Conference on Modern Indonesian History

CONFERENCE ON
MODERN INDONESIAN HISTORY
July 18 -19, 1975
Center for Southeast Asian Studies
University of Wisconsin - Madison
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CONFERENCE ON
MODERN INDONESIAN HISTORY
July 18 -19, 1975
Center for Southeast Asian Studies
^ S i n Ä i ^ , University of Wisconsin - Madison
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Financial Contributors to
The Conference on Modern Indonesian History
The organizing committee of the Conference on
Indonesian Studies would like to thank the
Southeast Asia Regional Council of the Association
for Asian Studies and individual donors for
helping to make this conference possible.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Indonesian Studies Committee
William Liddle, Ohio S t a t e , Chairman
A c a d e m i c Coordinators
William Frederick, Ohio
John S m a i l , Wisconsin
Wisconsin Organizing Committee
Bana Kartasasmita
Toenggoel Siagian
Jean Taylor
Administrative Assis tan
ce
Janet Franke, MUCIA/lndonesia Project
John M c G l y n n , Center for Southeast A s i a n Studies
Rhonda Quirmbach, Center for Southeast A s i a n Stud
Cover Design
Deborah Harkin
Carolyn Harkin
Editorial Cornnit tee
William Frederick, Ohio
Jean T a y l o r , Wisconsin
Patrons
Edwin Young, Chancellor
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Robert L. C l o d i u s , Director
MUCIA/lndonesia Project and
Center for Southeast A s i a n Studies
David B. Johnson, Dean
International Studies
University of Wisconsin-Madison
i es
:
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Conference on Modem Indonesian History
The Revolution and Its History
Dutch Reactions to the Indonesian Revolution
S.L. van der Wal
,
'
Aspects of Regional History in the Nineteenth Century
The
k
9
Minangkabau
Reoion
^ S C''etyt Century
Keg 1 on !n
inthI
thefLate Nineteenth
Taufik Abdullah
,3
Kraton Ambon: Myth and History at the End of the
Nineteenth Century
Anthony Day
and
EffeCt
P
e o p ^ ^ TTheir
h ^ r "Land,
. ^ ^ ;Customs
' tSand
° n the A « " n « e
People
Institutions
Charles R. Beamer
2
Ù
°
*55 ^
New Looks at Oude Indië
Government Policy and Civil Administration in Java
During the Early Years of the Culture System
Y
Robert Van Niel
BatSV
]:,^T,t^eVe"teenth
Freemasonry in Indonesia:
Paul van der Veur
0pUm
fz:M:,Co,°"'"
j
and Ei9hteen,h C e n t U r i
«
'ci
'
6
80
1762 - I96I
^7
™-*° '°«oèuç»m
119
Oral History and the Contemporary Period
•.
A Gorontalo (North Celeh*»cï D^„» n.
Chr n C,er:
Work of Temeyi Sahala ( M a n u l ^
° '
A. John Little and Hamzah Machmoed
™«
I32
P
JavaneseMysticism in the Revolutionary Period
Paul Stange
P O , i t :ics
CS
in a
ak8rta
!"
! JJak
Kampung; A Local History
l
Dennis Cohen
Conference on Modern Indonesian History
Program
Budget Statement
Participants
171
,88
CONFERENCE ON MODERN INDONESIAN HISTORY
->
The conference on modern Indonesian history was held in Madison,
Wisconsin on July 18 and 19, 1975. This was the fourth in a series
or conferences on Indonesian studies. Once again it was sponsored
by the Indonesian Studies Committee and held as a part of the national
Indonesian Studies Summer Institute (ISSI), which is presently located
at the University of Wisconsin.
The theme of the fourth conference was directly related to the
specialty of the 1975 Visiting Fullbright Professor to the ISSI
historian Dr Taufik Abdullah. Other distinguished guests included
l ' I'ZL ' T , W a 1 ' P r o f e s s o r Emeritus of the University of Utrecht
the Netherlands and members of the Indonesian Embassy in Washington.
Partie.pants totalled 95 in all, with members representing AID, MUCIA
and Pertamina, and many universities across the United States.
The academic organizers, William Frederick of Ohio and John Small
of W.scons,n, drew together specialists in regional, military, social
and oral h.story for the colonial and contemporary periods. Films on
Indonesia were shown on the night of the 17th as conference participants
arrived ,n Mad.son. An Indonesian dinner, prepared by members of
Madison s Indonesian community, was a highlight of the Friday evening
program. There were, also, an Indonesian lunch and a sate party given
by the Institute students resident in the Wisma Indonesia.
< « , . * h T « , C A ^ e r o n " W a ? a g a i n f î n a n c e d în Part by a grant from the
Southeast Asia Regional Council of the Association for Asian Studies.
Other sources of funds were registration fees, donations by individual
members and funds remaining from the two conferences in 197**. Oneth.rd of the conference expenses was paid out in travel grants and
fellowships to students and to speakers coming from vast distances to
attend the meetings.
I
H H H m H l l l l l l l l l H M i H l l l l l l l l l l l H i ^ H H
p*
The Revolution and Its History
Dutch Reactions to the Indonesian Revolut
ion
S.L. van der Wal
July 18
1
Dutch Reactions to the Indonesian Revolution
S.L. van der Wal
Professor Emeritus, Utrecht University
of the day the
NetheHaCntereno^
indon i9
You
much-publicized p h o t o g r a p h T Ä J o W
V '
" » * know'that
Royal Palace in Amsterdam, w th Q u e e J u l i a n T n
J ™ ™ ' ^ , nt h e
r?ght b y
Vice-President Mohammed Hatta and SuTtan Hamid i î ? ! V " ^
tlve of the Federal C o n s u l t a t i v e ^
5
Alkadr.e, the representat h e , e f t b
Dutch Prime Minister
Th s h H o f ^ î * "
* D r ' D r ^ , the
h a S scarcel
rated in the Nethërlendl n ï l î S
' T " '
V been commemodCVOted a mînlmum
of attention to i t
TheC t ï î ï Ï F ï K t ï ï . f * Ï 3 ^
anythin
about h
feel twenty-five year« after o ï î n l îh Y ?
9
ow the Dutch
f t h e i r
are we to assume that the w o u n l h 9
t Vî" p a P t
Kingdom. Or
empire" about which Professor BaudT 5 e a ? e d . a n d t h a t the "retreat from
G
™n,T? Wr tC a " t e s t i n g
a r t i c l e a number of years aqo 7*^1
nomic damage than had been feared? TtT, 7 * * ! " d ' S a S t e r a n d eco'
the Indonesian question generated in n I V T t h a t t h e u n r e s t w h i c h
people and which returned ?f * a 1 Ï ; t C h f p o H U « a n d «»ong the Dutch
W h c n NeW G u î n e a
over to Indonesia, has subs ded
i ï u
^
»as h a n d a d
0
S a y that
surrendered its foreign pos ??on i A a ^ h T r ^ V
» havîn*
t h a N e t h e r , a n d s
to i t and no longer feels a sense of Vols
' reconciled
trauma caused by decolonisation 1 < c
! ^ ™ e p r O C e S S o f h e a , î n q the
few years. The same a p p M e s ^ Z $ * ? * U P a n d c o m P 1 e t« d in the last
f Du
relations in the colonie o e r ? o d , ; o ? « r ' ? 9 r a p h y
tch-.ndonesian
t h - t t h
\ D u t d l h a d ?'*'
judiced views on thei cô.o^ aî pas "b t t hi 'XI
S
robab,
tive of a transitional period n w h l h Y Y
t f "? P
y 'ndlcaf
decolonisation were making themseWe^feH ??$S'«?
?
*
«
«
,
s h a d
ndeed
proven to be the case
Af<-„r locn u,
.
'
'arge y
- i n l y toward'thVgue'stioo"
es£on l b t [ t y " , ! ' 2 ? * * ? " J " « " " ™
m
5 J Ï ! r a m a t ' C deve,
*"ts
surrounding the decolonisation o f f n e s a
s.ngle out those who were responsible ? o ' t h e confîicT M ' ™ ! ^ ' ^ t 0
rise to the idea of publishing sourr* m ^ . e . c ' , c t This also gave
" ' ^
Indonesia and the N e f h e r l a n Ä I r nTtne yaa? T s k l T ^ o V ^ T 5
tence of parliament - includino hoth . v ! k ï , ' ^ 1 9 5 3 0 n the însisthe government decided in l ^ ' t o C L ^ - "'?? *"* ] e H W Î n g 9 rou P s "
nt h e p u b I i c a t i o n o f
vant source material.
!
the rele0 t,Cal
i n t e r e s t was
shown in the results at ea 'as' f a r ^ A " ? "
a , r e a d y
are concerned, although these have thrown
^
P^'^hed
9
d e V a
p
and the roles played by t h . " ^ X P - ^ ï ï ï cole r n ^ "
—
"
r
^
^
V
T
^
^
^
"
* * ^
«* ^
turned is a
UtCh P r e S S t 0 t h e
25th anniversary of the handing o v e o f " J ' ^ ^ ^
a striking new approach to Dutch r ^ - S O V e r e i ? n t y ' ™ referring to
l n d o n e s i a
" revolution.
The Rotterdam sociologist Van S i r n
n
' V ' *
y
van uoorn, ,n one of a series of three articles
U S X ! ?
t h e t e X t
r e f e r
t 0
" " « ' ' » . d a.phabetrcanv at the end of
2
in a leading Dutch newspaper âna1v««J ;
a
manner the way in which the Dutch
" ""prejudiced and succinct
r
? " T f l F c t în '^onesia.^
'n the Netherlands these art i es have L
amp,e
proval, particularly from h tôrîans a n T
Mention and apaCC Unt
they deserve to be given mo e pubHcîty Jhan
°f their COntent
°
ordinarily receive. Fortunately lluna n Î u ^ « ^ r a t l v e articles
more and more interestedMn study i no flï^h nist°rians «re becoming
nesian decolonisation process A thouch w
i"' T* ° U t S o f t h e '"*>cess was like in broad outline thl~ï
" , r e a d y k n O W w h a t the profilling in and clearing up.
' 'J?* a r e m a n y P arts that still need
résulte V^^rV^T^l
*$?'« ' ^
" b o t h the
in the problem and more impor ant y tna the fff?T? ^
"Crested
offlc a
opened a few years ago - are e r
,
' ' archives were only
and interpretation no more ?ha a prov ^ T Y " * 9 ' Ve ™ye*P,a"ations
of these facts I shall stick to îhï K • " character. | n the light
C
outline against the backqround J
L*™**' w h i c h ' ^ a U try to
r<
believe that the postwar ™ct?on!. 7;;. °ï tCh C 0 , 0 n i a I P 0 " ^ '
e V e n t S in
are largely based'on the contre ? ? b î L 2 !
'ndonesia
Î
R
A
^
:entssand the continuity of ^ S Ä S ? Ä
into -fnci^^rth^tndLes?^ Ä o n ^ ^ * # "*' «** came
ning of the twentieth century The d L ° f 'p o s s e s 'produced
in the beginn
that time determined relatione with h^ «î m e S W as Sî osu
^ich
had up to
er
P
seded
by the
acknowledgement that th s relation c h , ^ u °
idea of guardianship gave
"
n"
* !"* a°n fc F9p uardia
^hi
P . This
ted when the Dutch felt the colonies^!™
r i n d ea t eî f°lnd etno b e c o m P ^ the moral duty of the Dutch
to di ect the! r T
7
P
"- <t was
c co a , r e c t
end.
their development policy toward this
^ b u ^ h T s ' o n Y " ^ ^ n i s ^ Ä C o T " '° V T ^ " • « £ " » .
era who perhaps did more for the emanc^aUor'f 5 . "^ t h e Governor-Genperiod than any other, pointed out tîat ? £ ?"• V n d ? n e s i a '" the colonial
guardianship implied ihe recoqnmon 2 . L i n t r ° d u c t i ° n of the idea of
re!at
temporary and that this wouJd'evo ve nto I I ^ ' ^ .
^nship was
determined their own future " Thl hJ" • situation in which colonies
decolonisation must the re ore bj p l a c e d ^
^ h e p r o c e s s ° f Indonesian
r U n d the turn o f
This colonial program was clrt^n?! , Î °
the century
or convincing manner Swîn tp he w"o , d ' S ' i m p , e m ? n F e d in a consistent
thirties, little progress w « made in thït n ! T i ° C r , S * ° f t h e nineta en
of political development. But the s 8 r ^ ° * P ^ - l a r l y in the field
P eS W e r e n e v e r
and they can be found in al of ia
7u
'
revoked
Statemen ts ab
future of Indonesia, pârtîculaMv hoJ
w
°"t
the
political
u
Second World War. When Indones L
made after the outbreak of the
reforms increased, Dutch au?ho t i e ' T n T ^
" rth e r " r e a c h i n 9 Pol i tical
S P 6 C ? f y t h e direct
emancipation program wold taZ
î M ,°
ion the
program, firs? outïïned n 90? w " ^
ST^U* ^ ^ t H a t t h e
1901, was not developed in any important way after
3
o f Y « n r î n . M a n H e U t " * ! d e n b u r 9 a n d Van Limburg Stirum. 6 The process
i L TéÏÏJÎÏ
?,WaS C O n t i n u e d î n Political reforms aimed at democratising
f
eîn?orc?no t h e ' I Y y S t e m ' , b r 7 ^
e n d i n g the education system,
y a n d ,ndonesîani
But a l l I S L I ! f î S r
^ n g the government machinery.
ïndonl ian n ^ ? L ^ % W e r e a t t 6 n d e d b y a V e r y f e w statements offering
Indonesian nat.onalists prospects for the p o l i t i c a l future of their
i n
St W
t h e
Atrïant " "Charter
h : L"; would
M9K
asked the
whatIndies'
effects
heUn
tne
Atlantic
have on' the Indonesian people,
l o Z a T b e e T a d T ^ Y 0 I e p , y t h 8 t t h e P r i - i p l e s S the Cha te had
ftîhe,Nether,ands
gemment and were being applied
when th9ey could PTh^
r the Atlantic
Charter a r l a l t fl
" 9overnment d l d n o t c
r rev,ewîn
« ! ! . / *
9 the aims of government policy with respect
UtCh r u l e
T h e
unt
the wanrSha; ^ I V ^
'
gemment wanied t T w "
a d e n d e d b e f 0 r e takin
n e w ste
9
P s " the way to decolonisation!7
In May
1941, the Dutch Queen announced on the radio that after the
e's" ucture o f ^h e' JK T
^ V 0 ^ ^ 0 " 5 W U , d b e h e , d a b - t adapting
. , n 9 d ? " t 0 C h a n 9 e d circumstances. At the end of
Îuîv M
'Lit.
July, 1941, there was another announcement to the effect that an Imoerial
aS SOOn aS
WOU,d
Ce
C
^ ofSï-tUuiS
Ï M<Towards
he K.ngdom
Kinnd5 ^were^ free
artr:?
p
parts
of the
again.
the end
January 1942
arîn9
f o r t h e
i e r r î t o Te" e d However,
H ^ e : e r r t the
t r e Pannouncement
™f*™<»
thethe
ovePeoole's
s'ea,
'
territories
came
too late»nfor
Councl (Volksraad) to appoint a fifteen-member delegation to represent
T h e
* « « » " . speech of o'ecembe 7
S
mucTof^' t h e C O n f e r e n c e '
(much of the preparat.on for which was in the hands of Van Mook and
men 'offer n
S ï l t ? C2 î8 i S
' ï
POrt
nd0 eS,an
'
"he
e
<
0 S ej n0) WaS t h e f i r S t
n a t î o n a , s t s
" 2 S , slatei
any certainty about what sort of
government of the Netherlands had in mind for their
9
D»rïnï;,hî
T " r W a ! t 0 b e b u M t U P o n t h e s o u n d b a sis of complete
T 0
n o n . ! ™ VA
* h o w . t n a t this was in the s p i r i t of tradi t i o n a l U c h
policy on Indonesia, i t was added that reaching this objective would
mean the completion of a l l that had been developed in the past. Bowing
this M V
n o ' A
17,
T
, d
g:
a
g r e e t e d
V
ry
of rt a
' t with approval.
;n
ed
-Th
1945 X j e t e Î y ' s u p e r s ^ d
At
It?
H
In Indonesia the effect of
t h e t l m e Japan
d e C , a r a t î
"
f
« P ' " " - f 5 . Indonesians
impendence of August
0ueen T h e .? U h^ m h O ÏK V \ r * ? t t a c h f i d m u c h importance to this speech by the
Queen. It became the bas.s for a l l subsequent government süatemenïs on Indonesi a
k
what concerns us more, it met with th*. ««- i
itical circles but also of the Dutch n 9 T ™ 1 a p p r ° v a l n o to n , y Fn P°'"
nised in this speech the prfnctoVI wh h ! ! V W h ° , e ' P e o P , e re «>9since 1901 and had no Troll
a^cepU Ó he T * ' t h e b a S Î S ° f P o? ' c y
foreign territories with the Kînqdom
l
T ' ' P artne rship of the
policy. The popularity of thi snelh • E " ? ^ c o n s e a u e n " of this
ttat
when the DutcE p'eople^to'of f T ^ c l 5 c r i pîp
t stVf o o
r ' r ^ e Y " F?
bu t up in Indonesia th» f.„f A- • r
the army being
it beci th ; S e i
na d after
rs
r
s
d,v
n
this speech
-
iï * ^c a c r î P P , e d b V the German
T " * P'dation, could not
,m ,ement
P
ation of this new phase
occupation, the Netherlands aftïr £
provide much more than goodwiîf în S
of its traditional p o l i c v T h l n Y s
they actually ^ « « I j a ^ n ^ A ^ ^V^ î
r î ^ ^ *" " ^ ^
C k c d t h e man ow
the materiel required for à né! ttlll
! lu
the „ar and wh? h
^I ^•JiT'.T
^
,^
P «'- and
PUrS
"ed
bef
°re
»liiiilll..
«nancipation and a c t u . , , y C T c r e d , ; e 7 ï ï t X n l à y s \ D U t C h '
^
f
The fundamentally simple, straightforward Dutch colonial » o l i c
.«,.!;
™ed<ni"9 a " d paternalism to which this policy g a " r ? « In
actual practice, the Dutch administration concerning t s . l f
h ILlZ,
t ^îâîn
t " ' ;d e e P l y
r 0 0 t e d
a n dh a d i t s e f f
* « O" the per od a f t .
and most of their representatives in parliament.
t h # Nether
bear hTou?" " ï ï ' ! ï * " " f t ' "
bear t h . s o u t .
I t a l s o a p p l i e s , however,
and
5
The provisionalTesults
'
* »n t h e t o n e s ' n
on
i f i n a more s u b t l e way, t o t h é
5
governments and political n»r«->«.* /
*
found colonialist ip g n a n ^ e ^ d ^ o Z
T ^ ^ ^ party' ?h?Ch
t h ef o r m o r
The conservative attihirf! L
?
circumstances).
Calvinist parties T h ^ H- m ° S t f P a r e n t a n d "»st consistent in the
as we.»Sa~sPmo fgrou ds'
r w a T ^ a n t ^ T ' A ' * ?"
given pride of place \n th* Li
the
°'°^a'
ï ^-revolutionaries who had first
?o thecal du?y of He Dutch l l l l ö ^ ' V ' ^ ' J *P a7r t*y
P8rty p r
,eaderS
°9ram
n0t
"
had
ably Abraham Kuyper and Idenburn hin ^ " ' T ;
'
begun to put theTinto p acHce Aftr 'ïïSFSÏ '""ï "Tl'*? ^
basis for Dutch colonial „„I " ' î Î! 9 't h e m o r a l Principle was the
th 9 r e a t ma
Pie felt that the oltlt «5? I Ï
5
J°rîty of the Dutch peoC O , n î e S WaS
?""*
^
-^ified on
°
these grounds Jhe l'ffïrlnc o t r a s t s bet
ties did not affect thlnr*
?
V
"
?
?
ween
the
political pare pr,nc, ,e
application'
'*«•>«. but the manner and rate of its
P
f
d
progr«s?v:s
V ^ V in
^ very
' J distinct
^ ? ^ ' groups,
" f "one
*"
qrouD usu*ll^ i:d
Ka;ncons:r"H"s
=crvstives ^operating
derv°eUïo meU^;ya Ä r K s T o l A
^ Y ^to adapt ^seïf'actual
8S
progressives this mean asser ing Juten i S ï JC eE,n
™ a*, ? T
" " " ^
new
relationships between the moth.r^ü. *
1
Political
opinion, the state of affaiV?n """try and Indonesia until, in Dutch
inf,Uence
necessary. ThaTîswhthe Du eh ï n Z e l V ^ r * * ^
refUSed
a n d w e r e ,ater
'
reluctant to see independence as» If? î î 'J'
9
',A ° d t h a t ls a , s ow h * so much
importance was attached t o t L
C n e
tranSiti na1 per
ing -depend
cfand Ssome^haî
? a Netherlands' ° d P reced "
O m e w n a t ,]a
a t?e
e r rtto
o
Indonesian
Union.
the "
concept of
e m a n c i ^ ^ t ' i o n . ^ ^ ^ n c Ï ^ ^ 6 t 0 ^ ' ^ t H e ° r Î 9 Î n a l P r ° 9 r a m «f
f a , tb y g r o u s l î k e
socialist pa ties wnTch tolk fP
"S "a 1eS °
^
P
S t a d durin9 the
period and'
Vo' r
Dd
ITr :r
^
.
conflict
°
their opponents
Detailed rîïlîr
ï
Î ^ J r e a c h î n 9 concessions than
H e i : t 0 n h e t D U t C h S i d e ° f t h e 'ndonesian
questîon'can provide wit
give only one. In the middle oï îJX ' i n i ustrat,ons of which I shall
seas Territories objected tô the S t e J n t " ^ 'Î 'ï? M i n ? S t e r f ° r 0 v e r party fellow member Logemann to th^^y TÎt b y u'S P redec «"°r and
be prepared to offer . K ê s T a help^nce tt h L b' ^ N e t b e r , a n d s shou ' d
believed should remain
^
^
^
Ä
.
^
"
^
!
^
£
£
ed
a
P
^
K
^y
heareh:tndeVt0lthe T S
" ! P rnl d*o»n e* s-î a t U ™
" ~
a
" d this
'".'
'
did not help people understand în ernat onat
I t was also obvious that the D„ , h Î Î "
reactions t o the c o n f l i c t ,
appreciation o f ïhe ea s i t u a ï on t n ^ , n dVo e" s , a ' " ' n d o n e s i a h a d a greater
"
than did authorities in
the Netherlands and that
!
"
understa d
the international f t o *
han Du ch^o t t f f * "'T'
" - 9 of
- n H o * . ' As e ' ^ t
» S n "
„%' «
Ä
&
g
SSSTÄTS
6
the c o n f l i c t , he was recommended for dismissal hy, f h a sc u
ernment because he had had contact w i t h ? !
chermerhorn govtions issued by the government at Thl u S u k a r n / contrary to the i n s t r u c refusal to c o o p ' e r a t e ^ a T n o t l n ^ c ^ ^ ^ l ? t 0 * — ^ . h e l m i n a ' s
ation%yedfaTi^rtan^:atySthr: T ^
' ? B a t a V i a aSSesSad « * W tuPCrl d
f
COnf,ict
'
l i - difference I n T o U U c a ï c î i ^ t e b î ï ï î
ï " ^
t0 Dutch
when they changed ?hei -scene of Irr ' T
**'
Politician,
or vice versa. Views chanced a l « r H !
l ™ ^ N e t h e r , a " d s to Indonesia
Cation
La
ledge of the s i t u â u o n o v e ^ a s had i'n'th ***
'
< * of knowr e s t r i c t e d
the Netherlands could exer^ on the . * t 1 / * %
the influence
that the Indies g o v e r n ^ S e q u e n t v S i t L ' l i * ?
" the C O , n i e S so
Thîs
influence was mu?h stronger n'the con?Met J H „ ^ T " ' "IV
er
Dutch were unable to keen a h ™ ? ? ï
f P ' o d , during which the
them c o r r e c t l y on account of the k
w i t h which they took p ï a c e !
coursrort n h[s Î O c n
tlC
L ^P T c"h a^r a c t e 'r " a 'nndd
?n e [r C t 0 r S t 3 '
a
by the Dutch
Snë cannot heîô
flT
*"?
P
Council of M n i s t e r s 2nd „
f " ' " 1 9 When
of i n t e r n a t ^
?h aeSC i bSeÎ eV ne
neSia
r
assess
the r a p i d i t y
înf,Uenca
9rOSS,v
o" the
Crated
readin
9 the reports of the
that
' p " i t cs we?r rv e e n r ta v ry ^
«orations
Dutch government's a t t tude and that at d S ? « - " " ' ' " d e t e r m i n i n 9 the
to r e a l i z e or inaccurately i u d n J th Î d e c ' S . v e moments the Dutch f a i l e d
ded upon approval o ^ a t east a ^ L Ï ! d e 9 r e e . t o w h i < * t h e i r p o l i c y depenEven
during t h e n a r It was a p p a ^ n t t h a r a h e C e D : t c h n t e r n a t i 0 n a ' C i r C ' e S '
i n t e r n a t i o n a l interference in i t 1 ongovernment wanted to avoid
ber, 1941. when Governor-Generâ Van K . 2 "J " " ? î * P o s s î b , e '« OctoMinister for the C o l o n i e s ' t c o n s u 7 t * ? % " £ l Î . A M " " ^
^
the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the A t l a n t i c Cha te fo the
f u l ^ ^ V ^
future of
t e r r i t o r i e s of both powers W^lt^r Ü I - !
S\lthe colonial
1
feared that such ^ ^ l l a ï A d ^ V , . * ;
^ ^ ^ ^ " - . - nhe
colonial a f f a i r s by the B r i t i s h government
' " t e r f e r e n c e in Dutch
attitudTtowardNtneenr!ohdS
e
r b
W a
\Uberated.
t o ^ u r ^ b a T t o p e -wa r Tolon.sT
lacked the power to l l L f h
the government adopted an
o ' r e9T ' pM0 h "c y , n dTohne M ' - ' t h a t —
ff! ^
'
Netherlands
a d
lands, m the ear l y « " s ôf ï ï S ! l Î ' V , t h e e X p e n S e o f t h e " « " « In the United States ' „ U h « h n « f ^ l J Ï Ï i S V ' " " ' D u , C " n a d m o r « ^ i t h
« I o n when various " a r t s o f S ™ , T % « ? b e e " V e , y 9 d " " " ' « > ' « * * " P r t
n
f tbe
»«hlpelago
were reconquered. Moreover t h . T
?
c , n
l e v e l l i n g c r i t î c s«, f o
! A I I ^ '
government had refrained f r o .
ells.
r.enn9C;rtne " s t a t e s . ' " *
'""'"
*
""""
-
7
and l ' ^, S ^ n St ll ï ^ w Ss Ttheï S S Î S ïSffi '" « ^
^Ä Ää ?T
d StateS
^iï^iï^^
ar-
tretiön and thev werl"? ^ T J ud9ements o f their colonial admin sf ei r « '"tensely annoyed with the criticism that appeared
w e s t n Ä u j t:ndoZSrre: a c^t l o nr ^ r
in
written in the ^
^
in 19^5 o f a book i n whiïh
i
t
A
5 a ! ^ a ' * abroad.PP,t
to the criticism was the publication
^
^
A
*
'
*
'
t h
"
" *
b
«*
«
f i r s t ^ r o?rth."con*lf« " r 0 " ' ' ! " ' h e k N « h " ' » " ^ »ho, even in the
« t l o r l l W l l c a t l o n o f tL ,C09n,s?d t h e f u " importance o f the i n t e r s
quences o f T t
nl f,f.t
Î 'nd
; a n question end accepted the conseb
ned i s
« f<™er Governor-General
and then Lbassaoor t ó r a n t .
erated fron, . " £ „ . £ ^ Ä l r ,
" ' " ^ t »achou«er. Lib-
Starkenborgh said the there was 'no o r b " " * P U r ! U e d ' * ' " d
. Van
,
t
th e Nethe
r,,nd£
r
qu
ote from th
:
.
d
K
than
i
n
t
e
r
n
'
a
t
i
o
n
a
n
t
r
n
g
the
co
i
t
t
T
q
on June 25, 19^6;
' '
the advice he gave
"The Netherlands cannot tackle t h i s task alone the
more so as the world looks on i n apathy, refuses t o
canPrî:nand fhnatenS t 0 înterf-*.
The NetheVEnds
can no longer follow a p o l i c y in which i t wants t o be
A u f dr: r r set;: d f , y '
the g d î a n and ieader
r
""£„£.?/
u " " f he h a S sustained the Netherlands
„
must not exhaust herself further by carrying out a
task she can no longer fulfill. She must not risk
the remainder of her prosperity und her position
WOr?d b
Sthing that
hItna
fi0nS no
°fthe
"tempting
offers
reasonable' chances
of
r
0 haS
r0,e t0
în W
^
success
IEurope.
ropT %SheITÎIshould
•J! recognize
* the state
^ of~"""'
affairs
? e n d e a v o u r to have others take par
?n h - T w
-n her lndor.es,an task. She will have to try to
engage foreign powers and allow them to share the
respons bllity so as to reach a situation ?n which
er
W e H beîn9 for
no6,?. •
f V*
populations
of
Java and Sumatra the afflicted
It is not unlikely that Britain and particularly the
unîtl. ÎÛ- A
' « V , e W ° f t h e commission of the
M
the
Far East,
1st Swill
the Far
andtheir Specia
sition
°
i" under
want to propose 'a Ptrusteeship
8
the United Nations. Then we cannot avoid taking this
road but we hope that the Netherlands will have'the
opportunity to prepare an initiative with the Un ted
Nations in consultation with the above mentioned
assuïea'th a
' m p , e m e n t 'lt und * r circumstances which
SU
ooir \ J
PP?r!' T h i s will now have to be our
goal. Such an initiative brings with it uncertainties and object,ons. But it presents better prospects than, and lacks the humiliating character of
forced interference by the United Nations, especially
•f this is introduced and promoted by members not
very favorably inclined towards the Netherlands and
not committed to recreating order and well-being in
Indonesia. It is possible that a trusteeship may not
be formed, part.cularly if no valid or unanimous deof S Ih n n " - ! M î'ï* f t h e t r U S t e e ° r t n e supervision
iL
th n ' - 6 ^ J*'0"5 Can be
reached
'
Perha s
P
Obtain
and the United States would then be prepared to cooperate outs.de the United Nations, even drawing in other
states with reg.onal interests. Britain and the United
States and also Australia will in the long run not
accept administrative vacuums on Java and Sumatra
a hoîd/'l! S O V l e t î n f , U e n c e s a n opportunity to take
Indon^îr -t e , ^ a Thuet h eey .î ngtaeVree Ps tr ? d e ° f P l a c e t o the interests of
thït'îh \ îï f' / !
^ now demanded the opposite, namelyY
that the Netherlands should give up Indonesia.
M
effens
Foreign^atrs^Sn
2ÏJlll?,*grounds,
^ î b / as
"*"a K lresult
.ofthe
Minister
for
tore.gn
Affa rs. On pragmatic
analysing
the
mternational implications of the Indonesian question Van Klef f ens o p posed that the governments of Britain and the'united Staîes be sen a
the DU Ch 8ttemptS t0 arfîVe at a
, SSîîêfîlth'a?
'oîutioneofeîhe
conn iet with the conclusion:
"Having tried their utmost to settle matters of such
grave concern with the leaders of the Indonesian republican movement, and having been unable to obtain results
which a responsible Government can accept, the Netherlands Government, being unwilling to crush that movement
tee that, since these matters cannot drag on indefinitely, the time has come for them to take the only other
course that seems open to them, which is to seek a solution
•n concert with others whose interests are affected by
these problems, interests for which the Netherlands have
9
wUhourtt0dtnnrH?e
Un,pp
?i"ed H
affective guardian.
ïh.y 0 . ü ddt:s S s Ca t^eïyts r, t„'t a e V ?ttst r ,ntt.nte U t 0 0 th
ere P r r i l
co„duc7of\„.
"
r Paci
' fie,
~ £ which
" ^ î ' gave
" /rise
h to"
conduct of the war .n the
u r s t of natîo alîsm în Java
5%KSî
t
*»***£
"
.««i Süw i Î " government of the United Kingdom
6
and that of the United States of America. They™ k
o"dea 9 ïïr:ît n h S ;h W hS0 - tWu eartei .oan, S aOf p r i m a r i | V r e ^ s t b . e
ter Japan's surrender,
to take c o ^ î - t ! /
to cake counsel with them as to the best rmirc. t 0«b ck
pursued under the circumstances.» I)™
"
KenbôrrghSandh;aVn KUf^ns'wer " T ^ " '
t h epr0posa,s
not c o ^ i d e r e d ' ^ ^ ^ ^ u n ^ r o r ^ e 9 ' ^ ! ^ ; : 0 " 5 ^
™ d a bV Ven Ster^
" ?
™
'
national p o H ^ c s ^ e r l J ^ S A î S s ^
^
*" ^ f ! e , do f ^
V 8 t aV îdîn9 f re?9n
interference fn h ^ l ! « Î con?ftS " r K ^
G o v e r n m e n t ho ed
solution would be found w th the a d of th
P
that a
t h e
alists. This policy did not
1!'V
T ^ ™ ' 6 , n d o " « i a n nationa l ly sought fore gn a d to he n t h ™ * ? " ^
* " t h e , n d o "«ians successr republ ica
Netherland% was thus moved intô'an " t i r e ^ ' f
"
- The
international front, and was f o ï c ^ n '
^
^
^
%
^
0
r
U
ted thaHne S
Ä
^
£ ^
^
S
t
t " ^
* "» * » *
Mook advocated consultation L
»so at.on.st policy. In 1946 Van
interests in a
„^"f10" W i t h 0 t h e r p o » e « h a ^ " 9
f
,n
recommended tha the poî?cy r e g a ? ^ ' ^ t*? T '
P ar ticular, he
structive way on t t C ' ^ ^ f ö ^ g ^ ' ß
M ? 1 * *?/
V
He a , s o
considered
i t obvious that the Netherl.nH. , k ! u
ther the Untied SUeSSÄ^ Ä
would depend on the general »ttit,.*L\Z\
an active role i the fl
much in this respect?
Ées
For
r
" H ' f
t* t
S
t h e t , m e bem
ces, t h e ^ e ^ î a l d ^
nationalized through the vo l e ! " f
largely as a consequence S
^
^
*
V a nM o o k
Mh
^
believed,
8d0pted t0Ward
he d
d
9
P 1a ^"9
»' not expect
international influenT f " ? , a t e r became î n t e r "
COunc î ^ N a U n S ' W h î c h c a m e
to avoid in^h^-;!opta^s V a tVr^ 0 w?^h a f d ie V n a d^^a1^ p
^
^
International law played a maior role in th- -A
68S
opposed this interference and this ?hr£« i• ùî
° fthosew n o
_____
°t h , s throws light on another facet of the
+) Original in English
10
A
A
Wemight expect a smal,
1
,e a
only to protect i t s own interests
«*»
9 1 order, i f
icU ar,y to
th
Netherlands, which has acquitted * t . S f we?? f n T V ^
'
*
ternat
ts i n t e r n a t i o n a l contacts concerning the L
'?
l law.
|n
«y w i t h the United Nations, and a]soilthindones!anquestion,
particularnew r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Indonesia the J l h - i n e 9 o t î « t l o n s concerning a
to the rules of I n t e r n e t . ™ M e w
The J i T i * " * 8 u t t a c h e d 9 r e a t weight
W
reached a deadlock because the l i !
I î * t h e H o o 9 e V «'"we in
form of a t r e a t y . The Nether a ^ s ob f ^ t T h d r a f t a g r e e m e n t had the
thus given an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e g a ' c
! ! b e J Ä U S e t h î s a9reement was
P Sed soIu
c o n f l i c t were constantly weighed against th
t i o n s of the
quest,on of
implied a de-jure recognition of Ï S r
îï?
whether they
th
Round Table C o n f e r e n c e ^ e e m e n t s w e r X r L l t T"!
f , U n " a - i a t i a'nd
formulations were always sought
formulated, l e g a l l y w a t e r t i g h t
ber P f t î g A ï t f e l ^ l ^ Ï Ï A H ! ! S o v e r ? ' 9 n t y was combined w i t h a numf both
t r i e s , and w i t h a Union s t a t u t e e ^ e s s ? n Q ? £ " *? 1"?**
«>«"9
he mutual
- . " M . These were
results w i t h which the N e t h e r l a n d s ^ î o h r f k
had happened in the previous years
t l
" ï e s a t î s f i * d a f t e r a l l that
enough to withstand the Ude
L "
" / ^ d î d n o t P r o v e strong
tendencies can be discerned f
u Z ZC tl l n^S t'0" t 'hned o n e s î a '
^
developments
that caused the d i s r u p t i o n o t
f
,
' n d o n e s i a . the
f i n a n c i a l and economic guarantees a ^ t h e ^ t h ' T
ther,ands
d
The conservative p a r t i e s , w M c h w ^ e d i s a L r o
- ' n o n e s ian Union,
0 beîn9 SkeptîcaI
towards the p o l i c y on Indone ia X c a ed'bv t h e 9
^
y
he Cat
c o a l i t i o n , expected l i t t l e ëùl IZA ! ??
h o l ic-Social i s t
of a f f a i r s than the po c y ' p r o p p e n ? ^ t ™ ' * ' * * ' ' »* « « e p t t h i s state
appointed in t h e i r more or es^ optîm st b e m S e , V e s a s they had been d i s f t h e new
re,a
f o n s h i p w i t h Indonesia. Both groups s h a r e d * ? ^ ^
"
nesian claims on New Guinea wh?ch S L ! th
the opposi t i o n to the Indohanding over of t h i s » " t ^ F t f ^ ^ ^ ^ *
^
the . ^ a i a ^ W l C L e H r n L l ^ e ; r b t S ' ' H
interests c e r t a i n l y Wfîuenced th ' v ^
a f f a i r , even though they were not W
« - - r
poor a n , ^ , Z . ^ Ï Z , ? ^ >
of* ^
t
>
?
" «*
Utch
'"<**"*
to
TheSe
t U t c nJ o* n ! * * * » "
the Indonesian
^
^
Ä
d a . I n t e t p t t t e s X t e d a ^ r e t b l ï e ' a n d 'm" 09r *e rPa ^t î t ' t " ' " ' " d C
—
wards the c o n f l i c t
A r l L T A1 I*
?
onal attitude toS e r V e d ba
tions of the?r epresentluves " '?n C d 0 0n - a n ^
tween reacn
Association and those of d rectors in Z ' l T ^ * ?
Covers
Council of Employers
Herl t ™
the Netherlands united in the
H t i c s
f P
was more awareness 0 f the relT'sHul
io* " ' V i f ' ?
. there
in Indonesia than « X ^ J t c J A l î S ? 9 ' n d ' V i d u a , S " t h a -P»t
Il
theirAent«htpt?sd.tfanceX a ™ S & T Ä 5
s i b l e i n the chaotic s l t u a t t o T r o M ^ L ^ " V
be answered b« »h- »
i t i t s " t The Haou! w
t
w , s f u
« '*<"">
»
n d t o »a Impos-
2 s e c u r | t y o f thai r businesses would s h o r t l y
lndo
" a s i a n government. Businessmen and author-
host Î ving Tn9"JZl,Tr
the Nethé t.nds novelet; flr'J?""'
K 'ï'*
' f.E
.^-.„^fur^^T^"
h
^To'ttaftte^thtt-vtt
S
= «atement than
'""»<" ««W «kad
t ģ$
r
b.d co g:i;:„-.t th th: t t r r t t ' t h t d p ^ s t r y
Just as the Netherlands had not been prepared t o withdraw from
Ä n ' e V s e r, î e W e enno Ü T ' bhu' s" l6n8e' s so b ^ a < a " % ? J Ä t S - M d
bo h cases i t ?e
interests i n Indonesia. In
he l He m a n d s ^f u s
DolitSîMî
J t i c e and m o r a l i t y p r e v a i l above
:*t
r
r
. tntttuttv:t t,t ! * A ; Ï Ï ? J A Ï ' . S * *r'*-h
w i t h so graat d i f f i c u l t y and so much d V i a y ?
"
9 e
" "
rMched
12
Notes
]
'
2
'
;
'
U^iMjl.l"^
pûblîshed
3
k
7 ; n ! ! f U ? r ; - T h e D u t c h *«treat from Empire i n Britain and t h . Netherlands m Europe an<l Asia ed. J.S. Bromley, E.H. Kossmann, London
'
rUi:an|dnrnal>
J>J,
1
!
Ver
6
V
.
de a k t U a l
b <
T
,L
f f e n d
-
'tai^
*
" koloniale
^
.
.
" Nederlend-lnHnn.,,.^ , . . . , :
Wh,ch
5 v o l u m e s "ave been
f ; van Doorn, De droomwereld v*n n. n u.,,,
a d
M
V a n d e r W a l ) 0t
55 dp
Sa7n, ï a ÈffHff5
H
d
^
tiirlnnnrl
I,
^^JÜLEa^Sfl^
' aa i u îe* ! d e : b V r g ' Het Nederlandse antwoord op h e t Indonesisch n,ti n n .
-i^2 - '" Balans van Beje__d ed , H . Baudet and I.J. Brugmans
6.
H.J. van Mook. Indonesië. Nederland en de „»-.i,. Amsterdam 191*9. p.37.
7
De
*
Vo'ksraad en de staatkundige ontwikkeling
v a n
NedeMena^Indie'
een oronnenpub.ikatie (ed s.L. van der Wal), Groningen l9o8, Tl, P.65I.
8.
H J. Koerts in en unpublished essay on his experiences in the Netherlands-Indies civil service.
necn-
9«
Officiële bescheiden. V, p.6l.
•°.
Officiële bescheiden. I, p.504 etc.
"'
?| Ï S 5 !°n. i n t e r r U P t f t d : T h e D u t c h ln fh "F ' ^ """«« and their wo., ,H
tt
A m : t e X ; i ^ 5 U : Y > ed ' W'H- v a " ".leding.» and H. Hoogenberk,
12«
Officiële bescheiden, |, p.319.
n
Officiële bescheiden. IV, p.529-530.
'3.
•1
•*• Officiële bescheiden. IV, p.5^0.
• 5.
Officiële bescheiden. IV, p . W * .
'6'
Officiële bescheiden. V, p. /*87.
(
Aspects of Regional History in the Nineteenth Century
The Making of a Schakel Society: The Minangkabau
Region in the Late Nineteenth Century
Taufik Abdullah
Kraton Ambon: Myth and History
at the End of the Nineteenth Century
Anthony Day
The Acehnese-Dutch War and Its Effect on the Acehnese PeopleTheir Land, Customs and Institutions
'
Charles R. Beamer
July 18
à
13
The Making of A Schakel Society: The Minangkabau Regîon
In The Late Nineteenth Century
Na..
, ,
l
Taufik Abdullah
Nat.onal Institute for Social and Economic Research
DutchW?r.o?
the Padrî
. arrGove^norT^Tt^
S
that
'
f e
anew e
" "> <"*
Pisode
(Uldkrlna) f i r Sumatra" had beaun ' w' T ? *
"
, t,JI needed
tîme
and determination ™ consoH date Dutch J i v l ' * ' * * ' " * ] tar
of Sumatra. Dalu-Dalu the l L t S It
T ! J
?<»">' " the West Coast
^ H ^ H M U * * * * " '
" * '"ü e a S t "
ern part of the area then^a "
9
9 ands
under the leadership of the asil,n T ! TTa mVb u a î
regency, and placed
t a n a l l y conquered until 1838 Shortly I f t l Z l l *
! . "as
in white robes was cwohJ In î h ! ^ ? ? . - 9 T P f r e , i 9 J s teachers clad
f
them a l l ; he also realized that t h é T ' ^
J ^ " 9 ' M ? c h i e , S ^erstood
tion should be carried out c a r e f u l ^ / T ! ' f a d m î n i s t r a t l v e consolida-
he liked to call "the m^s
beautiful ' J V ^
challenged by his onceTrus^H I
The Regent's f o y e r s I t t l l ^ L ?
the Ba?ipuh reg ó r Thts
* ï I
of
Bat?PUh
u
U shoutd h
tCh
Ï*'
he n c h e S t
'
con< ueror
, n
of the land
'
Sumatra"?, was
he lost his temper,
^ 7 ' ^ ' " Pada"9
Pan
J a "9
position of p
e
a
c
e «
^
J
^
ted
Ä
,t!lat
^
o f t h e?
"
* m tary commander" of the M^nanakabaü k i n Y ^ " "
f t h e
osi
6 61
to the Padri reformist móve^enf Thé S ? î " ï S "' "
tion
respected leaders in the S
n.J
"P?"1 h a d S e n t , e t t e r s t o s ^ r a l
fight the Dutch
"?n ïhe na^e or î î l ! ! J . H i r e 9 e n c i e s ' ur 9ing them to
to remain the slave of the k ^ n i i
,
"'f. P r o P h e t . ' «nnot stand
nagari (villages) to fo l a w J S ^ i f i T T TV/- I h e C V e n t m O V e d o t h e r
threTweeks 3 | „ dlsmï! MI ï ,*
rébellion failed, lasting only
for taking arms was M^des re t 0 S h r e P
t h e Seat
t h e Regent S
'
B
^
«
AnK,ngTth^aesnthnSneepXhewed XX'JSSST'
"?.M§M î n aen k a"b a
lineal adat, would have succeeded h î m B ^ r u*
9
"
maîn
~t»v
£
^Cetes.
-
o r i g i n a l s t system. , t was divided'agatn into""-* r e t U r n e - l
'>tS
n89arî
whîch
'
'
according to adat, had their own r e s l r ? ! ^ i Î ^ ^ T
of Bonjol and the consol i d a i ™ 0 ^ S S e d J " r , s d , c t î o " s .
The conquest
called the residencies of P.<£ng LoSïands ind S ^ h f " ! * " 1" W h a t W B S t h e n
Bovenlanden) definitively enSd t h ? « î î ?
ï Highlands (Beneden- en
f abst
ention (onthoudinq)
towards the Outer s and*
Tn* P ' ' ?
and'" a ' ï ; ^ I 8 9 ^ " " / 0 ? t § r ? 9 ? n a l a d a t
structure, on the o
«
by the Dutch government to seek a mois ?„?, 9 ÏÏ * C O n s l s t e n t
U , d acc
«""»<tate both the
*
organic growth of the society \nrC77T1
of a colonial power
This basic non e c o n o m l c a n d Political demands
despite many cLpîa nts conce nine h ' W * m a î n t a i n e d f r ™ that time,
"native rulers"
concerning the lack of prestige of the so-calied
*
]k
In some ways, the period between i-hï*
Hon of 1908 can be seen as a
ewe
th"6"! a " d t h e a n t ? " t a * rebel"" ^ r U , e d W e r e trvin g
to create an atmosphere in which they œ u ? d V
su essfu
other. The Dutch needed a buffer to m!n- 1 «
" y tolerate each
with Maeiers, with their maïrM neal adât 1 ^ . ^ ' ^
in dealing
theîr
t.ve unity and uniformity. And he Mint L t
' a c k o f «dminis?rahentage as descendants of Alexander h T r ' W h ° W e r e P roud ° f their
were in dire need of a cultural and B,ï \ S* * accordi "9 to tradition
tourna of experiencing Pol i t ^ l ^ ^ r y ^ ^ ^ ^ —
«- '
theirAd:^e:ride:f^ i Ä 3 £ ä $ * ^
-
reahty.
i s o l a t e d «en«e o f
On the whole
a
J™
?»
co.oni.ed alike was p r o d u k ^ Y e
' a t . o n was a l s o set i n m o t i o n .
w i t h i t s own r e a l i t i e s - these
and
w , t n
' i ^ T
th
eir
contînue with
t0
^ T ^
- l o n g e r end
T h e ^ d u ^ S a i B e ' , m e ' a Process o f a n n i h i ' n e . m o d u s j c r e a t e d a w o r l d o f pretence
conditions of both ru i d Ï Ï E r ï ï ^ Z T f t h e m S e , v e s " the s e a t e d
astern of relationships I n t^^^o^^^^
^ ^
«
II
a r ; E Vctj"!r s rr„ d d Ä ; ^ / r r ! v , r n e d
the
*i^£^
,U
Dutch commissioner-general had 1^? ! !u
" ,n t n e PadTTwTT "The~"^
the Minangkabau peoX
key^llV^X
t e Y ^ ^ ^ « ~ "Tul.
The people would remain under the rule of tî ? .""ï t 0 maint ain peace,
would be levied. Since the ma ntenance of nil'
" ^ ' a " d "° t a x «
the kompeni wished people to seîl thïlr
£*
required money, however
was at first a voluntary (y°i w 1 a? , coffee .to its warehouse . It '
fall of Bonjol, a forced" S E g ^ t ? ™ ? ^ ' * ß U t S O O n a f t " the
Padang Lowlands and Highlands residencies
, ? S ^ 'n S O m e P arts o f the
paragraph 5 of the declaration
* I,,,n '8Z*7' "ichiels deleted
IUI'*
r n 0 p 0 , y« T h e PoUcy^as reconfi m I d y h a n T n c e d t h e government's
186*4, which from the government's no?n, T • y t h e S t a t e Regulation of
Coffee production
had i n c r ed S a P P d^, ? Ü ° f rV , e w w a s entirely logical
P
1849. th e Y e a r l y ; ^
or^ co
'
> ; a ; - »»S to 1861». " p r o m t s to
to 52 000 piculs in the years U K t o V e t o ' Îh P Î C U , S ' a " d '* încr * asad
coffee had also risen continuous Iy6.
' T h e p r i c e o f first class
it w . ^ : e v ^ d ^ ^ ^ e r m o o ^ e f ^ ^ i r a u ^ " L n t î a ^ d v e c , a r ^ t î ^
WOrk
f ,833
7
ductedHr ^ r ^ n V ^ ^ r r ?ra
,an 7
--
«-«*"
P " . a "conditional
promise" , or even as a way to dece ve îhé !
the
declaration gradually produced \t* Z
,?"?«"* ' n time of war, - the
m,n
People. Despite t h e ^ t T e y e p £ , ? [Z^l*
lV*"
** « **»
Panjan
kabau something that could'minim^é the r t r a u t T
9 9 a v e the Minang8
new y a c q u f r e d
;
the
«^
b
£
ectiv
- .
° J
* of
"the European author! y" Michie^ Ï ^ ^ i T ? '
Y . n.en.els used to emphas.ze, was to bring the
i
15
loose elements of Malei sehe society into one integrated whole. It was
not
1 =..,.-11 that
«-U.«. should
. k . . . u be
L_ imposed i on the
. Minangkabau,
.... i
. .
not "our
"ruir- laws
he said; rather,
the application of the Minangkabau's own laws and conventions should be
guaranteed^.
But it was precisely the "loose elements" of Minangkabau society
that made it rather ungovernable, if criteria of uniformity and administrative unity were used. The only important tie binding the nagari
together was to be found in their common attachment to the notion of the
'Minangkabau World" (Alam Minangkabau) with its highly idealized concept
of adat'". The Regent system, as it was introduced during the Padri war,
could only be maintained in times of crisis, when more than ordinary
power had to be invested in certain persons. At such a time, the nominal
King of Minangkabau, whose political jurisdiction was located in the
lantau (the peripheral territories), was recognized as the Regent of Tanah
Datar where, according to adat, he should only serve as the sacral mediator« i. A son of Tuanku Imam Bonjol was appointed as Regent of A lahan
Panjang; the leader of the Padri in Halaban was recognized as Regent of
Lima Puluh Kota; and, better still for the Dutch, a staunch anti-Padri
leader of Batipuh became Regent of that district. Such extraordinary
power ceased to be effective soon after the period of crisis was over
When the "normal time" emerged after the conquest of the Padri, the political
tradition of independent nagari took shape again. The administration
supported by the suku (lineages) with their respective penghulu or adatchiefs, was still highly esteemed. The penghulu were, after all the
legitimate rulers of the Kemenakan (literally, nephews) or people. The
problem was made more difficult because there was no uniformity in the
position of the penghulu in their respective nagari; nor were traditions
of administering the nagari completely similar among the neighboring
3
villages.
Some kind of supra-nagari unity and a uniform system had to be introduced. The best possible solution was introduction of a federation of
nagari, which was called — with an unfortunate choice of word — laras
(harmony), under the leadership of a tuanku laras. Every nagari wâs
headed by a penghulu kepala (head penghulu), who was supposed to be elected from among the adat-chiefs. Although neither the tuanku laras, nor
the penghulu kepala were adat positions, they were invested with âdat
as well as administrative jurisdiction. In other words, they were considered as the people's leaders and as agents of the government too.
In order to help them in administering the coffee monopoly and the corvée
a penghulu suku rodi (supervisor of lineage corvée) was also appointed.
He, too, was invested with purely non-administrative rights.
By the early l860's, the laras was the only supposedly indigenous
supra-nagari organization left in the Minangkabau region. It was reported that there were about one hundred laras or nagari federations, each
one consisting of two or three villages in the Padang Highlands residency.
Nevertheless, not a single Regent was left 12 . Lack of an aristocratic
political tradition in Minangkabau that could support the Regent system
on the Javanese model gradually led to the regents' oblivion (with the
exception of Padang, where, as a result of Acehnese and Dutch influences,
a new class of local aristocracy developed).
?
16
» P ^ ^ Ä Ä ' S
pmos9ehtan0a0dk
d 0n
, ^
^
^
*
«f
too slowly and required, in fheOrJ e î l e e ! t T ^ t « " * ™ '
* Worked
anything of importance. | n the meantime IA - ^ ^ discussion of almost
heavier as a r e s u l t of f u r t h e r D^tch mN i t a ^ n d ^ î * * ' j " " " * b e c a m e
This was a factor prompting a m i l i t a r y leader ut P , : t î c f , c n * o l i d a t i o n .
a member of a State Commission
Ó prLose x i ^ 0 1 0 " 6 1 A ' J ' P r e s s e n ,
t r a d i t i o n " (adat pusaka ) w i t h a s t r a i X f ' " \ , 8 6 ' replacing " i n h e r i t e d
This p r o p o s a V w I s f 7 e 7 h i p r t o o
S 8 I
' h m 0 d e r n administration,
t
b e acce
P t e d as the basis
of a sound a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c v «nrf
I
J
tUrned down
General De Brauw was r e a l i s t \ 7 '
u""
' T h e governor
proposa, meant^othîng Te
tnen ™ ?ru^? U n d e r S ' a n d t h a t Anderes«™!«
S C i e t
Furtha
^
r, adat ßusaka, M T j u ^ V ^ l ^ J t
" ^
a S t
n against
" the
-nfluence of orthodox r e l i g i o u T t e ^ c h e ^ u U T
I***™ W O U , d d o s o , o n 9
as i t could accommodate both adat l e ^ t L ™ m7
C y n d adm ni
ments. A f t e r a l l . in the ootîmî«*
Ï
/
' s t r a t i v e requirehis tenure as m l l î t i r y * £ 2 £
" ^ t s Ä ' o f
? * ? * * / d"rî"
Qthe people] w i l l get used to i t " » \
Sumatra, "they
kepaia^^ut:: 9 ,^:/::;: 1 -1 e t r r ^nd( fa r ™nt ^
*
^ ^
be of the utmost importance
Most Dutch^ff . PP<V ed) was thought to
C
would challenge the influence
h
•
'!'S believed the penghulu
the
out of professional jea öusy or because ó f T d ' ^ ^
ÜÜÜÜa. either
e
f
09 Cal c o n f , i
of rehgious leaders was so great that ° '
'
c t . Suspicion
" " haH Î"""
L ^ '
them from the politica, l i V " h " ,
( n e W h h a s m a d e th
Pilgrimage to Mecca) might not be a
L
,^
°
°
e
man. Indeed, as a rule he was and
^ T °r 6 V e n a ,earned
he was thought no different from the actuaî'r. • f0'00!81 **<**. however,
re,,
Hurgronje might show how wrong^h s idL
9'Ous leaders. Snouck
Pilgrimage was also an^ccas?on rór lÏVf
V ^S*
«"P"«>*ed that a
1
This being so, haji ^
^
Ï
^
X
^
A
»
^
" —
nied M
j
^
J'« was accompaHoeve put it'7, this school system was nnt . . S y S t e m ' , A s Pr uys van der
the colony, it also could be expected tn L
* U S e f u l f ° r admi "istering
'V a P o s s î b , a eruption of
the Mohammedan volcano". The initial Ll
with its
ethnic and status categories wl «
^ ' T ? ' S c h o o , sVst«".
r o d u c e d in
I900's many vi I lages alreâ^'h^d th •
the I850's. By the early
'
Kweekschool, better kno^n as the t t ' i ?ï three " Rs S c n o o , s ' a n d the
1
as a center'of e^ninr^n S u m a t r r b T ^ ^
^established itself ,„
f
Three-R schools pro
nd f H
î h e n î n e t eenth century18,
nZk
d
f edUCat
n f
of the traditional chiefs and tho^ ° f
!°
° r t h e s o n s a n d nephews
Casses, although they^d S
^ ' t ^ ^ f f ^ ^ S S î ^
n a
proph:;?c^^^aM:aCîiîoenS,here:aasrk rearhamp°sre a - S h t a t e m e n t ° ft iî nj td ek nr tî t9h ahad
indeed. «
to Sumatra"' B " * t i Ä ' ^ j . * ^
"
'
17
III
In the meantime, religious schools not only continued to exist, they
followed their own dynamics. Neither in recruitment of students nor in
doctrinal orientation did they seem to be affected by the presence of an
alien power that had consistently tried to isolate them from supposed
Joci, of influence. Many of the big religious schools, mostly located in
the Highlands residency, continued to attract students from all over the
Minangkabau area. In their search for religious knowledge, the urang
ijak (religious students) continued to travel from one school to another,
from one village to another. Many of them came from the petty states,
still independent, in the eastern part of Minangkabau'9. The network of
religious schools was not broken. Nor were the continuing process of
enlargement of the scope of Islam in the social fabric, or the strengthening of its force in social and individual activities really disrupted 20 .
Further development towards Islamic orthodoxy, which was carried out
through the schools, was not hindered by the change in political reality.
In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, a new wave of religious
reform was launched by the Naqshabandiah mystic school against the still
influential Shattariyah school, which, as Snouck Hurgronje correctly
pointed out*', had deviated from the orthodox teaching of Islam (sunnah
al-wajamaah).
One of the most important effects of the Padri War was the inclusion
of religious officials in the adat hierarchy 22 . As a result, a clearer
division of religious leaders into officials and teachers23 came into
being. The religious officials became part of the village or nagari
administration. Their positions became hereditary in accordance with the
Minangkabau matrilineal system: an uncle was succeeded by his sister's
son. They were in charge of religious ceremonies and rituals, and the
care of village mosques. The nature of these positions and their places
in the adat hierarchy varied considerably. They were dependent, to a
certain extent, on the kind of adat political tradition adhered to by
each nagari. Usually, the religious officials were called Imam. Khatib
or Kadhi. As a rule, they were not as knowledgeable as the religious
teachers, whose advice they very often sought on religious matters,
(unless, of course, they themselves were also religious teachers)." However, according to adat, they had legal jurisdiction over problems pertaining to religious affairs.
As part of the adat hierarchy, religious officials were subject to
the control of the penghulu kepala, tuanku laras and, by extension, of
the controleur (Dutch official, inspector). In his 1882 report, Van
Hasselt^ described a case in Supayang (Tanah Datar). The Imam of Supayang annulled a marriage because he judged it unlawful for a nephew of
the bride's father to act as her wa_h (representative). This decision
was strongly opposed in some quarters, and it became a focus of controversy. It was, in the first place, a matter of right or wrong according
to religious law. In the second place, however, the decision had been '
made by the rightful person, the Imam. Could a decision by the legitimate person be challenged, even though it might not be religiously correct? Naturally, this problem led to the question of adat's legitimacy
18
aÎthoucrhetrSt/eSpeCted
n the reqfonaS S
u,ama
, n V , U the
»P'nlon oï
This was not the fire«- «m
-:e t h a t 0,
invited to settle nrli
P iticall y segreaateW
ft ?£ V A ; x s i r -----r^ic^ii---
legitimacy with colonial power
h f ' 6 ' ^ b y c «*'nl„g tredttfonel
rulers" could not be avoided 'in ! e r o S , ° n , ° f P res tige of the " n S é
seemed not always to be on the ame E . ? " ' ^ 8 6 " ' " 9 ' p O W e r a n d P'*?«
d-t.on were the imposition of\ZTn. ' T h e c a u s e s behind this con! 9
P
•ns the penghu.u, such as «up^rV s on * f ' 1b U / d e n s ° n t h e •-« guêrV
coffee monopoly, and the investing óf 1
**a " denforcement of the
such as the tuanku laras, » i T ^ * . ^ ™ - ^ * » ™ officials,"6
Decline became more obvious *ft„ • ... . .
S
Tn
,875 e n r y f r ™ , t h e
' n '? 7 ?- As a result,
Pen9h
"
a
offa
he? 'kCprapatan
er D a P r r adat
T T (adat
" " » 'council)
-es
"
Dutch o f f i c i a i « !u
comp ained unceasingly about the ÏÓZ O r t h r
really help.
A more d i f f / e u î t
O S Î
n Ó«f.f
of d « o r . l l „ t l o „ could n't be a
v o
?
d
^
U9hout
o n
"y';
r « . l „ . d the only effective powern his v
o f
t h e ~ e t e e n t h century
the adat leaders
c
, the proces
h
?
did not
9
" "
Pen9hulu
"
<nere, bo, prestrge had dee^sHiTteo e ^ h e r « . " * '""""'"'
ties r r : o c ? : ^ : i e t t n S r 3 a s , h : . r , r , k r [ „ d : ; : r r r
particularly since this new ohén™
'
'
^ >« - Ó . » .
»ttitudes towards colonialism
Ä
,
,
Jeter of the new s c h o o ^ m o ^ " t h i n g T T " ^ ^ t h «
three-year program, were supposed to combl? th
* * s c h o o ' s , in their
a 9ress, ve
?
influence of the re H gl ou« s ^ U
; U p p o s a d , y Potentially
k
2
noo,s
Minangkabau in character 7
A thó,. u * f
Nevertheless, they remain.,,
was encouraged and facM i t â t J K ? t h e estab'ishment of v l , e s^oó?
nan« were Int i r e l / S . ' £ £ sft, f ^oTJhTnao ^
^
Ä Ä ' '
Pedagogy, therefore, intruded into
Apart from some quantitativ. ,-u.
d into the e x i s t i n g " / « « ' ' ! !
P —
Coo.d R be c o n s Ä I Ä
Ä
9 e
Ä
\ "
r
n e
S
^
Ä
" e l « " " t . being incorport
Ä
^ ' k ^ f
19
Highlands continued, as in the pre-colonial period, to attract seasonal
workers from i ts peripheries (which remained independent until the end
of the nineteenth century)?2» And if such workers preferred to stay and
became members of the existing adat community as their predecessors had,
what then was really changing?
In spite of the rhetoric, the colonial situation did not — indeed
never attempted to, - build a new society. It did, however, purposefully create a cultural schakel (link), that could serve as a channel
through which the two strange worlds shared something without endangering
their respective basic cultural assumptions. The schakel, the cultural
link, constituted a world in itself, where the Minangkabau could find
an outlet in the face of political powerlessness, and the Dutch could
secure re .ef from the anxiety of governing the Maleiers. It was an
art f.c.al w o r d , a theatre, where both ruler and ruled played their roles
while maintaining their separate sense of reality.
It was also a sphere in which the notion of an alliance between the
Minangkabau and the Dutch could be continuously cultivated. Thus the
an°h s t n r i ^
"? P a d a n 9 „ w ? r e a b , e "> *ee themselves as functioning in
an historical continuum
"First Solok, second Selayo, third Padang, and
fourth the kompen."29, they said. The world of schakel, of pretence
manufactured not only its own myth but also its own internal contradictions
These were expressed both in symbolism and in actual social relationships. In his journey Van Hasselt collected some popular riddles
among other things. One went like this: 'Vhat is the biggest ula?" '
InotherWrîdHl a^s^k ' ' . ï ï : t h ? D U t C h ' ,n "inangkabau, ula meanTTnake.
îhe Dutch'
ed: 'What is the biggest kuman?" The answer, kumandua.
the Dutch district officer. In this case, kuman has the meaning
3 of bacteria or germ,
th. JtîuïV 'T*!* °f t h e S c h a k e ' m a y b e s e e n in the events surrounding
the abolition of slavery on the West Coast of Sumatra in I876. Most socalled
slaves in the Padang High- and Lowlands were former prisoners of
d î r h a w a r î b a d a , r a a d y b e e n elevated to the class of "serfs", kemenakan
bawah J u u n k . The latter numbered 11,1,91, and there were 383 slaves.
Money was allocated by the government to "pay off" slave owners. However
.ieZe."!! k T ? ^ . ? a î u , y t 0 n 0 , d a d a t festivities, indicating that
' '
'adat has been fulfilled, an institution has been recognized" (adat diisl
ilEbago dj^uana) Acting from different motives, both the D u t c h ^ T d î t
f. s a m ? , o c c a s , 0 n . The Dutch could boast that they hed
Hherlt Tu T
liberated "slaves"; while adat leaders and "slave owners" could pride
themselves in being defenders of adat, since "adat had been fulfilled".
Both sides were participating in a cultural manifestation of the schakel.
to r e a l i a S,chake'' S S W S M > demanded that it be taken as an intermediary
to reality, just as good theatre should be taken as an image of reality
•XaaCctsr"
eg
n0th?n9 but theat
h t0 T S MS een Sre t htrh etyr ea raS
~' whireonè
e bound to
roduce
rtûït*
ThIT
'
P
contradictory
results. This was the case, too, when some Dutch officials treated the
off ces of penghulu kepala and tuanku laras as nothing but child's toys
Westenek put it aptly when he remarked that "the pedaji (cart) driver
20
%
Ä
"
c
Ä
£
: ; S ; i ; p ^ u t ' - r vendor of Assistant
needed, no consideration given to t h ! ? ^ ' U k e P a , a No election was
t was only theatre, a sch'ake , w h X £ r f B u T - f T ' i n h e r î t a - e .
family were exempted from corvee duty for th
I
*T Pen9hulu and his
S8ke
f t h e
ttge, why shouldn't rich and bVa i l l .
*
office's pres9
f
their own? , t was, after a ï l p o s ^ ^ u n ^ '2 ' S P " a p e " 9 h u , u
mOSt
requirement was sakato alem consen u of oth~
* ' i .""*
'»Portent
This could be secl^eT"b71e"rsuaSion \
^
Pen9hulu in the village,
the tuanku laras and penghulu k ^ a a we e C
rd
óc?ed 0 b 9 0 rh e r n n , e n t / e 9 U , a t
V
en
h
n
'
therefore, shouldn't the tuanku laras o « ! „ h î ,
* P 9 ulu. Why,
supposed adat legitimacy see to i t t h ^ p e n g h u , u k e P a ' a . with their
This new penghulu' c o u l e e tainîy be e l e c t e 7 t P e n 9 h U , U W a S '"«tailed?
government could announce, as i t did Tn^tll
S fUPP rt M s p a t r o n ' T h e
,8
should be maintained; but how couid i t
? / \ t h a t a register of penghulu
from the adat community?
' * C n t r o 1 r e c o 9nition that originated
f
r th Se a b , e
* benefit
from U?w?Îh ak :he W %su,r:ha a tX 9 v en b a, ^ T
with social reality ^.eÓcelÓnce"
For
l*™*Xfï
^
artificiality
Van der Capellen d i s t r T c f T f a T f f f ^ k ^ ' n S t a n c e , ' , a r * s chiefs in Fort
uniforms and the right to des o n e ^e t h L ^ T * * * t h - t t h e y b e 9 i v e n
kemenakan33. T h e y 9
among their
n
sf
a " « « " ^ f ^
P
an adat institution. The gove no Ill's
olrnltl
" " n 0 t r i 9 J naIly
r V U S w h e n a n at
tack
on matrilineal inheritance IaTwas TtunrhZ /
' ^
ulema. ,f adat was weakened i t we thought ÎT.
* ïï Ï Mina"9kaba"
9
and would, as usual, pose a me or r L n
I
I™ W O u I d b e the winner,
6
Thi
*
governor's proposal to c o d î f 7 . * t
aw w"' l l t t V ^ ™ * » * '
9
V
Hurgronje. He argued that by codir!7nn tK
i rejected by Snouck
A 1 the s a i l L ^ ' 3 W ' t h e D u t c h w o u I d hinder
the dynamics of adat3^
lection of regulations and norms halbeen TS ^T'
" 0 t a mere c o ' "
een c o n t l n
.
" o u s l y formulated and
conceptualized from early in the'ninet.
irrelevant in p o i m « . „ d söciê, eîeHo„ s 'T"'*'
^
^ ^ H became
its systematization.
relations, the greater was the need for
r a t h e r ^
b S
^
conduct a dialogue, ?or t ^ f o r m e r w e " o ï l n e I T " 9 a n d . r e a ' ^ should
f t h e
»etter but an ideal construction of ?
The s e a ^ ' f T ' 8 ^
r mean,
search for an ideal to be used as a kir,d óf J
L t ?
ng was the
It was not the mirror of reaîity that had ^ b e ^ 0 ' 0 9 C Ä , " f e t y * a ' v e .
cultural sanctuary that must be gua'deS
formulated, but the
Padang^n"!^: T & V ^ ! £ g $ £ ^
ft'
«
M the
a n d se
ecquired. The former was the inalienahf 9 l
'c'nheMted
'fi'y. while the latter could be handed ^ n ' t o ' h ^ t h e T a t r " J n e e l famThis arrangement might not have been vaHd
, ' T '
' c h i , d ren35.
wes observed in one d i s t r i c t at least LÎ l l
^ e r M . nangkabau, but i t
tance law and the gradua, ^
. n ^ c ^
21
Thereat
Practice: property was divided into two categories
I h I It '.l?any c r , t , c i s m s were made of this practice - furiously by
Achmed Chat.b, persuasively by his former students - and a n i of
proposa s were put forward to write the practice into commonly accepted
th
• tK
? , 9 5 ° ' S W a S 'U m 0 r e ° r 1ess recognized as an adat
formula
formula. In the meantime, the Minangkebau preferred their legal plurale d fr0m t h e lslamîc
e g e l ^ t ^ C ?h eYCpOrU el f?e br ree dr 9 Vîn
. a d a t , o' western
theory
at
least,
to open options, so
'
tnlt8 thl!
