Tennessee
treasury had set aside $2,800 dollars for the militia. This amount, along with the combined contribution
of Governor Willie Blount and General Jackson, paid the difference. The militia was therefore
equipped with some of the finest rifles made at that time. Augustus Buell reported, “[t]he voice of ever
1 Henry Adams, The War of 1812, ed. Major H. A. Deweerd (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891; reprint,
Washington: The Infantry Journal, 1944), 118; Augustus C. Buell, History of Andrew Jackson: Pioneer, Patriot,
Soldier, Politician, President, Vol. 1 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1904), 294.
2 Willie Blount to Jackson, September 25, 1813, Bassett, Correspondences, I: 321-22; Adams, 118; Buell, 296-7.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 8
rifle in the four hundred was afterward heard…” throughout the duration of the war.3
The staging ground for Jackson’s campaign was just south of Huntsville on the Tennessee River at
Ditto’s Landing. It was from this point that Jackson’s army would march southward into Creek
territory. But, due to a failure to procure supplies that included basic foodstuffs such as bacon, flour,
and corn meal, Jackson was in no position to effectively advance. Jackson had anticipated a shipment
of supplies from Nashville to reach him by way of the Tennessee River, but the water level was so low
the supplies could not be moved. He gave orders for his mounted soldiers, led by John Coffee, to find
food along the banks of the Black Warrior River in present day Tuscaloosa County, Alabama,
southwest of their position at Ditto’s Landing.4
Coffee traveled a distance of about 100 miles along the bank of the River, burning the abandoned
homes of the Black Warrior Indian towns and collecting approximately 300 bushels of corn, while
Jackson pushed his infantry to the southeast for twenty miles, over what he referred to as “Americas
Alps” and established Fort Deposit. This fort, situated on the Tennessee River, was to serve as a supply
procurement area. It, was to receive supplies from what was known as “Holston” county and
“Madison” county. While anticipating supplies that never arrived, Jackson received word that hostile
Creeks along the Coosa River near a place named Ten Islands were preparing to wage war on friendly
Creek living near by. This message was sent by a Cherokee Chief known as Pathkiller. Before leaving
Fort Deposit to attend to the situation near the Ten Islands, General Jackson announced to his troops
that the reason for them leaving their families and homes to suffer “so many privation…was to avenge
the cruelties committed upon our defenseless, and un-offending frontiers by the inhuman Creeks,
instigated by their still more inhuman Allies.” And, on October 24, Jackson’s army, suffering from
fatigue and hunger, advanced in hopes of finding food along their way. Jackson retorted, “I am
determined to push forward if I live upon acorns.”5
Jackson made it evident that he viewed the campaign against the Creek Indians as a battle that was part
of a much larger conflict with the British, or as he called them to his troops, “inhuman Allies.”
Jackson’s objective was to put down the Creek uprising in an effort to reach the Spanish port of
Pensacola Florida where Great Britain had established a supply base. Jackson accused the British of
inciting the Creek’s willingness to make war and supplying them with the means to do so, from this
base. The United States’ Gazette printed a letter penned by Lieutenant Colonel John Bower that
reported on September 10, a British schooner sailed by a “well known free-booter” named “captain
Jonson of Bahama, who has made his fortune by preying on the commerce of France, Spain and the
United States…” delivered a large amount of ammunition, blankets, and clothes to Pensacola, and that
3 Buell, 259.
4 Adams, 118; Buell, 295; David Crockett, A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee
(Philadelphia: E. L. Carey and A. Hurst, 1934; reprint, Introduction by James Shackford and Stanley J. Formsbee,
Knoxville: The University of Tennessee press, 1973), 83.
5 Albert J. Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi from the Earliest Period
(Charleston:Walker and James, 1851; reprint. Montgomery, AL: River City Publishing, 1962), 553; Adams, 118-9;
Herbert J. Doherty, Richard Keith Call: Southern Unionist (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1961), 6; Frank L.
Owsley, Jr., Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2000), 64; Jackson to Lewis,
October 24, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence I: 336.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 9
these materials were to be used by the Creek Indians.6
As Jackson marched south, over more mountainous terrain, he paused to establish Camp Wills at Wills’
Creek, near present day Gadsden, Alabama. By this time John Coffee and his mounted men had
rejoined with Jackson. While at the camp, Jackson allowed his troops to forage for provisions because
they were suffering from hunger. The General also dispatched 200 cavalrymen under the command of
Colonel Dyer, to attack the town of Littefutchee located on Canoe Creek, twenty miles from the camp.
Dyer’s Cavalry reached Littefutchee at four o’clock in the morning and set the town on fire. The
Cavalry returned with twenty-nine prisoners, among them women and children. A separate detachment
that had been sent out in search of corn, returned with two blacks and four Indian warrior prisoners.
The black prisoners, it appears, were allied with the Indian warriors of Littefutchee. The prisoners were
sent to Huntsville. David Crockett notes that while encamped at Wills’ Creek, (which he called “Camp
Mills”) John Coffee was promoted from the rank of Colonel to General.7
From the camp at Wills’ Creek, Jackson’s army advanced toward the Ten Islands region on the Coosa,
located near present day Henry Neely Dam, in Ohatchee, Alabama. After marching for several days the
army reached its destination and was in close proximity of Upper Creek villages, one of which was the
town of Tallushatchee, where Jackson would soon set into motion one of the more horrific battles of his
campaign.8
War Is Waged, The Battle Of Tallushatchee
Orders To John Coffee.
November 2, 1813
Genl. Coffee with one thousand of his Brigade, will with all practicable dispatch cross
the Coosa river at the fish-dam ford; and forthwith with one half of his force proceed to
Tallushatchee and destroy it: The other half of his force, so soon as he crosses the river
he will dispatch under a discreet officer of the Ten-Islands, with orders to scour the
intervening country of all hostile Creeks, and to form a cover for the force immediately
under the command of Genl. Coffee. In performing this service Genl. Coffee will cause
to be observed the strictest order and circumspection; varying the above order, as in his
discretion may seem proper, so as not to depart wholly from the objective view. The
commanding general will expect to hear from Genl Coffee in the course of the ensuing
night, if practicable that he will form a junction with him by sunrise tomorrow.
By order of the commanding general.9
Many hostile Creek warriors had reportedly assembled in the town of Tallushatchee, just a few miles
southwest of present day Jacksonville. Coffee and 920 soldiers, combined with a company of
6 Doherty, 6; United States Gazette, December 15, 1813, p. 818.
7 Shackford, 24; Pickett, 552-3; Crockett, 87.
8 Shackford, 24.
9 Jackson to Coffee, November 2, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence, I: 340.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 10
Cherokees and Creeks, began to advance on the town. This American Indian company was led by
Cherokee Colonel Dick Brown. They wore white feathers or deer tails on their heads to distinguish
them as “friendly” Indians. Also among the Indian company were three Natchez men, one of whom
was Jim Fife. Fife is most recognized for his efforts during the events leading to the Battle of
Talladega, which will be discussed later.10
When Coffee reached within a half mile of the town, he and his men could hear the inhabitants beating
drums and yelling as they prepared for war. One could only imagine the haunting sounds of the
warriors’ yells accented by the throbbing of drums, and how, in the hour before sunrise, intimidating it
must have been. Jackson was aware of this psychological threat; before leaving Fort Deposit he
announced to his troops, “Great reliance will…be placed by the enemy, in the consternation they shall
be able to spread through our ranks, by the horrid yells with which they commence their battle; but
brave men will laugh at the subterfuge by which they hoped to alarm them.” The town of
Tallushatchee was comprised of approximately 100 families and 420 warriors. On the morning of
November 3, 1813 Coffee and his men surrounded the Creek town and rushed into battle around
daybreak.11
Coffee divided his detachments into two separate columns. His cavalry, under the command of
Colonel John Allcorn assumed the right, and the left was composed of mounted rifleman commanded
by Colonel Newton Cannon. Coffee marched with Cannon’s column. General Coffee ordered the two
columns to encircle the town simultaneously and join the heads of both columns in front of the town.
