czech journal of social sciences, business and economics

Transcription

CZECH JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS
VOL.4, ISSUE 1, 2015
Czech Journal of Social Sciences, Business and Economics is an international,
multidisciplinary, refereed (peer-reviewed) journal aiming to promote and enhance research in
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Volume 4, Issue 1, spring 2015
ISSN 1805-6830
2
Editorial Board
Editors
Wadim Strielkowski, Charles University in Prague (Editor-in-chief)
Inna Čábelková, Charles University in Prague
Evgeny Lisin, Moscow Power Engineering Institute (Technical University)
Editorial board
Elena Ambrosetti, University of Rome
María Esther Aretxabala, University of Deusto in Bilbao
Tomasz Brodzicki, University of Gdansk
Gregory Bubnov, Moscow Business School
Eralba Cela, University of Ancona
Stephen Hynes, National University of Ireland, Galway
Olena Malynovska, The National Institute for Strategic Studies
Matthew Sanderson, Kansas State University
Daria Shuvalova, Moscow Power Engineering Institute (Technical University)
Laurent Weill, University of Strasbourg
Tomasz Zornaczuk, Polish Institute of International Affairs
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Transformation of value priorities in the Russian medical ethics and bioethics
Irina Aseeva & Natalia Volokhova
Holocaust tourism as a part of the dark tourism
Eva Heřmanová & Josef Abrhám
Semiotic analysis of Café Noir’s commercial “The Mime’s date”
Ieva Vitkauskaitė
Gender mainstreaming and tackling human trafficking in the European Union
Veronika Valkovičová
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16
34
42
4
EDITORIAL
This is the first issue of the fourth volume of Czech Journal of Social Sciences, Business and
Economics (CJSSBE) published in spring of 2015.
As in the previous three years of its existence, the main aim of CJSSBE remains to facilitate the
transmission of new scholarly discoveries in the fields of social sciences, business and
economics to the broader audience. Hence, our journal offers a platform that supports scholars
in building upon intellectual treasures and advancing our understanding about various fields of
research in novel and meaningful ways. Capitalizing on this effort, we now focus on furthering
our scope and consolidating our position in both conceptual developments and practical
applications in the fields covered by the scope of this journal.
Four research papers appearing in the first issue address a number of topics including the
transformation of value priorities in the Russian medical ethics and bioethics, holocaust
tourism, semiotic analysis of Café Noir’s commercial “The Mime’s date”, as well as the gender
mainstreaming and tackling human trafficking in the European Union.
We trust that you will enjoy reading the present issue, and we look forward to presenting you
our next issue of the fourth volume of CJSSBE in summer of 2015.
Wadim Strielkowski
Editor-in-Chief
Inna Čábelková
Editor
Evgeny Lisin
Editor
5
Article history: Received 21 October 2014; last revision 19 January 2015; accepted 16 February 2015
TRANSFORMATION OF VALUE PRIORITIES
IN THE RUSSIAN MEDICAL ETHICS AND BIOETHICS
Irina Aseeva
Southwestern State University
Natalia Volokhova
Southwestern State University
Abstract
The article reconstructs the history of the formation of the moral values of the Russian medical
community, there are four stages of formation of value priorities in medical ethics in Russia: 1) since
the beginning of the XIX century to October 1917; 2) from October 1917 to the mid-1940s; 3) since
mid- 1940s until the end of the 1980s; 4) since the early 1990s until the present day. The authors
identify the characteristics of each stage, considering the basic ideas that influenced the moral
consciousness of Russian doctors. The article shows the dynamics of value priorities of doctors, special
attention is given to the "Russian" tradition of medical ethics and bioethics. On the basis of our own
results of a sociological survey of "experienced" and "beginners" doctors are showed modern moral
problems of Russian medicine.
Keywords: axiology, bioethics, morality, values, value priorities.
JEL classification: А13
Introduction
This article traces dynamics of value priorities in the Russian medical ethics and bioethics on
the basis of the analysis of the philosophical and journalistic works of Russian doctors from the
XIX century to the middle of the XX century, has been revealed the moral values of the
medical community in Russia (on the example of the doctors of Kursk, Russia). The authors
demonstrate the predominance of traditional for Russian society paternalistic model of doctorpatient relationship with such moral dominants as professionalism, responsibility, humanism,
mercy.
At the same time, based on a sociological survey are revealed an increase in the number of
supporters of the collegiate and contractual models, indicating that the penetration into
"Russian" tradition of ethical norms and ideals of 'Western' bioethics with the recognition of
the autonomy of the patient's personality and enforcement of his right to co-operation.
Review of the research literature on the problem
The concept of value is seen in the works of many scientists and researchers: N.A. Berdyaev,
V.P. Baryshnikov, A.P. Zilber, R. Galisson, B.T.Lihachev, Martin Buber, V.A.Slastenin, Y.U.
Foht-Babushkin, M.Biram, Jean Vanier, A.V. Kiryakova, Z.E. Mirskaya, O.A. Huseynov, J.
Kurtilon, S.I. Levikov, V.P. Vyzhletsov, M.S. Kagan, B.V.Markov, N.S.Rozov, M.V.Rozin,
V.T. Fedotova etc.
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We are talking about the need for a thorough reassessment of spiritual, moral and cultural
values in the modern world. In recent years, it should be noted the increasing interest to the
application function of ethical and theoretical and axiological concepts. And especially acute
problems are the ethical reflection and biomedical research activities.
Certain methodological aspects of professional ethics in medicine were reflected in the works
of: D.I. Pisarev, V.V. Veresaev, N.A. Vinogradov, F.P. Haas, N.I. Pirogov, S.P. Botkin, A.M.
Izutkin, A.F. Bilibin, O.E. Bobrov, G.I. Tsaregorodtsev, N.A. Semashko, G.V. Malygina, I.N.
Lavrikova, M.YA. Mudrov, A.L. Myasnikov, N.I. Petrov, E.I. Lihtenshteyn et al.
Formation of bioethics as an interdisciplinary field of modern scientific research has been
incorporated in the works of A.Y. Ivanyushkin, P.D. Tischenko, B.G. Yudin, L.P.
Kiyaschenko, I.V. Siluyanova, E.G. Grebenshchikova, V.V. Vlasov, Yu.M. Lopuhin, M.S.
Diankina, P.V. Lopatin, A.N. Bartko and the others.
The problems of man as a moral subject of relations have been studied in bioethics are devoted
works of B.G. Ananev, J. Lax, M.J. Bobrov, I.S. Zavilyansky, V.M. Myasishchev, V.G.
Borzenkov, I.M. Bykhovskaya, V.N. Ignatieff, G.T. Sukhih, M.S. Komarov, N. N. Moiseev, D.
Pulmen, V.T. Pulyaev, P.V. Ushakov, E.V. Ushakova, J. Haldane, V.M. Chizhov, X. Dimitrov
and others.
Formulation of the problem in the context of the moral values of Medicine
Every era has its own moral values that characterize it and change along with it. At the same
time we must not forget that presence will never lose connection with the past, which is due not
only to temporarily remove, but the spiritual wealth of previous cultural period. How very true
noticed Martin Buber, "modern man lets his time to dictate to him what is possible and
permissible, instead of as a confident partner to reach an agreement on that is compatible with
the terms of any time" (Buber, 1995). One cannot but agree with the opinion of S.S.Yudin
about the connection of times: "Understanding modernity is possible only in the case of
prediction of future events, going to change this period. Evaluation of modernity is possible
only on the basis of knowledge of the past "(Yudin, 1968). The process of creating new
knowledge inevitably entails a change in all spheres of human life. According to E.Z. Mirskaya
"produced with the help of available scientists new knowledge the science during this process
are producing new scientists" (Mirskaya, 1975). New researchers are the carriers of not only
the new knowledge, but - no less important - of the new moral values as well . Thus, the
transformation of values is a natural and necessary process. Meaning of the term
"transformation" does not include a sharp, radical transformation, but rather connotes
qualitative transition to another state during a certain period of time. Defining the concept of
"value", there are two positions: objective and subjective values. By M. Sheller, in any case the
value cannot be considered as the "attitude". Values should be defined as the quality. Thing has
value in itself. The task of ethics to Sheller is an attempt to understand what "is" good and evil,
and not what "counts" for being good or ill in some societies. Even if there had never been
judged that murder is evil, it nevertheless would remain evil (Baryshnikov, 2005, p. 151). The
second point of view is the opposite: "Nothing in itself does not have value. Just only the
thing which a person stands out from the masses due to its ability to satisfy certain of his needs,
turns to him as a value. Therefore, the value - not the object itself, but the attitude of man to it
(Levikova, 2005). In this case, the objective and subjective value may correspond to, but may
diverge sharply with each other. M.S. Kagan and many other authors interpret the phenomenon
of value as a complex, multidimensional, integral formation, which cannot be reduced to any
one side, to one or another of its concrete manifestations. A contradiction also occurs when
attempt to compare the rational and value judgments. "Valuable forms of consciousness and
activity are often the opposition to rational forms of understanding of reality. Value is
compared and even opposed to "scientific" ... If it is impossible to abandon rationality ..., as
well as on the role played by the value should be sought foundation of their unity ... Valuable
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and rational interact in some areas, methods and forms of understanding of reality, and can be
considered as representatives of different forms of understanding of reality as a form of a single
culture "- says V.P. Baryshkov (Baryshkov, 2005). Rational and value, of course, act in unity,
as modification and updating of knowledge necessarily entails re-evaluation of old and new
moral values. Values are normative in nature and serve as a guide to which man is reconciled in
the course of its activities. "Scientific knowledge embodies objective and fatal compulsion;
science cannot be moralize, you cannot turn it into the postulates of duty "- writes Berdyaev
(Berdiaev, 1994). At the same time, the sciences, especially which deal with human beings,
need a process of reflection of moral values. It is difficult not to agree with A.P. Zilber, which
indicates their great importance to medical science: "When medicine ceases to act for the good
of the person - it becomes physiology, anatomy, microbiology - anything but not medicine"
(Zilber, 1998). This is especially important at the present stage, since the possibilities of
medicine are now linked not only with healing, but also to the management of human life, not
all of which are already reflected in the laws. "There are medical issues that are not reflected in
the legislation, but cannot be medical problems which are not concern to medical ethics," - says
the author (Silber, 1998, p. 303). The particular importance of the moral foundations of
activities of medical workers nowadays emphasizes I.V. Siluyanova: "Today, new possibilities
of medicine related to the fact that the damage can be applied not only to a concrete person, but
to the human race, not only in biological, but also on the social level. The doctor has facilities
by which he can control birth, manage human behavior, quality of life and death. Doctor's
actions can influence the demographics and economics, law and morality. So today, in terms of
the spread of ethical nihilism and pragmatism, loss or abandonment of moral grounds of
treating are especially dangerous "(Siluyanova, 2008). Doctors - rather closed community, and
its moral consciousness had begun to form more than two thousand years ago. Hippocrates,
his pupils and followers were pioneers of the tradition of understanding moral culture of a
doctor but also of his personality as the basis of the medical profession. Among the most
ancient moral foundations of medicine - the sanctity of life, not doing harm, confidence. These
values form the basis of codes of ethics of medicine as a profession, regardless of the
nationality of its carriers. However, the cultural peculiarities of different countries affect the
specificity of formation of moral rules physician-patient relationship. In this study, we are
interested in the dynamics of moral values in Russian medicine during the XIX century to the
present day. To solve this problem, it was not enough to explore the scientific and
philosophical sources. In Russia, and it is certainly a feature of it, many of the moral problems
of medicine emotionally discussed in journalistic and artistic works whose authors are
philosophically thinking doctors: Chekhov, Bulgakov, Veresaev and others. "... In the
formation and successful development of medical ethics as the science of the basic principles of
behavior of the doctor at the bedside the literature played an important and still not fully aware
role" (Lichtenstein, 1974). Emotionally charged, accessible and understandable literary
language has more opportunities to create vivid images and personal attitude to ethical and
medical issues than precise, but dry and the official language of science. Historical epoch has a
great influence on the formation of values, including those in the medical field. There is a
difficulty with allocation in this period certain stages. Any division is quite conditional and
practically not reflected in the literature. In this research analyzed period is divided into four
basic steps: 1) since the beginning of the XIX century to October 1917; 2) from October 1917
to mid-1940s; 3) since the mid-1940s until the end of the 1980s; 4) since the early 90s. of the
twentieth century to the present. Formation of Russian medical ethics at the first stage of the
investigated period in Russia (from the beginning of the nineteenth century to October 1917),
questions of medical ethics have found a place in the scientific works of outstanding
representatives of the medical profession. Great importance is attached to attention to each
patient, the individualization of treatment. Thus, S.P. Botkin in the book "The course of internal
medicine and clinical lectures" emphasized: "you can find very significant anatomic disorders
in the organism without much sharp sensations from the patient and, on the contrary, rather
8
insignificant pathological changes may be accompanied by an endless series of different kinds
of complaints" (Botkin, 1950). The founder of Russian medicine M.J. Mudrov (1776-1831)
taught: "we should not treat one disease only to its name, we should not treat the disease itself
which we often do not find the name ... and we should treat the patient" (Myasnikov, 1950).