\A
I
n
I
' e f C 'f h a v e a §g t t e r chance to be sons of their fathers, o
nephews of their uncles36. The internal dynamic was, in this case,
neutralized by the unreality and artificiality of the schakel.
wnrlH W h ióV°" t r l ! , U t Ï n ? ï° t h e largement and meintenence of the schakel
world, participants tried to benefit from it as much as possible. As
a? e l t a r ; er ' Î "I3"'3 a n de V e n t h eh a J' w e r e consistently forced to
el.enete themselves from administretive and politieel lives. Although
cent anî- "t e y - d , d ^ 0 t P ? r C e l V e S U c h C , e a r «»«tlnctions in the d?verV
'^ e - ' n IT 6 ' th!y h a dm 0 r e t h a n e n o u 9h reason to hate the
Durrh
th e r
wr t,n
\ 9f they did not hesitate to call them »Ulando
• ,l\ h A
seten" (Dutch devils), while in local literature this expression wes elso
eccompenied by 'Vnato kulebu (grey eyes). Nevertheless, ïhe r schoô s
whether sureu (preyer house) or medresah (boarding school) continued
to provide future officials for the Dutch, the pillars, that Ts of
nÄ
•
«-^ .
IT^LT'
'—OPer
——•!..*.,«
ia i nizeiion,
a c i on. befo^
oerore durof oui
social
_ cha -^ ui
'Ü er.!I
? 8 ^ 8 u6"" î h C i r e n r o ' , m e nt in "our Dutch-sponsored schools » Not
only did the uleme end their schools continue to enjoy supre^egeri pr«.
a h eVed
! !
h e n î s 9 : ; ;«ePe
^the
h fvery
C e rpresence
H " * , ?T<
of T
the
J scheke,
t E
* enable
the,
« to'pua d a < -TkTuTZ
E T
ete
A " T h o O , W ÎnteîtOWUOtr,k b euin,d en r9 ian fh I b i t e d b y f e a r ° f a t î a c k frim memb^ s T t e
r«r i. + ? ° \
ormer guru, while continuing their search
n a
PUr,ty
t h eU , a m a a n d t h e i r S c h o o , s
s?tuaHÓn
t
It
'
benefitted
situation thet wes to some extent designed to weeken
them. from a
to h i ? 0 ! crisis occurred when the perticipents ettempted forcefully
ment
. M H VJï*
'?*° '** W O H d ° f Pretence. In 1908, the government f,nelly deeded to introduce direct texetion, due to the continuous
decline ,n coffee production since the early 1870's. Economically the
system wes more beneficiel for the Minengkebau. Nevertheless w ïh
s
rather Ih" th 9 0 V e : n m e n t h a d in fa ct blatently procleimed i t e ru e
rether than the partner as usually pictured in political myth
Scattered
o: : ~ ° f S , b r 0 k ? Ul' T h e i n s t i t u t i ° n of the edet counci 1'might not be
as powerfu es in the pre-Pedri period; but when its piller mufek^t
(consu tation), wes humilieted, the whole foundation of soc eTTw^Tfelt
s :o: e n th?nT r is
R e a n t y was o n e t h i n 9
-
T
?t
sper;:ryita:.fl
wes something else egain.
twent™*K latte K P a r t °! ^ "'"«««"th century and first decade of the
twentieth can be considered as the period of crystel1izetion of «rh«?fi
wis a i m f ^
society with el. its promises end inconsistence^^!
68 6 C U , U r a
S H e r e deve
5s Z not' ' ?
f
' ?
'°Ped its own myth end logTc, end
n
ty
1
PerhapS
t h e chake
e
s^rov?aód
con,ór
'
j
^
*
«
«
*
* , culturel
*
' "ever
he' peredigm
less provided consoletion when the old
wes
no longer
22
telt adequate
i*
sua:îc M^turai
r tu ty
t
i
t û r a,new d e s ^
« .It.rlng
Suten Meheredje launched his "rêvoïu iÓn" C U , t ü r a l S p h e r e i n which Datuk9
M.nangkebeu concept of history and Te ï
" t h e b a s ï s of edet usina th
was the period when sev
'u 1
^ * * b a S e S f o r the f^ure
\ÜS
u
taKing orthodox doctrines . . . T O Ä ^ i ^ ^ « » ™ ™ *
C : :
hl c c r : n a pt :e itste ™
d
t
S ^
W " * the gep between «Whet is" end
^ ' ' ^ . ^ ^ V ' ^ r ^ r E r n ^ v 2 6 ' - ^ m y t h ~> & *
ÏÏJ"?
P escape their own créa ions? ?* ? a S y e r w o u , d
t out
schakel deeply influenced the system i T l l i I- , s ""derstandeble thet " h i
structure.
I t mede i t s e l f f e l O n ^ o c f a î itt,0n?h'Ps
»" the sociel
P , î t i C a I
Crfses
th«
s h ó w T ' î f t e r t h e e , ' m ' " a t i o n of an a f en ernrt
P
e r aS a n
show how deep the influence of the s r h ^ ?W 8^S U ,
effective force
wes forced to come to terms with »
'
timetely the schakel
a
'ong time had been p S ^ ^ h ^ k " ^ 0 ^ ^
^
^
' -^-:^_ &c -»c
23
Notes
' '
Se't'kustye J,vKanKr^e!;kper^ ^ ^ ^
33!» de Geschiedenis van Sumatra's
w e s t k u s t enn van de Stad Padan£, Padang, I 9 1 9 , p . | | 6 .
*
2.
M i c h i e l s , A.V Neerjands S o u v e r e m t e i t over de Schoonste en R i i k s t e
Gewesten van Sumatra, Amsterdam, l 8 4 o .
en R i j k s t e
3
\&'
W -
'
K
, ^ n S t r f ' " S u m a t r a , s Westkust van 1841 - 18^9" B K I
XL M 8 Q 1 .
130. See a l s o M. Radjah Perana f a d e r i d i S u m a t T a ^ a t
D^llll»
X xTu, (i89o):epp.tr:o9:"7tra,s
westkust van me
- ,8 ' I I L
5. A full text of the declaration is included in H J J I RiH,w A C ,
^ ° S L — Ü Ü Ü , Jweede GedeeIte, pp. 6A.
Optimism on the efrectwSTen -
Wfc
'Tee,*/
*"" T T " ' f ™ — —
* • « • • - througho t he
BuT ten ' BeZi t t f ™ . . ^
\'^«"«oordige Toestand en Ontwikkeling der
»uiten Bezittingen - Sumatra", Jndjseh Genootschap. 27 Maart 1866.
?• jüjwe Rotterdams che Courjgt
8.
27 November, 1907.
Afdeling Nota, Verbaal 28 October, 1907, No. 19
Department of Internal Affairs, The Nether?««..
Archives of th.
'
9
- w::,L^ h ^:v,'" e i,?27),'Tp d r r 6, B ? stuuror9 - nisatie nesia, Ithaca, N e H o r k f ï f f e ,
'2'
^
i
^
^
t
Ä L £ £ £ £ ' ? 7
reorT? S s T T ' « " ' V "
was not r e a U y a b o ï l s h e d , C J i A ^ S »
(J T
' 3 ' « & > ? & * . & & : "SUMtrs's Westkust
sed rt ,85
«
Ä
s
i
— =
^
Ä
' T , , * '
.W."
- s ^ »i
-
^
24
H».
Quoted by Westenenk, De Inlandsche, p. 681.
15.
See: C. Snouck Hurgronie Herr» ;„ ,u •
Century, (translated' by'!'« M o ^ K I n f * . ^ ^
2l ^ Nineteenth
Monana
" ) , London, 1937~
A Dutch traveler B u v / ^"; .
L,o
k--y«'er, Buys, realized very well t-h» A-.ft
e d,ffei
hSll «"d religious teacher But „ u .
*ence between a
r
r t h e a , s o showed
his
uneasiness by the fact thai frei
h i? ^ °
f F r t V a nd e r C a
alone, no less than ?70 pe sonTwent to*."'* ° °
^ ^
r
e
e
Bu y
:^
7:;^3
,o.?,
i^i^*
s
^
a
^
L^Xt^l
3 ^_39,
m
8
8
2
]S
' Ä Ä ^ Ä
V*Ù*
ttel*
res,dent f
in 1878/9 Van Hasselt reported til ?h
suchaSa blunder;
0
official,. A.L. van HasseU Jo
kbIJh
*
T™
"
^
gemment
Leiden, 1882, pp. I9O-Î9Î. ' •Volkbesch'"' l^ng van Hidden Sumatra,
'7' « f ^ t f ^
^
^ . k f i t t verzameld.
? H * * * £ • * PP'
^
'8' Sn" £ ! » £ s^hooî Ä " " '
De
,eidin
der
Inlandsche
Hoofden
op'de
BuUen-'ßez?
î'
"A',
^
"
°P
9
P e Bu,te
16-22.
n-Be2.tt.ngen", |,Gt. I (I9O8), pp.
19.
20.
" "
Verkerk Pistorius, "De Priester an
de Padangsche Bovenlanden"? T N T
•,
I / I g t â ' * ° P £ l Samenleving in
» -If " t 't.» ' i ( 1 0 6 9 ; , p p . 222-223.
Concepts of "scope" and "force" of r . i i n d by C. Geertz
in his Islam Observed; ReHqious L !
' 9 V ' * * deve,
rOCCO
the U n i v T r T T t T ^ r ^ c a g ^ f s T T 9 7 T ^ ^ ~
- *™L Indonesia.
L;iLTl9Ö6
U
:
9
p7
J
Ï8^.^^
( t r a n S , a t e d
b
' A.W.S.O.Sullivan),
U
Uni
- - ^Vol.
c C o f a s ^ o f t l 1 e1956.
- o n e n ^ a ^ fSoc,olo
^ C " f C9 ,^cal
West" ' Hague/Bandung,
8 , ; ^ ^ ? : ;-Indonesian
Studies,
I, The
23.
Verkerk Pistorius, "De Priester en zijn Mvloed".
24.
Van Hasselt, Volkbeschrij ving, p.
59#
G V
E r C t0r IO ,,S eUff ,<,: H
~ t"«Hln.ng"• Universitv
^ u 'ór?„ e dL^I,
"o
?v;d\ti
r -ï , - , „ '
of Wis^i»?"«.,?;;,,. ^ J " " ' 8 ' «"«"'»n.". Ph.o. Thesis',
25
28.
Verkerk Pistorius, Studien pp. 125-126.
29.
0957J?°pp: E i6-?u' " 0oSterSe v i s i e °PWest * r " bewind", B.K.I. 113
30.
Van Hasselt, Volkbeschrijving. p. 1^3.
31.
Westenenk, "De Inlandsch Hoofden", p. 838.
33.
Westenenk, "De Inlandsch Hoofden", p. 822, note 2.
34.
See Snouck Hurgronje's opinion on Sjech Achmad Chatib's attacks on
Minangkabau inheri tance AjmbteHike Adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronie
• Gravenhage I96I - I965, pp. 1 8 4 5 ^ 6 7 ^ — a d v i c T ^ t h f ^ d ^ '
ficat.on of adat laws Adatrechtbund»! |, (1911), 22 ff?
35.
Verkerk Pistorius, jtudien over de inlandsche Huishouding.
36
'
37.
pp.
13|-132.
nQfin r !SIn , , R O n d 0 T^ e ,? U d e StriJdvraag van Minangkabau", Indonesië' 7
(1960-1961), pp. 117-129. See also T. Abdullah "Adat and t«\Z In
Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau". Indonesia 2^ ^ 6 6 ' ^ "-24
A more recent anthropological study on the subject- Nancy Tanner
•Dispute and D i s p u t i n g Settlement among the Minangkabau of Indonesia"
Indonesia. 8 (October I969), pp. 21-67.
muonesia ,
See: Abdullah "Modernization".
26
Kraton Ambon:
Myth and History in the Lat
e Nineteenth Century
Anthony Day
Cornell University
ponttfhre^;drB:ia^i;tf: s x fis-.0: srr*in
and
weU
their
—
int
century was a model of rmtjin
orde
RWdl! 2
° the next
u
1873), the last pujangga of h e ! ^
! N 9 a b e h ' Ran99awarsi ta (1803his old age and cTfrSPft Ka ath da the" 5.2°"* W r ° ? 3 S h ° r t Poef" '"
echoes, and the language of the Doem Ï Î
? ? " n f ^ i o n ; " the title
day style of Javanese prophecyV The l a s ^ r * 1 I "T'™* f r o m ' t h e doomsominous obscurity in the soc 7£a> u 7l i n 9 , f.' J a v a n e s * poet saw an
increasP
ingly clear and permanent
' C a ' °rde t h e Dutch made
Ï * R e S ' ' d e n t a n d ««
kratonhîidirfaf:ursenï?ve= n ? ^ ^ ™ * " ™ '
in a single colonial world. Tf tTr i S ^ r / * ? * ^ o v e r , a PPing. roles
before) the Solonese kra on acouîLrS , ( ' 2 d e t r a c t o r s would say long
d
, h e U t w a r d f o r ™ of the Du?ch
regime. There is no evidence
ç
e t h e r $Unan
r
ELÛâli took a leading part în0hesgp9oad c
'
Pa,ace
C m,nor
onese countryside after the end of t n T j * ' '
uprisings
in
the Sol$ ]
the Dutch
controlled the non-event of Ccolonial
UfTin*^VV"
0,0n,a,
Played its appointed part.
' ' f e , n wh 'ch the kraton elite
In terms of what we must fnr t-h« «L .
palace literature, thîs is another Say ó ï w ! " 9 1^*1*
" » "traditionalSay
after 1830. There were no maTor dZlLfr
" ? 9 . t h a t "nothing happened"
r
elegantly conceal: the colonel I
7 a I r i « to embellish and
grip, firm in the conWctton hit Z a s H ? >^Pt ^ s u c " « i o n in its
dynast,c
rebellions. There were nó LIT
. " " - r e g u l a r i t i e s " led to
ratayudha
heroes of the oîpanagara yeTrgr^oïT
V**
-nner. The
sioned. Solo and Yoqya warrLoTT
S « " e c t e d medals and were penî / ' S î X Ä T f
' n C e n t r a l JaVa a t
the end of the e i g h X h " L
3
pended antagonism, an enmity wMch ttll
I
'nt a s t a t e o f su*eXPreSS
e y C
0
! " t h e dbeaHt tc, ae t e
and inconclusive skirmishes^ he dan c e r:ther rH
,n pîtched
The traditional sources of 1 iterarv insnirf,T
writing, except for the recopytnq of o ï d i Î ? h a d . 9 n e d r ' ' H i s torical
Solo in the nineteenth centum
Thl 1
l**tS> v i r t u a " y «ased in
s t i l l written almost entirely fn trlöTtiï » f * * "
^ n e V f terature,
P et C m e t r e S 2 a r e
historical and romantic ^nature
™ .
,;
'
versified wayang lakons
hP L «
«-entl
' Ranggawars i ta 's opus,
-negara IV a V o f the ninîh Suna"
*"* ^
'
^ ^ ^ of Ma'ngl
renaslen? l ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ Z ^ T ^ '
" * ^
'
"
one might profitably consider whether I t rLn*
' " T ' S,'9nif' both'
of the thematic ^
U
V
Ä
2
Ä y
Ä i . ' Ä ^ l i
27
Ih.n , l t t , e k remarkable that colonial Solo produced a literature in anyqawar'sitaU 12 * " t r a d l t i o n a l v e i n '
What is interesting a u R
.
The no on t h a T r 5 ' ^
^ ^ ^ ' S t h a t t h e * a r e d i f f i c u l t to place,
as y e r û n L o î o L " y T " " 5 3 n o s t a , 9 i a f r e p î c t l m e s simplifies their
p L r h L r C e complexity; their "overrefinement," so i r r i t a t i n g to
e
IS t h e
a n dmaSk
f t h e i r
ï3'
r'""
inscrutability. There s
9
, 3 C k
f f l tb e t w e e n f i
ones! leTsl a n T " * "? ^ " I * "
" de SUÇlé Solche heldi™ " ^ d a y r e a l i t y . The problem can be"smTsieT^der
the head.ng, "nostalgia," only i f we know who hissed" what, and why'
5
mUCh w M U n g
l n t h eo l d v e i n J
SuraJrta^ianlrT06
" colonial
exoîaîn it I ' ? n o r e d r . f o u n d Perplexing mainly because we attempt to
f What
selve
The h L U S , ' V - , y , , n t e m S
' S e X t e r n a I t o t h e texts'themhe n,
nVZ II T . stor.cal context in which this literature was written is
undoubtedly .»portant; once i t has been reconstructed fro^ the fragmen!
rl d
revea
S
t whaTîs'
L u & the
^ ^poetry
l
' But
* of
V the
ï P Ctime.
" w iNt' is
'h
aoout
what is ^ inside"
not' ™
premature
to uspect that, even after the historical record is a bare" wTwïn
v
Ser
a itv 3
Ht0
understandî
9
" 9 the sheer volume and the \ nguis c
COnteXt
f
"
PO«t-tr.d.t«oïï
Dutch ZrtUta
LZll
tradition hid 1 i S
? ''
> " k e any other literary or mythic
f
Ytt II uil
5
' t S 0W"» n e W h i c n d i d n o t depend ultimately for
its existence on either the l i t e r a t i who wrote i t down or thé eîînïs of
the day
Œ
Sîtr?!
, tIe rtaht uerdee a d
A v i t a l momentum sustained i t for more than a century arter [ts
H eraetur 'and'0 "
: H
n
e
W
8o"
ety
f ^ « " * * & e
'
nC e n t r a I
j3Va
of the'reuïionship
C a na C C O U n t
with exploits, they consist, instead, of words, cliche's
r" a ,rofte'^cits d ;r sed be,~<an
n
f 0 r
«So*
idiom«: *nH
"& ™
3
-
and p;cb:b,rfns c a:e p ^„^ c ro p f r ^b?o U s th ?: 9 ^^ b cT a n nd v :- the >r h T.
alti
who was exiled to Ambon by the Dutch in Ju v iSïn ? ! K "? ,
«
of the only two babad-, i j t e x t s ^ r t u e V a " o i t ' s o o âfte M ^ S ^ ' t h T
Ä^o? dr.MJr r f hf W * SK; r £ * œ
f
ana 017-26) ,s largely about the events surroundinq the Sultana if.
outside of Java. And yet the incomplete Serat Babat keot in Le"d™
ïïi&îris^
h
t
d
The; ,s ^ ^ r
5
^ v i t r,:
28
^ " **" — « ^ babad
-^aT^eeT "" £ ^
S
f
f
i
^
W
A
t
ó
' - structured in the
meditates in order to acquire one t n . !
"? ' S W ? t h o u t a kingdom; he
thrown i n t o upheaval ( q a j ^ a V a ' a Î ! , C ' a ' 9 n d n a t u r a l w
s
the founding of a ^ ^ f e f t f T i ï A . ^ f l ^ a r r ï v e s t o P ^ e
U
' r d e r restored, the
new kingdom f l o u r i s h e s ; the k i n o mi?
the populace and admired by wome'n
e
ea ch < ,
h î
%
h a r
f-
Thîs
s
h!fal.T?'
n
4uence oflye:
- d J V h - a."! ^
^
^
Ngenggeni wisma s a t u n g g i l ,
adoh kiwa
tèngenira,
"Hing beteng i k u tanggane,
enggone kumpeni d j a g a ,
d j a g a n i j e n g Suhunan,
adoh pasar adoh warung,
kang c e l a k toya k e w a l a .
3.
Tan kenging wong m a n j i n g
kor i ne pan j i n a g a n a n ,
Walonda sa Iawe kehe,
miwah kiwa
tengènira,
i k u ya j inaganan,
den-rodhani saben da l u ,
Walonda rnubeng k e w a l a .
fr. Dene t a ingkang n g l a d o s i ,
Walonda papat g i l i r a n .
siji,
P r
ano ^
9 r e S S
W
''
'
th
î s
honored by
a 9 i Ma n d
-om
add
*
JaVa,
29
loro-loro sadinane,
yen dhahar aneng in medya,
samekta sadayanya,
dene wedang lawan susu,
iku ya mangkono uga.
5. Sadaya saking kumpëni,
sabarang karsa narendra,
tan lyan Londa papat kuwe,
kang ngadhep sad i na-d i na,
dene ta ingkang uwa,
raden Cakradipuraku,
sïnung gyan wisma piyambak.
lerse^^^urroî^ome^enî
Ä twill
^ W"royal,ze"
^ r T «Bangun
^
environment. But the derail o r \ l
™™
Tapa's
reced
haS n
ent in the
°P
traditional formulaUons oi " ? s o U t l o S - l V * "
founding of kingdoms. n the f? st pîace ^ h S t r U C t u r a , , y p r e C e d e t h e
so sparse that the versé barelv hoîd. Î \ K e , e m e n t s of the scene are
wisma satuncgil wall guard marte , f a t h e r : the distances between
clustering around Bangun Tapa în r h J klnf,arJ
^solute. Instead of
bute of royalti things aid Lón» ! ^
tightness which is an attripoetry itse'lf l a c k t a ^ e s V ïhe* unit o? " ' " . « » Ï ' P "> "im. The
fragmented rather than an «1 i J ™
. q u a n t , t y here is "one," a
enCOmpaSS,n
traditional royaî conJexî.
9 o n e n « s , unthinkable in a
The other unmistakable and closelv r*)**** -i
is the reiterated mention of the Dutch and t h ! d e , e m e n * ! nt h e pening
In traditional babad the startina
1 !
* S * a t e o f ImPrisonment.
f U n d e r S is t h e f o r e
free and in harmony with he natura? ï l i ï ITl
°
st:
estab,ish
royal culture in the wilderness^ Natur! L ,t ^
e s a new
process, first term in a logeai sequence- n ^ " t / he , Start o f a "atural
Bangun Tapa, however, already named "s L - na'uIp1e/cul t"re, fores t/kraton.
narendra
size his utter discordance with M s surroln" « " to emphaUnd,n s
9 ' ,s Positioned in an
environment too alien too "unnat, r J .. ?
series of events we can recogn z e What ? s T ^ * ^ !•"* t m '" ™*
Prison? We anticipate process but wïat kind o f ^ n e T ""^ d ° î n 9 ,B
The poem underlines this thematic hesitation by denying its king the
30
quality of movement
r
W
in MA
JheTi;!' o ;?'"«' Ä ' Ä S
Ü
Ä
£,««- * *
trave„i„g
this "realitv"
creates a movement counter to tit ri
f t h e outSet
whirlpools in the c u r r e n T o f ^ n ^ ^ f & , « £ ' « « « b a b a d ! dilatory
that i's ll^tT^olZ'Tn
thfeCtenxtradlTChtÏOnS 3 t t h e h e a r t »f the babad
f ,,ow
^
X
°
"Pon the opening description X h e prison' S t a n 2 3 S ^
7^ Kuneng ta ing lami-lami,
sang nata langkung sungkawa,
datan karaseng kalbune,
kagagas-gagas ing driya,
'inipur meh tan kena,
ing tyas sangsaya margiyuh,
rinasa saya karasa.
8. Ginugu saya ngranuhi,
aw i t saking onengira,
"»rang kang t in Mar kabeh,
sang nata lagya pinarak,
neng kursi tanpa rowang,
os iking tyas amergiyuh,
sru katon nagaranira.
9.
Pangrasa kaya keksi,
31
kontha-kanthan ing Jro pura,
nagara Surakartane,
lan enget suwaranira,
pra garwa kang tinilar,
sakathahe para rum,
lir katon neng ngarsanira.
10.
Lan enget siniweng das ih,
ri kala mangun wibawa,
lan enget lamun amiyos,
siniwakeng siti-bentar,
lan enget pra arinta,
sang nata putek kalangkung,
kapuwung nutuh sar ira.
Vntrlt,
!
Ä
y \
k
"
-"9.r.nlr.." is surprising. And yet th s ûddén
ôr s%nîeshâPerwTt^nSrpa?aoe':f Ä
.
^ A
fragments to be listed i sound! the voices o7 the ^ T V *
?T*
behind (that is, women who have abandoned L t o L T ! t Î " ' T
than follow him into exile). Memory o ^ r a t « t h r o u ^ o r ° o° evo ^
with the oast 6 ? 6 ; n ( 0 f t h ? P T ' S S Î ? 9 Î n 9 ) achieves a kind of identity
with the past (of Bangun Tape's Solo); neither is equivalent to Ambon!
not aih; saji* iffiuïcâië i: i A ' t ó 'ÏT
qualities vaguely recalled. We see that the cond Hon J Î C O n ? e c t e d
,m r, onme
P !
nt
disintegrates remembrance; by I istinq the bîtï ™ H » S
9
n d p , e c e s o f on
eng. the
text implies how difficult it c *i
• •j i »»ries,
m e point of the lovers' separation
32
and o f the emotion o f k a n ^ n
cuitura, wholenessr^hVsS^f;«^ The
feig
the
To remember i n the S^ra«-
beyond the l i m i t s set £ TS" SÊ e r , n 9 ' i s j £ l u .
r e c o l l e c t i o n a L,VA f ? M . a . g i v i S T ^ p
onenq. because Î7
-- -
The
Ih|. 1 ,
antithesis to
L T " " n o t e s a going
Serat Babat r e i e r t * *
,
baba
V
d , wong
Sft?îP£s ; Ä si'JSrr Ä - e
- o n of o p Ä -
Ä
^
£
0
* ^ ^ " ( U U }
'V conventional outco« o f
23. Mankana wau sang aji,
sinerung denya ria lad,
apan dahad pamesune,
s i yang da I u tan ngandika,
tan panggih lan kang garwa,
anahen karsa kalangkung,
angeningken ciptan ira.
2^.
Cinatur laminireki,
sang nata lagya rialad,
men
kawan dasa d inane,
kaya katrimeng Hyang Suksma,
sang nata pamudyanta
dene amawî tateruh,
dhëdhët ing Ambon negara.
^
.
^
j
^
^
£
«
^
33
25.
Lir pendah tanpa hyang rawi,
udan prapta salah mongsa,
awor lawan angin gedhe,
kayu gung kathah kang rungkat,
saking gSnge pawana,
janma akekes sadarum,
labete keneng pawana.
26.
Wahu sasirnaning angin,
janma prasamya kalaran,
ing Ambon pager ing gëdhe,
wong lara suk sore pëjah,
yen sore laranira,
esukira nul i lampus,
meh warata sanegara.
The .gara-aara, in position and vocabulary, is pure cliche. Yet it also
.1 lustrâtes the "Ambonese" dictum that tonglah, invites disaster!
If we look back over the first 25 stanzas of the babad, we see that
the poem moves along on at least two levels. There is the formal strueture of the "history,- in which nothing particularly su p^s inTnappens
the text as ,t were knows its lines by heart and can recite
tïZbaclwards. But the precise way in which the verse is put together repeals
the specal reality of thh; babad and its hero; a very different
Hill
sings the story of Bangun Tapa as his '.officiai', chroni!:i<, unfoîdi'
Ir» a conventional sense the aara-^ara has the desired eeffectthe
rrect
- tne
kümmern quickly sends a letter to the TeTdral laut.
30.
Jendral laut dandan agi is, arsa mring Ambon nagara,
Ian ngiras panggih sang katong, warnanen nulya umangkat,
angin gung nempuh layar, palwa glis lampahnya rawuh,
minggah mring Ambon nagara.
34
The stanza suqqests that- :„ *i_-
figure s u ^ d 9 to retor "o 5 r > ^ h a Ä - ** a ^thologica,
a n nist
Real voyages to Ambon, as other babfn. L !
orical character
delay or death. This 'unspeci f e Dutchm ^ 1 , W e r e ] n*> b e s e ^ w? h
from Java to Ambon on the an
!(m
V 3 " 5 gracefully in two lines
Wtho.ogica," action b a c o m Ä S u d ft l ' ^ B U t °"Ce ^Amoon
.n the conventional movement of the text hïî *à The""e is n o ruPt"re
for what it cannot overstep.
* Xt ' b u t a c t , o n P^ses, accounting
31. Jendra. lautmanjing loji, apanggih lawan
kumendhan, kumendhan kathah ature. nulya
sami pirembagan, jendral lawan kumendhan,
nulya tur uningeng prabu, yen jendral arsa
kapanggya.
32. Jendra. nulya lumaris, manjing pondokan narendra, kumendan iku rowange, wus prapta
nulya tabeyan, anulya tata lënggah, neng
kursi telu sang prabu, kapat garwane narendra.
33. Nulya kangjê-ng sri bupati, nimbai i marang kang
uwa, raden Cakradipurane, tan dangu anu.ya prapta, neng abyantareng nata, radyan Cakradipurane,
lenggah neng lamp i t kewala.
The momentum of the aara-nar=> -o u
must be observed. Tfcnf wTSoJ c e ^ n T l h ^ ' , C 0 , 0 n î a l Protoc<»
dokar, narendra. This phrase embodies a T â J ^ ^ e n t e r s t h e £°n"J* reînf ^cing ouT^onvent.onal expectation ?hat matter^mus t cSn
-ngs ,s at the same time puzzUng even s h L T * B U t t h e C , a s h o f e n tions it reinforces; its effect Is diîator
!"?' t 0 t h e b a b a d «»"vanmust undergo while the king wa t fo Cakrldr '"" t h e d e , a y t h e a "ion
P r a to a
cont.ngencies continually obstruct th. ^
V
PP^r. Ambonese
text Even poetic conventioniof metri caTeh* ' ^ ' P r ° 9 r e S S ° f t h e
can
embody antithetical notions of delay
^
» in t h e Serat Babat,
36. Sang nata ngandika aris, kaki boya kakirangan,
sabarang miwah pangane, sok taksiya kaki jendral.
35
mongsa nganggeya kirang, sangking puteke tyasingsun,
ngong arsa mij il i n g j aba.
t a l n J ? ! ? ^ 1 ^ 1 ^ -(and ! e C O n d ) S e c t î o n
of the b a b
^ the anomalies con-
Suna^escorts the jendral back to the fort and r e t u r n s " g ^ g f o Jls
17.
Nulya kondur kangjing sri bupati, lawan garwa
katong, raden Cakradipura rowange, angandika
kangjêng sri bupati, jendral laut îki, akeh
emperipun.
18.
lawan eyang pangran Mangkubumi, iku nora adoh,
pasemone lan jajorotane, mung kaceke bongsa
kulit putih, jen aja kumpeni, lir darah Mantarum.
19. Apa iki trahing Mangkubumi, kalane sinelong,
nora manbu Walonda solahe, raden Cakradipura wot-sari,
bokmanawi gusti, wonten emperipun.
The reference in the verses above seems m h« «-» D
bumi, brother of Pakubuwana IV and* S £ ?o1an!un Z PI ' " J'*W a S H Ca Xn l9 ,K eU d_
to Ambon in 1816 and died in 1826 affa? s rJ
! Jf °
of him is at once appropriate and d? f Ï L Î to
? ° S ° °' M e n t î ° n
the babad character of the iendral « 1« V
expia.n. It may be that
36
» comparison Is mad. .t . i
I e r ! o5 t h e ' b a L " ^ -° a S " r a t h e r " h y
aba
" '"" ' t S « ^ " « t l o n .
(and sp.cial ant i-convent ions".
The curious thing is that the jendral should be explicitlv Jauani^rf
i3tn century texts.
The intent is contained in the word emper
stanza lg, that conveys the message:
naa«ai-*H
the difference between the terms
In so doing ,t demonstrates its power and its independence from tha s torC
content of Bangun Tapa's history on Ambon. As the babad progresses we *
ae again and again, and with increasing clarity, how the con îdence of
the text's conventionality rests on a consciousness of Its own stren^h
as ,t toys with negations of Itself.
strength
amhig:[tii:sa^o:id?tn:^fen7^dhe:fi^,Lo;ir;hT:^t:eTl:h?:hift^se
20.
Angandika wahu sri bupati, uwa d i pun gupoh,
wiwitana cengkalen den age, ukurana sadayane sami,
rekanen cepuri, bakal dalemingsun.
21.
Atiruwa kutha tanah Jawi, mokal yen mangkono,
angambila satitik iribe, ingsun dhewe ingkang
amirsani, Cakradipura gl is, manembah gya metu.
37
22.
Nulya samya den-cengkali agi is, rineka kakojor,
raden Cakradipura kulmake, ing rarekan sangking
sri bupati, bonda wus rumanti, tînon ngundhung-undhung.
23.
Sampun prapta ingkang nambut kardi, anggîli
ponang wong, dina-dina tan ana kendhate, Jangkung
rame wong anambut kardi, gangsal atus ne'nggih, Ing
ing sadayanipun.
2k.
Tigang nagri ingkang samya prapti, nambut karya
katong, kadya sulung wong anambut gawe, asëluran
pan agenti-genti, gya ing lami-lami, wus dadya sadarum.
25.
Pan îngelar plngglring capuri, enggone punang wong,
pan sinipat-sipat lulurunge, pinarapat tengah jog
ing pinggir, gya ing lami-lami, Ing Ambon wus bagus.
26.
Sri narendra nulya angubengi, enggone ponang wong,
gya tinata-tata sakabehe, ingkang samya wismeng pinggir
margi, sinipat apipit, tëpang samya kampung.
27.
Wus misuwur sangking tepis-wir Ing, liy an pulo katon,
yen Ing Ambon kalangkung baguse, salamine nora kadi
mangkin, janma akeh prapti, tumut wismeng ngriku.
^AmbcT ^ l ^ ^ 7 ^ t , t ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
**»^
'-elf
"Ambon" with its own, ancient signîncance
îh
" T t0 ^ ^
scene it describes; its repetit o n é s " teils aîl ^ T h 'S.aS ^ a s
the reiteration of the sense of at n ^ fn «It?! i) • -K '" ' J 3 " " 2I
the
to scale, the
\
^
^
^
f
e
5
i
Ä
38
kadya sulung wong anambut gawe. condenses the effect in one image: the
miniature regalness of the language and the undertaking it describes.
It is precisely this tension between majesty and its necessary diminution
in Ambon that the babad aims for. The ambiguity inherent in expressing
both at once is the special spirit and sense of the passage.
Just how intentional the instability of meaning in the text is, and
how delicately precise its distinctions, is illustrated as mi j i 1 continues
2g.
Nulya kondur sri bupati agi is, amandheg neng
regol, kumandhane wus mantuk mring beteng,
datan tumut kondur sri bupati, amandheg neng
kori, myat rengganing lurung.
30.
Sagung kumpeni samya ngrasani, dhumateng
sang katong, sugih akal sri narendra kije,
teka bisa angreka nagari, miwah rerengganing,
Ian bisa mamatut.
31.
Ana kumpeni sawiji angling, mokal bae katong,
neng nagrine tilas ratu gedhe, kadhatone pasth? lamun
bec i k, rengganing mepeki, pasti lamun bagus.
32.
Nadyan gone karya aneng riki, i ku ya kinaot,
durung ana tanah sabrang kene, kadi daleme sri
narpati, mung cacade cilik, nanging luwih bagus.
The perspective here is multiple. We see the new kraton with the eyes
of the Dutch guard. Are their words to be taken as praise or insult?
Are they spokesmen for the "convention" or a sarcastic (and hence anti-)
version of it? Nqrasani and anqreka (with its connotation of deliberate
falsification), as well as the phrase mung cacade cilik nanqinq luwih
bagus, sharpen our sense of the imitative and diminutive qualities in
Bangun Tapa's royal undertaking. But the scene is constructed on at least
two levels. Over and against the kumpeni is set the Sunan (physically
present) and his ambience of royal language. It is fully appropriate for
the convention to speak of his akal and to point out the natural way in
which the kraton comes into being: kadhatone pasthi lamun becik. The
3g
king's silence is eloquent oroof r,f t^k^
diers acclaim or decryTn JalTnLJ
rt
?V P t e n C y
convention and what does n o H s unstable.
" " ***"*"
Which
t h e D
Wh3t
be,
«tch sol
°n9S to
0!!!"
" ^ H C a n n o t « " * r . t . n d in i t
own te^s/lns^X 23
the contra
sharpening its focu on each of ïtî In'**,
,
d i c t ions i t embraces
of the kraton continues ^
J
^
^
^
ascription
1.
Pan
sigegen sagung pra kumpeni, kawuwusa kangjeng
s r i narendra, kang aneng paregolane, langkung den
n ra
ngungun, aningali rengganing nagri, dene kalangkung
pelag,
sang nata amangu, meh kacaryan s r i narend
ira.
dangu denira pinarak aneng ing k o r i , sru mawas j ro
nagara.
2.
Langkung suka galiye sang aji, gemah aripah Ngambon
nagara, pasir wukir loh jinawe, nagri cilik tur patut,
ironing kita kejogan warih, angarepken samodra, angungkurken gunung, angiwa-nengen bangawan, gasik resik sumilak
angirasani, nagri langkung raharja.
3.
Pan s inapi t marang sri bupati, ngareping kori sinung
prapatan, mangidul jog samodrane, mangalor dalemipun.
ngetan ngulon gedhug ing kali, tinugil amerapat, ing
saurutipun. sakutha sasowang-sowang, amangidu. enggone
juragan grami, wong dagang lajeng wisma.
k.
Margenipun kabeh den-jagani, pinatrolan ing sadina-dina,
yen dalu mubeng rondane, marma reja kalangkung, marganipun
dipunsirami, yen sore sinaponam, aresik
dinulu, pinggiring pasasar ajajar, therek-therek pacinan
40
angapit margi, pager ing pinggir marga.
5.
Apan kathah Cina samya prapti. ingkang dagang .ajeng
tumut wisma, rumongsa kathah untunge, akeh mondhok wong
kampung, saking sësêg jëjël apipit, gldhug wisma Walonda,
pan amung let lurung, jëng sunan langkung kacaryan,
aningali carême wuni marapit, apipit aneng prapatan.
6.
Cinarita korine sang aji, tundha kal ih keri ingkang
jaba, jinaganan pelangsire, kumpeni kawan-likur,
rolas-rolas iku sasisih, kori jro jinaganan,
papat husaripun, husar papat ingkang jaga. bokmanawa
sang nata arsa umijil, husar papat tut wuntat.
7.
Dene daleme sri narpati dhapur lojen pecak
kawan dasa, pandhapa samono maneh, agëdhong payonipun,
pan ingëlis ingukir sami, ingicet kapuronta, ijo
lawan biru, pinasangan gambar tiga, ingkang gambar
kalangkung dera rëspati, asri busananira.
8.
Kanthilipun pan saking Batawi, kang satunggal sakin
g
pulo Gedhah, iku sangking jendral kabeh, inggih kang
atur-atur, tuwan jendral lan kumasaris, pamriye tuwan
jendral, sang nata men tutut, aywa kongsi susah-susah,
marmanipun sinung dalem cara puri, binusanan sadaya.
9.
Kori dalëme iku ingapit, kakembangan pinrada sadaya,
sembagi iku wranane, empër pandhapa gathuk, lawan empeY
k]
dalem ing wuri, marma sinungan wrana, wwa(=ywa) katon
dinulu, inebing kori kang tengah, pan tinulis gambar
wireng lawan srimpi, endah suwaranira.
10.
Lamun minep wau ponang kori, gambar iku pan kadya
pasiyan, yen menga kadi bedhange, samayan durung temu,
gya balangan ulat lan Uring, dene pipining lawang,
lentera ginantung, kiwa tengin papat-papat, lamun
da lu obahe diyan nyunari, kadi gambar gugywan.
" t h e , ^ p e n ! soldiers fall silent, the convention of royal poetry
states ts self-conv.ction: the phrase langkung suka galjye sanî a j j a t
the b e g m n m g of stanza 2 is confirmed by the stock description of {he
'prosperous k.ngdom" which fills the rest of the stanza (noté however
This is what has been intended all aîôngTy the
the qua i f y . n g ç m k )
o L
K l\termsof t h e l°9lc of the convention it should seem natural
C , i C h e S r 6 S e r V e d for
As ftrelfoZTs
rn'"9 ^ 'T"'
JavaneseTingd™
a
S C n r ed
What WaS
' W r o n 9 " in t h e opening stanzas of
t L L h n -c
u ? " u *
the babad ,s now "right;" the internal state of the king and its correlative in the external world are the exact reverse of wha? we saw at the
sta,P!
he
] the
» ;
by
^
a?i Kyafi Zi^; ^
^
e-r?"
— - —
^>muiJmr^^'
guage, not of the w o r l d . The ?meaning
ate
, O W the
e d b babad continues to o c
3 r e f , of
* Popularizations n
stanfa l ' R Z a H , 0 n S f ?*""
stanza 3. By
degrees
the
t
e
x
t
situates
the
kraton
along
the
points
of
eturns to
S
b a L n ^ T a
tie geography, the physical r e a l i t y , of the
u:
babad s opening
Wisma at the end of stanza 3 is enough l i k e wisma s a taö-L
to r e c a l l the patrolan in stanza k, Only now the k j W f ^ o S c t s
a palace as , t guards a p r i s o n ; the enggone kumneni I»«» T T ^ J L ™ * 6 ^
bu t m e t . c u ously swept clean. Marma reia k a l a n g ' j f a . , Jo h what is
a t a u t o l o g . c a l and hence natural property of Javanese kraton as well as
aéd
"afte C r"1h r " ?** f T
"* * " ^ Pondhokan. between " b e f o e "
and a f t e r " the transformation by c o n v e n t i o n a l i z a t i o n .
as i n T S ! d i s t l n c t ; o n i s . s o m i nimal that i t teeters on the edge of i l l u s i o n
n S
! S
naréndraTnä S K * V I
' B u t t h e « ' « » r a n c a between péndhokan'
f /
daleme s r , narendra is in f a c t as c a r e f u l l y demarcated as the
layout of the Ambonese kraton; the babad clears (mbabad) for i t s e l f a
kingdom in the narrow i n t e r s t i c e between palace é n T T ^ a min ma pair
a
f Amb0n
?nv L o i
f r " ' 1 "
- S t a n Z a s * a n d 5 show Bangun Tapa's
t i n y empire crowded, as convention must have i t , w i t h those who seek
«
wealth and power in a royal i zed Ambon.
lame
'XM
s u f t Ä n ' d Z Z l - Z T t l ' ^
" " ' " " " 1 *k r a
- Th*
nco
e su bl
up against one another. X
ext t „ouîd '
™ " " " « " e pressed
to at once fuse and sharpen dlsUnctfons
,
?' r 6 V e ' S i n ' " a b i , U *
S
" " 2 a s 7 t o , 0 w e e"ter
the royal dalem. On the L l \
'
and iJolent *&££*
ZÖL
" a ed'to'ente
tnf|aa,JLVntoo^ ^ p ' t h e s e r a t
F*
"l'
become-^tüïis of pa ace dÜoT^The^ ?.
of the Sunan'
e
i
e
L
I r
^
T
S
thelacTeTr'
» . ^ « A Z
* "
k e n e
"«
t h e Se,
T
a
"
e'coT
* them to
f-^Plan7ïo7y
TnLZ
r'319-3* B U t nOW t h a t S o , h a s b e e n ~ r e or Te
n Ambon, these singers assume a different aspect and m e a Î
e n t
fact
reé
r e aataâ
^eated
consols ror T
in stanza 10 less symbols of oneng. than c o m m i t edhek
e
woman i z ng sunan. Or like N.nn«a K , „ ;
'. '
? , ' c o n sorts for a
f o r . t . M s 9 t h . t . i t Wh,ch k f ) owrtnror g „-.nd h b.yrnd r !t! ,0n
the k r ^ o n ^ b u M ^ T ' "
"
t U r n i n a
p o i n t
i n
tradi
< " a"<
the b*<"><> i t s e l f .
with Nyonya Kuwi, the episode for which the baba'd I . £ U > ! ? , . ? ' ,
thp hahaH !»
.
..
, ,
9
'
l na
Once
" "
translation and exam nat on of
/ h e f i r S t e î g h t y , i n e s o f t h e Serat Babat show how poetic lanoua™,
and form construct meanings which c^nTrTdTcTTas thay^onflrm basic Ut
erary and cultural assumptions about the word of Solonase kraton!
.
is interesting that macapat, poetry was written in mid-nîneteen h-œntû v
Solo, i t ,s even more intriguing that a text from this per od'sSou" " a i l
an^
*»3
quentîHxem'pnf!:::"^ "
^
^
3
<>' «»'"9 which i t quite elo-
,t
s p e a k l ^ f ^ s h T T f n ' t h f ï f A m b 0 " % b u t ! t »« « . ö about Surakarta.
b U t ?t t e , , S
about
Bangun îapa in ^ e î | 2 W h L £ ? V ^
'T^'
r6SU,t
f t h e
imbalancePof i t s è v e rZ Lan nas
n T ^
^
''^entional
mean nas
î n wh
a vision in which t i l
L
'
'
'<=h none cancels out another, is
a t é : ua, wor d o f ' ^sfefoTdT 1
JT"'830 ^
^
U
Ambon symbolizes neftheräco?g;iJ o S 9 " 9 "" T a p a * U
the imaginative . n î ^ ï ï r ï n
monument to the med i tat ions V
^
'
t e r a r y
^
k r a t o n
^
"
ord" r ^ r a ^ U ^ r a r ^ a d f t ? " 6 T ï * '
a Ian u ^ 'a
T e
t
«
. " *
s
^
M»
Notes
^ A ^ i î a s f i * - « « . * «** of ,„, Leiden
" " n l n g s o f J a l u and ï a H are r e l a t e d . d ' C t l o n ä 7 ' « " 9 9 " t i ß t the
7
!&$£J5^lJfä!&&-lf
t on accords „ , , „ character
fflSÜSi.
London, 1975, p - | i ) 3 /
^;ction „hich a,?0-s us t0
^
US'™?,?
" » «.y ,.„ „ h
' " J - Culler, Structural l . r
h
t*5
The
Acehnese-Dutch War and its Effect on the Acehnese People;
Their Land, Customs, and Institutions
Charles R. Beamer
Colonel (Retired), United States Army
r
WaS t h e mOSt
c o s t l ^ t h f h i s ^ v ' V r h ' i1?:3-1903^1
Protracted and
thousands of men deleted I t T T o Z ^ T ^ ^ ^
* C°St H ° l l a n d
oncilable divisions £ lit Ï H ? T f t r e a s u r ^ a n d caused almost irrecover a quartlr" o? a century5 S ° S f r a m r ° r k o f t h e Home government for
nation, which not n
i
It Ï. ^ ** mOI*e C ° S t l y t 0 t h e Acehnese
involved În a q u L i S v i l ^ I t ^ o f T ^ * * ** ^ BMBe t l a e W&S
but even more signifie!^ wSe t S S K
f thousands of its warriors;
Ch&nSeS
" "*
^
^
economic, political,'anf s ^ s y s ^ m s !
and ^ s t t : o ^ Ä ^ s T S i a l i n k b e t W e e n « *
^
^
f
"
^
kingdom of Aceh lay oS its S l S ^ S S Î S S ?P« * " i T l S
history shrouded by legends until th P f - l f ^
Z ' '> t S e a r l y
tury when i t came Lto^romi^nce after S e Port
^ ^
^
**"
t e r t h e Por
(1511).3
tuguese conquest of Malacca
the flfLersitban1s£nd0ard ^
Ä
S 3 6 ) ^r e n e w^e d t hWei t h t b e « * * * * * .
against them. Under M ^ r S i « I I
.
traditional struggle
e n S
S imaginative leadership the Acehnese
sultanate re eh
result«,
, f .°
Pinnacle of its power, but his rule left no endurinsr
frtiiY- f L n
öLictraians oi the throne and during the period l6kl-l6QQ
a symbol with its effective c o n t r o l l e d t l ^ l l T ^ l ^ T "
Ï A t ^ ^ r ^ :ifteenth
&
"°
ntury.i n AA c series
of
eh s
oliti
d6Cline
' P
cal destiny. Shorn of authority t h ^ f i
T ^
"
M
t h S C6nter
f
^ ^
power and the chieftain began L t r e l f i H ^ ^
°
03 8
(tribute) rapidly replaced port duties and S S a f ^ ? * * ^ ^
^ ^
p0rt
Uleelheue
lost its importance as an export trade c e n t Ï
Fu^tï
>
»
iftthe chieftains of the interior were S S ^ t S S S T S ^ * ! ^ ? ^
Clashes S S S Ö p ï ï ^ ^ f f ï i - S ï r t V a rl e pCrhe iSe f et an it na tSi v ae Ss W e l 1 «
trading rights resulted in c^arge^of MraSv Z t
° ^ W&S
+
"
during Muhammad Shah's reign (l823-l838) ÎZ+ « TT******
the classic answer to malBractwf it?I
<&nboa.t diplomacy" became
dependencies of Iceh!ftrn e i t h e t ï ï V î T " * * * * 1 - i n t h e Pepper-growing
^
Powers, Great Britain 2d £h^ NetherlandJ L ^ ^ V ™ 7*°* ^
influence in the area.5
Netherlands, was able to maintain paramount
k6
T S» !*****"
^
preventheedLt°he°Dnut ^ o f e x ^ Î Ï Ï T ï W
a t t h e Same
While
«
M
.
'
charged them w i t h p r o t e c t i n H h e f h ^ °
^
Acehnese p i r a t e s . After t h e o p e n ^ o î f „ T * W O r t h S u m a t r a a ^ a i n s t
C&nal i n l869
> hove^r,
i t became e v i d e n t t h a t t h e Malacca ft till
^
b doLT^h^Dutcf?f ^ * p W c t e
a g a i n s t p i r a c y and t h i s c c u î f o
over Aceh. A new Anglo-Dutch t r e a t y v « « t i l I
a°h h a d S O m e c o * t r o l
® * ' n l 8 7 1 Pleasing the
Netherlands from i t s pledge n o t t o h J o
S Verei n
S ° v e r Aceh. Fear of
foreign intervention resumed in l ä ?+< °
OVer D u t c h
SOV
—
eisnty.
When t h e s e L ï ï e d t n e 2 t T 8
I - ^
i n 1873. The war had no formal c o n t u s i o n Z
t Z \ ^ * « ^ V
*egan „
Sultan
P r e t e n d e r s u b - //
m i t t e d i n 1903 and by lOlo most oZltT.
7
I
the military « ^ e r n i î ^ ^ S S ^ t S w î r 6 ** ***' ^
the DutcehfiSt0rian
h a S SUSêeSted
t h a t
Aceh
— -
Î
^
A
^
^
f l o u r i s h e d i n n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y Aceh?
depend"cSrAce°hf S
M
S
^
^
unique e x p e r i e n c e f o r
* * * * *
expansion i n t o
° ^ which
a t l n s t i t u t i
)
^
[*»* Ä
-d
had h i s c a p i t a l and t h e t e r r i t o r y of t h . t ^ t h e / r e a l n w h i c » t h e s u l t a n
through i t s l e n g t h by t h e I c e h r i v e r a t n v J e d e r a t i o n s > i s b i s e c t e d
narrow r i v e r v a l l e y , r i c e i s t h e L T
" ^ b y m o u n t a i » s . In t h e
C a t t l e &re tended
on t h e mountain s l o p e s " Aceh Proper v Ü T J ? î î * ï ^ ^
6
o r
bedf ^ V * "
^
« r a t i o n s , ? each c o m p o s e of a c e r t a i n n l b e r
muklffl8
time of t h e i r formal r e g u l a r i z e ™
ÏÏ*
existing at the
+u
r i g h t bank of t h e Aceh S " ' t h a o f 3 ? J 2 ? ^
° f m i M u k l m ° nt h e
n
t h e l e f t
' andthat of
XXII Mukim i n t h e more expensive u n l l f l ï f ^ °
C mP Sed
° f 26> 2 5 '
° °
and 22 mukim r e s p e c t i v e l y . I Z t n T T j S
—
t i o n of new mukim w i t h i n a s
P o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e l e d t o t h e formaThe M V ^ f h Q e f ^ y t h e S a g i ° f XXII
Mukim expanded t o 37 £ k i £ )
Alan9 (lskanda
out t h e customary law S v e r n i n f t h e S
r Muda) s e t
^
Iskandar with t h e ZiTsZllTve
d i v i s i o n ^ ^ V c o*u * " 1 " 1 c r e d i t s
» t r y i n t o mukim. Up
t o h i s time t h e gampong ( v i l l a i n £ , C Î Î 5„ f
J-wn asM
B
«JrÄ
(
5^^
,
3LSr
<
Ä S Seebaî ^ f * « ^ * "
hulubalang,, military commander). The mukim^ l a s o r l R i ~ ^ ^ i°l'y M a l a y
combining a number of gampong into a single "Friday Associate» t
a mosque (masjid jami) under the religious aauthority
of tl T
U° ! U P P ° r t
ot
u n r1
Imeum). Eventually the o f f W of T ™ D Ü V, ; " ^
an Imam (Acehnese
tne office of Imam changed to a secular^oTe of adat
d
kl
chief under an uleebalang. Though uleebalang paid tribute to the Sultan,
they continued as chiefs, judges, and military leaders in their domain
independent of the Sultanate. The most powerful uleebalang was chosen as
the Panglima Sagi. The three Panglima Sagi were war leaders whose authority
extended only to matters of general interest within the sagi; otherwise the
other uleebalang retained control of their own area.
According to Dutch regulations of l88l for the government of Aceh,
Aceh Proper was divided into districts (uleebalangships), the districts
into mukim, and the mukim into gampong. Thus the sagi chiefs were dispensed
with, although m 1922 they were also taken into the government. The village, then, was the smallest unit of government. The imeum, as heads of
the mukim, became the intermediary between gampong and uleebalangships.
The dependencies consisted of the coastal areas along the west, north,
I °5 N O r t h S u m a t r a ' T h e Dutch divided them into four regionsSîl! K CT
1
0 rt
Ea
'I '!
?'
f ' a f W e s t C o a s t s ' asides Aceh Proper and dependencies
and AlaS lands in the
hinterland of Aceh (see map
no 3)
Pidi
e , on the coast to the east of Aceh Proper, was a federation of
twelve principalities nominally subject to the sultan. It was the greatest
rice-producing area of Aceh.10 I t i s l o c a t e d o n a ^
^
S n g e d by
mountains and drained by three rivers flowing into the Malacca Strait.
Here can be found a very old irrigation system intersected by these rivers.11
hv
„J?6
remainin
f.dependencies, the West and East Coasts, were populated
16 a n d A C e h P r O P e r
' T h e a r e a o n t h e » e s t Coast, south
of Seuloboh
t,1"mai
^PePPer-producing area. About I83O pepper production S ? £ £ H TM
n0rt h and
n the 1
,S
a third re ion
flourished
arold
the north-eastern
no ïï
' iSumatra.
?a°
S
1
+
+ * 'This was Aceh«s
most important
around the
tip of
money-crop until the l920's.
V e
S
These areas were not fragmented as was Pidie,
e S ran P 6 r p e n d i C U l a r t 0 t h e
located on t h; rive r .
— *
with their headquarters
Oddly enough, Aceh, with the exception of Pidie, was a rice-deficient
area as many of the pepper planters did not grow rice. Pidie, on the other
hand, exported its rice surpluses to both the pepper areas ana to P ë n a n g ^
The extent of Acehnese trade during the nineteenth century was auite
retable
For centuries Aceh was noted for being one of t^llpoftant
Pepper producers of the Archipelago. Various other products of lesser
importance were also exported. Aceh imported many necessities too
including cloth and fish. This trade was the major source oftincme for
the uleebalang who controlled the flow of goods in and out of tneîr districts
and consequently collected duty on this trade. Yet throughout the DutcT
C
, ° l 0 n i a l a u t h o - t i e s steadfastlySmaïntaÎned the
viewrthftnT,ln Tte\thf
ChiefS deriVed t h e i r mai
da
» source of income from their
tie" wfth Ht ; ' t^!n + r
!
p a g e r s . Consequently, during the remainder of the nineteenth century the Dutch sought to control the occupied areas by direct
in the r1st S of S tir"i d t tra t dit tr al C M e f S ' V h i l e ^ercising indirect rule
in the rest of the sultanate through the uleebalang of the dependencies.
In the dependencies the traditional chiefs were regarded as self-governing
W
princes tied to the Netherlands Ea««t T ™ H
eriands East Indies government by contract.
Between iBfk and 1876 a
acknowledgement of Dutch s o v e r S J n ? * ? ? a r t i c l e d e c l a r a t i o n and an act of
was formally enumerated i n T ï e n f t n y ^ c l V " ? - ' * ? " l 8 ? 6 t M s C O n t r a c t
hy each uleebalang who " s u b m i t S d " ^ ft a m " ! ? ? î f £ t e e a a r t i c l e s * * « « *
&t h l S ule
was a part of the Netherland East i n d i L fo v, !
ebalangship
ments with foreign n a t i o n s , and L h o r L ê d The n t T U n a u t h o ^ e d entanglet0 SU ervise
duties and other taxes when necessary
Si * i f
P
ieyying
the Acehnese
m the same category as Deli and I S ' i ^ S ^ f
dependencies
Su^td^^
6
w
h
e
n
e
v
e
r
i^^^^f, ^ A Ï »
~
After l898 a
Ierklaring.15 (short declaration) v«f
f^
^rte
the uleebalang were subject t o the L t n ^ f ? * * S ^ l y s i g n i ^ ~ " t h a t
not enter into p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s with"?
« J ™ ™ « « * . t h a t t h e Y would
f reiSn P Wers
i n s t r u c t i o n s of the W h e
1
°
°
' a n d *°uld obey a l l
ThUS t h S V h l e
became c l a s s i f i e d « . - S ^ ^ Î ^ S ^
°
"
I ° f f l C e r a t t a c h e d t o the
He observed t h a t :
Dutch forces in Aceh during the 1877 TJ£j
2 tfte l ö 7
' campaign.
f o 1 ^ 1 ^ 6 ! 6 8 * W i l 1 m a k e t h e m o s t far-seeing of the Chief,
go through every form of submission
ThT? V
,Chiefs
? J r - srs^^Ä-s ESS* Ä*
of negative paying of blackmail to the enemy
convÏsefwftrinl611^6^ ^
t o he d e c e i v e d . S
SUmatra
Sald
°fflCerS
t 0 me
'
W
that 1
^ave
government l i k e s
S
Ä
^
1 *"
—
lang X e dÏput S ed f : r g . g S f ^
1
0
a
S
C k
» ï ^ ^ t T ^ l X
^
£ - - ' -uti oTt o
S t e r n s
PeaSants
t i e d to the lord through S
tenure
TT™
'*?*£ ^
^
uleebalang's power was derived S ™
' a c c o r d i n S to Snouck, the
eVeaues
r a i s e d t h r o u h fi
S
* e s and cont r o l of the land 17 B u f I ^ n t î
*
God, suggests t t t :
" anthropologxst, James Siegel, in The Rope of
...uleebalang were similar to the c h i e f t a i n ,
coast of Malaya that G u l l i e d has descrfted
few t i e s with v i l l a g e r s whom they supposedly
revenues came not from the administration of
«* *v «
T ^ l T
ruîed
the
f Their
the law
but
^
*»9
from their control of the market. They used their
profits to support a body of retainers who were the
real source of their power. Dependent on trade rather
than on their subjects for revenues, they formed a
class isolated from village life, in conflict with the
iq
sultan, and occasionally at odds with the ulama. y
Siegel insists that :
The rights of the uleebalang were concerned primarily
with trade. Their rights over land tenure were
insignificant. Although they were responsible for
the administration of the Islamic law within their
nanggrou, they violated this duty for personal gain.20
Here are several of the many incidents which occurred during the Aceh
war which would tend to reinforce Siegel's view that the uleebalang'g author
ity seldom extended much beyond his own raken (retainers). They suggest,
furthermore, that the encroachment of Dutch infidels on Acehnese territory
served further to weaken the tenuous ties between the adat-chief and his
so-called subjects.
In March l880, on the west coast of Aceh, two French mining engineers
were murdered by a band of forty Acehnese whose leaders declared, as Wallon
and Guillaume were being slain: ",...that they did not respect the words
of their leaders on the coast who had defiled themselves by dealing with
the infidels,..."21 Under pressure from the Dutch ruler of Teunom, Teuku
Imem Muda, attempted to capture the leaders of the massacre but was
singularly unsuccessful.22
Several months later, this time on the north coast, a Dutch patrol was
attacked by a band of Acehnese from the Batee Iliq gampong—site of an
important religious school (pesantren or deah). The Governor of Aceh,
General Karel van der Heyden, wanted to hold the raja of Samalanga responsible for punishing the gampong involved in the attack by imposing a heavy
fine on them. The Assistant Resident of the North Coast, G. A. Scherer,
argued however that a fine would be ineffective as the raja's influence
over his subordinate chiefs was obviously too slight for him to control
them. Consequently, Van derHeyden sent an expedition to Samalanga which
was subsequently, and decisively defeated by the inhabitants of Batee
Iliq.23
The destructive Dutch campaigns in retaliation for Acehnese attacks
on the Dutch enclave also served to intensify Acehnese hatred of the kafir
(infidel) invaders. As a result of General van der Heyden's rood hand
policy during the 1878-79 campaign up the Aceh valley and through the Sagi
of XXV and XXVI Mukim the inhabitants fled either to the hills or the
north coast. It was estimated that 91 gampong were burned between July 2
and July 9, 1879 in the Sagi of XXVI Mukim. When the offensive ended in
September I879 resistance had been crushed, for the time being, in the
Aceh valley. An estimated 50,000 Acehnese remained from a pre-war population of 300,000. Obviously this also resulted in a significant change in
50
century. It was many y e a r s ^ f t e r ^ h f ^ f o ^ T ^ 6 1 " ° f t h
tion returned to i t s pre-war l e v e l s ^
*Warbef°re
e nine
r i c e
^ntf
Pr°duc-
Ä
j
ä
^
J*? and 1909 also took
its toTÎÎ ?
pacification.^ The Dutch Socialist ff Î
T " g t h e t e n y e a r s o f °utch
1907 that trade in Aceh had deterlSJ « 7 " K 0 1 c o m P l a ^ed in November
and that they "gave the Ac ehn es f s Sues o
î î ' i n d U 8 t r y W a s ^dining,
" b U l l e t S i n t h e Piace of
rice or bread". He suggested that Ïhe n t I
t h e illUSi n t h a t
"we can use the nativefagainst t h e S own f l i ? " ^
°
ffl dered
by fire and sword," and t h a " t h e y n ™ ^ ? * ? ™ * ^ * V h 0 m We
Clansm n
f « * friends.
This is a demand which is materiaïlv fnä Î S ï î ï
**
Van Kol regarded the position of the adatlTa, ^ l m p ° S s i b l e - " Moreover,
r S a S
stand between internment, fine an L
intolerable "...as they
dlsm
^ a l o n the one side, or murder
from the side of the people!"
* * * ulna's, call for a purification
of t h e T S Ä
fourth group in the Acehnese society + h f ?**"?* t h S D u t c h k a f i r - Th-is
special relationship to the other thre! t ï ^ ( r e l i S i o u s teacher), has a
the sultan and his retinue! The uÎa^a „ad t n ^ 6 ^ ^ ' CO " ODers » a n d
? l e a V e t h e VillaSe o f h i s
birth to mix with other Muslims in Î S «
t 0a t t a i n
In this way the ulama b e ^ e culturallv^^t
^Z. ^
.
a m e cul
turally estranged from both tradition and
village.
ities"?2T k Sl H e ^i r :1: S I l l ^ r r
" r l V a l S ° f t h e ^ a d ^ o n a l author-
overestimated t V c o n m c Y o T ^ ^
? " * *
history of the ulamas» role in the war ™»iT
v v-,
^ Ina°nesian-centric
between religious and seöuLr l e a d J f „ÏÏÏÏÎ P r ° b a b l y P l a c e the conflict
conflicting views.30 PerhaS
o I V f ? *" t h S m i d d l e ° f t h e se two
S i V e n t 0t h e
of the two foremost reformist u ^ w h i l e t T * *? ^
*>«**
f t h e smalle
&CtS
r ulama°
groups have been overlooked!
^
move^^^sr;«
^^fSLïSï14
Abd a
-Rahman
a
- ^ i r , led a
Pederasty and other i l l i c i t n ter c o^r^' S e \ T ^ T S m 0 k i n ê ' a n d
t h e people were
strongly
urged to the fulfillment of thlil
?
years after the DutcTïnvLiofof
ÏÏ^£S£%*
duties,.. ."31 ^ e r a l
successfully a cohesive fighting ^ o S lijf
I*03** t h e f i r s t t o f°rm
dent bodies of troops led by uïfeSîaL and oÏÏ
^ ^ ^ ^ a n d indePen~
resisted the Dutch invasion! The othef n o t a b e l *?"*** l e & d e r S W h ° h a d
Acehnese ulama guerilla
leader, Teungku di Tiro, led the\trTZi
7
l ^ ^ V î 6 ° U t c h d u r i n ^ the l88o's,
exhorting his followers to oar™
the ulama behind i t after l 8 8 l ^ 2 V Pf * " * S * ~ ( H o l y v a r ) a n d uniting
conduct of the uleebalang.
* a l S O C & l l e d f o r r e f o r m s *" the moral
refo^hralri^frL^otle^rdîd 0110 ^ * " ^
«* °f a d * ^ to
those who defend the Faft^ b T m ^ ^ n g ^ r r ^ r f w ^
epic poetry written in Acehnese. ^ h i ^ t ^ ^ ^
f ^
l l ^
* « * * *»
^
£
^
51
famous of these calls for a Holy war. Heroic secular poems were also read
in the evening to the young men who lived in the meunassah (communal hall),
thereby transforming the war into a popular cause.
Nevertheless, to equate prolongation of the Aceh war with a religious
revival, or to explain it solely on the basis of strong ulama-leadership
is an oversimplification of the problem. Not all of the resistance-leaders,
even among the ulama, were motivated by purely unselfish motives. Any
apparent sign of weakness on the part of the Dutch or of Acehnese chiefs
who had submitted was invariably a signal for raids by guerillanbands.
Some uleebalang took advantage of the social turmoil to prey on their weaker
neighbors, sometimes with the acquiescence of the Dutch. Frequently, within
the occupied zone, other terrorist bands would raid gampongs and plantations
of Acehnese chiefs as punishment for their submission. Finally, there were
adventurers such as Teuku Uma, a brilliant opportunist who collected a
large following through his "energy and consummate tact" and who eventually
extended his authority to the entire West Coast except Teunom. In the process of becoming war lord of the West Coast, Uma also acquired huge tracts
of pepper plantations for his own benefit. He later became a trusted ally
of General Deijkerhoff, governor of Aceh, and waged war against guerilla,
uleebalang and ulama-bands alike until his so-called "defection" in 1896.31*
However, Snouck Hurgronje suggests that the period of the Teuku's alliance
with the Dutch should be called the "Uma-comedy production". Snouck was
confident that a majority of the battles between Uma and the ulama were
staged performances with the ulama paid by Uma with Dutch funds to compensate
them for their so-called defeats and to fill their war chests in order to
carry on the Holy war in other sections of Aceh.35
The Dutch, therefore, not only brought to Aceh a destructive colonial
war but a civil war as well, and one which endured throughout the remainder
of the nineteenth century. The following examples illustrate how the Dutch,
with their vacillating policy in pursuing the war, set Acehnese against
Acehnese.
Immediately after the main body of the second Dutch expedition had
the Acehnese began harassing Dutch posideparted from Aceh in April lôjk,
tions. Coinciding with these assaults, several gampong of a Dutch ally
were attacked and burned. Teuku Nek, raja of Maraksa, had been on friendly
terms with the Dutch since the first expedition in 1873 but had previously
refused permission to have occupation troops garrisoned in his area. The
commander of the second expedition, General Jan van Swieten, welcomed the
attack on Teuku Nek's territory, asserting that it would make him a warmer
ally.3b An Acehnese poet, Teungku Dukarim, eulogized the Acehnese attackers
of the Dutch supporter, Teuku Nek, branding him an exploiter and extortionist
of the Acehnese people.31
In May 1876, a dispute broke out between Simpang Ulim and Keureutoe.
The former raja of Meureudu, Teuku Muda Angkasa, was given five hundred men
by the raja of Keureutoe for an assault on Simpang Ulim.38 As Simpang Ulim
was one of the more recalcitrant states of the dependencies, the Dutch
military commander, Colonel Wiggers van Kerchem, supplied one hundred and
fifty modern breech-loading rifles with ammunition and three thousand dollars
for equipment of Angkasa's band. After an abortive attack on Simpang Ulim,
52
Angkasa was murdered by the followers of it« ,
weapons eive„ to Angkasa tell into the hands o^noïïue K S & g
" *
l 8
" " ^
three ^ e ^ e S s ^ t î S e / t h f S
E S V S ^
a
e r e a
rently
at the
PP
'
7
v
,
instigation of the deposed ra1a
Ari
aSSerted t h a t t h e
ex-raja had given them four S l a r s X i e c f v i t ^ f ^
& Pr miSe
°
° f twen ty-five
dollars each if they took the position^
and both r ^ ^ S i f t t ^ ' m
of chastisement, as evidence
the coastal states of Aceh
that: "a system of c n a
l n y y T f t T ~ 5 ~ - » — chastised
of s S J S T t h e r f f t e r this illusory system
A contemS ' ^ n ' ° r e m a i n ^ c h policy toward
— e d
^ e ^ A ^
d e c l a . S ^ r S ^ / ; : : ^ ^ n l ^ 1 8 7 7 ' G ° — ^ - a l Van Lansberge
cleared. He pledged a ^ 1 icy of g o o d ^ S f £ £ 5 îî* î*** ° b S t a C l e t o P r ized this with an offer to rehuilf tL r J°Z d t h e A c e h n e se and symbol1 fSque dest royed during the
second expedition. Concomitant with t h
number of troops was withS!wn & L a £ t S f ** ° f c o n c i l i a t i o n a sizeable
^ s apparently seen as a sign
of weakness. Hostile Acehnese 'attanK
- n e with a „erce a s s a n ^ A s ï ^
^ T j ^ f t i ^ .