Coffee ordered Captain E. Hammond and Lieutenant Andrew Patterson’s companies to advance within
the circle formed by the two columns, to draw the Creeks from their homes. Hammond fired a few
shots in order to catch the attention of the Creek warriors. Immediately following his shots, the Creeks
made their charge. David Crockett stated, “…they raised the yell, and came running at him like so
many red devils.” Then Hammond pulled back, leading them directly into Colonel Allcorn’s right
flank. The right flank fired their weapons and then made a charge on the Creeks. And at that point, the
Creeks retreated to their homes, where they would resist the best they could until Coffee’s army
destroyed them.12
Crockett explained, “We began to close on the town by making our files closer and closer, and the
Indians soon saw they were our property.” The town became soaked with blood as Coffee’s men cut
through it like a raging river. Most of the Indians, aware defeat was inevitable, wanted to be taken
prisoner. Indian women fearing for their lives desperately grasped at the soldiers in an effort to give
themselves up; and according to Crockett, the Indians that surrendered in that manner, were in fact,
taken as prisoners. Some warriors, choosing not to surrender ran for safety into a nearby house, where,
as will be pointed out momentarily, proved to be a grave error.13
10 Crockett, 87; Buell, 304; “Indian Wars in Alabama,” Alabama Historical Quarterly 13 (1951): 130; Pickett, 553;
Jackson to Willie Blount, November 4, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence, I: 341.
11 Pickett, 553; Jackson To The Troops, October 24, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence, I: 337-8; “Indian Wars in Alabama,”
Alabama Historical Quarterly 13 (1951): 130.
12 James Parton, The Life of Andrew Jackson (Boston: Fields Osgood and Co., 1981), 436-7.
13 Crockett, 87-8.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 11
An interesting aspect of the Battle of Tallushatchee was that the Creeks chose to use the bow and arrow
as their instrument of warfare. The bow and arrow was a weapon that had long since been abandoned
due to the introduction of firearms by European traders desiring deerskins. The reason for using an
inferior weapon when they had firearms at their disposal was a direct result of Tecumseh’s suggestion
to abandon the adopted aspects of European/American culture and return to traditional customs. And
though Tecumseh influenced the Creek Warriors, they only followed through with his directions to a
certain extent. The Red Sticks fought the battle with a bow and a quiver full of arrows, but waited until
they fired their first shot with a rifle before releasing any of the arrows at their enemy. They continued
firing arrows until they were presented with an opportunity to reload their rifles.14
David Crockett witnessed for the first time in his life a man killed by an arrow. Crockett stated that as
he, along with others, pursued Creek warriors seeking refuge in a house, a “squaw” sitting in the
doorway, “…placed her feet against the bow she had in her hands, and then took an arrow, and, let fly
at us, and she killed a man ….” Afterwards, Crockett along with the other soldiers became so engulfed
with rage they shot twenty musket balls through her body. Crockett explained that during their rage
they began to shoot the Indians like “dogs” and torched the house, burning the forty-six warriors inside.
A young boy who had been shot to the ground near the blazing house, had, as Crockett explained, “…
grease …stewing out of him” due to the immense heat coming from the fire. Crockett noticed that boy
did not allow himself to cry out in anguish and stated, “So sullen is the Indian, when his dander is up,
that he had sooner die than make a noise, or ask for quarters.”15
Lieutenant Richard Keith Call also recounted events of the battle’s aftermath, explaining that he
witnessed slain mothers still grasping their dead children to their chest, bodies consumed by fire, and
dogs eating what remained of their masters. Call concluded by stating, “heart sick I turned from the
revolting scene.”16
James Parton suggests, in The Life of Andrew Jackson, that General Coffee placed importance on the
study of military history. His battle strategy was reminiscent of that used by Hannibal at the Battle of
Cannae more than 2,000 years prior to the brutality at Tallushatchee. Coffee drew his enemy’s attack
to the center of his line, where then he pulled the line back, forming a horseshoe shape or semicircle
around the Red Sticks, and then, at that time, closed in around the Indians, keeping the sides of the
“horseshoe” firm so not to allow the Creeks to break through.17
There were a total of 186 Creeks recorded dead, eighteen of which were women. Coffee’s army
suffered only five dead, two by way of arrow and 41 wounded. The surviving 84 women and children
along with fourteen injured warriors were imprisoned in Huntsville, Alabama. The following day
14 “Indian Wars in Alabama,” Alabama Historical Quarterly 13 (1951): 131; John Reid and Henry Eaton, The Life of
Andrew Jackson, Major General, in the Service of the United States, Comprising a History of the War in the South, from
the Commencement of the Creek Campaign, to the Termination of the Hostilities before New Orleans (Philadelphia: M.
Carey and Son, 1817, reprint, Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1974), 50.
15 Crockett, 88-9.
16 Doherty, 6.
17 Robin Reilly, The British at the Gates (New York: G.P. Putman's Sons, 1974), 112; Harry L. Coles, The War of 1812
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965), 197.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 12
General Jackson reported to Governor Willie Blount, stating, “We have retaliated for the destruction of
Fort Mims” and General Coffee “executed this order in stile.” Jackson also mentioned that, “both
officers and men behaved with the utmost bravery and deliberation.”18
Andrew Jackson’s report to Governor Blount portrayed the event as a great military achievement, when
in fact the battle amounted to little more than a massacre. Though Coffee engaged a well planned and
disciplined military attack on the Creeks at Tallushatchee, the troops well outnumbered the Warriors
and made quick work of the event. Jackson romanticizes the battle in order to elevate it beyond the
slaughter that it was. The accounts of the battle provided by Crockett and Call were contrary to
Jackson’s assessments, they accurately represented the cruel and startling truth of the battle by
providing insight to its horrific nature. The events described by Call and Crockett are as ominous as
those of the Fort Mims Massacre.19
The battle left in its wake a disheartening and repulsive amount of carnage and destruction, but from
this cruel consequence of war came an event that touches the soul. Among the Indians taken prisoner
by General Coffee was a young boy who was attempting to nurse from the body of his dead mother.
The surviving Creek women refused to take care of the child, it was of their belief the child was better
dead than alive being that he no longer had any family. Andrew Jackson showed compassion toward
the boy, stating, “charity and Christianity says he ought to be taken care of….” Jackson named the
boy Lincoier and became his guardian. At the close of the war the General brought the boy to the
Hermitage where he was cared for affectionately by he and his wife Rachel.20
This act of kindness exhibited by Jackson helps to soften the Tennesseans’ reputation. It brings into
question Jackson’s sentiments toward the American Indians. At the time of the Creek War, American
Indians were viewed as savage people, the term savage shows itself time and again through the writings
of the period. Yet, despite the glaring racism against native populations of America during the 19th
century, Jackson adopted an Indian son.