Mudrov has also performed for the confidentiality, the doctor must preserve the human and
professional dignity in the treatment of patients belonging to different strata of society, inform
them about even poor prognosis of the disease. The lecture "The word of piety and moral
qualities of the Hippocratic physician," he elaborates on the analysis of the Hippocratic Oath
considering it to be the code of medical conduct and complete it about the remarks of Russian
doctors patriotism. German physician F.P. Haas (1780-1853), worked for almost half a century
in Russia, developed a clinical and ethical standards of medical care to prisoners, to protect
human dignity. From 1829 and until his death he was the chief physician of the Moscow
prisons. F.P. Haas has made the government to build the prison hospital at the transfer prison in
Moscow on the Sparrow Hills (1832), and in the Naryshkin's estate- in Maliy Kazenniy lane the policing the hospital. At his expense the prison hospital was reconstructed, he bought the
drug, bread, fruit for convicts. Staying in the prison hospital was a boon for patients and
exhausted prisoners whom Haas was always delayed in his hospitals under any pretext. Dr
Haas lived in full accordance with his words: "Hasten to do good» which are carved on his
monument in Moscow. The founder of the field surgery N.I. Pirogov (1810-1881) dedicated to
the heroism of Russian doctors the following words: "Doctors in valid detachments are always
ready to serve for benefit of wounded even under enemy shots, and there was no case when a
doctor in the Caucasus was denounced in an unwillingness to face danger; on the contrary,
many times has happened that they were injured, killed …During the cholera at the hands of a
single doctors there were hundreds of cholera patients and never was heard that medical chiefs
complained on the negligence and carelessness of the physician "(Pirogov, 1952). Many kind
words devoted famous Russian doctor to the nurses - "Sisters of Mercy".
S.P. Botkin (1832-1889) did much to improve the health care of the poor people in Russia. On
his initiative was reformed pharmacy business; organized a free medical care so called "Duma
doctors", among which were the first women doctors. S.P. Botkin defended the possibility of
higher female medical education. In his works he emphasizes the connection of professional
knowledge and skills of the doctor with the moral goals of medicine: "A serious study of
practical medicine, which has a high purpose - to alleviate the suffering of the patient - will
give us the right not only to be considered as honest citizens, but also a sincere love of the
society to which we serve "(Botkin, 1950). Botkin considers morally is the necessary condition
of: "The moral development of the practitioner will help him save the peace of mind that will
allow him to fulfill the sacred duty to others, and to his country, which will condition the true
happiness of his life" (Botkin, 1950, p. 25). ). Questions of transformation of moral values
deeply analyzed by V.V. Veresaev in his book "Notes of a Doctor," published in 1901. On the
pages of the book the author with the utmost sincerity wrote about his own medical errors,
about the necessity of moral attitude to patients: "I notice that more and more getting used to
the suffering of patients, how in relations with them I am guided not by a direct sense but by
the cold realization that I should behave in a such way or do something. This addictive gives
me the opportunity to live and to breathe, constantly not to be under the influence of dark and
heavy; but this habituation of me as a doctor disturbs and frightens me at the same time especially when I see it turned over myself "(Veresaev, 1961). The issue of the book provoked
a lot of criticism, especially from the medical staff. The author is obviously anticipating it,
presented in the book the following preliminary comments: "Medical ethics carefully and
pedantically developed a tiny circle of questions relating directly to the patient - doctor
relationship and physicians among themselves; all the issues that were before me, for it almost
does not exist ... Everyone is afraid that if the raise and discuss these problems, it could
"undermine the credibility of the doctors' (Veresaev, 1961). "It is sad, but you have to admit
that our science is still no ethics. It is impossible to understand under it the specially-corporate
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medical ethics, which deals only with the normalization of direct attitude of doctors to the
audience and relations between physicians. We require ethics in a broad, philosophical sense "he continues to argue in the comments "Concerning to the doctor notes "(Veresaev, 1985). V.V.
Veresaev does not seek to discredit the image of the noble and dedicated person, but trying to
draw attention to the wide range of issues related to the conceptualization of moral values in
medicine. Thus, in the first phase was the formation of the system of moral values and the
requirements to the individual medical workers, among which are the following: scientific
knowledge and practical skills, attention to the patient, responsibility, mercy, the need for
medical confidentiality, respect for the dignity of patients, individual approach to the patient
(including even reporting poor prognosis of the disease), and patriotism.
The ideological change in Russian medical ethics
At the beginning of the second phase (from October 1917 to middle of 40s. of the XX century)
comes a turning point, ideological approach penetrates in medicine. N.A. Semashko (18741949), from 1918 to 1930 the People's Commissar of Health of the RSFSR, changes attitude to
principles of medical ethics. He explicitly states that "... the first task in resolving the issues of
so-called medical ethics is the political education of the physician" (Semashko, 1967).
Semashko identifies the following question: "In general, the so-called medical ethics includes
three sets of issues: the first is the doctor's to the patient, and, the second, is the doctors
attitude to the collective (the community), and, thirdly, the relationship between doctors
"(Semashko, 1967). Thus, N.A. Semashko identifies main areas of medical ethics, including the
sphere of the physician’ attitude to the patient comes to the forefront. It should also be noted
that in its recommendations on ethical rules in medicine Semashko quite categorical: "The
desire to cover the sins of another doctor in the interests of a false understanding of collegiality
... should be condemned if the doctor is the offender, he must be punished the same way as
any other criminal" (Semashko, 1967). Such negative side, as the tendency to self-promotion,
strengthening his authority by discrediting colleagues luring patients from his colleagues
Semashko considers not typically among Soviet doctors. He considered questions about the
attitude of the physician to the patient and the physician with regard of community together:
"Questions of the so-called medical confidentiality on which so many years puzzled bourgeois
doctors and lawyers ... the Soviet doctor is simple: the collective interests above the interests of
the individual (emphasis added ). The doctor is obliged to keep a secret entrusted to him by the
patient, or undermines the credibility of the patient to the doctor. But if secrecy threatens the
interests of others, staff, the doctor should not be bound by a secret "(Semashko, 1967). He:
"The relationship between the patient and the doctor must be based upon the absolute trust of
the patient to the doctor, it is not in his interest to hide anything from the doctor ... So the first
duty of the doctor - rigorously observe the secret entrusted to him by the sick person, do not
reveal it. However, such a requirement of medical confidentiality is not unconditionally ...
when deciding the question of on medical confidentiality is only one indisputable: staff interest
above the interests of individual patients "(Semashko, 1967). Semashko encourages the disease
is not considered a disgrace to the human misfortune and, therefore, there is no need to save the
illness in a secret. As a result, reinvented attitude to medical secrecy laid down in the
"Hippocratic Oath": "Whatever during the treatment - and without treatment - I never saw or
heard of any human life on the fact you should not ever disclose, I keep silence about believing
such things are the secret" (Hippocrates, 1994, p. 85).
Medical deontology - a new stage in the development of ethics in medicine
The third stage begins in the mid 40-ies of the twentieth century after the Nuremberg trials,
when it became clear that paternalistic position is fraught with abuses by the side of medical
staff and could lead to incorrect hierarchy of values. . There was, for example, such a
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controversial problem: what is more important for a doctor - experimenter - to save the life of
one person or a significant scientific discovery that can save many? According to equitable
conviction of A.J. Ivanyushkin, "in a certain sense the beginning of the current stage of the
history of medical ethics associated with World War II ... In the practice Nazi doctors dropped
the medicine to the level of" ethical zero ", and that" starting point "in the moral evaluation of
medical practice remains to this day" (Ivanyushkin , 2005). In 1944, in our country, a native
surgeon N.N. Petrov is introduced the concept of "medical ethics" into a scientific circulation.
Basic premise for the introduction of the concept of the author is to recognize the importance of
".. surgeons become a real doctors, i.e. they should take care not only for the treatment of the
body but also the psyche of his patients, dedicated to them not only the fullness of his
knowledge, but also their best spiritual movement and their benevolent concern "(Petrov,
1956). According to I.V. Siluyanova, N.N. Petrov used this term to denote the real existing
area of medical practice - medical ethics - which in Russia was "canceled" in 1917 because of
the logical and historical connection with the religious culture (Siluyanova, 2001). In the
second half of the XXth century, they give a lot of attention to discussing the problems of
medical ethics and moral values, and the image of a Soviet doctor. Here are a few quotes from
the philosophical literature of 50-70-ies: "... when it comes to the relationship between doctor
and patient, most of the requirements is reduced to good scientific training, high morals,
sensitivity, good heart, constant and relentless attention to the needs of the sick person, or, to
serve all that fall within the scope medical ethics "(Zavilyansky, 1964); "A good doctor should
combine the knowledge, experience, technology and doctor 's manners" (Pisarev, 1963); "In
practice of relationships we see more and more readiness of the doctor to neglect his interests
for the patient sake ... It is well known requirement for compassionate, sympathetic,
compassionate attitude to the patient" (Myasischev, 1975). The formation of these qualities to
the level of common values, without a doubt, does honor to the medical staff. They also
discussed drawbacks, which are often seen as isolated cases: "Some doctors lose their
emotional flexibility, become passive, lifeless and emotionless, so their love to medicine as a
profession and every concrete patient decreases in parallel with it disappears and a sense of
responsibility" (Dimitrov, 1975, p. 173). "Unworthy, indifferent, callous attitude toward a man,
his needs and health - harmful and dangerous relic of the past" (Vinogradov, 1955). However,
to this period of XX century O.E. Bobrov dedicates the following words: "... the state
consciously (by means of selling writing fraternity, ready to write under any social order)
created cheap popular moral and ethical image of a doctor - a noble, selfless, kind of a parody
of a medieval monk. Everyone satisfied this position, and for all the following years are used to
it "(Bobrov, 2009). The result was "... a considerable number of spiritual losses, especially
moral. And the expression of mercy to the poor people, unfortunately, is one of them. Even
medicine, which historically grew out of compassion, out of a desire to help the suffering
competently, today did not save "(Philosophy of Medicine, 2004, p. 444).
Collision of ethical paradigmatic models in modern Russian medicine
Since the early 90s. of the twentieth century to the present in domestic medicine under the
influence of Western culture a new system of values is formed, which is radically reinterpreted
the main ethical and legal standards. The passed XXth century was very difficult. Some
considered it to be the epoch of humanity, "the era of mercy"; others evaluate it as a century,
included two World Wars. It seems reasonable to count the beginning of the current stage with
the appearance of bioethics, which begins to consider the medicine in a human rights context.
One of the important problems we consider the need to avoid possible losses in rethinking the
traditional values of Russian medicine. "Traditional values of mercy, charity, doing no harm to
the patient, medical and moral responsibility does not canceled. Just in the current social and
cultural situation, they get a new meaning and a new sound, "- emphasizes A.Y. Ivanyushkin
(Ivanyushkin, 2005). Constant appeal to the moral values of the baggage of previous
11
generations does not lose its relevance. As a result, in the modern Russian medicine there is a
collision of several paradigmatic models: traditional, paternalistic, with the installation of a
priority physician; Western liberal with the desire to balance the rights and interests of the
physician, the patient and the community, and "economocentrism" (Fedotova, 2005),
converting medicine in business demanding fair payment for services rendered. Each of these
models transforms the historically established system of values, including moral. Range of
opinions about the situation in the Russian medicine is quite wide. This can be evidenced by a
survey carried out by the authors on the basis of the city hospitals of Kursk in 2008. The survey
involved 1,214 doctors, 36.2% of them had been working for less than 10 years (we call them
the "beginners"), 63.8% - more than 10 years ("skilled" doctors). Over 90% of respondents
emphasized the importance of moral motivation of medical practice, but at the same time along
with this actual problem of moral character, respondents show general concern about the
situation and mentioned low funding (5%), corruption among physicians (10%), the
indifference of the authorities to the doctors (3%) (Aseeva, Larina, 2014). We have the greatest
anxiety caused by the answers to the following questions. Doctors' answers are given in
Tables.
Table 1: What values do you consider the most important in medicine?
The value
professionalism
responsibility
conscientiousness
Humanism
material
mercy, compassion, kindness
cannot answer
"Beginners"
32,07%
11,32%
5,77%
24,5%
7,5%
for 4,38%
1,3%
"Experienced"
47, 2%
1,8%
5,4%
5,4%
1,8%
for 9,6%
0%
Source: Own results
Table 2: What is the most adequate model of physician-patient relationship?
Model
Paternalistic
Collegial
Negotiable
collectively technical
Technical
"Beginners"
9,4%
26,4%
20,7%
5,8%
37,7%
"Experienced"
18,1%
14,5%
21,8%
12,7%
32,9%
Source: Own results
Table 3: Who, in your opinion, should determine the information's volume of patient?