When Mon Tassiek fell on 28 Jul v i fi7« +-T, B 'wl
the organized submission of the L î ^ l
, f H a b l b attempted to secure
lnci
f+
P a l uleebalang who took part
in the resistance. Tne maloritv Zl
SUbmit E n dt h e H a b i b s u e d f
°r
his own pardon. Again the war ™
V°
ar-Rahman submitted he acknowlld! T + t ^ T n e a r l y ° V e r - A f t e r A b *
the "war party" with men! monTy m u n i t i o n s ^ ^ f ^ 3 - r e all helping
following year, after thé monsïôn endea'new o f f ™ ' T ^
^
^ ^e
ended in September 1879 the v ^ J !
? offensive began. When i t
ag&ln dSClared
° Ver a n d retrenchment
was once moJe Dutch policy
g o v e ^ n f i n s t i t u t e ? ' ^ e r ^ ^ n e ^ l l S ' L ^ b 1 ^ 6 0 "* Ä * * * * C i v i l
civil governor, Pruys van der Hoeven! t h j f L a n S b e r g e R e s t e d to the new
0 r S a l i Z e t h a t a
* r a d u a l end must
ieZtaTTLTT^"
states into ™ Î7 d l s "tegration of the Acehnese coastal
caÏÏea s ï a t e " ^ 3 3 nUmbe™ ° f t i n y ' dependent so-
^'XX^SL^rLSrîïL^YT
1 6 8 to ineffectual ee
^-
M d recomm
ended that
Van der Hoeven add "one or more" of t t «
f*
of a strong uleebalang! Supported bv the Sut h " " ^ ^ t 0 t h e territory
"maintain peace and ofder iftheir enlarged a r e a ^ ^ n f ' ^ C O U l d t h e n
stronger states against smaller ones waTfto^d by
s
^
^
^
n
^
in Aceh Besar the new civil governor forbade military patrols outside
53
the perimeter of the Dutch positions. He asserted that his new police
service could contain what he considered to be merely small isolated bands
of troublemakers.45 As a result of Van der Hoeven*s policy Aceh Besar
became a breeding place for marauders, as military operations could not be
taken against them without specific authorization from the governor. This
policy almost invariably resulted in the guerilla bands escaping without
reprisals,while the friendly Acehnese leaders and people were left almost
entirely to themselves with literally no support or protection by Dutch
administration.
Deficiencies in the indigenous administration were revealed in
Pruys' recommendation for a temporary expansion of the police corps. He
regarded it as imperative to have "influential and energetic" chiefs allied
with the Dutch to cooperate with the police in maintaining peace. On the
other hand, he complained that "where there are such chiefs, alas! their
number is still small". Van der Hoeven was forced to admit that the area
could not be pacified while the friendly Acehnese were ill-equipped and
not capable of defending themselves against the well-armed guerilla bands.
The majority therefore had no choice but to cooperate with the marauders.
All the same, the Governor was reluctant to furnish firearms and powder
to his Acehnese allies for fear of treachery.**6
Laging Tobias replaced Pruys as civil governor. He immediately
reported the Dutch position there as "almost hopeless". Patrols on the
three miles of main road connecting Uleelheue with Kutaraja had been ambushed constantly by guerilla-bands. The environs of Kutaraja had become
extremely vulnerable to Acehnese raids. The British Consul at Uleelheue
reported it as a "besieged settlement" in fear of "assassins" who "murder
every wayfarer when opportunity favors'".1* 7
Despite unsettled conditions there, Governor-General » sJacob visited
Aceh Besar with the intention of making a drastic reduction of the troop
strength. Instead four main schemes were discussed: restoration of the
Sultanate; a brilliant military campaign to clear guerrillas from the Sagi
of XXII Mukim; increased support for the "friendly" rajas against the
"hostile"ones; and drastic restriction of trade. None of these proposals
found favor in The Hague. However «sJacob agreed with Tobias that it was
not an opportune time to withdraw troops.W»
During the civil government period when the British merchantship,
Nisero went aground on the West Coast in November I883, and the crew was
detained for almost a year by the raja of Teunom, the weakness of the
Netherlands position in the dependencies was again demonstrated. After
repeated efforts to secure the release of the shipwrecked crew, including
an expedition, the raja was paida grand ransom for the crew's release.
With the conclusion of the Nisero-affair the Dutch turned to a
concentratie-stelsel (concentration system) in Aceh Besar with complete
non-interference in the dependencies in order to reduce expenditures, to
restore army morale, and reduce the size of the Aceh garrison.
While the civil government had been attempting to strengthen its
ties with the uleebalang of the three sagi, the new war-leaders were gaining
Sk
creased dramatically. Thifmarkîd the L S e c U l a r resistance groups inAceh Besar by religious leaded and adv^ f ""'^ ° f & n e W initiative in
it was unnecessary to defend one L , f
T ' W h ° h a d discovered that
an ther
°
' a s ia t h e days of
Panglima Polem and Habib A M a ^ R a W n ? ftf
lightning raids on Dutch p i t t
^-Zahir. Now they undertook
the name of patriotism, reÏÏgÎoTor t ^ l ^ r T À u ^ ^
"**»*
*»
H I ^ h e lW 8e 8l 5f a (rseeoe f^
^.k).
The nef^ S ^ ^ ^ e H l S ^
laborating Acehnese outsTde the new
*>* *T h S 6 V e r e
Ä col°
abandoned to
hostile guerrilla bands. The armv c o ^ f Î T
that "retreat would be an a ^ ^ r e ^ e ^ l i t T T , ^
^ — ^ a l
morale of the enemv wrmiH K Q
^reparable political blunder" and "the
™
^ ^
f
' "'9 D u ^ « ^ 5
years of the "concTn^ation" t
forbidden
active defense. Thus friendlv\ÎÂT
^
to conduct an
Dutch line were lef^ unprotected anfîhf "uerri11
^ J f ^ t h eV i c i n i t y ° f the
L i t
^
^
were able to construct
forts and establish Sgamponsin
impunity.
™ P ° n g l n t h e avirons of the concentration line with
no long'eTr^pe^t^t0;: P r ^ o ^ e S a " T T ' * * ^
^
^
nor lived within the ç o n L S L ? ' forTnTuïvlsT
T Î ^ SUbmitted
d9
' t h ec h i e f o f the
Sagi of XXII Mukim, Panglima Pole^ IZ I V v Y'
been
"agnized by Teungku
di Tiro's destruction^? sZe oftis 1
PSPPer
to Keumala with a number
Plantations, went
h B r 1 S^-f
the concentratie to discuss wîth t ^ S + C ? " f 8 f r ° m W i t h i n ^ d without
acknowledging Dutch suzeraintv T 1 f o n d e n t Sultan the possibility of
&
S h a h h a db e e n e
sultan in 1871» at th
f L IT^^T*^ ^
l«*ed
Di Tiro's destruction of PanglSa PolS^T
was established as his capital.
d i f t i c
^ to explain
in terms of Di Tiro's avowed p^pose of n o S ^ Y
8
W
and
those who supported the Dutch! pSticularlvaf? ^
°^°sing
of the staunchest opponents to ^ ^ ^ ^ 0 ^ ^
^
* * b e e n °ne
* * * * *>
^
Teuku ^ ^ M ^ ^ ^ e ^ ^ V 1 1 : - " 6A c^e h n e*
se
with Daud, the 'Var party" anlpaLliL P n ^
to negotiate
Submissi
° - The
mission failed and i? was made apparent tth a t^D l T llr o w^a s
resistance to Dutch authority?50PP
the leader of the
not Ä Î ? ^ e ^ ^ s t S H u ^ ^ n T"0"11t80the " * * " * «
did
To the "war party" the withdrawal 0 f a S e T / T ^
î*? *°
^
colncidi
*&
with
the
"concentration" and the almost unrestricS fr,/A
T
reedom o f
!
trade with the
coastal ports could be interSeSfl
of the Dutch.
interpreted only as a sign of weakness on the side
TftQl f ° W e V e r ' W h e n b°th Panglima Polem and Teungku di Tiro «M* 4 r
1891, a vacuum was left in the resistance movement
„ T
V " Ja"Uary
1
Aceh command reversed its passive policy of defense for o T ' " * 6 't h e
response to any hostile act committed in the vLinity of °?! ° f * V i S ° r ° U S
line, in doing so a number of Teungku di
^
Ä
^
S
^
^
.
55
destroyed and there was a marked decrease in hostile activity.51
When Colonel (later General) Deijkerhoff was appointed governor in
1892, Dutch military policy was again reversed. He sharply curtailed military forays against Acehnese guerrillas outside the line. Consequently,
the resistance groups stepped up their attacks and even constructed forts
within the defensive perimeter.
Yet, after the death of Teungku di Tiro, there was no longer a united
effort on the part of the Acehnese. The mantle of royal favor was bequeathed
to Habib Samalanga, but neither he nor Teungku Kutakarang from the Sagi of
XXV Mukim, nor Teungku di Tiro's son, Mat Amin, was able to enlist more
than a local following. Furthermore, Mat Amin degraded his father's
religious movement by conducting guerrilla activities for his own profit.
In late 1893, Deijkerhoff again reversed his military and political
ideology. His plan for pacifying Aceh was ambitious. Under his four-point
plan he would neutralize the immense commercial and financial influence of
Penang by making Pulau Wê a free port; use a shipping regulation as a means
to reward the coastal rajas for their loyalty or to punish them for disloyalty; restore the sultan (for Aceh Besar only); and surround the concentration
line with a ring of feudal allies, with the ambitious adventurer Teuku Uma
as the panglima prang besar (supreme war-lord).52
Governor Deijkerhoff's plan set the stage for the last phase of the
Acehnese civil war. Teuku Uma was pardoned for his "crimes" against the
Dutch after proving himself by clearing the ulama-guerrillas from the Sagi
of XXV Mukim. He then formed a legion of two hundred and fifty men equipped
and paid by Deijkerhoff and set about clearing Dutch adversaries from those
areas of the Sagi of XXV and XXVI Mukim outside the line. Uma formed a
close alliance with Teungku Kutakarang, the leading religious teacher of
the Sagi of XXV Mukim, one of the main centers of Uma's authority. Although
Kutakarang was an ulama, he joined Teuku Uma in opposing Teungku di Tiro's
sons, Mat Amin and Teungku Bep, who were trying to raise the hak sabil (a
religious tax intended to meet expenses of a holy war) in the Sagi of XXV
Mukim at the expense of the ulama.
By April 189^ the great clearing operation was over. Teuku Uma
quickly expelled the guerrillas. The ulama were confused—could fighting
the legion of Teuku Uma (consisting of Muslims) be considered a holy war?
Teuku Uma was able to persuade the most important of the remaining uleebalang and ulama to feign loyalty to the Gompeuni (Dutch), establishing a
modus, vivendi with the Dutch on one hand and the religious leaders on the
other. Uma even sent some of the money that he received from the Dutch to
Keumala and did nothing to prevent the hak sabil from being raised in parts
of the Sagi of XXVI Mukim nominally under his control.53
At the end of 1895, Governor Deijkerhoff had completed his plan to
establish and maintain a ring of temporary posts outside the concentration
line occupied mainly by Acehnese. Nevertheless, Snouck Hurgronje warned
against the Aceh government's blind trust in Uma. He suggested that:
The calm in the Sagi of XXV Mukim, the course of
56
f0llOWed
" - in the Sagi of XXVI
MukÏÏ the bl 0 0I I""
0
6 POliCy a 1 1 f this is
Djohn's
S
S ! , ^ WOrk^ ^H ea l 0 n e h'o l d s °
who^
t<
the clue to the
whole machinery and neither Acehnese or Government officials rightly know how properly things are progressing.5*
strong^ « ^ s ^ ^
followed their former renn™,;..
in a holy „ar w i t ^ a ' s ifgion.
«arch ^ 9 6 ,
tn.
8
3
t ^
^^S
one of Uma's
vT MUMm. The other ulama no longer
**""* ^
^
" e " n o t *•*<*<*
^ ^ ^ ^ l e l T o f
e
n
o f
Ïnvaaïofcan «suit
Î A - ' Ï S
o
^
**"*
°"
S ^ ê ^ r £ ^ -elemporaS-pr/SSe116"
" " ^m°re ™t
»as again a c o l o n i e war.
w,r . „ T ! ï S e ? x a f p l e s
S
h
'pensive.
It
»»*<* inconsistency in t h e i r conduct of the Aceh
torsi
4
^ V ^ " "
ÏÏÓÏl^oflh10
OC
°r
the
° "^»rateh» a colonial
-
W
" -a h t"d°cap a tured
ubiacicea the knowledge
t h e people and t h e i r customs and t h e means t n
P e of
° P l e - t 0 SUtmit finance LHilitary
tureTnrev^t»^ f,
"version i n The Hague t o extensive m i l i t a r y ven-
resources' afyeïïTa
S/
6 6 0
*?
X t WOUld c a u s e
0
y
Ve
i n
haVe Seen
other p a r t s of t h e Indonesian a r c h i p e L f
t h e DUtCh t r i e d a m
iad
f
P
S
^ drain
to
;hile attempting
tt
,
° scheme
pacIfTTcAcehh while
pacify
t' o l i m i t t h e burdensome
of men and
money which resulted from their venture there.
due t n M T b e e n attemPting to show that prolongation of the Aceh war was
defictJ n l T'"6 COfflPleX t h a n m e r e l y a scarci ty of troops or of S o c i a l
deficits. Dutch misconception and almost total ignorance of t L ro m nî
riîor a t " C f e f S i " r e l a t i 0 n t o other segments of S
society played
a major role m alienating a large section of the people from thei? tradi
a d
1
r elati0 iP betWeen the
as well
"ills
S ; with
with tthe
* "to
* explore
" the^dat-iLdLl
T is too complex
h people
as
as that
in this naner "
Perhaps Indonesian-centric research into the three-cornered relationship
during this period will clarify the role of the common people and the!?
attitude toward both secular and religious leaders. CertaSly^Dutch
dependence on adat-leaders and adventurers such as Teuku Uma turned Îhe
IZJlït ZC1Vl1 T f l i C t W h i C h intensified Acehnese resistance and played
a major role m extending the war into the twentieth century.
*
57
Notes
For several recent accounts of the Aceh war see Anthony Reid, The
Conquest for North Sumatra: Atj eh, the Netherlands and Britain
I858-I898(Kuala Lumpur/London/Singapore/New York, I969; Paul van
't Veer, De Atjeh oorlog (Amsterdam, 1969); Charles R. Beamer, "The
Role of the Military and Civilian Authorities in the Atjeh War"
(Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, 197U).
Excellent sources for the early history of North Sumatra are R. H.
Djajadiningrat, "Critische Overzicht van de in Maleische Werken Vervatte gegevens over de Geschiedenis van het soeltanaat van Atjeh",
BKI 65 (19II), 135-265; H. K. J. Cowan, "Bijdrage tot de kennis der
geschiedenis van het rijk Samoedra-Pasei", TBG 78 (1938), 20*1-1!+;
T. J. Veltman, "Nota over de Geschiedenis van het Landschap Pidie",
TBG 58 (1919), 15-157; Teuku Iskandar (ed.), "De Hikajat Atjeh",
VKI 26 (1958); Mohammad Said, Atjeh Sepandjang Abad. (Medan, I961);
A. K. Das-Gupta, "Aceh in Indonesian Trade and Politics 1600-161+1",
(Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Cornell University, 1962); E. Netscher,
"De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak, l602 tot I865", VBG 35 (187O);
W. H. M. Schadee, Geschiedenis van Sumatra's Oostkust, I (Amsterdam,
1918); K. P. H. van Langen, "De Inrichting van het Atjehsche Staatsbestuur onder het Sultanaat", BKI 3*+ (1888), 381-1*71. An excellent
source for the sociological background is C.Snouck Hurgronje, The
Achenese, trans., A. W. S. O'Sullivan (Leiden/London, 1906) derived
from his "Atjeh Report" after his stay in Kutaraja_fromJuly I891 to
February 1892. Its political purpose should be considered.
Armando Cortesao (ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires: An Account
of the East from the Red Sea to Japan. Written in Malacca and India
in 1512-1515. Hakluyt Society (London, 1 9 ^ ) , I., p. 139.
John Anderson, Acheen and the Ports on the North and East Coasts of
Sumatra (London, 18I+O); N. Tarling, Piracy and Politics in the Malay
World, (Singapore, 1963), l83ff.
Officieele Bescheiden betreffende het Onstaan van den Oorlog tegen
Atjeh in 1873, (The Hague. I881). pp. 10-iU. '
S. L. Van der Wal, "The Netherlands as an Imperial Power in SouthEast Asia in the Nineteenth Century and After", Chapter IX, Britain
and the Netherlands in Europe and Asia. J. S. Bromley and E. H.
Kossman, Editors, (London, I968), pp. 201+-5.
Sagi-corner, Atjeh Proper seen as a triangle with the XXII Mukim
forming the base of the Atjeh triangle.
In this case an area able to provide forty males required under
Shafi law for the Friday prayer service.
Van Langen, op_. cit., Appendix A, pp. 1+1+8-62.
58
10.
11.
Veth, 1873, p. kk.-t Anderson, 181+0, pp. 222ff.
James Siegel, Th^Rop^of.God (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 12.
12.
13.
W t e ^ e e k e n i ^ e n over'net i ^ ' % * ^ L ) > £
I
^
xx., pp. x-^f 07-90; J. KreempT' A+ioV, TT /T ,
,
^lu»
,
ivreemer, Atjeh I I . . (Leiden, 1922), 7ff.
222ff. .
'
J
&>
Leiden, 1873), p. 1+4; Anderson, l8k>, pp.
11+.
It
was iS dSic a uÏt iS to° r d iCal d i S t i n C t i o n b u t was not very functional.
S^sia
l n s t u d : P e C i n - l y F A C e h ' S d e P - d e n c i e s . See R.
S L L
1937), pp g ! j
15.
a
Stl
;
"T
1n M r e C t
and
^mm
**£.
« York,
* b* .und in J. M.
^ £ £ ^ £ 2 ? & £ ^
16.
17.
18
'
S ^ " e ^ h e r J u ï y e S 7 7 " 0 n N o h ^ f ^ % « » °UtCh * * i n A c h - n
xytn July 1Ö77 , No. 16, l6 May 1877, India Office, L/Mil/3/877.
Snouck Hurgronje, 1906, I . , p. 290.
i:-"i aTr!liMiKmm
P 11
" """1
19.
Siegel, 1969, pp. 10-11.
20.
Jbid., pp. 16-17.
21.
22.
Sv tems
'
"f w"*°
r <*»*».
Teuku Ibrahim Alfian, "Emas, Kafir dan Mauf Chatitan . 1 B * i
pengalaman dua orang Peranchi* rH A + 7 V P & d*a a k,M r atb aa dn s mgkat mengenai
XIX", Reprinted
from Nusantara. No % ^
^
^ ^
Beamer, 1977, p. 271.
23.
(5
an
R
ek
?g^fe
^ Kol.,
8 S n Vcopy,
S £ S e Î1ÖÖ0,
K
f» T^). ; , 7f August
9186.
21+.
Javasche Courant, 18 and 25 July 1879
21 October 18 7 9 , No. 246. ; Stuaït t
Nos
J
— y - 3 0 October i860
S7
fl^
qo
GrSviile 31 March
T
i m ~ f -
Colonial Minister's statement to S t a t e s - G e n e ^ Sarch I881 T * " *
37/661; Kennedy's Atjeh report 9 February 1882; F. 0 220/2 \ L ° '
Corned 63
ar e m e r e l y SUeSSVOrk
,
'
th0U
^ h S e journal of g e M i l i t S
Commander and reports from civilian officials indicated t h« t t IT^
majority of the population of Atjeh Besar was compelled £ evacuate
raVa
r
08tiiit es
ber
l879
fri9°iV:n
^ mate
T census
" ^ hestimated
-ded in X
_
* a population
aS*roxi
S
onn
S
?T 7
PP
of
1922? I.! n p? 2 e i5° r t h
COaSt
bUt
°nly
103
'°00
i n ACeh
B
- -
Kree^er,
59
25.
Van »t Veer, I969, p. 260.
26.
Ibid.
27.
H. H. van Kol, "The Atjeh-debate in the Second Chamber of the StatesGeneral of 5 November 1907, Handelingen Staten-Generaal, II., 191ff.
28.
Snouck Hurgronje, I906, I., p. 151.
29.
Siegel, 1969, p. 50.
30.
When Teuku Ibrahim Alfian completes his study of the role of the
ulama in the Aceh war we will have such an Indonesian-centric view
of the subject.
31.
Snouck Hurgronje, Ambtelijke Adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje I8891936. Edited by E. Gobée and C. Adriaanse, Vol. I., (The Hague, 1957),
p. lol.
32.
Teungku Sheikh Saman Tiro to the uleebalang and especially Teuku Nyak
Maraksa, Teuku Panglima Masjid Raja and Teuku Kadli, September I885,
copy, trans. L. W. C. Keuchenius Coll., Royal Library, The Hague.
33.
H. T. Damste (ed.), "Hikajat Prang Sabi", BKO 81+ (1828), pp. 51+5-609.
3I+.
See below pp. 19-20.
35.
Snouck Hurgronje to Van der Wijck 8 March I896, copy, Gov. Gen. to
Kol. 25 March I89, Kol. Kab. Nl2, 6239.
36.
Van Swieten, "Note to Colonel Pel 22 April I87I+", copy, in Van Swieten
to Van de Putte 2 June I87I+, Van de Putte Coll., No. 119, ARA, The
Hague.
37.
Teungku Dukarim, "Hikayat Perang Gompeuni", Leiden MS, S. H. 58.
38.
The ex-raja had previously been driven out of Meureudu by Teuku Paya
who then established Tanjong Samuntoh in its place.
39.
Diemont to Van Lansberge 20 December I876, No. 81+, Van Lansberge
Coll., ARA, The Hague.
1+0.
Palmer, "Report", No. l6, l6 May I877, op_. cit.
1+1.
Carolus Asselbergs, "De Expeditie naar Samalanga in I877: Beschouwingen op het gebied van strategie en taktiek." (Unpublished,
Asselbergs Coll., No. 125, ARA, The Hague.).
1+2.
Van Lansberge to Alting Mees 5 April I887, Kol. Kab. G 9 , 6903.
1+3.
Van der Heyden to Van Lansberge 31 August I878, copy, Gov. Gen. to
Kol. 19 September I878, Kol. Kab. M 2 3 , 6ll2. Idem. l6 October I878,
Van Lansberge Coll., No. 1+6, ARA, The Hague. Journal van den
60
F
hk.
rederltha2Jne G e h o ^ Ä
^
S
^
Van Lansberge to Van der Hoeven 6 April l88l
Kol. 7 September l88l, Kol. Kab. F ^ , 6l3k.
h5.
MaT I
J+7.
S
Sh.'yr% 9 6 . May 1882- ^
COPV
^
*
"
Gov. Gen. to
G
- — »o Kol, 31
Kennedy t o G r a n v i l l e 7 August 1883, F . 0 . 37/638.
hô
6î4?sust i883'™G- U
- ^^m^^^^m
50.
S
z SdsteToi'^y-i^ï; Ä % ? I K < ^ * B j «* -
k6.
h9.
A
s s r s i î ° j " wî§: 6Ï 5 r y
i88 copy
''
'
GOV G e
-
-*
KO1
-«
^
Van T e i j n t o P i j n a c k e r Hordijk 27 June and 5 J u l y 1889 copies and
e n c l o s u r e s ; P i j n a c k e r Hordijk t o Van T e i i n IS Ti.iv iflfto
n
Gen, t o Kol. 18 J u l y 1889Van T e i Ï Ï t o P ? J n l y I 8 8 9 , copy, Gov.
iflfto „»„
IJ.1-LUU^» v an l e i j n t o P i j n a c k e r Hordiik 17 November
Kai "LÎ P oior t h v e n 0 i O S , f e S '
« 9 1 , copy,
G ov.
GOT
-
Oen. t o £ ? . '
3
Gen
f J
^
-
t 0 Ko1
.
- » »ovemher 1889IT0I
,
51.
Reid, 1969, p . 253.
52.
D e i j k e r h o f f t o P i j n a c k e r Hordijk 17 J u l y I893
Kol. 7 August 1893, Kol, Kab. B l 2 , 6 2 2 1 V
-
.
COPV
2
Cov
^
pM
.
^
*
53.
ber
l 8
2 5
a ^ d AA
dn d rHi a a n s e ^, I . , p^ p . i 6( s? -) 8 7° C t °AioG o t : e 9 and
Sit™T l ,/f i f f J-oy?,
S ; " ii nn VGobee
q»~^
ml^-^T^l^'
54.
*»'
GOT
- -n.-tf^^/L^r 8 8 0 -
S r - T S S ^ x g ? . ^ ! ^ . ^ * ^ %. — - -n.
*
MAP 1
S UMAT RA,
JAVA E N MALAKKA
tocht van MAW DAALLH
doer dt Gajoe- en
Aloslanden in 1Ç04
»
— — —
-
« ApproxymcXt mqxirnuwi acta c o n q u t r t d
by Van Mr ttojoUn HT«! - fO
Concentrated tine I »«4 " 7 3
,,!4ig(i lancl(ov«.r B o o P»e+,)
Boun<Jari«.% sÇ H i t 3 S C l g l i
Pulau
Br"fcu*fc^»
Kfuënq I?«
N
Map 3„ Atjeh Besar and P i d i ë I 8 7 3 - I 8 9 6
nniQnruc
JCu
"** "*"
nuina
And k Gul u n n
, „ „.,„„„„„„ PMitifL
„
New Looks at Oude Indie
Government Policy and Civil Administration in Java
During the Early Years of the Cultivation System
Robert Van Ni el
Batavia in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Jean Taylor
Freemasonry in Indonesia: 1762 - 1961
Paul van der Veur
Opium Farms in Colonial Java
An Introduction
James Rush
July 19
61
Government Policy and the Civil Administration in Java
During the Early Years of the Cultivation System
Robert Van Niel
University of Hawaii
In characterizing the legalistic aspects of the Netherlands Indies
civil administration in the years before I85Ï+—the year of the last in a
series of fundamental laws (Regerings Reglementen) which were supposed to
lay the^oundations of colonial government—Logemann uses the term "police
state."
Seen from the point of view of legal certainty and consistency
for the years from I816 to 185^, the term is not incorrect. My personal
preference would be to say that civil administration and governance in the
East Indies rested on a system of men rather than laws. However you
choose to express it, the image to be conveyed is of an administration in
which individual administrators exercized wide personal latitude in interpreting and applying rules and regulations. 2 The word arbitrary springs
easily to mind. The civil administrators from the governor-general down
to the lowest ranking inspector and controleur shared in diminishing
measure the sovereign rights of the Netherlands monarch in his absolute
rule over the land and people of the colony. At each level independent
judgements could be, and were, made; these judgements in turn might or
might not be confirmed afterwards by decrees, proclamations, or edicts.3
Any later wisdom might countermand or amend any former judgement and
might be partially or totally "legalized" through formal action by higher
authority. This resulted not only in varied interpretations of basic
rules and regulations but also produced local variations in application
from one administrative circle in Java to another.^
If one attempts to characterize the Netherlands Indies civil administration on the basis of political institutions as Furnivall does in his
classic study, then one must conclude that looking at the fundamental laws
will not suffice to produce an accurate insight into the workings of the
administration in Java.5 Both Logemann and Furnivall—the former with
regard to legal practices, the latter with regard to political institutions
—make the point that things did not change in I85I+, though this date did
mark an alteration in the presuppositions about the rule of law in the
system which slowly impregnated the operation of the administration throughout the remainder of the century.° During the first part of the century
the government had imposed six fundamental laws in I815, 1818, I827, 183O,
I836, and finally in l851+. Each is, in large measure, a copy of the former
with some elaboration. Yet none of these explains what was actually
being attempted at the time. The Statutes (Staatsbladen), next in order
of sanctity, prove equally useless in shedding light on the actual operation
of the government and administration. One looks in vain, for instance,
for a statute creating and defining the famous Cultivation SystenJ—though
statutes will help in indicating what the government hoped to have happen
at any given time.
Moreover, an examination of the regulations and instructions, by
which civil administrators at various levels were supposed to function,
62
c
Furnirai1
££iSsL
; Är ÄST"-
opean administrators' i n s Ä S in 1818 S 3 f 3f/*ESuE
lö42,
statement to the effect that +ho «« + * ,
« ^ "
F
urnivall's
incorrect his feeling that the „ort of the conSoSur ctoged afSr îSo"
oppress^ Ä
^
ïï,^
£
2
^
S
Ä
S
^
T
U B U SW i U b r i n g t o m i n a
:
Vand Dthe
" » »i*M
efforts
at 41,
developing
I^tnat
, P ffor nmaking
fr?
„ .11
a strategy
colony profitable
But
there were certain fundamental principle ^hich d i l n o ^ c î a n g " Ihïïe ' "
Private
t COUld b e b r 0 a d l y t e r m e d l i b e r a l ' a S t h a * word Ä e n understood
Private enterprise, self-regulating markets, reduction of governmental
restrictions, and protection of private property were at the cort of a l l
°\Ve?
f t e m ^ t e d ' Y e t - " e o/them succeeded in 2 £ J
ZaPTofletSJ
Java profitable. In fact, the largest part of whatever profits Java cUA
produce for the motherland was drawn out of anachronistic holdove^of an
earlier age when non-liberal principles such as forced labor c Z u l s L ^
&
It
It U S \? f t r d i t i 0 n a l JaVaneSe channel * 9* -thorny had7
privlued
prevailed
It was public knowledge that government profits before iSSo
Tell
Ï S ^ ^ in
t the
S VPreanger
° " ~ ^
f ^
^ - disguise
- d ^ u l t i ^in
i o Cirebon.H
^^hich'had
and fintroduced
in
Deen continued
l a t e s ? i i b L ^ 2 L i t h t - C O i m n ^ S : L O n e r ' G e n e r a l V i s c o u n t Du Bus had proposed the
latest liberal solution, the sale of Javanese lands-unused but near c e n t L
t h e s e ^ T 0 " " * 0 fr0PeanS V i t h ****<*«* capital to colonize and deveÏoT
S SUitable f o r
P o t a b l e export. It was this plan
*
whi.h HTI™
which the King asked J. van den Bosch to comment upon. His response of
1829 was the first sketch of the Cultivation System which he was then asked
lnt
° . J a v a ' D u B u s ' s P l a * « never put into operation!
T L T 0 *
Though i t was praised by liberals throughout the remainder of the nineteenth
century, there is no reason to believe that Dutch capital would have
responded to i t s challenge at that time. Also there is l i t t l e doubt that
the plan would have succeeded without force and compulsion In obtaining
labor and landAfrorn the Javanese.
ootaining
63
Throughout the yea,rs up to 183O the European administration in Java
became more uniformly liberal in attitude. Especially after I816 the
recruitment of young secretaries, destined to rise upwards, came through
family recommendations from some of the leading liberal, middle-class,
patriot families of Holland. The failure of various policies to make Java
profitable did not result in a widespread rejection of liberal principles,
just as the continuation of traditional patterns of force and authority in
parts of Java did not lead to general acceptance of these devices as
solutions to Java's economic ills. The upper levels of the European
administration were filled with an optimism that liberal concepts would
prevail if only the proper touchstone could be found.
Meanwhile, life in Java was comfortable. For those at the top in
civil administrative positions, for some of the private landowners, and
for some who had leased estates in the Princely lands, life had a sort of
seignorial quality.12 At all levels there were opportunities for advancement and gain—moderate to great. The number of full-blood Europeans was
small, probably no more than a few hundred in civilian and governmental
positions, and a few hundred more in the military. Administrators worked
their way up in the hierarchy, having been brought into the service through
personal contacts and then provided with certification by the King. The
total corps was quite international, though the greatest number was made
up of Hollanders. Some, especially in the lower ranks, had been recruited
from military personnel who chose to retire in Java. For most the administration was a channel of advancement through which personal adherence to
liberal principles would attain its reward. The European administrator
lived among the Javanese—usually with a native woman—in a style that
adopted many of the trimmings of Javanese life. If there was a prevailing
attitude towaru the Javanese, it was that they were indolent and longsuffering of the abuses imposed upon them by their own heads. And if
there was a prevailing attitude toward their own European presence, it was
that they must protect the ordinary Javanese from such arbitrariness,
abuse, extortion, and exploitation their own superiors might cause them
to suffer. 3
This civil administration and its personnel carried on its vague
paternalistic, liberal, autocratic style through all the changes in policy.
To the extent that it seemed necessary, possible, and profitable, they
applied each policy as they understood it in the area under their administrative control. And each did this within his understanding of the
instructions and guidelines for his function. All of these matters were
subject to interpretation and colored by local circumstances. This is to
say that the European consulted and worked with the local Javanese elite
who provided the agency for advancing new policies. They also made it
possible for the European civil administrator to Burvive in his function.11*
The civil administrator, in turn, quickly learned to accommodate and to fit
the vague instructions and imperfectly understood policies to what was
possible. Naturally there were misunderstandings or errant behaviors on
both the European and Javanese side, and so there were discharges and
transfers. But by and large the system functioned smoothly, if not too
profitably; life had its comforts and pleasures, prosaic and unexciting
as they were.
6k
VanSig2f^^
i n 1 8 3 0 heralded
precedin
S years,
Van den Bosch had promised the Kihfhe woulf I *?*
had conceived a plan for doine th+f. / ° U l d make J ^ a profitable. He
Patterns of Javanese authority by c o n t r o S l n ^ U S i n g t h e ^aditional
U
f g t h e e l i t e i n order to gain
control of land and labor which v ,
that we s a l a b l e o n w o ^ 2 ^ ^
in turn be used to produce crops
Sti11 few
but Elout, the liberal-minded Minister of P n T ^ ^
specifics,
S&V the
168
'
direction which
things had to take, and, after r e m o n s t r ^ "
It is generally believed t h a t h e S n f w
? ^ ^ " " f ü i a j r , resigned.^
n
as
wÎt e hit.iö
°rio beral
P-ts of Van den
f decided
Y ^ ei
t salong
into
with
n ßBos'ch's
s c h s p ISaann, ^but
tog hgo
His need
Trading Company) profitable, and his « r o w ^ H
"*?* t h & N H M Netherlands
S dlsench
of entrepreneurial spirit disïïavïï h f T
antment with the lack
decide to let Van den Bosci! have^hls c h a n g e ^ ^ * ° * * * - d e h S
A
Van den Bosch believerf th*+ >,.=
patterns in combination with the a u t Z f " î t h e tradi tional authority
to get the Javanese peasant inÏolvedS S
*?"D U t C h C O l ° n i a l government
commodities. Beyond the WejI-ino™ ,
\ Production of marketable
o n
- ^ « h of the land
and one-fifth of the labor supplj f
^
f ^
W e r e S p e l l e d out
' T"is
vagueness was due, I suspect, in krt
t t l t
I
that V a n d
not actually know or particu a /
en Bosch did
e w^/T+
conception would work, and in part to h ^ t h e . d e t a i l e d application of his
and in Java the prevailing liberal fram"o ", T ^ " t h a t *°th - Holland
the impii c a t i o n s of what he had £ m i n T L * " * W ° U l d n û t a o o e P * some of
by Van den Bosch for members of t L l t t ,
? " B U l t ' t h e statements made
consumption are best viewed as p r o p o f a S a ^ W '" H ° l l a n d a n d f o r P ^ i ^
thinking rather than serious plans S ? L t V
^ °r V i S p S °f vishful
?
T ^ t r U e i n l829> a » d
remained true throughout Van den Bosch's t L
***
February 183^. His famous memoranda of l ^ w h L h ^ ' W M C h l a S t e d
W S S su
PP° se d to set
forth the guidelines of the Cultivation % ?
Some h ^ - ^ ^ ^ ^ r S ^ e - S j 0 ' ^ * * basis of this evidence,
tnot
I think the 2
J
P evaricator others as an overly zealous paHe S e e m s t o hav
e been
^
fanatically desirous of serving hi K i L » V
truthfulness, I s u s p e c t h e Whilst ^ u l
!*%??' W i t h r e g a r d t o h "
1S
° ^ C ° n t e x t ' « w a * Just
that his context was always at the vLue "h"
§ Plcture
" level. His vision
vas of prosperity-a prosperity t h a t ^ u L •
i n f \ t S - f 0 r t r 0 p l c a l - ^ e in the NeïhtianL ' J * ? * S h i p S ^ ^charts,
•' & n d l n J a v a a b u s y and
industrious people whose life would b f « !
lntimatel
y traditional,
and
increasingly prosperous. AU. o T t u ï J i T ^
the
^
°f ™ng
and Country. Anything that Lemed to movt £%?*<*
acceptable to him. I n Java hJZt«
move in the right direction was
^ t ™
— o p t i o n
seemed necessary in o r f X ^ r j i f s S S TntT^
was a series of looal *«+ ^ u i u . n i s schema into operation. The rP<!„H
hut it never S * 1 ? ^ ! ? * * * 1 ^ * rangements. It was called a "System,"
Having indicated what Van den Bosch did not do it i s 1 h
u
' 1Z l s perhaps appropriate
65
to indicate what he did do. To achieve his profitable goals, he was
t h ep r e v a i l i n
S lierai principles, which had
en?itllLTrlTnaVaVr0m
envisioned changing the nature of the Javanese, and instead to use for
k n o w n U - n T S th V*; adi tional attachments and patterns of authority long
dVClling U P n t h e
^
« * * * » « of how Van den Bosch's
San w o r k e d
°
1 S C e a r b0tl i n r o f e s s i
tö u s l t h f T *
P
° * and practice that he intended
i
?
t h e a v a n e s e Re en
/
S ts (Bupati) and lesser elite. These persons
W L P !
were regarded by most Javanese as chiefs who had always-even in the
™ r r L r a r S " " ^ f f u n c t i o n i n ê a s the local-level administration in Java,
I
^ b e r / n l y « W a r i l y (and ineffectively) displaced
bv LfflTS\
leff ttll\,
f T* Ï l 8 1 6 t 0 t h e P°sitions which they had never really
UU
I
through some desultory years during the l820s, when many
iniStrat0rS l00ked Up0n them With littie r
4ect and *
when t h S ° S , a n t
Ten Boscn\lt o f T " l e S S S e C U r e t h a n t h & m i 6 h t h a v e visbed.1«V a n
den Bosch set out to change this immediately.20 Beginning in 1830-31 the
S
le£TfoVr aCCOrded heredita^ Ä W - (something ?hey3never
formally had before), were granted lands and people for their personal
tSoerSCs:iavWaiftheey ***"*>
**' * l e a s * -vertly) ^ Ï ^ L e allowed
to display all the accoutrements of their rank and status (only begrudgingly
allowed earlier), and were reinforced in their physical presence by exfluM c h the
-"ad
» ^allh athis
^ for
earliLTf
^ « Pit
L financially).
* °* ^
^ ( vIn
earlier if thev
they 7oT^
could manage
return
they were expected to introduce the government cultivations and garner
diStricts
' translated into practical t'erms this
m e a T Ï n a f t h T *" ^
meant that they were to use their authority to convey the government's
requests to the village heads, who would either carry t h e m ^ T T not long
s
enjoy the privileges of their office.22
E n r o n ™ !.!!* — ^ " T ° f V a n ^ B ° S C h ' S administration were difficult.
European administrators in Java were not persuaded of the efficacy or righteousness of his plans. One of the members of the Council of the Indies,P. Merkus, contested the new governor-general in a lengthy memoranda
b o o L ^ n d ^ f / ^ - 3 ! b e g a n ï° S P 1 1 1 ° V e r i n t ° Pubfic^wa'^ss through
books and pamphlets.23 By mid-1833 Van den Bosch found it necessary to end
the debate by using his special power as commissioner-general to chance
rules on the spot & Whatever the extent of Van den Belch" authorSy had
been earlier it was now exposed in full measure. Merkus was obliged to
S E 2 Î ^ * s s l f * e i * outside Java and was forced off the Council of the
Indies later downgraded from its earlier co-executive position and r e L e d
to that of a separate advisory body. Van den Bosch was firm and unrelentin*
in implementing his general scheme. From the Residents
Intother^urjpean
administrators he expected full cooperation and energetic applicatif
Were this lacking or were incompetence evident, immediate dismi sal allowed
A few examples sufficed to convey this message to others.
allowed.
all R e s i L n M ^ t i V a t i 0 n ^ f P r 0 d u c t s f o r the government began in virtually
all Residencies in many the management was stupidly or inappropriately
handled while in others the soil and climate were wrong f o f a particuLr
Sons h l f t o T ^ T e f''S f a r f r 0 m g 0 0 d a n di n -meSareas t h T c u ï i v L
tions had to be abandoned. For the European administrators, unless there
was patent malfeasance, there was little punishment for such failures; it
no «ain
For" P ° p u l a t l ° Y h o b o -t h eb r u n t o ft h - * having labored'for
no gain. For Javanese administrators the same principles were applied,
66
crop production to S t h ^ e
S i e g e n
toopLn
t o „in _ e r
^ j â ^ ^ -
^ ? Z \ t Z Z l \ ^ T ? ^
M 1
Sonnst £ ^arSact^reïataTtfhïe^o ^
^IhefSd
p T
.c
tóSS?
UIIlce
°f *""V S l u e °ft
o r
0
^
h e
l T ^
i S a
"
° ^ —--Indited
Cultivations under a Director with a hsttor,,
adViSed t h e
^
« ^ In waysh,,+
t o "
experime'ntwi^h
new crops °and "on*areas
to open to n»
ew cultivation/
experiment
with ^
also inspected the results. Local variation in mode of pÏoluction'as well
PerS
nS
permi
« e d ' 2 5 B» cultivation percenSge
paymLtslninCthe ^ ^ ^ V f
a r e a s mi
SUCCeSSfu
g«t almost double an administrator's
!
sXrv
For s i r
PS
6Speciall
y su S ar > Processing arrangements were
contacted out to
+'
^ ^ s ^ ^ ^ i ^ J S ^ ^ ;
These contracts provef w i ^
a n d e r e increasingly awarded to civil administrators,"heir TJTlZT, 'or
suPpportUVanhnïn IT& P r ° f n i t a b l e r e a s o n s f ° r European administrators to
suppport Van den Bosch's plans. By the time that Van den Bosch finish^
his tour of duty as governor-general in l834 and his close c o n f i d e J C
S l e a o v C T l e d ° n . h i S i d e a S f 0 r a n 0 t h e r tW° ^ a - ' there remainedvery
Many in flat h S T ^ ^V** E u r o p e a n s i n the civil administration?
Many in fact had come to realize the value of the plan and had like
P Merkus, overcome their earlier doubts about making Java
Toktllle
ITTsolllTron^r^5'
FOr many t h eneV
^™
a l
- openel^hs
nan.. ^ f " ^ ^ ° Dt 0t h e S e C ° n d t h e s i s w h i c h 1 wish to develop in this
*
*
" ^
^ t h ea r g U m e n t t h u s
^
mo Van d e n e B o S s T ° P r i a \ e t 0 T
principe d i r e n t S a u ^ c r a t l c . f a s h i o n introduced a concept that was in
principle different from the earlier liberal system. This was done not
StatUteS
the
uusing
L ^ Sthe
e ^type
v o fof
o farbitrary
^ T r ^ 1 laVS
^
ii^e.b"
insteadthat
bj
'
'
persuasion and personalized
adjustment
Îhe i n S t f U n C t i o n e d i nt h eE a s t Indies. It was also done without a n g i n g
rathor S +10n,S-0r f ^ 6 1 1 " 6 3 o ft h e European civil administration but
rather by extending them. The personnel of the administration, with very
few exceptions, was left intact. With a bit of thundering and a bit more
personal profit inducement, Van den Bosch was able to get government c u K
tivations introduced.27 More to the point, perhaps, he was ablfto wïn the
cooperation and support of the Javanese administrators who were more than
the Europeans, the instruments through which the System had to work. Again
this was accomplished by applying both the stick and the carrot: prestige
profit, power, a n d physical persuasion were present in varying degrees
67
In short, what we have during the early l830s is a rather dramatic
alteration of principles and policy at the top imposed upon the people of
Java without seriously changing many of the basic precepts of the personnel
who helped the system function. What made this possible and successful to
the degree that it was, was the fact that localized arrangements allowed
the internal administration to adjust this to their area and to fit the
new cultivations into the traditional patterns of district and village
authority structures.20 T h e European a n d Javanese administrators were not
disinterested in profit, but neither were they inspired by the patriotic
fervor for funneling revenue to the motherland which so impelled Van den
Bosch. The Belgian revolt and war (1Ö30-1839) had so drained the King's
coffers that Van den Bosch grew ever more frantic in trying to meet his
demands. Java's contributions were expected to increase each year, but
the operating costs of the System were to remain static.
At this point I wish to introduce my second thesis. Beginning in
1Ö36, these arrangements began to fall apart. The reasons for, and symptoms
of, this change comprise the remainder of this paper. Central to this
change, as one will quickly suspect, are the departures of Van den Bosch
and Baud from Java. Even though they succeeded each other as Minister of
Colonies in The Hague (Van den Bosch from 1834 to 1840 and Baud from iBkO
to 1848) both their absence from the scene and their great efforts to keep
intimate control over actions in Java from afar, set the stage for the
natural dissolution of the autocratic control which they had maintained in
the early 1830s. I say "natural dissolution," for one element of my
thinking is that the fundamentally liberal nature of the European civil
administration, combined with the insensitive and excessive demands of
Van den Bosch, together led to a change of spirit and style in the administration. Again this occurred without any noticeable change in guidelines
or instructions and was made possible by the fact that there never was a
system based on consistent principles for the epigones to follow.
During the l850s and l860s the plans and actions of Van den Bosch
were subjected to strong liberal attack on many grounds. At the heart of
this critique was a feeling that legal certainty and consistency were
lacking and that the system worked outside a body of laws and régulâtions.29
Today, and for the past forty years, the Cultivation System has been seen as
the first step in a .comprehensive development scheme involving the future
economic growth of both motherland and colony.30 B o t h v i e w s a r e c o r r e c t
from their respective standpoints and with their hindsight visions. But
both attribute to Van den Bosch and his system more integrated planning and
control than he was capable of attaining. The events of the l830s and l8U0s
when seen in their own context do not fit easily into these retrospective
views, though both views contain regulations about the ultimate nature of
the system.
Van den Bosch was constantly scheming and planning to raise money
for the King. He often spoke favorably of liberal solutions, sometimes
advocating statist solutions, often trying makeshift arrangements that were
little more than manipulative, and many times mixing these all together.31
It is amazing in retrospect that his actions achieved the success they did
in oava. Multatuli, who hated the colonial-exploitative arrangement under
whatever policy, saw the answer to this quite clearly when he wrote, "The
68
Cultivation System is nothing of hpr t w , +v,„ +
-,
into s t a t u t e s . "32 ^ ^ f ^ L ^ w i E ^ S ? > i 0 n ° f J ^ n e s e morality
The fact that t h e a r r a n g e m e n t Z Z „ y-, t h e b a s i ^ r e a l i t i e s of l i f e in Java.
made l i t t l e difference f n t h e ZZn ^ x t ^ a ™ almost sometimes whimsical
the European and JavaneS spheres
t h a t ' s r l l T ^ $? ^
^ ^
b
°th
been. No training was instituted 'for either E ^ L " ^ T ^
^
^
trators during Van den Bosch»«, fiml. +Ï I
European or Javanese adminis* W & S h&rdly needed in «
arrangement which r ir 1 A ? ;
Prejudices J l T e s T ^ t l a T ^
% $ ? £ ? °* " * * * ^
^ *ä
of h i s ^ u s S
" n ^ a n t Î? S
l
a s s a y s iiss^s r
^
t
toTe
ó
^
"^ -
^
^
m« * f
-er°^
r/tL nev
« Hague r a t h e r than
upon various p a r t s of Te E u r o . S l ^ a n d . f c t i o n o n T h
applied
On E
,
European community in Java, t h r e e devices were
nev gov«„or- 8e „er J with an elaborate s e t " o f e " „ ! r \ a d S ° ^ " ^
the
^r srrthe syatŒ °f s°™Yc" LSZTZTT„:r i t t e d
W » «
—
Ä
S
T Thf n S l o î rl J !i:„ ln af: J T f d e T * * *
nS a
'
meticulous bureaucrat „ho prided himself on S Z foi ?
!
ln
foll
°" 6 °rders and
doing „hat „as expected of him. „ H e e L d lus?
out the „ishes of Van den Bosch and Bauu
Th events o f t n T n e W r " ^
for a T-P„iv
ior a reply.
nw-: , •
Hague to Batavia, and another three
Obviously, immediate decisions could not wait on
+M7.ZT
general s call was composed of men who were esspnti^nv n t 0 „ T •
True they had come to appreciate the b e L L t s o "goverLent"ultivaïïoT^but their natural instincts tended toward private p r o m and S v S e
'
enterprise for themselves and for their family and friends
th. A ï
,dIfe a n d n o t i c e a b l e cha "ge was the increased paper work at
the center of the East Indies administration. This was a direct resulfof
the obligation to send information back to The Hague in e n l a r S ™!f
but was exacerbated by the rather natural tendencfof the L " g o ^ r 6 '
general to keep himself at the administrative center of affairs In£ogor
69
(Buitenzorg) The burden of this additional work fell upon the General
tZnT/T
r
faUd h a d a l r e a d y i n l 8 3 5 f o u n d incapabL of suppling
he rÏÏSel to X w ' i t to" T V ^ ^ ^ n ^ .
But once back iflhe Lgue
r V et h e n e V l y s e a r a
7
Thïï22S+ =
P ted Council of the Indies.36
This almost senseless retraction was undertaken as part of the prevailing
parsimony of the time. 37 ^
^
vas
^
P
^he Prevailing
expenditures there were to be kpnt 10-.roi . ~ •
.
wnne
cost«, -n,,ifl >,0 tni w e f V ° ° e k e P* level: no increase in administrative
costs could be tolerated. In the case of the General Secretariat the
resultant squeeze not only cut back on the information which the governorgeneral might be expected to obtain from the Council of the Indies but
Stist-'ff a n y e f f 0 r t t 0 P r O V l d e b r o a d e r information through a'
statistical bureau and a geographical section. Instead only bfsic correspondence and essential reports could be handled to keep The^ague saSsfTed.
, T b e + C O n s e q u e f e w a s a Showing gap in communication between the central
administration m Bogor, on the one hand, and the local administration in
the Residencies, on the other.38 T h e R e s i d e n t s h a d always been fairly
independent autocrats, but they now more than ever cast upon S e 2 own
local resources and devices.39 Their chief channel of contact with S e
central administration was through the Office of Cultivations fchante
which they found little to their liking because it reduced thèiî influence
r a :gar h Ld e :rLSrior e :^0 Se " « * » * *** *° " * ™ Persons whom t n e f
flr1m.
in TftJ^ °v f i C ! ° f C u l t i v a t i o n s » headed by a Director, had been created
i?J
I ? a n d e n B 0 S C h a S t h e a ^inistrative device charged with introe
ati0nS int
JaVa
n m k B
H
T S S L of
o%%Tr
Zn e n tbecame
b C U l t i V nDirector.
° With
'• *£.
'a Igroup
Resident
Cirebon,
of'inspectors
heZLr
was
the S next r t e wo° nSible "7 *% i n t r o d u c t i - of many new cultivations during
a b U t t h eSame time as
5
? Ministry
^ *** of
°Colonies in The Hague.
Baud and
becamf
part ofthlteaT,
; •
part
of the team at
the
He was
replaced
Japara ^
Z
Tf
Culti
y a t i 0 n S ^ W" de ^ e l > *°™* Resist of
Japara. Why De Vogel was selected for this post remains as much a mvsterv
to me as it clearly was for many persons associated with the estivations
at that time. He had distinguished himself in Japara with a b a d S bunSed
administration of the cultivations in which local Chinese entrepreneurs
ledge ?\hrR a Lidint 1Vat vIt S ai meaêre ^ f ^ " ^
«
— without" t h e ^ o w -
SUSS6StS th&t heW a s selected because
wrofe
L t seems as good an explanation as any.
^
wrote pleasant
pleasant reports
reports.& ?
That
all o f ?t b i n g S . c a n . b e * a i d a b ^ t De Vogel. By his own admission he spent
all of his time m his office writing reports and collecting information
By his own advices and actions he showed himself to be one of the^ost
profit-hungry, self-seeking administrators in Java, finely succeeding in
§
parlaying his Directorship into a re-assignment as B S S
t
most prosperous Residencies as far as percentage payments went. The
S e r l8^? n iTlT'
^ 1 C \ h e ^ ** 1834, became mo^e elaborate and detailed
mylZl Z
after 1837, but they also became more tardy in their s u b m i t ™
ports should have provided the government with i n J o L a S on îhe stile of"
the cultivations in Java. Since they were submitted two W three years late
ea
ha
ec
affectins
th
!
ÎSCSuS SM e wit\ ^ r
Batavia nor the m i n i s t e r i a l
«
^ Tl
i ^ a g l ^ ^
™"
70
B Tais as
-beingzsv^^^m^^^*™" '
"
in itstkaedanti:;erioosecrn:ro:tarSoîg„ff0t„f î " T " " * * « " ^ h*°»^
change in spirit and a t t i t u ™
hV t ™ ^ ™ ^ ?
Z d^Y h
"-^"Ö personality of Van den Bosch
was moved to a distant
T^C „*,*
prevailing anu c « l y L"d r l y f i S a x S
£ " ' ff* %*? t h "
h a db e e n c 0 e d
i n t o
submission and then persuaded of the H„r^ÀT
I
"
s
f t h ene
^tw"
""*"" °
For Van den Bosch and Baud much of t . E ? î f
f t h e l r
dlreC
tives over the next dozen year frfm 1836 to Ï B S
T* °
this liberal spirit among t b " W ? a u i 1 i s ^ t o r a W a v T ^ 1° Î T ^
generll° nalh^Lec^tes^rS; f 1 ? '* ^
to exert enough Ä
E
S
^
"
^
*«**-
hoVin LTSGeneral S e r n f o f " " ***
a r ^ m ^ f ^ °* ™
^ » t » ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
When in 1848 in the motherland the autocratic control nf *»,«
influence m determining matters in Java was already well fixed and had
in Java
subtle^nan would be realizeHy î ï ^ t ^ ^ r i ^ A S r
t h a n most
^
or
Perhaps haïïore courage
>
S a n mot" Î* " ^ ^
^
^
than most in saying it, that the apparently dominant issue of ^ e T l a b o r "
was no real issue at all but merely disguised moves for economic control
by various cliques within the establishment.46
economic control
„„„.,, 1XA i S . n ° t m y P^Pose here to pursue the question of the European
civil administration in Java beyond the l840s. Enough has been^allto
indicate what my opinion might be, namely, that the spirit anlstvle *i,
t T p e r o f aïrealv ^
« ° * * 1 » » * ^ * the p a ^ r n T l a l d f o w n ^ ï i I f
II itkTTT\7Ts;
J would however like to
'
'
-tu™ *, tCJagS'SS
H
:W l t h a S e r i e S ° f e X a m p l e S h 0 w t h e attitude and
spirit of fh
spirit of the administration then differed from those of the early 1830s.
A critical area in which private interests confronter, /rnw^nm^ +• -,
involvement in cultivation was the cession in lease? renSJ or a T c o f
ncurs.
Such cessions had occurred earlier, sometimes on a large scale,
71
in both the government and princely lands in Java.48 D u Bus had sought
to make them a cornerstone of his colonization scheme. Van den Bosch,
however, downgraded the role of private entrepreneurs, even though article
109 of the fundamental law of 183O spoke of the possibility of ceding such
lands, and the same paragraphs, slightly amended, became article 94 in the
fundamental law of I836.
Van den Bosch had persuaded the King to limit the ceding of lands by
giving the determining power in such matters to the Indies government and
by declaring that cessions had to be related to the cultivation of essential
crops. The latter point was the essence of the changed I836 law. In
practice, there were very few land cessions after I83O. The government's
attitude was summarized in the resolution of December 31, I835, N° 9,
stating that no fixed requirements would be established for ceding lands
to private persons, but instead each case would be considered separately
to determine the essential nature of the cultivation to be undertaken as
well as the interests and rights of the nearby population which might be
affected. While in Java and also later when in The Hague, Baud and Elias
argued in favor of full consideration being given to a village's rights to
all land m its vicinity. Put simply, they believed that there was no
such thing as unused land anywhere near populated areas. It was thus
virtually impossible for a private entrepreneur to get any land ceded to
him in Java during these years unless it was far distant from any population.
Land of this type, however, had little attraction to entrepreneurs since
people were required to make it productive and profitable. The government
had no wish to see the population drawn off government lands to fill these
desolate stretches, for these people were regarded as essential for government cultivations.
Almost immediately in I836 the whole scene changed. Governor-General
De Eerens was prevailed upon by local administrators to accept the fundamental law in a literal sense. His Director of Cultivations, De Vogel, was
especially persuasive, though he and the others must have known that this
ran counter to the interpretation of Van den Bosch and Baud. They were
however, interested in promoting private interests. At best this motivation
was based on a belief that private enterprise could produce more crops more
efficiently; at worst it involved a personal interest to advance private
gain for self or close friends. It is unclear how much of this was known
in The Hague until early 1839,.for it was only with the public decree of
December 25, I838 (N.I.Stbl. N 50) that the change in attitude toward the
cession of unused lands became openly known. Essentially this statute
established guidelines for ceding lands for the cultivation of essential
crops. At first glance the announcement may have appeared to be nothing
more than a beneficial standardization of practices which had earlier been
arbitrary, but actually gave notice that henceforth the Indies government
was prepared to encourage land cessions. The decree also provided that
the Resident would be charged with determining the validity of each request,
and that further regulation of private land would also be left in his hands.
The governor-general's action
1839 and produced immediate adverse
reacted most negatively, and it was
Bosch that the new regulation posed
became known in The Hague in early
reaction. It was Baud and Elias who
they who convinced Minister Van den
a serious threat to government control
72
hich these
111
** ^
^ Vby
**** Twas
' t 0strengthened
P ^ d e d for
ïL'tre^v^Their
tne
treasury. Their argument
the circumstance
that
ISDSSri l - « 5STÄS s S S r
3? S r ^ W g —eaarf=
|
since he had grown increasingly to feel that am* «Sw!
ffiSKS^f
earner day he „as „illiug to try „hatever „oull S . i T C
S S
t
Ä ^ S 4 £ S .
1
*
0
b0th
t e a
t E n a
'
a n d
to h s
" " * * " " * » ^in/producad
for J J Ä s sût ÄirJrÄtstä
rST2l
^
deci
s i o n being that no lands could be ceded for su^ar
whose desire to take over all areas of cultivation from the government
grew in direct proportion to the government's profits from the system
They would have to be satisfied with working on the localized personal!ri*
t o w a r d + J T a n d a V a i t a C h a n S e i nt h e h o m e government befolè movinT
toward total
control of the key government cultivations.51
g
ifi™ An °* he 5' ^ P 1 6 o f d r i f t a W from the plans laid down in the earlv
L Launij inejulTl838 J * , * * 1 » i n i t i a t e d * the Reside" of Madiun?^
y
3
• °t U r n ° V e r t h e arriment operated sugar mills
in t S ? lijft
+
s
, m m s
m that residency to private entrepreneurs 52 «„.,„ I,
was immediate and negative; on April 3, 1839, he wrote the governor-general
to say that with the King's approval he was ordering him to hold off oh
the transfer of the Madiun factories. If any had already been transferred
the arrangements were to be undone.53 while'Van den Bosch f S t tïïtprivate
entrepreneurs might be able to get the factories to nroduce moresuga? he
made it very clear that he did not see that such additional proftts would
in any way benefit the government. He was completely unswayed by t n l a r l
^
ments of the Resident and the Director of Cultivations t h a / S e MaSuh
sugar factories were being inefficiently operated by civil servants
.Th*
system incidentally, was quite unique to Madiun and Kediri ) T
pec ÏÏcallv
told the governor-general that this was yet another instance of deviation
from the working arrangements which he had started. The change Z îîl 2 L
of the Madiun sugar factories would have to wait f o r ^ Ä " ^ h ï T "
73
government, but it is clear that the attitudes of the European civil
administration in Java were already moving away from Van den Bosch's views
of government control.
A changed attitude toward the Javanese administrators on the part of
the European administrators also began to be noticed after I836. In I839,
after more than two years of deliberation and consideration, De Eerens
decided to reduce the number of Javanese Regents in one of the Residencies
—it happened to be Madiun again, but the argument of greater efficiency
which was used could have been applied in any number of places.54 Van den
Bosch was most irate on this occasion and let De Eerens know it. He wrote
that what was done could not be undone, but he made it clear that any
further action relative to the status of Javanese administrators would have
to be approved in the motherland.55 On a closly related matter, Van den
Bosch warned the governor-general away from the recent decision (October
1838) to place the Javanese police forces under the ultimate authority of
the European public prosecutor.56 Van den Bosch saw this, quite rightly,
as a transgression against the authority and position of the Javanese
Regents—a position which he had carefully strengthened after 1830. These
two examples will serve to illustrate the gradual erosion of the position
of the Javanese administration vis-à-vis their European counterparts. We
can discern a gradual slippage back to the earlier stance of the l820s when
the regents were often treated more coolly.57 This tendency, I would
suggest, becomes more noticeable in the period after I85O when the European
administration began dealing more directly with the lower ranks of the
Javanese administration.
These examples should suffice to illustrate the change in spirit and
attitude which came to characterize the European civil administration in
Java after 1836. The change was subtle in that it is only partially recorded
in statutes or regulations, but it is nonetheless very real and clearly
antecedent to the styles and modes of administration in Java for the next
three decades. The implications of the views set forth in this paper on
the conceptualization of nineteenth century Indonesian, especially Javanese
history seem to me to be both interesting and fundamental. In one sense I
have argued for a greater stress on continuity than has generally been the
case. But more importantly, I have tried to show that when changes did take
place, they occurred at different levels and in different ways than earlier
accounts would have us believe.
Moreover, they centered around different
issues than those traditionally emphasized.
The patterns and trend which I have formulated here are supported by
an impressive amount of data, but I feel that a great deal more needs to be
done especially with regard to understanding developments at the Residency
and district level. The limited resources currently available to us on
this subject seem to support my suspicions concerning the role of the local
administration in the process of introducing and operating the cultivations
which enriched them as well as the government. The operational and attitudinal changes at the center of the East Indies government seem more clearly
supportable despite their novelty. Hopefully the arguments made here will
recommend themselves to other historians of Indonesian history for future
research and consideration. To my way of thinking they explain the process
of change in government and administration in a fashion more compatible with
the nature of both Javanese society and European bureaucracy.
74
Notes
J. H. A. Logemann, "Over Indie's Staatsorde voor lRsà " u0xax
S * ) T Ü " , 0l l C \ a ". a ^ a i ^ ^ a
, •
nf the Dutch in .,.„ (Bev
ïork ,
Logemann, op_. cit. , p. lUl.
TV,- I J
One example of local variation will suffice herp
-ent in Kedu had been imposed on a ^ S c t i S e a d ^ ?
a ' S ï ï A T
as regulated in N.I. Stbl. l8l9 N"5. A decree of April 12 1820
sought to remedy this, but correspondence with the Resident in 1833
indicated that the 1820 order had never been implementedfthelandrent
in Kedu continued to be collected in a unique fashion. A government
decree of December 1 9 , 1833, instructed the Resident to contTnuHn
the existing fashion and not to change. S. van Deventer! S r a g e n
gH^^.Yli^?» ™ ^ ^
(Zalt-Bo^eÄt^),
J. S. Furnivall, Netherlands India (Cambridge, 1944), pp. 187 ff.
Logemann, op.. cit., pp. 131-2.
Furnivall, loç. cit.
C. Fasseur, Kultuurstelsel en Koloniale Baten (Leiden, I975), p . n .
Furnivall, ojo. cit., pp. I89-190.
furnivall
op. cit. , p. 193, writes, "Baud would not allow'the tender
nger
g S 0
gerief
eeni e
s :to
toaaffect
affIct°?h
tr:ieur
^ ^ T of' the^ Culture
^
*I n HeerS
troleursJ
the profits
System."
S van KonIII n i ?? +L
1 J
*
Deventer, Landeli.lk Stelsel . op. cit
ence i a +0 "ho 7ZÏZZ
mu
, ^ — ' ' -L1-L' P- 1 2 2 > the complete reference is to be found. This shows that Baud was writing a reply to a
proposal by Governor-General Merkus that government fSnds
be used
to support a fifty kilometer postal route out of Demak so that a couple
S CO
f + d g e t t h e i r m a i l delivered. In keeping with the
tLi? 1°
thrift measures of the time, Baud wrote the following (which is my
translation), The convenience of some gentlemen controleurs should
not be the cause for abandoning the only system by which Java can remain
the cork upon which the Netherlands floats." Furnivall has mistranslated
the word'gerief' and has taken the statement out of context, for it
has nothing at all to do with the controleurs' sympathy toward the
Javanese people.
The instructions are found in N.I. Stbl. 1837, N°20. For the continuing
moral motivations of the European administrators see: R. Nieuwenhuvs
Tussen Twee Vaderlanden (A'dam, 1959), pp. 1Ö2-3.
-uwennuys,
75
11
H
* kf*
- Burger, De Ontsluiting van Java's Binnenland voor het Wereldvere
er (Wageningen, 1939), pp. 98 ff.
~~
12.
Nieuwenhuys, op_. cit. , pp. 6-7.
13.
W. F. Wertheim, "Havelaar's tekort," De Nieuwe Stem XV (i960), 372
a
1 ter
^ c f J' C ' V a n L ^ U r t o t h e e f f e c t that ' I» the middle
o?°the l?^
lneteent
Snnîï "
h entury Java was "a beautiful, uniform, closed, patrimonial bureaucratic state," with a knightly bureaucratic ideology,
with an interconnected culture, and with a gentry-court civilization.
This translates rather awkwardly into English, but the description
strikes me as extremely apt.
14.
Day, op_. cit. , pp. 218-219.
15.
R. Van M e l , "Measurement of Change under, the Cultivation System in
Java, I837-I851," Indonesia. l4 (1972), 89-90.
l6
p.' 2 3 5 S t a P e l ' geschiedenis van Nederlandsen Indig
'
' LI*» fn6 1a' l ?ht
1T
Hill
^
°
vol. 5 (A'dam, 19U0),
r UnCtion o f Lancent under the Cultivation System in
f Asian
g ^ i e g XXIII (1964), 372-375. Also /.I.
Stbl.
18.
R. Van Niel, "The Introduction of Government Sugar Cultivation in
Pasuruan, Java, 1830," Journal of Oriental Studies VTT (1969), 261.
19
'
ïo6?) T ?i elde n' °VeV d e e r f e l i ^ k h e i d d ^r regenten ^ j a m (Leiden>
y
T^- + u *•
' ^ — " P ' 22k> f e e l s t h a t administrative irreguhad increased the influence of native officials during the
larities
20.
Day, op.. cit., pp. 219-220, makes note of a change of spirit of th«
government after 1830 which he regards as a lamentaMepartÎaf abdication by European officials of their power and which in ?urn resulted
resuixea
in the abuses of the following years.
21.
Burger, op_. cit. , pp. 74-75.
22,
Van den Bosch writing to Baud, April 20, 1832, put it rather interestingly by stating that the industry of Java was not expanded by high
prices but only by the influence of the government on the people
fViSSe
j'
S T (Utrecht,
S " ^ e m a1956),
: i r l e I,
f 1 ^ ^SSgn -T. van den Bosch en
J. rC S
Baud
p. 1U3.
23.
Van Niel, Function of Landrent, op_. cit.., 362, esp. fn. 27.
2h
USing the POWerS
° f commissioners-general in I816,
?Rp? e e7iZto°l
102b, and 1832-3, and commissioners in 1824 (Celebes) and 1825
^Palembang), see Logemann, op.. cit., pp. 1115-153.
'
76
25
-
B e U ^ T ^ r ^ c n - d n
^ 1
H a a U , N-2 (Honolulu, 1968), 91-108
26
- Srin\othb
m
8 ^ 0 ft ^
^
° - l 8 k 0 - Asoan Studie» at
**? r a ™
S
t i V ^ T
This produotloPn could leZV
With
overages in government factories
1832, the cultivations sho» a generaUv
from 1830 to i860.
generally
l ï l Z l
?LT,
*
th. !
" s t o r i e s or from
incjfePtl™. °f 0 o f f e e a f t "
increasing private produbtion
2T
* S casten: iTfoTs i ^ ' k e ^ T ? ' S * ' "**' "^ ^ ^ my
up, which takes c o n ^ n t a t n 3 2 S l ^ t ^ r W ^ r
^
^
like to be restricted here
» w + effort...CforD one does not
n c t e d here...
Westendorp Boerma, op. c i t . , X I . p <
^
28. Burger, op. c i t . , p. n 9 .
29
' FS e^pLe:\?volle¥vlli t ¥
30
U g a l operations S
^
'
i
A =
»
makeS the
^
1
^
***
^ove."""
eItra
-
- ^^^fe^sfes*«r--*.
31.
pared for the (Vn+-»«ni Q+„+- *.A 7 «.
statistical studies preor the Central Statistical Bureau in Netherlands Indies.
Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio nr LPTT
l0ll
decree, July 26 l84l nlall° . n r - 1+277 ' contains an interesting
refntfr?on J f c È » ^
Ç
2 Ä ^ " ? ! 2 ^
32
' St^teilerirniits^rrd r l ^ i ^ ^ ^ ^ Ä CHet
rtaatsbladsJftr^.n
33.
34.
35.
n"' 3 ^
^
d&n
& ^ M n s ç h e zeden overgezet in
Letters from Baud to Van den Bosch, June 19 18^4 in waa+ A
y lö:i4
'
> l n Westendorp Boerma,
op. cit., II, p. 136.
Cornets de Groot, op.. cit., p. l60.
The tensions that developed between De Eer^n* ™ +n
Van den Bosch and Baud, on the other! a r f "fl'ecîed i n ^ t h ^ ' ?°î
and the official correspondence of t h e " years! S e prÏvÎte I f * ™ * '
P
°n'
dence has been published by F. C. Gerreteon and W ^ r î S n a a a
l e r e Brj
-e^^se1Tnp tussen J. van den Bosch en D T J *'»
Tggfe
1834-1840 Ornnin.PM TöTöT % n - i — ! — :
^oscn en D. j . de Eerens
—__
\ Jiuinngen, lyoo). The introduction of thi <* "hoov ™~+o-;
a biographical sketch of De Eerens
The offlni»!
contains
t h e ^ c M v e of the »inistrv of ^ ^ S t t T S E l
£.*"
77
36-
Geschiedkundige Nota over de Algemeene Secretarie.
pp. 19-23.