After the dust had settled on the battlefield of Tallushatchee, Coffee’s men returned to Fort Strother to
discover it had not yet been supplied with food. General Coffee’s men had gone for several days on
half rations. Hunger was becoming one of the army’s biggest enemies, so, Crockett and others returned
to Tallushatchee to forage for sustenance. They discovered a potato cellar underneath the house they
burned to the ground the day before. The burning flesh of the Indians had dripped into the cellar and
stewed the potatoes, Crockett explained that he and the other men were all as “hungry as wolves,” and
though they had rather not consume the potatoes, they were compelled by hunger to do so anyway.21
(Editor – Part III of this excellent narrative will be continued in the next Journal.)
18 Reid & Eaton, 50; “Indian Wars in Alabama,” Alabama Historical Quarterly 13 (1951): 130; Jackson to Willie Blount,
November 4, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence, I: 341.
19 Shackford, 18.
20 Glenn Tucker, Platoons and Patriots, Vol. 2 (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1954), 454; Jackson to
Mrs. Jackson, December 19, 1813, Bassett, Correspondence, I: 400-01; Reid & Eaton, 395-6.
21 Crockett, 89-90.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 13
THE MASSACHUSETTS EXPERIENCE
Massachusetts, despite Governor Caleb Strong's opposition to the war, had a powerful influence
on its outcome. Six US infantry regiments were raised there and a full component of privateer
crews constantly plied the coast. William Hull brought the USS Constitution to Boston in 1812.
The District of Maine was invaded by British forces in July 1814.
This is a portrait of Captain Isaac Hull of the USS Constitution. Hull and his ship, just one of
many he commanded, remain part of the Massachusetts story. Visit the Constitution in
Charlestown.
Whether fact or fiction, whatever happen when British raiding party came ashore at Scituate,
Massachusetts, the Bates sisters, daughters of the lighthouse keeper, and their drum remains
part of the lore of the War of 1812 in Massachusetts.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 14
WAR LEADER PROFILE
Isaac Hull, 1773-1843
U.S. Navy Officer
This Connecticut Yankee was about 10 to 12 years
old when he first went to sea and by age 20 was
already a ship's master. The U.S. Navy was looking
for experienced men. In 1798 he accepted a
commission as a Lieutenant and in March of that year
an assignment on the USS Constitution.
His skilled were honed and sharpened during the
Quasi-War with France and in the Barbary conflict
under Edward Preble. In addition to the Constitution,
he served on several other pre-war vessels including
First Lieutenant on the frigate John Adams, master of
the schooner Enterprise and of the brig Argus. He
was a Master Commandant by May 1804 and Captain
by April 1806.
In the years immediately preceding the War of 1812
he commanded both the Chesapeake and the
President. The declaration of war found him in
command of the Constitution and under orders to join
Commodore John Rodgers at New York. Hull sailed
on July 5, 1812, from the Chesapeake Bay where his
ship had just completed an overhaul. Off New Jersey
he encountered his first wartime challenge.
On July 16 five sail appeared and Hull, unable to
verify their nationality but suspecting they were
British, immediately cleared for action. Becalmed,
the Constitution tried to escape from the squadron
which coincidently included the HMS Guerrière.
Hull employed well-known but difficult tactic to keep
his ship out of cannon range of the squadron.
By towing and kedging, Hull kept his ship ahead of
the British throughout the first day. A squall next next
day aided him to put even more distance between the
ships and by the third day the nearest British vessel
was 12 miles away. This was a vastly superior
British force and if required to engage the
Constitution would surely have been brought down.
Seamanship, teamwork and endurance were the keys
to success off New Jersey.
Knowing the British were between him and Rodgers
in New York, Hull diverted to Boston in search of
both orders and supplies. Boston was but a temporary
refuge because Hull knew that he could be blockaded
there as easily as other American ports. In early
August he headed for Canadian waters and off the
Gulf of St. Lawrence took several British ships who
had not heard of the declaration of war. As the
season wore on Hull turned his attention to the
Bermuda area where he could intercept British ships
returning from the West Indies.
About 600 miles due east of Boston, Hull
encountered on August 19, 1812, the British frigate,
HMS Guerrière (Captain James R. Dacres, 38 guns).
Depending upon which biographer you read Hull's
victory was a brilliant hard fought 35-minute fight, a
tribute to American seamanship, or a clumsy 4-hours
slug fest during which the lucky Hull and his lucky
ship, the Constitution, emerged the victor. There is
some evidence that Hull rewrote his report to
demonstrate the brilliance of the victory.
But victory it was, nonetheless, and Hull was the hero
of the moment, possibly the war, and surely of the
generations that followed the continuing exploits of
the gallant ship. There were victory galas all along
the east coast. Congress awarded Hull a gold medal.
Following the victory, Hull was further “awarded”
the command of the Portsmouth Navy Yard in New
Hampshire. Few readers know of the period practice
of paying the Yard Captain a percentage of all
contracts executed at the yard. Hull did very well.
He married Ann McCurdy Hart in 1813. In the
immediate postwar years he was a member of the
Board of Naval Commissioners. He sailed to the
Pacific in the 1820s and to the Mediterranean in the
1830's both times as a Squadron Commander. In
poor health, overweight, and nearly blind he returned
to the United States in 1841. He passed in 1843.
Sources:
Fowler, William M., Jr. Jack Tars and Commodores.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1984.
Maloney, Linda M. The Captain from Connecticut:
The Life and Naval Times of Isaac Hull. Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1986.
Martin, Tyrone G.
A Most Fortunate Ship.
Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1980,
Reprinted Norwalk: Easton Press, 1990.
Richmond, Helen. Isaac Hull: A Forgotten American
Hero. Boston: USS Constitution Museum, 1983.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 15
VISIT 1812
“Old Ironsides” and the USS
Constitution Museum
The USS Constitution is a national treasure.
Nothing one can say in a short article can do
it justice. Launched in 1797, it is manned by
active duty US Navy personnel. It is still an
active commissioned ship on the Navy List.
“Old Ironsides” is berthed in the historic
Charlestown Navy Yard, in Boston,
Massachusetts. Also at the Yard is the USS
Constitution Museum. The mission of the
Museum is to collect, preserve and display
objects related to the sailing frigate USS
Constitution; to teach about her origins, her
role in the early republic, and her continuing
story; and to explore the spirit and ideals of
the emerging nation.
The ship is open for touring and the Museum
complements the tour. Here one can get a
fuller story and the fascinating details of the
Frigate's past. At the Museum the visitor will
find hands-on exhibits allowing one to raise
a sail, climb to the fighting top, or turn the
great wheel. There are innovative computer
games placing you in command of the great
ship, a priceless collection of arts, maritime
treasures and historic naval documents,
and, periodically, costumed actors sharing
the seafaring life.
Look for the Museum across the dock in
Building 22. Formerly a pump-house for the
adjoining dry dock, a wood-working shop, a
pattern-making shop and a sail loft at the
Navy Yard, the building has housed the
Museum since 1976. The Museum has an
excellent gift shop offering a wide selection
of scrimshaw and porcelain, ship models
and memorabilia, books, and the inevitable
T-shirts and post cards.
The Charlestown Navy Yard is managed by
the U.S. Department of the Interior, National
Park Service as a unit within the Boston
National Historic Park (Boston NHP, 15
State Street, Boston, MA 02109). The Yard
also offers tours of the World War II
destroyer, USS Cassin Young, the 1830's
ropewalk, the foundry, a marine railway, the
traditional shipways, and other yard sites.
The Museum is wheelchair accessible.