Possible answers
Doctor
doctor and law
law
doctor and patient
Patient
patient and law
The doctor, the patient and the law
cannot answer
"Beginners"
32,07%
20,07%
18,8%
7,5%
5,7%
0%
1,8%
14,06%
"Experienced"
36,3%
23,6%
25,6%
3,6%
7,2%
3,63%
0%
0,07%
Source: Own results
The answers show an obvious preference for paternalistic model of relations, especially among
physicians with experience. Thus according to age, experience, and the increase of selfconfidence, doctors inclined to make treatment decisions on their own rather than in partnership
with the patient. At the same time, students of 1,2 and 6 courses of the Kursk State Medical
University (562 people) in similar poll have shown that 78% of them are going to fully inform
12
patients, 15% - depending on the specific situation, and 7% were undecided. And the younger
students were more willing to respond positively, arguing that informing the patient would
improve the physician-patient contact to co- searching the optimal treatment.
Conclusions
The transformation process of moral and value base of domestic medicine, in fact, was a
reflection of the structural changes that have affected various spheres of society. As a result of
conversions the installations of utilitarian and pragmatic character came to the forefront by
forcing out in axiological field the higher values of morality. This fact becomes more evident
when comparing the moral orientations of "beginners" and "advanced" doctors. However, the
system of higher medical education, as shown in the survey focuses on the basic values of
medical practice, which determines the need to update for future specialists the connection of
higher and utilitarian values of the profession. Especially because young doctors can lean on a
long tradition in Russian medicine, which has laid moral bases of physicians ' ideology, has
formulated basic values of Russian Medicine: responsibility, mercy, compassion (Aseeva,
Volokhova, 2014).
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14
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Information about the authors:
Irina Aseeva (irinaaseeva2011@yandex.ru) is a Professor at the Southwest State University,
Faculty of Economics and Management, Department of Philosophy and Sociology, 50 let
Oktiabrya St. 94, 305040 Kursk, Russian Federation.
Natalia Volokhova (volna-sha@rambler.ru) is an Associate Professor at the Southwest State
University, Faculty of Economics and Management, Department of Philosophy and Sociology,
50 let Oktiabrya St. 94, 305040 Kursk, Russian Federation.
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by research grant of Russian Humanitarian Fund, project No 1503-00846.
15
Article history: Received 11 November 2014; last revision 26 January 2015; accepted 2 March 2015
HOLOCAUST TOURISM AS A PART OF THE DARK TOURISM
Eva Heřmanová
University of Economics, Prague
Josef Abrhám
University of Economics, Prague
Abstract
The paper discusses the origins and development of the holocaust tourism i.e. the tourism associated
with visiting concentration camps that had emerged during the Second World War in Europe and more
generally with visiting memorials and museums linked to the phenomenon of the legacy of the
Holocaust. The text freely discusses motivational and ethical issues associated with this form of tourism
(the question of free entry or the amount of currently levied entry of the sites, respectively). Based on
the possible data and information available, the text also presents anecdotal evidence of the attendance
of the goals of the holocaust tourism, the structure of their visitors and of the specific seasonality of this
subtype of a dark tourism. In conclusion, we evaluated the competitiveness of the Czech Republic and
opportunities for further development of the holocaust tourism from the perspective of the (dis)interest
of Czech tourists.
Keywords: Holocaust, Holocaust tourism, dark tourism, domestic tourism, Czech Republic
JEL classification: L83
Introduction
In the past few years, in many areas and in a number of research works, one could come across
the themes such as funeral monuments, tafofilies, necrography, and urban movement (urban
exploration, i.e. the exploration of abandoned buildings and inaccessible places), etc. In the
same vein, the tourism gives increasingly more and more space - at a practical and theoretical
level - to the issue of dark tourism, for which one of the most controversial or the most
sensitive part, respectively, for Europeans is the holocaust tourism.
Some authors associate the beginning of the interest in the holocaust tourism with Steven
Spielberg's Academy Award winning film Schindler's List (1983), but others more factually
and in the broader context suggest that a „perverse“general interest in the spots of tragedy,
death, human suffering and misery has existed in various societies forever, and that it is
perhaps a part of a human nature, which in the past was nonetheless regulated in various
cultural taboos. At present a commercially conditional expression of interest in this controversy
may be either the practices of the tabloid media (paparazzi), the practices of mass media and
their news bringing - or almost literally – „live death“(plane crashes, train crashes, terrorist
attacks, live coverage of war, live executions, etc.) or the recent production of the movie
industry offering noir movies, horror films, thrillers etc.
In the tourism, we can observe not only a growing popularity of the objectives of dark tourism,
but in connection with this trend and the theme, an emergence of a number of websites, many
expert studies and contributions (Foley, Lennon, 2010; Biran, Poria, Oren, 2011), final
16
qualification works (Hudáková, 2010; Kůtová, 2014; Sedláček, 2014; Altman, 2014), or even
the emergence of specialized research institutions (e.g. Institute for Dark Tourism Research in
the Central Lancashire in the UK or the Jasenovac Research Institute in Brooklyn, USA,
respectively or the Holocaust Memorial Centre in Budapest, etc.).
Papers published so far on the topic of the holocaust and dark tourism in most cases deal with
questions such as: „Do dark places (scaffolds, gallows, morgues, cemeteries, etc.) attract
members of today's society more than they did in the past?“ „What is so tempting- genius loci,
mystery, authenticity, otherness? Or is it a fascination with death, disappearance and the end,
is it the effort to know the unknown fates, meet taboo and get closer to the unseen? “ „Can the
dark tourism be associated with a certain type of personality?“ „What is the (main) prevailing
motivation to visit those places?“ „Is it about people's curiosity or cynicism, or even a kind of
perversion?“ „Is that not just a desire for adrenaline?“ „Is it appropriate at all to combine
some of the dark places with tourism?“ „Is it appropriate to promote those places together
with, for example, attractions such as Disneylands, casinos, dinoparks and other entertaining
parks?“ „It is ethically permissible to make profit from such sites, and charge e.g. an
admission fee?“ „Are dark places a potential source of further development of tourism, or a
source of development of the affected villages, towns and places, respectively?“ „How are or
may be perceived the participants of the dark tourism by local residents?“ Most papers often
contain a list of the dark places and attractions in a particular area, sometimes even their
comparison and evaluation (Altmanová, 2014) or proposals for marketing and promoting their
use (Kůtová, 2014) or respondent research detecting the awareness about these places and their
potential attractiveness (Hudáková, 2010), respectively.
So far, no general conclusions have been made about causes of the increase in popularity and
attractiveness of dark places. However, one of the major factors which can be pointed out may
be changing value orientations toward post materialism (i.e. a shift from the mass to
individualism and creativity; a pursuit for intense experiences; more and more new experiences
- see Hofstede, 2006). But also a kind of values emptiness of matters of significance and
traditions or the society „emptying“ (Giddens, 2000), whose members can, in such dark places,
meditate, realize once again basic human values, in other words to live through his or her
personal catharsis there. Sociological connotations can be seen even in the existence and
emergence of a new generation (generation Y which means people born between 1985 and
1995), with different thinking and behaviour, with increased impulsiveness, with higher spatial
or other instability. As for the whole age range of the visitors, a certain role may play a
saturation of the classical forms of cognitive tourism (standard tours of castles), and in
connection therewith also an inclination to the adventure tourism (aqua or waterparks, thematic
and amusement parks, zoos, outdoor and adrenaline activities, survival courses etc.), a search
for alternative tourist destinations, for example technical and military monuments, etc.
Nowadays, in accordance with cognitive tours, even the participants at classic residential trips
look for, or at least appreciate, unusual and unique experiences that can "liberate" them from
everyday stereotype.
At present, the dark tourism can be regarded as a product of the postmodern era, in which a
growing number of tourists gradually move away from mass tourism and are seeking for new
destinations and authentic experiences. The dark tourism is now largely seen as too
controversial (e.g. the question of the relationship of piety and commercialization of a given
spot). The commercialization takes place at different strengths, depending on the culture, value
orientation, perception of time and distance from the past tragic events (e.g. one can assume
that the more recent history of the tragic event occurred, the more controversially might be the
development of the dark tourism in a given locality perceived).
The increase in popularity of the dark tourism significantly enhance mass media and the film
industry (already mentioned Spielberg´s movie Schindler's List, a television film The Diary of
Anne Frank by director Robert Dornhelma, a film World Trade Centre by Oliver Stone
describing the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 or for the time being postponed filming of
17
the fate of missing Malaysian MH370 aircraft etc.), and perhaps even some easing of a longterm taboozation of death in liberalizing and pluralistic society.
As it is not possible, especially in terms of motivation and objects of interest of visitors, to
cover all areas of the dark tourism, the paper further focuses, at a detail possible, on the
aforementioned holocaust tourism. In evaluating its development and importance the authors
took use of available sources of information (attendance statistics, evaluative reflections of the
dark places by the visitors of the TripAdvisor web, undertaken sociological surveys, annual
reports, etc.). Those interested in a more detailed insight into the issues and especially into the
typology of the dark tourism can refer to the sites of the „Institute for Dark Tourism Research“
and „Grief Tourism“ mentioned in the final list of references and sources.
Dark Tourism
Dark tourism is a form of tourism, to which participants are motivated by the pursuit for getting
to know the authentic spots of bleak human tragedies, spots associated with death, misery,
suffering, torture, killings and imprisonment, places renowned as historic battlefields, but also
spots of natural disasters or current conflicts. Dark tourism areas of interest may also be
cemeteries, places of the pass away and the rest of celebrities, historical military objects,
gulags, concentration camps, dungeons, prisons, gallows, torture museums, monuments,
memorial sites and pilgrimages etc. Apart from the authentic sites, people visit as a part of the
dark tourism, the so-called entertainment centres of horror that should provide tourists with fun
but at the same time also present a death on the basis of real or imaginary events; such centres
are located e.g. in London (Dungeon), in Hamburg or in Edinburgh. In the broadest sense one
can regard under a sort of dark tourism also an ascetic vacation, i.e. several days long stays in
authentic locations and conditions of prisons, or rather vulture visits of the poor slum areas of
cities in developing countries (India, Brazil, Mexico), usually in the form of guided tours .
The term dark tourism was firstly used in the book called „Dark Tourism. The attraction of
death and disaster“ (Lennon, Foley, 1996). In English written literature there often appear other
synonyms and related terms such as grief tourism, atrocity tourism, morbid tourism (Blom,
2000), horror tourism, tragedy tourism, disaster tourism, „dark heritage“ and a number of
others. The terms thanatourism and black tourism appears a bit later, only in 2002 (concretely
in connection with an English town Soham that got famous through a murder of two little kids).
Nevertheless, one must also mention that another related term black spots (tourism) was
already used Rojek in 1993 in the association with the opportunity to take use of the dark spots
for tourism (according to him to take use of the spots associated with violence and pass away of
famous people or with a sudden death of a large number of people).
Among the world's most famous and popular dark sites belong Italian city of Pompeii (79), the
battlefield at Waterloo in Belgium (1815), a memorial to the allied troops landing at Omaha
Beach in Normandy (1944), the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau (AuschwitzBirkenau), the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1945), the Ukrainian village of
Pripyat near the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986), Ground Zero in New York (2001), the
areas of New Orleans devastated by Hurricane Katrina (2005), the wreck of the Costa
Concordia (2012). In the Czech Republic one can name the Theresienstadt Jewish ghetto, the
burned out villages of Lidice, Ležáky and Javoříčko, the monument in Lety, the battlefield at
Austerlitz and Hradec Kralove, a charnel-house in Sedlec near Kutna Hora, Vysehrad Cemetery
and Slavin, the catacombs in Klatovy and others.
Holocaust Tourism
The original meaning of the term holocaust can be identified with a massacre, a complete
disaster or a complete destruction of something or someone. In the late 1970s the term started
to be used also for marking the Nazi systematic persecution and mass murder of the Jewish
18
people and later non-Jewish nationalities (i.e. members of the ethnically, religiously, politically
or other troublesome groups of people such as Gipsy, Poles, Soviet prisoners of war, physically
and mentally disabled, homosexuals and Jehovah's Witnesses).
Holocaust tourism represents a tourism associated with visits to the places that are „famous
for“crimes against humanity, which the Nazis committed during the Second World War.
Within the usual destinations of the holocaust tourism also belong places connected with those
crimes indirectly, i.e. not only concentration (labour and extermination) camps and Jewish
ghettos, that served as internment (detention) camps or „transfer stations“ (Westerbork in the
Netherlands, Drancy in France, Warsaw in Poland, Theresienstadt in the Protectorate of
Bohemia and Moravia), but also museums devoted to this topic (United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum in Washington, DC), Jewish museums in a number of cities (Prague,
Amsterdam, Berlin, Brussels, London, Miami, Paris, Warsaw, New York, Casablanca), as well
as memorials of the victims of holocaust, burned or murdered, and the ground levelled villages
(e.g. Wallachian villages Prlov, Ploština, Leskovec, Vařákovy Paseky, Slovak village of Kaliste
and many others, or even more with the history and the holocaust related objects (e.g. one
house in Amsterdam, where during the war a Jewish family of Anne Frank was hiding).
Among the motives for participation in holocaust tourism we can sort both curiosity, interest in
history, self-education and training, but also the search for family roots, ancestors or relatives,
the nostalgia of survivors, the opportunity to commemorate the dead, or even the need for a
personal catharsis and a personal "reboot". Given that since the occurrence of those tragic
events more than seventy years has passed, one can rule out vulturism (existing or at least
discussed in conjunction with other forms of the dark tourism) as a motive.