37.
Cornets de Groot, op_. cit. , pp. 162-I63.
38.
Geschiedkundige Nota. op_. cit., pp. 30, 37ff, & 1+7- In 181+2 (p. I+9)
G. -G. Merkus laments the lack of time and energy to undertake any
development or reform.
39.
Hasselman, op_. cit. , p. 1+.
(Batavia, 189I+),
1+0. Private and official correspondence of the time abound with references
to problems with various Residents most of whom resented the Director
of Cultivations, De Vogel, and the influence he exercised over the
governor-general.
1+1.
L. Vitalis, De invoering, werking en gebreken van het stelsel van
Kuiture s op Java (Zalt-Bommel, 1851), p. 1+5.
1+2. A list of the Cultivation Reports with their date of receipt in The
Hague is in Archive Ministry of Colonies folio 3205.
1+3. This is most clearly illustrated in Baud's hesitation to name Merkus
as governor-general until a supplementary set of instructions were
accepted in 181+2. These instructions are printed in Cornets de Groot,
op_. cit., pp. 163-161+.
kk
The decree of November 26, 1838, N°l+, established new regulations governing the awarding of sugar contracts. The Overzicht van de Voornaamste
Algemeene Administrative Aangelegenheden van Nederlandsch Indie over het
Jaar 1838, Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio nr. I+265, p. 93, says the
following about the decree, "in framing this regulation it was taken
as a principle that only Europeans or their descendents would be
acceptable for agricultural enterprises, and even these only if they
were permanent residents of the colony... Also a special preference
was given to anyone who discovered and was first to point out a possible
enterprise...
Since the interior of Java was open only to civil
administrators and some private contractors, no one else than they
could ever hope to be in a preferred position with regard to obtaining
a contract in the cultivations.
1+5. The number of European civil administrators who retired or resigned in
order to take up contracts with the government grew during the late
1830s and 1840s. What is more difficult to determine is the interrelations between some officials and contractors of various sorts. The
A. A. Reed papers give one example whereby the daughters of Resident
Van Son were married with private contractors, export-house representatives, and administrators, with active economic connections between
all of them.
1+6. Multatuli, Over Vri.jen-Arbeid in Nederlandsch Indie(l862). Though
favoring free labor over forced labor, Multatuli argues that free labor
78
is impossible without free w i l l .
This l a t t e r does n o t exist in J a v a
nor do the various liberal groups want it to exist. Everyone conceded
really needs and wants the authority of government on theL side in
Java.
kl
'
n the qUestion o f
r
enCe and a d i C e S
WUsed
lands of
for the
Sriod
or?h^
period of
this paper are 7to be °found in the Archive
Ministrv
kk31
kk2
and
>from
^
^
facts
°>drawn
' 2 T T ' k29°> are
ll'%
of the
t T ^following
H
° S three
of
paragraphs
these
materials.
1+8.
Baud felt that the destruction of native institutions in these private
lands of an earlier date had led to all sorts of problems and so 'warned
Sîsney.S°vernor-general Rochussen in a political note of March 12
181+5 Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio 2955. A political overview
of the years 1839 to 181+8 recently published by the Indonesian National
* £ £ ? • • Ikhtisar Keadaan Politik HindT,-^ i d a Tahun ^ 3 ^
Jakarta 1973) also gives indications of tensions on the private lands
S r
d
f ' T l t
Unfortunatel
y the Indonesian and English s u r g e s
l i f t t h e st
atements of unrest and popular
\ T™6
disturb
disturbances out of context thereby giving a distorted picture of
conditions m Java at this time.
in
1*9.
S
The correspondence relative to the Salatiga requests in I836 and 1837
and involving a number of European civil administrators is located in
Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio nr. 1+1+32.
xocaxea m
50.
l8k2
e
siVes clear
i n
d
idL
o fs"o mTe * " * ^
^ ^
^ "
tÎonCt°hattS?he
ea
he
/J
f
Posons, specifically Van den Bosch, to
im^ort 1
import cheap labor from southern India into Java, would not be implemented. Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio nr. 1+290.
51.
The liberal position on the land question is eloquently stated in
van KoZ,; B e d e n k i n * e n tegen de Mfededegling van den Minister
van Kolonien...omtrint den verkoop van Landen np jggj j ^ n ï n ü n
TV)
nroïiÎLrrf '?0f land
iS rega;deä aS n0t
<"** economical?? '
profitable but also a useful way to spread Christianity, thereby
Dy
improving the Javanese people.
52.
9]
"
The obituary notice on Lodewijk Launij -July 29, 181+9, Tijdschrift van
Stitude1 f " ¥r'
" j ? (l8k9)>
363 k
->
PrOTid
-
an
insight into t \ r
latitude accorded capable administrators under the crown administration.
53.
Archive Ministry of Colonies, folio nr. 1+1+23, contains all the correses
pondence on this issue.
5I+.
In 181+0 the Resident of the Preanger Regencies usurped from the Regents
the authority to appoint native officials of lower rank; this practice
was legally confirmed in 18I+7. J. W. de Klein, HetfreanrerstelUl (l6?7
1871) en Zijn Nawerking (Delft, l 9 3l), p. 86. N . I . S t ^ T s ^ NV25
places appointment of native official fully in the hands of various
levels of the European administration.
55.
The correspondence on this matter can be found in Archive Ministry of
79
vTnT"4
f0
Archive J C Baud f o l i
ir° ?r' U 2 8 ' and
- LaY19
'
° nr. 530.De
DeCember31- 1839
' '
^ifÄ^St""
*"*»* *
June 2 2 1 8 3 9 L a K 8
chive Minis
56.
j?Ä^^^ä.^
57.
The Director of Cultivations G. L. Baud (no r e l a t i o n t o the Minister)
writing t o acting G.-G. Merkus, dd. B'zorg, June 1 7 , 181+2,
^igsk/k
secret says »Even the European administrators have, as a r e s u l t o*
p o t a t i o n f 1 0 n :\lhe S y S t e m ' b e e n P « * » ^ f - c e d t o protect the
actions of
the heads more than formerly.
T h u f I h e v hfvTtak
^ " ^
n OVer t h e infl
«ÏÏSihirï* 4 ?
^ e n c e and authority of the heads in
somewhat diminished form,
for
through t h i s influence L e y can
for"
the
he
r
n
bUt
nt lly they Vil1 n0t b e
suTex^ivl USt
t er C Url t i V a t i
c S o n i f s r ? o I i o nr?ri+2a9o!
' '
°-
d
»^
^
2 S to del nd
™*-"
archive Ministry of
80
Batavia in the 17th and 18th Centur
les
Jean Taylor
University of Wisconsin
This paper is concerned with the nature r.f n,B ta t a V a n s o c , e t d
the Company era. To i 1 lust rate th shhi
o
I
;
V "ring
II t I , l s t 0 r v ' a specific institution has
been selected for ,t,,Hv
verv larllln
Z " Ä 2 J h e Ba av, a Orphanage, which was established
very e a r l y i n t h e p e r i o d and c o n t i n u e d
u n t i l t h e Company i t s e l f was d i s s o l v e d
the orphanage m i r r o r s manv 3 , „ p r t c I
w h i l e i t s co9nst tuen
s
W
o n , y s ï g h t ^ d mom ,f,cat
«
In i t s chllZ
[ ions
c h a r t e r and o r g a n i z a t i o n
I he orphans) a S T T '
P
iCy
a n daimS
i n
The Batavia orphanaqe was establish*^ in IAOA •
year
f.„.l
th. Indies
.noicewas made
^
™ "P «
'
A s i a
»
se on the
2^^^"*-
By custom, selection and swearing into of?lce took olace
committing them to assist the l £ d
d "therless h ' n e s ^ v T d
toasts were drunk according to prescribed Company et iquette."'
In 1642 the number of trustees was =Pt ^ *».._ •.
r
X
^
^
,
ANSA' TnT^,^ " " ^ Ä ^ S Ä L
Asian s e t t l e m e n t s , o r i n t h e Americas.
Netherlands,
in other
81
In addition to overseeing matters to do w i t h w i l l s , the trustees
might also assume legal powers over the property of adult heirs adjudged
by c i v . ] court to be incompetent.
Such an instance is the case of Melchior
Thomasz a Batav.an by b i r t h , twenty-eight years of age and married in
lb,b.
In that year, having " f r i v o l o u s l y run through the greatest part of
the mher.tance l e f t him by his p a r e n t s , " Thomasz was placed under the
trustees
a u t h o r i t y lest he reduce his wife and c h i l d to "the uttermost
poverty and d i s t r e s s " and "while there is s t i l l t i m e . " 2
The major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the t r u s t e e s , however, was the care of
orphans and adm.n,st rat ion of t h e i r property.
Orphans were defined as
minors who had lost one or both parents, but generally they were the
ratnerless
As a r u l e , a guardian was appointed by the trustees to supervise the c h i l d ' s upbringing and administer i t s inheritance, the guardian
usually be.ng a close r e l a t i v e or f r i e n d of the deceased.
By s t a t u t e of
1642 women were s p e c i f i c a l l y forbidden "from t h i s time on" to act as
guardian, regardless of age or m a r i t a l s t a t u s .
Guardians were to report
regularly to the trustees on t h e i r charges and the execution of t h e i r
responsibilities.
They were not allowed to invest , alienate or otherwise
dispose of the orphan's property without consent of the t r u s t e e s .
Well-to-do orphans remained in t h e i r mother's household or that of
t h e i r guardian, w i t h t h e i r l i v e s and property u l t i m a t e l y under supervision
of the t r u s t e e s .
f the mother wished to remarry, she was required f i r s ?
to state m a legal deposition the exact nature of the c h i l d ' s i n h e r i t e d
PSSTSI
"'jesses.
A law was framed to protect wealthy heiresses.
Prospective grooms had to swear formally that they had not asked f o r a
loan while the bride was required to appear before the president of the
trustees and s a t i s f y him that she had not been approached for g i f t s or
3
money.
What of orphans who had no inheritance?
They were cared for in a
number of ways.
Some were fostered out among townspeople, who received
a monthly payment.
In a d d i t i o n the orphan received a c l o t h i n g allowance
r'
6
wyea,r
{ ate
l
/
COn
rrted
int
a cash
Pavent).
Foster parents were
charged w i t h the duty of proper care and guidance, and they were to take
y t 0 C
and
' I I 6 9 ! 3
J U - C \ ,They Were t 0 rep0rt a t f r e ^ n t
'"Nervals
and to apply f o r approval , n a l l important decisions governing an orphan's
life.
The trustees did not simply rubber stamp requests; one of t h e i r
refusals was even passed into law. When a c e r t a i n Catharina Elisabeth
Romswmkel applied for permission to marry, i t was discovered that she
had been rebapt.sed a Lutheran under the influence of her f o s t e r mother.
d e m e d
' a n d bcV government decree Lutherans were forbidden
to nllVT^aS
to p r o s e l y t i z e among the Reformed.3
rphan
left tnhth
% W e r e s i g n e d to the orphanage i t s e l f , where they were
f a t h e r
a h o u s e
. d u a l l y a lay o f f i c e r of the church,
and of ,
J
and of a house mother, a widow in reduced circumstances.
Their duties
sîavès- a hI a dlH h
Y " " t h e a ' t u a > b u i l d i n g , supervising a s t a f f of Asian
slaves headed by a foreman and a forewoman who were required, by statute
to be C h r i s t i a n .
As f o r the orphans, boys and g i r l s were to be kept
apart and dormitories locked at night to "prevent any unseemliness"
House father and mother had to see that there was n o Y e a r i ng, gambi i ng
82
or d r i n k i n g o f alcohol
i n t-h
W M G n j i n e d
t o
orphans w i t h compassion ana a'dmTn
ft^IS,™"*
treat
t 0 be t u r n e d
uni
«ver t o he or i
ed o L Y Y
?
P
^ments.
Refractory
rin^' 9overn
, who were exoect
ed t o make f r e q u e n t i n s p e c t i o n s
d
a
were l i s t e d in d e t a i l in thé s t a t u t e s
" o w a n c e s per orphan
f
C
- a
Per
t b the
e t o' r p hlhea n s T"
t oo ^tend
' s p i r i t <u a* l needs
T od
Ï
w-th prayer.
Each SunSay, Tue s Say and 2 S ^
- r . fore t, w
^
J * J ? s?u p#e r*v i#s o r s^ had a l s o~
therefo
< - * opened and c l o s e d
^
jTr&tSs."
There was a school in n,
spring of the teacher, the h o u s e Z a t £ * * ^ i ^ ' ^ V
* > inmates and offsupervisors. As wi th'other Company choo'l ' f T ' ^
°f the s , a days a week. Wednesday a n d Saturaay^aSernôn JnStruCtîo " «as given six
Ä ^5?^
The
*$S
::
^ çiAït
t h e i r elders m t h e " ; h 0 r i U e a s h a n t e r b e d i e n C e t 0
t h i r d l y , to teach them t o ead w r f t T l
T ^ ' l
d d
a r i t h
~
metic; fourthly
t o teach * ! !
J
n e r s , and f i n a l l y ?o see t o Î ? ?hat "
no o t h e r tongue L n
tL
e
D^tcn
^
n
^
h
[sled ." r
man
"
C h 0 0 , S
t 0 be m3de
numb,e
>
T
g r a t e f u t r a n d a r e s p e c t ? u r î t o ^ h e l r bbeet tt et er sr f ^
l a t e r i n s t r u c t i o n , were t o do
'
Teachers, i n the words o f a
"everything possible to c i v i l i z e t h . .
t o i n s t i l l in them good mora s m SH T " C n i , d r e n .
and o b l i g i n g n e s s
to tra?« t l '
'6 Class e x i l i t y
9 r 6 e t P
, i t e ,
genteel people C d e f t i qe " e l , ^
y a''
Wh m t h e y meet
in
s t r e e t , and so f o r t h " S
the
Saddle- and s a i t a k i n g were eeme pa t i c u U T ^ ^ t 0 , M r n a < r a So t o o were cask-making, t a i l o H n q
c o b h n ' ^ y ^ u i ^ e d f o r orphan boys,
' S ^
? 9 a " d t h e ' i k e - G i r l s were
generally married o f f a f f f t e e n
' ^
! J ™ » « * , .always so. i c i tous f o r
t h e i r c h a r g e s , gave each
sometimes placed in homes o f t o L p e o ' f a
e ™ ^ "
rvants.
9
M * * «
" "
On t h e i r e i g h t e e n t h
83
birthday they received a dowry of sixty rixdollars, whether betrothed or
not, if the trustees deemed them deserving. The government particularly
charged the trustees with the duty of finding these girls decent husbands,
that they not be led into vice.
The identity of the orphans has yet to be discussed. They came from
three groups: the Dutch and Creole, that is, children who had migrated
from the Netherlands with their families, or children born in Asia of
Netherlands-born parents; secondly, Eurasians, the children of a European
father and an Asian mother and their descendants; and finally the offspring
of Asian Christians. (in time orphanages for other groups were established;
those for the Chinese, for example, were built and maintained with funds
raised in the Chinese community itself.) Later one discerns a certain
segregation within the Batavia orphanage through a regulation providing
that orphans of Asian Christians should live in quarters built behind the
orphanage on the Tijgersgracht. The language of the orphanage and its
school was to be Dutch. This is so stated in the regulations of 1643, and
was repeated in instructions of 1648, 1752 and again in 1778. In 1786 the
government reluctantly conceded defeat and permitted the languaqe of the
orphanage school to be Portuguese.
Where did the funds come from? Orphans possessing large fortunes had
these invested in their behalf, with a certain percentage going to the
trustees to finance expenses. Another source of income for all Batavia's
charitable institutions was the income from fines imposed by civil court
for a variety of offences. For instance, a penalty of six rixdollars was
set for throwing "excrement or other filth" into the canals on the city's
east side in 1653, and half that sum passed into parish funds for the
poor. Late arrival at the Dutch church cost the bridal party ten rixdollars after 1693, the whole going to poor relief, or five rixdollars if the
wedding were celebrated in the Portuguese speaking parish. Another source
was the alms raised in the churches. Property of persons dying intestate
with no traceable heirs was also absorbed into the orphanage treasury.
Not all trustees were able to live up to their oath of office
Bartholomeus Kunst, for example, was dismissed from the post of president
of the orphan trustees in 1629 after complaints concerning his administration of a settlement. It could not be determined if his actions were
the result of incompetence or malicious intent to swindle. In any event
Kunst died shortly after dismissal and his wife, Maria van Aelst, soon
married one of his judges. This was Antonio van Diemen, who was to be
ninth governor-general of the Indies, making Maria, originally a soldier's
wife, first lady in I636.
It was said earlier that there was an orphanage in Batavia in 1624,
just five years, that is, after the founding of the city and twenty-eight
after the first Dutch ships sailed into the Indonesian archipelago
The
swiftness of the orphanage's founding suggests two things. Firstly, it
illustrates the policy of early senior Company officers, which was to
found a new Netherlands in Asia. Coen was one of these, and his expansive
v.ews stand markedly in contrast with those of the Directors, whose
8h
C
schoolteachers and " r e ^ b J I? d e ^ s
S
S
?! ' M ^ ^
'^V,
m 9 r a t e
H S
'
'
''
scheme was rejected by the Directors. Ne
t
un
eral Specx, Brouwer and van Diemen Batavia aid t i l '
ke
n a
P e c u ' i a r l y Dutch
aspect through its canals narrn,, h«
n , ö i , n
*
walls. And,9in exp, a a on f
esSïühïS':^*! '"Y"65 ^
rphana e
9 ' 9?vrnor-genera, de Carpentier wrote the
e o ? s ^ t h e T '
OW
usage in Holland "as far as possible-'.^
""'T? t 0 f
The o Ä t i ä i S
Siîî>éj; Y ^ T s e t T
^
~™
^
^
n3me y
' '
that a grave social problem was perceived bC'fh
Ü ™ ^
Turning to de Carpentier aoain n
ï , f a u t h o r , t i e s as early as
1624.
threat posed ?o law an!Ï oTSe V
" f a ^ r es f "
" t h T ^ ^ ? '
^
growing enormously every day"
Extraordinär?? J V ' S u r e P u b h t "hich is
V h g h death
rates
'
in Batavia
are attested to by everv c o r r ê s n o Y T Y
^
^
^
<"rl
in ,62, coen t o l d ' t h ! Direct r f t h a l a " o V l ï ï " ' '
eW
m e r s t o Ba
within the year, and the Dai 1 R e ? t
'^ r ï
Y
tavia died
among the Company's European a ' n d l ' L free s e t t e r s
^ t 0 " ' " "**?
f
ear.y^aYa^'Bu^t ^ n o t ^ u T Y ' o ' ^
S"??
W ™ ' " « '1
C 3 U S e d SUCn
concern
By ,624 Batavia-s authorities were f o r L d T n T Y ' ?
'
posed b
Part-European children abandon d y thel
a'the'r Y h V ^ ' T
V
nor-genera,, Pieter Both, comp, ained of the hab 'of t a k i n g
" '
^
^
concubines by employees in a l l levels n f L
* a k , n g A s i a n w o m e n as
Bata
-a's
government had attempted o «sôW the s tua o ? " ' ^ ^ ' J
3 n U m b e r o f wa s
notably by regulating relations betUpn
'"
V » most
C en
^
* * "
was the f i r s t ' t o o u t L conçu n ele by a i V Z l T ^ T '
t h S
Ur re
ub,i
of Jacatra or come under its j u r i s d i c t i o n " 8
u ?
'
P
c
and had to be repeated within two y e a r s Y f i I
u*5 "0t e f f e c t i v e
C aUSe Spe
'
"
cifying that i t applied to aï. ranks and ondit T " Y * ^
only; no Christian woman so a
conditions of men. And not men
or "Moors".
' S r 3 n t h e n e w « * * mi 9ht sleep with "Heathens"
f
l e g i t i m a t e and
^ r ^ T ^ ^ l ^ l J ^ t ^ ^
' «* » "
Pany employees and Asîan l e
A ^ ^ S i T S j ^ h - f f *
^
^
ing by the local authorities which in t hi 11 , Ï
! 1'censed in w r i t B a t a W a me3nt t h e
governor-general himself.
The b ide s r Y n V
^
W35 t 0 b e
prospective husband were she a s àve a
™
P h a s e d by the
a new, Christian name! I
ime Snowledae of Tl
* T ' " 0 and 9'Ven
al
requisite of the woman before a ^ r r ^
^ [% " " * 3 f
ou d
UCh regU
"
lat.ons notwithstanding, illegitimate Eurasiin rt-iV
nt,
d
t o be
born, and some of them eventually were brouóht to h ,
™*
most pious and wealthy t o w n s p e o p ^ Y e ^ a n t r u s t e d " 6 " ' ^
^
- L e d ofuer l I r ^ ^ s ; o m n L ; : h ^ d o f r e o : e m o ? ^ a h r c o f r o m r
Nether,ands wh
ChamberS t Û P
a trade in some eastern factory' The major tv howY
^
former Company employees - soldiers? « M o J . ^ c l e T î ï ï ^ T ^
>
WI3, L i e r i c i or merchants - -
85
whose f.ye-year contract had expired and who had successfully petitioned
for permission to remain in Asia. Though called "free townspeople" (vrije
bu
^hers) the pattern of their lives was shaped in all particulars by
Batavia s government. They were required to swear an oath of loyalty to
the Company and promise to engage only in such trade and professions as
permitted them by the Directors. They were liable for militia duty, and
could not marry, change residence or repatriate without written permission.
Those infringing Company regulations could be forcibly repatriated, or
degraded to the rank of soldier and obliged to spend long years in service.
Captaincy of the burgher militia, or service as a town magistrate or
trustee of a charitable institution such as the orphanage, the poorhouse,
or a hospital, were the highest offices to which a burgher could aspire,
and these offices conferred a certain prestige on the bearer.9
Nor were the wives of prominent burghers excluded from public dignities. As in Holland, women of wealthy families might be designated honorary supervisors to the orphanage or other municipal institutions. Theirs
? ? n e r a " y overseeing the charity houses and their inmates.
Nor i n Y Y
Not all apparently, apprec.ated the public honor thus bestowed on them.
Margaretha Terkuys w.fe of the junior merchant Pinket, was one who refused
C ^ Y Y n ' Ï Ï Y Y Y " " tV t h e P a r i S h b 0 a r d ° f Cavia's Dutch Reformed
Church m 1752
Noting that wives of former governors-general and other
h.gh off,cals had assumed the role in the past, the board fined her
twenty-five rixdollars for "irreverent and uncharitable behaviour" and
ordered her to take up her duties under threat of yet heavier punishment.'0
The position of house mother was a salaried one, and its holder was to
be a member of the Reformed Church and of exemplary behaviour. The role
reminds us that the government of Company days did offer paid positions to
a n d t h a t in t h i s r e s e c t
it again consciously mod?YH tit
T6"'
P
elled Batavia on the mun.c.pal i ties of the homeland. The first midwife
was engaged by the city in 1635, and her duties and oath of office were
spe led out m 1640. Other occupations held by women under the Company
include licensed tavern- and innkeeper, overseer of the poorhouse and
women s house of correction, official renter of mourning cloaks and tender
of the deceased, and foster mother to orphans, which post has already been
mentioned.
>^wy « e n
s
know
Lo
too
be
wa
which confused religious and political loyalties.
The slight extent of Dutch evangelization in Indonesia has been noted
Y P a n Y ' ln a " the long years of the Company r te
onY a b o Y n S Y Y
only about nine hundred m.n.sters of religion served in its Asian settle- e
PS t W i C e that n U m b e r
ZT'f
Y,?6,
° f ,aV officers. With few exceptions
most fulfilled one contracted term only and then repatriated, or else
86
stayed on in some other capacity as f r P P
„
l t
ann0t
therefore be
maintained that conversion nee s r i f
V^T"'
0
ion
stand,ng; its importance in the casé of 7 J ' Y * ? " * ' *
or deep underwhere
Upon conversion the b Y
Yumed C h r i s t " " ' ' " f a c t ' U e s e l ^ and thus entered Company records w i t Y h l %£%*
T
^
M
^
'
6
^
u n d e r ' e ^ ^ c f a T d ^ s p l s Y r o r Y t ^ ' hh UuSsb S
a nd
d Y
0 r
Company chamber.
after
Such a s s Y Y
,6 3 2l2, althoug
Î
^
X
ï
N a
" "
^ a n * s . either
father, or sponsored bv a
B
ï
A
Y
d i SCO
"t inued, howevlr
T h Y " ''" ' 6 6 9 " M S t w ™ E U r a Y
bearing Dutch names were Asian
COnt
by the negative evidence from bans on Y
h f
ention is supported
Y ' 6 e m i 9 r a t i o n , by baptismal
records, and by c l u e s t o b e f o ^ Y Y
question.
,t was common pract ce o r ^ Y Y '
" " * * f the ^
'"
f 0 r m h e r n e wn a
^ from
some part of her husband's.
The re Y
" Y Y ^
f
S P e
Ut
"ed
62Q r
Y
!" a
marr.age register entry f o r December^
COnce
Goossens from Byssaya (Visaya, south
I,
'
rning Magdalena
Thomasz.
It F s more concealed „ 7
»'PP'nes) widow of one Goossens
G a m p , e
*
^ " u Y
- " " o r of the ,ndies WiHem Jacó
a n s Y Y Y ^
Nessnarc.
,„
b
t h î s
c a s e
t h e b r [
V
s-nce her Christian names are the feminine
wb-le the surname, Nessnarc, i s t l Y Y w Y Y
n
e S S
' Y Y b Y . Y
' Wilhelmina Jacoba
" " * * freed s!ave'
Y ^ a r Y ^ ' ' ' | f '*'
em erS
Vi d
^
s
o rb:,onYa
ern^L
gYYY^Yt^ f re m x\ dand
9
9
i r Y Y
' s e P a r ating
Asians and non-Christians
UtCh
immunity,
them from other
y a t y
aS a
the Company's domain.
Y h spéecYw ^ a n Y Y "
'
" * *
f
Symb0
f
'
alleg.ance, and i t was the on I y Y a n g u Y Y
i cï J , ' ' ' ' *
a
fJ
' ' C t a M y Permitted in Batavia's
orphanage and its schoolroom unt i , 1786
r e g u l a t i o L Y v ^ ^ ' n ^ ^ r o r p h a n a L ^ Y / 0 " 9 1 ' 6 - ^ 5 e n J ' o i n e d ™ numerous
f CO
^ Y
™an«
under ine the fact ?hat DutS Y Y o t '
e Y b Y a Y l Y
an Ua e o f
communicat ion for any of the orphans, whether N e t Y Y n Y ' ? 9
b y b i r t h
' Creole
Eurasian. Within two decades after the Y Y
r
f B a t a v i a
admitted themselves unable to P a s Y n Y
Y ' " 9
the Dutch
a n 9 U 6 9 e
' h t h e r d i n a r y way,
that i s , by handing i t down to the i Y M M "
ffsprin
and Eurasian families were rats Id by As I n Y *
9 o f '-"migrant
t h e m s e , v e s
peaking an
acquired tongue in Batavia's households Y
Y ' '
r t h e y w e r e
chased from a variety of ethnic Y O U D .
,
deliberately pure a n d E u r a s i a
possessed but a smattering o Y u Y pYasés
TH
" «en
r
-
i
;
^
^
t
o
be a f
C
by church and government, but for a , Y H Y Y
curiosity has been explained b r rere enY
o til Y
mm
™- ^
n
t0n
P o r t
u
9 *.
^ ^ -
or
Promoted
This
P
A ^t'witht: ~ 2 . f s&^aK-a^a &
-V and converts to Roman Cathoï Y Y u ^ r Y Y ^ Y ' ^ Y ^ Y
"
87
exists for the use of Portuguese throughout the Indonesian archipelago.
We know, for example, that the syahbandar of Jacatra knew Portuguese in
I596, though no Portuguese had ever settled there; and the earliest documents Company officials addressed to Indonesian rulers were composed in
that language.
Contemporary Company officials saw the matter differently. Maetsuycker,
writing to the Directors in 167^, explained the use of Portuguese in this
way:
"... the Portuguese language is growing and easily
holds the upper hand, mostly through the idiocy
of our own Netherlanders, who hold it for a great
honor to be able to speak a foreign language, however
badly and corrupted. Neither the interests of the
state nor the honor of our nation will they take into
consideration and so they speak no other language than
Portuguese with their slaves, although most of them
come from the East and have never heard that tongue."'^
It must be remembered that the seventeenth century settlement was
frequently beleaguered by Indonesian armies. This is why Maetsuycker, among
others, saw the use of Dutch as important to the stability of the state,
and as a means of assuring "the trustworthiness of the native subjects'1'^.
The spread of Dutch was encouraged in a number of ways. The requirement where brides were concerned has been noted, as has the role of the
orphanage in language teaching. In 1641 honorary posts were denied all
Asian burghers who knew no Dutch, and male slaves were forbidden to wear
a hat in the European style unless they could comprehend and speak Dutch
"decently"'6.
At times the Company seems actively to have sought out individuals to
raise them as Europeans and Dutch-speakers. A law of I766 required that
children of European fathers and slave women be raised as Europeans and
Christians. A count was ordered in all residencies, early in I7O8, of
illegitimate children born of European fathers and Javanese mothers, and
late that same year a government resolution recorded that some of these
children were placed in the municipal poorhouse. Similar cases occurred
in September 1724 and May 1726, and during governor-general Mossel's
office fatherless Eurasian children were taken from their mothers to be
raised in the newly opened orphanage in Semarang.
The dates are of significance here for they coincide with a flurry of
complaints to Holland concerning the calibre and small number of employees
being sent out. Just two years after yet another ban on hiring into Company employ "Indies boys", by which was meant Creole and Eurasian youths,
the government of Mattheus de Haan ordered appointment of the same to positions as clerks. In other words, when the Company needed labor it was
willing to accept children of mixed ancestry and raise them as its own.
The positions which the Company sought to fill with the Asia-born
88
were strictly defined h
« Ä r a x t r ^ Ä K Ä Ä % «*» *»
responsibility
list 1
V 6qU,p
tnem
for a career of
Î?
'
T h e
r
,d
faCt rieS
Wl
oT "
n Attsia,
S S "v e^a3i 1 ,f,1D»™*Y f »A
i e " r to*"
rNetherlands
„ it
'abovp
"=cner
born n t rm
s î:
ie Q
Earner vet In i£o n
,
' when one ha«; nn,«
boo^epeT' ' " , 6 8 - > ' « P—„ted E u r a s „ t ? » r
K
^
^^ ' "
8
The case of women was nuit* A; ff
dl
bered, might migrate onlv „ „
^erent.
Dutch women i t w i i 1 .
Y
d e rcert
tended to oppose til:
a i n conditions
w *
" b e remem"
sive tastes the ; n , e n t r y î n t o c
l soc e t v ' , f U C ? e s s o r s to Coen
f t h e i r D u t
t h e , r
e pen
ning the. m , a i o " ^ Ü T ' - ?
*
*
"
w A Ï
began at a n ' e a r l y ^ t e f f a X L ^ T * ' l n e S S '
* * » e f l ^ i i S ? - ^J? 6 *"
Creo.e children ^ r e ^ t ^ V f i & J ^
' r «« »f É«S C^îV 9 "
ante,::; e r A3: bar?rns of *i,<TO ' " ^ r r /
other lead.ng f . « , , , . ,
o f t h e
0 0
"
—'"
^ « » V . . ' « SPOyer,
At
the time
-
89
of her first marriage, Geertruida was already a wealthy heiress through
her mother's first husband, who was Frans Castelijn. But a woman of far
humbler origins could also rise high in the Batavia of Company days. Take,
for instance, the illegitimate Eurasian girl baptised Hendrina Maria Knabe
in 1741; at thirteen she was married to the Netherlander Willem Alting,
who became governor-general in I78O. That was six years after Hendrina
had died and been succeeded by his second wife, granddaughter to the freed
slave Susanna from Makassar. Hendrina's five surviving children, all
daughters, were married to Dutch senior Company officials. One,Pieternel la, became first lady of the Indies by marriage to Siberg and her son
(great-grandson of a slave) was later ennobled in Holland and married
there a countess of Limburg-Sti rum.20
This is not to argue that racial distinctions were not observed in the
Company's Batavia, and that, as is frequently maintained, the basis of discrimination was primarily religious. While Christianity was a unifying
bond between European, Creole, Eurasian and Asian, the latter three groups
always were ranked lower. It is true that some locally born men became
exceedingly wealthy and influential — a Willem Vincent Helvetius van
Riemsdijk, for instance, or Augustijn MichielsZ21 — and some part-Asian
women reached the pinnacle of settlement society through marriage. But as
far as the majority was concerned, the principle of superiority of the
Europe-born was maintained by individuals and institutions alike. This
argument will be advanced here by reference to the clothing allowances
granted Batavia's orphans in 1752 and I778.
Issued each year to European girls were, among other things, four
frocks, two blouses, two skirts, two kebaya, one sarong and three handkerchiefs, and every second year a flowered frock and a pair of stays. Compare these with the issue for Eurasian girls which included two blouses,
four kebaya, four sarong and two handkerchiefs. The smaller allowance as
well as the absence of distinctively European i terns of dress are noteworthy.
On the other hand, no distinction was made in any of the i terns allowed
European and Eurasian boys, or in the quantity.
The decision on clothing rations stemmed from the very nature of colonialism in the Company period itself. It was a society ruled by white
males migrating from the Netherlands, but bound to Asia by marriage to
Christian, locally born wives. Boys born of such families and of extralegal unions were to supply the Company's manpower at the lowest levelsm the sh.ps, barracks and offices. Beyond that the Company had no use'
for such persons whose loyalty to Holland could not ultimately be vouched
for and hence no distinction in rank and importance was made between them.
Girls, on the other hand, entered Company society as brides, and it was
there that distinctions could be afforded, with highest rank being accorded
the ,mm.grant and the Creole. These distinctions between European and
Eurasian girls were also observed, it may be noted in passing, in Batavia's
poorhouse.
In closing this characterization of Company society from the standpom
of one of its enduring institutions, another matter remains to be
settled. So far the designation "Asian" has been used rather than
90
"e :;;:5T]:::::a: dBatavia;The — - ^
B^T^'^ÏZ
,nd
societies behind high walls. Member o f t h e ^sla d " ^
^
°^<>
m 5 t ancient civi
"t.on, the Javanese, were long prohibit^ f
°
""
to, the City's walls. ,n thei? stead h ^Dutch ü * " ^ " 9 W U h , ' n ' ° r c , o s *
Ught int0 Batavia
slaves purchased in the markets of Asi« n
aged the settlement of other? free commun i tie" s " ï * * * ' a n d t h e * e n c ° on.al society evolved, then out o f T f
/ U C h 3 S t h e Chinese. ColP e P e S and Cultur
rather than from a long peri'od of contac 'bet T
° '
">
n t 3 C t betwe
or Javanese cultures.
en Dutch and, say, Sundanese
b
l; A r S ' n
^f^Jrii^é
- '"" «- seventeenth
t-le Bantammers, r u n a w a y slave a' d'wU anim", s T " " * h a U n t ° f h o s "
Because of these dangers
women were banned by government dlrrl
f anma]sThe last boïntVwaTp'a" d t " f c ' û ^ ^ P a S t f he ^ V * guard
Posts
Seventeenth century record keepers tell
h ! ^ a S ' a t e a s '762.
snatched labourers from the atol, f e 1
H
U^9^ t i g e r s frequently
depredations were so numerou t'hat â va t L ^ ^ C ' t y W a , , S " ln ' ^
suycker, who was then a councillor
n î ^ ^ 1 ° U t ' h e a d e d by Maetunc.llor. The Daily R egis ter has it this way
ƒ solars ' "f m " 9 ,
twenty on hor,.bLk. one \Td
'lers'
and the remainder Dut-rh a n H u»*-
flft
Bandanese, bUcks a„ 1 * l l T e ' Z u T ? '
fipij
6 c
,ù
,UL
be ! d;;e r ' s r ^ n?ha
weary and downcast. S ?
^
y slaves,
'"J"""'
a
hunted
in the
'a n beast
sin9,e
which
Cbe
r e t U r
-
d
» to
-
a t
nightfall
P.easûre^rSs^eÎe faîd^uTto^nl % T
I T " ^
^
* «
***f*
following the
river's course, and another century passed
several months each year. By !he elahtaL^h
! t h e y "*re i n h a b ' t e d for
ces of the fashionable were becominâ
\ W u r y t h e S e U?'and <^denf
th& e , a b
colonial culture in the days o M
V
oration of
FOr 3
ng p e r i o d
that culture develop
i
' however,
^T^
o
t
i e S
curious assemblage Sf A A I ' t î ï ^ i ^ ^ ^ ^
™ of a
of life indemne E
^
V^rou'h^he^h"96-"ï^65
""**
t 0 att
a S
P^
social groups not pre e n whe
e f
t?
" ' '" ^ ' ^
^tion
route to Indonesia's i s l a n d
Euras an ^ U r o P e 3 n S d i S C O V e r e d the sea
and Asian
from this contact. The board or orpha]'truTr
.
Christian spring
r U S t e e s brin
facets of the Company settlementthf
\
9 s to mind other
9
V e
™nt
and the type of ^ Z ^ f ^ U ^ i Z ^ ^
' E ' V ' ^
b f
U n d
re
s
orphans property or looking into their morals
"
. 9'" ^ r i n g the
curiously petty character or Batav a'
J
l l J
«P'.'cltou. but also
- n t s on decent husbands or concern
^
^
5
^
^
91
dictions b u i l t into the ComLn!^ W r , d f t h e orphanage are the contraW h M e
aimin
for a self-renewing ocietV and u s i n ^ ^ ' ^ P , i C i e S '
9
9
or h
achieving this goal o f f î c L ï Vtî
P anage as one means for
a real place î n ^ o c î e ï P t ' l l T " ? 6 ' 6 " d e n i e d l o c a ' 'V born men
women depending on t h e ï r ^ c i a ! \ ^ ^
and the ^ ^ ^ 0 « ? ^
Company's benevo e n « .
sort.
^ T
t W
wa
â
a S a v e h l c c,
e
*r e "s s Vo n ^
^ ^
f3ther,eSS
^
f the Honourable
for c.t.zenship of a very special
92
Foo t no t e s
I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the nrnhpnci r
J*Ne^rlan^ch^^^ïlJ^^Zfr
™^ *
>
U
n
d in
( c i t e d
^^-^^il^
R a f t e r as
Landsdrukkerij, Batavia l \ a n l n
TSu n L ^ , J l '
' 6 V S ' P , u s -d<>*>
nU
VOl. I , pp.173-187.
N'Jhoff, Hague, I885-I900. See
Decision of November 28 lfic£ DI I
jng was to be read public 'by T K ~ ~ ^ ' J l l
ing of a b e , , , -and posted'-'in" the usüaf p l a c e s ' ^
3.
"
This r u l ^^ r , n *
The decree dates from January 20 ,76, that
after public worship by Lutherans 1 f . ? ' S * S O m e t w e n t V V ^ r s
n*hÈ*tboek, V I I , PP.454-4S6
clthl
f p e r m i t t e d ' " Batavia.
h
r na R
S - ^ ^ ^ i r daughLr Ch ; t i n : :a ; o be mSW ^ keI T î ? m a r r i e d
fi'r!t' t h e ^ ' r t y - f i f t h governo - g e " a ( 8
o s ' 8e08? A , b e r t U S H e n n ' C U S
f i r s t councilor and director-general
^ l ö 0 ^ , 8 0 8 ) , at that time
A r t i c l e 79, "On Schoolmasters" of th» ru
Batavia Community, December J, M ^ j g g
5.
,
^
]
*
Regulations for Batavia's orphanage, A p ^ T ^ S ,
' ? * * ' &
r ^ a ^ , ,
X
,
2 - J ^ , .3 vols., r ^ h f f ^ g ^ ^ 2 ^ f i ^ ^ v o ^ ^ ; 6
l^'^^^r^^^rrE80^^1^ T
ä f r Nederlanders in den Ma eischen A
issôrrsgTTie^or
8.
9.
I T P P ^ ^ ^ ^
Sectors, January',', "
^ ™>L de c j e j ^ ç h i ^ s
1
^ '
3 vo,s
Decree against concubinage, December „ , I 6 2 0 , p
>
^
M
- NiJh^fTrrïa^ e
a
^(>
^
The granting of distinctive mantles has a i r p a , K
amenities flowing from office to free t o - . T Y , ^ ? e n t i o n e d - Other
-n public ceremonies and right t r o t ? P ? P ' ? ' n C , U d e d P r e «dence
d
'splay, such as gold and
silver trimming on silk apparel and ^
t h ep r , v , , e
of-arms to their carriages
9 e of affixing a coa?-
10
Sentence was passed on February 4, , 7 5 2 , N^kaa^boek I, p.8 2 .
11
S i l ^
m
H.A. TJeenk w T n i T k r ^ n h l m r i ^
2 2
EMLLie 1600^800, Hutchinson, London
,965
in
^^^
^R^JTCmiimj
"'^
^ i O i ^ n e
93
12,
Instructions o f Directors t o governor-general
T^efofXp::,
D
p . XxXx iI vv
P
;
2 7 ,
3
i
J
65
h e
*
Brouwer
D i r e C t 0 r S
'i n dPeP 0 S i t i 0 n
r e p r m t e d
was ^ I t e d ' ^ n
Jonge, De opkomst. V I ,
""'
t h e COmpany
a
S
L " TDeS opkomst
Ter t 0
B Jonge,
' D / HT
, 'iï
nïde
V I . p.125.
15.
ibid, p.126.
16.
Decrees of June 1641, Plakaatboek I, pp.459-460.
'7'
March 17
,
16^2
l ^ '
November . 7 .
3
' , ' 7 8 ' DeCember
' ' 7 8 a n d September ,
?724TLUal?aS
^
B S V a ï ^ é o s ^ T ^ T ^ o ï f f ^ T ^ - P i u t i e n van h e t k a s t e e l
, 8 l
Tl^e-r-eTohTFî^fre t b e *founMn l o ^ f
^ m
^
'
^'
f
Ä ^
^
T
^
The r e s o l u t i o n o f May 3 » ! Ä ^ b e
'8- TMZ Zf^gl&fi**
9
,
'
DeCemb
- ^ '7,5, r ^ k a ^ k IV,
,9
- M SAVAIS:-to the D i ™ - — >>
20
21
Famiiy t r e e s f o r both these women are g i v e n i n t h e appendix.
WiMem V.H. van R i e m s d i j k
(1752-18171 wa<= m ~ » i ^
.
..
s de He h e l d many posts under t h e Company i n c l u d i n g , L , I t
m , s s , o n e r , b u t r e t i r e d t o manage h i s vast e s t à ï e s
'
" " " "
many A r a ^ b ^ g h l r ' p o s t ^ u n d e ^ t n e ^ o " ^ " ^ ^ "
- » heid
o«ner.
He c o u i d t r a c e d f roy « „ A
KhT?.* T ^
'and"
estate "Citrap^as the
S L f A r ^ . T K ' ?&
g i f "
28 v o f T T T ^ ^ j n ^ . ^ S e f ^ a e ^ f ^ o f ^ f i ^ ^
94
Lx;
^
M
—-* * » « -
The genealogies given here are very abbreviated
descent only in certain lines chosen because o J
distinction of the members. ,t should be noted
most cases Eurasian and Creole women m a r r i e
the Netherlands
married men
,hn, •
' t h ? I
haV^n
L *
born in
Sophia Fauconnier
(1) M i c h i e l Westpalm
m
(1st Counci1 l o r
& Di r e c t o r - g e n e r a l
o f NEI; d . NEI)
m
Johannes Goossens 1
Geertruida Margaretha
m
(2) Frederik Julius Coyett
(2nd g e n e r a t i o n A s i a - b o r n on f a t h e r ' s &
m o t h e r ' s s i d e ; governor o f North Coast
Java.
Died 1736 when o f f i c i a l l y
b e t r o t h e d but not y e t m a r r i e d t o Geert r u i d a ; by h i s w i l l she became h i s sole
i nheri t o r )
(3) Johannes Thedens T
(GG 1741-43; d. NEI)
Sophia Francina
m ( I ) Hugo Verijssel, Councillor
Margaretha Sophia
m
(2) Reynier de Klerk1
(GG 1777-80; d. NEI)
W i 1 lem Cornel is
(educated in the
Netherlands)
Te-rTotoka TJrTrtlha
S°y s w ".* lnmp " f H*r Eaajiy, ç&nsstisms.
i - lotok, here meaning "born in Europe"
m
J.C.M. Radermacher1
(founder of 1st freemason' s lodge at
Batavia, & of Batavia
Society of Arts and
Sciences
slave mothers
W i 1 helmi na Cornel ia
Slave
m
"Ensign from Meester Cornel is" T
1aJSns^
m
Wi 1 lem Arnold Al t ingT
f—
El isabeth Fockelyna
m (I) Mr. Joachim Wiggerts 1
(d. NEI)
Constantia Cornelia
m Johan Umbgroove^
(d. Neths )
w:iu i
1
T mm (', )P L?a m o r"""T""
aa
r
;
(2) Steven Poelman
(d. NEI)
van
GesauT (d. N E t )
(2) Samuel van
Hoesen 1 (d. NEI)
Pieternel la Gerhard i n a
m
Johanna Maria
m Godfried
Ca re I
Gockinga
(1) Samuel Abeleven1"
(d. NEI)
[2) Joannes Siberg
(GG 1801-1805, d. NEI)
(bk"rSemPiran\?c^reaer?,Siberg
m a r r i a g e & death in
Netherlands)
T - Totok, here used to mean "born in the Netheriands"
*
<') Maria Anna R e y n s t '
,n.
Johanna
Sara, Gravin van Limburg-S t i rum1"
(9)
W
ON
97
Freemasonry in Indonesia: I762-1961*
Paul W. Van der Veur
Ohio University
Bart n ^ r S O n r L C a m e t 0 t h e D u t c h c°l°nial possessions in the second
S a w -+ e i g h t e e n t h c e n t ^y- Before discussing its development in the
e i h t e e n t h ce
but s roots g^n L t f ^
S S t o n e m a s*tury
European phenomenon,
ons
' guild and an ancient
^hical past Their, r ^ ^
lod^ri/^
transformation into modern Freemasonry occured when
«tb. feast day of St. „ T t Ä ™ . £ ? r, ÎT ^
%TsLOdge
later, a Masonic Book of Constitution, was adopted.2 The langu^Tand
b
h
r r „ ^ Ï Ï 1 : aft° noT"rrg^ a''^b^ r
usea
^s^L
symbolism, secrecy, mutual a i d , occultism, a n d - ë s p S S l ï ' a S S n T
Ä e
7*1? be „ ° î f 1 1 ^ T e , l t ~ a ^ " e t i s t i c " b e l i e f ^ a Or S
Architect and the notions of inquiry, t o l e r a n c e , and universal brotherhood."of M D U r l n g ? h e e l 8 h t e e n t h "»a early nineteenth centuries the r e e i s t r v
MoZS0a„avd„ A ^ b name8 a S Ï O l t a i r e - D l d e r ° t - ^
1-fayette g France-
ïn„:triâa(^ofngîîn s r "™r^ ^ ^ ^ Ä 5 & * .
» u n s u c c e s s f u l effort to suppress t * . Order
M
^
^
C
-
Being a Mason had become bon ten in * w , ^ „
Beginning in the lo^Os, w r i t e r s wTt h J
n
i n t e r n a t i o n a l conspiracy.
Str ngly
°
anti-Semitic views linked
Masons and Jews together ïn what w
the next one hundred y^ar i n TJh ZZtrll
° ^ ^
r ^ 1 mythS °f <
u
,
n
a
X1
t
f
t
In the period b e t v e e / w o r l d Sars X L T Ï Ï t he e Order
X d e rwas
T ' banned
^
^ several
^ ^ ^
in
U c h
O o r a t o T o T t t f n i L a r y T t T o ^ T u ^ *? ^ e B "e t0hr <O l "a r ta s ™
^
for introducing me t T t h e S c r a r " , t S ' o r â n , \ J g 6 ^ "
« <* Hague,
valuable information during « .
i
i
i
,
Providing me with
subsequently, by correspondence
Netherlands m early 1971 and,
98
a
0
d
e C ntern
D i n g the
ae
™af
SS^1r
^ect\
^\
iL:
\
c
r\
«to., the
a
n
countries pursued Ma onic s
t
section, which in German-occupied
off t o concentration camps!?
'
^
dOWn l 0 d g e s
^
^ ^ l ^ ^ M
¥ z h
for the most part a separate n a t L l i
1
>
and
carried members
heTged0in
r d er w a"s — t i o n a l
actually
h Grand
t 0 l0Cal
This meant that in s e ,
conditions
L t T o T c ^ l ^ ^
strongly a n t i - c l e r i c a l views while in s ^ 1 " ^ ^ P r^o t e s t a ng e n e r a 1 ^ held
t i s m was t h e
s t a t e r e l i g i o n and members of the r o v a l ^ S T V
formally (as in Britain and th^Netherlands f \ ^m T d *u s " v*i v e h e a d e d t h e C r a f t
°
n d i was worked
out. Moreover, even within inH^f* f
''
able
to preserve almost $£$£
I T ^ T i f a T ^
°** ^
that lod es
s p i t e of t h e i r proclamations of brotherhood
^
^
&
l
ye nCsOt ni 1s i1s t e d of members
of the monied and a r i s t o c r a t i c c l L s e s T t g * ° e rea l m
held a divers i t y of viewpoints. This emluîna +Î 4. *
Dutch) Grand Orders not t o enter n t o ^ i i t l ^ f ^
° f t h e B r i t i s h <™
an Order. F i n a l l y , Grand Orders d i r f e f ^ o t f " * r e l i S i o u s debates as
In contrast t o the many degrees of lï
S r e a t l y m the elaboration of r i t e s
France, for example, S t e h J r e e m a s o n Ï v T 3 0 " ^ * t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s -"d
Wlth
exceptions, adhered'to the tlrlTorZlnlTZ
°nly m i —
" ^ ^
c r a f t , and master.9
o r i g i n a l degrees of apprentice, fellow-
The Establishment of Freemason™ in T~*
Freema
N e t W l u u d a , a l l e r an U l - f l t T S i n thlTrVrr'
— y in the
V iCh l e dt o i t s
30
rary prohibition, emerged as a n a t i o n a l 0 ^ ! ? ? ?
tempodele a
several lodges met in ?he Hague llä elected a r " T S ^
g t - from
aSt6r
Indiv
'
idual
Freemasons soon appeared in the European n l
f i r s t Masonic lodge in Indonesia T a C h o i £ î * ^ ^ f O U n d i n g 0 f the
as a r e s u l t of the i n i t i a t i v e ^ ' j ^ f ^ ' t 0 ° \ p l a c e i n B a t a v i a in I762
heen the f i r s t Grand Master in the N e t W i R a d e r m a c h e r ' "hose father had
had joined the East India Company a t a L ' ^
*" * ? T 0 3 '
^rmacher
he had risen
to the rank of Chief M e r c h a n t ^ marrKd S ' S l h? ^
V e r i j s s e l , a member of the Council of ÎÏ the daughter of the lateHugo
second husband was Reinier S O e r k B p e c i 2 " ^ " " W i f e ' S ^
^
0f
Indies who was destined to become Mrector r ^ f - ^ t h e C°
the
General i n 1777. 1 0
Director-General m 1775 and GovernorLa Choisie's existence was qhor-t n „ ^
temporary return t o the N e t h l r l n t i n l ^ f ' ^
^ b e C & U S e ° f ^dermacher's
&
T "l 0 * a r ° S e ' ^
mêle
| | £ S l £ i t i , popularly referred t c ^ f f t e r iS*chosen
I t s mixed membership consisting of s a i l o r «
, ? " a S The Blue LodglT^
much for the brotherly love o f h l Î
m i l i t a r y apparently was too
* * f| ch landholders;
the l a t t e r founded ^ V e r t u e u s e o ^ l ^ r T ^
ll68 U
Durin
S this
early period, a n t l - i f a s o n T T f ^ i £ s alttln
^n *" '
fficials
enough that Masonic meeting places h a f t o Ä
^
^ °
^ r e strong
P t SSCret
- The fi^st
meetings in Batavia were held in hit
I
Inn). Since the innkeeper was L the E ^ t T ^ V ^ ^ ^ ^ r b e r ^ (City
arrangement necessitated e x t e n d l L Ï L Î \
^ C ° m P ^ y ^rvIcTTThe
P
Later
%^
' stings
were held a t the homes of ^ d i v i d u a l 3 Ï X
m S
t h eneed f r
°
* *" °
secrecy had disappeared. S e s o n - S law n T ^
<!«*>.
C a n n e s Siberg, was a M a s o n ^ T s o ^ A ^ ^ ^ ^
99
en
e
G
iat BOthperiods
erÏrat
™ ^ (l797-l801
J " ^ " »and
d Siberg
„ere to
become
;n^-Gln
G;ve
at later
l801-l805
respective!v}
overnors
General
p osperous brothers had
«Zo' ^S5J£2SS"?2s
^ÄrÄ
rijksdaalders
(exclusively to be used for the "Yellow Lodee")
+ h p
IJ "m m b L T o " g o ™V e:r nPmteln et
with their ladies?»?3
T l a i d - J a
a n dmany o t h e r
Semara^L n aftJaftime e th e n S , i 0 n
°f+MaSOnic
the nStheast coaster J a v / ^ f T^
- a ^ ft 178Y6]'Z theSperesence
^portant citizens of Batavia
activi
^
t y "as to the town of
m l l i t a r y hea
^arters for
of Deputy Grand Master for^he 1 ^ ° ^ *?? i n S t i t u t i o n o f the position
b yt h e
1798--a post filled Z n ?
S
° r a n d L o d g e i n «olland in
1798U n t U l 8 2 3
0
~"a P ^ "
glnda tour" wfs inducted
£ ! S e T ^ ^
was auicklv , 1 S Î ! Î \
Semarang lodge, La Constance et Fidèle
of ZI']^LrSÏÏï^ols^rr"^^^50113
-^^e-ïïov^rn^r-ndTSfctor
Surabaya coSte s i e Masons S
it« t ^
?*"* Worshi P ful Master.1*
'
lodge was not founded ^ a S ï t î î S ^ ^ ^ 1 ' g A t £ î ?* a
plans for the town's MPV ™I *> ™ +v, ^
7 T*
^aenaeis UÖ0Ö-11) implemented
of the colony. The new'odS £ T Î f "f 1 " 6 ^ t e ^ i t o r i a l structure
f»/**, m
contrast wit£ t l ^ ^ ^ î ^ f e g g ^ ^ ^ ^
immediately gained a favorable start because one S e r B H &J
T^
Cattenburgh, gave i t an extensive piece of land rl^iZ'v
i ,
,
Tunjungan), south of Surabaya, near s i m p a n g i '
^ PetUnd^an ^ ,
S e m a r ^ ^ ^ d g e l o n Ï i n u S î r J ^ 0 ! ^ f * t - u b l — times arose. The
In Batavia Daendeïs S a b l v " ï M l n s t ™ c t i o n s f r o m the Deputy Grand Master,
SUspect
the local lodges were injected « S T " ^ f ^
e d that members of
T British
sentiment. In March l 8 l l
he not only S j c a t e d Ï S J l l l °arrested several members o f t h e *ov M a s o - c archives but also dismissed and
members of the C o L c i o f J u s t i c f Ï T T E ( T ^ ^ ^^elhard) and a l l
after the arrival of Governor-General f 5 S ^
^T"3
Vere
released
temporarily closed
In Mav ifli T T
ri * Janssens, the lodges remained
l0dge
> V^tutis
et Artis told, on h i ^ l a n d h o l d L o f P « \ r™/** * ^
SSce!î?veicomed and Lt- G ~ A^ÇpSfa r " ri
* ^ Ä l ^
" * * * - J * three major
* J ^ ^ 1 1 aPPearance.
During this period the two lodges in B a t a v Ï Ï T
g S d t h e i r ende
avors into
a combined lodge, De Ster in hfOn« +
S \ .
** l 8 3 7 >
accelerated gro^h^fuS ï ^ e f u f a ï ^ ^ V ^ ^ h
fOUndlng
major towns of Java and in some l a S e r E u l S *
Sulawesi during the following years f s e f ^ T i f
existence of so-called V ^ m ^ S a r s k r i n ^ e n ?Fr ) *
upon small, fluctuât i ne ^ a ^ ^ ~
n i i E E I L
f'
(Freemaso
o f lod
*
^
S e s ^ most
SUmatra &nd
Smaller
^
*
t h e
^y groups) depended
^ ^ * 1 3 Ä t e Ä i B c n ^ ; întdiividïflodses vere
circumstance led the Rev A S rill
f
^ s ° l a t l ° n f™m each other. This
tenniek
Weekblad in the
LherÏnd
t f A l t i n * % . a f o r m e r e d i t ° r of the
ne
Netherlands, to propagandize the establishment of
100
TABLE I
(19^0)
Category
Before
I815
(Java)
After
I87O
(Java)
Other
parts of
Indonesia
Town
Date
Establ_,
Batavia
Batavia
Batavia
Semarang
Surabaya
Pondok-Gedeh
I762
I767
1768
1798
I809
I813
Batavia
I837
Yogyakarta
Surakarta
Probolinggo
Buitenzorg
Magelang
Bandung
Salatiga
Tegal
Malang
Blitar
Kediri
Batavia
Batavia
Dj ember
Bandung
Purwokerto
Sukabumi
Padang
Kota Raja
Makas sar
Medan
Palembang
I870
I872
1882
1891
I896
I896
1896
I898
1901
1906
1918
1918
1919
1926
1931
I858
I877
I822
I889
Name of Lodt
Members in 19I+O
T o t a l Indona Chinese
La Choisiel
La Fidèle Sincérité2
La Vertueuse 2
La Constante et Fidèle
De Vriendschap
Virtutis et Artis
Amici 3
De Ster in het Oosten h
Mataram
L'Union Frederic Royal
Veritas
Excelsior
Tidar
Sint-Jan
Fraternitas
Humanitas
Malang
Blitar
De Dageraad
Het Zuiderkruis
De Broederketen
De Driehoek
Broedertrouw
Serajudal
De Hoeksteen
Mata Hari
Prins Frederik
Arbeid Adelt
Deli
Palembang
79
ll+2
3
1+
1+
2
163
1
1
1+8
5
6
2
1
3
2
1
2k
18
36
22
193
11
k5
7
86
8
28
2
1
1
1
1
k9
26
17
33
13
30
26
11+
51
76
21+
1,262
1. Ceased about 1767
2. Merged into "De Ster in u^ n
,,
l837
3. Ceased in I8IJT ^
~ ~
- ^ ^
1+.
A merger of the two existing Batavia lodges
_
2
—
_
3
5
1
-
1
2
1
1
50
11+
101
^ l t r ï ï i a i + m a S î n i î J O U ™ a l i n a n e f f o r t t o a a c h i e v e g r e a t e r u n i t y . His
i n i t i a l a t t e m p t s from Padang were u n s u c c e s s f u l but a f t e r h i s d u t i e s a s
Z o n s e w h o a h , t a k e n A i m t° S e m a r a n g ' h e f ° u n d a r e c e p t i v e h e a r i n g from two
van Tori
Ï ^ T *° ^ m a n a g e r s ° f t h e book and p r i n t i n g company G.C.T.
one !
H Z r d e C \ 1 S 1 0 n . y a s t o i s s u e a monthly s c h o l a r l y j o u r n a l i n which
\ f ? * î W l t e ° n a n y s u f e J e c t . The I n d i s c h Magonniek T i j d s TrLTr?
g g l f t c e r t a i n l y o f f e r e d non-masonic r e a d e r s f a r ^ ^ a n t h e u s ^ a l
masonic_journal.
I t a l s o served t h e purpose o f c r e a t i n g c l o s e r t i e s among
Masons an I n d o n e s i a . " I t may have r e s u l t e d i n a March l 8 9 6 r e q u e s t by
RaJa f 0 rClOSer
operation.
The Deputy Grand
MLter°fSieL , S e l n ^
Master followed up on t h i s r e q u e s t by i n v i t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from a l l
r e f f of ? J f T " ? t 0 a m e e t i n g i n B a t a v i a i n e a r l y l 8 9 T . Due t o t h e
alTi°J,
, f autonomy, t h i s f i r s t g a t h e r i n g did n o t b r i n g about t h e
r
a p p r o v e d t h e 111 y ^ \ * S U b S e * u e n t m e e t i n g a t Solo only fou? months l a t e r
December 2 5 ! i g ^ 3 1 " 1 6 1 * ° f & P r o v i n c i a l G - n * ^ d g e which was i n a u g u r a t e d
h P f n r i ? a ? S n C M e m b e r S h l p - . Membership f i g u r e s f o r Masons i n t h e p e r i o d
O r d e r ' s 1 9 1 7 a CL \ aSt tnl it ut tU n1 t0 en l i a ab l Me Ma si on nd i Cv aa t 0 r ° f t 0 t a l m e m b - s h i p . U n t i l t h e
'
s not r e q u i r e d t o be a member o f a
S I 1 °"
LoTZ
+
Lodge
Some l o d g e s , s t r i c t e r t h a n o t h e r s , r e f u s e d t o a c c e p t " t r a n s f e r s " i n o t h e r c a s e s , Masons ceased t o b e lodge members because o f high a n n u a l '
S a ï i ^ d 2 0 b e T ^ i ; T l a l v d e m a n d 8 m a d e U P O n t h e m f 0 r e n t e r t a i n m e n t and '
c e î t u Î v ' h o v e r e d flelmef ^ S h l ? d U r l n g t h e l a t e e i S h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h
c e n t u r y hovered around 65. P r a c t i c a l l y a l l of t h e s e members were i n high
governmental or m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s . During t h i s t i m e , b e i n g a Mason
of V a:pirinna V rt e ä Î? ^
t 0
*"«
CirCl6S
""
therefore! thTnumber
of a s p i r i n g p a r t i c u l i e r e n ( i n d i v i d u a l s i n p r i v a t e o c c u p a t i o n s ) began t o
a
e
f0r l8
reVeal
numb"r
:d e -ll+oir
^
S 1 - ^e
1 T h e?h
**«*
° f ^^members, particulieren
f i f i c a n t expansion o f Masonic l o d g e s following 187O
™
, J "
a l s o r e f l e c t e d a g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e i n membership. By 189I+ t h e r e were 567
l
S
umatT aand
n C; ,e lte b 'e Is .l2 2 t h e
in S
bumatra
191f in
Who were Masons?
nUmber VaS 1
' ° 7 1 ™ ^dges *n jZl and'
This q u e s t i o n can be answered on t h e b a s i s of an
atTL^hé'wholforTd
f0r 1760 1860
.
-
and
- c o r d s of annuaTmembe^hip
l i s t s for t h e whole of I n d o n e s i a s i n c e t h e 1920s. No such c o m p i l a t i o n
u n f o r t u n a t e l y , e x i s t s f o r t h e i n t e r v e n i n g p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h i t cou^d b e '
drawn up from records of i n d i v i d u a l l o d g e s . The I76O-I860 r e s i s t r v e i v e s
about 1 2000 names.23 Moag
them t h e I n d o n e s i a s p e c i a l i s t r e c o g n i z e e 1 o r
n 0e 1 ? "C"k1 VSa in S td0e rny : B sGc h™ - G e n e r a * (Van O v e r r a t e " , '
S b e r T Rafflef D
, De E e r e n s , R e y n s t , and S l o e t van
°
f
S
Ä
^° '
de B e e l e ) ; m i l i t a r y f i g u r e s (De Koek, Vermeulen K r i e g e r , v è r h e u l l ) - p u b l i c i s t s
Va
f ^
T
"A { ^ ^ ^
" H ^ m s d i j k ! Van'polan n
P e t T a s I a n vanSBaK ; v
Ya Motm
\
^
l s o t h o s e a c t i v e i n " p r o t e s t " movem e n t s ' i n liai
ftS'
'
7 9
/ a ? H O f n d 0 r P ' J - H - H a r t m a n > C ' ™ N a e r s s e ) ; and
mVâ
L [l
1ÖW (P. C Ardesch, W. Bosch, H. C. A. Thieme and L. J . A. T o l l e n s
The
should b f m e n t £
M
r° n MM alS nO ntSh eW eBrae t amVaiJaonr
ned
Academy o f
**
« i Science 'aiso
S ïtt vî ? m *
c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h e f i r s t volumes
of t h a t b o d y ' s T r a n s a c t i o n s and a t l e a s t f i v e o f t h e f o u r t e e n p r e s i d e n t s
of t h e S o c i e t y between 1778 and l 8 5 3 ; more t h a n o n e - t h i r d of t hn ee 1V3
150 BBoard
oard
members between 1778 and I875 were Masons.2h
102
as van Doru & p n
«
Heyden, managers o f m M 1 . M - g m i l i t a r y
P
ur
m S l 8 h l % companies such
' J ° n a l i s t s s u c h as J A
E B KK-i°f
U l l k e n s
lels +
» s c h o l a r s such a s
t r a , and members o f t h e CoL
-,
\
th\
ncil
C
° f t h e I n d i e s . Material
S
t h e y e a r s a f t e r World War I
m™f
o r e a°b ^
undant. Available o a t e r i a l f o r
membership l i s t s f J £ i
...
as » n
( g i v i n g t h e member's l o r t «
m a i l a b l e a r e annual
f
" a ~ Ü * s a m p i e o f 600
member^ °T£ J
S
^
S
^
were i n t h e 30-1+9 age b r a c h t ^ f l *** "
^ ( 5 6 6 > and t w o - t h l r d s
11 1
one h a l f ( 2 9 2 ) i n d i c a t e d no a f f i l i a t e " . J * « ™ ** concerned, almost
J e w i s h , o r Muslim
t h e r e was one C h r i s t i a n S c i e n t i s t
V
e
r
Per
ent
(k26)
gr o u t J n ° g hT eL r e m a i n i
and S
J
Ä
-
W
^
'
3
ï S t o î ^
<**>; , T h ° S e *
& n dk
r e s p e c t i v e l y and
'
that1 heyedgadrdn:t0 g ^nW
gt 0 any
ng 17^ generally beloved t n
o^aniz S at t io W : S t £ 0 ï P 3 - ^
I s c h e n Bond p S ü ^ " l ^ 1
2
T ^
^ ^ ^ e
^ ^ - Zerbond (IEV), 50
T
0
T
t p
fcgfe.
Political
^
£ * * ? "»
Î ^.Eurasian
5
° f * * ^ U ^ a a s c h e Club (VC) ^ 7 7 ^ ^ S 0 * "
^Indisch
e ^ e m bu ^ws! o f mmôderft
oderate
, a s s o c i a t i o n - t y p e p l r " t 7 r ~ l r ; ' S m a 1 1 numbers
3!L2SVïf^p'»^^i,s ^ps rs: surveyed totalled 3 8,6
"M
d
P oli «=al a c t i v i t é £ " th
obviously, « r i t ? ^ ^ ^ - °f ***
^
^^^%/ZZXZT;
The s i z e a b l e number o f m i
MaS nS
* t h e S a m P l e *"> were
°
members o f t h e Indo-Europeesch Ä
^
^
^
P
T
Ä
^
S ' » '
K
h 0 et^e e n S e i9Î9 Ä ^ f T e ^
the volksraad in g g . ' ^ S n t
^
^ of the e i g h t ^ m ^
^
v e r e comparable t o t h o s e under which Jew, ^ h y P ° t h e s i z e t h a t t h e c o n d i t i o n s
e n t e r e d Masonry i n W e s t o n P.
Katz, m h i s study on t h e * „ ï ï f
c e n t u r y Europe V v T e S d ^ c e ^ o f T ^ * * * ^SOnic
-mbersh^
i T n w f V ,
group c o n s i s t i n g t h e c e n t r a l p i ï a r ! ! C U r e . M d « c o g n i z e d s t a t u s L t h e
h i s o p i n i o n , explaine d M a s o n r v ^ î f
s o c i e t y a s a whole. " 2 9 Thi*
,
n g u r e s in colonial s o c i e t y .
e q u a l i t y , and c o n t a c t s with Important
Space does not permit a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of t h e n e m h „ .
* i - °T t h e membership l i s t f o r
103
9 1 P
l i s t
, 9
T 0 Cd t' 0 r A C h e c k o f t h e 19h0~kl
not only indicates a
e
u 7 i r ;
i
^ engineers, t e a c h e r s , book keepers, and p l a n t e r s ,
but also a sizeable number of governmental o f f i c i a l s in high functions:
entral JaVa
M^eSnTTi
' Y o ^ a k a - t a , and Borneo; the Residents of
„ ! ? ! i 8 * P ° J ° n ^ O ' Medan, and Palembang; the Mayors of the three major
urban centers Bandung, Batavia, and Semarang) as well as those of Madiun
and Padang
Also the Heads of the Central Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , the Health
Service, and the Astronomical Observatory; a member of the council of
J u s t i c e , several members of the People's Council and the Council of the
£ i t o r H ; d C n T e f r a f G f eneralS ' F i n a l l y ' ° n e i S S t r U C k b y t h e ^act t h a f t h e
Deli courant nf T four major
papers, the Bataviaasch Mieuvsblad, the
oflhroTaS.'BT^ ~
^ ' a n d t h e Soerabaiaasch Handelsblad, were members
t i o n J n h r e S i a n T 5 ? 1 ' n P ' q P M p m h P T - c hi ? . Although there were no c o n s t i t u t i o n a l b a r r i e r s t o admitting Indonesians and Chinese t o the Order, i t was
not u n t i l the middle of the nineteenth century t h a t the f i r s t "convert!"
were made. From t h a t time, a slow increase 2 membership occured involving
lnV 1Ving
mainly men from upper-class, a r i s t o c r a t i c , or well-to-do c i r c ï e s
°
The f i r s t Indonesian to be accepted (in 181+1+ )
was Abdul
Rachman
_
P ^ i o d ^ f t t e ' w e l l k" 6 S U l T t a n ° f P o n t i a n a k ' 3 2 Also i n i t i a t e d d u S g ' t h i s
Period was the well-known Javanese p a i n t e r , Raden Saleh. The f i r s t Chinese
to apply was The Boen Keh, Lieutenant of the Chinese in Surabaya a n d ^
Ä S
» Ä S ^ ^
ÄSÄ
W
^
e
t
n
r
application was favorably reconsidered. But The Boen Keh's request to have
the r i t u a l s explained to him in Malay (as early Indonesian was called) wa"s
brushed aside with the comment t h a t i t seemed simpler for him to learn
Dutch. 3k Brothers in the newly established Lodge^ataram^ in YogyakaSa
appeared to take a much more cosmopolitan view of t h T ^ b e r s h Î f amplication
the K de r°ef o f S « J g i ï L ^ h l " n T L I y ^ I r ê d ^ 1 ™
but also applied them both i n l n d ^ S ^ E o n J c ^ l ^
J£+2SrîS ^75 f ?