Hours differ based on the season. It opens
at 9:00 am, but closes at 6:00 pm during the
Summer, 5:00 pm in Spring and Fall, and
4:00 pm in Winter.
It is closed on
Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year's
Day. Admissions are charged. As always, it
is best to call in advance: 617.426.1812.
Parking is available at the site. When
driving North or South on Interstate 93 in
Boston, there are signs leading to
Charlestown Navy Yard and the USS
Constitution. Coming from the West on
Route 90 (Massachusetts Turnpike), go
North on Interstate 93 to pick up the signs to
Charlestown Navy Yard.
There is also ample public transportation.
MBTA Water Shuttle runs daily in good
weather; call 617.227.4320 for details. The
museum is a 10-minute walk from the MBTA
Subway's North Station on the Green or
Orange Line. From Causeway Street turn
left over the Charlestown Bridge and follow
the Freedom Trail to the Museum. The Yard
is also served by Bus Route 93 within the
MBTA. Calling for the latest MBTA
schedules is advisable (617.722.3200).
Visitor Advisory: The Yard is preserved as
an industrial area. There are on the site
many uneven surfaces, railroad tracks,
moving cranes and other industrial activities.
Visitors, especially children and the elderly,
should avoid the edges of piers and dry
docks.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 16
The Patriot War
Part Two: Army, Navy, Marines, ... and Dismissal
By Colin Murphy
(Editor: In Part One, Mr. Murphy provided the international strategic setting of this conflict and
explained the American national interests and concerns. Part Two introduces the principal characters
on the ground and follows their activities and interactions with both US national and Spanish
authorities. There is a “war” in here, too.)
The tumult of veiled and open expansionist rhetoric focused on East Florida caught the ear of a likeminded, 72 year old Georgian. George Mathews, a Revolutionary War veteran, and by 1810, former
general of the Georgia militia, former governor of Georgia and former Congressman who had hopes of
extending his public career and cementing his legacy as a national idol. Mathews, too, saw how
seemingly easy it was for the “Revolutionists” in West Florida to take control and how quickly the
United States accepted the territory as a protectorate. He began to develop a similar scenario for East
Florida and sought out those he thought would also be interested. For most of 1810 Mathews traveled
along the border of the Floridas and Georgia, on both the Spanish and American sides, to see what type
of feeling he got from the inhabitants.1
The United States was already at work on a scheme that was similar to the West Florida action and to
what George Mathews was surmising. Which was to simply find a way to have the territory handed
over to the American government. The American agent to the Choctaw Nation, Colonel John McKee
had been in contact with Vincent Folch, the nearly treasonous Spanish governor of Pensacola. McKee
visited Washington to apprise the President of his dealings with Folch. McKee told Madison that Folch
had made numerous overtures to the United States for such a handover, even writing his superior in
Havana informing him that it would be best if Spain just ceded the Floridas to America.2
Mathews had similar information but he optimistically included in his statement a near guarantee that he
could rest East Florida from Spain and through his many political connections arranged a meeting with
Madison. Madison was more than happy to meet the old soldier and in January 1811 the two met in the
executive mansion in Washington. Madison and his cabinet were thrilled. They made Mathews the
United States’ commissioner to the Floridas and enthusiastically presented Mathews’ plan to Congress,
which, in a secret session, passed a resolution in support of the President’s view and on January 15,
1811, Madison signed it.
The resolution stated that, “considering the influence which the destiny of the territory adjoining the
southern border of the United States may have upon their security, tranquility, and commerce, . . . the
United States . . . cannot, without serious inquietude, see any part of the said territory pass into the
hands of a foreign Power.” To assure this the president was authorized to take “all or any part” of East
Florida through agreement with the local authorities, or, if it was believed that a seizure by a “foreign
Power” of the territory was immanent, the president could use the armed forces to occupy the territory
in a preemptive strike. However, if preemptive military occupation were the case, the occupied real
estate would still be “subject to negotiations.”3 If the territory was peaceably handed over with a
stipulation that, once the perceived crises had passed there could be a “re-delivery of the country at a
future period . . . to the lawful sovereign.”4
1
2
3
4
James G. Cusick, The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida
(Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2003), 27.
Ibid., 27-28.
Julius W. Pratt, Expansionists of 1812 (Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1957), 74
James Monroe, “The Secretary of State to General George Mathews and Colonel John McKee.” 26 January
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 17
On January 26, 1811 Secretary of State James Monroe officially informed General Mathews and
Colonel McKee that they had been appointed “commissioners for carrying into effect certain provisions
of an act of Congress relative to the portion of the Floridas situated to the east of the river Perdido.”
Their mission was to begin immediately but it was to be accomplished “with that discretion which the
delicacy and importance of the undertaking requires.”5 The mission was to be done as quietly as
possible and in a way that would not implicate the president or the government of the United States and
also with the hope that all could be accomplished without, or at least before, it being recognized by
Great Britain.
Monroe’s letter also sets forth instructions to the commissioners concerning certain particulars towards
Spanish authorities, people and property in order to try to maintain an air of benevolence in order to be
able to grasp once the deed was done. Spanish officials were to be allowed to remain in their particular
office, reasonable government debts to the people would be assumed by the United States and all lawful
land titles would be honored. Spanish soldiers could enter into the United States Army if they wished,
but if not, their transportation to another Spanish territory would be provided for while all military stores
that fell into the possession of the United States were to remain the property of Spain. Monroe also
made it an important point for the commissioners to make it known to the residents, especially the
Spanish Catholic population, “the universal toleration which the laws of the United States assure every
religious persuasion” to “[quiet] the minds of uninformed individuals, who may entertain fears on that
head.”6
Mathews and McKee headed south and planted their operations in the town of St. Mary’s, Georgia
which was “a lusty frontier town where smugglers and raiders, pimps and prostitutes, robbers and
adventurers, soldiers and seamen, though disliked, associated with and were catered to by more
respectable elements of the town.”7 It was also a station for American gunboats and near by, on a
muddy spit of land, was the modest U.S. Army post at Point Petre (Peter today) that had about one
hundred and fifty men of a tattered infantry regiment. The government made further preparations. The
Navy Department ordered Captain Hugh Campbell to send five additional gunboats to the St. Mary’s
station from Charleston and in May of 1811 a company of sixty United States Marines arrived from
Washington and encamped on the southern tip of Cumberland Island which is at the mouth of the St.
Mary’s River just about a half of a mile from Amelia Island. All this activity did not go unnoticed and
“the Spaniards were doubtless alarmed at the first appearance of the troops” wrote Marine Corps
Commandant Lt. Colonel Franklin Wharton, “but I supposed are now reconciled.” 8 The wonder is to
what did he think they felt reconciled to. Perhaps, because the government troops had not attacked
Spanish territory yet the Spanish were reconciled to the idea that they were there for defensive, even
peaceful purposes? Or were the Spaniards reconciled to a fate of eventual invasion and defeat by a
neighbor that building up a force that would quickly overpower the forces they could call upon.
Diplomatically Mathews and McKee kept up a constant stream of letters to Folch in an attempt to have
him hand over the Floridas. Three times Mathews’ personal assistant, Colonel Ralph Isaacs met with
Folch pushing insisting that the United States would accept to protect East and West Florida until the
rightful sovereign requested their return. Folch insisted that he had tried to convince his superiors but
they, being buoyed by news of success from Spain against the French, ordered Folch to hold them at all
5
6
7
8
1811, American State Papers, Foreign Affairs, 3:571.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Rembrant W. Patrick, Florida Fiasco: Rampant Rebels on the Georgia-Florida border, 1810-1815 (Athens,
GA: University of Georgia Press, 1954), 44.