Concentration camps as tourist destinations in Europe: the analysis
The term concentration camp was originally, in the 19th century, used only in the sense of an
internment camp for civilians (e.g. in the USA for the Indians). Later the term was used for
camps where the Nazi regime during the Second World War detained and in terms of labour
exploited and physically liquidated its enemies and the members of certain nationalities. It
means that people were placed here usually without any legal reason, proper trial or a sound
judgment.
It is a matter of fact that the remains of the Nazi concentration camps can be found across
Europe, from the French island of Alderney up to the camp Dupnitsa in Bulgaria. Most of the
concentration camps (and in particular the "death camps") is located in Central Europe, mainly
in Poland (Auschwitz-Birekenau, Belzec, Gross-Rosen, Chelmno, Lublin-Majdanek, Sobibor,
Treblinka, Warsaw), Germany (Arbeitsdorf, Buchenwald, Bergen-Belsen, Dachau,
Flossenburg, Ravensbruck, Sachsenhausen) and in Austria (Mauthausen-Gusen) and the Czech
Republic (Lety, Skrochovice, Theresienstadt). Outside Central Europe, such camps can also be
found in Italy (Bolzano, Fossola), the Netherlands (Amersfoort, Herzogenbusch, Westerbork),
Belgium (Breendonk), France (Drancy, Le Vernet, Natzweiler-Struthof), Estonia (Klooga,
Vaivari), Lithuania (Kauen), Latvia (Kaiserwald, Kirchholm), Ukraine (Bogdanovka,
Janowska), Serbia (Banjica, Sajmiste), Croatia (Jasenovac), Norway (Bardufoss, Bredvet,
Grini), but in other locations.
Today, the term concentration camp means a synonym of the crudest violations of human rights
and is associated with the darkest period in the history of a mankind. Also at present, the
former concentration camps serve not only as a place of reverence, but also as a place of
particular messages or warnings. Worldwide the most visited spot in the long term is the
concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau with an annual attendance of more than one million
visitors (for comparison, the average annual attendance of the Theresienstadt Fortress in recent
years is about 220,000 tourists; see also Table. 1). The importance and the “popularity of the
phenomenon of Auschwitz” as well as the rise of interest in the holocaust tourism starting in
2006 (at least in this area) is illustrated in the Fig. 2.
19
Fig. 2: Long term attendance of the Memorial in Auschwitz (1960-2013)
Source: http://auschwitz.org/en/visiting/attendance/ [available online, released 9.3.2015]
In the following text there are given, in the form of several tables, the results of the comparison
of the situation in selected camps, both in terms of the attendance, offerings (attractions and
services), relevance (morbidness of the spots by the number of deaths) and in terms of
differently conceived price level of the admission fee. The selection of individual spots
presented in the tables was always dependent on the availability of the data.
20
Table 1: Attendance of selected concentration camps and memorials between 2000 and 2014
Year
OświęcimBrzezinka
Poland**
Flossenbürg Dachau
Breendonk
Germany*
Germany* Belgium*
LublinMajdanek
+ Bełżec
Poland
Theresiensta Mauthausendt
Gusen
Czech
Austria
Republic***
2000
-
-
-
-
-
247 582
-
2001
-
-
-
492 500
-
245 644
-
2002
-
-
-
541 800
-
194 336
187 752
2003
-
-
-
578 700
-
194 588
186 435
2004
-
-
-
699 700
-
229 906
210 364
2005
-
-
-
927 000
-
248 136
233 594
2006
-
-
-
989 500
-
235 487
206 600
2007
-
618 000
99 580
1 220 000
-
235 906
192 478
2008
-
-
100 469
1 130 000
-
235 487
189 021
2009
79 000
-
96 350
1 300 000
-
208 025
187 146
2010
86 000
645 000
94 207
1 380 000
-
212 630
184 194
2011
80 000
690 000
97 193
1 405 000
121 404
224 762
166 082
2012
84 000
750 000
91 130
1 430 000
131 925
230 065
179 504
2013
85 000
775 000
-
1 332 700
133 539
215 478
-
2014
-
-
-
162 230
-
-
1 534 000
Note: * Altmanová, 2014; own adjustment; correlations; update;
** Since1979 the UNESCO Memorial, the only of its kind worldwide;
*** at the site of Theresienstadt there was taken into account only the attendance of the Small Fortress (namely
due to the authenticity), rather than other available spots i.e. the Ghetto Museum (or and Magdeburg Barracks),
because there might be assumed the concurrency of the attendance
- Missing or inaccessible data.
Source:
http://www.auschwitz.org.pl/ (annual reports 2006-2014);
http://www.majdanek.eu/articles.php?acid=213 (annual reports 2011-2014);
http://www.pamatnik-terezin.cz/cz/pamatnik/dokumenty-ke-stazeni (annual reports 20012013);
http://www.mauthausen-memorial.at/db/admin/de/index_main.php?cbereich=4&cthema=50198
(year book 2007-2012).
Table 1 shows that with a slight majority of the examined entities (with the exception of the
Belgian Breendonk concentration camp, Mauthausen in Austria and in the last year even in
case of the Theresienstadt Small Fortress) there has been a positive growth trend in terms of
their attendance since 2009. It should be noted that some concentration camps not included in
the table, showed between 2007 and 2013 the average attendance as follows: German
Buchenwald (500 thousand), Dutch Westerbork (400 thousand), Polish Belzec (139 thousand),
French (Parisian) camp of Drancy (85 thousand) and the Czech Lety (10 thousand).
Provided that the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau seems to be the most important and
most visited spot in the Central Europe and given the fact that in its annual reports and annual
reports from the Theresienstadt Memorial and the reports of the management of the
concentration camps Lublin-Majdanek, Belzec and Sobibor one could possibly obtain detailed
reliable information about the attendance, we provide the following Tables 2, 3, 4 and 5
presenting in the selected years the structure of visitors to those spots in terms of their country
of origin.
21
Table 2: Structure of the visitors of the concentration camps Lublin-Majdanek, Bełżec, Sobibor
(as for the country of origin, in years 2011, 2013, 2014)
Year
2011
absolutely
2013
%
absolutely
2014
%
absolutely
%
Ratio of domestic (Polish) and foreign
(non-Polish) visitors
1.222
x
1.584
x
1.489
x
Foreign visitors
54640
45.01
62336
38.70
76092
40.18
Visitors in total
121404
100
161058
100
189376
100
Poland
66764
54.99
98722
61.30
113284
59.82
Israel
38644
31.83
42484
26.38
56250
29.70
USA
3370
2.78
4480
2.78
4079
2.15
Germany
1739
1.43
2201
1.37
1825
0.96
Great Britain
1435
1.18
1904
1.18
1203
0.64
France
1385
1.14
1482
0.92
1601
0.85
Canada
1358
1.12
1355
0.84
1327
0.70
Ukraine
810
0.67
2342
1.45
1779
0.94
Italy
583
0.48
354
0.22
562
0.30
Netherlands
568
0.47
843
0.52
877
0.46
Spain
333
0.27
317
0.20
921
0.49
4415
3.64
4574
2.84
5668
2.99
Czech Republic
-
-
84
-
-
-
Slovakia
-
-
49
-
-
-
selected countries:
Other countries
including:
Source: http://www.majdanek.eu/articles.php?acid=213 (annual reports 2011-2014); - data
concerning other years not available; x means has the figure made no sense.
From the above tabular data one can observe that the largest group of visitors are domestic
Poles, out of foreign visitors the Israelis, and the proportion of the formers and the latters in the
total number of visitors is about 60% and 30%, respectively and is more or less stable over the
time. With a considerable span behind follow the Americans, Germans, British, French and
others who, however, contribute only slightly, about one to two percentages to the attendance.
Somewhat surprising is the fact that, due to a geographical proximity, the participation as well
as the interest of Czech and Slovak tourists is completely insignificant in terms of those
numbers.
In terms of the trend of attendance of the Auschwitz-Birkenau it is clear that this place attracts
more and more visitors every year (with only minor fluctuations in 2008 and 2013). Also, a
steadily increasing interest of foreign tourist whose number in the past eight years almost
doubled is very important. While for Polish visitors of the camp the peak year came in 2009 or
2011, respectively, for visitors from abroad it was the year 2014, in which they accounted for
almost three quarters of all visitors to Auschwitz (Tab. 4). This table below also shows that
there is an increase in the diversity of visitors in terms of the country of origin.
Relatively stable numbers and proportions of visitors heading to Auschwitz come from Israel,
Germany and France, greater fluctuations can be seen in the number of visitors from overseas
(from the USA), but also from Great Britain. A stably high interest can be found even in the
countries such as Norway, Sweden, as well as South Korea and Australia. Regarding the
visitors from the Czech Republic and Slovakia, we can say that this location as an alternative
22
tourism destination has already been discovered (unlike the Lublin-Majdanek, Belzec and
Sobibor), because their numbers since 2006 doubled and tripled.
Table 3: Structure of the visitors of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp (as for the
country of origin, in years 2006-2014), total numbers
Year
Visitors in
total
Out of whom
„non-Polish“
Attendance as
of selected
countries:
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
989500
1220000
1130000
1303800
1380000
1405000
1430000
1332700
1534000
648500
755000
719800
750800
849400
794500
983700
996000
1135200
Poland
341000
465000
410200
553000
530600
610500
446300
336700
398800
Israel
37200
96000
44000
90900
44100
74300
62400
39800
59000
38000
62000
51800
68000
96900
57200
101500
62100
92050
Germany
Great
Britain
50200
60200
57900
57900
68000
58000
74500
69100
75400
57200
104000
109600
75000
84000
82200
149200
178800
199400
France
39100
42600
41400
48300
63000
56000
62000
47600
54250
Canada
6000
11700
9300
6600
6200
9000
25200
16000
27650
Ukraine
2500
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
USA
Italy
51000
.
56500
43000
63900
74000
78000
84500
71400
84350
Netherlands
12800
15500
11300
11700
12400
15600
19200
22600
31000
Spain
Other
countries
including:
Czech
Republic
23300
26600
32000
26700
32000
46000
54300
52800
55800
273200
303000
296900
358500
412800
335900
349900
379000
453200
18600
24500
30100
43500
45000
43000
48100
41500
52700
17200
19300
32200
42900
43300
40000
42100
28500
32550
Slovakia
Source: Annual report of the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau, 2006-2014, on line,
own elaboration
A significant feature of difference (2014) in the two compared spots makes the proportion of
visitors from Poland and Israel - in Lublin-Majdanek, Belzec and Sobibor they make 90% of
the visitors while in Auschwitz they regard only 30%, but with a declining trend. A relative
structure of the visitors to this site and the memorial is captured in Table 4.
From the perspective of a historically conditioned motivation of the visit the Auschwitz
concentration camp one can compare the intensity of the visits by countries (a number of
visitors from a given country relative to its population, in percentage). Here, according to the
2011 annual report (page 23) the ranking of countries is following: Poland 1.598%; Israel
0.815%; Slovakia 0.727%; Norway 0.720%; Czech Republic 0.421%; Sweden 0.271%;
Hungary 0.184%; Great Britain 0.132%; Italy 0.129%; Belgium 0.110%; Spain 0.097% and the
Netherlands 0.094%. From the sequence it can be deduced that relatively strongly motivated to
a visit of the Auschwitz-Birkenau are both domestic Poles, then, for obvious reasons, Israelis
and even members of other European nations, whether due to the historical memory or
geographical proximity. Visitors from overseas (USA, Canada, South Korea and others) appear
in the statistics mainly due to the abundance of their populations.
The 2012 report (p. 23) indicates the results of the survey of the motivation to a visit of the
memorial, which can be summarized as follows: 33.2% of respondents put as the reason for his
visit „the understanding of the history of the camp“; 19.6% of the respondents put it as „the
23
commemoration of the victims“; 13.7% of the respondents mentioned „the tribute to the victims
of the camp“ and 12.6% mentioned „the curiosity“. Other motives were „the sympathy with the
victims of the war“ 7.6%; „a pursuit for the confrontation of knowledge acquired in school“
prevailed for 5.1%; „a search for own identity and roots“ persuaded 1.2%; „religious motives“
1.2% and the rest included others or not more closely specified motives to the visit of the
concentration camp.
Table 4: Structure of the visitors of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp (as for the
country of origin, in years 2006-2014), percentages
Year
Visitors in
total
Out of whom
„non-Polish“
Attendance as
of selected
countries:
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
65.54
61.88
63.70
57.59
61.55
56,55
68.79
74.74
74.00
Poland
34.46
38.11
36.30
42.41
38.45
43.45
31.21
25.26
26.00
Israel
USA
3.76
9.70
3.61
7.45
3.90
6.58
4.79
3.05
4.28
2.75
4.41
3.69
4.76
6.78
4.29
7.62
4.05
6.00
Germany
5.07
4.93
5.12
4.44
4.93
4.13
5.21
5.18
4.92
Great Britain
5.78
8.52
5.12
5.75
6.09
5.85
10.43
13.42
13.00
France
3.95
3.49
3.66
3.70
4.57
3.99
4.34
3.57
3.54
Canada
0.61
0.96
0.82
0.51
0.45
0.64
1.76
1.20
1.80
Ukraine
0.25
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Italy
5.15
.