Surabaya
™ « ^
°ï
°°f^^
lodge De Vriendschap, a f t e r a favorable report
îSeureda;*5i£sîoj a \ a r:Lr m b e ^^ R a d p^^ n g g - i d J°jo.
- SJSP'
iecteur at bidoarjo
It also considered the applications of the Sultan of
Kutei and three of his Pangeran (princes). The applications wereTemporarilv
m jeopardy when one of the princes assured the Presiding faster that he
would not shrink from committing murder if the Lodge ordfred him to to so
However after one Brother explained that a statement like that "in the
faiÏh i T, E a S t e r n e f S h O U l d b e —
'only as an expression o f umïïmited
faith m the principles of the Order," the applicants were admitted 36
œïebreat:darnïsM::id " J V * Ï W T J 0 k — ^ r o , Regent of S^rab^ya, who
celebrated his golden (membership) anniversary in 1909. Successive rulers
0
Sultanate!
'W^e r e m ^e m b e r s ^
a
Ln
!•
Budi IJt'mo?' V a S
'
a C t i V e in t h e
* * * ***»°*&&
-"hin the ^ I L r S
An uncle of Paku Alam VIII, Pangeran Ario
LOdge M a t a r a m and the f i
- t Resident of
\<m
^
>
^
Ä
Ä
T
f
e
2
2
I L '
6
« Ä S S S
existence of the
Freemasonry was "the assimilation o ^ t h f v ***** * * * t h e g 0 a l o f
all will become Brothers." The s t a t e d
° U Sr a œ S ° ft h e East so that
however, by the
admission that such a development w L f Tl *ualifi^>
° Î ? S , ^ a n d « * « * well
come about "as slowly as tne'cooling or ^
another commemoration, a different fi^w Î ! eart h."37 B y 1 9 1 7 d u
" » a s thought
that Ereemasonry could be considère
^ 1 ^ ^£ * P * l !
Indonesian and Chinese Brothers that » J T U n t l 1 t h e r e W e r e so many
and by them" and membership of the 1 ^ T * * ! l 0 d g e S C O U l d b e founded for
from Indonesians and C h i n e s e ^ f a * ^ ^ ^ 0 ^ l o d S - came exclusively
- e r t a n l u ^ ^ — ^
*»
^ ^ - ^ ^ ^ 1 2 ^ ° » -
m e m J s ^
in the 1922, 1932, and l 9 ,0-,l
Javanese names. Masonic interpretation, L+Î
^ & P re P°^erance of
egment
success
^ e s P J~T
society L d t h almost
/ ^ ^ total
™ c ™
appa C e r + t a i n Samong
° f J aethmV
appreciation
other
lack^ of
"at°ïeVnterIn6 Lt ° * « ^ . i S T t ï T ^ ï î . 4 ô? ahnumber °f A i « .
examples may suffice:
e merit
tie În^ëpfefeTy S S A î » -
C
s of these views, the following
°f M a s o n r y :
3 ^ t £ » ^ : f f * - - occupy
18 tÛ f
S 'P A to SrSefôr
° * " " ° ^ « Musl to
the idea of universal brotherhood.42lm
for the Chinese, the teachings or rv,„* •
- h that is in accord
"
Ä
^
Ä
*
^
lodges? Sn°I îJndf ^
s l a t ^ ^ ^ * * * * * * * and its
a S e&rly a sl8
5 ° : "The simple
Javanese, in his childish simolLSv
T
1 81 d S i r e t o
investigate! «alls
?
the buildings and its sSrounSn«s 'rSf ""J *
Masonic explanations of t n T ï e r m l R u ï ï « * Satan' (House of Satan)f..«h
M Setan say that it
Possibly is a corruption of o l T j ^ t ^ f ^
house of meditation )M Howe^r sinf
° r ° f S S ^ ^eman^sitan
lodges were referred to by Malays'in «?™ î n e i S h b o r i n S M a l a y I i a 7 M ~ i c
(Ghost House), the more E S S ^ M S J ^ ' * l d e n t i c a l terms as rumah hantu
referred to the secret and nocturSt
] **S e e m S t 0b e t h a t t h e ^ ^ T ^
buildings.«
nocturnal nature of Masonic gatherings in these
What Freemasonry meant tr, a„
Perceptively h y R M PoerhoHadinL e rar r R:ï aS f S S T " ' h i S b e e "
-Brother „aeons and davanese
^ â o n î ^ A ^ o ^
^
-
-
105
TABLE II
INDONESIAN ANT) CHINESE MASONS. 1922-lQl+O*
A.
Indonesian Masons
Name
Abas Soeria Nata Atmadja, R.
Achmad Probonegoro, Rd. T. A.
Ariodinoto, R. M. A. P.
Aroeng Binang, R. T.
Asikin Natanegara, R.
Boediardjo, M.
Darto Soegondo, R. M.
Djojo Adi Negoro, R. T.
Djojonegoro, K. R. Ad.
(also B. K. 0. A. A.)
Gondokoesoemo, Rd. Mr.
Hamzah, Mohd.
Hardjodipoero, R. Ng.
Hoedin, Tengkoe Amir
Hoedioro, Ir. M.
Kamarga, R.
Kamil, R.
Karnin, Mr. Tgkoe Dzul
Kawilarang, Dr. J. A. J.
Koesman, R.
Koesoemojoedho, K. H. P.
(also K. Pg. A.)
Occupation and/or Function
Regent, Serang (B); Regent, Cianjur (C)
Regent, Batavia (B); Former Regent,
Batavia and Semarang (C)
Regent, Ceribon (A); Former Regent
Pemalang, 1908-I920
Regent, Kebumen (A)
Police Commissioner First Class, Mr.
Cornells ( B ) ; Karang Anjing (C)
Assistant Inspector of Native Education,
Malang (A)
Wedono, Singosari (B)
Regent, Lamongan
Territorial Administrator, Solo (A); (B);
Regent of the Self-governing Territory,
Surakarta (c)
Chairman of District Court, Magelan« (c)
Indies Doctor, Pematang Slantar, (A); (B): (C)
Medical Doctor, Solo (A); (B)
Indies Doctor, Medan (C)
Engineer, Bureau of Public Works, Padang
(B); Engineer, Transportation and
Public Works, Purwakarta (C)
Chief Supervisor, Bureau of Public Works,
Batavia (B); Archivist, Transportation
and Public Works (C)
Former Asst. Inspector of Native Elementary Education, Weltevreden (A); Yogya
(B); (C). Member of the Volksraad.
1918-192I+
Chairman of District Court, Sawahlunto (C)
Army health Officer, Surabaya (B);
Bandung (c)
Medical Doctor, Bandung (A)
Head of Palace Services, Surakarta (c)
proving s ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ r ^ g i i ^ s ^ T..
en Drukkerij, Weltevreden, 1 9 22 );
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ g ^ j ^ ^
ni nng ' l^il)
Thi" luLi
n.p., n d.); and Ledenlilst. .lQüO.,.ol, I M .M,T
f0r 1922)
f
dent ified
'C" TZl
( f o r 19I+O1922)7
£ £ & and
L , "n"
no^"
' ""BB"" ((for
"a,s, _
" *V" ((for
o r 1932);
n
l S n n - i Sis
+ i identified
19*1) m t h e column on "Occupation a n d / o r F u n c t i o n " .
1
106
Table II continued
Koesoemo Joedo, Pg. A. A.
Regent, Ponogoro (A); Member of the
Council of the Indies, 1930-34 (B)
^iculturalSit
£ n f ° S S ' Nat/Ve
06 19l6; M e m b e r
***«**.
19"8:i929 ~
Chief I n d u s t r i a l Consultant, SurabavafO
-rabayabTc)(C)
Ä
^
"
—
Mangoenkoesoemo, Ir. D.
Marjitno, Mas
Marsoem, R.
Moetalib, M. (also R.)
Mohamad, R.
Nitidhipoero, R. R.
Notoadiprodjo, M.
Oetarijo, R. M.
Pakoe Alam, P. A. A.
Patah Koesoemo, Rd.
Poerbo Hadiningrat,' R. M. A. A.
Poerbo Soedibio, R. M.
Poernomo Hadiningrat, R. M . T. A.
Prawata, R. (aiso R. M.)
Said Prawirosastro, R.
Sarsito, Ir. R. M.
Sarsito Mangoenkoesoemo, lr
Sarwoko Mangoenkoesoemo, R."M.
Ng
Sewaka, Mas
Sigid Prawiro, Rd.
Soebali, R. M.
Soebroto, Mr. R. Ng.
Soedjono, M. (Rd.)
Listed but no further information (A)Asst dChi°;fSp:aranS ( B ) ^ - e d Patîh (C)
District S: 0SeCUt0r ' Y ° ^ (A); Chief
r CUt
the
T °T(ß)
f° r H i s Highness
tne Sulfa.
bultan, Yogya
^atih, Sidoarjo (A); Retired Patih
entral
H
ih^^^Sw
2 S S tire
e H US
Sn°o?Pano la n I t l X ^
*** (A)
Regent
Semarang (A), 1897-1923
(B) l e g i s t " ' " ' f e R a i l W a y S ' B
BftàviaSfc) r ' S t a t e R a i l W a y S '
Regent, Brebes (A), Former Regent
ne e
S nt,
Boyolali ( B ) ; (C)
A s s t . Wedono, Yogya (A); P a t i h ,
Banjarnegara ( B )
Wedono, S i d o a r j o ( B ) ; Regent (c)
E n g i n e e r , Bureau of P u b l i c W o r k '
a n d
Chief ^ a n g k U n ! S a r a n R a t i o n , Solo (B)
t h i e f of Mangkunegaran Works, Solo (c)
P f l e t H y ' M M a n g k U n e g a r a n ' Solo (A); Regenta h
M n g egaran
Patih :\ ndr L a r
' **" ^
^
Drainage O f f i c e r , Opak-Progo, Yogya (c)
Wedono, Bumiayu (B); Wedono, L b o i ° n g g a (c)
Appointed Member
+?oo+ T
^^-ingga \,L)
sembla ' e m t ? r ' E . a s t J a v a ProvirriaJ Assembly, Surabaya (B) ; Mayor, Madiun ( c )
Acting Controller of Civil S e r v i c e
Soedjono Tirtikoesoemo, R.
Soegondo, R. M.
Soejono, R. A. A.
Soemeroe, R.
Soemitro Kolopaking Poerb onegoro,
R. A. A.
Soeparto, R.
^
Semarang (A); P a t i h , J a p a r a ( B ) - ( C )
T r a n s l a t o r , Yogya (B); P a t i h , Blora c
Army I n f a n t r y C a p t a i n , Gembong 0 0
Regent Pasaruan ( A ) ; Member of Volksr a a d B a t a v i a ( B ) ; Member of t h e
Council of t h e I n d i e s , B a t a v i a (c)
Physician, Buitenzorg ( A ) . p ^ S i « '
Insane Asylum, Solo ( B ) ; R e t i r e d
Government I n d i e s Doctor (c)
Regent, Banjarnegara ( B ) ; ( C )
S p e c i a l Chairman of D i s t r i c t
Surabaya ( B ) ; (c)
Court,
107
Table II continued
Soeparwi, Mas
Soeprapto, Rd.
Soerachman Tjokroadisoeria,
Ir. R. M. P.
Veterinarian, Kupang (c)
Wedono, Wiradesa (Pekalongan), (c)
Regent, N. Bantam, Serang (B); Chief
Officer, Department of Economic
Affairs, Batavia (c)
Soeria Mihardja, R. A. A.
Regent, Krawang, Purwakarta
Soerja, R.
Supervisor, Provincial Works,
Buitenzorg (A)
Soerjatin, R.
Government Doctor, Surabaya (B);C. Also
Masonic Provincial Grand Orator (C)
Soerjo, R.
Wedono, Kertesono (A); Supervisor of
Provincial Works (B)
Soerjo, R. T. A. A.
Regent,
Pekalongan (B); (C)
Soerjo, Rd.
Architect, Provincial Water Works,
Batavia (c)
Soerjoadmodjo, R. M. A. (also P. A.) Regent-Patih, Paku Alam Territory,
Yogya (B); (C)
Soerjodiprodjo, R.
Patih, Temanggung (B)
Soerohadd,Widjojo Patik, R.
Occupational information not provided (A)
Soerjo Soearso, K. P. H.
Secretariat
Officer, Mangkunegaran
(also listed as Soetarso and
Surakarta
(B); Control Bureau
Soerarso)
Mangkunegaran,
Surakarta (c)
Soetedjo, R.
Veterinarian,
Weltevreden
(A); Batavia (B)
Soetedjo, Ir. M.
Engineer Second Class, Provincial Water
Works, Semarang ( B ) ; Tegal (c)
Soetioso Sosro Boet,. no
Sub-District Chief First Class, Margorejo
(B); Wedono, Tegal (c)
Soetirto, R.
Wedono, Prembun (A)
Soetirto Pringo Haditirto, R. T.
Regent, Brebes (B)
S o e t i s n o , Dr. M.
Provincial Veterinarian, Kudus ( B ) ;
Government Veterinarian, Madiun (c)
Sosroatmodjo, R. M.
Medical
Doctor, Madiun (A)
S o s r o d i p r o d j o , R.
Patih,
Purwokerto
(B); Patih (C)
S o s r o d i p r o d j o . R. T. A.
Regent,
Wonosobo
(A);
( B ) ; (C)
Sosrohadikoesoemo,R. M. ( a l s o R. Ng. )
Controller, Government Pawn Shop, Tegal
(A); Provincial Representative, Central
Java, Semarang ( B ) ; Volksraad Representative, Batavia. Also Masonic
Provincial
Grand Secretary (c)
Sosrohadiwidjojo,R. T.
Regent, Demak (B); Member, Volksraad,
1921-1931
Tjokro Adikoesoemo, R. M. A. A.
Regent, Temanggung (A), (1902-1922);
Former Regent ( B ) ; (c)
Tjondro Negoro, R. T. A.
Regent, Sidoarjo (A)
Wedioningrat, R. T.
Medical Doctor, Solo (A)
Wiranatakoesoema, R. A. A.
Regent, Bandung (B), 1920-1931. Regent,
Cianjur, 1912-1920; Member of Volksraad,
1922-1935
Wisaksono Wirjodihardjo, M.
Analyst, Experimental Station, Buitenzorg
(B); Chief Analyst, Buitenzorg (C)
Wreksodiningrat, R. T.
Regent, Solo (A)
108
Table II continued
B.
Chinese Masons
Go Ing Djoe
Mer
Han Tjlong King
Ho, Siem Soe
Ko Kwat Tiong, Mr
Ko, M. A.
Ko, Tj. M.
Kwee Zwan Lwan
Lie, D. G.
Lie, T. G.
M e m Bwan Tjie
Liem, H. L.
t0rne
L i e TKongsi,
K o S U r a bSurabaya
T ( B ) ; A t (c)
^ Sloe
Lien
Jor of
„
Chinese, Surabaya (A)- (n)
Asst Accountant, Tax Department.
Makassar (c)
Attorney, Surabaya (c). Member of
volksraad, 1935-1939
In
Private business, Yogya (A)
Lieutenant of Chinese, Yogya (A)
*n Private business, Linggajati (c)
Merchant, Magelang (A); Captain of
Chinese (B)
J
^
Magelang ( A ); ( B ); Semarang (c)
Architect, Semarang (c)
Corporation Director, Surabaya (B)Director, San Liem Kongso, Surabaya
lc;
Loa Sek Hie
Ong Swan Yoe, Mr. Ir
Tan In Hok
Tan Kong Sam
Tan Sin Hok, Dr. Ir
Tan, T. L.
Tjin Siang Oey
Tjoa Soe Tjong, Drs.
In private business. Member of Volks- r a a d ' B a t a v ia ( O , 1929-19^2
Engineer. Dept. of Transporation and
Irrigation, Palembang (c)
Lieutenant of Chinese, Batavia (B)
Director, Tania Construction Company
P ny
Semar
'
ang (C)
p ,
paleontologist, Bandung (c)
In private business (A); Director
lo
f _f* «at ion Co. Cimangis, Batavia (B)
lBJ
d
? " J D o c t o r > Salatiga (c)
Bank Agent, Surabaya (B); Agent, Oei
Tiong Ham Bank, Semarang (c)
***
109
" n i
?e:sZ?i0n
0f
*
he beCame a MaSOn
' $
*
^
gave the
The urge, awakened in me at a more mature age, towards
greater spiritual awareness; feelings CI had: of dissatisfaction, of emptiness, during moments of
i e ^ n 0 n t + e ï Pacl a tuai 0 n ; C a n d : t h e e x c h a *ge ot ideas Cwhich
0rder7.^7
1 intances who I knew belonged to the
in e itia e tion e :° UntS * ? ^
^
"°
M S
— p t a n c e as a member and subsequent
^ P ^ e l i m i " a r y i n ^ u i r y "nto »y character: made a
very favorable impression on me. This was not an
conSarv S l n t e f ? B t e d i n m a k i n S proselytes; on the
a
t h fn a 7 '
PPl^ant understood that admission to
the Order is something very special, a privilege
This created expectations; this was ceremonial.
We Javanese like ceremony and ritual.
Blindfolded I was taken into their midst. ...With complete conviction of my sincerity I still clearly hear
my answer to the question posed: 'Only the aspiration
of raising myself and our people led me to you.'...
When the blindfold was taken off, I stood in a circle
of men who called me brother, who reached out to
|£a£e my_ hand, and who took me into their midst? At
that moment I felt myself bound to th7Örder~b7 an
invisible and unbreakable link.^8
b Ddlng dogma
'
religious or political" which hampered »the f r L
conviction. "50 It also pre e n l T v
v,
l
expression of one's own
but the recognition thafonTy the ^ n f 2 1 ^ , ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ SL Jehovah, but
Freemasonry, in other words was not a n o t h ^ a d V a n c e m a n « * ^cl^7.»5l
but a unifying factor. Sdlnlngrat's death d ^ 2 S i J e T W e s t - n invention
P
** I n d o n e s i a n mas °nry
of a powerful and persuasive aposSe!
~
By 19^+0, Indonesian Masons numbered fif+v „„,, r.*, •
Almost half of the Indonesian members belied
torial administration: Regents Patïh« u!? g
attached to courts numbered 11,' J^LnTTT^J
th
Volksraidfand cïty gover" nt
a very different picture
1
o ^ e r e
in S à g S E t
so
fOUrteen
'52
? * h e S o v e r n m e n tal terril * ^
'T**1'
" * men
seven individuals held other governmental vosllïanT^7
of the Landraad (District rn„rti
and four^irfngineers
S
or other posts in the ™ I J H « ? ï'
"
'
*"
additional
\
Positions. Four were Presidents
Î S Î vere medical doctors or veterinarians,
Ï
ambers held important advisory
Z ' l T n ^ Cr h ^l n 06 S1e 1cate° f t h e I n d l e S ' t h "
S°ry represented
J
T
o S K l S A T A S S ^
"
^
^
MO
the P r " i t n i e f (SfS^J^LoT6 T""*"** i n ^ - 1 Java and
members, o? which 29 were Indonesian a S Y ^ ^ ^
^ t0talled
^
a
ChlneSe
l™st 3/5 of
>
all Indonesian and k/j of all Chinee
f
membership ^ i t ^ ^ ^ Ä
^ t a ^ . ^
^
" " ^ S S ?
implemSa^n^bF^ôrd^3^
d
T * tod
' «e ^ ba »
u s i o n s were
U tb y
individual
« "'
members. Good deeds therefore L I ? " Î t^T
t h eP U M i c e y e
"
"f^
Special conditions in the colon; the ntr
P
.
°° r
the almost total lack T ^ ^ ^ J ^ i ^ t T ^ '
and, later, the colonial government ï n d L ^
f S EaSt Indla C°mp^
the European group-caused2 c o n f a b ! d e v i X f frbm^o ^
^ f * °f
practices and forced Ind^« « I
aeviation from common Masonic
Ä
activities.53 Zlte î e c ^ i z L f t ï ï * ^
" * " °f S ° c i a l a n d ^
Indonesia one mus^,al s "f e S o a c c o ^ t S a t ° S * " * * * F ™ n r y in
on pomp, splendor, and secrecv and th^t t \
f* W a S & g r e a t emPhasis
TeC rdS
° f dividual lodges
°
are filled with references to Z»t Ï îî*
and the building and m ^ ^ ^ ^ T ^ ^
*~ ~
~
***£» ^Inrth^îrs^lS^fTorlbe" f h * ™ ^ >e d i ^ ~
vhich gradually took the form S ^ g S i L c t a S v
^hf* °D p h i l a n t h ™Py
not at Masons (most of whom were vefl-toLTZl
- ^ ^ directed
children. During this era Ma onl«
f " " ^E u r 0 p e a n s a n d t h e i ^
growth of the Bagian i ^ T ^ s ^ a n a l S ^ . * 0 ^ ^
^ **
During the second period (l8fiO_i QI ni I,A=I
VaSt
numbers of socio-educational activités oic c ucr ^ ^ S ^ Î ^ 0
red.?° Individual lodges
founded small libraries flnH i^Q I ,
^
^
(in c « J u n c t i o ^ S t t e ^ î e S a Ï T S ^ ^ ^ ^ ï * 1 "m *
nel, and clothing and food r u n d ï o r needv » f
*?* l l i t a r y p e r s o n ~
vas the entry into the educationfel « M ^ European pupils. Most dramatic
of the Dutch language led several i S f +
^
^ f O T t h e p r o p e r earning
g
f md s
°- c a lled Fröbel
(kindergarten) schools 57 Titl
°
I
m
0 g
g
I ****» a*"*«schools of partLuTar lodgef l h as SoS o lYl ^ yV
° ? a k a r t a ' MalanS> and
%
Padang, also admitted Indonesian P™ïiîï
lte
I n s
U p i l S
P
Of the then prevailing
\
notion that Europeans should ^
1
MaS nS i n B a t a
^a
°
(in 1865), MakassL 1 82)! a n f S u r a w(l l ^3 T
) e s t a bftfr
li
shed the first
Ambacht (Technical) schools
LI
tl
CoIgTü-ses a t t e Ä r i % . 1 ? 8 i I t W B t : l r t h C e n t u r y ' M a s o n i c
Congress, for e k a ^ l e f ^ h e r NotodLS? e d U C a t i o n a l i s —
At the 1911
Utomo) discussed the desire for lllttl
'° {&t t h a t t l m e Presi<ient of Budi
to his initiative, non!p«ocSal o ^ f T T°o8 1 S a d i n S Ja™nese.58 D u e
several lodges in 'centrafand £ s J a ^ f t ? ° ° 1 S T " f O U n d e d b y
Masons in Semarang began a school for boysIn Ïs6?
Tefv ^ T ^
^
7
' T e n years later, a
committee of Semanan» ^»«,M.„» u I j C'
PrMidin
« M "ter of the
Semarang lodge VaHucce..«!? ?
«
gOTt
™™t to establish
a publi? secondly IThlol
DelvlTZT
^ ï
* W * «
education fon girïs ^ s o o s Î T S . ï S ' S t , ^ ^ ^ 0 '
SSS£ d ^ Ä i u r a t i ^ 8 F r aation ^ t a ^ t V L t ^ , h e
Ill
the third hoTn ? « O d n M a S O n i C a c t i v i ^ «*ed almost imperceptibly into
the third (1910-1935). During this time both the colonial government and
the main religious organizations had become increasingly acfive S the
social and educational field causing Masonic lodges to cease lome of their
involvement and transfer some of their schools to government control
Simultaneously, Masonic leaders began to stress the n e e T S r "in-ho^se"
rend
3
hOWeVer
did n0t
I
'
'
S° -challenge
M
2 5 af
d™, Maconniek
early
as 1903
1903 thfl
the Indisch
Tijdschrift
published
a bouwstuk
whicTv 0 " f e m p l a t i 0 n )
byJ
stand on the social and Ä
' E- H e r m a n
T
^
de Groot o f
^
^
u ^ r a ' h ^ n i t l r S n ' f l 1 1 1 6 * Ï V W « P *" ^
the Su^abifïofge
S
^
Sol«.*"** 1
*—"^%£°»philanthropy
finish" T
f l a g . . . i n t o a conservatism touched up with a l i b e r a l
A S S L Î X
ï Ï r 0 r g a n i z a t i o n ruled by popes and l i t t l e popes. "60
a++Q,-v -p^n
^
A generation had t o pass before a similar
e a r s . The bouwstuk of T P A 5 ^ m i . a r a t t a c k f e l l upon more receptive
ninS
' o r i e i n a H y presented at t h e
Bandung lodge S?n^T»
a n ïd \l a t Ie r
1
P o l i s h e d in t h e Indisch Maconniek Tjjdg g g S f^fio "^'
Bchnft of 1929-30,01 considered t h e reduced p r e s t i i e ^ F T h r 0 r d e 7 ~ i n
S S S w î f i ï ï * ' ï 6 ? C t t h a t S e V e r a l d i 8 i l ^ " o n e d BrothLs had
turned away form i t . In h i s opinion, t h e cause was that besides "nhiln
sophical contemplations, [Brothers 1 did not get t o hear much else but
[ l e c t u r e s : about symbolism and revison of r i t u a l s . " ^ Koning's" view's
M i
Ä
r
L
^
r nemained
^ SSS*
SETS*
although t h e lodges as such r
always
aloof fromH
p?
ol igS2
t i c a l matters
r a : ~ : ; ! i arsT —« - *> be ,*?*£*&£&&£
»as an S
S
t
,
î° ""M' 01 *« 1 Koning in his view that thene
was an ungent need for a larger Indonesian and Chinese membership.
Althoughee;iverof^eero"si\naadirïiLeiriZden T **? "**&*£.
to the successful i ^ J ^ S T Ï Ï a S ' r i S S S S ' Ï Ï t î ^ S ^
they had no standing in t h e Order. The uositinn «n* v.«i T ' a c T ; i v l t l e s »
^
^ f ^
did become a topic of discussion, h o ^ ^ ^ ^ g ê a
elaborate attack on "conservatism" and " t r a d i t i o n " which continued t o
exclude women from t h e Order was delivered by Dr. De Visser S m ï S Û .
P^uwstuk, presented on April 8, 1 9 1 7 a t the Masonic Order's b L n t e n n i î l
convention. His address probably l o s t SOTTIP nf i+B «
Bicentennial
after
Brother Mr. A. A. van Mook, in r e c o S u n f h i s JttLl,SUa8iV?neSS
Masonic work, revealed that h e , a T w f s h l p f u l £
r " f Ä e X h a p had
Future 3 r S f é o 1 1 £ h !
C
- f ion of a Woman's Lodge, De Tolkomst ^ '
;i:
Ä
r^ntg^isSs
r^teTSf^^rS^.SÎj
A^
that they always had considered t h a t what Brotî
Vaî L f c L l e d " S T ^
solemn Temple work," merely belachelijk £edoe (cMlo^s p ï a y ^ V
r e s u l t e d ' i n ° £ e "TosllV/lTlT'
Dutch a n d ' c h i n e s e 1 : mbL^f
territories.
^
PaCifiC
War a M J a p a n e S e
n" s p l t T o ^ ^ ^ ^ T
^
T
^
^
occupation
°f
^
The Provincial Master Convocation of t h e Order was conscious
112
of the profound p o l i t i c « ! „»,
unanimously e x p r e s s e S c h a n S e s vhich were tak W ,
should be r o u t e d
a * ? ! ° P i n i ° n t h a * lodges em^f *&'; I n 1 9 W > i t
r TJOndr
° N e «0rof R e g ^ t S " ! i n d i g e n ° U S languages
-ith i n v e s t S t L ' this
that the creftion 0 f ^ P O S S l M l i t y ' H i s report L L S e m a r a n g , vas charged
S
V V ^ " * Varned
s e p a r a t i s t device & T T * 8 l a n g U a S e ^
In
1949, the Master P
^ e c u t i v e Committee o ont
interpreted as a
n adopt
t 0 Pr6SS ahead
^
'
of as many lndon e s i an n V ° . eC a St i 0 &S
a
r
e
a
o
l
u
S
n
"
^
S t h e acce
P SSib
a
lodges, c o à p o s r m a S l v ^ r
-er
a^
Ä
e
°
^ / 4 f esSblilf "
Pt nce
££*««
Indonesia receive« -, +
Executive Committee's request Tf 6oPreannd e n c e °n December 27 IQ^O
^
President Soekarno » »,
*
audience IPH + ^ ! 9k9' The
*y - P r e s s i n T h \ r r a P ° p n r S a C t h i 0 3 ' ? * > . The P ^ t n ^ Ä T ^
***
committee "because
° / ^ haVinS t h e opportune t
Hussion
mainly i n a negative v S » d & n d r e a d m^ch about th n î ° m e e t W i t h t h e
Jhe r e s i d e n t £ k e T £ Ù ^
*"* s t a ^
a L
" ' altho^
St h i n k
liOWed b v
Are a t h e i s t s admitted ? Ï Ï °
Pantheistical v °
questions.
t h e rder?
°
Are Masons » J Ü ^ S m o n o t n e i s t i c a i i y ?
does the term ï a s o n «
Why does o n f a l w a v « * C ° m e f r ° m a n d w h y doe ? t h ! r e e + t h i n k e r s " ? Where
T t h a t o n l ^ the well-to dn * t h e p r e f i x "free",
Masons always S
r?
°thed
himself dCr
l s c r i b e ? " a^Mt
d * * . finalW J ^ C&n b e c o m e ambers? Do
** r^ £Zro
° "- W ï ^ ^ ? ^ ^ ^ t 2 . - & t
estabS^g^oneslan^ f
° M d * ° * of 1 9 5 1 t h
dgSS V a s
hers and culminated
"
actively c o S i t ^ J
Bothers, o ^ ^ ^ l ^
£ ^
*-^^t(hFrS^
6
^ " S o
^
1 1
^ of
^A^^ÏÏt'ÎS
i n s t a l l a t i e Tof't^f^T0
» » ^ ^ ^ ^ s t ^ U
1953 and io?L ; ! l o d g e £urva-Daksina f n ; n « ï f '
P ^ t ^ (Iriénfhf r
0 5 8
mega)
""
^
T h e°
solemn
^
d
to
Puring
" I 1 1 1 N ° r m b - 1952. Duri
- d S i riSrc )uiny)sin
request the for™**
Masters of the foTTTnL
^ n
Indon
- i a n Grand
M o ^ - f w i t T h e a l a 'K*
£
" f ^
oT
terS i n
thTn7w Grandn"?
J a k a r t a . The L « Ï ^ T ^ ^
S ^ A A
Bible on the°Cta"r 8 X ^ - T " ' ° P l M e
(expressing the Mason?» \ ?
Word) upon which he „«
Bandung
'
In
arang. I
decided
to
^ ^Sfi
Sem
^ X t*t o ™
th
e
^
Agung Inao„esiaCf7ne *" — - t e n as tue f i n s t ^ Ä V o A S u T
strongly a n t i - c " ^ ? £ l t 1 « ^ . the p o . w ^ 1 ^ «°«»i= °neS
t» te co„sl4ered b o i h ^ C ^ c h ^ S ^ V é ^
* * « X
close contact with the Dutch.
113
Such a s i t u a t i o n , n a t u r a l l y , was not conducive to gaining new members or
to active Masonic work. Moreover of th<= Rl ,„h+w !
?t
members or
member » w « ^
moreover, oi the s l i g h t l y more than one hundred
State Police and l a t e r Minister of Police.'
h o i n , T h e e C O n 0 m i C Problem concerned the extensive Masonic r e a l e s t a t e
holdings, magnificent buildings in several major Indonesian c i t i e s j u
Orders
ïï^^^*?**^
pness fon a t r a n s f e r „f « , L .
"«* —
d
r 1
"^ISÄÄ"
s i t u a t i o n , however, and continued t o
?his finally c u t o u t £ m i d ^ l T ! ^ " ^ ^ ^r U n^n l n g *O «U t *:
p o l i t i c a l and economic considérâtTo„,
ratlons
. f»Î
a
!"
both
>„<» the conditions pnevailing
during the height of S
n
Onion?. On PebruarJ f £ S o l " e s i u e n t l o T **" - ^ . Indonesian Gnand
S i s thafit-nal Ä
^
^
^
^
S
Ä
n0t
«in accord S ^ S X S S S i T S S Ä ' Ä ^ J B ?
S
ouTo e n SS M^ch a f ° f 6 f t i n g u i s h i „ g ^ ? l i l h t s of Purwa D a L S ' „ a s carried
M^
Notes
1-
H. L. Haywood and James E Cra-i^ a u- *.
The John Day Co., 1927), p. 207 A Hls torv of F^g^asonry. (New York:
2
Ibid., pp. 222-32.
-
of his years; Li Solomon's T ^ p S * £ £ £
f ° n e ' " » *" 'ho decline
*+• On
5.
6.
7.
Ibid., pp. i_2.
Jacob Katz, Jews and Freemasons lg T T W ^
° S c h ^ (CambrTdieT-iarv^r^^
Roberts, Mythology... (fn.
k)f
pp>
1 7 ? . 1Q,Q
.
3 ^ ^
8.
9.
10.
A biographical sketch appears in T H * „ . irBataviaasch r ^ . ^ ^ , , " 1 , T ' * ' d ^ Kinderen, comp., Het
Ü r j t T Ë e u w van jjTg P L + a " ^ ^ ^ V ^ ^ t e n s ^ a p p e n ^durende de
12
' ™ I £ ^
pp. 39-iIo.
Aardbols (Soerabaya:
Thieme Kolff & C o ~ l 8 6 6 ) ,
13
P- 16H.
lk.
(Cited herelfter as G e S b o e K : ^ - ^ ^
D
°rP
5
^
"••»•>.
Ibid., pp. 136-37
15
j .
Actuay
l , S. ^ S Ä i ^ S f f i s g j ^ B n s » ) .
115
Van Cattenburgh died, the land covered by the lease, together with
some additional acreage, was ceded to the lodge by his widow at a
nominal cost.
l6
'
Honderd-vi,1f-en-zeventiß Jaren.
17.
Gedenkboek (fn. 13), p. 454.
18
J
'
(fn 11), p. 56.
.*.h R e n t i e r Alting, "Het Indisch Maconniek Tijdschrift, l895lf I? ) n Gedenkboek., pp. H59-6T. Volumes I-L of the Journal (l895/
a p p e a r e d unde
?öä/«{
r the above title: volumes LI-LVI (1949/5Oappeared as
îoin J
Maconniek Tijdschrift voor Indonésie
Since
lyiu, an edition has been reprinted in the Netherlands as the
Maeonniek Tijdschrift.
19.
Gedenkboek (fn. 13), pp. 107-18.
20.
Transfers from one town to another were common. Mata Hari (Padang)
p
a ber hip 33
er l .\ °* °;
the
:r
with
n
Tb59 Mh
cJAT
in the beginning f
° ^ -A*
e Mata Hari i n h e t 0nRtp
erS
iL
" Padang
1Ö59-1934, Gedenkboek, n . p . , n . d . ) . In Batavia, Th. "G." G.
Valette
saw m one year the departure of 5 0 members and the arrival of 52
others; Gedenkboek, p. 606. As for not accepting t r a n s W ? the
1824 statement of the Worshipful Master of the Surabaya lodge may be
somewhat unusual; "The Lodge De Vriendschap is s t r i c t ! TheS are
H n e M ^ 2 a l f T S £ f r a b a y a b U t t h e L O d ê e h a S ° ^ thirty m S e r s . "
V«nfl l T ?' Geschiedenis van de Orde der Vrijmetselaren in N - . ^ .
lilit
p
3öT.T1F,e
KOl0nlën
en L a n
—
(Breda:
P
'
B
-
Nie
^nhuijs,
° f b e i ^ g a - M a S O n V a S c °nsiderable. Mata Hari, for
fxZvlTe^lt
f ï ?s ; „ i ï ^ . i n i t i a t i o n fee of Fl. 75, and levies of Fl 35 and
Fl 75 for advancing to Fellowcraft and Master respectively
De
Vriendschap in the early parts of the nineteenth century charged a
monthly membership fee of 8 Rijksdaalders; Gedenkboek, p. 265?
21.
D de Visser Smits Vrijmetselarij- Geschiedenis, Maatschappelijke
Beteekenis en Doe] (Surabaya: G. b. T. van Dorp, 1931)° p??200.
22.
Ibid for the numbers for l8 9 4. For the 1940 compilation, see
Ledenlijst van de io g e B behoorende tot de Provinciale g S t l S e van
23.
"Naamlijst van Vrijmetselaren in Ned. Oost Indië van I76O tot i860"
m De Visser Smits, Vrijmetselarij,. . . (fn. 21), pp. 298-309.
'
2k
C mparin
t h f Bata!v?andeAcird ^
°
S Mas °nie memberships with those in
K i n d
— , c o ° P - Het Bataviaasch"
GenooSchap
I f f T 10),
o f Appendix
f ^ V * S
irënootscnap...(fn.
Y," pp. lxxix-lxxiv.
25.
'
"De Leden der Orde in Nederlandsch Oost Indië", in De Visser Smits
V r i j m e t s e l a r i j . . . ^ . 21), pp. 199.211.
'
116
26.
Ibid., p."200.
21
Jrom'thïï; pages!' ^
'
^
«
^ *» this paragraph is derived
- tohetrhVpS L T f S l o ^ r v c ^ : ; pL hirt T IEV - * - -
28
29>
memberS alS
° bel°nged to the
VC; and of the five NIVB membèrf o
Neutrale Partij and o n l o ? ^ 7 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ "
^
°f the
^ t z , Jews and Freemason.
(fn 6 ) j p >
^
30.
Ibid., p. 212.
31
Ledenlijst van de LoeaB...1ol1n-1nin
'
also
( f n . 2 2 ) >p #
^
32.
Gedenkboek (fn. 13), p. 268.
33.
R. Soeparto, "Het Oostersch Element", in Gedenkschrift.... i r,
34.
Gedenkboek (fn. 13), p . 268.
35.
Ibid., p. 526.
36.
37.
38.
15).
Soeparto, "Het Oostersch Element" fn. 33), p. 50.
100 Jaren-Mac. ' .Arbeid iihet. T,inh+ . ^ Q CM^ u s t u s ^ l g ^ (n.p., n.d.l, p. "
,
~ —
^^^ML^H
Gedenkboek (fn. 13), pp. 593-94.
39
' SS«^u«iÄi5^(5S*,: j '=! , r' L08es "-*^
"language lodges" „ould be a d i v i s é e ' =i
! ' a r S U e d t h a t d i f f «-ent
m m t and t h a t
" « ^ *>«
sense to continue to use 'Dut-* «
„ff
vigorous p o s t - s c ^ t ^ o u n t r e d
s £ ^ "
W W W »
* ?
y one spoken by 8, appears to us impossible." (p 561 )
Ul
-
^2.
Honderd-vijf- en - zeV enti ff .T^n
'
k5.
p
?r-
Ibid.
1*3. De Visser Smits, Vrijmetselarij.
kk
,
Hageman ln
,p . 213
JÏSgsrlandsch Jaarboek^, igg,, cited in Gedenkschrift
De Visser Smits, V^setselar^..., p. 223. See also Soeparto, i,
p. 2k.
117
Archipel^?^ ^
?
~'^
' Ç
A
' **°« A l a m (Buitenzorg:
hd.
Ibid., pp. 106-08.
h9.
Ibid., p. 99.
50.
Ibid., p. 55.
51.
I b i d . , p . 98. I t a l i c s added.
52.
The information which follows i s derived from the L e d e n l i j s t . . .IQliO-ln ,
53-
Hondera-vi.1f-en-zeventi ff Jaren
'k'
t h e ' n î n ^ e e n t h ' c : 1°^ ? V r i e ^ s c h a p mentions t h a t during most of
the nineteenth century, "every formal occasion became a reason for
Ä
S
Ä
J
speeches f t » ! n f g '
^
^
^
Italics added.
2
+
p . 69.
P
^
n
tlmeS
'
-
266
deal
-
C o
vith
— t i v e
l i t t l e
else
voTu^ Sued
«An solemn
).
^
55.
This d i s t i n c t i o n i s based upon one used by J . M Koon« „„* n T u
MaUrer
for De Vriendschap; Gedenkboek n 2fti
T* .
u
be
appiicabie t o Masonic vork i f £ & &
£ S S S S . f " ^ ' *°
'6'
£L> 7
^
« = ° ™ t of social and educational work see De Visser
individual ^ ^ ' ï ï ^ s s . f f i o ^ ' s s ^ i f f s r o f
57.
r
social and
educational activities.
Named after Friedrich W Frnphoi „v.« J
Froebel
> who developed the first kindergarten
in Germany in 1837.
58.
De Visser Smits, Vri.jmetselari j . , (m
59.
Ibid., p. 190.
6Ö
(lP9°03!o,):en1.50^,net3elariJ"-
'
M
2l),
p. 213.
' " " - ' - " ' 1 —
IX
118
61.
Onze Organisatie in verband met den Arbeid naar »,,<+.„
van het Bouwstuk van Br.' J F A M IT
Buiten.
A
Ml Konin
'
ê opgeleverd in
St Jan t- R a n , A
r r '
St.Jan te Bandoeng , lndlsch Maçonniek Tijdsçhrift XXXV
62.
ibid., p. 561».
63.
sech h
S
a pl n - ^ T n ^ ^ ' M " ^
6k.
ibid., p. 555.
65.
Gedenkboek, pp. 567-76.
q
Samenvatting
de Loge
(1929-30):
ToeVi din
J
S Arbeiden aan het Welzijn der Gemeen' Indisch Maconniek Tijdschrift. XXXV (1929-30): 552?
" ' in LkTk?°r/ 5 o3: n i g e WS*"**" *K ?«" * " * * * hoee-leven",
67.
I b i d . , p . 581t.
68.
De Consecratie
69.
Ibid., pp. 11-12.
70.
Ibid., pp. 12-14.
71.
Ibid., p 21. Gondokoesoemo assumed the Ministry of Agrarian Affaira
during^this sa,e period (a post he held until his death £ " L X h s
72.
Ibid., p. 85.
73.
Ibid., pp. 87-88.
75.
Ibid., pp. U81-8U.
p. 8.
76
' TiMsch^i0?r^ht2rirodr/n Sfw**'
iijascnritt, XV, 21 (August 1, 1961): U55.
" SyTni96^:n35S?Sië"' ^
T?
^
MagonniPk
Aigemeen
^ o ^
"
Ti.ldsnhnff.. xv, 16
119
Opium Farms in Colonial Java
An Introduction
James Rush
Yale University
Opium smoking was a common feature
nfn'-eL'*l n n i n e t
Java. I t was most p r e v a l e n t ™ ™ * T
e e n t h century
P a s i s i r and the J ^ n t s f ^ T o T ^ T ^
f * ° M n e S e W h ° l i v e d *» t h e
townspeople, i t i n e r a n t t r a d e r s dav l l
^
**** J a V a ' I n ^ ^ w i t i n g s
and C6rtain special
the fringes of Javanese societv ? 2 L \
"
^ o u p s on
g i r l s , p r o s t i t u t e s and the l i k e ) 5 e T
?t t h e a t r i c a l troupes, dancLg
Vlth
smoking. Evidence r e v e a l
toveleTtLTlti^^
°pium
th Ugh far
from
u n i v e r s a l l y , enjoyed among S classes Ü7
*** * " ? * »
°
n
lcture
f
opium s l a v e - p o p u l a r i z e d by the anti ™° P
° a skeletal
century-was unrepresentative of ollZ a S ^ f 1 ?J & V &° ;f St Uh Ce h l a t e nineteenth
required much more opium t h i n a l l b u t S , T C O U S
debilitation
ld a f f r d
° ' H e a ^t h °Pium
consumption was the luxury and v i e f \ t ™
e
Far more t y p i c a l of p Z i ^ S i S l n J a v ^ w a T t ' h e ^ a ^ T * ^
^ ^ '
d a i l y , consumption of very small™™,«*
?
occasional, perhaps
m rpl ine ea
purified opium laced v i î f s ï ï a r a S f r i t
° ?
- * çandu (tjandoe.
tobacco and other aromatic leaves
c Z
T ^ '
°ften blended ^ h
Y
more as a prophylactic against t ^ o
*ï **** ™
° p i u mf w a s
^™*
PainS
byproducts of hard work, m ï n u t r î t i o n 17*
^ ^ ^
° ^^-the
induce euphoria. Larger 1 "
, a g m g - t h a n for i t s a b i l i t y to
and other chronic d i s f a s e s T ^ r e l i e v e d M ?* ^ ^ ^ f°&f C tC ht °h lee r ae ' m a l - vhich f i r s t embarked many Javanese S L Î ^ T T Î" I t s
^rience
Java also prized opium as a S L T
T™
'
advocates in
P urn as a stimulant, a relaxant and an a p h r o d i s i a c /
The m St
s p é c u l i o n s l u g g e s f ^ a t ^ c a T ^ r s f 111°^°™'
°
P^usible
Bme
mercha
from India which bore Islam and that 1 1
n t vessels
spread together. By t h e s ^ t e l t h
t
' t 0 t h e ° p l a t e a n d the Faith
make i t a very l u c r a t i v e S Ï 5 ? o ™ o ^ e t r ° l ^ T C O n M ° n * ™ to
tered and p r i v a t e , who had begun to ilrtZl
S
Europeans, both charthé archipelago.
Dutch, C B t d K ' ™
î i n t e r " i s l a ^ trade of
Arabs for the
Java opium market. 2 As the Dutch S s t ï n d l r C ° m p e t e d ^
(V C) expanded
its
t e r r i t o r i a l hegemony in the a r c h i p e l a l t
T '
°
t r M t y
Secured for
i t s e l f monopoly r i g h t s in the opium t r a d e
^
Y& V a t h e sin
' "e m o s t
t a n t coup occured in 1677 when S m t a n L ! ' J
&imporJor the e n t i r e kingdom of M a S r a f ^ S Î Ï Ï Ï S Tt r *e a t5l e sy i ve il td he d S u c h Privileges
Bantam followed, and the Java opium
market I
Ceribon and
Plum market
of the Dutch.
became the exclusive domain of
From the o u t s e t , however tho P™,
big p r o f i t s to be made c a r d i n g
touÏÏSVï
^ " ^ l n t e r e S t e d *» the
r e t a i l t r a d e . Control c v e r \ h e K ï i £ j w * ? t 0 J a V a t h & n i n t h e l o - a l
l e f t to o t h e r s , most notably and c o n s i s t e n t e ^ - ^
° f °PiUm i n J a v a v a s
7
C lneSe
a l t e r a t i o n s of t h i s basic pattern o « !
\
^ r e p r e n e u r s . Various
i t s managers sought, by t r i a l a"d erZ
tlTZT^
Î ? ! C ° m p a n y p e r i o d a*
of wholesale and r e t a i l arrangements S
Profitable combination
120
of opium in Java could easily outstrip the n r ^ f ^ d i s t ^ b u t i o n and sale
Carryin
« trade'
^
Opium distribution by government licensed tax°f
8 f l r S t
systematized by
Oaendels in l80 9 , became one of the most i l
ï"" '
of colonial revenue following the t rans i t Z T ^ " ^ d e p e n d a b ^ sources
By the 1830's these farms had taken définit" H™ C O m p a n y t 0 S t a t e ™ l e ' 5
retained i t s monopoly over opium imports l i solTt', ^ C ° l 0 n i a l SOT-nment
to those contractors who promised at pub!S S ° l d . t h e o p i u m ^ r fixed prices
for a one to three year retail franchise In one
' ' V ^t h e h i s h e S t
^
(
° r sometimes a subdivision) of Java's Residencies
Both the fr
ïf ^
which i t was valid were called the n!f Ï franchise and the territory in
the Farmer, (Pachter).
^ °P1Um F & r m ^ M c h t ), and i t s holder,
^ a d ^ t r a t o r s , eager to
t r a n s f o r m e^eConmp^ye?L\doemnt^0JaaVa,,S ^
viable colony, were also increasing " ? f " ^ « ^ e l y sound and'fiscally
^ ^ - " ^ . P r e s s e d - t o enact policy7
which was défendable in moral terms
^
initiated
a_ sequence of experiments and t S a T p r ^ ^ f * f " D U t C h °
vis-^-vis Opium Farms. Through almost TnT***1^
*° a C h l e V e t h e s e ^ I s
regulations which governed the o r a t i o
of t h / ^ ^ ° f " * C O n d i t i o n s a ^
^
' t h e y t r i e d t o b a l a nce
the competing demands for revenue for L™
+
admin str
! a t i v e control, and for the
new if contradictory moral ZITof Mr
This
last they tried to i c ^ i ^ 0 ^ ^ 0 * * * * * ? * — P t - n .
P&rtS
religion seemed to mitigate against o S "
° f J a V a w h e r e c u l ture and
the Preangan, the Dutch create oS™ P ^! p C O n 8 U n i p t i o n » n ° t a b l y i n Bantam and
the rest of Java, where Opium F a m s ^ f v a i l e f ^ * ? Z Ê I ^ d ^ ^ ^ g u . For
the official aupplv-vhic? t h e l o v e r S t sold t f t h
f a r t l f i c i a ^ "*it«d
Farme
rs-and encouraged
competition among prospective Farmer f a t t II
I
aUctions
0
> I«4s
The r e s u l t , "
^
Farm fees to spectacular heights
r aSOned
limited supply of expensive opium the £ £ £ £ S"* + !
> w °^d be a
How into the State treasury/ T ^ l T o r ^ T J Z
£
^
&
»
^
a b i l i
^ to conceive and
Promulgate ^
^
J
^
^
f
^
^
i
^
over
of their administrative presence" T h e f i f f î
eome the superficiality
activities of their Chinese Op urn Farmers ^ L . *"*£*? m 0 r e C ° n t r o 1 t h e
more deeply into the indigenousTorîd t h * " ^ ° S e °P e r a t i°ns penetrated far
Opium continued, as i t had in the past to n 7 f ^ î ^ t h e ° PlUm S u p p 1 ^
and unofficial paths. As a result vhTl! f 1 1 ° W . l n t o J a v a along both official
reformed the Opium Farm system from Batavi«
ï S a u t h o r i t i e s revised and
^ t h e H a g U e ' 0 p i u m Fa™s developed an institutional character of t h ^
definitively by local conditio^ fnd vesteT' t C h a r a c t e r s h a P ^ « * more
enactment. We shall now
o o n ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
Farmer." ^ a n T t ^ J
^
^
*
«
^
^
^
the public face of a T r g e r c o n s o r t i a of f T ° n S f ?
^
USU&lly
^ ^
the
"Presented
C a l l e d a Fa
™
konßsi, signed a contract agreeinftTacni^ w ^ " 8
aCce p
gâtions of the Farm. In addition to
tboth
the
privileges
and
obli+
, T *****'
*»* h i s b a c k - s to
the monthly remittance of S i u H a v L n t
to abide by the Farm regulations
operate only
i nh i s
^
£J~
^ t ^ & + 1*™ ^
.« -se
^
J
j
theFa
^
^
™ ^ agreed
£
121
by
oJh:iiurFties (and
ssssjg; à ^ r s * s »
C Uld reSUlt in M s
°
financial ruin and even social S B ^
V
system t h a t in order t o do so a F a S T
^ t h * C e n t r & 1 i r ° n y ° f the
discuss, to honor h i s ^ ^ ^ n V S
t ^ r e ' h . *~ ^ ^
"
^
F a r , it H :ii?? a t h q f ^ a c t ^ è o a / r a : r r T î ° " p "r dt U0 C *t S» f br UmS i nr Sa SwS o °p if u mt h e
°
°
'
the sale of these p r o d S t s ^ 3 t h f n th f ^
of t h e Farm monopoïyT ï v Ï Ï Ï t
t"™ ' f r i t ° ^ ' a n d t h e protection
opium products t a i S r e d t o ^ t w î + î ^ 8 8 * ° f ° P Î U m F a m e r S t o p r o v i d e
smokers, and t o do so În such
^ ^ * * t h e P U r S e S o f l o c a l °Pi™
unit of'raw opium^ they processed ^ v a LT^f
" ^
FamerS
Pr
° f i t °n
ea h
"
therefore manufactured
several grades of purified o p i u t ' r 1 ? ^ ?
r i c h v a r i e t y for t h e S n e s 2 p r i a y Ä e T V ' f & S
" I ^ m°rphinemorphine-weak v a r i e t v for m a i „ y market, t o a highly adulterated
S M~MI
»itn finely « ^ ^ \
™ ^ e J Ë i™'TV
iS£
h l c h eit
'
h e r alone or
mixed with tobacco vas t h e W>«t ™
?
Java. Tike; both bemuse o?°its Z^lilTlTt
i t was made from adulterated I T ™
This is why the legion o f J a v a ^ . e '
small amounts of tike" dfilv Terl
m
f
S
a Fa
(
^ Th e a Pp )f paration
and
in
&S
Y °
because
™ e rP' sG t most
p r o f i t a b l e product,
t y WOrkers v h o sm
f*
°^d
much smaller number ?of w e l l - t o do ccu^s tt i m p ° r t a n t t o t h e Farm than the very
An Oni,™ ?
° ^ r s who smoked l a r g e r q u a n t i t i e s
of high-class candu
network of clieTe^oTee^ZolTZll
Z ^ n ™
^ ^
" ^ by a
designed t o reach the legion
^ 0 r S a n i z a t i o n , was
for May X j S S S i
t \ ° X 2 ^ e ^ ° Ä ^
^
^
N
8 me d e t a
Djie's Farm containedQ f i f t y - s e v e n X S 2 S S
^
" ° 0reS H - H
employed 293 people.
t°?T f
^
I t ^ s sub-diïided into Tl^li
t o Dutch administrative Afdalingen) each with < I d l s tmr ai ncat se m e(corresponding
n
budget. Djie employed a d i r e c t o f f o ' c o o r d i n a t e the
°™.
e
t and
G act
i v i t i e s and revenues
of the five d i s t r i c t s but a l l P „ ! t
?
""**
^
were performed at t h e ' d S r i c t T vel I h u s îhe N ^ V
run by i t s manager, or kuwasa ^ ^
Se waÎ a ^ T h
^
^
*"
b y &n a s s i s t
a n t manager, a t r e a s u r e r , two s e ^ a r T e T T a T f l « ! T
attached
c e n t r a l Farm office in Ngawi were seven F a ^ ^ t * ^
t o the
o p e r a t i v e s ) , and t h e i r boss t h e k e n a l a J t
2 f ^ £ a t a (agents and
enforce the Farm monopoly, ^ t ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ f ^ J 0 *
** * ï t 0
l0Cal candu
two weighers, a foreman and fifteen w o r s e n
Of th
P*** :
n
P 6 P l e Vh
°
° f0rmed t h e
central s t a f f of Ngawi Farm d i s t r i c t o n S ^ h r - t
servant, were c l e a r l y Javanese.10 T h n T t h ! I ' Z° m a t a - m a t a and a
Farm Organizations throughout Java, was e s s e n d F a ™ ^ a n i z a t i o n , as
The eleven opium stores L the Nga^i S s t ' i n f
^
^ ^ ^ <W»*WW«U
throughout the d i s t r i c t ; s i x of Sem were l o c a t e T . d l ! j r iSbeuat te d fe ve ei tnh^e r a
^ a n a or an Assistant Wedana. Each III mï^ttt
° 23
°
Tbaïïdar) and a weighei- ï b ï ï r ~ o " f t h e m l l ? " ^ b y & C h inese branch manager
^
lidiir-shows e ^ S t u r ^ f t / ^ f S S i ï ^ « * ; -NgaVi'S * *
tours of inspection of the d i s t r i c t ' s s t o r t
? ï f*?* C & n d U ' Œ a k l n 8
I i t h n ^ 1 1 1 " 8 gUSStS a n d even
a contribution t o c h a r i t y - s i x t y cents
J
i x t y c e n t s . Although wages and s a l a r i e s
122
the m0nthly
»
Ä
S
S
^
Z
SSnSST
t
h
*** «*
™ c i a l a r e a s of i n t e l ü g e n c e g a t h e r i n g and Farm s e c u r i t v r 6 l a t e
t 0
t h e c
+
lucc S T t T ^ ^ j ^ ° f t h e F a ™
aonopoly, and paying bounTi "
Javanese " p o l i c e " f o r exairmi* r, ! v f ! m d e t e c t i v e work, by l o c a l
f ^
° f t h S F a m ' T h e s e t w o "ems,
t o g e t h e r with wages p a i d T o l ' t
Ngawi Farm d i s ^ f ^ t ^ ^
** ^
^
* * * * of'the
^
0rganizLt n :^\h^T;:rTr1alÎ: o n T t V ^ ' V * ' 0 m C i a l ° P ^
opium from t h e F a r m e / t o t h e consumer
l l t h o u « ? ^ ^ **! P r ° S r e S S ° f
i t i n e r a n t s , t h e s t o r e s were i n S c ^ d i s t r S u t i o n TÎ " ° ^ d e n S b y
beneath them was, f o r t h e Dutch ^ 1 , , i f
c e n t e r s . What took p l a c e
themselves e x e r c i s e d onîv 5 £ £ j £
] Y' & m r k y a r e a i i n d e e d F a ™ e r s
OVer
t h e Farm s t o r e i t entered lî+ïï
" ' F o r v h e n °Pium left
+ J ° ?
significantlylthe^^esr ^t ys^dT^e^Z fflf
r^^r"
Opium Farm Residency t h e r e were h u n d r p l ' 1
!î
^Ëa-* I n every
s t o r e s and d e n s , and candu IZ ^ T '
'
t h o u s a n d s , o f i l l e g a l opium
commonlv ha
desa and door
* e d from desa t o
T^ese c l f n d ^ t
! ^
Setungau. Thus t h ^ n o ^ n o f " / m ^ L ^ i a ^ d e ^ 0 ^
^ ^
^
and p e d d l e r s o p e r a t i n s beneath t h . f
? c l a n d e s t i n e opium d e n s , s t o r e s
o f
as t h e petungan t r a a e 11 I t ™ t V
o f f i c i a l Farm s t o r e s was known
Farm O r g a n i z a t i o n , which c a t e r e d t o 1 ^ ^ ° ^ ^ i n v i s i b l e base o f t h e
opium smokers, and a s a r e s u l t t h e S t n e e d \ ° f t h e m a j o r i t y o f J a v a ' s
t h e Opium Farm most fam"uiar t o t L p e o p i T '
^ * " * " C°mp°nent ° f
Local
F
~
\
~
"g i t .
wn rr 0 o
^
Farm employees who r e c e i v e d a p o r t i o n of t h P i r
ss income^ss K
« « T ^
might
~
Ä«
S t clandest
ine dens were small
affairs operated b
w
ƒ
86
the Farm store and offered i to"» ^ " f 3 6 V h ° P^chased opium from
g U l a r client
ele in a humble bamboo
V
hut.12 Here Lain t h I Z t
^
° Pportun ity for blending a little more
tobacco here T î ï t t î
Ä
Ä
S S e . s s s ^ ^ : Set^hapL°sduct-
G
™
day, intended t o c u r t a i l tv,^ +
s c o r e s t o two t h a i l s p e r person p e r
tuo'tbailsTf eanaurep^esented*St£ a l T ô o H " ^
" »^
"
^
p r e p a r e d a s t i k e ' a s many a s 600 p o r t i o n ^ * ™
" "Prions, °r,
probably t u r n e d oyer f a r l e s s t h s n l n a i Î d a i l ^ H ^ 8 6 ^
^ ^
^
oould d o e „ h a t U t h r o « i e L n
- °°d °f " *
the Ufe bl
* petnngan deaiers
opinm w " ™ - " ^ o a m m ^ " " « o f measurement, by w e i g h t , used f o r
100 mata = l thail
16 thail = 1 kati
100 kati = l picoi (roughly 133 lbs.)
123
^cVSenSiVe
m e a n S 0 freachin
g
a sm
any consumers as possible. But
11
Ä S ? rSr v F ^ «SÄSÄSJÄ *thTp:oefitsI\nÏÏeSomrfS:ertSr:„ee £ # " " * ~ * " * to »'
FarmerfnaftTce awS'or ° ! n f L f T / ™ ™S Sel11 »« "P1«*- Successful
their market. OpiuTHle 'fïïctaaied f ° ' '
^ t a b l e s affecting
tions- both the ve^if,
«-actuated, for instance, with economic condi" * f' Plantation agricultural cycles and
genêral ups and Z ? f f
flultuatlona^n t Z l ln „ e<!onoml<! Prosperity over the years caused
! ^ ^
product and the share of t h f tnt f
his Farm. ThL* Z ' t ^ ^ S
*£$*
t h M
&F a r m e r
COUld
" " * *«
command
CO ld
»
f o r
his
* tapped by
e
Maintaining a monopoly over the import of raw opium into Java and
of opium which ultimately reaSed S e Jaïanïe
T ^ °°ntr01
t h e
""P""*
tt !te
" '
except for a brief period from 1855 to iSfiWnî . , 1 S ^
18 0
Batayia placed limitations on the amount of'onf " « " V ™
7 to 1872,
to each Fa™. Facers receive LZZlllyl^tTT.T^
** ^ l 1 ^
U
"informed estimate of "need") for ^ c H ^ y ^ ^ ^ »
d e m a n d ' f o r L ^ e i S i ^ s o u ï c ^ 5 ^ ^ ^ 1 " ^ 6 " " ?** " " * - *
the profit of competitor supplies
BecausTfb *
îf ? ^
^anteed
eoause
the essential Dutch interest
in opium lay in Farm revenues 1 ' . °
Fa™ financial Ä
S
^
^
'
^
W
W
of
Clandestine opium poured into Java.
market.
12*4
s t a t e s l H n ^ s ? ^
from Turkey and B r i t i s h India and most of f t
T ™ ' Came o r i e i n a l l y
&fter
*
changed hands in Singapore and S a i n in L l i T
^ ^
Bali
' „ S™
" P i r a t e d Java,
primarily along t h e north coast f t RemL
the t h r i v i n g opium markets S c e n t r a î ^ e a s t Ï T ™ ^ T *
^ to
mented and competed with legal
™ l l **?,* J a V a ' H e r e " b ° t h suppleassured
C Castens, the Batavia off f S a l r e s S n s i M . r ^ ^
>" wot e
f
r piUm
mid 1860s and one of t h e fi
° °
f
affairs in t h e
t n
on
t
h
e
s p o t study of
opium in Java, "that
scarceiv
a
I
*
^
^
of Cillegall ô P i ^ a L S n o T S o r a t e t 5 " ï ï t h e r f ^ h e n " S * * «U P"O n? ^
^
of J a v a . . . , and that the amount of such in a y e a r ' s t i ^ T
^
quantity supplied by t h e government as l e g a ! opium
T ^ r e x c e e d s the
smuggling trade t o be colossal'"16 Î* t ! + ?
consider t h e
of t h e opium consumed in c e n t a l J a v a \ l i l * ^ ^ n t sixty percent
corroborated by other experts in Ï E L T C J a n d e s t ^ e . l 7 His estimate was
evidence in retrospect however i™tr
^ f - ' ^ t h e V e i S h t of the
°°* *consumed
* * °f
it may be, supportais S S S l S ï ï J ' î a g halfTthT jpium
in Java during t h i s period came in through t h e Sack door?!?
r e v e a l , S P S ^ : < ^ : i 1 f S S 2 : ~ t i T O ^ d s a n d — t transactions
could be Purchase i r S n g a p o " r g C b " n S / a S % ^
^
harb
Vith which raw
rS
°P*™
l n t h e
°
archipelago, and the e o u a f ease'wSh S h ^ h f
Indonesian
C O U l d b e brou h
h
S t p~st, or
avoid entirely the S
t
î
° "
Java, made opi™ ^ " " " ^ ^ ^ " v V ^ ^
f a c i l i t i e s of' D utch
a l i k e . Thus a l o n g s i f f i a J g e sZZTtl&(
Z ? " a t e u r &nd P a s s i o n a l
in competition will: Farm" interests and handlïïl " ^
^ a r r a n g e d ^ °r
fiss-s^Äsr °s f m p i?ir^^^^^t -rand
opium for t h e ^
^
0
?
^
:
Ä
E
g
^
^
« S ^ Ä ^ ^ ^ S ESS*~S by J—? ™
> a r ^ o n g the kings" (paprangan a n t a r - I l „ L ^ a d v e r s a ^ e s . The
peranakan
P h r ase
describing competition between wealthy Chinese
n'
?
6
8 d l d
J "" '
not stop a t t h e cessation of the o f f î c i a î auction 1 9 T
opium smuggling in Java liir« +v,a n
i a u c t l o n - x y Serious heavy-volume
of the weg-tofdo p e r l n a k a n f For S f ^ ' ^ d u a l l y t h e provenance
distinguish between Opwarmers anSthe 6 ' 30 "- 1 * ^ 0 f t e n d i f f i c u l t to
th61r m&J r
° ^ « t i t e r s . Farmers and
big-time smugglers,
™ T ' /
SamS
' C a m e f r ° m tt hh aetJ atvhae r ee l Vi t éer .e a l w a
Farm terms lasted a maximum o? th
^
"would be" or "ex" F a ï e r T s i e 0 ? % ^ ? * # " ^
some of
Farm candidates
(backed by konesis) ^ P
t h them
C a P i disappointed
tal
Low-hL to c o S : i ' ; î t h : r e T a r m %
in business r
^
^
^
^
,
^
' ?***
2 ^ g « &
« and the
* *
* staved
^ " » ^J — Li **
any a t t ^ J o ^ t r ^ d ' S c u m l S 't 1 ^ & Valuahl
*
portable article, ^ch^JfortSTn"
Ï
* £
« * easily
from the outset, prompïed errort to m 0 n 0 p 0 l l Z e + the opium trade in Java had,
prompted effort to circumvent the monopoly. But it was
125
186 that the illegal
° -tionalized**°*
S5SS2S3
2SS3S
S
Ä
**
feature of
the Farm system. In loofBataviaennÏÏ "
lnStit
exper
Farmers were permitted to purchase tînt ^
iment in which
^
government an unlimited supply
of opium. During these aJZ vllL^t
opium had more than doubleT S S ' ^ S Ä ^ ' * 1 0 1 0 ^ S U P P l l e d
down on opium distribution «nH ™J
* lî offxcials
once more clamped
Opium Farmers were faced with ademen, th ^ T " 1 S U P P l y ^ a f o - t h ,
the ensuing years, years of ma^kS
? S C O U l d "° l 0 n g e r * » " " 1 . In
and then private commercial E S a d S ^ Î * * ^
^ & n d b o t h government
f e M r Se
insistently in
°
spite of the fact tZTofActTlTt'/^
crimped below demand? Pera^akL enSen
" t h ° ^ h **>** ^ - - r e m L e d
Opium Farms as profitable S v S m e n t s ^ S n T r e a°SbV1
° USly continued to view
On W a stha
t they could
/lu
exploit their position as S™lt
clandestinely vhat they c o S S ' t To ol ? *?** ° ^ « t W t b do
distribute via the Farm £ £ £ network
i T t h ^ f S * 1 0 " * ° PlUm t 0
observers of the Farms pointed out t w I ^ e y + d i d n ' t > as several astute
™
the cheap black market ^ » l ^ i S ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ «
clandLatïnerac^vîthy"r Ä
^
^
^
- " « * » to engage in
of whom lived in areas outside the Farm " r r i t o r v anT t h ' T ^ 5 ( M a y
able extra-local contacts) th* p„™ n ^ e r r i t o r y and therefore had valuinfluence of the Farmer as'a ! J t T ° r g a n i z a t i o n , and the personal
r
* M pa t-nage-giver
could all be broughTto bear b o t h Z S
Clandesti
™
arrangements and
protect the participants.!? S d e e d \ l T t
receiving full allotment from the xoTeL^T™^™^
« ^ « " n g to
their needs legally and the Z J t g ° ^ r n m e n t - By fulfilling part of
demands with greater S e S b n i t v an7at t h ^ t h e y C O U l d a p p r o a c h ma**et
^ secret.22
^
^
opium consumption and theX\brL11inaLdcîIltvh:iroeftihee J S a
A substantial non-Farm martot ,•„ ~ •
competitive prices. BecaJse^he price S a r ^ T " 1 * • ? " * F a r M e r S h a dt o otter
opium was several times the prevail™ market " î " ? " S t a t e f ° r ° fficia l
neighboring entrepots, black m a r î e î o S i ^
f " 6 f ° Pr & W ° p i u m i n
for prices far lower than the îarm v a r S v
T f r ! ? u e n t ^ available in Java
of Japara, Surakarta, Kediri, S & £ A ' «
? ^ m l d l 8 6 ° S t h e Residents
Clar d that b l a c k m a
?
opium was sold from one-half" tJone fouSh ? ?
^et
their Residencies.23 Because k S e ' s ^ i s e d o r ^ n ^ °ï l e g a l ° P i U m i n
response to clandestine competition F I ™ + , V e r e d t h e i r p r i c e s i n
from store to store and from Farm tô Farl
^ p r i ° e S V & r i e d e n o ™ously
. l s the reason, for example,
that one mata Farm candu cost twentv n^ntó
Semarang; Semarang entertained one of t £ i V ? / " l 8 7 3 i n B a t a v i a than L
Such price disparity persisted to the end Ü ^ " ? C l a n d e s t i n e markets.2k
most graphic indicator of the strength „Ï +l ?f m S y s t e m a n di s the
strength of the black market.
Even if he supplemented his q+ D T O I'm
opium of his own, however, a Farmer c o i S n o t t * " ? * C h e & P clande *tine
purchase legal opium, maintain his to^nf °?* P S t 0 P & y& h i g h F a m fee >
the same price as the black market. Ten £ ^ " f ? m 0 f f e r ° p i u m a t
realised that he could not S
^
t
^
Ä
^
Ä
* ."~
126
competition and his obligations to the colonial treasury, so he reverted
to normal prices in November.25 Farmers could not, then, respond to the
challenge of the black market simply by importing clandestine opium
themselves and lowering prices; their overhead was too high. Nor could
they eliminate smuggling entirely, as the Dutch later discovered themselves.