Lt. Colonel, Commandant Franklin Wharton, USMC, to Captain John Williams, USMC, June 26, 1811,
National Archives and Record Administration, Record Group 127, Letters Sent By the Office of the
Commandant of the Marine Corps, Washington, D.C.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 18
cost.9 Mathews’ and Madison’s hopes for a quiet and gentle hand over of Florida faded.
This did not deter Mathews. He believed that the occupation of East Florida was essential to the
interests of the United States and for the safety of the people of his state of Georgia. To accomplish this
he would have to create a revolution from within East Florida similar to the successful one in West
Florida. To accomplish this he would need to find a suitable person to assume authority and a body of
men to take a significant risk as soldiers of this revolution, or as they became known as “Patriots.”
Mathews openly proselytized on the northern and southern side of the border but he attracted few
followers. Weak Spanish authority had allowed many to grow wealthy and few though the risks worth
taking. What Mathews needed was “a well-placed resident of Spanish-Florida.” He found John
Houston McIntosh, a well-known Georgian who had purchased land in Florida in 1803 and was,
technically a Spanish subject. Together they devised a simple plan. They would incite a revolution,
place McIntosh as the new, legitimate local authority and Mathews would just so happen to be nearby as
an agent of the United States to accept transfer of the territory. 10 Just the way Madison and Congress had
approved. Somewhat.
Now that he had a leader he needed Patriots. Still, even with a legitimate, Spanish subject landowner
Mathews was amazed how few of the Spanish citizens saw the need or had the desire to commit what
some may think is treason. So Mathews looked north. In Georgia there were plenty of men with the
need of their country and state in their hearts and it would only take a little prodding, or bribery, with
promises of fifty acres of land or more, depending on current social status, and the possibility of
employment within the new government to start to draw men to the cause.
Besides the rising number of Patriots he could count on, Mathews could look to the U.S. armed forces to
aide him in his efforts. After all Monroe assured him that, if in the execution of the instructions given
him, based on the resolution of Congress, the forces would be “afforded [him] upon [his] application to
the commanding officer of the troops of the United States on that station” and if he needed naval
assistance he would “receive the same upon [his] application to the naval commander.”11
Commanding the troops at the station at Pt. Petre was Lt. Colonel Thomas Adam Smith. Smith had
been ordered to Pt. Petre in January of 1811 for the express purposes of placing himself at the complete
disposal of McKee and Mathews to guard territory handed over to the two men by local authorities. 12
Smith accepted the situation for what it was and considered himself ordered to cooperate with Mathews
even if it was not exactly how the resolution and his orders had stated. Commanding the growing Naval
and Marine force in the area was Captain Hugh Campbell. He had been previously in command of the
Charleston station but was ordered to take command near St. Mary’s in November of 1811. Though,
over the previous eleven months, Campbell had been ordered to transfer gunboats, ammunition and
other stores to the area, he had received no explicit orders on how to act in conjunction with Mathews as
the plot unfolded.
Over the next five months Mathew, McKee and McIntosh worked to solidify their support but as the
time of action drew near a complication arose. Lt. Col. Smith had to leave Pt. Petre and his subordinate;
Major Jacint Laval was placed in command. Mathews and Laval knew each other well. The two shared
a small dwelling in St. Mary’s which gave Laval had been witness, often unwillingly, to the inner
workings of the developing conspiracy. Laval did not hold the plan in high regards and had a different
view of what the orders of the government were. When Mathews approached Laval for the use of his
9
10
11
12
Patrick, 33.
Charlton W. Tebeau, H History of Florida (Coral Gables, FL: University of Miami Press, 1971), 106.
James Monroe, “The Secretary of State to General George Mathews and Colonel John McKee,” 26 January
1811, American State papers: Foreign Affairs, 3: 571.
Cusick, 34.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 19
men, Laval denied the request. The Major saw nothing in his orders, or the letters from the government
to Mathews that allowed Mathews to use American force to invade another country’s territory and he
was right. They could be used to protect land handed over to the United States, not take it. A growing
dislike and distrust began to grow between Mathews and Laval. Mathews stewed in his anger while
Laval held his ground as long as he could. In early March, 1812 as Mathews and the Patriots were
getting prepared to launch their campaign Mathews finally badgered Laval into submission in a public
scolding on the streets of St. Mary’s. Laval consented to let Mathews have fifty of his men. However,
Laval soon rescinded his pledge of support once he learned that the plan called for his men to act as
volunteers in civilian clothes and not as U. S. Army soldiers. Mathews was furious. He sent a scathing
letter to Secretary Monroe claiming misconduct, mismanagement and even a suggestion that Laval,
because of his French birth, may have different designs for the Floridas, even though Laval was “man of
’76” like Mathews. Mathews felt that “had it not been for Laval, East Florida would already be
independent of Spain.”13
Mathews hope for naval support was in better shape, but not at all to the extent he hoped. Captain
Campbell was still unsure of his position in all this. He too had received instructions to protect
American interests but wondered if those interests extended to the conquest of foreign soil. He informed
Mathews that he would participate to the extent his orders allowed. What those orders were, he did not
really know. On February 29 he wrote to Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton seeking clarification.
Campbell wrote that he would do what he believed was for the public good but he “should feel much
more Gratified in Being Honored with Instruction.”14
By the second week of March, a “large collection of Georgians and Floridians, with all the woodchoppers and boatmen in the neighborhood of St. Mary’s, met . . . and organized a provisional
government, and chose John Houston McIntosh Esq., Director” who appointed Colonel Lodowick
Ashley in charge of the Patriot Army.15 Their plan was to cross the border, raise the standard of the
Patriots, proclaim independence and gather support to move on St. Augustine. St Augustine had a
significant population that could provide a sizable militia, close to three hundred Spanish soldiers and
was protected by the famous Spanish fort Castillo de San Marcos which had stood against enemies since
the founding of the city. Now, with the lack of support from the Laval’s regulars from Point Peter the
Patriots had to determine a new course of action. One that would have a more modest goal.
On March 12 the Patriot army, numbering somewhere near one hundred and forty men crossed the St.
Mary’s River and occupied Rose’s Bluff which happened to be the plantation of William Ashley,
brother of the Patriot military commander. From here the Patriots decided the best course of action, due
to the lack of military support was to secure the town of Fernandina on Amelia Island. Amelia Island
was protected by ten Spanish soldiers and some old canon that that had to be dug out of shifting
sandbanks. The Spanish commander of Fernandina, Lt. Justo Lopez called a council of war and asked
the residents what should be done. They decided to oppose any attempt to take the town. They
immediately began to prepare their town by build breastworks and mounting the old cannon. Then they
waited.
On March 17 the Patriots boarded several boats and began to move on the river towards Fernandina. In
the harbor, Captain Campbell had brought his five gunboats into line as a show of force that was done in
a way he would describe as “a quite friendly manner.” He had decided that his participation was only to
13
14
15
Cusick, 91-92.
Captain Hugh Campbell to Secretary of the Navy Hamilton, February 29, 1812, Christopher Dudley, ed.,
Naval War of 1812: A Documentary History, Volume I (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1986), I: 87.