4.63
3.81
0.51
5.36
5.55
5.91
5.36
5.50
Netherlands
1.29
1.27
0.01
0.90
0.90
1.11
1.34
1.70
2.02
Spain
Other
countries
2.35
2.18
2.83
2.05
2.32
3.27
3.80
3.96
3.64
27.61
24.84
26.27
27.50
23.91
24.47
28.44
29.54
1.88
2.01
2.66
3.34
3.26
3.06
3.36
3.11
3.44
1.74
1.58
2.85
3.29
3.14
2.85
2.94
2.14
2.12
including:
Czech
Republic
Slovakia
29.91
Source: Annual report of the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau, 2006-2014, on line,
own calculations
The third location put in comparison from the view of the structure of visitors by countries is due to published annual reports - Theresienstadt Memorial, for which the data are available on
the numbers of domestic and foreign visitors, the numbers of youth groups and the attendance
during the course of the year (in a more detailed breakdown).
Table 5 and Table 6 provide quite a clear illustration of the overall downward trend in the
attendance of the authentic surroundings of the Small Fortress in Theresienstadt, except for
some recovery that occurred only in the year 2005. The share of foreign visitors to the overall
attendance shows the oscillations around a relatively stable high value of 80% and in the last
four years with we can see a slight increase. There is also a significant change in the ratio of
foreign and Czech young tourists (the youth as a special age group mentioned in the respective
annual reports but not more specified): especially strong change is obvious since 2008 (a ratio
of roughly 2:1) to 2013 (a ratio of 5.5:1).
24
Table 5: Structure of the visitors of the Small Fortress (divided into domestics, foreigners, the
youth, in years 2006-2014), total numbers
Year
Attendance total
Foreigners
Youth from abroad
Czech Youth
2000
247582
196704
114429
28516
2001
245644
201732
125918
27371
2002
194336
155323
106062
23445
2003
194588
159418
104052
20687
2004
229906
187075
116874
25339
2005
248136
195884
124995
41155
2006
235487
188600
119172
43582
Year
Attendance total
Foreigners
Youth from abroad
Czech Youth
2007
235906
179839
112443
51173
2008
222167
169003
106006
52956
2009
208047
152728
95408
32024
2010
212630
154695
95678
31591
2011
220394
171229
102868
26870
2012
220452
174735
111392
25520
2013
208547
169224
107220
19722
Source: Theresienstadt Memorial annual report 2001-2013, [on-line], own elaboration
Therefore there might be a small astonishment over this trend. There is, within the marked
decline in the attendance of the Theresienstadt Small Fortress, an increasing interest from
foreigners and especially the representation of young, non-resident people. Based on a quick
glance in the annual reports, similar trends might be observed in the other offered attractive
sites in Theresienstadt, i.e. the Ghetto Museum and the former Magdeburg Barracks.
Table 6: Structure of the visitors of the Small Fortress (divided into domestics, foreigners, the
youth, in years 2000-2013), development index (2000 = 100), percentages
Year
Attendance total
(2000=100)
% of foreign visitors
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
100.00
79.45
99.22
82.12
78.49
79.92
78.60
81.93
92.86
81.37
100.22
78.94
95.11
80.09
Youth from abroad (%)
Czech Youth (%)
80.05
19.95
82.14
17.86
81.90
18.10
83.42
16.58
82.18
17.82
75.23
24.77
73.22
26.78
Year
Attendance total
(2000=100)
% of foreign visitors
Youth from abroad (%)
Czech Youth (%)
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
95.28
76.23
68.72
31.28
89.73
76.07
66.69
33.31
84.03
73.41
74.87
25.13
85.88
72.75
75.18
24.82
89.02
77.67
79.29
20.71
89.04
79.26
81.36
18.64
84.23
81.14
84.46
15.54
Source: Theresienstadt Memorial annual report 2001-2013, [on-line], own elaboration
According to an analysis of the visitors of the year-round opened Small Fortress in
Theresienstadt it is obvious that the highs and lows differ from each other in case of the total
attendance (with peaks in April, May and July), and there are similar differences in the
attendance curves of young Czech visitors and young foreign visitors. The average number of
the attendance in each month (for the period 2001-2013) is captured in Fig. 3. In terms of
Czechs the relevant months are April, May and June. For foreigners these are April, May and
September. It can be assumed that the maxima for the youth attendance are associated with the
course of the school year and the school organized events, including sightseeing tours.
A similar course of the attendance as the one for the Small Fortress applies, according to
Altmanová (2014) for a comparable property type which is the Belgian Breendonk internment
camp. From Fig. 4 giving the averaged values of the overall attendance in each month in the
period 2007-2012 it stems that the peak season of this Belgian fortress are regularly March and
May. Over the summer the number of visitors decreases to a minimum as families rather visit,
25
as part of their vacation, places other than memorials of the concentration camps. Since the
beginning of the school year the attendance increases until November, then.
Fig. 3: Course of the attendance of the internment camp in Theresienstadt
Source: Theresienstadt Memorial annual report 2001-2013, [on-line], own calculations and
graphics
Fig. 4: Course of the attendance of the internment camp in Breendonk
13738
10248
13326
10719
9914
8842
7565
5736
5156
3697
3652
3896
Source: Altmanová (2014), own calculations and graphics
Among other findings resulting from our comparison of the sample of the concentration camps
also belong certain findings regarding the significance, the likely perception of their tragedy
and the differences in terms of the entrance fees, complementary services offered or in terms of
their current visual appearance and preservation. For more see Table 7.
One of the most significant differences between the German concentration camps and other
camps is Western European represents the (non) existence of the fee for entry to their premises;
in no German memorial is applied a fee (a paid service is only renting audio guides in German
26
or another foreign language, a kind of entrance fee is paid only for temporary exhibitions or
any accompanying cultural events). By contrast, the entrance to the sites of the former
concentration camps outside the Federal Republic of Germany is not free of charge (for
example in the Austrian Mauthausen-Gusen the fee makes two euros, in Belgian Breendonk it
is eight euros per adult). The exception to this rule is the memorial in Drancy in France, where
the entry is for free. According to Altmanová (2014) German camps offer views of both the
original buildings as well as a number of artefacts (photos, clothing, valuables) and yet the
visitor does not have to pay an entry fee. In contrast, there are camps that offer a little to see, no
matter whether free of charge or not and there is - paradoxically – a very high attendance.
These are for example the German Dachau as a symbol of „the first Nazi concentration
camp“with free entrance (in 2013 the annual attendance was of about 775,000 visitors) or a
frequently visited Dutch Westerbork with the average attendance of 400,000 people per year
(Altmanová, 2014). A similarity between the two sites lies in their vastness and minimally
preserved original buildings. As for the issue of paying a fee for entry, yet one can add that the
absence of such a levy could further attract visitors (e.g. from poorer areas or a greater number
of school groups, etc.).
A factor affecting the attendance and stemming from the importance, the size and type of
concentration camp (internment, labour, extermination) is also its cultural and historical status
or the preservation status (Oswiecim as the UNESCO memorial or Theresienstadt as a national
cultural landmark, etc.). This means that the site has become in the general public perception, a
synonymous with evil or a world famous „phenomenon“. However, the question remains, at
least in case of some locations, whether the increasing number of visitors, the renovation of the
original buildings, the presence of services (e.g. coffee shops, cafeterias, selling books, a coffee
machine at the Auschwitz), etc. do somewhat devaluate the authenticity of the site and the site
loses its genius loci. Altmanová (2014, p. 22) aptly portrayed this problem in connection with
the area of the concentration camp at Dachau, where she states: „Although the former
concentration camp is now namely a museum, on the one hand it evokes in people, due to its
relatively large empty space, feelings of uneasiness, but on the other hand the current
atmosphere around the campus today does not correspond to what took place here during the
Second World War. Just like with all those repairs the place lost its original spirit. Though there
are several monuments, statues and other artfully created mementos, the cruelty of those times
that this place should commemorate, has long since disappeared in a vast and empty space
where the tourists will not find much nowadays. A short walk away from the camp, behind a
moat, there are a few crematorium furnaces located and a small gas chamber which was,
however, never used. But this is the only place that a little bit revives the cruel spirit of those
times, but even that one is somehow disappearing with the torrents of tourists.“
Tables 7 and 8 summarize qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the selected sample of
the concentration camps and clearly depict their common and different attributes.
Summary of the analysis
Shall we now try to summarize the above information in terms of the specifics, attractiveness
and perspectives of the Holocaust tourism, the following facts and observations should be
noted. From the above analysis it is clear that the individual concentration camps differ in their
"attractiveness", which stems from their history, from the type of the camp (labour, internment,
ghetto, transit, extermination) and probably from the extent of the tragedy (death toll) in those
camps. As somewhat irrelevant in terms of "attractiveness“seems the rate of the preserved
original buildings, which are in many cases replaced by monuments, museums and expositions.
Paradoxically, the high attendance show the areas in which not many objects survived (e.g.
Dachau, Buchenwald), but which have a status of the first Nazi concentration camps (Dachau)
built or that of UNESCO (Auschwitz-Birkenau), where the attendance probably correlates with
the tragedy happened.
27
Table 7: Qualitative features of the selected European concentration camps
Camp
Country
AuschwitzBirkenau
Poland
labour and
extermination
4/1940 – 1/1945
Bełzec
Poland
labour and
extermination
1/1940 – 12/1940
11/1941 – 12/1942
liberated by USSR and the Poles,
not preserved, memorial, museum
Chelmno
Poland
extermination
12/1943 – 3/1943
6/1944 – 1/1945
Lublin- Majdanek
Poland
extermination
7/1941 – 7/1944
Sobibor
Poland
labour
extermination
5/1942 – 10/1943
Treblinka
Warszaw
Bergen-Belsen
Buchenwald
Poland
Poland
Germany
Germany
extermination
ghetto
internment
labour
6/1942 – 11/1943
11/1940 – 8/1944
4/1943 – 4/1945
7/1937 – 4/1945
Dachau
Germany
labour
3/1933 – 4/1945
Flossenbürg
Germany
labour
5/1938 – 4/1945
Ravensbrück
Germany
labour
5/1939 – 4/1945
liberated by USSR, museum,
memorial
Sachsenhausen
Germany
labour
7/1936 – 4/1945
liberated by USSR, preserved,
museum, memorial
Austria
labour
8/1938 – 5/1945
Theresienstadt
(former fortress)
Czech
Republic
ghetto
11/1941 – 5/1945
Lety
Czech
Republic
internment
and labour
8/1942 – 8/1943
memorial and exposition
Breendonk (former
fortress)
Belgium
9/1941 – 12/1944
Drancy
France
internment
and labour
internment
Westerbork
Netherlands internment
4/1939 – 4/1945
liberated by the allies, preserved,
memorial
liberated by USA, preserved,
memorial
liberated by the allies (Canadians),
not preserved, memorial
Bolzano
Italy
transit
Fossoli
Italy
transit
Mauthausen-Gusen
Type of camp In operation
8/1941 – 4/1945
-
Jasenovac
Croatia
extermination
1941 – 1945
History and presence
museum
museum
liberated by USSR
liberated by GB, cemetery
liberated by USA, partially
preserved, museum, memorial
museum
memorial
liberated by USA, partially
preserved, museum, memorial,
cemetery
museum, memorial, cemetery
preserved, decaying, authentic
state
Source: Sedláček (2014), Altmanová (2014), www.holocaust.cz (websites of the individual
concentration camps); - data missing
28
Table 8: Quantitative features of the selected European concentration camps
Camp
(year of opening, official Country
release of the memorial)
Estimated casualties
(out of whom Czech
and protectorate)
Estimated
prisoners ( out of
whom Czech and
protectorate)
Entry fee
(adult)
Auschwitz-Birkenau
(1947)
Poland
1.100000 – 1.500000
(-)
-
free
Bełżec (2004)
Poland
600000 (-)
-
free, guided groups
50-75 Zlt
Chełmno (-)
Poland
320000 (-)
- (5000)
free
Lublin-Majdanek (-)
Poland
-
free, guided groups
Sobibor (1965)
Poland
250000 (-)
-
free
Treblinka (-)
Warszaw (2013, Polish
Jews History Museum)
Poland
Poland
800000 (-)
200000 (-)
375000 (-)
5Zlt
free
Bergen-Belsen (-)
Buchenwald (1958)
Germany
Germany
56000 – 70000 (808)
240000 (7783)
free
free
Dachau (1965)
Germany
32000 (1400)
188000 (3600)
free
Flossenbürg (1999)
Ravensbrück (1959)
Sachsenhausen (1961)
Germany
Germany
Germany
33000 (-)
92000 (-)
100000 (-)
153000 (-)
35000 (-)
200000 (-)
free
free
free
Mauthausen-Gusen
(1947)
Theresienstadt(1947)
Lety (1995)
Austria
123000 – 320000
(4472)
35000 (-)
326 (326)
- (7320)
Breendonk (1947)
Drancy (1976)
Westerbork (2008)
Bolzano (-)
Fossoli (-)
Jasenovac (1991)
Czech
Republic
Czech
Republic
Belgium
France
Netherlands
Italy
Italy
Croatia
1733 (-)
141000 (70000)
1309 (1309)
3000 (-)
102000 (-)
-
3500 (-)
70000 (-)
107000 (-)
15000 (-)
-
700000 (114)
-
2 Euros
170-210 CZK
free
8 Euros
free
6.5 Euros
free
free
free
Source: Altmanová (2014), data updated accordance with the websites of the individual
concentration camps; - missing or not available data
For the same reason it can be stated that the attractiveness is systematically higher in all Polish
extermination camps, while in case of the comparable Croatian extermination camp in
Jasenovac, Europe seems to have forgotten about it. But one can also argue that „the
phenomenon of Auschwitz“significantly competes with other Polish extermination camps,
which are then necessarily seen as secondary ones.