This required massive investment for the smallest results. Given these
limitations, Farmers had to adopt a more complex, ad hoc approach to
dealing with the non-Farm market.
The key was controlling both the legal and the illegal supply.
Farmers therefore, while smuggling themselves, did the utmost to inhibit
and undermine (though they could never stop) smuggling by others. Farmers
along the north coast, for instance, employed parapolice personnel at Farm
expense to patrol the coast and intercept unfriendly clandestine imports,
and all Farmers, as we have noted, employed extensive networks of mata-mata
to ferret out local black marketeers and to ensure that the Farm dominated
the local market. These mata-mata worked hand-in-hand with local priyayi
police and the results of their labors often turned up in the colonial
courts, most especially the local administrative petty offense hearings
called politierol. The mata-mata arm of the Farm Organization was absolutely crucial to Farm success, for only with a strong enforcement component
could Farmers maintain a price structure adequate to pay their overhead and
still claim a satisfactory share of the whole market.
Where the Farm Organization was relatively weak vis-à-vis the black
market, mutually compatible accommodations between Farmer and smuggler were
necessary. A Farmer might for example buy off a black marketeer's supply
at an inflated rate in return for a promise to cease selling in his Farm
territory; or a Farmer and a clandestine distributor might agree to resolve
their competition by "sharing the action," the clandestine distributor
agreeing to purchase regular allotments of Farm opium in return for
remaining unmolested by Farm mata-mata. Black marketeers might even be
directly absorbed into the Farm Organization itself.26 At the petungan
level the line separating Farm and non-Farm, legal and criminal, was
indeed fuzzy.
The conditions and environment of opium competition made other accommodations equally necessary. A Farmer who imported clandestine opium to meet
black market competition in his own Farm could easily be stuck with a
surplus; prudence dictated that he order more than his calculated needs
as a hedge against the risk of confiscation. Such overpurchasing led to
two common Farm irregularities. First, Farmers conspired, to the detriment
of neighboring Farmers, to sell off their surplus across Farm borders;
second, Farmers routinely unloaded remaining surpluses in their own Farm
territories in the last month of their term, flooding the Farm with cheap
opium to the detriment of the incoming Farmer.27 The price wars and
glutted markets which resulted from these tactics had important consequences
for opium users; most important, they made opium cheaper and more accessible
to Javanese peasants. Selling the surplus entailed, at the grass-roots
level, intense competition among petungan traders who, in the effort to
maintain both their profits and their credit with patron suppliers, pressed
harder and deeper into the villages.
127
It was the existence of the black market which made the Opium Farm
in colonial Java the complex and legally amMguous institution that it was.
Primarily because of it, and the constraints imposed by Dutch Farm policy
Farmers were compelled to adopt a dual role; they were at once the holders
and defenders of a State monopoly, and among the arch violators of that
monopoly
This dual role is reflected in much that is characteristic of
ÎÏJJÏÎv
° n \ M 0 S t ^Portantly, Farmers exploited the legal and administrative apparatus of the colonial regime to punish their black market
competitors, and, at the same time, to protect both themselves (and their
wav e n theif™o/ S e n e rm aelf c ofm0 r Ssiimt ie l a r o f f e n s e s > « * . i" * more comprehensive
interests. This double-edged exploitation
nr :,lî
P°
+
hfthn r ; y / e q U i r e d
t h e aCquieScetlce
'
if
not the active assistance, of
both Dutch administrative officers-who were responsible for the way in
which government policies and regulations were interpreted and applied in
Tä llTälTl'rTt-Priryi
adm
inistrators~who controlled the countryside
and wielded effective day-to-day authority at the level most important to
Farm success
Opium Farmers became, therefore, masters in the art of
wielding influence, from bullying and extortion at the petungan level
(specialties of the mata-mata) to more subtle and persuasive techniques
among the Residency's elite. Farmers tried to see that their interest
Iee"eseVSinve cStifterStS' a n d
thr
°^hOUt
the
I800s-until the Farms them-
^
tJ
\ I
economic crisis and the stronger winds of reform
which blew late in the century-they succeeded in making both Dutch and
priyayi partners to their efforts.
128
Notes
Abbreviations used in the not
es :
DF
DMD
IJCT
MvK
SvNI
S S T S J S F i n a n C i e n ' B a t a V i a ° f f i c i a l - s p o n s i b l e for
Directeur van Middelen en Domeinen, same in l860s
Gouverneur Generaal
Minister van Koloniën
Staatsblad van Nederlandsch Indie', compiled annuallv
srîu 0 : e M e c h e i e a ' t h e "house «i«t- on e opirs2rs to
TMC
Charles TeMechelen's papers, n o w in the Koninklijk Instituut,
M?G) SSSpSf"" 1 * Geheira)
f°r t h e purpose
heSe
of iocatin
* **^.
a r et 0 b e
^ e r s t o o d as f i l i n g
categories in t h e Dutch Colonial
archives.
u " L l e b e f o 6 / I / l 8 8 2 / ^ m e a n S t h a t t h e l e t t - ° r document preceding
i t can be found in a Verbaal dated 6 July 1882 and numbered 5.
Exh
*-xh
SnibiSm
Exhibitum
***
''
2
'
are-he»Resumf v f 7 ' T c o ; s u B * t l o n i n J a ™ the three best sources
are.
Resume van de door de Hoofden van Gewestelijk Bestuur or, Java
en Madura ingezonden antwoorden op de hun gestelde vragen ^treffende
het opiumverbruik," in VKG 3/2/l885/Kl; Charles TeMechelen Rapport
uitgebracht in voldoening W s g o u ^ ^ e n t s V sluit ^
j
^
«o. y m v 22/Ö/1888/6 (Hereafter cited as TM:Rapport 1888)- and »
series of interviews conducted in central and east Java in loyO wîth
S M ! H a c k n o w l e d e e d °P iu f mokers which can be found among the C h a r L
TeMechelen papers, TMC H*i22c.
varies
B a u d e a r » L h i S t 0 r y ° f ° P i U m i n J a V a i S discussed in detail b y J.C.
Baud
Proeve van eene geschiedenis van den handel en het rm4inn~
Februar S 7T97 " ^ =K TJ Td \e JBoyn gkel e efd Van °° e n s '°tlM HeerenOTII,
l»S^7r
'
? - - -
'
- > " e Opkomst van het. Bederl
**.
Baud, op. c i t . , provides the most detail on this period.
5.
Mem Thian Joe, for i n s t a n c e , discusses t h e early h i s t o r y of opium
d i s t r i b u t i o n in Semarang and t h e appointment of t h e f i r s t o f f i c i a l
Ho™im Y o e e r e i Q ^ i S R i ^ , S ^ a n g , (Semar.ang-Batavia: Boekhandel
Ho Kim Yoe, 1933), pp. ÖO-ÖU. Hereafter c i t e d as Lien», Riwajat.
129
?" * h e ° P r Pa™ S ^tem were
" ' N ° ' 8 ? ' SvWI 187^, No 228-
^ - ^ i C c h t l ^ ^ S f ^ ^
RevJs-ïf
and SvNI löyO, No, ïJö
T h ™ " i n t h e C O n ^ £ ? S S A Ï Ï W o 0 1 1 8 ° C C U r e d ^°st°Vea 2 rïy,
These ordinances were included i n T ^ ff"} f ° r successive Farm terms
under v
™* — - - S.IÄÄSSSSS
SÄ1--
On the manufacture of n= ^
^ S a a ^ y a s d o e , S e m a r a n g ^ W l V I* 5 ^ ' ^ E i - r e g ^ e ^
Halk visited «."V
opium factory i n I88Q9 I e f a' PS P * 13> a2 °-30.
p
August 16, l V ^ o f 3 2 3 0 r n î î 6 ^ l 87^ / l r \ ^I n8 l88,9 a n d ^ t o ^ ™
° the Pasuruan
'
Farmer manufactured at least L , ! /
^
F
February 16, l8 9 l, No! l ^
T i n T V ^ ° f CandU> s e e
tive profitability of tike^ J e e D F T G V V ™ " H 4 2 2 d °n t h e ^ l â t 0 G G Ma
' y 22, 1891, No. 7637,
folio 10 in TMC Hl»22e.
'
"Staat Boelan Madioen Pacht mei iflfifi»
„
l n VKG 2
3/U/l888/F17 The
section which follows is w ï
+
otherwise. The ledger includes a » S t V » th ^document'unless cited
(m0nthl
y Maternent)
^
for each of the five M a d i u n L di t t
& Reca
Pitulatie" of
'
'
major expenditures by categorWsflar^
post and so on) and an " O v S ^ ^ J ^ ! « * * manufacturing supplies
'
30, 1888. This document r e p r e s e n t t + J a r m . s a l e s ^om January 1 t L
i S t S
&F
sanctioned, part of Djie'sTganïsatioï "T**
P
9.
:
-eacitratr
^ ^ . ï a ^ .
employment of' o î L ^ T n ^ L Ï * ^
10.
e
L o'^s/r^r.Lt-ïr:
Varl
bee
Staat B
°US
°elan imply
j
° ~ - « -i or
l y b y
11.
also. I„ 0 t h e r district qt»«t
Î
occupation, may haveV
« -rtten S
&S**"
however, tne y are » Ä f l l T o Ä ~ »
In 1889 Resident P F w
12.
Resident A.C.
A.C Uljee offered +>,
Resident
Poor peasants who sold opium On com.Î"• * * *
petun
* « *ere usually
« * ütEffi depending npon loc ad ^ Se™ " È £ â a â £ ! 1 - £ £ & . 0 0 * 2
in
quality to opium purchased directly L
t t Î " V a S infer^r
y
rorn t h eF a
™ store. Haak,
130
i S o f g l f V a p a r à ' w n oU
^fllTj?/^
™* V « !
^
the
TÎSÎ
" î ! o f adulterating opium given him by
W I l j Farmer to «Pli
warmer to s e l l . Landraad Japara Ortnh^T- 7 n fl7A „
n .
?
' SUJm,arlzed l n
Indisch Weekblad van het feçht Jo. 80h? 1878. '
13.
s § Ä : r ^ n d e d - t î T i s a t i s s ihf/2t/ifl67t/i i" "hioh
the petnngan trade (»de h e l . e l i j ^ o î p o r î a g ê ÏÏn o g ï ï ? ) ! ° f
lit.
15
'
^ f
Liem, Riwajat, pp. 98-IOO recalls Farmer Tan Hong Yan h i r W +n„Xa
silat specialists (»jang poenjaken kepandean sTltt dan W " ) ! t'o
protect his opium shipments en route, and comments on FarTuse ÔÏ
Javanese mata-mata to combat Javanese black market activities
™ * n e ^ u s i n e s s aspects of opium farming see the fifty-page report
TM to DF, May 31, I889, No. 6h0/k (Geheim) in Exh 9/8/l8y1/76
16.
DMD to GG, May 31, I866, No. 2093 (Zeer Geheim) in V 16/2/1867/I.
17.
DMD to GG, August l6, 1866, No. 3230 in V. I6/2/1867/I.
18
Rapport • S K 1 ? 9 A S S i S t '
lTTss[sSTesiZn77StedtnKen
'
ReS
To. 2694/10 E ^ S t e S T
VOOr de Politie
îdent
(Semarang), "Opium
g Semarang"
t0 ReSldent Japara
DeCemb in
31 TMC
1 8 8Kk22a;
2
Afdeelin
'
- '
»
19.
Liem, Riwajat, p. lUl.
20.
This argument was made repeatedly by DMD C. Castens in his administrative correspondence. See that included in V 16/2/1867/I in
F r a Sampling
°
IZ
T&r.\
° fo t h e r s w h o concurred in this judgement
see: Assist. Resident voor de Politie (Surabaya) to Resident
Surabaya, March 22, 1865, No. 1*73 in V I6/1867/I; Inspecteur Generaal
van Financien (Motke) to GG, May 31, 1872 No 1 A in V 20/8A8??/S
and TM to DF, November 25, 1890, No! 19V(Gehest in ÏMC 4 2 2c
21.
^
For this argument in general and specific examples see the following-
508ÏlrVKGaS/î/n1^7n ' f V * ° aStens) ' December 31'
^X
t I n 7 K G 2 7/l/l869/l70; Assist. Resident voor de Politie (Surabava)
to Resident Surabaya, March 22, 1865, No. h T3 , and Assist R e s i d e
Pacitan to DMD, October kt 1866, R (Zeer G e h e i ß both in V I6/2/1867/I.
22
'
i6/2/i86m?n
en advies
v a n d e n DMD
'
J u l y
2 1
'
1 8 6 6
'No-
29
°3
in V
23.
MvK to Koning, May 5, I868, No. 52 (Geheim) in VKG 5/5/l868/52.
2k
CentS in BataVia a n dtWelVe cents in
^tlTlT
Semarang. For average
retail Farm prices for candu see the annual Koloniaal Verslagen under
"Verpachte Middelen" and the appropriate appendix. For an iSustration
de Z o Z 1 U T a t i 0 n S V i t h i n a F a r m territory see "Staat aantoonende
P
JZen
mCEkllT
°P
* k i t t e n d e r R e s i d e n tie Pasoeroean" in
'
8
131
25. Assist Resident J.A.B Wiselius includes a list of the Semarang
fo
the ent e year i875 e
TniXT»
*<™ *srs?ite«
:
;
+ f
ledger m his Opium Report: Stad...en Afdeeling Semarang" in TMC
(DMD C CaStens) December 31 1866 No
' > '
' Soa^^lî/wïîS^
I888.
>Uöl in VKG 27/I/I869/I70; and '
T,: Rapport'1888.
26
27.
rXgs t r u e ^ o ^ T e n S V h ° a r t i C U l a t e à t h i s scenario, in ibid. It
C&SeS V h i C h ended u p in
files court
Ï ! T ^ ™ * and
administrative
11j.es,
court J
proceedings
the press.
Oral History and the Contemporary Period
A Gorontalo (North Celebes) Poet Chronicler:
7he Work of 7emeyi Sahala (Manuli)
A. John Little and Hamzah Machmoed
Javanese Mysticism in the Revolutionary Period
Paul Stange
Politics in a Jakarta Kampung:
Dennis Cohen
July 19
A Local History
132
A Gorontalo (North Celebes)
Poet-chronicler:
The Work o f Temeyi Sana la (Manul I ) *
John Little and Hamzah Machmoed
University of Wisconsin
T a l u n ^ ä ? u ' i ' W l o H r r l n ? " ^ l* T e n ' e y i S a h a , a ' , i v e s ' " the v i l l a g e of
r
bs
H
; g h K " T"? T a p a S u b " d i s t r i c t , Kabupaten Gorontalo,
n
u t
' n T a , u m o P a t u in 1903, and has spent his e n t i r e
l i f e thill
l i f e there. He ekes out an existence by fashioning and s e l l i n g thé best
r.ce-w.nnows m the region. Ever since reaching the age o f 35 n 1938
f
™ ^ '
™pJs. a n d ^ o r o. ! t ica f '
vent thTtSa e' S S ^ T ^
These
events that take place in the eastern part o f the Gorontalo region
,,The
Fea P st" C (1924) 0,an90
A , m
°St
COmmitted
H
°micide
durin
9 His Marriage
"The Visit of the Governor-General" (about 1935)
"Supu (Yusuf), Who Murdered His Pregnant Sweetheart" (I935)
"Miss Nusakembangan, or Hapisa, Who Killed Her Own ßaby" (I938)
"Nini Murdered His S i s t e r - i n - l a w "
"Olabu and Tamu'u, and How They Murdered a Dutchman"
"Ga'uwa, Who Murdered His Wife"
"Ojolo, Murderer"
"The Japanese Invasion"
"The Man Who Went Berserk V\\\*.A• _ ,
being Beheaded"
'
" " Ja"a""^
<** «•• Punished by
.TÏÏEA#: : Ä Ä * Ä » «w«, a« —a,
133
"The Murder of the Chief of Langge Village"
"Pak Nani Wartabone's Struggle against the Dutch"
"Temeyi Sahala's Autobiography"
"The Rout and Defeat of Permesta in Gorontalo"
"Ti Buusungi (Si Kumis, or The Mustachioed One) and His Friends
Raped a Chi ld" (I969)
Temeyi Sahala has composed at least one account of events that took
place during the period of the expansion of Dutch hegemony in the Gorontalo
area. This is his tanggomo about Panipi, who built a fort on the south
shore of Lake Limbotto for the express purpose of resisting the Dutch
advance. A Dutch force tried to attack the fort by land, by going around
the eastern end of the lake, but they were turned back. They then got into
boats near the present town of Limbotto, on the north shore, and approached
Panipi's fort by crossing the lake. Panipi and his men fired their cannon
at the flotilla, with the result that many Dutch soldiers were drowned.
But in the end, because of pressure from the kings of Gorontalo and Limbotto, Panipi surrendered to the Dutch and was exiled to Ternate.
Temeyi Sahala has, over the years, gained an apparently we 11-deserved
reputation for total accuracy in his accounts of regional current events.
But at least one individual was unable to appreciate his reliability. Here
is what happened: for the last fourteen years, the Gorontalo broadcasting
facility of Radio Republik Indonesia has broadcast one of Temeyi Sahala's
tape-recorded tanggomo each Sunday afternoon. In 1968, an anti-Chinese
demonstration was mounted in Gorontalo town by KAPPI (Kesatuan Aksi Pemuda
Pelajar Indonesia, The Action Unit of Indonesian Youth and S t u d e n t s ) "
Shortly after the Gorontalo station broadcast Temeyi Sahala's tanggomo dealing with the demonstration, the military police summoned him to headquarters
and informed him that his version of the events surrounding the demonstration contained material that did not meet with official approval. The
tanggomo would therefore have to be altered. In his account of the demonstration, Temeyi Sahala had told how the Commandant of the Military Police
had beaten up one of the demonstrators simply because he had broken the
window of a store that happened to be owned by the commandant's best friend.
Throughout the ensuing discussion, Temeyi Sahala maintained that it would
not be possible to change his account, since, as he put it, he always gets
his facts straight and had never found it necessary to revise any of his
descriptions of events. The military police finally decided that they
weren't getting anywhete in their attempts to persuade the chronicler to
be reasonabl ;, and so they let him go home.
Temeyi Sahala's method of gathering information is direct and simple
in the extreme. On hearing that something he regards as newsworthy has
m
taken place he sets o u t as soon as p r a c t i c a b l e , on f o o t , t o f i n d and
m t e r v . e w the p r . n c i p a l s i n t h e a f f a i r .
This has o f t e n nec^ss t a t e d h i s
wa k.ng t h i r t y o r f o r t y k i l o m e t e r s , as when he t r e k k e d some h t y - f i v e
k i l o m e t e r s from h i s home v i l l a g e o f Talumopatu t o a v i l l a g e i n t h e n t e r P e
^
™ e S t a s o l d i e r s ' w h o had f ed t o
he n o r t h s K ^ ^ ? * " ^
r
n
l y h r ; 0 f that Paurticu'^ vNl-ge.
He has always refused
newst o r e l y on second-hand r e p o r t s , whether from r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s
b r 0 a d c a s t s
'
' n c i d e n t a i l y , he n e i t h e r speak
TZe7 Y A
under-
Goront S ai^ 0neS,an ' ^
" * W&
™d ^
Write h i s
" 1 ansage*[
When one checks back through the l i s t o f t i t l e s o f those tanqqomo
Manul, recorded f o r u s , one may w e l l conclude t h a t he i s more a p o e t ^ h r o n
This ? o b v i a s y a
i c i e r o f crimes o f v i o l e n c e than o f l o c a l h i s t o r y .
w i t h the w r i t i n g o f what has long R
^ S a' ' h I t o
^nTZT/
be ment.oned i n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n t h a t M a n u l i ' s accounts o f c r me n e a r l y
always p r o v i d e important data on the circumstances t h a t l e d o t h e o l
;ommi s n o f the c r i m e . While t h e r e are undoubtedly b e t t e r sources f o r t h T
fa t h r O U 9 h g 0 i n
9 m 0 d e r n h i s t o r y o f the Goronta o reg on
than' h''t,n
than t h e tanqqomo o f Temeyi Sahala, one i s hard put t o l a y o n e ' s hands
6 1
t e r i a l i n the f
f
posUioT'
r " o0 r : : " "
r
r l t ^ correspon
r ^ om
™
a thewofficiai
d^ci'^rio^^d e zzVo ïïïs.srni: nt
that \t
that if
ha a fs
counts,
-
hope
,,~ «
i
a'«"ai u r n 01 a i s.
For this reason, we very much ho
we ourselves are not able to return to Gorontalo while Temeyi Saal.ve and well, and to record all or nearly all of h s oîheT acthen someone else will be able to do so
11- i n wl o t h e r a c "
Although there have been other composers of tanqqomo in Gorontalo's
past, Temey, Sahala ,s apparently the only such C O ^ o T e T ^ a U v e Zd fühcï
cannot be handed on to another person
9
'ft
a
PParent,V
^
As Manul i walks along the dustv Cor mi rv a c th~ ,
holed road from Tapa to the municipal itv of l Z £ \ ^ f ? "*? b c ) ' P ° t _
winnows on his head, he occasTona lv olL t G ? ; 0 n t a , c \ b a l a n c i n g his rice^cas.onally gets a ride in a horse-drawn bendi.
We list some of the readily available m.t-rh
a s h o r t b i b l i o g r a p h y a t the end ó f ^ above, the G o r o n t a l o s u d i o o î Radin i ' ?T*l'
Temeyi Saha.a's t a j ^ q ç ^
r b r o ^ s F e
are soon e r a s e d , ^ ^ they m u s ^ b
c~,-~ A
secondary s o u r c e - m a t e r i a l s i n
A,thou h
9 » as i n d i c a t e d
e
f
^ u n ^ ^ reC rdS
T r e ^ d * £ * £ ^ ^ Ä . .
135
M X * \ i ï ^ f â ^ û
S ; - '
V
>
W
. ; return f o r the
ta
m
H e ^ f ^
- whMe the
bendi bounces and P i tches on i ts way
' ^ e q u e n t l y c a l l e d upon by
householders to come and r e c i t e one o f
accounts
»
an evening, f o r
the entertainment of the fam v and t h . ?
^
Î Î " h e ' S SeneraMy
paid the handsome sum of twen y-?We run a h ^ W h *
record a number of his tanqqomo (Za a 8 *
" L ' t t , e 3Sked hfm t o
W e e k 1
ne V S i t
'
^ TemeW
Sahala r e p l i e d that w h i f f h f w f u Id h /
u '' ' ' '
t 0
t h e r e c 0 r d i n
^ he
would have' to ask one h u n d r e d ^ f ^ r u n I h ' f o
" ^
L i t t l e would be taking the t a p e n t T l ^
writing^ 2 S r
either - t h a t ' i s
n
c a r r y i n g around in hf
h.s
""" *ffla9SS!2'
'
"
t 0
to
^ J t ^
'* N ^
' his ^ £ 3 ^
f
| i
'
T^**
^
^
^
^
them down
S
M a n u , i i s
^
T * a, n9'
head I t î e t ?
head at least a hundred o f his rhymed accounts.
As f u r t h e r evidence of Manu 1 i ' s p » t r a n r j ; „ 3
following:
on an e a r l v v U l ? ?A i ; ! * ? Î u r d m a r V memory, we c i t e the
I Î
* h U S e ' M a n u M h a d tape-recorded
the story of Miss Nusakemban^
Th
en,
" ' " ' Wh K N , e d H e r Wn BabV'
during a ' l a t e r v s i t he recorded th
he had already d o n e ' s o ^ H n '
e
U e T y l ^ T - h a S '
^ J " ' * " *
^
d.ngs we found that the onlv d i f h r p n . 7
checking the two recor-
ne is ,o ..ailed is a matter o f common knowledqe
cage,
peop e w th f i r s t - h a n H ; „ f n ™ , f '
I t I « - l « ! * ! *u
i t is also true that
of ther,';;: r fs^ 0 r b e e ;: e : n he th f :™ o of r r , c o u p i s t s -
His
— <
t h e
government on the on« s d Ó n T t h P e r l s t eh V'"
T
"'
posed o f „ o r e than two hundred Óf tnVSTcofp êts
Z t '
I ' '
c e n t r a
beginninq of a short l i n »
» u i „ ».
. '
repeats, at the
V We
P U S c o n
vowel from the Ppreced
na
1
n
!
'
'
^ a n t plus
A
"
^
T
"
f
r e c e d m
1 , n e
following:
9
- An example of t h i s last device is the
2k
2
'
'j-
qa wa
qa H ma
t i
he l i
ha ba
lo lo hi s
ya
1
1 i
'
136
26,
hi
po de 1 o
wa la ma I i
L h u ^ X e s ^ n ^ t r h e e P s r î ^ a t e ^ o h e n g , r t a , ? t O P in ° U r t r a — i p t i o n . ) Also,
'
^ ^
* ,0"9 V ° W e ' in ° r d e r to ******* the
rhythmic pattern
the l a ' t ° t w o a s v n a b T t a ^ * * * * * in a v ° - ' • and it is the vowels of
3
Ü p I # t that
w i t h t h e ,ast
two owe, " f l e o w ° U n e " Th*C'"
^
0 n S 0 n°a°n t
may or may not be P L
'„ ^
separating the two vowels
J a s i o H f North Cetebe"; £ V** ***? t W ° 6 X a m p , e S f ™ " The
'*?""**
37,
38,
maa may i b i loluhuta
bo Taranate qu yilusa
59.
maa motaa h i 1ama1 i yo
60.
tiyo taa yilaqupiyo
when suddenly the news came
that Ternate had been reduced
he was apprehended then and there,
he was arrested [by the Dutch]
To indicate something of the nature of Temeyi
SahalaU
„if^ a A
we present below portions of h U "Th« t^J
?V
. h a , a s 9'ft and art,
followed by the complete text I J
Japanese Invasion". These are
,0ngeSt
Defeat of L ™ L S in Gorontalo". "
* * * * = * "The R ° U t and
137
"The Japanese Invasion of North Cel ebes""
1,
bunggatalo bisimila
In the name of God we begin our account;
2.
bunggatalo bisimila
in the name of God we begin our account.
3.
Japangi maa to Mani la
The Japanese were in Manila;
k.
nila S i na maa h i pol al i la
the Chinese £in and around Gorontalo
town] had started moving
5.
6.
do qu huu do Bune yawu Kabila
qu do Bune yawu Kabila
7.
do qu hi tipitip i la
8.
qilopulita lo qila
9.
qila bohu lo quawanjulu
10.
bohu lo qawdnjulu
II.
boo Hawaqi Honolulu
12.
qui u habali jamu sapu lu
13.
t i tuwani Pewetulu
14.
nqoqinda longawatulu
15.
longambu kapal a gul u
[eastward] to Suwawa and Kabila,
to Suwawa and Kabila,
to out-ot-the-way places.
They soon ran out of food.
The first places to be attacked,
the first places to be attacked,
were Hawaii and Honolulu.
At ten o'clock the word came;
the Assistant Resident
quickly made his preparations;
he assembled the headmasters
of
schools ;
16.
qilambu to tanalapa
they gathered in the central square
[of Gorontalo town].
17.
tiyo lomidato lo bahasa
18.
to tawu dawadawata
The Assistant Resident addressed
the waiting crowd;
•-Translated into Indonesian from the
Gorontalo by Hamzah Machmoed; English
translation by John Little
138
19.
quwalo loqiyaliyo
and this is what he said:
20.
wonu Moladu tuwotoliyo
"If Manado is invaded by the Japanese,
21.
hudungu tumbilaliyo qiyo
we will burn down the warehouses."
22.
tawu bunggatiyo bunggatiyo
People started leaving town
23.
ma bo heli qawati habaliliyo
Once the news was out,
2k.
qawati heli habali
once the news was out.
25.
qali mal o lohisiyali
Everyone tried to take some belongings;
26.
hi pode1owa 1ama1 i
there were some who carried cupboards.
27.
diipo leyidungga bal i
The enemy hadn't yet reached Gorontalo,
28.
bal i diipo tilunggulo
the enemy hadn't yet arrived;
29.
hiteteqa mulomulo
but the people were fleeing,
30.
hidelowa tilapulo qulo
carrying their possessions with them.
31.
bawal i maa tunggulo
When the enemy landed [at Ternate],
32.
to dulahu Dumaqat i
it was on a Friday;
33.
yilowali qambulati
the situation [in Gorontalo] was chaotic;
"ik.
maa hituwanga lo lat i
it was as though the people were possessed by demons,
35.
yimoqa pokawakasi qasi
as they sought to collect utensils and
pieces of furniture.
36.
dee qoonggolo lo duudupa
37.
maa mayi biloluhuta
when suddenly the news came
38.
bo Taranate qu uilusa
that Ternate had been reduced.
39.
teweya hipomututa
It was still quite early in the morning
Here [in Gorontalo] people were packing
thei r clothing;
40.
hinaqowa to 1 imbuta
there were many who fled on foot,
139
41.
benji teteqi qabuta
while others were frantically trying
to hire gigs,
42.
de mohuto qabutolo
But a number ow owners of g i g s were
unwilling to hire them out,
43. mononaqo mowongolo
so many people had to set out on an
exhausting journey on foot.
!
*4.
puwututa dutuwolo
People shouldered their bundles
45.
huwatolo bindaqolo
46.
moqoduhengaa woloio
soon to put them down again,
and this only served to increase
their grief.
47.
diipo tandu qu naqoolo
They didn't know where they could go;
48.
wngng belendo bolo woloolo
none of them knew what would happen to
their houses,
49.
maa momobu t i Kowondolo
because the Controleur was going to
have them burnt down.
50.
qolo qaati bolo Teyi Supu
51.
maa tingga may i lopobutu
52.
loqiya di i la qotutu
A fellow named Yusuf remained behind;
he spread a rumor, hoping to attract
peoples' attention;
he said that the Controleur's order was
53.
qaa qodelo loqiyaliyo
54.
qu pilopogadeliyo
not to be taken seriously;
he further explained that houses
that had been made collateral for
55.
huqaa poqihamaliyo
loans
could be repossessed immediately;
140
56.
malo maa molaa pobuwoliyo
if they were going to be burnt down by
the authorities,
57.
didu poqitolotiyo
there would be no need to repay the
loans.
58.
pilodawambaqa1 i yo
People crowded around Yusuf;
59.
maa motaa hilamaliyo
60.
tiyo taa yilaqupiyo
61.
ma mota qi lu lungiyo
77.
to tiyandahu Limutu
78.
he was apprehended then and there,
he was arrested by the Dutch
and taken off to jail.
In the Limbotto district
Walanda didu qohutu
the Dutch were overcome by fear.
73.
maa hitombota del o bul iya
They fled with the speed of hawks.
80.
wawu hibawarisiya
8I.
malo hitinggitinggiya
82.
qiya woluwo taa loloqiya
83.
qu malo qawati kuwumbani ya
84.
qiya dee t i lapi la pabiya
85.
tawu boo hiteteqa hiyindiliya
There were long lines,
tall figures running away.
There were some people who said,
"The poor Dutch!
What a pity!"
When the customs-house was bombed,
86.
qaa binggungo mopawaqiya
87.
tulu maa yilohobulo
people ran for their lives,
shoulders colliding with shoulders
The smoke billowed from fires,
88.
tawu maa tilimihulo
People ran and huddled together,
89.
qode lo dale li Iibulo
like rattan mats rolled up.
90.
ma hende moyidumulo
People ran into each other, fell,
91.
hemobongu timihulo
got up, and stood where they had fallen,
141
92.
93.
94.
bolo mopomopondulo
tu lu lohulilamengo
tawu maa uilobumengo ngng
breaking wind in their fright.
The fires raged out of control, and
the crowds dispersed, with people
running in all directions,
95.
dee qode sapi to padeqengo
96.
tumeteqo tumulengo
97.
dee tulu malo welawela
98.
malo hipohewenela
99.
hibindaqa luluggela
100.
hiteteqa hilanggela
like cattle in a grassy meadow
running helter-skelter, butting horns.
When the fires became hot and red,
people chased after each other;
some snatched up cradles,
watching the sky as they ran
afraid
that they were going to be bombed .
203.
204.
teeto tingga dudungga lo musu
Then the enemy arrived,
ma qu wito tonggadiyo
and now it was Gorontalo's turn
205.
qu tiya tiluwotiyo
208.
dee maqo tiluwotiyo
209.
buqi qu yilayahiyo
210.
pi loliwihutaliyo
211.
lopulito botuliyo
to be
invaded#
Aft*>r t-ho», rVk„ i
1 ,
Atter they [the Japanese] had entered
the town,
they set dummies afloat in the river,
which they used for target-practice.
When they had used up a round of
ammunit ion,
212.
tawu pilogandi1iyo
213.
dala bilubulaliyo
they substituted people for the dummies.
The Dutch set up obstructions in the
roads,
142
214.
teeteqa putuwoliyo
215.
Japangi mota momutu
and blocked shortcuts.
The Japanese tried to get through the
barriers,
216.
pool i malo dutudutu
217.
d i i I a paandung i yo1 i yo
218.
qayu yiyamelaliyo
but d i d n ' t make much headway.
They d i d n ' t
l e t t h i s b o t h e r them;
on the c o n t r a r y , they were able t o
speed up
219.
qu hende putuwol iyo
their efforts
t o break the back o f
the
Dutch d e f e n s e ,
220.
buwubuwulota mot<
by advancing now i n one p l a c e , now in
another.
221.
de malo mopuu lo t<
I t wasn't
long b e f o r e they shot
ten
Dutchmen.
223.
de qaati bolo 1 ab i iyo
t
Then the remaining Dutch troops [i n
the field]
224.
dee qilobutaheliyo
225.
yiloputu qayu pilomubuliyo
were shot by the Japanese;
They cut through the trees that lay
across the roads,
226.
qito bolo Walanda ti1 uwotiyo
and finally penetrated the Dutch
defenses.
227.
t ilumuwotolo mota
228.
moqawaqami lopota
Once the Japanese accomplished this,
the Dutch defense and garrison were
smashed;
229.
qode lopu !o dinggota
230.
to Tomoho Kayidiita
ft was like tha killing of
In Tomohon and Kai dipan,
a
sparrow.
143
231.
maqo pilohilapi ta
the Dutch continued to be pursued,
232.
qaati bolo hi bî b i bib i ta
and many died as they lay trembling
on the ground,
233.
qode pate lo bul i ta
reminding one of a locust in its
death-throes.
234.
hiteteqa qawati hipewendala
Among the fleeing Dutch were some who
were soon to die
235.
ma hitangata to bala
236.
samaata qikawanggala
237.
Walanda londo Moladu
238.
lolahi lomaleyadu
239.
lohehu do Molutaabu
hanging on fences,
like dried fish laid out to be sold.
Dutch people from Manado
left the town, running for their lives.
In a short time they made it to Molotabu [in the Polaang-Mongondow reglonj
240.
Loqoondo bando la buqabuqadu
241.
qu yitolo teteqiyo
242.
longuli mota do qoliyo
but on seeing the Japanese flags waving,
they continued their flight,
returning to the place from which they
had just come.
2 43.
bo p i 1opoy i moq i yo
They were caught and gathered in one
place,
244.
teeto maa mayi bilobuqiyo
where the Japanese shot them,
245.
lolopu timongoliyo
and that is how they met their end.
M
"The Rout rind Defeat of Permesta* in Gorontalo'1**
1.
bisimila mongajala
,n
ac&junt.
2.
Poronesa Balabala
Permesta had extended its control
3.
leyidungga to Dunggala
the name of God we begin Qur
as far as
Donggala Con the West coast of
Central Celebes};
h.
londo pusa qawati Manggawasala
a central government force from
Makassar [that had been dispatched
by the Hasanuddin (South and Southeast Celebes) Regional Command!
5. mas mayi to Bilungaala
had reached Bilungala Village [on the
South coast of North Celebes, to the
East of Gorontalo town}.
6.
dee malo too lo dalala
There were actually three units in the
field Cthat were loyal to the central
government}:
7.
wolo Tamigayiliyo
There was the Sapta Marga unit
[Brawijaya Command, East Java};
8.
Hasanudi qawati qoluwoliyo
9.
Limba maa qotoluliyo
and
malo tilolimoliyo
The COmmand of the J u n g l e
10.
the Hasanuddin unit was the second;
the Jungle Force was the third.
Force
^
^
accepted by Bapak Nan i Wartabone [a
local tigme who had led the Gorontalo
anti-Dutch force during the Revolution!.
*Pei-mesta was the acronym for Perjduanqan Semesta, or "Total Struggle" the
^ c e n t a ^ ^ m ^ ! ™
'
"
^
^
^
^
T^^^^iï^ from the G o r o n t a ,
«
^
rebel 1 fl^^aïnst
b y Hamzah Machmoed
>
^^
U»5
11.
liyamo li Jonuliyo
At the direction of Pak Nani,
12.
diloqa lo qu mopiyo
13.
maqa piluwasaliyo
14.
qonggo tilabiyaliyo
prayers for God's blessing were said
then he and his men fasted.
Moreover, they engaged in communal
prayer
15.
too lo huwi temboliyo
16.
puwasalimongoliyo
17.
bolo maa wilomeliyo
18.
to dulahu Dumaqati
19.
Temeyi Jonu qawati
20.
loduqa to barakati
21.
tiyo bolo lopopasi
for a period of three days.
Only then
did they break their fast.
On Friday,
Pak Nani Wartabone
prayed for God's blessing,
and recited certain mantras [to ready
himself and his men for battle].*
22.
qaati bolo qanabuwaliyo
Now his loyal followers
23.
maa tiIiti1iyangiyo
were summoned by Pak Nani
24.
de tanggi lo butaqiyo
to a branch of the river.
25.
maqa wilahuqaliyo
There all those who had not been
strengthened by the recitation of
the mantras
26.
toonula taa henguliyo
27.
laato poqitiyangiyo
were bathed to the accompaniment of
prayers.
He then immediately ordered that
*Gorontalo people believe that Nani
Wartabone is invulnerable.
146
28.
t anggungalo botuliyo
cases of ammunition be placed on the
men's
29.
pomutuwa hu ludiyo
30.
polalibe to Buqata
shoulders
and c a r r i e d across a b r i d g e .
They advanced by way o f the v i l l a g e
of
B u ' a t a Cin s o u t h e r n Suwawa, East o f
Gorontalo town},
31.
popodehuwa de Tapa
and thence t o the s u b - d i s t r i c t o f Tapa
DNorth-East-North o f G o r o n t a l o t o w n } .
32.
polondale duhi bata
They had t o c l i m b
33.
to qu hipangapangata
34.
to qu didiya mobata
covered w i t h
hills
thorn-bushes;
the way was muddy and s l i p p e r y
because
i t was r a i n i n g .
35.
biti di i la moqorasa
They d i d n ' t
36.
leyidungga de qu lata
37.
di 1idiya yilobata
38.
ma to Boongoqime may i
until
feel
hungry
they reached some l e v e l
t h a t was a l s o wet w i t h
At Bongo'ime v i l l a g e
d i s t r i c t, just
ground
rain.
[ i n K a b i l a Sub-
East o f
Gorontalo
town and Tapa S u b - d i s t r i c t ] ,
39.
pusa pandapandangayi
they came upon one o f the government
u n i t s marching in a column,
40.
malo widuwidumayi
41.
hilembolemboqa may i
42.
sambe qode Tamboqayi
all
in k h a k i ,
P l a t o o n by p l a t o o n .
The government column passed through
Tambo'o v i l l a g e £
Sub-district]
s t
m
in Kabila
147
43.
malo to Bulotalangi
on their way to Bulotalangi
[a village
in Tapa Sub-district],
44.
wilonga lotisanangi
45.
kapala Bulotalangi
The chief of Bulotalangi
46.
qonggo tiwitiwimbangi
was still trying to make up his mind
where they halted to eat and relax.
[which side to support],
47.
qangi hende momikiirangi
he was weighing the pros and cons,
48.
taa hende poqiqawalalo
all the while urging the government
troops to eat.
49.
tiyo timi hul o lumuwalo
50.
mopeehu taa qahulalo
51.
poqiteleponuwalo
He got to his feet and went out
to find one of his subordinates,
to tell him to telephone Permesta
[headquarters].
52.
qalo bolo dulutuliliyo
The only person he could find was his
clerk,
53.
taa hende qahulaliyo
54.
Temeyi Ari tol iliyo
55.
quwalo totametiyo
56.
mongongoto qombongiyo
57.
mongongoto lunggongiyo
58.
moleeto hi 1 awaliyo
59.
tingga lahilahi tiyo
the person to whom he always gave orders,
The clerk was called Temeyi Ari.
This unfortunate individual claimed to
be sick to his stomach;
he said he had a headache, too,
and didn't feel at al1 well.
But in fact he was trying to avoid
carrying out the chief's order
60.
qu wito boo duwitiyo
61.
qiyo taa malo qilahulaliyo
because he was afraid.
And so the chief had to summon
1^8
62.
Temeyi Gapa toliliyo
63.
laato lononaqo tiyo
another man, called Temeyi Gapa,
who went right away to do as he had
been told.
64.
taa hende poqaaloliyo
The soldiers, who were continually
being urged to eat up,
65.
t i huliyo t i huliyo
66.
wilonga dilutuliyo
67.
kandooli tameqolïyo
68.
pusa ngoqïnda hitayangalo
were all standing around.
The village chief left off eating
and hurried to his office.
Quick as a flash some government
soldiers tore after him.
69.
ngoqinda hibalangalo
70.
kawandoli tameqalo
71.
ti dulutuli moteleponu tiyo
72.
ti dulutuli moteleponu tiyo
73.
ngoqinda kilokoqïyo
74.
qawati to lunggongiyo
75.
kawa qu wilandatiyo
76.
tiyo taa diledeqiyo
77.
ti Bulotalangi qolo
78.
qati qonggo wapitolo
73.
do Suwawa tiyangolo
They crossed the road
to the office on the double,
The clerk was placing his call;
The clerk was placing his call;
the government soldiers rapped
him on the head with their knuckles.
They jerked out the telephone wire,
and dragged the clerk outside.
They then confronted
the village chief,
who was taken to Suwawa [next subdistrict to the East of Kabila Subdistrict] ,
80.
tiyo qonggo butoqolo
81.
wanu moqotapu wolo
and there tried;
I don't know what sentence
149
82.
ta hende popoyimoqolo
83.
maqo teleponuwolo
was handed down by the court,
'f the telephone call had gotten
through,
84.
tongaqu mobunggalolo
the Permesta forces would have
scattered;
85.
tongaqu tumeteqolo
86.
ma mal i mobowocoro
they would have gotten away,
and the maneuvers by the government side
would have been a secret no more.
87.
bo ti wuleya ti Papi
Van Gobel, the head of the Tapa Subdistrict,
88.
losalamu wilodati
greeted the government troops and shook
hands with them;
89.
laato loh indu luwasi
90.
peqe lowali panyake
and this almost got him into trouble,
91.
boo di i la t i Papi mota
since it was supposed that he
92.
li Bulotalangi mota
and the chief of Bulotalangi village
93.
ta mota yilopoqota
had gone off to alert the Permesta
but he then asked permission to leave,
people.
94.
tabi lo raqiyati lo kota
[If Permesta had gotten the word^
the people in Gorontalo town
95.
qopeqe mota lopota
96.
d i du hitombotombota
would have suffered many casualties.
They wouldn't have had a chance to
escape,
97.
d i du hidiyodiyota
98.
qiloqulunga to kota
to flee for the!r 1ives,
because they would have been surrounded.
150
99.
lapoti 1imongol;yo
According to a report made by some
Permesta people,
100.
Magalibu huwi1iyo
Permesta was preparing to mount an
attack
101.
mayi t ilondalaliyo
102.
halapulimongoliyo
103.
ta yilondo huludîyo
at sundown that evening,
because they thought
there were soldiers advancing from the
interior of Suwawa
lO^t.
ta pi lopolawah iyo
who had been detached from the main
force
'05.
1iyamo 1 i Jonuliyo
106.
pilatuju qeenggadeliyo
by Pak Nani Wartabone,
with detachments purposely limited in
size.
107.
qu pilongohiyaliyo
The places where the government troops
were positioned
108.
Poromesa lopobutu
109.
d ü l a tilunggulo musu
were fired upon by Permesta artillery.
The shells didn't hit the government
positions,
110.
lodehu to qu ngoputu
but fell short.
111.
wanu tilullyaliyo
112.
lo pusa timongoliyo
113.
qu witolo teteqiyo
If the Permesta fire had been returned
by the government detachments,
the Permesta soldiers would have
retreated.
114.
to pusa ma hulahulandudîyo
The government troops opened fire;
'15.
maa tolitolîyongiyo
bullets whistled through the brush,
j
151
116.
bo bulubuluhutiyo
and the air was filled with noise and
tumult.
117.
de malo buluhutalo
When the firing died down,
118.
tombaqa lomewendalo
the Permesta soldiers retreated.
119.
Talaga potuwotalo
The government troops entered the
sub-district of Talaga,
120.
Talaga tiluwotiyo
and by three o'clock
121.
jamu tiga tembolîyo
Talaga was under their control.
122.
mota howadupaliyo
The government side set up lookout
posts,
123.
pusa qonggo hiyaduwadupa
and while the guards made their rounds
12*+.
qu weewo hibalata hlluquta
the other soldiers lay down to rest,
125.
dalahu hîbelequta
concealing themselves among the yellow
fol i age.
126.
y ilobawangaqo huta
The next morning, as soon as it was
light,
127.
malo wîloiiwi1lihuta
the battle was joined.
128.
qu weewo hîpong indupa
Some of the troops ran as fast as a
dart from a blowgun,
129.
malo hîpongowohiya
firing and being fired upon;
130.
qu weewo h i pol ah iya
others just ran away.
131.
lopopoqooyonga mota
When the smoke of battle had cleared,
'32.
ylnda kilumîsi mota
the number of casualties was ascertained;
133.
Polomesa kulubani walu lo ta
Permesta had lost eight men,
134.
to Pusa bo duu lo ta
while the government had lost only two,
152
135.
taa hidutuwa hipolota
136.
laqiyati hïlonggulongguwa
who lay sprawling on the ground.
Civilians appeared at windows and came
out of their hiding-places,
137.
mota malo hiwopowopota
138.
bake yimoqalo
slowly and carefully picking their way.
The dead bodies were collected,
139.
mota poqilobungalo
and arrangements were made for them to
be burled.
140.
qisinlni qode kota
On Monday they were taken to Gorontalo
town.
141.
qota ti kaputengi Katili
142.
ngoqinda lomiwikili
143.
lolahi lo hlndili
144.
tingga ta yilohelili
'45.
kota qu tiluwotiyo
146.
qisinini huwiliyo
147.
pilopbutuwaliyo
Captain Katili, of the Permesta army,
had a sudden inspiration:
he and his men fled the scene and,
taking a circuitous route,
entered Gorontalo town
on Sunday night.
He and his companions in flight were
f i red upon
148.
peqeenda timongoliyo
149.
diila tîluliyaliyo
150.
tulusi wilalaheliyo
only once;
they didn't shoot back.
The Interlopers were at first dlleberately avoided
151.
liyamo li Jonuliyo
by Pak Nani's troops [so that they
could be trapped and destroyed once
they were well inside the town}.
I52.
Poromesa ma hepoqibiloh iyo
Later he ordered them to look for the
153
Permesta p e o p l e ,
153.
didu lotapulîyo
154.
bilabîlatulaqo
155.
qaati boo qasalama wambaqo
156.
didu lu ngowotaa maqo
There was no one there,
157.
lopulito lononaqo
they had alI vanished.
158.
qamu tim Panj a Hayaqo
but they could not be found.
They looked everywhere,
but found only an empty army barracks.
Even Uncle Long-legs [ishak Hulinggi,
Inspector of Pol ice]
159.
di i la pilohulataqo
couldn't continue, and gave up the
search;
160.
didu pîlohima maqo
he wasn't willing to keep on looking,
161.
tingga ma yilononaqo
so he just went home.
162.
huta wîlobawangaqo
When the sun came up,
163.
ta ndalengaqo ndalengaqo
a number of people were out walking.
164.
Temeyi Qiimani tol iliyo
A [Permesta] man called Temeyi Imani
165.
lolele pul isi tiyo
identified himself as a policeman.
166.
maa yilaba hulodîyo
He was a terribly stupid individual,
167.
qonggo lo tilaqapiyo
and was slapped
168.
leyî Saqîri tangguliyo
on his cheek
169.
tingga to putongiliyo
by a man named Sair [one of Pak Nani's
men.]
170.
yîlosi îkapu tiyo
Even though Temeyi Imanl was suitably
deferent,
171.
tombaqa tilonggodiyo
172.
to bungo lo qombongiyo
he was kicked
In the stomach.
1!>*4
173.
Saaqiri lomate yilolinggodu
174.
loqolasa bulawodu
175.
to dula tilumapalo
176.
qiimani tiyangalo
Sair pummeled him and kicked him
until Imani felt stiff all over.
At sundown
Imani was summoned [to the military
barracks]
177.
qonggo poqilulïyalo
and told to rest
178.
qalo tîyo poqi1ahuqalo
and take a bath.
179.
Polomesa ma to kota to Hulondalo
Permesta units had entered
Gorontalo town;
180.
181.
182.
to potanga lo dalalo
malo hende lihutalo
hibandiyo to dalalo
and no matter which street they took,
they were continually attacked
until many [Permesta personnel] lay
sprawling on the ground.
183.
]8k.
185.
186.
187.
qu weewo Iomeendalo
d i du maqa wil ohîma
to kuubulu lo Sina
boo maqo lohuumbala
to Potanga to Dunggala
~thers beat a hasty retreat;
they no longer lay in wait
in the Chinese cemetery,
but made a stand
in the Potanga and Dunggala quarters
[of the town].
188.
189.
malo hîpoduutala
maa wuwumbala
Volleys of rifle-fire were exchanged,
accompanied by attack and counterattack,
190.
raqiyati ta malo hilolawala
Many of the town's inhabitants were
scared to death,
191.
192.
qu weewo h i peendal a
and others left their homes and fled.
to bêle ma hidungala
Some people stayed put in their houses,
155
193.
didu mohutu suwala
remaining very still, not saying a
word
194.
bolo kalima to Allah
195.
qonggo hîpohuumbala
196.
malo hipohuhuundula
each side now advancing, now retreating.
197.
Polomesa hîdutuwa hidumula
The bodies of Permesta soldiers lay
except to recite the Islamic confession.
The fighting continued,
sprawled everywhere, many face down,
198.
bolo mato himinggula
with eyes staring vacantly,
199.
raqiyati hîdambaqa to dutula
Civilians crawled along the beds of
streams,
200.
201.
qati bolo tunggulo bo hidumula
trying to keep their faces hidden
bolo kalîma Rasululla
continually reciting the Confession.
202.
didu moqoondo depula
They didn't have anything to eat,
203.
tulu di ilalo wobula
smoke no longer rose from kitchen fires.
204.
malo hipohuwundula
The opposing sides kept advancing and
retreating.
205.
salango lo Polomesa
The Permesta attack
206.
samata binde pileta
was like the flailing of corn,
207.
pusa diya qodedeta
but the other side was hardly touched.
208.
hi t i hul a hiluneta
The government troops stood and fired,
exposing themselves to the enemy.
209.
wanu mobutu to Pusa
Whenever the government side fired a
vol ley,
210.
hibandiya hiluquta
many Permesta men fell; they lay on
the!r si des,
156
211.
mato hitîlut?lupa
212.
maa jamu tiga mota
213.
meyi lobutu to kota
eyes wide open.
At three o ' c l o c k in the afternoon,
Permesta soldiers appeared in Gorontalo
town,
214.
Polomesa hiteteqa
215.
hidîyota hîtaluwa qotolopa
216.
lolahi lomaleyadu
217.
lomutu qode Buladu
heading in an easterly d i r e c t i o n
as fast as t h e i r legs could carry them;
head over heels they ran,
heading in the d i r e c t i o n of Buladu
[near Talaga].
218.
hiteteqa hllîmela
219.
momutu qode Tenggela
Hearts pounding from f e a r ,
they were going to take a short-cut to
Tenggela v i l l a g e
220.
hiteteqa hibanganga
221.
lomutu qode Potanga
near Talaga .
Panting as they ran,
they took a short-cut through Potanga
[ a quarter in the Western S u b - d i s t r i c t
of Gorontalo town}.
222.
qaa to dalalo hipandanga
223.
mola hipandanga to dalalo
Marching up the road,
the column stretched as f a r as the eye
could see.
224.
to Dembe to Lekobalo
225.
taa lolahi qode bulalo
In both Dembe and Lekobalo [ v i l l a g e s ] ,
noncombatants were f l e e i n g towards the
lake;
226.
wonu ma bulotuwalo
227.
hidambaqa to dumalo
whenever there was an explosion,
People flung themselves down in the
grass.
157
228.
bulondungo toliyongo
Amid the sounds of cannon and whistling
shells,
229.
to delomo qulongo
people's thoughts turned to cookingpots,
230.
malo biliti qombongo
and everyone felt the pangs of hunger.
231.
banda ma lo hiyohiyongo
232.
bolo wolo pomalongo
233.
qamu dl la qoqulongo
The hungry children were crying;
how could they be induced to stop,
since pots and rice had had to be
left behind?
234.
Polomesa to dalalo
When the Permesta troops reached
Dembe (village)
235.
tï Dembe lomewendalo
236.
qode huungo bulalo
the village head ran to the lake, and
paddled as fast as he could to the
middle;
237.
boo maqo lotidambaqo
238.
to bungo lo liqawaqo
239.
tingga waduwadupaqo
240.
d iya yilumonggu maqo.
241.
diya yilumuntaqo
242.
bolo ma lumunetaqo
later he came back to the shore and
crawled in among some hibiscus trees.
From this vantage point he peered out,
not daring to show himself.
He stayed there for a long time,
and when he finally emerged from his
hidingplace,
243.
qa motiyango mononaqo
he was intent on putting even more
distance between himself and the
v i 11 age.
2kk.
dee Pusa leyîpandangayi
It was only when some government
soldiers appeared
158
245.
tiyo yïlumonggu may i
that he was willing to let himself be
seen.
246.
Polomesa poqo lohuwalingayi
The Permesta people almost decided to
return [to Dembe village] to the fray
247.
qa qu londo Limutu may i
248.
qu jamu s apu lu may i
At around ten o'clock
a detachment from Limboto [northwest of
Gorontalo town]
249.
qoto qu mohelu tiyo may i
250.
bolo polupolu mayi
251.
tingga delodelo mayi
252.
ta hende mongohi mayi
253.
popotunggulalo mayi
254.
ma meyî hipongoohîya
2 r 5.
tir.gga ta loqiloqiya
256.
Pusa diipo huqaa pandungiya
showed up in nine trucks
crammed with soldiers.
They went immediately
into action
and soon reached the government lines.
They opened fire,
the chatter of rifles was heard,
but the government troops at first
seemed to pay no heed;
257.
qeeya lohima sadisadiyo
they merely stayed in place ready for
action
258.
to dal a mohuwaliya
on either side of the road.
259.
qîmbîhiito qîmbîhîiya
The government troops waited;
260.
taa pi lohima to di.nuka
those in front
261.
qawati hipomahuta
fixed their bayonets
262.
to wuleya hiyadupa
while those in the second rank stood
guard.
263.
ma liiliihuta
Then both sides opened fire,
159
265.
Pusa to sikisa to muluka
The government detachment was d e a l t a
hard b l o w ,
266.
tilongoio didu mal i qowaqupa
the s o l d i e r s c o u l d h a r d l y keep a g r i p
on t h e i r
rifles,
267.
didu mal i waqupolo
much less aim and f i r e
268.
ma qolaahe lo wongolo
because they were e x h a u s t e d .
269.
Pusa malo teteqi poqolo
The detachment asked f o r
270.
woluwo Pusa to Tapa
from among the f r e s h t r o o p s
them,
reinforcements
i n Tapa
[sub-district] .
271.
t ileteqa wilumbata
The reinvorcements t h a t came t o d r i v e
back
272.
Polomesa bo malo ngotanalapa
the Permesta f o r c e c o u l d have f i l l e d a
town s q u a r e .
273.
bolo hilengalengata
274.
dee leedungga Pusa londo Tapa When the f r e s h t r o o p s a r r i v e d from Tapa,
275.
mulayi lopuutata
f i g h t i n g began on a l a r g e
276.
to dimuka dibalaka
both on Permesta's f r o n t
The Permesta s i d e
regrouped.
scale
and at
their
rear.
277.
Polomesa qode tïbu hilombata
The Permesta s i d e soon resembled
trampled grass.
278.
qu weewo hipiyaqata
Permesta s o l d i e r s who were c l i m b i n g
trees
279.
lopulito pilutata.
were shot and l o s t t h e i r
280.
bolo qobutaheliyo
the minute they were
281.
to huta bulondungiyo
they f e l l
hit,
t o the g r o u n d .
grip;
160
282.
hipunggawa
283.
Iiingitiya
tutubiyo
dungitiyo
landing on their heads.
Their bodies lay sprawled on the
ground, teeth bared,
28^.
himinggula matoliyo
eyes staring wide.
285.
ma jamu lima temboliyo
It was past five in the afternoon,
286.
didu qilotongaliyo
but the battle still raged.
287.
qu hende lihutaliyo qiyo
The Permesta people
288.
de bolo didu qilotongaliyo
were attacked again and again.
289.
qu hende lihutaliyo
As the attacks kept coming,
290.
qu witolo teteqiyo tiyo
the remaining Permesta soldiers
retreated.
291.
tumh^qa lomewendalo qalo
As they ran,
292.
de bolo loqodungga lasipede
they found bicycles along the road,
to dalalo
293.
malo hende tayangalo
jumped on them and rode off;
294.
qamu dila qundiyalo
they didn't bother to unlock them,
295.
penu qoququndi1iyo
even when they found the key in place,
296.
boo hende qatangoliyo
but just broke the lock.
297.
wadala to tiîhutalîyo
They leaped on the backs of
298.
tayangalimongoliyo
tethered horses,
299.
tingga poteteqaliyo
trying desperately to get away.
300.
diila qowangodelIyo
It didn't matter if there were no
reins on the horses,
301.
qu hende wumbadeliyo
the '-oldier? beat them furiously,
T02
modi hu to huwoqiyo
holding on to their manes.
161
303.
qu wito qotaluwaliyo
Horses and riders
galloped off, without any idea of where
304.
qu wito qoteteqaliyo
they were going.
The Permesta army was In complete
305.
Polomesa lobunggalo
disorder
in Gorontalo
306.
to Limutu Hulondalo
town
as well as in
Limboto,
like bees whose hive has been broken
307.
qode tiiqa mooqalo
open.
They tried to find a place to stop,
308.
qaa mopeehu qu pohimawalo
a place where they could hold off their
pursuers.
309.
qu mola pohulatalo
They attempted to stand and fight at
Limboto,
310.
yilohima to Limutu
but remained there only a few days.
Although they had yet to be attacked
311.
dïila ngoolo huwi tutu
again,
they fled right up the middle of the
312.
bo di i la ta milusu
road,
circled Limboto lake and waited for the
313.
lolahi to qu ngoputu
attack
at the village of Poohu.
314.
tombaqa loliliqohu
When the government force reached Poohu.
they started firing on the Permesta
315.
maqo lohima to Poohu.
316.
317.
leyidungga qode Poohu
Pusa lohutu maqo tingohu
posi t Ions.
162
318.
nqoqinda bo hitayanga
As a result of this attack, the Permesta
people retreated,
319.
qawatî qodiyambanga
unfortunately for them, to the
320.
lohehu qode lapanga.
airfield at Tolotio [near Isimu],
321.
mol a to lapanga Botudaqa
while the Batudaa landing facility [on
lake Limboto, under the control of
Permesta]
322.
to Hamisï Qallbaqa
was attacked
323.
ma mola pileletaqa
by government planes
32'*.
bo yiloduqo qudaala
on Wednesday and Thursday.
325.
pool i h i peendal a
The Permesta detachment there
326.
tunggulo ma hiluwala
came out of their hiding-places
327.
lo qu hidutadutala
and fled
328.
yi1imbata Pulubala
to Pulubala village.
329.
Dumaqati pul i tiyo
Finally, what a pity, they were
attacked
330.
ma mola qaati pilaqiliyo
again on Friday,
331.
qaati teteqiyo teteqïyo
how sad, and this time
332.
qiyo pi Tolol F î tuduliyo
they escaped overland.
333.
qu weewo qilumenggengo
33^.
qu weewo tilumulengo
335.
lolahi de Ouwanengo
Other Permesta personnel died of fright,
while still others fled
to Kwandang [area along North coast
whose administrative center is the
port of the same name! ,
336.
maa to nuwanengo
where thev
163
337.
yilohima to Dambalo.
made a stand at Dumbalo [village just
East of Kwandang town] .
338.
leyidungga qode Pambalo
On reaching
339.
poli Pusa lomonggalo
government troops again overran the
D^mbalo
Permesta position.
3'+0.
tumbana lomeendalo
As a consequence, the Permesta soldiers
scattered,
341.
node bokubokuwaalo
some to bays along the coast,
342.
qode oayuqayuwaalo
some to t lie jungles
343.
leyitalu node boku qotolopa
The others headed eastward,
34^.
meyi lopulepe mota
spli tt ing up
345.
mayi helihelili mota
into small groups as they went.
346.
ma h i po rusawa mota
Wherever they went they destroyed
347.
ma hipomobuwa mota
and burnt houses;
3^8.
ma mota hîpongolota
they also beheaded some people.
349.
de Sumalata Bulondiqo
At Sumalata and Bulondi'o [western part
inland.
of Kwandang area, North c o a s t ] ,
350.
raqayati yîrusai i mongolîyo
they inflicted wounds on various people
351.
to bêle pilobulîyo
in the houses to which they set fire.
352.
bêle lo Sumalata Bulondiqo
Hundreds of houses at Sumalata and
Bulondl'o
353.
hetuto labitiyo
were burnt down,
354.
wilaahu wllombutiyo
and only three
355.
too lo wale sisaliyo
were left standing.
356.
niyo bolo kapala ti Bulondii
The chief of Bulondi'o village
357.
ngopeqe qilolotiyo
just escaped being murdered.
16*4
3^8.
tingga diipo bolo janjillyo
W e l l , h i s time h a d n ' t come y e t ,
359.
lowali tutumuliyo
but I t was o n l y by running away
360.
qonggo loqolahi tiyo
t h a t he l i v e d t o t e l l
361.
qaa lodehu de Qatingola
Some Permesta elements reached A t i n g o l a
the t a l e .
\ a r e a east o f Kwandang, North c o a s t } >
362.
maqa to Oat fngola
not long a f t e r a r r i v i n g
363.
Polomesa qati maa maqo
they were pinned down
there,
lohulïndola
364.
to hiita lo 'Atingola
in the Atingola jungle.
365.
tabi lo raqiyati lo 'Atingol
The people of Atingola were alarmed.
366.
nialo hiyohuta hiyolola
They were terribly worried,
367.
maa mowali bilobola
sure that they would be ground to a
pulp in the crossfire.
368.
Pucq diipo leyidungga mola
The government units had not yet
reached Atingola;
369.
ta to podalamaliyo
370.
laato lolahi tfmongoliyo
371.
yilomutu huludiyo
372.
hidedeqa walaqiyo
373.
hibibiya qombongiyo
people living in the countryside
fled in great haste,
seeking safety in the South.
Leading their children by the hand,
their progress slowed by women In
advanced stages of pregnancy,
37^.
bolo hihuwata
375.
ma yilotutu to dalala
the refugees made their way, all on foot.
A number of women gave birth along the
way
376.
y i y o di i l a l o
even before they were able
165
377.
mohehu de Tapa mayi
to cross into Tapa subdîstrict.
378.
leedungga qode Tapa
The refugees made it to Tapa
379.
to dulahu Salasa
on a Tuesday;
380.
bolo hidutuwa hibalata
they lay down, u t t e r l y exhausted,
381.
tingga ma hîminggalata
m i s e r a b l e and s u f f e r i n g from i l l n e s s .
382.
lopulîto qu lohata
They had a l l become q u i t e
383.
bolo Pusa qu kawasa
Government s o l d i e r s remained t o face
thin.
the enemy [ i n A t i n g o l a ] .
38h,
de bolo Polomesa
The Permesta u n i t s
385.
hiyimawa hiyolata
managed f o r some time t o aviod a
there
confrontât ion.
386.
leedungga hulalo Puwasa
At the b e g i n n i n g o f the
387.
mul i hitaqode hihuwata
the Permesta t r o o p s went up i n t o the
fasting-month,
mountains
388.
ma mul i mopuutata
t o prepare f o r
389.
wolo ta daadaata
w i t h a l a r g e government
390.
leedungga to dulahu buka
On Lebaran Day [ f e a s t - d a y at the end o f
battle
force.
the f a s t i n g m o n t h ] ,
391.
to Henduma qoluhuta
a government u n i t
landed at Gentuma
[ n o r t h e a s t o f Kwandang t o w n ] .
392.
ooi i pi lol i ïhuta
The b a t t l e was j o i n e d ,
393.
de bolo Polomesa
and t h e r e were many c a s u a l t i e s
39^.
hibandiya hiluquta
on both s i d e s .
395.
qu weewo hipongindupa
Permesta troops who r e t r e a t e d
39f>.
Pusa ta hipongalupa
were pursued by government
soldiers;
166
397.
«il 1 a^i 1 aml>e de H u ko
398.
lopullto lonqindupo
they ran for their lives
all the way to Ruko [«aidipan Subdistrict; on the North coast, just
East of AtingolaJ ,
399.
qati deboo Pusa ta yîlongaluop with government units right behind them,
4oo.
çi Iambe de Qat i ngo1 a
chasing them back into Atingola,
401.
malo hiqalupa mola
relentlessly tracking them down.
402.
Polomesa yilopulito lolola
All of the Permesta people were in
desperate flight.
403.
s ilambe maqo Buloko
When they got to Buroko [in Bolaang
MongondowJ
404.
Pusa ta yilodeqopo
they were caught
405.
lowali qalimbuloto
and destroyed
406.
to delomo huqoyoto
in the jungles by government units,
407.
bolo Hawa wawu Limba Meelito
The Hawa, Jungle, and Ginger Mountain
Forces [the last-named under the
command of then Captain Dan! 01?3
408.
ta malo yilayllapito
had gone after the fleeing Permesta
troops,
409.
ta yilopoqopuli to
driving them all before them.
410.
lodehu de qoqayuwa
By the time they reached the edge of
the jungle,
411.
bolo hibotubotuwa
the Permesta units had broken up and it
was each man for himself.
412.
bo maqa mo qaambuwa
The government soldiers were everywhere;
167
413.
buwa Pusa huuhuunduwa
they thronged the roads, too numerous
to be counted.
414.
malo qu weewo hipohuuduwa
Some Permesta forces began to
surrender.
415.
ta ma lohudu mayi
The first important Permesta figure
to come forward
416.
to qu bohuliyo mayi
417.
bolo Teyi Koma mayi
4-18.
qaui tingga lunelunetayi
419.
woleyi Saaqa lo mayi
was Sa'a,
420.
teyi Meyiyu mayi
and the ^regional] Assistant Chief of
and surrender himself
was Koma Alhasni."
The next important figure to surrender
Police Mahieu gave himself up.
421.
malo dunggadungga mayi
These were followed
422.
de bolo Ti Qopo mayi
by A. Amu.**
423.
tingga yilumunetayi
Then Kudai Akuba [leader of the Masjumi
Party in North Celebes]
424.
de bolo Teyi Kudayï
surrendered himself;
425.
tingga leyiyoli mayi
indeed, Kudai was the last leader to
surrender,
426.
Teyi Kudayi ta leyiyoli mayi
he was the very last one.
* Head of the Yayasan Panca Usaha ("Five Endeavors Foundation"), a Permesta
body charged with exchanging North Celebes copra for rice and other daily
necessities. The barter agreements were negotiated with U.S. and other foreign
firms. Panca Usaha was also given responsibility for distribution of these
essential commodities to the populace. Apparently a great deal of corruption
and private profiteering resulted from the arrangement. See Anwar Haras, Coup
£|.E_tat dan Penumpasan Pemberontak di Gorontalo, pages 2-9.
** Member of the U a f f of the governor of North Celebes; after being "rehaMIllnt.-.l" an,I pardonrd. |„. bet.an.f u n d e n t of North CHebos. mui was later a
senior assistant to Governor II.V, Wo rang.
168
Blblloqraphy
AnWflr
0 f
inHÎ968 6 Q f 0 T M ? r I n C , P î ,
the news
SX S?' ? ^ ^
P ^ r Harian Teoas. Gorontalo-
UMUS ^^ro^m
akan Fasco; Ibrahim Mailk, Toko Paguat. TJetakan PertaS. i960)
Bastlaans, J., "Batato's in het oude Gorontalo" (Batavia- Tlîdsrhrif,voor indische Taal-, Land- en Vol k e n k u n d e °, v ( * | f f i , & ] « £ %
TIidsrhrlfl'HCt
yer bo n à
, t,
n
tusschen Limbotto en Gorontalo" (Batavia:
W W f à W A ^ * * ' ' .
^
PL Vojke^nde, vol. 78,'part
d e C,
tieqManâdôA* ^ t V * S , 9 i s m u n d Alexander). "Allerlei over de residentie(Manado Opmerkingen naar annleiding van verschillende beschr jvîn-
' " " " Ä T a W ^ ' "
9
" '
in
^ICjoßaeäie v ^ »eder.endsch Ct-lndl«:
" G o r o ?"'r^. T ;ct:';,:?.f7 c :r d l -
Neder,ani,sch
™.
01
Si;,. ') il- I M I Z ^ ^ ^ ^ A ^ ^
ciamatle ;, pp. JÖ6-314. With a good schetskaart van H» »f^-i-
van H
r
6
stîi: v?;?,"; ^ S . ^ i : i ä g : , ,. »...