John Lee Williams, The Territory of Florida: or Sketches of the Topography, Civil and Natural History of the
Country, the Climate, and the Indian Tribes, from the First Discovery to the Present Time (Gainesville, FL:
University of Florida Press, A Facsimile Reproduction of the 1837 Edition, 1962), 193.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 20
ensure any vessels in the harbor, which there were many, would not be used against the Patriots and that
his men had “orders not to fire a shot Unless first fired upon” for the “Effect of preventing Blood.”16
Seeing the boats full of men and American Navy gunboats off their shore swiftly changed the minds of
the citizens and commander of Fernandina. When Colonel Ashley landed Lopez accepted him and
offered the town up for surrender. The terms of surrender were established in a manner to least offend
as many concerned parties as possible as the Patriots hoped to gain support from the populace while
somehow trying not to enrage the Spanish or their British ally.
To placate the resident the articles of capitulation called for the respect of private property, a
continuance of the lumber cutting economy of the region by those who had claims at the time and all
valid land claims would be respected. Those who wished to stay could without repercussion and those
who left had until May of 1813 to sell their property at market value even if the United States entered
into a war with Spain. To keep the British happy the trade in and out of Fernandina would remain free
of U.S. duties for thirteen months and all vessels were ensured safe passage. To look benevolent to the
local Spanish authorities the Spanish soldiers would be allowed to march out of town with all military
honors so long as they did not take part in any actions against the Patriots as long as the current conflict
persisted.17
Also within the document of surrender were the stated intentions of the Patriots to cede the captured
territory to the United States after twenty-four hours of occupation. It was just as Mathews dreamed, a
successful revolution of Floridians willing to hand over the territory to the nearest agent of the United
States. The following day Mathews would go to Fernandina and accepted the territory as American soil.
More good news for Mathews arrived on the 17th in the form of the return of Lt. Col. Smith’s return
from his furlough to Pt. Petre. He immediately resumed command of the U.S. troops there and, as stated
in a letter to the Secretary of War, “in obedience to my instructions of the 26th of Jan’y. 1811, I have
sent a detachment of fifty men to receive and defend in the name of the United States the town of St.
Fernandina and the island of Amelia.”18 Also arriving at Fernandina was the sixty-man detachment of
U.S. Marines under Captain John Williams.
On the 18th the Patriot soldiers, the U.S. Army troops and the Marines formed in parade in Fernandina’s
town square for the formal handing over of the town to Mathews. The Patriot flag, a white banner with
a silhouetted charging soldier with a Latin phrase, that has been stated in many ways the most accepted
on being vox populi, lex suprema, was lowered and the American flag was hoisted. The excited
Mathews proclaimed to all gathered, “I go to St. Augustine, and from there our victorious men move on
Mobile and Pensacola. But we won’t stop. On to Venezuela! We’ll rout the autocratic Spaniards and
plant the flag of freedom over all of South America.”19 But about the same time Mathews was basking
in his glory Secretary of State Monroe was at work rescinding Mathews’ instructions. News of
Mathews’ scheme had reached Washington and the administration saw it as a breach of his powers.
Also, war with England was certainly approaching and war with Spain, though weak, had to be avoided.
Monroe’s letter would remove Mathews as the American agent to Florida and place Georgia’s Governor
David Mitchell in charge of Florida affairs.
Between the 18th of March and the 4th of April the Patriots remained in Fernandina with the hopes of
more men joining them. Some did come but not as many as the Patriots had hoped but by the 4 th they
had to continue their revolution, with or without mass support. The Patriot army moved south with
16
17
18
19
Campbell to Hamilton, March 21, 1812, Dudley, I: 88.
Williams, 194-195.
Pratt, 100-101.
Patrick, 106-107.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 21
Mathews at their heels for the instances for when they came across event the slightest resemblance of a
settlement they could formally cede the “conquered” territory to the United States. Right behind
Mathews were the various detachments of Soldiers to protect the new territory. The Marines remained
in Fernandina and Captain Williams became the military governor of the town.
By the 12th they had reached the free African American settlement of Fort Mose (Moo-Say), also known
as Mossa Old Fort, which was only two miles from the walls of St. Augustine. The Patriots were close
in proximity but far away in hopes of taking the city and its looming stone fortress. A stalemate ensued
in the proximity of St. Augustine. The Patriots could not take the town and the Spanish garrison inside
was to weak to sortie out and engage the Patriots. On the morning of the13 th the Spanish made their first
open act of resistance to the invasion. A Spanish gunboat anchored within range of Ft. Mose and
opened fire. Inside the fort were Patriots and Lt. Col. Smith with his soldiers. He had the American
flag hoisted and the firing stopped. The Spanish were willing to fire upon the Patriots but in an attempt
to avoid all out war they would not fire on American forces. Here the invaders waited, unsure of their
next move. Lt. Col. Smith wrote to the U.S Adjutant and Inspector, on April 26, requesting four pieces
of large artillery in order to have any hope for the taking of St. Augustine and even then it may be
questionable as he had only one hundred and nine men and the Patriots only had ninety three.20
Hoping to find some way of breaking the stalemate the Spanish Governor Juan Jose de Estrada sent
emissaries to the Seminoles asking their chief, Chief Payne and his brother Bowlegs for assistance.
Cautious about entering into a white mans war the brothers bided their time. They knew of the
American lust for land and the implications that may have but they also made their living selling
livestock and other agricultural goods to the Americans. Eventually they approached the Patriots to see
what their revolution may have to offer to the Seminole people and offered their assistance. Shockingly,
they were rudely and condescendingly told by Mathews to, essentially, go home and mind their
business! This offended the proud leaders and Seminole people and, to the undoubted happiness of their
escaped slave members and friends, decided they would work against the Patriots.
In late April, while Mathews was absent from Fort Mose, a shocking letter arrived. Mathews would be
dismissed and replaced by Governor Mitchell and the U.S. government repudiated all the Patriots
activities. McIntosh was puzzled. He wondered how the government could abandon the Patriots after
being such an integral part of their formation but resolved to maintain the revolution. Lt. Col. Smith
was also dismayed as he and his puny force was now 100 miles inside of foreign territory without hopes
of reinforcements. Captain Campbell was elated when he heard the news. He declared himself to be
“the happiest of mortals.”21 The Spanish were elated and the anti-administration press had a field day
with the news of the invasion, cession and now abandonment of the government’s aggressive policy. By
July 1, an official investigation began in Congress concerning the Administrations role in Florida
However, the replacing of Mathews, who upon learning of his dismissal head north to Washington to
plead his case, with Governor Mitchell was a lateral step by Monroe. He replaced one committed
expansionist with another. Officially Mitchell was to hold what was already in American hands and to
only move further against the Spanish if the British attempted to occupy Florida. This would
conveniently make it all now seem like a defensive action of the State of Georgia and not the United
States.
On May 4 Mitchell wrote to Lt. Col. Smith informing him that he was now under his command and he
should remain where he was until further orders or in the case he had to retire due to attack. With
Mitchell also came a sizable number of militia from Georgia that added to McIntosh’s growing number
20
21
Lt. Colonel Smith to U.S. Adjutant and Inspector, April 26, 1812, T. Frederick Davis, “United States Troops in
Spanish East Florida, 1812-1813,” Fort Mose. com, fortmose.com/pw_part1,html (accessed March 3, 2007).
Cusick, 106.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 22
of Patriots. McIntosh’s army was growing larger due to the outlandish promise of land tracts up to
3,000 acres and a tacit acceptance of plundering of private property. This would lose any moral high
ground claimed upon the principle of freedom and liberation of Florida and lead most of the Patriot
Forces to disintegrate into bands of pillagers attacking without discrimination.