Individual camps differ in the structure and in terms of the ratio of visitors according to their
country of origin. But not always prevail "domestic" visitors (as in the case of Polish
extermination camps of Majdanek, Belzec and Sobibor), the rule is rather the opposite (74% of
29
foreign visitors at Auschwitz-Birkenau, 80% of foreign visitors in the Theresienstadt Small
Fortress). A particular problem that is to be mentioned here is that the majority of the
concentration camps, where the entry is free (those make a majority) often only estimate the
number of visitors. The entry to all German sites is for free, one only pays for special
exhibitions, lending of headphones and the audio guides; the highest entry fee in Europe apply
to the Belgian labour and internment camp Breendonk (8 euros) and a Dutch internment camp
Westerbork (6.5 euro). In some Polish extermination camps, where entry is free, one can pay
for a guided tour for ahead booked groups of visitors.
A significant feature of the Holocaust tourism is the fact that its base, roughly 50-60%, usually
creates groups of high school and university students, and that its objectives of interest are
generally open all year round. The course of the perennial attendance of the concentration camp
is, compared to the general seasonality of the cultural cognitive tourism, somewhat inverse.
Generally, the highest attendance and interest is connected with the spring months (March to
May), and then with the beginning of the school year (September, October or November). In
typical summer tourist months, however, the interest and popularity of the sites is declining.
Overall, in the last two or three years, the overall interest in the Holocaust tourism, however,
has been increasing (see Table 1) and the attendance if one can determine, has not been
decreasing. Some of the newly opened concentration camps can benefit from the curiosity of
tourists (Dutch Westerbork, 2008, the annual average attendance of around 400,000 people),
whereas others may be due to their localization in a tough contest with the worldwide famous
sights of a different type in their neighbourhood (a French, albeit a unique complex of a
collective prefabricated house, the Drancy camp located in Paris).
An ethical issue associated with the concentration camps is not only a visit to these areas (see
Introduction) as such and the behaviour of the visitors there (e.g. in Auschwitz there are 26
rules for camp visitors; elsewhere there are codes for visitors), but also the suitability of the
localization of certain ancillary services or the organization of supporting cultural events.
Likewise, there is also discussed a possibility that the camps, which were razed to the ground
and from which there was little left, may offer, except for the construction of the monuments,
museums and expositions also the construction of the replicas of the original buildings in
accordance with the documentation and photographs preserved.
Conclusions
In the end we can say that although the Holocaust tourism is a part of the both cultural
cognitive tourism and dark tourism, in many areas it is totally different. It does not provide, in
comparison with other cultural attractions or events, only one time emotional experience but
also transcends our everyday existence. In addition, because most people perceive the basic
human values in the same way then their experience of visiting concentration camps and places
associated with the Holocaust is relatively the same as. The message of these sites as well as
the memento is in fact identical.
Tourists are encouraged to visit these places both via a symbolic encounter with a death, the
authenticity of the place and its genius loci, as well as via a piety and - as stated in many
studies - the cultural-cognitive motive (e.g. Biran, Poria, Oren, 2011, a research in Auschwitz).
People want to learn more about the dark places, and events that took place there, yet they can
have a personal (relatives of prisoners and victims) and impersonal relationship to that place.
Shall we predict how the Holocaust tourism develops in future, we can assume that it will keep
the existing or slightly increased attendance; but also a particular attendance may be somewhat
volatile. The current relatively high attendance of these premises, in the magnitude of tens of
thousands, hundreds of thousands, if not millions in case of Auschwitz, corresponds, in terms of
the source, to the entire territory of Europe or the whole world, respectively. Such our forecast
supports the fact that - at least in the Czech Republic - among travel agencies there is no one
that would be exclusively specialized in the realization of trips to concentration camps. As
30
Sedláček (2014, p. 51) claims in his work on the basis of the research conducted, this is due to
the relative lack of interest of the Czechs (people would rather prefer beautiful historic places;
they do not want, on purpose, to visit places where there were deliberately murdered hundreds
of thousands of people; they perceive a visit to the camp only as part of their trip or vacation,
not as its main target) as well as due to the fact that such a travel agency in the Czech Republic
even if it occurred, would not be competitive in the long term. Analogously from a global as
well as pan-European perspective it is true that although the interest in places associated with
the Holocaust is relatively large, it is not sufficient for the existence of such a specialized travel
agency and for a profitable business in this field of tourism.
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33
Article history: Received 13 November 2014; last revision 27 January 2015; accepted 16 March 2015
SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF CAFÉ NOIR’S COMMERCIAL "THE MIME’S
DATE"
Ieva Vitkauskaitė
Vilnius University Kaunas Faculty of Humanities
Abstract
This paper focuses on audiovisual commercial. The aim of the article is to apply semiotic analysis to
Café Noir’s video commercial “The Mime’s Date”. The first part of the article reviews the commercial
and the way it is realised. The following part of the article analyses the commercial video “The Mime’s
Date” discussing the symbols and codes present in it and analysing their possible meanings.
Advertising is an industry of promises. It promises more than the product advertised can give. The
creators use a lot of signs and symbols in their works. The creators “play” with the psychology and the
subconsciousness of people. The commercial “The Mime’s Date” by Café Noir is not an exception.
Having analysed this commercial video, the meaning of the visual message has been revealed. This
commercial wants to create an illusion that coffee can “transport” everyone into a life full of luxury,
elegance and pedantry. It also reveals that the coffee pod alone can seduce the opposite sex. Therefore,
certain instances of contrafacts are prevailing in the situation.
Keywords: semiotic analysis, commercial video “The Mimes’s Date”, audiovisual commercial,
analysis of commercial video, code, sign
JEL classification: M37, M39
Introduction
Advertising is one of the constituents of marketing. It helps to convey necessary information
about a company and its products (Versli Lietuva 2014). The main goal of commercials is to
promote sales of goods produced by a company as well as the services it provides, yet the most
important part of this goal is to generate new needs within the society. Therefore, each type of
advertising, especially commercial videos, conveys various meanings and values, manipulates
the subconsciousness and the notions of the society, trying to convince that the product
advertised is worth buying.
In order to understand the signs and values created by a visual message, the method of simple
selection has been used to select the commercial “The Mime’s Date” by the company Café
Noir; its duration is 35 seconds. Semiotic analysis is applied to analyse this video commercial
because this branch of science analyses signs and their systems. It aims at describing meanings
(Varnauskas 2012).
The aim of the article is to analyse Café Noir’s video commercial “The Mime’s Date” on the
basis of semiotics.
Advertising: the industry of promises
The entire commercial is aimed at a potential buyer of the advertised product/service. It is
designed to create the need for that product/service and to manipulate human desires (Ponelienė
34
2008:204). Therefore, the commercial is constantly promising something; it is the industry of
promises par excellence (Milerius 2013:31). In order to attract the consumer in a faster and
better way, the commercial promises a lot more than the advertised product can give (Milerius
2013:31). The commercial uses aesthetic means, methods of psychology and statistics;
therefore, it is s a blend of art and science (Beasley, Danesi 2002:2).
At the moment, there are various forms and means of advertising: the media, exhibitions, fairs,
etc. (Versli Lietuva 2014). There are two main types of form:

visual: the consumer sees the product/service, its logo, etc.

verbal: a phrase uttered in the right tone or dialogue directing the consumer’s attention
to the product/service or the company itself or its trademark (Ponelienė 2008:205).
Usually, the creators of commercials combine both types into one, thus creating what is called
an audiovisual commercial (Ponelienė 2008:205). This means that the message is conveyed
employing both the visuals and the sound. In this way, it is possible to create more signs and
symbols that would manipulate the senses of consumers and increase their desire to purchase
the product. It does not matter which means will be used to affect the user; the most important
thing is that users are affected, and that the product or its brand is stuck into one’s
subconsciousness (Smetonienė 2009:32). The creators “play” with the psychology and the
subconsciousness of people. They usually employ “Epicurean themes – happiness,
youthfulness, success, status, luxury, fashion, beauty” (Beasley, Danesi 2002:27). They tell the
story about “the audience”. The commercial “The Mime’s Date” by Café Noir is not an
exception; it also reflects luxury, beauty, youthfulness, etc. This commercial video has many
encoded meanings. It promises the viewer “a different” life and “transports” the viewer to it.
Analysis of commercial video “Mime’s date”
The video commercial is divided into four segments:
1.
The first segment starts at the beginning of the commercial video and lasts until the shot
in which everything is observed through binoculars (0:00 - 0:03);
2.
The second segment starts in the room and ends with the shot in which a woman and a
young man stand in the centre of the room (0:03 – 0:22);
3.
The third segment starts with the shot in which the main role is played by the clown and
ends when the clown starts to speak (0:22 – 0:26);
4.
The fourth segment starts with the shot which depicts all the coffee products produced
by the company and lasts until the end of the commercial video (0:27 – 0:35).
Each part of the commercial will be analysed separately connecting the analysis into one entity.
The first segment of the commercial video
After watching the first segment of the commercial, it is possible to notice the main symbol of
the entire Café Noir company – the clown. This sign is considered to be an icon because this
kind of signifier remains similar to its object: the circus clown. All this is revealed by the dress
code. Clowns wear various outfits but their usual outfit includes striped clothes and overalls.
They wear exclusive footwear, gloves and, usually, a hat. Moreover, all clowns wear make-up.
This particular clown has one exceptional quality, i.e. he does not have a big round nose which
is stereotypically an attribute of all circus clowns. This shows that this clown is not destined for
entertainment and the circus. His main function is not to entertain the society, yet he can do
what the society cannot do, for example, sit down on the hand of the town clock.
It is noteworthy that in the commercial, the clown becomes a symbolic sign. The clown has
different meanings attributed to him. He becomes an observer watching over the city. He
observes and supervises everything that is related to coffee. Here it is possible to observe the
metaphor of the clown. He can be called the coffee clown. Assessing the dress code from a
35
different point of view, one can see that his two-coloured striped overalls reflect two types of
coffee, i.e. black and white.
The creator of the commercial pays a lot of attention to projecting the image of observation.
However, it is performed indirectly, by using the codes of space, colours and sound. Certain
signs can be recognisable. In this way, it creates an unnerving feeling and mysteriousness; it
shows that everyone is observed even though they do not notice it. It is attempted to create an
intrigue towards the viewer.
The commercial is set during an autumn evening; it allows the creator to encourage the sense of
mysteriousness and intrigue in the commercial. The selection of space is determined by the
clock tower at the centre of the city; it is higher than any other building in the city and thus a
fine place for watching people as the entire city can be visible from that spot. The town clock
becomes an icon and a symbol in its own right.
The Moon can also be treated as part of the space code. The full moon is selected on purpose. It
provides the sense of completion to the space. However, the full moon can be distinguished as a
sign with a symbolic nature. Since the full moon is usually associated with mysteriousness, one
can assume that something unbelievable, unusual and also frightening takes place during that
night. When the full moon rises, one can expect various surprises and magic. This makes the
clown–observer even more visible.
One can notice that in order to make the commercial more mysterious, the creator uses a certain
effect, namely the rain, but the rain is more like fog. If there was no sound, it would be difficult
to understand that it is actually raining. However, the decoding of sound reveals that the sound
of rain is actually present. The sounds are carefully selected for the commercial.
The creator of animation consciously uses various signs, codes and metaphors in the
commercial. A fine example of it would be the shot in which the clock and the clown are
captured in full length. It can be noted that the time displayed on the clock is 9:55 PM;
however, the sound of the clock striking hours indirectly indicates that the time during the
given moment is 9:00 PM since the clock strikes only once in an hour. However, the creator
wants to strengthen the effect of the sound thus adding one more vector, i.e. the city lamp. This
is a case of manipulation of signs and codes. The street lamp is an icon, a symbol of the street
and it can be interpreted in various ways. It can perform several functions: “to trick” the
spectator into thinking that the actual time shown by the clock is 9:00 PM since the lighting of
the scene directs the attention of the viewer to the lamp; another function could be to illuminate
the scene for the clown. This proves once again that on an evening like this, everything is
possible, especially when the coffee clown appears. However, it is possible to look at this scene
from a different perspective. When the sound of the clock is heard, the clown moves. This can
be interpreted as clinging to the clock hand which moves towards him, and the street lamp
alone remains unmoved. A possible meaning of this symbol is that the street lamp lights up
every hour.