BE), pp. 220-225
, two volumes (Breda: T 5 S 2 -
""" Aaiertotadèb;aUaT'S,rei
*>ord-Ce,ebes en de Noordereuanden"
/ / , j y u i r i d i , pages IO5-20Ö; bi 1 lagen, pages 269-335;
169
aanhangselr pages 336-340- nal i'
Relsiournal pages 558.565 — ' " " " T C t SB verbeteringen op. Padtbruooes
ÜSjÜÜÜSfe. I « . Nieuw S e r ( T r T r h 7 o ? ? ; T f 5 i ^ ! £ i â â i " . J A * - en VolJoest, Wilhelm, Das Holontalo. Glossar ,,.j r
f û t ! S S a £ n i s i l e 7 - | 2 i i h | ToflffeËeT ^ » B i U f S S . I t i H S ^
* - r and Co.. I S o f n ^ « ^ , " ^ , . ^ J ^ i ] ^ ^
,3555
Zur Holonta^-Sprarhe (Berlin:
Jün Beitrag
" ^ 7 ^
Gebr. Under (Th. Grimm).
^ Ï Ï ^ t T t u ï t ^ o r d. T M U
Land ' . J 9 ? 9 " ? " ' ' " We9e " " " S i nIndlS, t . Delft; pa9es 503! 38 Jufde
d ^ " " V 6 " "'"""""«"h
nesldentie Gorontalo ( A Ä Ä ^ t ^ ^ Ä .
Ä 3 , " J ' '" " '
"^^iuas^oL^äio^'lfossari'rur'9'"9 T "" * * **" "' *
&
" T tf t ^ W ^ " ' " "
indische G[ds
PP. 270-278
- -
"
»
. . f . "
- — - ' D e e l " " . 5 ae ser.. d l . I l l , I869),
K MW.iSf1ä1?,ffl
Hldden-Cel^T ( T e T ^ n d e T C n ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ . M ^
«HB, U W..
£i
- ästend.
B Ä S JtoHTdT^
l > ^ T m W ^ ^ . ^ ! l ^ ^ ^ % ^ a S ^
f 7 ^ ~ N T , | ! ! ' D . d r o e 9 e s e r f e d e v n ? d I 5 J » V r "' Ho]3e"«"<»""-e volksliederen"
'"9.
1871), pp. I6Î-I97
'
J d e Joar
9 ' " 9 . 2 de deel, Negende aflever-
v^TTTn-g " n ^ e f g r f p Ä i j V m e d ^ " ÎH™" 0 ""- " "
e
Nederlandseha vertaling S
Ä
S
^
J
»'««j'* «- - e
21
a
. 1875), pages 209-234
- 1* X"» i~ £ü V., vol.
»P^-^lt^Z'Zl'orZ
zîi„r:rffbnde d e " T ™ " * * 9edaant.
d
uuls
Serie q « ! „ , . „ , „
prong zijner bewoners" (T. v N i
n J
r
rie. 5
Jaargang, Eerste O.e.. Vierde Af levering. % l j . ^
kl'-itl
VOn
"»"stotend-u:
iïZïZ'^'rr
] H i I i i ï l e i i 4 ^ f ^
0
^ ^
. »ndenoek,
A t Nederlandse,
170
Celebes
B a l ^ T H ï a t e T ^ n ^
**&- ^nfter
9 SChiC te der
!
5
" » e - T e T e b a s ; Zweiter
T e i l , Die VVa^r i eet aa t' et Ln d1«= M
lesen
« Menschen auf Celebes; pp. 93-97. Die Goronta-
SCh
^ U h o f f ; E ) 9 ö 8 ) G - ' ^ o i ^ a j o s c h e W o o j ^ e n ^ ('s-Gravenhage:
van Spreeuwenberg, A. F., " E e n b i l k op de Minahassa" (J v N
(I
Jaargang, Vierde Deel; Batavia, 1845)
* -' -'
l
I
"
Martinus
7
Zevende
«
Tacco, Richard pseud. H Datnn
u.f W^IL.
I t l o n a a l . maatscnappelîT c u l E - e T T ä P Ä H t t ä S » Historisch, ^radI H E i £ T 6 o r o n t a î o ! P 1 9 3 5 ) ' c u l t u r e e l ' SSSlSSL. economisch karakteTîlT
'Varia - AanteekenIngen omtrent de producten van Gorontalo
Jaargang, E e r s t . Deel, Tw.ed. À f U ^ I n g ? I 9 7 , -
"""'
-
Vraao ™
* " "
**
171
Javanese Mysticism in the Revolutionary Period
Paul Stange
University of Wisconsin
^ e revolutionary fighting of the late forties the outer wall
of the Yogya kraton (palace) disintegrated. To the Javanese who still
experience their traditional cosmology at a gut level, that physical event
was directly tied to changes in the spirit realms which are thought to
nr
J-^V1118
t U t h 0 r i t y ' Zt m e a n t t h a t R e k t e n and ngelmu (spiritual
TntZ
^llitJ;Cf
power and knowledge) were flowing out into society.I In ptrToTs of stability that power remains concentrated in the court elite and personified in
the Sultan. In the intermediating phases of upheaval and chaos, the garagara of the wayang world or the pancaroba of Indie historiography, po5ir~
moves at large in society and mystical awareness which is usually hidden
becomes accessible for all who are ready to receive it.2 There is then a
transition to a time when the center point of communion between human and
cosmic planes is no longer just the one center embodied by the king, but
rather everywhere and within each individual.
Java's social hierarchy is closely paralleled in the spirit realms by
^ ! ? i
kingdoms populated largely by ancestral spirits and interacting
t i C a l rUlerS
P
y
' F O r t h e f i v e h u n d r e d ^ s since the
V
iTlllTl
+ °^
Islamic Pasisir (coastal) states coalesced to overthrow Majapahit, the key
figure within these spirit realms has been Nyai Loro Kidul, the Queen of
the South Seas. Nyai Loro Kidul is thought by some to have been a historical
figure, possibly the ruler of a small Tantric state in the area of Imogirt
where the royal grave compound of the Mataram dynasty is now located 3 A t '
any rate, when Islam became established as the official religion of the
Mataram court, Nyai Loro Kidul faded from marginal historicity as a person
into significance historically as a spirit-she became temporary overseer
of the spirit kingdoms. The kingdoms she has coordinated center on the
network of kramat (sacred) pilgrimage sites which are scattered around the
c oxmt s de
Her
own cult center is at Parangtritis on the coast
tr^f
^i y
south of Yogya and one of the easiest places to contact her is at the
nearby cave, Goa Langsih, where high cliffs plunge sharply into the ocean,
tor the five hundred years since her assumption of power, she has been the
liason through which the Sultans and Sunans of Mataram have maintained
contact and worked toward harmony with the spirit realms; in fact she has
been their official consort.1*
To those among the Javanese who come close to making a religion of
the traditional culture, those who are immersed in kejawen (Javanism), the
inhabitants of the spirit kingdoms are thought to include not only historical ancestral figures, but also the mythic actors of the wayang cycles
Although those tales draw from the Indian Mahabharata and Ramayana for their
structural core, the overall framework of the mythology shade»' of! gradually
into divinity on the far side and, through a series of subsidiary and more
indigenous myths, into verifiable history on the near one. The actors in '
the epics are thought to be ancestral to the Javanese and to have been '
acting on Java. In rural Java it is widely known that Oatutkaea'a kingdom
172
fofrPeronf i n " ' c l " b e M n d T ^ T ?
stands guard on top of the h i l l o c f ^
0
MOUnt
^
Balade
*"~* ^
f ^
™ -d"ated
t h a t
^ ^
HanUfflan
2 Ä » S H?¥— - ~ - W ï S SS STAT
SSÄ S S S ? ^ 2SSTSÄ» ÜSZSX&*
near
centerfo?pover "thin S ^ ^ f
^
^«elang. wJile the
p i r i t
t h e
kingdoms focus on the holy mountains,
/
springs temples cavi«
characters S ' o s t l p ^ i t u i f r r : T° C i a t e d
with t h e
* P°™rful mythic
ancestors
y P
» the significance of the
?^
kingdoms extends through «
Just a s t
«of??
^cognized hierarchy down to the village level.
in the desa ^ û S a - f S ' i S S 1 ? ? S F ? " * V U h t h e " * * * ™ L so
which suTba-in balanced r e l a y s v ^ h " f e T M i b l ? f ° r a n n u a l r l t u a l s
^
are usually spirits or Sfigïï S J ^ a a f ^ f e i S e f 1 - S P i r i t S )
the key figure among Java's danhyang is Semar
SaMoPpaPLa: t W e t " "
m-aaldad o ï l - ?+. Ï
remain dormant.
q«Li
r i g h t s
I
S ^ il ags tT r' uïl e r ^o e
^ " * « — * * - ™ as
f "
Majapahit and the one who
At the same t i Ï Ï T Ï H ! «
^
Ja
y a n e s e identity, would
At the moment Nyai Loro Kidul is ^ Ü , , - , , , *VQ „T
caretaker of the spirit kinttdoms » Li
Î8
into his long p e r i a of pasfi™tv
NS ^
aSS,
"
6
ed JUSt
Kidul and Sem8ar is i S a f t l S d ' J S & t S t o ' S ^ S
°fh
"
e rt e n u r e a s
SSenar
"
with a eu» Of m^eVorienteo S ^ ^ ^ a ^ o e m l r ^
"ent
^ ?"î L°r°
KTgT
173
makes r e ^ r / e e l S * ^
^ ****t
* hVeiPtlh& CSeraar
and thed whole
group
eS m0St S a c
^ t o sLar?the caveTat sTAT^V*
"*??"* ^
nt h eS0Uth COast o f J a v a nea
!„!w Ï V
°
r Purwokerto and the
ancient temple rums of the Dieng Plateau.
Shifts of power in the spirit realms, associated changes in the social
and political dimensions, the ebbing and flowing of cyclical patterns are
not unique events according to Javanese historiography. To some degree
wheen ° C C U V h e n e V e r t h e r e i S a C h a n g e ° f - l e , but are especially extensive
when the changes are revolutionary, when they involve the structures oï
power rather than simply interchanges between individuals who wield it for
a time
In Java then, the mythology and the ancestors are very much alive
e r
T e n V ^ ' h e S O C i a l a n d hist°rical process. The ancestors lay
not w
not have physical bodies, but in other respects they are thought to behave
very much as human beings. The ancestral spirits continue to be interested
in the human dimension not only because they are all awaiting opportunity
to re-enter a human body (for reincarnation is a way of continuing their
own spiritual evolution), but also because they remain concerned with what
witTT
M Ï Ï d i m e n S i 0 n f 0 rt h e S a m e r e a S ° " S a n y P-ent remains concerned
ress a n d
r
Ch lld 8
situation. So a tinge of myth and of
ï£L.
. +
+. P °S
10n Vlth t e
n
ancestral spirits suffuses not only Javanese
%
i W s of thTf
+ J
PaSt b
- f a l S ° t h e J a V a n l s t S e n S e 0 f w h a t i s happening
nC
Thf I n w
lut; * w
ffS O C l a l a n d ^iritual dimensions is nowhere as absolute a barrier as we Westerners assume—it is porous.
hensio^of 2 2 7 t h i - + i m a ß e J h a V e b e e n Presenting is essential to comprehension of the Javamst perspective on recent Indonesian history, at the
moment I want to use it simply as a backdrop to changes in the social
organization and spiritual practices within contemporary Javanese mystical
movements. My aim is not to deal so much with mysiicaTperspective on
the revolution as with the history and revolution within the mysticism
Specifically, I want to draw on the history of one contemporary mystical
group Paguyuban Sumarah, to suggest some of the interactions between social
and spiritual dimensions in Java. I hope it will become clear "hat
the social aspects of Indonesia's revolution are intertwined with the as
e a S p e c t s o f t h eo n o i
hlSt0ry
* »e Indonesia.
Process
- B O t h a rwhich
, tUal
of
sïïfrdi?o S P riand
social revolution
is contemporary
of self-discovery
of • new b y - p r ° d u ^ o f , t h e I n d o n e s i a n evolution has been the crystalization
A \ Jorganizational pattern within the world of Javanese mysticism In
1 nal
^ ^ k e b a t i n a n -' t h < * - mysticism or the »Sience of
»
innere
inner being
was so interwoven with kejawen that it was difficult to speak
th e
° t h e r ' M y S t i C a l 0 n t 0 l 0 g y a n d inceptions suffused the
^uette, arts, and politics while mystical practices
T
lUrn T6""? C O U C h e d i n cultu rally ingrained imagery and social
AÎÎÎ
relationships.7 In effect, to know traditional kebatinan required immersion
in kejawen because the techniques for spiritual liberation were thoroughly
bound up in the Indie wayang symbolism, in relations with ancestral spirits
and in kraton-centered politics. This interdependence is no linger nearlv
so characteristic as it has been and as a result it is becoming increasingly
possible for non-Javanese to appreciate and relate to kebatinan without
prior Javamzation. Simply put, kebatinan is becoming less culture-bound,
it is expressing itself in more universal term;!.
culture
Ul U
n h
T,
,
o f et
174
The point I am making may be simplified and true only to varying
degrees, but it nevertheless suggests a visible trend within kebatinan
spiritual practices and social organization." In the traditional kebatinan
world organization was restricted pretty much to the perguruan, that is to
networks of personally based loyalties focusing on individual guru or
spiritual teachers. Currently, especially since the national revolution
removed the colonial lid from Indonesia's social life, the kebatinan groups
have been adopting more or less modern institutional formats as associations
and foundations.
While there has been a clear shift away from purely personal loyalties
of the patron-client sort, the switch toward institutional membership has
not meant a Weberian "routinization of charisma". In fact in the history
of Sumarah, the kebatinan group I want to turn to now, the revolutionary
process has brought together two seemingly contrary vectors of change.
Socially the group has undergone a process of institutionalization, a process which has generally implied ossification and dogmatism in the history
of religion. Spiritually Sumarah has been experiencing something of a
"democratization", of a spreading of charisma within the circle of practitioners.^ On the social side, however, the history of Sumarah has been a
progression toward increased organizational formality. From its founding
in 1935 until 19^5 there was only a loosely connected circle of friends
sharing a common practice; from 19^+5 to 1950 there were a few preliminary
attempts to organize based on the groups which fought together; from 1950
to 1966 there was an organization, centering in Yogya and headed by
Dr. Surono, which included all but a few fragments of the original group;
since I966 there has been a reorganization, centering in Jakarta and headed
by Drs. Arymurthy, which has sv-ceeded in bringing in the fragments which
did not join Surono's organization.
From the social perspective the major turning points in the history
have been 1950 and I966, and from the spiritual one, which is the basis
for Sumarah's internal historiography, the major transitions have occured
in I95O and 1957. Sumarah marks its own history in phases characterized
by different stresses within the meditation practice—and correspondingly
increasing maturity of spiritual consciousness on the part of the membership
as a whole. Phase I began in 1935, phase II in 1950, phase III in 1957, and
now a phase IV has been officially recognized since late 197^. From this
spiritual vantage point the core process of the history has been a diffusion
of khakiki from the center down to the roots. Khakiki, the defining characteristic of Sumarah as a spiritual association, is the source of spiritual
authority and authenticity, the channel through which spiritual guidance
comes directly from God to the individual.1° Between 1935 and 1950 khakiki
was concentrated within the small circle of half a dozen founding members;
from I95O to 1957 it became accessible to leaders throughout the organization; since 1957 it has reached a far larger circle of advanced members.
The spreading of khakiki has not been a matter of a few leaders gradually
loosening up and "revealing secrets" to initiates. By definition khakiki
cannot be controlled by individuals—the process has been based on the
gradual maturation of practice and fuller consciousness on the part of
practitioners. While there have been associated changes in meditation
techniques and patterns of guidance, from Sumarah's internal perspective
the central process has been the spreading of khakiki and the increasing
175
surrender to God's w i n that receiving khakiki implies.
t e c h n o î n t ï n e ^ a l ^ n d ^ S f S t f —t h r *U g h—
the same, the
Which
°
« * t co e is
communicated have not rematoed s t a t i c
r ^
awareness t h a t the evolution f
L , " f & C t . w i ^ i n Sumarah there i s
occurred through d i r e c t response to the f c o f c l ° ^ n e s s and practices has
o f u m a r a h ' s history there'haîe S e n ^ Ï Ï T j ' ^
^ e ~ i n ~<*
^
ness technique, cosmology, organization :Ly r e l a t e d changes in consciousdo not see themselves,, however, fs î n t r o . ' - a n d c o n t e x t . 1 1 The leaders
Progress, r a t h e r they conceive of t h e l ^ * 1 ™ 0 ^ * ™ in the name of
a r t i c u l a t i n g trends which become evident
A ^ T " r e c o S n i ^ n g and
dence m practice between o r g a n i z a t i o n ^ ' f 1 + ° U g h t h e r e i s 3™* c o i n c i &nd s i r
^
P i t u a l standing
d e two scales are d i s t i n c t . X ^ S ^ f "
PrSSUme t h a t a
into an o f f i c i a l function by v i r t u e or ! S î * * "
Person enters
and t r i n i n g j v i t h i n ^ Y
^ f ^
ach i evement, of demonstrable s k i l l s
e X t e n t amon
e
Îhat iL
S J a v a " ^ e g l n e r a l l v ï h l 1ZS ^&6 S"e t Sh ee i cna s Slim
" A* 1»
1S m a d e
r calle
°
d forth b e c a ^ s e ' o f .hre r e s o n"s i
arah
intrik T
P
^lities
i n t r i n s i c to the task he i s presented w7h
?
i a t T l n f / r 0 r a a n d S r o w i n S through t h e i r L 3 ™ " l e a rdee3r B 0 f ls ni d themselves
r a t h e r than feeling they are master of a s k m "
'
P " biUties
a n e a ^ S L :
J
^
^
the s t a t e of t o t a l surrender
is
s who function as pamo^f or glides " f o r t h Vd ^ z e^n o r °s fo * * a d — d
Most of the membership p a r t i c i p a t e s <Z « !
°
Participant~
g r o u p S e s s i o n eac
* week while
continuing individual p r a c t i c e at h o ^
1
and active pamong often spend e ^ e r j ^ t ^ £ " ° f d e d i c a ^ meditators
groups. But no matter ta, mudi time is spelt . n
^ " f f W t h t h e 3 ™arah
other members, a l l Sumarah members S
" S t a t i o n or in sessions with
n m a l e
i r k i n g for a livelihood a n f n a r t i e i W
^
°
^ s t e n c e s of
Practice is not i s o l a t i o n ^ s o ^ t T o r V " * " ? * " * '
™ e ai™ °f
balance of l a h i r and batin of tu
ï
Personal e c c e n t r i c i t y but „
e
^ f a n P^m^inan Pusat (DPP) i«
m J a k a r t a , which i s at the « I +
'
f S S f f i « f f i a n « Daerah DPD). " £ ^ ^ t S
* ? n ï Ï Ï ^ ^ ° ^ e n t e r ,' or
Yogyakarta, Surakarta, Gemarang, MadiS p f n n ^ "S-* 6 ** & r e i n Bandung,
In West Java the membership is s m a l ! L S P ° n ° ß o r o ' Kediri, and Surabaya
servants and professionals who Tri m Î c o ^ ^ largely to Javanese c i v i l
j-ii Indonesia beeauiif»
176
of its active role in the SKK (Sekretariat Kerjasama Kepercayaan), the
national umbrella organization seeking to include and represent all
kebatinan groups.
With these general comments about the nature and phases of Sumarah
as background, I want to turn to examination of several important individual
experiences within the history. In examining them, I want to suggest the
nature of the interplay between personal spiritual quest, the realms of
magic and the ancestral spirits, and the socio-political demands of the
historical moment. Specifically I want to deal with Sukinohartono's initial revelation of 1935, with the wartime experiences of Zaid Hussein and
Joyosukarto, and with the 1965 crisis of Dr. Surono. The events, the
moments, reveal the substance of Sumarah's history, of trends within
kebatinan as a whole, and of the meaning of the mythic Semar I began with.
Sukinohartono was born at the turn of the century in a village near
Wonosari, in the chalk hills, at that time still a teak-forest region, east
of Yogya.
He went through a few grades of village schooling before
moving to Yogya and eventually became a minor employee of the kraton
as mantri pamicis, and clerk in the national bank. As with so many kejawen
types, Sukino became interested in mysticism at an early age and experimented with many practices before experiencing his own awakening and
revelation in 1935. He was involved for years in a group called Hardopusoro,
a sect preoccupied with secrecy, occult powers, ritual, and initiations.13
The principal technique employed in Hardopusoro meditation involved
immersion by night in the water of holy springs or at the junction of two
rivers—a traditional kejawen practice called kungkum. Being apt in
mystical disciplines, Sukino rapidly completed the course of seven initiations.
Then for a short time he was involved with Muhammed Subuh, who became the
founder of Subud, before having his own revelation. It is quite important to
note that from a kebatinan perspective the assorted influences men like Sukino
experience prior to realization are not the source of the teachings they
later communicate. Sukino's experience of 1935 was a wahyu, a revelation
or direct communication from God rather than from any human intermediary
religious doctrine, or intellectual theory.1^
Sukino's revelation came through a series of experiences at a time when
he was thoroughly preoccupied with prayer for Indonesian independence. In
1935 politically concerned Indonesians were preoccupied as a group with the
paradox that just as independence came to be thought of as essential and
immanent it became more difficult to visualize how it would occur. While
praying for Indonesian independence in the yard of his Yogya home, in the
kampong. (neighborhood) of Wirobrajan to the west of the kraton, Sukino was
approached by the spirit of Senopati, founder of the Mataram dynasty.
Senopati suggested that they should work together to achieve independence,
that is that Sukino should enter into alliances with the spirit realm.
Although he was polite and expressed gratefulness in his response, Sukino
turned down the offer on the basis of his conviction that the spirits should
not be drawn into human affairs. Shortly after that, while Sukino continued
to pray for independence, he received the Wahyu Sumarah, the revelation of
the teaching and aim which was to form the basis of Sumarah. The wahyu was
to the effect that it was Sukino's task to lead humanity toward total faith
in God, imam bulat.
177
Sukino balked for a time. In the first place he doubted his ability
to perform the assigned mission. In the second place he had never desired
to become a teacher. He had always felt that his spiritual striving was to
improve his personal state and perhaps to increase the harmony of his
household. But he had never intended to teach and he knew how heavy the
karmic responsibilites are for one who does. It was only after repeated
confirmation of the need to teach that he began to do so. To start with,
he contacted friends he had known through Hardopusoro and other mystical
groups. His first companion on the path was Suhardo, a close friend from
Hardopusoro, then gradually a handful of friends began to meet informally
to feel their way toward a sense of what their experiences meant and what
they should do about it.
Although Sumarah is opposed to the use of force or pressure, pamrih
in either its style of meditation or its manner of spreading, during the'
first phase some of the founding members relied en magical powers to convert people to the practice. To some extent magical power was used in
healing people, if they requested. But at times expansion came through
intentional pressures applied by the founders. Suhardo was the most active
in spreading Sumarah outside of Yogya. From 1939 to 1950 he lived in Solo
Cepu, Bonjonegoro, Madiun, and Nganjuk—leaving a cadre of pamong behind
him each time he moved. Suhardo was only able to motivate Sutadi, eventually
the senior leader (pinisepuh) of the Solo region, after a long battle of
willpower. In Madiun Suhardo entered into a battle of occult power, a
testing of kasekten, with Kyai Abdulkamidof Banjarsari. Once the latter had
accepted that Sumarah was more powerful than his assorted previous practices,
he in turn became a founding member by communicating the practice to
villagers all over East Java. In this preliminary phase of Sumarah's
history, on the eve of the proclamation of independence in 191*5, there was
one sort of understanding of the relationship between Wahyu Sumarah and
the social situation it had come as a response to. At that point it seemed
that the spiritual message was a reminder to surrender events to God's
will, to realize that human beings are not in command of how events will
take shape.
When the intermittent fighting of the revolution broke out, a new
dimension was added to that understanding.
In the physical struggles of
the 1945 to 1950 period the practice of meditation geared itself to the
needs of war and the fear for survival which came with it. This was the
period in which there was the largest single influx of membership into the
association—it still leaves its mark deeply impressed on the organization,
since most of the current leaders are men who were a part of the revolutionary
pemuda movement. During the fighting Sumarah meditation was still divided
into two basic styles, as it was throughout the first phase. Those who had
matured in their practice and already felt an immediate spiritual thrust
within themselves practiced kasepuhan, that is mature meditation. Those
who were young in their spiritual development were in the kanoman group.
Kanoman practices can be seen as a variant of the traditional kejawen
practices called kadigdayan, meaning the arts of ksatria or warriors.
Kanoman included practice of karaga, karasa, and kaauara—respective 1*v
meaning automatic movement as it is associated with Asian martial arts,
intuitive perception of people's inner state or of events which do not'
register through the five senses, and ability to speak in tongues. The
178
kanoman style was characteristic of the Sumarah youth who went off into
battle. From Sumarah's point of view the stress was not so much on
achievement of invulnerability and superhuman battle skills as on the fact
that surrender to God could lead to a selfless and total devotion to the
struggle.
Sumarah groups were involved in the revolution on a number of fronts.
In Bonjonegoro Suhardo served as a sort of spiritual consultant for the
local military command of the Republic.15 When the Dutch re-occupied Solo
during the second clash Sutadi led groups of youth in periods of intensive
retreat and meditation as a preparation for battle.
He held his
sessions in the villages in the hills west of Wonogiri where the nationalist
administration of the city had holed up. In the fighting outside of Yogya
a group of Sumarah youth calling themselves the Barisan Berani Mati, the
company unafraid of death, engaged in skirmishes with the Dutch. The most
notable Sumarah participation in fighting was under the leadership of Kyai
Abdulkamid from Banjarsari. Pak Kyai, as he is called, trained groups of
youth in his pesantren style asrama (that is somewhat in the style of the
rural Muslim schools) and led them into heavy fighting in Surabaya as a
group called simply Pemuda Sumarah. In addition to leading his own company
into battle he was occasionally called on to bless the regular troops on
their way to war. In doing so he would perform what was in effect the first
initiation of Sumarah. His own group marched around town chanting "Allahu
Akbar' over and over as they headed into battle.1°
From the generalized descriptions of the wartime that I have been
giving so far it may be hard to see how the spiritual concerns related to
war. One of the things I found striking in speaking with people who had
been in Sumarah at the time was that invulnerability did not mean that they
felt they could fearlessly stand in front of a machine gun—what it meant
was that they would mysteriously find themselves surviving situations of
such intense dangers that logic could not explain why they had. Pak Zaid
Hussein, one of the current national leaders of Sumarah, helped me to
visualize his experience of the revolution. At the moment Pak Zaid is still
in the military, as a general working in President Suharto's offices, and
he is one of the few Sumarah youth who were in the regular army.1'
Zaid had known of Sumarah since his early youth in 19^0 because his
adopted father was one of the early leaders of the Yogya group. He was
not initiated into Sumarah until shortly after the Japanese invasion; he
entered simply because he had always felt that it was good to be as close
to God as possible. Zaid soon became the only Sumarah youth in Peta, the
Pembela Tanah Air or defender of the homeland, the military organization
through which the Japanese trained Indonesians. At one point Sukino called
Zaid to him to stress what a good move it was for Sumarah youth to enter
Peta—he went on to elaborate some of the visions he had been given in his
initial revelation. After the close of the World War Zaid entered the
national army and saw continuous front line service from 19^5 to 1958.
Pak Zaid has felt that practice of sujud Sumarah has been an invaluable
companion in his long active servie. He has described how in some very
tense moments he would pray to God for peace (selamet) and it would comebut he never assumed there was a direct causal relationship. Once this
179
fi
te ÏÏrl^ Î V *m atrh eSC0UrSee r°e fhheaVy
Shting along the Daendels highway
a db e e n heaVy f i h t i w i t
^ ^
V ;
^
h many casualties
on both s i L f 4 11 i t
"'f ln t h em 0 r n i n S m t i l t V ° in the afternoon. Just as
it seemed that more planes were coming to strafe, Zaid experienced an
overwhelming feeling and lay down in the road to ask God If ît hadn't been
att le
e r time h e W a S
n
p"^ur a inVÏ
t e-f TYOgya
* ' WAhne0nt hhe
in Kul" 6 " 1
S 9 \a
f0mid h i m s e l f° ^
'
« ÏS ÎZ» t Î I &
diking along only
were in I^onfr
^
^ ^ 'se P ara ted from his own companions w L
were in among houses several hundred yards off.
Zaid explained that in
innSr 8 t r u
e betVeen
and
surrender"
s the
S " Î Ï " "was
*' hopeless
^
*"
^ up for
surrender "As
the Î
situation
and he had to« *
give himself
lost he surrendered everything to God and continued walking calmly in
front of the Dutch patrol. Then as he neared his companions and the shelter
around them, fear consumed him and he broke for cover just as fighting
that act 11 \ a - i r ? e C k e d t h e e x P - i e n c e - t with a pamong anfwas\old
that actually, while he was in the state of surrender the Dutch had not
wten he L
^
\******
*"* ^ ^ * G ° d g i v e n Protective sphere.
When he was overcome by fear, that sphere broke.
I n addit
ion to meditation geared to battle situations, Sumarah practice
what
it means to be simultaneously in a state of
.^3/ith
inner T " t 0
inner surrender and yet be totally dedicated to the national struggJe
This
is an issue that comes up in every form of meditation practice, that is how
alqn
fat aliSm a n d a l l O W f 0 r P O S i t i V e
actions but :Si h wal
,
Poesedawïth s PT aV l id i
clari
ty by the revolutionary situation. The revelation
I r i t i s ' + ,
of exactly how to deal with the dilemma of simultaneous surrender and
rU
f f e M C a m e " f through Sukino, the founder, but through a young member
of the Malang branch of Sumarah, Joyosukarto. Joyo's inspiration
1
Ai8,!! m e w S !f e t h r O U g h k h a k i k i a n dW a S c°nfirmed as such by Sukino in 191*7
eV
T W a S ' a S A r y m u r t h y now puts it, confirmation that khakiki
Jf ^ V
is not the monopoly or possession of any individual, many of Joyo's friends
were reluctant to accept his revelation because of his youth. The attitude
from above, from the leaders of Sumarah at the time, was that it was f ne
n o ° V a S r V t o r:: d eit°hS?f8 iCe
JO
-' S " ^ P - ^
a
» " >
hut there was
in tZhe, T n i ? g „ ° f S U j U d p e r J u a n ean, or surrender-struggle, is bound up
in the rock-solid person of Joyosukarto. Pak Joyo is a tailor and now,
r o ^ h l s M e X T l e n C e ^ ° ft h e l a t e f 0 r t i e S ' ° n e o f the leaders of the Sumarah
group in Magelang. The practice of sujud perjuangan came to him via khakiki
as a variation of sujud Sumarah in which meditation is performed standing up
and tuning in to the necessity of serving society rather than simply personal
sujud
Pak Joyo stresses that there is no sense
cleansing. In performing
a
r a b l e t h i n g S t 0 b e g i v e n t o us w e
nS)
»
^ f a V O through
have
to
S v e at
f eall
^ things
M
arrive
ourselves
the process of individual
inner
witwi!'ï M,070'8 e x P e r i e n c e > the national revolution is wrapped up
with the issue of "kepribadian nasional" (national essence) and to him this
means there is a requirement "for honest growth and expression of the self
rather than imitation of assorted outside cultures". In his view the
Pflek°Tnvn°n wil1 .have reached its conclusion when that is accomplished.
Pak Joyo s spiritually demanding sense of the revolution is based on an
understanding of an interior psychological dimension to imperialisms
the state within the body when the mind is worshipped as king. To Pak Joyo
180
his sense of sujud perjuangan was not simply a style of relating to the
physical battling of the revolutionary war, it is more comprehensively a
way of sensitizing the individual meditator to his role within the greater
spiritual revolution which is to become the fulfillment of the outer
revolution. Now that the battles have ended, sujud perjuangan has become
sujud pembangunan, or meditation as a contribution to "development". It
continues as an aspect of Sumarah practice among some circles.
Shortly after Joyosukarto received direct guidance from khakiki in
I947, there were signs of a distinctly new phase in Sumarah. Sukino received
a qualitatively different wahyu in 19U9, indicating a new emphasis within
spiritual practice; Dr. Surono, a young member of the Yogya branch, received
a dawuh (message) khakiki to the effect that Sumarah should become an organization and he should lead it. During the first phase khakiki had remained
confined to the founding members, among men like Sukino, Suhardo, Sutadi,
Abdulkamid, and a very few others. Most of the lower level pamong of that
time did not have a very clear awareness of what they were doing as they
performed their functions of guidance. The pemuda who were the largest
component of the association did not so much know what was happening in
their spiritual development as give the responsibility and direction of
it to the older pamong. Instruction in sujud relied heavily on explicitly
clairvoyant perception by the pamong. Magical powers were used by the
leadership in creating a sphere for the meditation of the followers, for
healing, and for converting people; similar powers were used by pemuda as
an aid in battle. With the second phase there was a shift away from kanoman
and from emphasis on the powers that could come through sujud toward
stricter stress on surrender to God. Along with the second phase came a
spreading of khakiki into a wider circle of advanced meditators.
Although Suhardo and Sutadi went along with Sukino's confirmation that
Dr. Surono had received an authentic dawuh khakiki, they refused to join in
the organization. Indeed, there was a significant resistance to the organizing process on a number of fronts—some older leaders held back because
they didn't want to lose their personal following, some because they did
not feel Surono was the right man, some because they felt that kebatinan is
intrinsically impossible to organize anyway. The pemuda who did the actual
organizing were supported by most of the senior members and argued that
they were not trying to organize spiritual practice, only to coordinate
relations between the people doing it. iQ Skipping over most of the developments associated with the Surono organization, the Pengurus Besar (PB) as it
was called, I want to focus on the crisis which built up in the early sixties
and which culminated in a reorganizing in 1966, when the leadership of
Sumarah passed into the hands of Drs. Arymurihy and a new Jakarta center was
established.
By most accounts it seems that Surono performed his organizational
duties very well up through the mid-fifties. Problems only began to emerge
after 1957 when there was a shift into a third phase of spiritual practice.
It seems that when the organization as a whole took a step forward at that
point, Surono was not able to make the transition. In the period from 1957
to 1966 Sumarah was out of joint, its functioning as an organization was
not in tune with its spiritual stage.20 In my view this accounts for the
discrepancy between social and spiritual periodizations of Sumarah history
181
Csee page Uk.
Indications that a third phase was beginning came first
from Magelang, this time the dawuh khakiki was received by the leader of
the Magelang branch, Martosuwignyo. His experience was confirmed by Sukino
and the organizational congress of 1957 made it official that a "phase
kesucian" and practice of "imam suci" were to be the keynotes.21 As in
the shift to phase two, this new transition meant that khakiki, spiritual
authority, was becoming increasingly accessible to members, that power and
knowledge were spreading as the organization matured.
Quite soon after the announcements of the new phase, Surono began to
show signs of not moving along with it. In 1957 he announced that, for
all intents and purposes, Sukino should be "retired". He said that Sukino
had performed his duties admirably, but that it was time for him to take
a passive role as far as the organization went. This announcement was not
entirely out of line, since in 1950 Sukino had begun encouraging everyone
not to depend on him or always come to him for guidance. Sukino was trying
in this way to encourage people to seek direct guidance from khakiki rather
than seeing him as an embodiment of it. Surono, however, went well beyond
the meaning of the announcement. Soon afterwards he began to contradict
Sukino publicly, to ignore and by-pass him, and finally to attack with the
charge that Sukino could no longer meditate properly. At the same time it
was becoming evident that Surono couldn't quite stomach the decentralization
of authority implied by the spreading of khakiki down to the regional centers. He began to conflict more and more openly with Arymurthy, the leader
of the West Javanese region (Konsulat Jabar) and with Sujadi, the leader of
the Ponorogo centered East Javanese region (Konsulat Jatim). Both of those
leaders had begun producing stenciled versions of their own wewarah,
teachings, and Surono objected to that as unjustified liberty" Eventually
Surono announced that organizational congresses were no longer necessary
since he could make all the necessary decisions, then in early 1965 he
announced that he was the "penjalur dawuh tunggal"—the ultimate and only
spiritual authority, the only channel for khakiki. This announcement
combined with his growing involvements in the spirit kingdoms to bring
about a storm of protest from the regions.
Surono began to become involved with spirits only a short time before
the Sumarah congress gave him a vote of no-confidence.22 The involvement
came about through his efforts to help a woman Sumarah member who came to
him for help, specifically to ask that he remove the spirit which had begun
to possess her. In the process of casting out the spirit, Surono began"to
speak with the spirits through the woman as a medium. He then came to the
understanding that through the woman he was to establish a Sumarah branch,
as it were, in the spirit realms.23 After that, Surono began a long interchange with the powers of Nyai toro Kidul»s kingdoms, which has continued
to the present. Surono says that he has converted most of the key figures
within the spirit kingdoms to Sumarah, us a result of which they are
liberated from the suspension and purgatory of those kingdoms and allowed
to seek rebirth as human beings.' '
From the viewpoint of most. .Sumarah members at the time all of this
was simply too much. Although Surono felt lie was converting the spirits to
faith in God, most Sumarah members concluded that, Ruruno himself had been
led astray by the spirits. Krom the perspective of Sumarah practice, any
182
^^^^s^t^^^^zand ?r/d -
d
^ - SLit
For some of the Sumarah membeo II t
Physical body for its own purposes,
stration that s T M ^
S L ^ t h T
f °°* ^ S U f f i c i e n t d e m o n "
ng t r a c k
ë
* M o r e S en erally,
°
however, within Sumarlh t w !
aPPr Val f r d e a l i n S S vit
°
°
h spirits,
Sukino made his smSthie«
ÎÏ f
h e f i r S t
^ e c t e d the
assistance offerefhimbv Sennit ^ WV
'
T
"
^
i sh
lthln Sumarah
eld
that human
Ï V'
"
beings can best help the «
God in this l i f e ! without S a v iSn tg 0"S ^ t Jh r? U g^h e l a^ S l m p l y b y ^ r e n d e r to
°
°
h°rate rituals of
contact and worship.
A
^
™ r t h y ' s hands and
the center6 ^ I ^ S S S ^ K ^ J ^ 9
tr m Y O g y a t 0 J a
karta, the way has
been clear for manv S t h f T
J °
been f reSeen d
^ing
the final years oTpr SuronS'sT T " î -1 ^ ^ " ^
°
" ï * ' The Jakarta leadership has
consolidated the organisation V
within i t , delegated «
S l n f e a s e < * the coordination and efficiency
several of A S ^ ^ ^ ^ T *
\ ° *?? r e g i ° n S ' m d b r ° U g h t i n
organization ( n o t a b ^ t h ^ o l e S L S S ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ S i ^ S Ï Ï ^ S S 0 ^ * "
another step into a wider sphere of members of the a^ociaticT £ T H ,
cally, just as the organization has been erv«+«ï?î,î
?
Paradoxisolid pattern i t is w™,*™ i n a s . D e e n crystallizing into a stable and
whether other'peopto are ^ me bre sr s o orr n o t ^ T ^
ff**«4««*
° f SU J ud
to assume that a firmln! ^
not. Logically i t would be natural
rganiZatl0nal
sharply d e l i c a t e ^ b Z d a r v °
t i e s would bring with i t a more
Pe Ple
stand with rTspeft Ä f t i ^ E I ntS Se a d^ t h*e r e* 1 "S ^
^
°
a clearer sense than
*
ever that Sumarah as both «n n
oumaran as both an organization and as a practice is onlv a
TpMflla
A number of processes are worth highlighting in +M C
trends within Sumarah history. p i r s t there is a no^
™*rviev of the
sees i t internally, through^hich k h a k i k i s being
g t r a n ^ n t l a S ?"**
sively wider circles in q,,»ami, 4.
transmitted to progreslives on total surrender t ^ S r a i t h " 1 3 T u P S ? P l e h a V e b e e n b a s i n S t h e i r
" °f
the association are reach ng f Jgner spiritual o o f " f t S r m S '
s
they can become aware of direct « ï î f Piritual consciousness in which
than having to rely on mystïcaÎlHhr n C e / r 0 m + G o d wi thin themselves, rather
There is a^emocratizL^procïsf a ^ r ^ i ï ï ^ f ' T ^
^ ^ gUrUS'
8
of a mystical knowledge which in'the S s naf S ""J " " w ' ^ ° ^ ° P 6 n
h arded a n d
concentrated within a narrow elite
ITth
!" ^
°
COn8ci 8
explicitly disavows preoccupation w i t f f o r t &r nV
^
^
^ ^ss
dexterna
T
l factors as a
basis for recognizing spiritual « J
concern w i t h i n ^ a r f h ?or r i t L i o f T ? ^ ^ ^ b e e n d e c r e a s i n g
of consciousness. Associated " t h these s ^ i f t f ^ **?*** <»«rt«bat)
,
practice, meditation
is seen less as an activity taking n i !
an, lMreaslngly as . «^Ä^ÄSS SÄ'TSÄ:
^^caixization in Sumarah in contrast to the
183
nexus of kejawen from which it emerged
In iosn q
consciously away from the preoccupa?ion wiïh I
f^
^ ^ Self"
U l t PCWerS v h i c
h is s t i l l
typical of the kejawen s t v l e k 2 1
equally clear that i wc^d h
" f i T t ' ^ ^
^
^ ^
"
ancestral s p i r i t i n t e r a c t i o n s ^
t r a1d i t i o n a l1 p a 0t t e0 r n1 s oft 0
Jakarta and'by u s i n T l n d o n ï an « t n ^ S a n ^ ^ ^ m^O S t o r ^a n i z
S
ational
meetings, Sumarah has been p r o c l a i m i m i t s e l f « I
r ?
a p a r t i c u l a r l y Javanese group! W M i ? i n S f t ?V I n d ° n e s i a n r a t h e r than
K ^
t r a d i t i o n a l context of old f
Java i t was d i f f i c u l t t o e r t r , » !
the contemporary Ä
'
i
Ä
^
Ä
^
^t e t h. e i r ^ ""** °
teachings t o
i n t e r n a t i o n a l needs
The c r W ^ n ? \
I
back
~
ground of kejawen i s S i ^ ^ ^ ^P 0 ^ ^
***"* ^
creation of networks of volunt«™ L
f
a l i r a n pattern—of t h e
in
a process within t h e slilllZT^^iZT&tion*
™ r a l Java. Seen as
r S f l e C t S & mod
-niZation
and an extrication of m i s t i c a l p r L t w î*™ Î Î
been embedded within
ï h i s vLZT
* C U l t u r a l m a t r i x i t has
latent within kejawen, Zl
unfolding of consciousness.
C S ^ S î ^ ^ ï e S S ™ ^
articulated.
°f
I t i s an
^
k e b a t i n l ^ v e m L f Y ' h o p ^ t h a f T *™, «*"*»"
*° ° " e ™ > * ™
S t 0 r y SUggeSts Sone o f
the
patterns evolving within J a v ^
^ "
are many v a r i a U o n l needed t o h m y S t J C l s m a s a w h o l e . Naturally, there
t o t a l P r o c e s s f out o ^ t L w L l e muc°hSoreth " ^ l t 0 d e a l W U h * ha er t i C
"
u l a t i n g through Sumarah i s r e p r e S a ? ï v e oof f w^hÏ T * ^ * * * * ^
kebatinan. Culturallv l o o k ï S î+ Ï Î
a t i s happening within
n
Java, i t is importanfto 1 : n
g
th S î / S a L ^ T î '
world in order t o evaluate th* Il
l i f e within those c u S u î a l fcLl
*
ZtY^"
"
^
COntem
P°-ry
kejawen and kebatinan
PepM
* h i S t o r ^ Once t h e
M
h
ecomes POBsîSî^^^nhrs^în^iS tStd yTn a m i^c within""*
history i s a p o s i t i v e f n ^ ^ +vZ *
the
P
0rWard thrUSt
> a r e a s s e r t i o n of primordial
selfhood.
m a k l n g abOUt
"Î f ^ V^
the
proces's S ^ Î S i S ^
tte'.T?0
ithln U
' S e m a r i s the
l i f e force given by God and î o S ?^
" ^
part we n e v S r e a l i z e the Lilt*
l \ Z ^ h m a n b e i n S - F o r t h e most
us subscribe i S e l l e c t u i l l y t doc?
* " ^ ° U r S e l f a l t h o ^ h some of
Nyai Loro KiduJ,as caretaker in til « Î f f C O S n i z i n S thatUSi t( fis
in us.
b P &S m y s t i c s
have i t , everything i T w î £ ï us) r e p r e L n t s ^ ^ î
'
" ° f &nCeStral
influences which give form and u b s S n L t o the L i r i t ^
i t . The s p i r i t kingdoms are a representation ofTh I
-^ e x p e r i e n c e
t h e karmica
c u l t u r a l patterns we get fr L o
H y inherited
St rs
us. There i s not w f a »
° I f
° " t h e s p i r i t s are a l i v e within
"
' M t h"e r ei S iSS°S°i mf tpelny P h al isneed ,b
between the macrocosmos and t h e T
OCOSm
them.
To f u l f i l t r r e v o L t i o n t o
rr
"°
etween
that i s implied by revolution ^ l°.C°^lete
the process of l i b e r a t i o n
T T ^ m o t l v a t ^ the individuals
who dedicate t h e i r l i v e ! t o i t r e
of the inner being t o God S u k i n o ^ 1 " 6 3 Tu\«render
of every aspect
to his prayers for i n d e n e n d . n u k l n o / « : e i v e d W a h ^ Sumarah as the answer
also t h a t / i n t h e p r o c S
1 ? ! hecause i t was an aid, although i t was
t h e " t ^ R / f f " l n d e P e n d e n c e from the Dutch,
but because i t was n
inner s p i r i t u a l E l u t i o n ^ o n ï y " w h e n ^ i „ ° £ ^ T ^ ™*ï i S ' *
of themind within the body has s u r r e n d e r e d " ^ X ^ T ^
U ^ . * ? 1 " !
which i s from God, only then has the final revolutionI r e a l
f u^iL " "
I8*t
Notes
R ^ n S a b i n h Y o ^ : . i r a a g e *"* ^
^
l
i
c
^ n
t o c o n v e r s a t i o n with W. S.
For e l a b o r a t i o n on t h i s p o i n t see Benedict Anderson "The Idea of
Power i n J a v a n e s e C u l t u r e " i n C l a i r e Holt «ïï Cn u ?£
lture
^ I n d o n e s i a . I t h a c a , New York! 1972.
'
'
^ P d 1t.1oB
NyaiWo e Krd d ul Se In e d^the e : Ple - in +SJaVa *& C°t U*a l* h -i ls at ^o - s h i P s between
I vas given the"
m
tt
^
! ? "
a teacher of économe S A
^al
I ^ T T ^
individuals,
t h e P i n t by DrS
°
a c
?"
m i l i t a
'
Warsito
>
^ e m y i n Magelang)
^
and an a c t i v e s ^ k e s m n f n f f Ï + ^
e x p l a i n e d t h a t S t h e ^ » ^ k e b a t l " a n - *» t h e J o u r n a l i s t i c media. He
b e g a n t oc o n t r o 1
the
i n t e r i o r in the perîod t T ° r T ^
^ ^
&
P e t t y f r a g m e n t s , ^ x - b W i s o f S e o l V ^ ^ ^ a h i t > t h e r e were
SmPlre
tinued the Tantric t
S
' Which f0r a time con"
n nf Î
TheSS
t h a t supposed t o have been h e a L , Î 7 ^ '
* * « * » « * * (auch a s
Kat0ng l nP n0r0
S° and
°
S W t
Î T
t h e b u i l d e r s of t h e titles
n MoUnt Lavu
&
Cet0
^ were
°
d i s p a r a g i n g l y c a l l e d » 5 * 2 ?» f f
f
° r S p i r i t s ) * t ht hee r e
Muslims! At f i r s t t h e ^ î i ^ a , ( a ' f ^ T ^
0ther C nteXtS
is talk of »pages', and »Sfld is"
^ e / V "
°
'
been addressed as " l e l e m b u t " h S l '
l' t h e & C t u a l p e o P l e w h o h a d
S p i r i t s
i n t o s p i r i t realms
Other V
- ° n ^ h e i r death t h e y moved
T
i n t h e c o l l e c t i o n of n S
arguments of W a r s i t o ' s can be found
Bulan Bintang Jakarta! 1973?'
Javanese k i n g s h i p !
6 l a b 0 r a t l 0 n
on
^
t h e
^
D
^ t a r Kebasan
" » « i c a l and r i t u a l a s p e c t s of
The symbolism of Semar as a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of +>,„
q u i t e w e l l developed
Th^P ^ r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e common p e o p l e i s
th&t Semar i s s e
t h e l o c u s of cosmic p o w e r ' h i c h S T ^ T ^
-etly
S e Slbly i n v e s t
^
*
l
t
h
t
h
e
g
ods.
Within t h e wayang c y c l e s when t ï l §
° * \
miSUSed t h e i r
owers
T'
Semar will sTe^fn Ind assort til
P
most powerful L d f S a S ^ ^ v S ^ ^ s ^ ^
T V * " " " "
T i w i k r a m a - t h a t i s when he mani S I +
? of Semar i s when he performs
diVine
f rm
°
as Ismoyo, t h e e l d e r b r o t h e r of S va
Z
^ ^ ^
S y b o l i s m i nt h e
^yang
?
i m p l i e s t h a t whichever k s a t r i a Semir 'r'-n*
course a s s o c i a t e d w i t h g f ^ o r one 2 * M T ' T
^ ^ hS i S °f
S ns) Wil1 win
°
' A t th*
same t i m e , he w i l l onlv toSLl
v \
This
symbolism was put t o work bv a 1 & f ^° i S i n t h e r i g h t '
i nt h e e a r l y
S i x t i e s
"ïîî"
vho wrote a book c a b l e d Ïsmovo ? i v S
Sardjono and was P ^ i s h i ^ E ^ S ^ ^ ) ? ^ W a S * * ' *
^S^reS^r^SS ^ f f T ^ ^ ^
I
ead the
exis
aS
^
basis and there are looselTTS' . f ^
^
t on a personal
vho are important to the group in'di^ « " T * * » » b e t — individuals
leading figure is Romo SuSvat In V
* T " ' In Semaranê t h e
omo budiyat, m Wonogiri, Romo Dariatmo, in Yogya,
185
Romo Budi and Romo Merto. Their meditation practices involve rituals
at various kramat places and automatic speech, which is sometimes
guided by the spirits
called on to enter them.
7.
8.
The intertwining of kebatinan and kejawen can be sensed through books
such as Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java, New York, I960; H.
Ulbricht
> Wayang Purwa; Shadows of the Past, Singapore, 1972; and in
a fine essay by Zoetmulder on "The Wayang as a Philosophical Theme"
m Indonesia. No. 12, (October, I971 ).
Currently the very debates over the meaning of the word "kebatinan"
say a lot about the nature of the changes going on within Javanese
mysticism. I have used kebatinan to mean Javanese mysticism as a
whole but in fact there are many groups which refuse to call themselves
that because they feel the term has become too bound up in popular
associations with occult practices of power implicit in kejawen mysticism. As a result the SKK, the umbrella organization of kebatinan
groups, has an awkward name including kepercayaan, kebatinan, kejiwaan,
and kerohanian (beliefs, the science of the inner, and the spiritualist).
The name was an effort to satisfy all of the groups the SKK has been
working to represent, but that effort has not been entirely successful.
9.
This sense, that the history of Sumarah has been a democratizing
process associated with the decline of feudal elements along with the
revolution, is not only my personal interpretation. Pak Hadi Sumartono,
one of the oldest Sumarah members in the Bandung region and an old
associate of Pak Kyai Abdulkamid during the revolution, suggested the
term to me.
10.
Although not everyone in Sumarah would accept the point, khakiki
(and I am relying on Suhardo's word on this point) means essentially
the same thing as "guru sejati" (the true teacher), as is symbolized
by Dewaruci in the wayang, it is related to the "Christ" aspect of
the man Jesus and to the "Nur" aspect of the man Muhammed. Of course
it has peculiarities simply because khakiki happens to appear in the
specific historical context we are seeing it in here, but the
essential principle is seen as the same in the eyes of those practising
11.
Much of Sumarah's history can be seen in the collection of documents
titled Perkembangan Panguden Ilmu Sumarah dalam Paguyuban Sumarah
(the development of Sumarah practice within the Sumarah association")
which was produced by the DPP in Jakarta in 1971.
12.
Data about Sukino's life comes both from stories about him and from
his own autobiographical sketch, which has been translated into
Indonesian as Biografi R. Ng. Soekinohartono (Pak Kino) Sebagai Warana
Paguyuban Sumarah (the biography of R. Ng. Soekinohartono as vehicle—
or messenger of the Sumarah association).
13.
The emphasis on secrecy within Hardopusoro is partially accounted for
by the suspicious eye the Dutch government cast on all kebatinan
activities. From the Dutch point of view, as before that from the
kraton perspective, wandering gurus holed up in the mountains and
186
yS a P0ssible channel
Si?
n
through which political unrest
could mobilize against the ruler. Under the Dutch Hardopusoro
functioned as something of a secret or occult counterpart to the
officially allowed Theosophical Society. Together these two organi-
a Vide impaCt Vithin the circles of
r?rr
become
kebatinan leaders since independence.
lit,
Pe°Ple who have
™ ™ t S / t r l sensitive controversy in Indonesia between orthodox
Islam and kebatinan groups on the issue of "wahyu". Among the
orthodox Muslims, the santri, the word wahyuirTeserved for the
revelation of the prophet. And as Muhammed was the seal of the
prophets, by implication no further revelations are to take place
thft Ï h Y b ^ r ^
1 V e degree
' at
any rate)
'
Santri
therefore argue
aSon» W
kebatinan teachings may be "ilham", that is "inspiration
but argue that it cannot be wahyu. Keb^tin~an people, although
publica1
^ o n ^his point, in'fact m a L Î a i n ^
t h a t h e oasis 1 f ™ W
a
eSSenCe
f their
in îuîï th I
°
teachings
straight from God
in just the same sense that Islamic, Christian, Buddhist, and other
Fr
5 5 Ä & 7 £ £
T , t h e P e r S p e c t i - ° f ^batman groups the key
ort c w t ' f I ? ' their insistance that spiritual realization and
contact with God need not involve any_ intermediaries (including the
J-uuxng tne
kebatinan group itself).'
15.
S u k Z t - a b O U t + ^ h a f d ° ' S r o l e a s a » advisor to the army through Major
Sukardji now the leader of Sumarah in the Surabaya area. At the
time Sukardji was appointed liaison man for contacts between Suhardo
^ b y S u d i r m a n - A s a ^-product of that, Suhardo
was
!?ve r e g i m e n
f a L f e ? a r a i l ^ o a d P a s s that made it possible for him to travel
£ ? K f
T 6 "" a S t J a V a ' ° n e r e S U l t h a s b e e n that there are many
railroad employees, from office heads down through brakemen, who have
become Sumarah members. Another has been that Sukardji has gone on
to become an extremely dynamic and forceful Sumarah leader ito his
\jri ii x. ig,nu •
16.
Kyai Abdulkamid was classically mystic in his response to my repeated
questions of what had been going on during the early period! When I
asked him how Sumarah had expanded all over East Java and how it had
changed during his years of activity within it Pak KV«? J Ù Ï T L Î « A
SoTndAebduihkLirharahbhad ^
"ikie
by
^ttifwï^t^h 1 ipaon
God . Abdulkamid has been active, though not entirely healthy for
activity b v V S V e a r S ' J V a S t 0 l d S O m e S t 0 r i e S ° f h ^ î S J S i
a
T 0 n 0 ' c u r r e n tly the leader of the Madiun region
nd It ^ y +
a m e er
t f
° f t h e ^ U d a « ™ P vhich follwed Pak Kyfi
int LÎÏ?
F
e r S P e C t i V e
° f t h e ^ " i c i a n s within the
revolution ; a / Z - / ,
revolution Pak Kyai and his followers would have appeared as lust
another of the countless rural pesantren which ^ f S b i l i L d ^ b y the
From Pak Kyai's point of view, it is important to stress that he is
a kyai perdikan"-which is to say he is not "kyai" in the Islamic
sense common to rural Java, but rather kyai by^irtue of heredïtv in
that he lives in a perdikan desa (a village which has been tax S e e
as a concession to its support of religious institutions Leaded there).
187
A
InTlTtt TIT' P:rtren 3tyle " ithi ° «"<* « "*i
than ^ P l / S e ™ a ^ s Ï Ï i V l o l ^ f t M f l ï * T "
pesantren bears some r e s i a n o f ? ° the W .
^ . ^
T
nnderX y in g P Ws":n:Lurt n rL 0 sïtS: Ue
"Uity
h i 3 t 0 r i C a l
18
- §: sais "o^srissfjs sr
in Magelang during June andlugûst ôf Î973.
are s t m many groans uithin SuL™J
J
C M U
^
f
hy in jak te
y
° °
î ^ ^ "are
"
to codify and « S »Jat thfrSÎÎ T
Sukart
t h e y
- - *
o "> h " >*»e
eVer
U S i c l o u s"
; P
U 1b e
-
T
»ere
»? «tempts
20.
or interpretation. " s u T Ä r
a ^ î f case / o n T s«*.'if
»"»
perspective, not just on apparent social forms.
' ' plrlt^l
21.
The roots of the problem between Surono and the , „ , „*• .,,
ÄST"ear. * ' " " —
»» ^
^ hl 1 ^ ™ ^
22.
23.
descrïptïon'ofTT."
2U.
S
?ir"S "
DOt Uni<lue
f
»* « T »eans.
in ¥ Y Ms te tz
H S Ä J S S S Ä S : i9 Tirrs.
conversion of m a n y T ^ ' s p i r i t s ^ IZTllZ^™
See the
- " -"^
" "
188
Politics in a Jakarta Kampung: A Local History
Dennis J. Cohen
Monterey Institute of Foreign Studies
characteTtLÎ^e^
(kampung). Each has its own
U s borde
Some
are joyful in a "rinea W ^
Some X
^
°D ^
^
™ . &»
M S t &re Very
These
neighborhoods are not thïpart o f j £ ! T ^ f P ° O T ' T he,
°
thinking of the city. They do not f t * î*** f l r S t C O m e s t o m i n d ^ e n
the city. Yet, in these k a m p u n g ^ . ^ ^ ^ oome to view when visiting
the
people who have come to the cïïf f,
/ a s t majority of Jakartans,
t0 find W o r k and m a
living as well as those who have l l T j ^ l ^ ^
^ a
C ty a 1 1 t h e i r lives
- Ea^
neighborhood has its own unipulhistot " *?* *
& Part of
flow of history of the Lrgeîcity a n d ^ t
" t
^
the
The Study of
these local
neighborhood histories offers
L
f"'
t
Indone
sian history
from the perspective of lower TlaslZlT
/ ,
^
fol owin
S
}
^
account is the political history of one^f t £ f ^ T L
nei hbor
hoods.l It demS
onstrates how the social and politica] J t +
tU
" ! ° n ° f l 0 V e r c l a s s Jakarta
residents has c h a n g e d ove t S
a
and the difficulties involved i ^ ^ ^ ' Ä ?
1 ^ ^ ™ '
The Asrama PRKA
Th-fo 4«, -u •
fEESsi «qa. , Asrama'arfdoritorïes ° ^ f s + a ' fjT ™
in J a k a r t a
>
calle
*
^Hgahaan Naa.nn»•
°
Kereta Agi, the state-owned a n H d ï ï n i S , ^
is centered around r e s i S n t i a f S S a Î 8tered railroad.- The neighborhood
In this case the workers aÎe em^îovei , V ° r k e r S P r ° V i d e d b y t h e railroad,
borders the neighborhood The population i l 0 ^ " *?" r a l l r ° a d y & r d V h i c h
n0
exclusiv
ely railroad
workers. Other people have eithST, r• ! v
63
^ ? * " ^ ° r h a v e rented
dormitory units Lorn^aiiïoaf^rkerf^o h "
However, at least seventy perclnt of t S h T
" T * S O m e v h e r e else.
railroad yard and they have"
ffi&^%£^«^
* the
I think that it is instmn+nSro +
U p n this nei
borhood and why I chose to study It £ Zilt"
*?* * ^
°
^~
pth
Sln
»! >
deviant case when compared to the llll
ce in many ways it is a
?•! & w h o l e - % first dilemma in
Indonesia was how to find a ''hn„,"
neighborhoods including the one in A V î ? 0 * *° & C l t y v h e r e a ^
perspective. I started by siffipiy goinfJ o r ^ l ^ T * P ° ° r f r ° m a W e s t e ^
government officials), and asking them fo " t ï
° f V a r i o u s lurah (local
e t0 y U r
P°°r^eoTle".
In the kelurahan of which the afram^k L t ^ "
°
seemed rather well off. I n fact Tr" P Î V a S t a k e n to one area which
development projects. I asked my JuiiTiï t M ^ a S h o w c a s e o f *>cal
in the area. He answered emphaticSv + w ?f V & S t h e W O r s t neighborhood
W&S n0t and
me to the asrama. When I realized v W
T
PromPtly took
conflict between the railroad unions T V E V ? t h e M s t ° r y ° f Political
politics in an area under streS and'J.
V ° S t & y ' h o p i n S that local
politics in a calm stable one
it,
, ? " b e m ° r e b a l i n g than
in others. The history of PKl3 invni,
f ! l n m a n y W a y s ' b u t frustrated
y & 1&Vge
number of
of this neighborhood did in fact L
residents
structure and attitudes that
ïïghfnoThaveT"
" ^ helped t0 reveal
«ignt not have been apparent under other
189
circumstances
However, this same involvement made most residents very
1S ened by
' They W « in a — y dÎmcuIt y
Station Tta fS P V e n t7e âPreSenCe
me
if ;
I ÏÎ ! ! f
from digging as deeply as I might have
if people's livelihood and personal freedom were not at stake. Both the
rewards and the frustrations are reflected in the following account
In order to deal with the fear of most residents, I was forced to
rely on a variety of methods for collecting information. A small group
of notables including the R.W. (Rukun War-ga, ward)^ chairman had nfprevious contact with the communist union. They were unafraid and quite
pleased to talk to me. Many of my early conversations were with these
people. Interviews were conducted in an informal manner. At first I took
notes while interviewing. Later I waited until after I left the interview
to record the conversation. I also periodically made use of a research
assistant who would take notes during the interviews and type a transcript
of the conversation at night. I could then check my memory against his
SormaSon.5
^
^ ^
^
" ^ effecti'e ^
retaining detailed
As I began to conduct formal interviews with people who had been
connected to the communist labor union, I began to realize that I was
getting nowhere. During the history of conflict that had taken place
before 1965, they had been involved on the losing side. They were still
subject to arrest and were afraid. While I continued these interviews and
judiciously avoided sensitive topics, I could not overcome their fear. In
fact, I did not try very hard because I was afraid for them, too. I was,
t° C h f k t h e hist°rical consistency of the notables' accounts
?hZ!wa
through these formal interviews. I was able to develop a feel for the
point of view of those who were afraid through snatches of conversation
in which I engaged or which I overheard as I spent long periods simply
wandering about the neighborhood.
borhnoHr>,PeOPle W h ! 1 i V e d i n ° n e R * T - (Rnkun Tetangga, sub-ward, neighPart
IZl
° f a l a r g e r S a m p l e S u r v e y that was conducted in a
K^Came
number of low income neighborhoods in the city. They were interviewed by
Indonesian graduate students who helped to conduct the survey.6 These
™ n f ! f l a l r T T t e r e P O r t S ° n t h e i r ° V n i n f o ™ a l experiences in the communitywhich
I have used in my reconstruction of the local history. I also
*?? tenpeople from the formal survey. Using their answers
fvo!rtieW
from the questionnaire, I was able to probe deeper and clarify a number of
tneir responses.
The names used in this history are all fictitious. They represent
residents who have nothing to fear. I have not used direct quotes from any
resident who was uncomfortable during an interview or who obviously has a
background that could subject him to official sanctions. This means that
the basic perspective of this local history is from the point of view of
those who came out unscathed after 1965. This is not the only perspective
included here, but circumstaces required that it be the predominant one.
Also the following narrative is oral history. It is the interpretation of
historical events by members of the asrama who participated in them. Thus
it is biased by ideological convention, hindsight based on the present
situation, and a lack of knowledge about the wider society. In so far as
190
history is what influence =„KC
this history is the " " a l " hïst^rTÔf ^
"2 ^
feet on this one small neighborhood in \ T
nation.7
C
°
^
&Ction
n f l i C t &nd lts
'
Political ef-
neignborhood in the capital city of a very large
or t.e^^-^m^^^^^^ff^'
The asrama is one
exist. The empty land on which it n o H f t «
^ WOrld War " " did
^
3
a
^ forested. The
first residents of the asrama still Zll t "f ™™™
and other vermin in their Tev houses
The f f V"** 6 X p e r i e n c e s With snakes
vas erected by the Railroad Authority in IVkîT
^ ^ ° f d o r m i t ory buildings
9
accoi
immigration into the city as thT£» ••,*?•
"odate new waves of
from outlying areas into^Sarta
M a n f o X e f ^ r a l l r ° a d V e r e ^tralized
the asrama had lived in Jakarta befnZ ÏÎZ W ° r k e r S a n d n e w residents of
took over the city. Other's had stayed'and. t f f *» 1 9 * 7 W h e n the Dutch
to a number of residents, the first vfve of
^ f ° rt h e D u t c h ' According
workers from Bandung, Cirebon, and TeïaT ^ J ^ S ^ t s in 19^9 consisted of
Y m V e d from
°
facilities in
l'
these areas to work in the exL^L
Jakarta
' A s c «*ralNation was completed, othefv a v e ^ l o t ^ S * * T ' *"
1 S
to come to the
i : ; *
asrama
New dormitory s t r i t t e l e S
m 1 95 0 workers came from Yogyakarta anï c T r ^ T t 0 a c — ° d a t e
them
third wave came in from Purwokerto in cZl^ I T C l r e b o n ' During 1952 a
^ 1957 Sav
an influx of two small groups S o m Semarang Surlb' V M l 6 ^
öemarang, Surabaya, and Lahat (Sumatra).
Tne asrama it^i-p TTO„
^ °
^^istration. Each
block of dormitory builîings 6 ^! ^
to
the head of the a s * ^
L ^ T ^ h T ^ * & * * * M a W h ° ***£*
to the administration of the railrnS
^ W & S dire ctly responsible
improvements of p r o p e r t y f Q f e ™ £ ^ r e p a i r facility. All requests for
network. Apparently the a d S S t r l t S n ' o f t\ *° b e . C h a n n e l e * through this
W 8
responsive
to these requests. According t^everyone I t!l IT"*?**
n
Vlth
' ° repairs ^
improvements had been made by the aZin 3 ,t.»!
were built. The original structurestuSt It £ " S l n C e t h e d°™itories
tamed and improved by the residents S s e l v e s
2 ^ ^ h&VB b e e n m a i n ~
hlS includ
ed such
_non-essentials" as doors on the ï n d i v i Z !
'l
interior walls within them to divide S e " i t s
t " " ^ b U l l d 1 ^ Of
luxury that the railroad provided vac M U " l t S . i n t o rooms. The one real
generators in the railroad y L f l e T t o !
t T ^ T h l S C a m e f r o m the
At night, after the repair sh^p Sosea the !
^ ^ ^
during the day.
the asrama so that each unit had enoulh !? f n e r a t o r s were hooked up to
lightglobes. Of course, any m a i n t e n a n c e ^ J 1 0 1 ^ f°r two or three small
after work hours which meant the loss 0 ! T V " ? * g e n e r a t °rs was dene
SS
° f electricity for the asrama for
that period of time.
* ^
Meanwhile, the dormitory b u i l d W »
the railroad did not completely f g f ï g " f T f e w nieer houses built by
constructed. In 1959, as Jakarta began t o T W ^
° n w h i c h they were
&t the Seams from
vaves of immigration after the revolt?
*
the tidal
fill the empty spaces. On the east s Î d e V ! ^ 6 **«" t 0 b u i l d h o — t°
ÏÏ
Î? 6 a r e a V h e r e there was a dirt
road between the edge of the asrSa
railroad yard, there grew a eolation at ^
W
&
*
St
US6S
°° d
arOUnd
ramsha
the
Spreading east and south from th^northwest
°
^
^ e shacks,
^ ° f t h e R ' W ' a n o t her area
became filled with houses. I n this c L V t ^
this case they were somewhat nicer than the
191
than the previous crmi-n TIU^^
attracted by the pfoximlty of a' ZTgl
I Z L T ^ »****
*>J ^
***~«
Sprinkled
throughout
T '
the asrama in both these "private" Seas a^'t*
businessmen, policemen, soldiers and school t * a i l r o a d h o u s e s ^ e a few
the area was and is a result of the L + ! ! teachers. Their presence in
that have plagued Jakarta sincethe r ^ v o I u t i o ^ T ™ * 1 ^ *"* h ° U S i n g S h °S t a S e
nee tne revolution and especially since i960.8
land
have n o ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ . J ^ ^ ^
° ^ b y the PNKA they
r i g h t t 0
M
^
exist than do the cardboarl s ^ e k ^ u i ï / b v t ' h ^ ^
7 t h e n e W lmml
srants today along
creeks and railroad tracks
S
rn
T V " ' t h r ° U g h a S y s t ^ of favor,
influence and pa o f o l i ,
to build t h e i r ^ s e s « ^ e ^ c ^ Ï L f ^ - g ^ ^ *"**«**
^
^
n
them away", I vas told by one official S\v,
! ^ n o thought of driving
the ailroa
d"However, it was
J
understood that if we needed S T ï î S
standing" was not so c l S to Ïhe o r Î J ! F**.?**
" back'" This "^erbeen forgotten over the Jears
r
^ V j m 1 ^ 8 ' 0 r& t l e a S t " h a s
b œ nV a r i o u s
of ownership. I n 1972! fgroup of t L f !
*^
transfers
h U S S S W a S sch
°
eduled to be torn
^
down to widen and pave the S
The residents accept the s i t u ^ t o ^ \° ^ ^
°f t h e r a i l r o a d * * *
SXtent
' b u t they certainly
A
"
do not display a sense of i u s t i c ! V
told me that they had bou*ht t h ! I T
C a s i n g their plight. Some even
y
U g h t t h e i r h o u s e s wi
thout knowing their illegal
status.