(Editor – The conclusion of Mr. Murphy's Narrative will appear in the next issue of the Journal.)
PLAN NOW TO ATTEND
Twelfth National War of 1812 Symposium
Star-Spangled Banner Flag House, Baltimore, MD
Saturday, October 11, 2008
Talks on the War of 1812 careers of presidents William Henry Harrison and
Zachary Taylor; the Battle of North Point, a secret U.S. Navy mission to Nova
Scotia to recover slaves taken by the British, the privateer General Armstrong,
role of ethnic groups in the Battle of Baltimore and a panel on the upcoming
Bicentennial of the War of 1812 will be among the highlights of the Twelfth
National War of 1812 Symposium to be held at the Star-Spangled Banner
Museum at the Flag House in Baltimore, Saturday, October 11, 2008 from 9:00
AM to 4:30 PM.
The Star-Spangled Banner Flag House is located at Pratt and Albemarle Streets,
next to Little Italy near Baltimore’s Inner Harbor. Attendees will be able to tour
the 1793 home of flagmaker Mary Pickersgill, maker of the Star-Spangled Banner
that flew over Fort McHenry, Baltimore, during the British bombardment,
September 13–14, 1814. The day will include a catered lunch, with the traditional
informative lunchtime roundtables led by the day’s speakers. Note: In writing for
tickets, please let us know of any special dietary needs, if applicable.
Price is $37.50 per person with checks made out to the War of 1812 Consortium,
Inc., and sent to Charles P. Ives III, 802 Kingston Road, Baltimore, MD 21212.
Note: In order to attend payment is due by October 4, 2008.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 23
THE DOCUMENTS
William King's Dissent of Dissent
and the Defense of Patriotism
Editor's Note: Massachusetts opposed the War
and wedded themselves to the Federalists.
William King (1768-1852), a Republican from the
District of Maine, always chose a different
course. After a year of war the General Court
was not happy with King's activities in support of
the Madison Administration. In this document
he is answering his critics and laying out the
case for patriotism in the early republic.
Bath, June 21, 1813
Sir,
Your letter as chairman of the joint Committee of
the Legislature of Massachusetts I received this
day. In your enquiry whether I hold any Military
Commission under the President of the U.S., I
answer that I have not the honour of holding any
such Commission; I am not insensible however
at a crisis like the present, to hold a Commission
under an office so determined to protect the right
and uphold the character of our Country, must
be flattering to any American.
You also desire to be informed if I have accepted
any agency or concern under the U. States in
relation to the distribution of arms or enlisting or
organizing any Soldiers for the service of the U.
States, or for Commissioning officers for the
Service? To which I reply that I have not had
any agency or concern in relation to the
distribution of Arms. - With respect to the arms
that have been distributed in this District, - The
Volunteers that tendered their services to the
President, for the defense of the Country, and
have been accepted and organized, have been
furnished with arms on application to the proper
officers of the Gen'l Government. As it respects organizing soldiers for service of
the U. States, I have much pleasure in stating
that soon after the commencement of the
present war, when the services of the detached
militia of this State was withheld from the
General Government, I aided the war
department in organizing such a Volunteer
military force, as was considered necessary for
the defense of this District, the commissions to
the officers was passed through my hands for
that purpose; this I did without any promise of
Compensation on their part, or any expectation
or desire on mine to accept of any. As the Legislature will no doubt be advised of
the result of your enquiry, and as I presume you
will be much gratified in availing yourself of the
present opportunity of doing Justice to the
Patriotism of the people in this District, it is with
real satisfaction that I state to you for their
information that was considered necessary for
the defense of this District, the services of such
a number of other Companies were tendered to
the President, and not accepted as would have
completed three Regts more had they been
wanted.
Believing that a War in defence of the personal
liberty of our Seamen, a class of our fellow
citizens that have so recently, and so repeatedly
proved to their Country that they so well deserve
it – to be just and necessary, I have in
conclusion Gentlemen only to request you to be
assured, that as a Citizen of the U. States I have
duties to perform, as well as those of a Citizen of
this state, and while I shall endeavour not to
neglect the latter, the former will most
unquestionably be attended to. I am Gentlemen Respectfully
Your Ob. Servant - Wm. King
[To:] Hon. Saml. Putnam,
Chairman of a Joint
Legislature
Committee
of
the
Sources
Smith, Marion Jaques. General William King:
Merchant, Shipbuilder, and Maine's First
Governor. Camden, ME: Down East Books,
1980.
This letter is from the collection of King Papers
owned by Jane Stevens of Bath, Maine, who
gave Smith permission to reproduce it in 1980.
p. 173.
Henry, Merton G. “William King.” M.A. Thesis,
Bowdoin College, 1950.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 24
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Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 25
WAR OF 1812 CHRONOLOGY
August through October
Our second installment. This is the prime
fighting season and could easily include more.
We exclude the pre-war events this time - Editor.
Events in 1812:
Aug 05: Skirmish at Brownstown
Aug 08: Brock departs for Detroit area
Aug 08: Skirmish at Maguaga (below Detroit)
Aug 13: USS Essex captures Br sloop Alert
Aug 15: Fort Dearborn (Chicago) Massacre
Aug 16: Hull surrenders to Brock at Detroit
Aug 19: Am Frigate Constitution defeats the Br
Frigate Guerriere
Sep 03: Pigeon Roost (Indiana) Massacre
Sep 06: Tecumseh attacks at Fort Wayne
Sep 08: US abandons Fort Madison (Iowa)
Sep 10: Am capture British Brigs Detroit and
Caledonia
Sep 13: Russia offers mediation between US and
GB
Sep 21: Forsyth's raid on Gananoque, UC
Oct 04: Action near Ogdensburg, New York
Oct 07: Winchester arrives near Fort Defiance
Oct 13: Battle of Queenston Heights, UC
Oct 18: USS Wasp defeats the Br Sloop Frolic, is
then captured by Br Frigate Poictiers
Oct 25: USS United States defeats Br Frigate
Macedonian
Events in 1813:
Aug 02: Proctor's assaults Fort Stephenson, Ohio
Aug 07: Schooners Hamilton and Scourge
founder on Lake Ontario
Aug 10: Naval engagement between Chauncey
and Yeo, USS Julia and USS Pert captured
Aug 14: Br Brig Pelican defeats Am Brig Argus
Aug 30: Fort Mims, Mississippi Territory,
Massacre
Sep 05: Am Schooner Enterprise defeats Br Brig
Boxer
Sep 10: Battle of Lake Erie
Sep 27: Harrison lands in Canada
Sep 28: “Burlington Races”
Sep 30: Americans reoccupy Detroit
Oct 01: Skirmish near Chateaugay, LC
Oct 04: Skirmish near Chatham, UC
Oct 05: Battle of Thamesville, UC (Br defeat)
Oct 26: US defeat at Battle of Chateauguay, LC
Events in 1814:
Aug 02: Br. siege at US-held Fort Erie begins
Aug 03: Action at Conjocta Creek (Near Black
Rock, New York)
Aug 04: US repulsed at Mackinaw Island
Aug 08: US and GB peace commissioners meet
at Ghent, Belgium
Aug 09: Treaty at Fort Jackson ends Creek War
Aug 10: Br. raid on Stonington, Connecticut
Aug 14: Br schooner Nancy destroyed
Aug 15: Drummond's failed night assault on Fort
Erie
Aug 19: British land st Benedict, Maryland
Aug 24: Am defeated at Battle of Bladensburg;
British enter Washington, D.C.