It is difficult to see what the clown is holding in his hand but in the following shot, the
connotation of the signifier, the binoculars, is created in the space of the shot. The signifier and
the signified are encoded in the space of the shot. Therefore, the fact that the clown has noticed
something interesting through his binoculars is revealed to the viewer. A certain form allows
the viewer to realise that the observation is performed using the binoculars. It can be said that
this shot is an icon. At the same time, the creator creates a specific kontrafaktas: the viewer
identifies himself with the observer/the clown.
When analysing the extent to which the sound is used in the commercial, one can notice that
sounds and music are created specifically for this commercial. It can be deducted from the fact
that each sound matches the sight. Once the commercial starts, one can hear the usual sound of
the clock which tolls on an hourly basis. It can be said that it is the sign of the sound, an icon,
to be more precise. It slightly overshadows the sound of rain which can be immediately
decoded as an iconic sign of sound.
36
The creator of the commercial makes the movements of the feet of the clown audible and thus
evokes the connotation between the movements of the clock hands. All instances of music or,
to be more precise, sounds create a special mood and emotion for the commercial video. The
viewer is included; he wants to know what happens next.
As for the colour codes of the commercial, the use of black and white is prevailing. This colour
pattern is used deliberately because it is the main colour pattern of the entire promotional
campaign of Café Noir. The shades of black and white are dominant. These colours gain a
symbolic meaning: they make the commercial more mysterious, magical, and also intrigue the
viewer because they are used to seeing colourful images. It also creates an illusion that this
video is created during the times when there was no cinema in Technicolor. It implies that
during these times, coffee was advertised in better ways. Moreover, the symbolic meaning of
colours can have certain connotations. In the meantime, the colour black symbolises black
coffee, whereas the colour white symbolises the colour of milk. By mixing black coffee and
milk, one can get various mixtures and shades of colours. This is reflected in the visual
message as well.
The analysis of colours can reveal several meanings of colours. The colour white symbolises
light and joy. It is also the colour of cleanliness, wisdom, celebration and elevation. The colour
black symbolises sinfulness, wisdom and evil. The colour white symbolises harmony, neutrality
and friendliness. Therefore, if we relate the meanings of these colours with the outfit of the
clown, it can be said that it reflects the sinfulness and the badness related to his role as an
observer. It can be said that this process is illegal. He is presumably committing a crime.
However, the colour white in his outfit counterbalances the crime he is committing. It signifies
that the crime is committed out of curiosity rather than bad intentions. He wants to be wise.
Moreover, the creator of the commercial does not pay great attention to the words of the
characters. The meaning of the commercial and the storytelling is encoded with the images
rather than words. However, the clown utters one question:
“Who’s there?”
It is a simple question which can be understood directly. There is no additional meaning
encoded. Everything is simple. However, the sound code used by the creator loads this question
with certain meanings. The tone of voice and the intonation of the clown indicate that he has
seen something unusual and interesting. The viewer is intrigued; he anticipates and wants to
know what happens next because he wants to see what the clown has seen. One could say that
the clown’s voice is tempting. One can assume that the view will be related with temptations
and seduction.
The second segment of the commercial video
The second segment of the commercial starts using the non-verbal language and signs. It helps
to encode the signs but the sound signs are used for decoding.
One can hear the main sign of this part of the commercial: the coffee pod which is both an icon
and a symbol. This sign can be attributed to the icon because the signifier is dependent on the
signified. It can be said that when one sees the coffee pod in the commercial, it is possible to
predict that coffee will be made out of this pod. However, a symbolic meaning is assigned to
the pod: it is the seducer, the temptress, not just an item; it becomes the main object of
seduction. The way in which the mime introduces the pod seduces the woman. Once she sees
the coffee pod, she is fascinated by the man and by the things he does. Later, the woman starts
to like the man. He seduces the woman and intrigues her with the coffee pod. Only later does
she become interested in the coffee itself and the man.
Analysing the colour codes of the commercial, it becomes evident that, as in the first segment,
the black-and-white is a prevailing colour pattern in this segment as well. However, two more
characters appear. The dress code of the man reveals that he is a mime. It is revealed by his suit
and white gloves. His body language helps to decode it as well. Mimes speak with their bodies
37
rather than by using words. The dress code also implies that the man can do something unusual
and magical. The suit (only a part of the suit, to be precise, because he wears only a vest rather
than a jacket) creates the sense of solidness and luxury. Neatly combed hair, white gloves, vest
and tie show that this person is pedantic and appreciates good quality. His rolled up sleeves is a
sign: an icon and a symbol. All of this implies to the viewer that he is a magician rather than a
mime. All illusionists roll up their sleeves before doing a trick in order to prove that they do not
hide anything in their sleeves. Therefore, the illusion is created that this man is an unusual one.
A flower blossom attached to the vest of the man symbolises his romantic nature. It can be
understood as a homonym. The symbolic meaning of the flower is romanticism, a desire to
attract attention of women and to be exceptional.
The clothes of the woman reveal that she is not a simple woman. She is an aristocratic, pedantic
lady. All of this can be deducted from the luxurious dress of the woman, its colour, accessories,
shoes, neatly combed hair and body language. She is lying elegantly on the couch and her facial
expressions and body movement indicate that she is bored. This is also revealed by her dress
code. The colour white creates a festive mood but also shows that the person needs something
new in his/her life.
The analysis of the space code in this segment reveals that the things in the room are located in
the background. The only exception is the couch the woman is lying on. It symbolises luxury
and seduction because the woman is lying on it; it can also symbolise the Romantic Period. The
things in the background are not brought into attention but they contribute to the sense of
luxury and elegance. It can be said that it is home to an educated, wealthy man, because there is
a globe next to the table as well as various luxurious things (for example, a stuffed bear which
can also imply that the owner of the house loves hunting). The creator of the commercial
highlights the characters of the commercial, and they are connected with the space only at the
end of the commercial. However, they receive the largest amount of attention as they stay at the
centre of the shot.
As in the first part of the commercial, the spoken text does not play a significant role in the
commercial. The meaning of the commercial and the storytelling is encoded with the images
rather than words. However, the woman says:
“I shouldn’t be there.”
It is a simple statement which can be understood directly. There is no meaning encoded.
Everything is simple. However, the sound code used by the creator loads this question with
certain meanings. The tone of voice and intonation implies that the woman is bored and not
fascinated by the man. She is not interested. However, her voice tone and its sound also allure
the man. It seems to be saying: “surprise me”.
If we connect the body language of the woman and the signs of voice into one, it is possible to
distinguish a certain iconic and symbolic sign. The woman expresses her boredom but she also
seduces the man and expects that he will surprise her in some way. The woman’s legs are a
conventional sign indicating that she is seducing him. All of this intrigues the viewer.
The sound codes play a very important role analysing this part of the commercial. Only if the
sounds are decoded is it possible to understand the meaning of the visuals. Iconic sounds like
closing cabinet doors, pressing a button, etc. create a denotation of the object recreated. It can
be said that even if one does not see the image and hears only the sounds, it is still not difficult
to imagine certain objects. However, when the sound and body language codes are combined in
the commercial video, it becomes easy for the viewer to decode the contents of the commercial.
It is noteworthy that the creators of the commercial video speak French, which further
strengthens the atmosphere of seduction, temptation and quality coffee prevailing in the video.
The most prevailing notion is that Frenchmen are passionate lovers and good cooks. The
French language supplements this video with certain taste.
It can be said that music that intermingles with domestic sounds lightens the mood as well. The
feeling of luxury and mysteriousness is created. Each sound is in harmony with other sounds.
The sound of an operating machine becomes one of the constituents of the musical part of this
38
video. The creator of the commercial carefully thought about each code, sign, even the sounds
of music.
This segment of the commercial has one important signifier: the cup of coffee and coffee
poured into it. If the coffee machine as an item is just an illusion, then the cup of coffee and the
coffee poured into it at present is not an illusion. The sound of coffee being poured makes the
image more prominent. In the subconsciousness, the viewer imagines the coffee machine. This
evokes the images of the coffee-making process. This signifier is a sign and an icon because it
has a direct connection with the object. It is a direct sign.
A transparent, small cup is a symbol which might be a conventional sign of espresso coffee.
Usually, this type of coffee is poured into small cups. A transparent cup seems more impressive
to the spectator. This is how the secret of coffee is revealed; everyone can see how the coffee is
poured and how it looks like in the cup. An unusual way of holding the cup (it sits on the palm
of the hand) reveals that this coffee is unusual; it is nothing like the coffee sold by other
companies. This coffee is elegant; it is created for people who appreciate quality. The white
clean glove unstained by coffee proves that coffee can become a symbol of pedantry, elegance
and quality.
The creator of the commercial wants to return to the clown/the observer; he deliberately selects
a different filming angle which reveals the entire space, emphasising large windows and the
characters. Large windows are also a symbol. They denote space. One can assume that the
room is in an ancient building somewhere in the Old Town. Therefore, the extent of luxury is
fixed in the mind of the viewer. The woman’s dress itself shown in full length in this shot
reveals that there is a festive occasion happening on this evening. Therefore, if one wants to
experience such luxury, it is necessary to purchase this coffee. The taste of this coffee can
provide everything: luxury, sense of elegance and getting one’s wishes fulfilled. In the
commercial, the man seduces the woman precisely with coffee. Kotrafaktai are used to a
greater extent. It offers the viewer to experience what they have not experienced before. The
coffee creates a paradise where everyday things function in a magical way.
The movement back to the shot with the clown is emphasised by filming from the corridor in
order for the doors of the room to be seen. It creates the illusion that this couple is being
watched. The observer is the camera recording this scene. It is also noteworthy that during the
second segment, the sound of rain cannot be heard but it appears again in the end. Attempts to
return back to the observer known from the first segment of the commercial are made as well as
to connect these parts into one entity thus showing that magic happens inside where it is warm
and cosy. It can be said that it is a fine way to return back to the clown located on the hand of
the clock.
The third segment of the commercial video
This part of the commercial emphasises the clown sitting on the clock hand. In this part, it is
already possible to see the binoculars that are slightly more visible. Binoculars are a sign, an
icon. All of this reminds the viewer that the previously seen image was created by the
clown/the observer. If the clown was not an observer, no one would see that scene. The
binoculars become a sign of observing, revelation.
It can be said that the text is emphasised in this segment of the commercial. The phrase of the
clown – “This pod is very seductive” – emphasises that the coffee pod has seduced the woman.
It is the pod, not the coffee itself that did it. As it has been mentioned before, the coffee pod is
the main symbol of the commercial. This is once more confirmed by the phrase of the clown. In
this way, one is encouraged to purchase not only the coffee but the coffee machine as well.
Since this coffee is the best coffee from the machine.
The creator of the commercial keeps paying a lot of attention to the sound codes. The
prevailing music creates an impressive mood. The voice and the intonation of the clown
emphasise the words that have been uttered. He has revealed a secret but he also expresses
39
surprise and concern. The surprise is revealed by the non-verbal body language, namely the
facial expression.
The fourth segment of the commercial video
This segment is not exceptional compared to other coffee commercials. Usually all commercial
campaigns end with a presentation of more products by a particular company and provide more
information about the product. However, a successful creator of a commercial ends the
commercial successfully employing the sound codes. Sound is an important part of the entire
commercial. Therefore, a simple text which conveys the main information about coffee pods
and coffee-makers adds certain exclusivity. The same mood and intrigue is maintained. The
tone of voice and music provides the commercial with some mysteriousness. The texts become
intriguing and seducing. The voice timbre becomes a symbol. It can be said that the signifier is
transferred to the coffee pod.
The commercial ends with the inscription and the quote about black shades. This finalises the
commercial emphasizing the blackness and taste of coffee. A different blackness of coffee: a
different taste of coffee.
Conclusions
Advertising is an industry of promises. It promises more than the product advertised can give.
The most important goal is to affect the subconsciousness of the consumer in order for him to
remember the product, the brand, and purchase the product/service. The creators use a lot of
signs and symbols in their works.
The symbol of the Café Noir commercial campaign is the clown who gains a new symbolic
meaning and performs the function of the observer who reveals secrets. There is one more sign
in the commercial analysed: the coffee pod which is also an icon and a symbol. However, there
are more signs: the sound of the clock, windows, binoculars, coffee cup, etc., which are
analysed in this work.
There are many codes employed in this commercial: those of dress, space, sound and colour. It
can be said the colour code of the entire commercial campaign is the black-and-white one.
Sound codes reveal the mysteriousness of the commercial and create an intrigue. Decoding the
dress codes, the social situation and lifestyle of the characters can be revealed. These people
like luxury and pedantry.
Having analysed this commercial video, the meaning of the visual message has been revealed.
This commercial wants to create an illusion that coffee can “transport” everyone into a life full
of luxury, elegance and pedantry. It also reveals that the coffee pod alone can seduce the
opposite sex. It can be said that if you drink a cup of coffee with a person you like, s/he will be
yours. Coffee can be powerful. It can change the current situation. Therefore, certain instances
of kontrafaktas are prevailing in the situation.
References
 Beasley, R., Danesi, R. (2002), Persuasive Signs. The Semiotics of Advertising. Berlin, New
York: Mounton de Gruyter.