^uilt by
^ °f ^
the raU^afit'seff L V ^ ^ l T ' ^ S t a t U S b y V
There has been tSk S ^ ^ I t ^ T t ^ ^ l ^
^ « f
^
l easrama w i l 1
ally be razed to expand the swir +r/nl7
?T
eventu^ ^
"
this case railroad T k e r f woTd ^ ï b V b e ^ S l t ^ h
railroad, there is no guarantee of rbi! »!! S U p p l l e d . o t her housing by the
t " ^ r e S i d e n t s talk as if
nothing will happen. S S u r a l l v t h ' '
than the privately built housef ^ , "£*" * "
^ h i n g less durable
" "
structured with no" S S L S ï ï ' TheJ t Z u l V f l t l T f
sides of woven bamboo, and a dirt floo!
n
A
***' & t l l e r o o f '
withstand the elements lonVe , 1
wonders whether they will
destroyed by the S & Î S & A ï
t
" Ï J . f î ê ' f ft^ ° f b e i n g
S buildin
Ss a r e
divided up into a number of residential unTt's J f !
P
nthe
l n g
i r size-each
unit is from 1*7 to 7x10 meters
lilt
X
°
S f ' t o the " " v 1 " 1 8 * least four people living
in i t , and most have more
stand a number of individual Z
the east side of the neighborhood area
foremen and other employees above t b ^ ^ J " ^ the period 1955-1959 for
substantial than t S ^ S i t o S e l a Î t h Z Ï " V S ^ F ' These houses are »ore
houses built in the private sector a l t b ° U g b n o t o f the same quality as sane ofthe
7 haVe Slab
walls, and tile roofs!
^ d a t i o n s , wooden
S Cial l i f e
strainfrin^ffSff;w fear's 2 ? T, T^W'
°
*
learned t o l i v e iTJrTZZLf^
ITs £ ? M ^ , " * **
PeOPle
period was marked not so mufh by overt conflict a s ^ f ^ B that this early
COnIllc
t as by a feeling of uneasiness,
No one seemed sure exactlv who L«
new neighbors. It was a L Ü ! " c h a r g e , or how one should act toward
were traditions and past IJZT*
" V "° e S t a b l i ^ e d traditions. There
^ *" f r ° m ° U t s i d e which helped to
ease the difficulty of" î h ? ? ! ï î I * * ^
iiculty of this adjustment period. Many immigrants moved in
192
groups from their old areas anfl <„ +u
a
„ T ,
^ama they lived close to people
from their own area of
gr UPS
° f P 6 ° p l e f a j " i l i a r »«h one
!! °
another might have simnlv £ «
neig bors
or they might have
been as close as an t e n d e d n, ? /^viously,
T h eP r S S e n t C h a i r m a n o f
7
the R.W. moved to t h ! a s r ï a vi t H
" JS"" '
S m0ther
h
> f a t her, and brother. Another
resident who came to the TsrZ»
+\ .
t h l S 6 a r l y p e r i o d
neighbors there lust h«™ Î T "
told me that his new
him earlier L Ta^LmSava
H°
! Î T ^ V M c h h a d l i v e d n e x t door to
comfortable in hi s 5 v home Traditio
* " " J*** ^ h e l p e d h i m f e e l
in the form of a common l m ^ a d l t l o n s *ere also brought to the asrama
r a l l r a d V rkerS
°
- M a n y o f the
families of the orignal r^idenT*
°
llr0ad f a m i l i e
many of the present C L r T n a l V
^ ™
s . Fathers of
under the Dutch colong^ aLListra'tioT ^ * ^ ^
^ ^
** ™S
^
ethnichgroeupf ^ T S e islanl oTJavT tó ^ * ? * * * * * * °
from Central (and a few ÀT^st)
jlZ
^T^ 5°* W M t J & V a a n d J a v a n e s e
m g h t
eXpect
these two ethnic groups to h„ZT!
A'
conflict between
t h S & a r l y period
not the case. Even though t h l !
* ! * *"
> hut such was
CUlt
there was s t i l l a ^ n S i t T o r Z e r T e L T Z
s n^W ^ r k^ f o *»
^>
r
d
°
the same
°
!,
enterprise and a way of life a L S Î
by the fact that a l ï of t h f men £ f t their n V *** ™ S V a S - f o r c e d
^ eaCh d&ya n d ente^d
the railroad yard where they vor k e f vît h t b !
the immigrant families c a m f t T a L . t »
-+ î
" ^ nei S h bors. Furthermore,
for them and a place Jo ïïveÎ MaÏerÎalIv th " * * J ° b a l r e a d y V a l t i ^
W
t 0
^
engage in a conflict with an o p p o s e etnnJ' g r o u p ! ^ ^
^ c h ' L î ^ e ï ^ ^ ^ S r ^ S Jakarta *£ T* T^ °ï
a certain status hierarchy arose in v M ~ w ? «
neighborhood grew,
f l r S t reside
n t s were at the
top and the newer residents^!!! Î 5 5
^ 8 e e M t 0 haVe
held up throughout the\ e istory e r ofthe h a e sr^T; th" 6 ^
p r e s e n t
'
alities mentioned in historical narrât 1ZTZ
t
Most personLZ
^ f ^ 6 residents who had
been in the asrama since at l e a s e s
to the asrama in l9k9, as did a number*of R V T T ^
°f t h eR'W' moved
t h e r S Wh a r e n o v
°
heads of R . i - s and are not long-Sne r 2 S B t ï
°
because of other status considerations Z ^ S
° bvi °usly hold their position
T f l n g f r o m either religious
learning or access to resources S ' !
ï* ^ ^
^ i t s e l f > such as
modern education or jobs in the m ! 2
J
in the more dynamic sectors of the economy.
Some personal histories smri TW^-P-M
of the asrama will help in understand^T t p 6 ° P l e Wh° h & V e b e e n residents
figure is Sumitro, now the ™S chairman " * * l s t ° r y - The most important
a S r a m a a n d forme
the socialist labor union in the , 1
V
r head of
Pak Sumitro like this:
repair yard. One informant described
ùna;r°ctancîSpeoÎitîcSsa T c T , " " * " * ^ " ^ m d
Politics v h i h Ä D SoSTS SSTÎÎ T S l m S £ M
S
»ot1Äg« « r^r^? Ä Ä (Jakarta, 9/27/72)
"
193
is dynrîrout^n?^ " f
talV^ ^
PeOPle ta
» » & — He
SUbJect under
the sun.
f Anth ny Quinn a s Z o r t a
On first meeting him I a Î
? ^ T ^
a
the Greek, obviöusly'ä very uTsual ! f 'T**** °
°
setting. I soon r e a l i J d t w P t « C h a r a c t e r to find in an Indonesian
I watchL h 7^°
* * P l & y i n g a r o l e > i n this
case for my benefit
during my stay " I n e a s S a ^ H ^
Î ^ ^ A * ^
^
h tac
t and precision
depending on the situation ir, «*,< v, Z »
out „hich, if ^
Ä e ^ o S t
\
e ^ e Ä u r o
T
^
" * ""f*
is the «gSarcapitaro D rWest U L h e " T ^ *
*****e '" 1 9 2 6 '
Sunda
BMd
-S
Sumitro's father » S a d or
r a ^^ " V
" « gather than Javanese
which i s „hv his son » 1 w ! r " 1 ^ o a d ™ d e r the Dutch colonial reeime
torn. Sumitro spent most o r Y " H " ^ S r a t h e r t h a n a J a T O " e s e T i l l » » or
e° fa 1 t l ä f ï ^ f e ^ " V l 1 9 " § t 0
folio» his f ü n f t e Sa°„iun°fw
In 19^5 he left Madiui
for Tegal to work for the PMKA w attfnde^ H.I.S.
new job. m that s a l yearTe' iSïned t h f
T J e V O l u t i o n interrupted his
l^
* * ^ evolution
with other young Javanese fro^ this area o H L
W a S influ
enced
by the
Pemuda culture of that time Z d
i h
f rCed t o
°
hloTTrom Dutch troop! ÜTegal f o f the s ^P"l S8 r e Sa tS°Orni e tSh ° f ^
a t he refused to cut
his hair.13 His lone haiv ! f ! t „
! !Î
IF? * * ? & p r a c t i c a l consequence of soldiering and ä mysîicfl svmbof
PŒlUda fi
^ t e r s ) identified him as a
revolu?ionary parîisa^.
of reaso'n.^irst ' i t ^ M ^ d ' s v m b o V ^ ^
Î
T
^t
0h i m
^
a
*
to Pak sumitr ^ % " j ^ s r s ; c t ^ o ^ s ^ s s r t o n l y
Pa
* sumitro's
^ily^af s ^
° f 19k8-lk
« g « ? 'h i s
family were shot by ™ ? c ^ f ^ % £ £ ^
They r e s i s t
f U d
most of his family had been non-politicaf
d comnu
nist organization and had cooperated with the Dutch LZ
!
! ' S u m i tro's family was labelled as an enemy by
the left
Wh!n ^ S5i
o? his L i S wer "sho1?8 * £ » J ? * ? * * » t h e y * « attacked and some
the main reasons whv h e ' . o ^
" * ^ S i V 6 n b y P a k S u m i t r o a s o n e of
which took place In^the ^ r a l ? ^ C ° m p r ° m i s e wi .t h the PKI in later events
p a r t i c i p a t e TTiauT
batu, aPr , t l ( , ° L O O k n
^
^ ^
°* f l g h t l n g i n » h "h Sumitro
7 near Tegal he stumbled upon a mystical
] j : 7
Uk
' ' l meteorite fragment. Kor Ötanitro this rock
^
19*4
has mystical properties
'vh^
Protection from harm and pover ^ T * ? * ? ? *
° t v o *M»Sa:
o n
the
ground, he felt that'iprobably h ï ï ^ i ^ " * ^
^ r°ck ^
L
y
X P WerS
^ter events con°
firmed the fact. In many b a t t l e h
flies all around him. He Î S ^ ^ T " ^ ? " " ^ W ° U l d «** l i k e
I n o n e
»«.
he vas the sole survivor fro" a paLol thL y D U t ° h
Ut b y a D u t c h
Vlped
P^toon,
From that time on the possession of*SLt
Z**
°
and hope to wait out adverse sSuationf « ^ ^ P™ S™ ° t h e ^nfidenee
situations and take advantage of opportunity.
Some o b s e r v p T - c ; mn^-u-i- i_
t h e
Seein
relevance of
^
this rock to anything é t a l o n " S " ? ? * *
argue that at the ver^
ft?7
°f l 0 C a l P o l i t " s . I vould
st t h t
style of politics in the a s r a S a J M ° f f e ^ ° n e S a n a t i o n for Sumitro's
^
^
^ h i mt o t a * *
advantage of situations aTTey TesTntTtl^T
vided him vith Psychological suDDort f
themselves to him. It also prosixties vhen he vas subjected 2 I t
/ t h & l a t e f i f t i e s a n d early
?
^
^ ° f Wèasure from the
left. This mystical rock also reJr T
system regarding his poetical 0 p S K i o T a n d " s u c c e s ^ ^
S iSÄ^e"
head of this R w ? It i « \
up the rock!)
i t r
°'
S
^
? **°f tMs R-W-?' ?« *- « - tI
hea
1S beCaUSe
°
t h er i c h e s t
f t h i s
'
(He then held
(Jakarta, IO/19/72)
Of course, explanations may be off«.-* +
actions and events. One cLnot sîmplv r e l v ^ 1 S V e l S *° 6 X P l a i n P ^ i c k l
to ignore that category of S c - b S S ï
1 ? & m y S t i c a l explanation, but
x« a type of thought vhich II S t ï t t T t l V * * m l S t a k e b e c a u 8 e «
understand P ak Sumitro as a e Z Ï Ï V
the actors involved. To fully
stand the significance that t h i s Z r t t L t ^ ^ t * a C t ° r ' ° n e m u s t b e r level they render many of his bold action«TÏ
, *** ^
°n a P e r s o n a l
« the political history of t
^
^
^
£
^
^
- s u r e times
S
W
h
e
n
Ä
Ä
5S
S
l
S
^
r
r
r
T
h
,
1
?
^
^
—
J°* as foreman in the
" .
railroad yard. He vas in his s S ï - f
fro
1 hls
1Ug f
° r h i s w i f e to retire from
her job as a secretary i n the lß^
\
They both then planned to 2 v e S
tTïasIÎ T * " °f t h e ^ I r o a l v£d!
^ M * h a Œ m a d °™s
some land. He came to the railroad yard i n ^ S f & T^
Btayed a
" dWOrked ^ e r
the Dutch administration, and moved into ÎÏ
'
r a m a i n
t h e
1950. He is a good
.^
friend of Sumitro's and has vorkld ein« i
friendship is partially base
„
^
^ f * h i m s i ^ e 1952. Their
an anti-communist. As early as 1926
2 ^eology, for Muhammad too is
a PKI rebellion broke out g Wes- Javf S M u h a m m a d ™* finishing school,
Tasikmalaya, and he sav the number nl
, l n c l u d e d h i ^ home area of
avay from the violence and joïïeTthe K
f ° b ? C M , e V l c t i m s - H e turned
Ind
The Madiun affair of 19^8 confirm^ W-S' Î ^ °nesian Nationalist Party).
Muhammad is not from a r a i l e d S i î y
^s'îftn
*"*""* ^
^
V&Sa Sch o1
°
This makes him somevhat of an int^Ti- ^ ? S
teacher,
f T t h earea
communism is less intense, l e s ° * T
°
' A ^ o his anti"?? m ° r S r e a s o n e d than the
ant i-communism of Sumitro. MuhamST
A
«-*-** « he does not ^r^ir^tz*. A I M & ».
195
°f
»ere stïïî very activa f \ * ^
t h e ac00lults
of t h
° " notaties who
t M St
e
^h
a s
been completely p i ^ T ^ ^ S ^ t ^ f - " 1 * "
t h a t
^ ^ t 2 ? ^ ^
S - e Va— - —
S 1959 he"? " " T V * ™
and came to Jakarta in 1958 to'look for^ork
^
civil service Job vith the city government
He vafhired on" n W u
7ofn\TS a n d V a S n 0 t g i V e n P™»ent status until nine years later" Ih
I960 he bought his present house in the asrama community! SnLovn to'him
megal
VM
m e 0
i n i9?r-thaSe' * * ^
° n r a i l r ° a d ^nd and thus
^
f
h USeS & t t h e e d S e
the community
° outside of the °réunirscheduled to
to be
ïe torn
torn T
bcneauiea
dovn.^ A^s a^vorker
v»^ QDI U
vas detached from many of the conflicts that had occurred! n ^ i d e n t i S d
himself as a former member of the PNI and a present follower of Golkar 8
üef£e anl a ^ e / l ^ f ' ^
* *^
«»* P ^ i l e d *» the a f Ï ^ b o t h
There is also Pak Kadin, a retired vorker from a former Dutch comoanv
section of the asrama than Saleh's house
PakKadih
r
cot rT;
vice
e
y
h r
a nfhe tSe : it
t0
1S a Very
o' M
s s r i n ^ e i ^So
ms
there a
i
l
a
r e l i g i o u s ^ and c" n S
4
^ "'
f
^
^
s
n
PG
°
different
s'hLseTfanTis
Ple
*> t° * i f
n
i hr P ^t ris r:anXï rr
f ^ f
fam iy
i -.
However, he is much happier nov that S e c ^ s V ^ o n S r ^ i n ^ r ' -
aoî?^T3'A^ prayer
house is
^
ful1 asain
- «e is -tîeT
Finally there is Sudjono. In 1972 he vas h9 years old. He is a vorker
in the repair yard in essentially the same position as he began tventy^nSe
years before. He came to the asrama in 1 95 2 from Purwokerto in Central Java
where he had also vorked for the railroad. He has never ïiked l i v i ^ L & h &
asrama very much, but cannot afford to move. He has never really u ^ r s t S l
the various maneuverings that have gone on in the politics of the "pair vard
unt 1 1 9 6 5 " ^ TK' f 0 l l 0 V e d t h el e a d ° f his section leader a t ^ f
a
r
° the
PP°"tee,
gSdince
° " î *'*'
^
^ living
* S u m i tin
guidance. Pak
Pak Sudloio
Sudjono represents
most ^workers
asrama. for
Mitiç^l_Jiistprv_.
A political history of this R.W. could be told
6
1 ne d e v ^ p ^ b y ' n o f ï t ^ 3 ^a ^n :t ^
" ' ^ * * a n a l y S i S - ^ t follow the
h
^ o l ° ^ ^ concentrating on personalities,
cliques Sctionf f Î
t
tne asramll^ ? h LÏÏP a t r ° n - c l i e n t relationships as they developed within
" ^ r possible nor desirable because in this area,
at leasT outsiÏÏ I
at least, outside groups definitely had an impact on the residents of the
196
provided by the political
ÏÏÏÏ?
kampung area took on labels
discuss the politico conflict lin
l?™«
**
e asrama
n
MÄhW
leVelS
'
Here Jv i l 1
using those "outside" labels
because they were used^hv t î - r e s i.dfe n t
^ of the asrama who told the history
of the community to me
at leasVon tht S e ' L r " ? ?
°» P 6 r S ° n a l considerations,
^
might cause those^eaïïies J o X T T ^ T ? ^
^ ° f tV° f a m i l i e s
age could become a bone of L l
Accidental or negligent property damunpaid loan, a jilted suit 0
^
^ ^
^families'
The case of an
S i n e d insul
t - a n y of these could
°* T
bring about a quarrel between LI
inevitability m the craned
P
? ! °*A**U**. They arose with a certain
The presence of these q w r t i s t ^ o u l ^ ï ! * ^ P O O r a t m o s P h e - ° f the asrama,
asknowledged by every f n S t S ? Ä % T ! n"8*0*7 ° f t h e se ttlement was
but muted as a l l conflict H r t in + L £
^
^ T h e y W e r e commonplace
5
enviro
^ e n t . The interesting
f^
aspect of these Quarrels L ^ L î \ t
cleavages even though informants s a S ^ 7 ^ ° ° *
Place
acr
° S S PC"*ie1
ideological nature." O b v W y t h S e HTf V"* l^
"
^ ° f P<*"ical or
6 been Similar
Proximate
causes of conflict within noMt'io«i
at least they were S U S S E S S ï ï S ï ï f ' ï £ h £ V " * " " ^ °*
political conflict was expressed^hro'ugh these S £ £ ^ ™ e 0 B B m l t y '
c
r
f i r s T t h r S L I l 0 S ^ S S . 2*5,2 g i 5 à £
— o n . What
Ketthf^^
X e evant
- °uce the political groûpf ^
ings exist they affect local fantÎt
th Ugh t h e S e
CllqUeS
°
***5.
'
^
y have existed prevLusS t w take
&
^ " " ^ S " T h e q u e s t i o » i - not
one of causation, but S
of L t e r L ? ?
deVelo
P-»t
of political groups we must fLst under Snd t e ° S - " ? ^
t h S
f r a c t i o n between the
personal local factions and new M f e
outside. The production of ?hTs J n t e r a ^ « S
?^° n E n d i d e o l ° g y ^om the
original faction, nor the t h ^ e t S a l ^ i r t S e ^ n f o 1 ? 0 ^ " * "*** * »
mg. Depending on the circumstances
IZ InL
^ ^
^ groupother. Political groups in the I r^ma w e r f n o t l C w S f " V * » t h e
were not only groups following nn« 71~A I
simply cliques because they
f ° r P r o t ^ t i o n and material
welfare.17 NeSher were they hïïhlv +
whose members are motived Ld guided bv
^
ide
° l 0 g i c a l organizations
gated by the leadership. 1§ Th „ f ^ d b y fure and practical ideology promulclique form, but they were not u S S ï ï + î ï t
?***** t e n d e d t o w a r d the former
Struc
t u r a l and ideological
*
forces from outside political g r o u p s
^ ^
^
^
überall S L t d ^ î e T p S o ^ LT^ ^
the case of the asrama politics ver e e l r e ^ T + T P ° l i t i c a l history.19 l n
each political party vhich attemnt^ * X p r e s s e d through the labor unions from
f r a l l r ° a d vork-s.20 H i s _
toricaliy, the labo? Svement Ä d o S W
one proletarianized sector of the «™
? b e e n m 0 S t successful in this
from 1955 to 1963 or 196? the L i " IT*'
^ 1 9 5 ° t 0 1 9 6 5 a n d especially
W M t h S SBKA (
Kareta Api - Union of Railroad Worked ^
§2£*at Buruh
^
Or^anisSl Buruh Seluruh Indonesia
In' T J T ^ °f S°BSI
(
^ ^
a I
_ -Indonesia - All Indonesia Federation of Labor
197
Organizations) vhich vas the labor arm of th P VTCT n men
the other main protagonist vas PBKA^ersertLtS'Bur^K 9 + *a * ^ r g a _
ganization of Railroad Workers), a m e m b e r c T ^ T ^ t ^ ^ ^ " °
All 1 1
I ?
(Sentral Organisasi
Karyavan Suluruh Indonesia
l a e d e r a t i 0 n o f
^ P ^ e e Organi^ f e n T F T - ^ î c T v ^ T s S t ü a t7l a^f ^f l l ^
/
+
l a t e d
Socialist Parîv) Ind f?+4Y
with the PSI (Indonesian
The SBM vas founded in March 1916; but since the Dutch were in
ÏÏÏT
heC °B» « f J f a r t a / r - **» " - <* the First PoÎiceTticn in
J-y^f, the S bBKA did not exist in the repair yard in Jakar-t«
rav„
when I asked them.
It vas simply a natural event vhich came from above.
education of its party and mass organization membership. This educational
iÎ
f,
program could have reached vorkers in the repair yard 23
Kahin regarding the influence of the PKI on ^ S ^ l L ^ S i ^
" ^
According to Kahin» analysis, by mid-1951 almost the
entire membership of SOBSI looked to PKI for leadership, vhile most of the member unions vere PKI
dominated, and the remainder, PKI influenced.21*
because 2
&
£
g
1
Sentil g" " T "
*
5
yard t 0 S
^
P
£ ~
g ^ f f i
thTp^sed £
g g S S
r e a d cam a
P ign Promises for the 1955 genera
election 25 All meetings of the union became dominated by PKI party memoers
who spread campaign propaganda. According to Sumitro and others the PKT
f0r thOSe W h WOUld VOte
a
0 iS
^ Heinstayed
the elecr not
r 3 join
tio
tion.: 1ak
Pak Sumif
SumitroTdid
another °group right S
away.
e f0r aUni0n that VaS
""°t dominaSd by a political
l i r Vait
"
par1va» Others
party
m+ the kampung were not so inclined. At the time of the
(PNT) TlX°Vhxe
tBKAh a d a b O U t 8 0 % ° ft h eV °^s a s members. The S S
(PNI) controlled about 1 5 % while the other five percent were shared bTthe
Sarbumusi from the NU and the few other unions in the asrSa.26
* °
During the late fifties the asrama was politically stable i e the
unions' membership did not fluctuate to any great extent. The ma ority of
I Ä 7 W i t h i n T S B K A a n d V O t e d f O T t h e P K Ii n the e l e c t i o n ^ 1 9 5 '
and 1957. Within the asrama itself those who held positions of authority
198
a
union
^
L™!
°2g
TeZlZZoTlhTl f ^
?» ^
°f t b e ^ a
S d 6S
™
"0t
°
necessarily mean S a t somehow the^BKA had ' e v V ^ ^ ^ ^
ical control vithin the r l
? had developed a netvork of active politR
fact that a majority of îesïïents belo™ Î
W
^ ' ^ C O n 8 e * u e ^ of the
long-time residents who also beïonïS
torh.°
" ^ " * thUS elSCted °ther
Uni0n
' J t w a s n o t a matter of
Ï
conflict, infighting and/or „fîîîf
8 t0
lltlc
because/at this t £ there
f"
^
*?
*l ^ t r o l of the community
those who vere to £ £ l Ster Ó S Ï Ï r ï " °? S n l g n i f i c a n t opposition. Like Sumitro,
lorm later opposition simply vithdrev temporarily.
asramfmore s'ronggf°'fc 1 9 6 ^ h T * S ° U t 8 l d e b e g & n t 0 p e n e t r a t e the
S
the
factions. During 1957 Lt q „ ' , "
P°P ulati °n into tvo main opposing
?
beg nln
the PSI. He voted for thet Ï S T i S î
^
« t o c o m e ^ e r the influence of
beCaUBe they Were
beginning to offer him ' W a l alvtce»
I n ^ f ^Vî™
^27 " ^ ? * £ = « * a Sma11
Islamic party, because they w Ö i i for
rellglon
organized what he called a nJL'!
• 7 ^ 19Ö2, Pak Sumitro
^
the aSrama
t h e PBKA
0
other people joined him Thf
"
'
'
uly seven
to the'llS anä thfIndonesian ZTrZZ^i^L^T
W&S f
T * "* ~
S0KSI
r m e d as a
government
°
f
system of labor federation by ^Zl^rT.L
Their aim was to supplant the ^ w i
government enterprises,
* ? COntrolle*
federation. SOKSI unions Tere f or af 1 T T ° f *** COmmunis t-dominated SOBS?
lncludin
S Bremen and white
collar workers. Those in the h i ^ W
Ft**P'
underlings with t h e m " ^ t \ f f ^ a l h e ^ î " ^ ^ ^ " " * b r l n g i n g t h e i r
the situation was reversed. Administration
of the railroad yard was firmly in ^
union. Thus Sumitro vas « S Ï Ï e ^ ï î
T
° f P e ° P l e W h ° su PP°^ed the SOBSI
PSI, later by members of t l T Z T t t / ^ l l ^ T ^ '
^
* " " * « " °fthe
from vhich to veaken the SBKA, a sSsi u S o n !
^ ""
" » * « * * * a beachhead
By t h S end
J u m p e f t o ' ^ ^ ^ f ^ t L ^ i n T £ * * " ? t0 ^
°f *** « * *
n
baSed
Wa
° tvo factors. The first vas
*
direct materia help TrZ the Ï r t
by administratorkah^hrrSro1ryar^s S e e i C °f nd WitY * * ? *
^ « « s
h new f
~ °und material
assistance, vhich filtered down Î ^ J ^ Î - , 7*
'
the union was able to of fer £ 2 p £ ï £ ^ t a r y and official government channels,
prospective members. The fact that cert*?
/ ° ° dM d C l ° t h l n g t 0 m e f f l b e ^ a ^
chanted with the SBKA and welcomed the new *
^ administrators became diseninfluence
°f a government
sponsored union, meant that Pak t L l t l o ^ L ^ T*™**
&
rom
I ^
P °tion. He had been
denied promotions and raises fromTn"! ti I t
saw him promoted, they oega^ £ ^ £ ^ , 2 ^ ? * , * " . ™i0n'
* « P«*l*
influence within the railroad yard 30 B v 1 Qfis » 2 ?
° f n e W U n i ° n h a d de^loped
7 1965
affiliated PBKA.
' 2 5 ° m o r e h & d joined the S0KSI-
As the SOKSI union began eating into th* q R ™
-u , ,
beca
endemic in the railroad yard and ^ S ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ' 0 0 0 ^ ^
^
Uni nS
The confl
1
raised the consciousness of some members if+£*
° "t
„ ?! S e n S e t h & t t h e y V e r e f o r c e d to
identify with the groups in whichtàef f
asked Pak Sumitro ft anyone ^ £ Z S S ^ S S ^ , '
. " W * 6 * ^
?
U n i n t 0 a n t h e r and back
again during this time, he replied that t M
°
°
come under tremendous pressure from both ÏÎÏ W & S ^ p o s s i b l e ' S ^ h a person vould
f?' ° n e S i d e V O U l d f e a r h i m a s a
spy from the other organization vhiîfïh
or as a counterspy. On the other h ^ d * 5 ! ° t h e r V ° U l d S e e h i m eit her as a traitor
who did not become involved ^urther^ha' r ^ T ^ " ^ P 6 0 p l e ° n b o t h s i d e s
not unaffected by the conflict around S e f T Î ^ m b e r S h i P '
T h e S S Pe
°P le
vere
nuict around them, but they tried as much as possible
199
not to become active participants in it. One psychological mechanism used to
remain uninyolved was not to take the conflict seriously. One person described
the conflict to me as nothing more than "children fighting over tools in the
railroad yard.
It is not possible to determine how many people were actively
involved in the conflict, and hov many tried to stay avay from it. One thing
is clear: the activists' cadre leaders of both sides vere involved in the conflict
themselves and actively tried to convince their respective members to enter the
conflict existing in the railroad yard and asrama.
According to Pak Sumitro, he vas constantly under verbal and symbolic
attack by SBKA leaders and membership. At times, this turned into an actual
physical attack. As in the case of most political conflict vithin the country,
this local clash grev in scope and intensity through 196h and on into 1965.
Much of the intensity resulted from the enormous inflation in the city at this
time.«J
Given their fixed salary, railroad vorkers became heavily dependent
upon the material benefits provided by the unions in their competition vith one
another. In March of 196k, the tvo union groups faced one another in the yard
and exchanged verbal abuse. This did not lead to a physical clash. Later that
year Pak Sumitro vas arrested by the police. He had chosen a local movie theater
for a meeting of his union. The theater vas shoving an American covboy film. On
leaving the theater, his group vas yelled at and pelted vith rocks by SBKA members. Some in his group threv rocks back. The police arrested Pak Sumitro
while trying to prevent the fight from becoming uncontrollable. Symbolically
the association vith the American covboy film vas unfortunate because it fed
the fires of ideological conflict from the SBKA. Sosialis kanan (rightist
socialist) and imperialis Amerika (American imperialist) vere slogans often
hurled at Sumitro and his union. The association vith an American film did not
go unnoticed.
In September of I965 the stage vas being set for a confrontation, although
no one in the asrama knew it at the time.32 During this whole year, ideological
and physical conflict was increasing throughout the country. The asrama and the
railroad yard were no exceptions. Sumitro claimed that he almost had a direct
confrontation with the head of the SBKA in June of 1965. Sometime between June'
and September he was visited by a contingent from Pemuda Rakyat, the communist
youth group, which often held meetings in the asrama. They wanted to rough him
up and intimidate him (according to Sumitro), but because he possessed his rock
with mystical powers they neither caused him any harm nor did they even dare to
confront him openly. The twenty-ninth of September was the anniversary celebration of the national railroad, held at Senayan sports stadium. Many members of
the SBKA from the railroad yard came to that celebration with signs that demanded
banning the SOKSI union and vhich labelled Sumitro as a rightist socialist.
That meeting vas attended by Sukarno and carried vith it the ideological fervor
vhich vas his trademark and vhich helped the PKI, SOBSI, and SBKA play such an
important role under Guided Democracy. It vas to be their last chance for such
a public display. That night began the coup vhich led to the demise of Sukarno
and the destruction of the PKI and all its mass organizations.
"Things are much better nov since 1966." This is, of course, the opinion
of Pak Sumitro and his follovers. After the events of the so-called attempted
coup and its aftermath, the SBKA vas no longer a force to be reckoned vith.
Even though the ideas, loyalties and interests of its former members had not
changed, they had been suppressed by fear and threat of coercion. The PBKA remained. Sumitro and his group took over the community varehouse vhich held the
200
b V ^ e ' s B ^ l o T ^ h / o o t h e . ^ e n i e n t s used for funerals. These had been purchased
by the SBKA for the community vhen the communist union vas at the height of i t s
pover and influence. Sumitro's union vas the only group in the asrama vith the
make S Ch a move i n
those unsure times. This confidence stemmed
frofth n C e +
n ^
" * " * m i l i t - y , as wellas fromSumitro's
personal S s S c a ï t e l i e f f V ^ ? ^
personal mystical beliefs. Meanvhile, activists in the SBKA vere either arrested
by the military or fled the asrama. Rank and file members took no d e c i s i e action
one vay or another. They simply vaited, and one imagines that they Z i l l l i l f e Z
* n *??
nr
ea
^ly
P a r t
o f 1Q66
> Sumitro was appointed asrama chief by the head
head
^ activist,
*** b e e n a S B K A —
He had llT.lJeTtä
^ ^T* ^ h e l ^
d b yt h e m i l i t
a r y who would eventually
"send hïm to Buru ( a
f ^ f ***
send him to Buru a penal colony for communists) where he belonged," as Pak
hr^come^oo llr'e
\ <*?*» Î 9 * 7 ' ?» ^
S S p l i t
1967
bee
^^
int
"
i na k e l
t h r e e
-aha» ™
°
Curahan. This pro» " ™
vided the onnorton??; + ' ?
S r s t i t vas £ S £ ! î to restructure the system of local government in the asrama.
Before the for^af f
^ e c t l y into the c i t y ' s administrative structure,
° f a u t h ° r i t y ended at the administration of the repair
yard with ollTler^T
now the asrama had formali
'T
b
f
Wee
"
t h e head
°f t h e asrama
and
the lurah;
asrala wasTvided fnïTJ V'** f " " ^ 1 U r a h ' S ° f f i C e ' T h i s m e a n t that the
P ™ n SBM R W S S
' S - B e C a U S e ° f t h e h i s t o r v o f involvement with the
RT heads
SecL
^ r e appointed by the lurah rather than elected by the
B u r i n a s time
i n s t ^ ^1t 0
th
°Se
Wh
3 Were
°
h a db e 8 n h e a d
Sent
° ft ht ha te i ar l R - T « ' s
w
t 0t h e aSrama
^ e replaced.
l but five R.T
"
W s should be ; P
T
heads should be replaced because they had been members of the SBKA union
Their
replacements were appointed by the head of the R.W. They were not Seeded bv
t h e i r reSpeCtiVe R T S
- -' > * * * had been (and s t i f l ' i s j the legal
p r o " "
bv t h o s e ° I w f h° ^ S u m i t r o he was given full authority (wewenang yang penuh )
IKTTIZ
Ï
S"1" ° b l e a n U P h i S S e c t i o n o f the asrama and bring the remaining
" C ° n t r 0 1 - I n h l S f i r S t S p e e c h *° h i s n e w constituents he t o l T
them:
If you do not want to follow this government Ci.e his
government and the new army-influenced and-staffed'national
administration:, then you can just go live in the jungle
with the monkeys or move to the ocean and cooperate with
the fish, but you cannot live here and expect to be a part
*
of this community.-5P
He made i t very clear whose side he was on and that he would tolerate no sus
picious activities from the residents of h i . R u uha+ I *Aoj.era.te no sus-
««4.-,-
5
o£
'
t h e
^"iucin,i) oi n i s H.w.
gemment did not only ban the SBKA.
5
tooTZZTTt~ T:r
d
l'?
f'
railr0ad
What he did want was nnqitiv»
It required that there be only
^ k e r s V Sumitro was appointed^
to organize i t . As he explained i t to me, this was not an easy task.
Workers
b e aSSOCiated
SïfïSSTcSS
he f
S r meeting,nobody
'T 6 a f r a i d t 0came.
nen bumitro called t
the
first
The next™
time^heorganization,
spread the
201
the word that there would be free fnnrf Q B ™ ^ + 4.,
? ** &
sheep cooked in order to feed the neS members h ^ f ^ V ^ '
help from military officials who vorked in th"
T
* *"* ™B f O T C e d t 0 a s kf o r
team
1
""^.T
* ** & T"*1as Sumitro
to
vatch
communist
resurgence
togetherthey
t h e vapplied
called
itforTh-io
™„
together
coercion",
^U X ë e n c e
Q ++
S S
h
T10."- T h l S U n i 0 n i S l e d b y t h e h e a d °f the railroad y a r f Its
leadership structure is identical to that of the administrative structure of
"^h^rrtoe1!^;. s^itro
had t o b e
"
—
a
positi 0 rr c e h:Lan
T h „ P h k S u J i t r ° / e e ^ that his administration in the asrama has gone veil
s i ml„
There have been fev problems in the R.W. Not once vas he forced
tary authorities to enter the area of his jurisdiction in order to help hîm ™lth~~
a problem he could not handle. Inx 1969
Pak Sumitro i n i t i a t e
•
^u>> r a * bumitro initiated discussions vithin
the R T 'Q rm Q O^I-P u -,
.
ai^entP
^ ^
^ t 0 b U i l d & n e W P r & y e r h ° U S e i n the R.W. »Jot
one If
' "t C ° l l e c t e d R P' 350,000 and no one refused to
vork on'tne ^oïect°« Th
Ïteytrfs ^ ^
hal nft 0 Snge° S S ^ ^ f f j Ä T
Those who vere mos/positive
^
S
^
^
^
^
^
^
nected to Pak Sumitro and those vho had not been members of the
No one offered a negative evaluation of the situation, but this
given the circumstances. My impression of this small community
f * *
^
^
S
^
^
S B M before 1965
ifnot sur^isiis that ïhere
S L ^ m a l Î ™ o f " T v C a d e 0 f h a ™ 0 n y e V e r y 0 n e S t - g g l - t° -Intoin
P
° f P e 0 p l e l l V l n g l n t l g h t cramped quarters is not a community
of 1 T Î \ f
of cooperation, nor is it a non-community of alienated people vho simpïHïve
next to one another. Rather it is a community of conflicts vhich art ouiet W
Played out beneath the surface. This impression is reinforced by reports S o m
t 0C a
the
^ «* P
" tlT
,
S U ? " " " One studïnt^ f m^p r e S s *
*f «"**
^
n
the c
^ °
° ^ n i t y vas that everyone vas afraid
of^one'anotoer
ifÓ t
h SC O U l d r e p r t
active
member of
of the
the SBKA.
SBKA ^
T are^ vulnerable
T " ^to
°
^
active member
Most
such an attack.
as a f
°rmer
Political Dynamics. In the beginning of this paper I said that a local
history such as this could help to determine hov the social and political situaClaSS esid
secUo°n W i l l " S ^
/
- t s has changed over time. In this conceding
S SS S m e
that h&Ve taken
l a c e in
overtoe
tventvth r year
° period
^ - ^ under
^
^study.
this communia
over
the tventy-three
While thisP local history
is not
lt
P litiCS
doeS
C S
™
° f CThe
* historical
°
> **
^ t intthe
IsueTlltl
relet a l P Oal ^
issues vith relevance.in
vider ~context.
developments
asrama parallel post-independence history for Indonesia as a vhoL. The asrLa
offers an excellent illustration of hov the conflicts of elite politics during
L:ei e r i ;n:t 0 tranS t i t U t t 0 n a l , a n , d ***" D - 0 " * * * " transferred to t h e c a l
COnflict
vith but not Î T Î
™len5XlXed
on the local level vhich vas associated
t0
the C O n f l i C t abOVe
«T
II '- T h e el ^ination of the PKI from
Se ton LT
ln
0 1
ha
the asrama. The conflict has not been resolved,
f» » ?*
hovever * ^
a S SlmP y
SU
zaSon of U
T
P P r e s s e d *y the threat of coercion and stigmat zation of certain groups of people vithin the asrama.
202
BUSin6SS
6VentfUl
™ » ^
'
was thehepreSiLenatSthefm:"e P e o ^ IZlaTn^Z
S cornmu
ment and settled dovn to work an l i l
It
nity, made their adjustorganizational life. When the so cal led n f f & C C e p t e d the status quo of
no one really noticed. Certainly t t t t
t r o l l e d union became the SBKA
realize the political signifie See of s u c h T ^ " « V * t h e — a did not
to change from the top. Even Sumitro an avid T '
' T USUal f°r t h i n g s
accept the status quo
Thus durTnItI
7
anti-communist, vas content to
belonged to the SB£A because t W & t h A e a r l y 195°*s> a ^ o s t everyone simply
f
workers and superiors a l T bbelonged
e Î o n L rto
t f tthe
h " union.
* * **%!"*
^™*»*' ^ t h e i r
There vas l i t t l e conflict or
competition.
The year of the fivc-ihistory of the asrama. I t tolTnoi ^ T ^ '
^> m a r k S a watershed in the
poll ica
l leanings of the SBKA became
t
more obvious, at least to those w "L
It vas a time in vhich cLpetition ÙÎ
? ' ° P a y Mention to politics,
level vas forced by the election to
T P ° l l t i c a l P ^ i e s on the national
non elites
Political parties
could no longer be mere p a r ? w Î
I
- '
parliamentary position vLTeTeToHl £ U£p poo T
r*"*. ^ t 0 ^
^ their
r '
membership into active votes t
n *
t' ^ order to transform a passive
promises
through the SBKA
union to the residents of the asrama
™*"
^
group competition vithin t
a LTiha
„ T V ^ beginning of a period of
'V965* * V M
destructive to the harmony o f ^ u n i t y l ï f l but'a? Î?**
the alternatives of competing patronage ^
^
S 5 A Ï "
° ^
p e t i t i o n . By
this S e A r f ^ e m e S e d ^ i t ^ à ^ T ^
°f ^
m U i t a r y a n d t h e P S I
PBKA union developed r e s t é e s
f'
T ***
' *«
t
d M d
f f
<*°tning,
as. veil as influence in tn^ railroad yard T Sft W"e 6 n t£h *e "
°
°
°
t w o
there vas an opportunity for h e S w f
competing unions
* r e s i d * » t s at a
time vhen inflation vas r e S e r S " h e î r ' L T ^ k ^ ^
USeleSS
of 1955 and 1957, coupled vîtn ?Se e ^ n a s ^ ^ n I t
\°.
- The étions
during Guided Democracy, gave t e a s e l ?
? demonstrations of popular support
f e r i a l benefits. P e o P l f ^ e ta^en^arfofbv'th I™™** t 0 S X C h a n g e f ° "
t 0 preVent
joining another union that might give thel ° ÙÏ+
/ ^
their
A t t h S Same tla
community life vas strained. WhiS ovÎrt conflf T
l'
».
pair yard itself, or outside the asrZa n »
I
"** h a V e o c c u ^ e d in the reof a harmonious neighborhood vas mllTaiZT
/ , ** ^ W h ° l e ' t h e s a n c t i t y
t h
*S
* a S r a m a ' T h is did not prevent
factionalization, hovever. Thus n
ds of
gotong-royong activities, and personal i L ° . ten could not organize L
faction lines.
Personal animosities usually came out across
The competition ended in 196s anri +ho <=
&
CBme
more
harmonious. But
it is a harmony imposed from above and IT I
thr Ugh C erci n a n d
threats
of coercion. Sumitro is nov the main link h T ^
°
°
°
outside. Post-1965 developments in national
f f t h e a S r & m a c ° ™ i t y and the
X politi
a very strong position, but one vith liTtT
*?
c s have given him
BeCause o f
the area and the history of pro-PKI act
the
special nature of
+
not vant communist ideology and/or nZl
I' °lt7 & n d national governments do
course, for tvo reasons: his p e r s o n a T ? ^ 1 0 " t 0 r e e m e r ë e - Sumitro agrees, of
that his position of authority Is £ K f e + ° l 0 g y a n d experience, and the fact
So, by strongly pursuing an anti-coSuni R T T ^
^
^ ° f t h e P K I «*»".
P
C y h S maint
the local community. At the same S
f
°^
ains his position in
government and the railroad administratif tï, / t a S S u r a n c e to those above him in
mstration that he is doing a good job and that
203
the community is no longer deviant and should therefore share in development.
If development projects were started in the asrama, this would further enhance
Sumitro s local position by giving him control oyer increased material resources
as well as allowing him to take credit for an increased standard of living for
the community as a whole.
So Sumitro pursues his anti-communism with a passion and intensity of
unusual proportions. His definition of communist activity is very loose. It
corresponds most closely to a general concept of trouble of any kind. If there
is any opposition to his policies, or government policies, he investigates
very carefully whether that opposition might reflect dangerous political attitudes rather than personal concerns. For instance, he understands very well
that occupants of illegal houses in his R.W. are very upset with the plans for
tearing down those houses to widen the road. However, he says that he would
be suspicious of anyone who constantly complained or tried to organize fellowcomplainers. This might reflect concerns which are based on political party
affiliation and are therefore subversive.
To keep close watch on the situation in the local community, Sumitro
relies on formal and informal methods. People active in PKI union activities
before 1965 who still live in the asrama must report to Sumitro once a week
as well as undergo religious instruction. Sumitro does not stop here, however.
He visits many of these individuals frequently to "keep an eye on them". In
fact, he is constantly walking around the neighborhood visiting, gossiping,
and keeping his finger on the local pulse. To make sure that his f^ow of
information is complete, he has built a system of informers. Even though many
R.T. heads are hand-picked by Sumitro, he has also designated a secret informer
m each R.T. so that he can double check the R.T. heads' activities as well as
those of the rest of the residents. This system of informers is not common
knowledge according to Sumitro, but it is apparent that most people realize
their R.W. head is extremely interested in knowing what goes on in the asrama.
Sumitro has developed a reputation of being able to stop trouble before it
begins. This very reputation has probably alerted most people to his ability
to know what is going on. jö This negative threatening function is the basis
of Sumitro's power, but he is engaged in trying to turn that power into authority
by increasing his material resources to help clients. Still much of the help
he is able to offer so far is protection from government coercion. This is
really nothing more than protection from Sumitro himself.
Sumitro's position mediates between the asrama and the outside. He is in
a stronger position than most R.W. heads because he is mediating with two
powerful and potentially enriching forces for the area residents and himself:
the city administration through the office of the lurah, and the railroad yard
through the office of the head of the yard's administration. The city administration controls public works and local improvement projects. It determines
which local area will get funds and/or materials to improve roads, footpaths,
drainage gutters, walls, public toilets and baths. These kinds of projects
can be extremely advantageous to the majority of the local residents, although
they may also bring disadvantages to some. For instance, the road widening
project planned for the muddy area on one edge of the asrama will improve
access from the outside, but some people will lose their houses as a result.
Obviously there are certain city-wide imperatives which help to determine the
recipient neighborhoods and the nature of the aid39 but within the limits of
these imperatives the local head of the R.W. has discretion and influence.
20^
1UrUh S
iha 1
I V
° f f i c e k n e W w h a t PöbtiÄtha needed widcninr and
wha. parts of the asrama most needed improvements. I specifically asked if
they sent someone from the lurah's office. "No," he said »I ten ttZ
» A
reforTfromlum £
b ^ d ^ ^ " ' , ^
"
r
*
A
^
" ^ ^ ' i
SOme one s
. J° b - A favorable
n
& re
a t i v e at a time vhen
reaction might result
in a better iob or « ^ ?
};
find.'o There is Ils« S
* » * is difficult to
there is a vacancy
A.
T ™ ° f W h ° ^ m 0 V e i n t ° t h e b e t t e r h o u s i "g ^ n
6
w h o Ü this decision H I ^ 0 ^ ° * ? * * ? " ° f t h e r a l l r ° a d -thorities
railroad yard and hJ!
? 1
Piously on good terms with the head of the
t0ld
^ **** 5 h e y W e r e V ^ p l e a s e d ^ b
ïhé j o h
d done i n c Th eh e
T
W a S 'g l V^e n
^ b o r i t y to "clean things up" in the
asrama.
"
M
influeLe^^ill^^So't'ries'to 1 6 5 V *
^
" ^ S C ° P S f ° r * * * and
b e S t &S h e Can
' °ne problem is
that most people inTne asrlma h«v * "
^ "
local officials
TheJ do not I S T
^
^ ^ ^ i o n s about the actions of
ist
red tape at the neighborhood (if T ) *S J T
!V ^
^tive costs" for
begins with paid garmenofficial T \
T T^f**^
leVelS
'
Real
eruption
n0t W l t h l0Cal
functionaries who are
subject to a certaiTamounÎ nfi"
i 'f
S
° Sumitr° cannot
charge a lot of money^o ref.tl,
T ^ 1 C°ntTOjre idents or
certify an old resident who
*
wished to move, nor can he n l , I " ^
&
Wh
° C ° m e S t0 him for a
^
^ ^
letter as the second of TfZlttT^
permission
e S S
P
*° b - y a dead
t° * *
family member.^ T c e r t a i f ^ t o ? T
dlSCretl0n exists
i" situations where
issues are not clear-cut" For W f
of registration might try t L
. ^ S ° m e ° n e ^ is n0t e n t i t l e d to a l e t t e r
SUpport and
influence
for such a letter
Tn t h i s ° Z , / ° '
°T °ffeT
SeVerely limited
stray from the gguideline
set
^
'
??'
^
^
' H e c a ™°t
U l d e l l n e s set
^ authorities above him without endangering his
own position
it A ^ S ^ ^ Ä T ^ I ^ Ä s: to^iie^' 3 rnger
evidence, because Sumitro never admit t Id to rre t
d.farama a n d a t e c h n i c a l
^ e t h e r from fragmentary
nnp^tiiro
AT T
H
F
asrama residents who held positions of similar rank t h L T
l i v e in the asrama. They have been c l a s s i f i e d In the f
^
*WM
" ed ° f n ° l 0 tn hß ee r
penal colony on the island of Buru
ü n Ä M
Î?
T**
***
ln the asrama w
family. This i s probably due to h ^ w £ 8 Ï
*
^ h his
but he i s
government surveillance. He cannot get a l e t t ^ c l e a^r i n h i m o f
» t i l l under
involvement, and, therefore cannot ïll
^
S
communist
power to influence i s limited T a s k e d o" 8
-T?ï'
° b v i o u s 1 ^ Sumitro's
T 5ldent
Vhy
had not been
willing to help his brother L e
He L
*
°
at ntl
seemed too willing or anxious t o ' h ? * ^ y
explained to me that i f Sumitro
compromised. He too might be i ï f f i f ^ ° t h e r M s ° Wn P o s i ^ ° n Might be
reason why SUm^o % £ £ ^ J ^ î / ™ ^
c ^ e ^ i ^
«f
C ntr 1S
Thi
guard n that e ^ Î ^ ^ S T O ^
° °
^ ^ '
^ * the local home
a S r a m a &t n i g h t t 0 m a i n
^ i " security.
Hansip men are appointed b v s l ? ,
Generally, each R T head mav^n
f ' ^ r e G O f f l m e n d a t i o n of the R.T. heads,
the rounds each night £ r o t a t x ^ Ï o \ ? î ""ï*
'° HanSiP' F°Ur Watchmen make
six times a month." Îh pay ^ not hi^h
T l — ^ ° ' ^ ^ m U S t WOTk a b O U t
^ y i s not high. Each person receives an honorarium
205
°LRP:
S
50
IT
eaCh
lLr Slu:nlert
night
WOrked
Durin
-
grat Ul reSiàentS
r
-
S rounds they also receive free coffee
-
While RP 3
Hansi
A1S
a
^
'm e°°
m b s b
S not a lot of
- e some status and
P
°'
prestige
^
" ^ T '
prestige. Jobs m Hansip are attractive for these reasons esnecialiv tn +v™
younger unemployed or partially employed residents of the asrama!
*
*
t h ^ S r i t r 0 h?S
a
USed t h e S e a S p e c t S
S 0 n e Way
în°tV
S s position
poBiSon in
the asrama.
bis
°f
Hansi
P
to his
deVelOP al 0 y a l
°™ advantage.
perSOnal
He sees
foll
- i n g to support
T°
In fact, his use of resources connected
with the
P e rati
may
g a l bOUndS
R T
di:i\^lit
r o andr,have
°influence
T S t e P l ewith
e S H hchalleneed
fobviously
- Two office
- ' h have
dislike Sumitro
the lurah's
Stro0
oT
an R'T
an R.T
" i S d i S t O T t e d a n d inflated S that"
is inSfactUdSet' * * * ^
8 SOme H a n S i P P e r S n n e l m o r e t h a n
^ y ^ s e r v e . Further°
h h /
„ S
P
h e ^ l f
' 'l" S e C O n d i n C O m m a n d u n d e r Sumitro, i s the son of
head who i s a very close associate of Sumitro. Sumitro i s also constants
One daw JT "%'S° ^ T *
MS aMlity
t0
^ t r i b u t e rewards through Hans"
One day I brought m some American officials who were interested in visitin« an'
(th?ou«fme) g if f f " S h ? f n g t h e m a r O U n d ' S u m i t r ° M e d i a t e l y asked them g
I through me) if they could arrange some daytime jobs through their contacts with
t r ^ v ^ ^ d^-^rrthat these jobs wouid **z
^BIT^IV
who could then work during the day and could make security rounds at night.
The eÏÏminat3-nnyo?e W a n t f . t 0 g a i n Personal advantage, he must work with Sumitro.
ihe elimination of competing unions has cut down on the possibilities for
1
- i L iLders
^1^0^f 0 r r e S i d e n t S ' B e f ° - ^
211Tl^TfoTj:
Ï I 1 ° ?n T m b f r S t 0 i n c r e a s e t h e Power and influence of their group.
t nn
" I " " 6 ' b e C a U S e t h e S e g r O U p S n e e d e d clie nts for support 7n
L
al
Poetical arena. Now it is a buyer's market because the only
p f
acceptable patron must be sanctioned by the present regime. With government
Zere
IZZ'
Sainst
against
d
° ft h e R ' W -' S u m ? t - has a w f d l ^ p f of
T T f 1r 0Sm i-nhCirSe aP S0 eSdi tbl 0 nh iasS h e asiti
^
H
P°
°n as watchdog against a communist resurVe
m implied threat Vhich
eS Ce
P
Prevents competition
Ï?
hi* 7 !" ^
him. He also has limited opportunities to sell protection. In 1972
iTrT^TelilTltflTo th°find a Tto increase
his resources so that
Äi
oner material help to the community,
or a least a part of it. Only in this
residents al ^
^ i F ™ "*» m ° r e a c c e p t a b l e authority. MeanwhiL^
residents are m a position of greater dependence upon local officials who lack
n t a l reSOUrCeS t 0 f U 1
and
W of is
B^cau
eeof
o?ethe
thr:ir e r Tof
their
needlelse to
Because
elimination
political competition,"there
nowhere
TO
>
TO
O
>
o
-<
>
w
O
^oiûLH9use
—-—— — -
Pub
''<: Wells
Official Houses for foremen
J J Public Toilets
U
Illegal houses scheduled to be torn down
Residence of HT. Chair
3 "le9a,h0U5es-
P'ons for destruction
Dormitory units
^ ^ ^ n T h ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ n - P l e m e n t s
for
j
206
Notes
The material for this study was c o l W + * ,
Jakarta
*«
a research project on the Jolitics of the f
^
g r U p in t h e
,^ °
city. For this reason, the orientation I
or economic. A more detailed discussion o f ^ h - ^ 1 ***** t h a n s o c ^
h e1 S S U e s
will appear in Dennis Cohen The p i
V
Presented here
" f ^ ^ ^ ^ î ^ s l ^ ' A
°* -e sa,e
title in à
^
i0n
scôn s in^ Z ,
^
l
£
?
*
^
De
^
^ t m ^t of-Pwfei^
™
-
,,
A Ï Ï ^ X - ^ ^ ^ ^ " , « » « -r the asrama are
fxgure can be supported ^ ^ S ^ ^ f T * * ^ T h i s Particular
map
Only a few people who are not raïlro«f 8
°f t h e asramae n 0 t ra
housing.
ilroad personnel live in the official
3.
k.
PKI, Partai Kommunis Indonesia th. T A
naonesia, the Indonesian Communist Party.
,
There are two administrative units in +L i
to as kampung. The lowest is B n e 1
neighborhoods referred
borhood association. Each consist IT 7 ^ R ' T *' W h i c h i s a neight W 6 n t y houseb
olds in a
block, or some other logical contÎLon,
116
- T h e y a r e a d m i nistered by citizens elected or a p ^ r T d / ™ ^ The head of an R.T. is basicaïïy a f u t * ^ ^
^ t h e ass°ciation.
of the hierarchical structure o? t h e ^ ^ f ï 8 l t ? & t t h e b o t t o m
on instructions to his fellow neighbors t h a f l n i S t ? t i 0 n - H e p a s s e s
administration. He also helps
1
V ™ ' d ° T O throuSh the
by handling the registration^ new residentfi ^ f ' 0 " 8 a " d l a V S
lnt
certification of old residents 1
° t h e R ' T - and
t î
responsible for organizing^Sork ppartie
?JT
artle
for making sure that his R T
"° &n6W »«•
^ «
s for his area specifically and
^
Each resident who h a s l e t s n e L ^ w i T t h l *° ***" " * * *
must go first to the head of his R J .
government administration
From fifteen to twentv R T »O
B.W. These unfits r
Ü t h e ^ v ^ T ^ ^ 0 ^
^ ^-Warga,
local functionary and government bv ^ ? ^ b e t W e e n S ^ ^ T o y
They link the local neighborhood S P
Professional administrate?,
tion through the office o" tie ^
f ? L t T V * clty ^ ^ a T~^m T h e h e a d o f a " R.W. is usually
chosen by the heads of the B
the boundaries of the R W unit
£
^
^ t h e P0Pnlation within
C h l c e l sa
^ P e °f person
^ ^ °
who can relate well with higher ' J
1 3
SinCe he
1
fill that pivotal role! H ^ L e T i n T ' V ^ ^
™*
t 0 t h e h e a d so f
the neighborhood associations in hi s
^
them on to the city administration
He'i "* ^
^ i n f o ™ a t i o n from
COOrdinat
Î
e s activities
such as work crews for his whole ^
207
presence of a «pon-j
~ « * P —
ta k i n g „ o t e E
ofte„ i n o r e a s e d M s
nervous_
For some comments on tv, J
oral history SPf> T o • advan tages and disadvantages of th.-c v
8,
,
On problems of -j
9.
^ S £ » : h : Ä - JT*1*- S*SSJ s :
11
12
These are labels o-p +1,
*?• t » °PP03ing
..1.8.. P, i B a r y natc.-.aagaage
iabor
derations.
^
School for native
SÜSS-*
See
page .
196_107
^
' ^ ^ ' J l P « W 5 V ä s ^ ^ 0nI_ity Press,
pT;ion o f
£emuda culture.
m w »,
The Madiun rebellion
eoeiiion is covered by Kahin, H£op cit
*
onn
ic >„,.
' -' ££!•» PP. 290-303.
1?. Golkar is the political
ili
1%.
16.
Examples of different D „
stratagems and SnoTTT QTT~ ,
S Ä ^ B Ä ^ f f 1 9 S T t ^
17
For a description of eliauM o
ration,
18
19.
' w * Y - 5 1968; and F r B.,-I
BOOkS
- " • . ^59,nadn''2^|^2iS£n;
P r e n t l c e Hall>
J.j^£
For a discussion of pure vs
ë ^ ^ v _ a n A ^ r £ a n i z | t i o n *' ^
^ 7 ^ 9 6 7 ^ 1 ^ ^ ^
^ J ^ ^ C t l
?
Basic h i s t o r i e s of t h i s period a r e :
a l
p
— m
nL
ideology, see F. Schurman
University o f ^ S f o r n i a
208
P^es:f;tha:I; 0 r^ Sffl 1952- ReVOllltinn ^
LonlsifirgSrSUT ^ ^
L^Ne^H:vLe,DSn^':S19067?Uided
^
^
C
— ü ^1-rsity
T) rnnr
" COrne11 University' Mode-
^
D
"
^
in
*• M ^ e y , Indonesia,
20.
E Hawkins "Labor in Transition", in McVey, op.. cit., gives a brief
history of the labor movement in Indonesia.
21.
Buruh, and Karyawan have the same dictionary definition, worker, but
buruh connotes worker in a militant class-interested sense, while
karyawan is more conservative. Since 1965, the term buruh can no
longer be used. All workers are referred to as karyawan, which stresses
the functions and interdependence of workers in society rather than
their class solidarity.
22.
Ibid., pp. 268-270, and
D. Hindley The Communist Party of Indonesia 1951-lQfo. University of
California Press, 1964, pp. 132-159.
23.
Hindley, op_. cit., pp. 73-80.
2k.
Ibid., p. 13I*.
25
° V £ f 1 ? 5 5 e l ecti ons, see Feith, op_. cit., pp. 3^6-366, and pp. h2k-k?I
The Indonesian Elections of 1QSS. Cornell University Modern Indo- '
nesia Project, Interim Report Series, 1952.
'
and
26.
Compared to city-wide figures this is heavily in favor of the PKI
See Lev, op_. cit. , p. 90.
27.
While Feith says that the 1955 elections caused considerable conflict
in urban areas, here is one example of how the election process itself
did not increase conflict. The 1957 election symbolized the beginning
of a relationship which did eventually result in extreme conflict, bu?
only under the heightened ideological and practical competition of the
later period of guided democracy. Feith, The Decline.... p. 361.
28.
The PBKA had existed before this time in the railroad system in general
but as far as I could determine it did not have a branch in the yard
until this time.
29.
Hawkins, op_. cit. , p. 269.
30.
The account of shifting loyalties in higher administrative positions
was given by workers in the asrama. I was unable to confirm this with
existing administrative personnel now in the railroad yard
At least
some workers interpreted Sumitro's promotion in this light' however '
other interpretations are possible. It might not have been politically
motivated, but rather based on merit—although this is doubtful given
209
31
Îo'yaltïef b u ^ s ^ l " " " T ' " A d m i n i ^ a t o r s may not have shifted
exerted on behalf
or Sumitro IThhil sS li sf tt hh e^m^o st t 6 ? *? ° U * S i d e p r e —
*
logical alternative explanaticL o n .
' ^-^rs^x^rr^r'
32
- wit„
,,,n Tnf1 cornen oniT
-
^
*»_*»? hi ^er levels of government
ÏÏ^jr-î!.^-
33.
3k,
îree but not involved enough to be brought to trial.
35
-'LtLv^in'sep^Xr ^
V
* ^ S a i d V h i C h h e t 0 l d *° - *
no certainty that t h ! f ' ? 'S e v e r a i ^ a r s later. So, there is
-
that he h^taän T
36
^
^
^
^
^
«»**-
? i n C l U d e d Sp -taneous help as
^ S Ä ^ ^ i f 1 * " * ^ rk
C ia
J."* 1 6 8 ' S e e Koentjaraningrat, Some SocialAnthropologie,
Oh.Li , i!°
l y - r P f §ggfe° b servat^ons on Gotong Rojong Practices in Two ~
ges
Central Java, .orneii U. Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca, New York l 9 6l
'
37
IKKA
Ika a
t n Karyawan Kereta ftgj, Railway Employees- Union.
38
whether other llo^l
f " * f6'"6" t h e r e r e a l l y w e r e -formants or
e
I ha
P
* to take Sumitro s
*?%"**'
wofd f L l t as I cou id neot°t ^
h e SPY S y S t e m v i t h o u t
breaking
confidence with him
He t n i f
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sing how he k n L l h a t S ^ . ^ T ^ S ^
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pp. 5-7.
to.
lm
Provement, see Perbaikan Perkampungan, (DCI, 1971),
wo^kï^^ifiirp'arTo'rf7
VaS n0t
-
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It also helped S c u t down UTor^foT
like most government a g g i e s hid be o
beC me
by technocratic criteria
°
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? " £ "** ft"Mr P ° ~ * "
*?* r a i l r o a d ^ a r d vh-ich
gr SSly
°
overstaffed, at least
^ £ ? % E S V £ $ ! r e s i d e n t a11 day anarasts« ^
j
* ^.ssftu^rs: s s = £ - tiled
tried to bring up the Q , , W „ 7 I Ïthat this raSgnoUtP TsuTeTrolTsZtll-J.
of his brother.
Drother. Whenever
Whenever I
I
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1
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Conference on Modern Indonesian History
Program
Budget Statement
Participants
CONFERENCE ON MODERN INDONESIAN HISTORY
Madison, Wisconsin
July 18-19, J975
Program
Thursday. July 17
6:00 p.m.
Registration
Informal gathering, movies on
Indonesia
,ndonesia
12 Lanqdon St
wisma
Friday, July 18
8:00 a.m.
Continental breakfast
Lowell Hall
610 Langdon St.
9:00 a.m.
Selamat datang address
Toenggoel Siagian
U.W.
9:05 a.m.
The Revolution and Its History
Lowell Hall
Dutch Reactions to the Indonesian
Revolution
S.L. van der Wal, Utrecht
12:00 p.m.
2:00 p.m.
Lunch
Aspects of Regional History in
the Nineteenth Century
Ketua: John Smail, U.W.
Wisma
Lowell Hall
The Making of a Schakel Society:
The Minangkabau Region in the
Late Nineteenth Century
Taufik Abdullah, LEKNAS
3:15 p.m.
Refreshments
Kraton Ambon: Myth and History at
the End of the Nineteenth Century
Anthony Day, Cornell
The Acehnese-Dutch War and Its Effect
on the Acehnese People: Their Land,
Customs and Institutions
Charles R. Beamer, Col. U.S. Army, Retired
7:00 p.m.
Dinner
Speaker:
r
John S m a i l , U.W.
t
,.
723 sléte S t ! "
Saturday. July lg
8:00 a.m.
Continental breakfast
9:00 a.m.
New Looks at Oude Indie'
Ketua: Robert Van N i el, Hawaii
Lowel1
Ha]]
Government Policy and Civil
Administration in Java During
the Early Years of the Culture
System
Robert Van Niel, Hawai i
Batavia in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries
Jean Taylor, U.W.
Freemasonry in Indonesia:
Paul van der Veur, Ohio
I762-I96I
Opium Farms in Colonial Java
An Introduction
James Rush, Yale
12:30 p.m.
2:00 p.m.
Lunch
W i sma
Oral History and the Contemporary
Period
Ketua: William Frederick, Ohio
Lowell Hall
A Gorontalo (North Celebes) Poet
Chronicler: The Work of Temeyi
Sahala (Manul i)
A. John Little and Hamzah Machmoed, U.W.
Javanese Mysticism in the Revolutionaryr
Period
Paul Stange
3:15 p.m.
Refreshments
3:30 p.m.
Politics in a Jakarta Kampung;
Local History
Dennis Cohen, Monterey
6:00 p.m.
Sate Party (bayar sendiri)
Sampai ketemu lagi
A
wisma
CONFERENCE ON MODERN INDONESIAN HISTORY
Budget Statement
Income
Cash in hand
(Surplus from past conferences)
^ ' ^
Southeast Asia Regional Council,
Association for Asian Studies
, c 0 0 nn
'.500.00
Registration fees
1,102.81
Donations
372.75
Sale of conference proceedings
13.00
Sale of meal tickets
-
200.00
$3,815.30
Disbursements
Travel fellowships*
1.392.56
Housing
305.50
Rental
75.16
Secretarial Services
37.98
Food and refreshments
1.110.00
$2,921.20
Publication (estimated)
Expected total expenditure:
^00.00
$3,321.20
Expected balance**
; »
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r
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, nl
,n
«Sk.10
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A
üranc
To be used for 1Q7A i J
.
Modern Indonesian C u i t l E f t ' * "
*
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StUdieS
Conf
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— "**
^ence:
^hat
is
CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS
Achmad Icksan
Adas, Michael
Anderson, Lois
Arief Budiman
Baldwin, Ineva
Baldwin, Ira
Bana Kartasasmita
Beamer, Charles
Benson, George
Benson, Catherine
Bernard, Mel
Bowen, John
Brickner, Brian
Brineman, Kathy
Capron, John
Castle, James
Cavenaugh, Jerry
Cellnicker, Edward
Char, Benjamin
Char Lan Hiang
Cobban, James
Cohen, Dennis
Cruikshank, Bruce
Day, Anthony
Dias, Manny
Djarot Wignjosoemarsono
Doeppers, Daniel
Emerson, Mason
Fag in, Nancy
Fazekas, Spike
Franke, Janet
Frederick, William
Grossman, Rachel
Hamzah Machmoed
Hatch, Martin
Kahin, Audrey
Kartomo W i rosuhardj o
Kato, Tsuyoski
Katz, Steven
Klotz, Robert
Kratoska, Paul
Lederer, Margo
Lewis, Douglas
Lidsker, Muriel
Lidsker, Will
Little, John
Lockard, Craig
Manasse Malo
•SSI, IKIP-Malang
Rutgers
Wiscons in
Harvard
Wiscons in
Wiscons in
•SSI, Wisconsin
Colonel, U.S. Army, Retired
Pertamina
Washington
ISSI
ISSI
Wiscons in
ISSI
Ft. Washington, Pennsylvania
Cornell
ISSI
Wiscons in
University of Hawaii
University of Hawaii
Ohio
Monterey Institute, California
Wisconsin
Cornel 1
ISSI
Wiscons in
Wiscons in
Missouri
ISSI
ISSI
MUCIA
Ohio
ISSI
ISSI, Wisconsin
Cornell
Cornel 1
Indonesian Embassy
Cornel 1
Wisconsin
ISSI
University of Chicaqo
ISSI
ISSI
Chicago
Chicago
ISSI, Wisconsin
University of Wisconsin, Green Bay
ISSI, Wisconsin
McGlynn, John
Morressey, Ruth
Muchlîs Alimin
Mulder, Paula
Nana Soenjono
Obenchain, Marian
O'Malley, William
Parker, Harrison
Peletz, Michael
due I hoe, David de
Quinn, John
Ragsdale, Jane
Rogers, Marvin
Rush, James
Ryan, Robert
Schlegel, Audrey
Schlegel, Stuart
Schiller, Barbara
Schiller, James
Schrieber, David
Schrieber, Janet
Schwarze, Paul
Siswanto
Slaten, Cary
Sma i 1, John
Springall, Anne
Stange, Paul
Stange, Sue
Subandi Djajengwasi to
Tanner, Nancy
Taufik Abdullah
Taylor, Jean
Taylor, Robert
Thomasson, Gordon
Toenggoel S i agi an
Tubagus Sulaiman
Ungerer, Audrey
Ungerer, Tonny
Van der Veur, Paul
Van Niel, Robert
Vaughn, Pat
Wagemann, Mildred
Wal, S.L. van der
Wallaya Kwanjai
Weinstock, Joe
Wolz, Mark
Woodward, Mark
ISSI
Mich igan
University of Missouri
Wisconsin
University of Indones ia and Berkeley
Cornel I
AID
ISSI
Northern Illinois
Ford Foundation
Wiscons in
University of Missouri
Yale
ISSI
University of California, Santa Cruz
Un.vers.ty of California, Santa Cruz
Illinois, De Kalb
Illinois, De Kalb
Wiscons in
Wisconsin
111 i no i s
Wisconsin
Cornel 1
Wisconsin
Wisconsin
Wisconsin
Wiscons in
Cornel I
S£:^doL c
ISSI, Wisconsin
Wiscons in
ISSI
ISSI, Wisconsin
Indonesian Embassy
ISSI, Wisconsin
Wisconsin
Ohio
Hawa i i
ISSI
Cornel I
Utrecht, Netherlands
Wiscons in
ISSI
ISSI
ISSI
rni8
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c
-
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