Aug 27: Fort Washington, Maryland, blown up
by retreating US garrison
Aug 28: British capture Alexandria, Virginia
Sep 01: Am sloop Wasp defeats Br sloop Avon
Sep 01: British occupy Castine, Maine
Sep 03: Br. capture USS Tigress and Scorpion
Sep 04: Armstrong resigns as Secretary of War;
Monroe appointed as acting Secretary of War
Sep 04: Commencement of Plattsburg Campaign
Sep 05: Skirmish at Rock Island Rapids, Illinois
Sep 06: Skirmish at Beekmantown, New York
Sep 11: Battle on Lake Champlain, NY
Sep 12: Battle of North Point, Maryland
Sep 13: Bombardment of Fort McHenry, MD
Sep 14: First assault on Fort Bowyer, Alabama,
repulsed
Oct 19: Battle of Cook's Mill (Lyon's Creek)
Oct 26: MacArthur's Raid through the Thames
Valley begins, continues until Nov 17
Events in 1815:
Oct 28: USS Peacock arrives in NY from Pacific
cruise
Post War Events:
1818: Oct 20: US and GB enter Convention on
occupation and use of Oregon area.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 26
PUBLISHER'S PROFILE
The University Press of Kansas
on warfare from the mid-eighteenth century
to the present.”
The following is published in the Journal
courtesy of the University Press of Kansas:
The Press currently has three War of 1812related books in print:
“The University Press of Kansas publishes
scholarly books that advance knowledge
and regional books that contribute to the
understanding of Kansas, the Great Plains,
and the Midwest.
Founded in 1946,
reorganized in 1967, and again in 1976, it
represents the six state universities:
Emporia State University, Fort Hays State
University,
Kansas
State
University,
Pittsburg State University, the University of
Kansas, and Wichita State University.
Niagara 1814: America Invades Canada.
Richard V. Barbuto.
“Barbuto
meticulously
details
tactical
operations, bloody battles at Chippewa and
Lundy's Lane, and siege operations at Fort
Erie, placing the campaigns in the wider
context of the war, and not hesitating to
criticize the commanders on both sides.” -Publishers Weekly.
432 pages, illustrated $39.95 cloth.
“Established as a consortium by the Board
of Regents, the Press is governed by a
Board of Trustees, who are the chief
academic officers of the six universities and
who appoint faculty members from each
institution to serve on the advisory Editorial
Committee. The Press is located on the
west campus of the University of Kansas.
“Profiled by The Chronicle of Higher
Education as 'a distinctive model of success
in turbulent times,' the Press focuses
generally on history, political science, and
philosophy. More specifically, it concentrates
on presidential studies, military studies,
American history (especially political,
cultural, intellectual, and western), US
government and public policy, legal studies,
and social and political philosophy.
“The current Modern War Studies series
provides a forum for the best of the new
military history. The scope of this series is
global, comparative, and comprehensive. It
embraces topics as diverse as operations,
biography, strategy and politics; civil-military
relations; institutional, organizational, and
social history; and the impact of technology
Winfield Scott: The Quest for Military
Glory. Timothy D. Johnson.
“Well-written and meticulously researched.
This is a masterful biography that will appeal
to laymen and scholars alike.” -- Journal of
Military History.
“The definitive study. Johnson's distinguished work gives a long-deserved but
neglected credit to 'Old Fuss and Feathers.'”
-- Kirkus Reviews.
328 pages, illustrated $35.00 cloth.
America's First Battles, 1776-1965.
Charles E. Heller and William A. Stofft.
“An important contribution both to the
literature of war and to the analysis and
making of defense policy.” -- Washington
Post Book World.
“Must reading for the serious students of
history whether military or civilian.” -- Military
Review.
Editor's Note: This work contains a fine
analysis of the Battle of Queenston Heights,
the “First Battle” of the War of 1812.
432 pages, $16.95 paper.
Contact the University Press of Kansas at
2502 Westbrooke Circle, Lawrence, KS
66045-4444 (Tel: 785-864-4155 or at
www.kansaspress.ku.edu).
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No.2, Page 27
War of 1812 Events Calendar
EVENT SPONSORS:
The Journal of the War of 1812 will list your
event free of charge. For a listing contact the
Editor at: the1812archive@gmail.com
July 18-20:
Historic Battle of Prairie du Chien, Prairie du
Chien, Wisconsin. For more information: John
Fenner, jwfenner@hotmail.com (920-499-1215)
or Michael Douglas, mpdouglas@whs.wic.edu.
July 25-27:
Wasaga under Siege: A War of 1812 Experience.
Nancy Island Historic Site, Wasaga Beach,
Ontario.
For
more
information
visit:
www.wasagaundersiege1812.com.
July 25-27:
Drums Along the Maumee,
Fort Meigs,
Perrysburg, Ohio. For more information contact
Fort Meigs State Memorial, PO Box 3, 29100 W.
River Road, Perrysburg, Ohio 43522,
www.fortmeigs.org. 800-283-8916.
July 26-27:
The Battle of Fort William, Thunder Bay,
Ontario, Canada. Includes a War of 1812 event.
For information contact Krista Power, Events
Coordinator, Fort William Historical Park, 1350
King Road, Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada P7K
1L7, krista.power@ontario.ca. 807-473-2357.
August 9:
13th Annual Battle of Bladensburg Encampment,
Riversdale House Museum, Riverdale Park, MD.
Contact Ann Wass, riverdale@pgparks.com.
August 9-10:
Siege of Fort Erie. Re-enactment of one of the
War's bloodiest battles. Old Fort Erie, Ontario
Canada.
Contact
www.oldforterie.com.
905-871-0540.
September 6:
A Day of Remembrance: 100th Anniversary of
the Fort Meigs Monument, Fort Meigs,
Perrysburg, Ohio. See contact information above.
September 12-14:
Defender's Day and Star Spangled Banner
Weekend, Fort McHenry, Maryland. For more
information contact Fort McHenry National
Monument and Historic Shrine, 2400 East Fort
Avenue,
Baltimore,
Maryland
21230;
410-962-4290.
September 20-21:
War of 1812 North American Grand Tactical,
Jefferson Patterson Park and Museum, St.
Leonard, Maryland. Contact: Jefferson Patterson
Park and Museum, 10515 Mackall Road, St.
Leonard, Maryland 20685. www.jefpat.org.
410-586-8557.
October 10-12:
Mississinewa 1812, Mississinewa Battlefield,
Marion, IN. Contact: Mississinewa 1812, PO
Box 1812, Marion, OH 46952, 800-822-1812 or
war1812@aol.com.
October 11:
Twelfth National War of 1812 Symposium, StarSpangled Banner Flag House, Baltimore, MD.
Registration fee. Contact: Charles P. Ives, III,
802 Kingston Road, Baltimore, MD 21212, or
see announcement in this issue of the Journal.
October 17-18 & 24-25:
Garrison Ghost Walk, Fort Meigs, Perrysburg,
Ohio. See contact information above.
November 1-2:
Muster on the Wabash, Vincennes, Indiana. For
more information contact David Weaver, PO
Box
81,
Vincennes,
IN
47591.
vincenneshs@dnr.in.gov. 812-882-7422.
December 14:
Holiday Open House, Fort Meigs, Perrysburg,
Ohio. See contact information above.
Journal of the War of 1812, Volume 11, No. 2, Page 28
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