 Café Noir - The Mime’s Date (2014), Agency: &Co., production: Bacon, creative team:
Johan
Køhler
/
Rune
Petersen,
Director:
Tobias
Gundorff
Boesen.
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5voMMIARCdw>.
40
 Milerius, N. (2013), Apokalipsė kine. Filosofinės prielaidos. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto
leidykla.
 Milerius, N. (2014), Kontrafaktai, kurie gadina mums gyvenimą [online].
<http://www.ziniuradijas.lt/naujiena/2014/10/23/kontrafaktai-kurie-gadina-mumsgyvenima/38142>.
 Ponelienė, R. (2008), Reklamos tipų, tikslų, poveikio vaikui, kaip vartotojui, teoriniai
aspektai
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 Smetonienė, I. (2009), Reklama... Reklama? Reklama! Vilnius: „Tyto alba“.
 Varanauskas, R., Semiotikos guru Nastopka: ženklas yra tik ledkalnio viršūnė [online].
<http://www.alfa.lt/straipsnis/15072038/semiotikos-guru-nastopka-zenklas-yra-tikledkalnio-virsune>.
 Versli
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Information about the author:
Ieva Vitkauskaitė (vvvieva(at)gmail.com) holds a Master degree in Arts management from
Vilnius University. She earned Master diploma Cum Laude.
41
Article history: Received 1 December 2014; last revision 10 February 2015; accepted 25 March 2015
MAINSTREAMING GENDER INTO TACKLING HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN
THE EUROPEAN UNION
Veronika Valkovičová
Comenius University in Bratislava, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Institute of
European Studies and International Relations
Abstract
The present article concentrates on the advent of gender mainstreaming as a method of
incorporating gender perspective into public policies. It analyses the historical as well as the
epistemological foundations of gender mainstreaming laid down during the Beijing Platform
for Action Conference of 1995. Furthermore, it analyses the factors that led to the adoption of
gender mainstreaming by the European Community’s institutions and the policy context in
which it has been applied ever since. The aim of this article is to portray the epistemological
framework of this soft law method as an open signifier for different perceptions of gender. For
these purposes, the article analyses the “subject positioning” within the framework of 13
projects on tackling human trafficking in EIGE’s tool for good practice sharing 1.
Key words: gender mainstreaming, positive actions, gender equality, human trafficking, EIGE
Introduction
Constructivist theories on European integration and Europeanisation 2 have been prolific in
analysing the discursive level of the European Union’s (EU) public policies. Furthermore,
feminist perspective has been applied to criticize a number of these policies, including the EU’s
gender equality policy. The EU’s equality policy has been under active academic scrutiny since
the late 1980s. A number of new feminist viewpoints have been expressed in the last decade,
whether they are related to tools and principles applied, or to particular areas of EU
engagement3. Nevertheless, this paper reinforces the continuity of feminist Deconstructivism in
international relations, since its main focus of analysis is the epistemological framework of
1
This is an independent analysis which was not commissioned by or written on behalf of the European Institute
for Gender Equality (EIGE). The author hereby declares that she has no professional or academic affiliation to the
Institute.
2
Scholars continue to debate the definition of Europeanisation. Nevertheless, in this article we identify with the
simple definition by Isabelle Bruno, Sophie Jacquot and Lou Mandin, who summarise Europeanisation as the
process of construction, diffusion and institutionalisation of formal and informal rules, policy paradigms,
perceptions, procedures, etc. (Bruno et al., 2006).
3
Among many others, it is worthy to mention existing studies about the EU’s anti-trafficking policy, such as
Susanne Baer’s criticism of EU policy on sexual harassment and pornography (Baer, 1996), Marjan Wijer’s
analysis of the EU approach to prostitution (Wijers, 2000), or Dorchen Leidholdt’s essay on sexual trafficking in
the EU (Leidholdt, 1996). In terms of critiquing the epistemological framework of EU methods and tools applied
to attain gender mainstreaming, it is worthy to mention Emanuela Lombardo’s and Petra Meier’s essay on framing
gender in the EU public policy (Lombardo and Meier, 2008), Vivien Schmidt’s and Claudio Radaelli’s study on
policy change and European discourse (Schmidt and Radaelli, 2004), or Rijken and Volder’s essay on human
rights approach in EU policy on trafficking of human beings (Rijken and Volder, 2009).
42
gender mainstreaming as a tool used in EU equality policy. In this article, we argue in favour of
Emanuela Lombardo and Petra Meier’s critical approach to the EU’s gender mainstreaming
policy (Lombardo and Meier, 2006; Lombardo and Meier, 2006; and Lombardo, 2013), which
is based on the assumption that the current methodological baseline for this approach lacks
consistency and is not compatible with its aim construed by the Beijing Platform of the United
Nations (UN). We propose to support this thesis via the analysis of the European Institute for
Gender Equality’s (EIGE) project on sharing gender mainstreaming practices, in particular with
relation to human trafficking. EIGE’s objective as an EU agency is to provide research-based
advice to the EU and its Member States’ institutions. The work of the Vilnius-based agency is
therefore very much soft law oriented and requires thorough scrutiny.
In the first section of this paper, we will present the concept of gender mainstreaming and its
epistemological foundations created by the Beijing Platform for Action. Gender mainstreaming
will be presented here as an umbrella term for a set of tools and methods aimed at incorporating
gender perspective into a variety of policies. This part of the paper also works with a number of
feminist perspectives on different variations of gender mainstreaming. The second part of this
article will deal with how gender mainstreaming penetrated EU discourse on gender equality,
its legal baselines in the institutional framework and the scope of EU agenda in the area of
human trafficking. The final part is devoted to the aforementioned analysis of EIGE’s online
sharing tool for gender mainstreaming practices in EU Member States and the epistemological
framework of 13 included practices that explicitly deal with human trafficking. We aim to
present the epistemological basis of this tool on the example of these particular 13 projects via
the analysis of “subject positioning”, which was conceptualised by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal
Mouffe and often serves in the process of critical discourse analysis (Laclau and Mouffe,
2001).
Historical foundations of gender mainstreaming
The UN’s Beijing Platform for Action of 1995 indicated a global paradigm in policies on
gender equality. The conference uniting policymakers and practitioners in the field of gender
equality laid down the foundations for a new policymaking approach, ‘gender mainstreaming’4,
which began formulation at an earlier conference in 1985 in Nairobi (Beijing Declaration and
Platform for Action, 1995).
Nevertheless, gender mainstreaming is not a method per se, rather an umbrella term for
methods applied in policy making and “the process of assessing the implications for women
and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies, or programmes, in all areas and
at all levels. It is a strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an
integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and
programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit
equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality” (UN
Office of Special Advisor on Gender Issues, 2002: 1). Gender mainstreaming has from its
beginning been perceived as a new shift in the cognitive dimensions of gender-sensitive
policymaking without requested quantitative results. The aim of gender mainstreaming is to
achieve results from which both women and men would benefit, with regards to the sociocultural environment inherent to the policy. The previous “women-in-development” approach,
as Petra Debusscher (2011) calls it, ignored the underlying societal problems stemming from
4
The Beijing Platform for Action enhanced the advancement of gender equality in twelve crucial areas: women
and poverty; education and professional formation of women; women and health; violence against women; women
and armed conflicts; women and economy; women in leading and decision-making positions; institutional
mechanisms for the advancement of women; human rights of women; women and the media; women and
environment; girls (Kulašiková, 2008). The conference united a number of scholars and practitioners in the field of
gender equality who voiced their concern of the so-far existing political strategies to combat gender inequalities
(Kiczková and Pietruchová, 2011).
43
gender relations; therefore, a new approach had to be construed. Many of the policies based on
the women-in-development approach (before the advent of gender mainstreaming) simply
overlooked the gender implications of discrimination. They were therefore also blind to the
gender-based discrimination men face because of patriarchal structures5 (Kiczková and
Szapuová, 2011). The women-in-development approach Petra Debusscher writes about was
ipso facto women-centred, concentrating on inequalities in resources. One of the UN’s
guidebooks on gender mainstreaming even mentions three general aims (not women-centred
aims) of this approach used also in development policy - that is “tackling poverty, revitalisation
of economic growth and reinforcement of citizenship” (Franceskides, 2004: 8). Laura J.
Shepherd ventures slightly further as she speaks of the “womenandchildren” approach, which
creates the notion of women and children as one disadvantaged group requiring special
treatment in development policies. Therefore, these development policies conserve “women
and children as eternal victims of violence” (Shepherd, 2013: 45).
The second wave of feminist activism in Europe, as well as the new political movements in
North America, led to a favourable climate to advance new integrated approaches of gendered
perspective. Policymakers and gender equality policymakers influenced by second wave
Feminism had continually suggested that no decision taken in the sphere of public policy could
be gender neutral. Therefore, the Beijing Platform founded its demand for this approach on the
assumption that any policy programme or strategy has implications for social reality related to
the socio-cultural construct of gender (Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, 1995). As
Zuzana Kulašiková recalls, “Along with gender mainstreaming, there also emerged a new need
to make decisions which would imply that gender, age, ethnicity and sexual orientation have
the effect on an individual’s position in competition” (Kulašiková, 2008: 52). This integrated
approach, constructed in the late 1990s, may be applied to policy analysis, data collection and
other methodology whose aim is to ensure that the policy’s target group will achieve the most
favourable outcome (UN Office of Special Advisor on Gender Issues, 2012). To conclude and
to see how the creators of the integrated gender perspective envisaged the approach to function,
we shall recall the words of Barbara Stiegler, who claims the following on equality: “[E]quality
of chances of both women and men can be achieved only when we try to attain it in every
possible sphere of polity. The questions of gender will therefore become an integrated part of
thinking, decision-making and action-taking of all the concerned actors” (Stiegler, 2002: 6).
After the Beijing Conference of 1995, the Council of Europe took the initiative to further
elaborate on gender mainstreaming by creating a number of handbooks. These were later taken
up by the European Community’s policymakers, NGOs and practitioners (Debusscher, 2011).
Gender mainstreaming methodology
Integrated gender perspective in public policy encompasses a great variety of activities related
to research, evolution of policy, and technical assistance. We may, in one all-encompassing
term, call this “gender mainstreaming methodology” 6. In her book How to apply gender
perspective?, German scholar Barbara Stiegler creates her own classification of gender
mainstreaming techniques and divides them into two groups:
1. Analytical techniques – these techniques take into consideration a number of factors:
“Representation (how many women and men are targeted), resources (finances,
environment, time frame), usage (examines the root causes of the detected inequalities)”
5
From a Constructivist point of view, the representations in policy happen to be crucial to the construction of its
own subjects. As Lombardo and Meier eloquently put it, representations emerge in implicit and explicit forms to
create cognitive dimensions of subjects. Representation is therefore responsible for creating the discoursive
framework of who is responsible, who is the victim and who is to solve the problem (Meier, Lombardo, 2006).
6
By the word “method“ per se, we mean the process of reaching and amassing the results of an enquiry or an
analysis. We behold it is a group of rules on how to reach a desirable outcome of a research (Kulašiková, 2008).
44
(Stiegler, 2002: 17). Examples par excellence of this group of techniques are various
methods of document analysis. Some of these methods were created in an academic
environment, others in practice of governance. Among others, the following methods
are applied in the European environment:




The 3Rs Method – a simple method created in the environment of Swedish
municipal politics, assessing three areas of project management – resources,
representation and results (Asklöf et al., 2003).
Gender Impact Assessment (GIA) – One of the first countries to use this method
was the Netherlands in 1998. GIA is applied to policies and experiences to find
out how they influence women and men and to neutralize the discrimination and
establish equality (Kulašiková, 2008). This tool also endeavours to incorporate
the analysis of gender and societal roles.
The Trace Method – created by Selma Sevenhuijsen, this method incorporates
the aspect of care into policymaking. According to Joan Tronto, it was created
to de-privatise care (shifting from private sphere to the public sphere),
(Sevenhuijsen and Švab, 2004).
Gender Budgeting – created in 1984, this tool operates with the assumption that
no decision on budget and finances can be gender neutral. The aim of this tool
is not to create separate budgets for women and men, but to be applied to the
budgetary process as a whole (MPSVaR SR, 2011).
According to European Commission’s accessible toolkit on applying gender mainstreaming,
these techniques require the framework of four steps of implementation which differ
accordingly in respect to each technique: Getting organised (providing a structural and cultural
basis for opportunities), learning about gender differences (collection of relevant data),
assessing the policy impact (assessing the root causes of the inequalities), redesigning the
policy (if the results of the policy are not favourable, the technique needs to be redesigned),
(European Commission, 2007: 36).
2. Consultative and participatory techniques – One of the guidebooks of EIGE on gender
mainstreaming stresses out that analytical techniques require the assistance of
complementary strategies (EIGE, 2011). Gracia Arribas and Laura Carrasco, for
example, consider awareness raising and training on gender issues to be imperatives for
an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming (Arribas and Carrasco, 2003).
There are various forms of training on gender issues, the most common of which are
applied in corporate environment and civil service. Another well-known form of this
training is gender-sensitive education of children which may be applied at different
stages of schooling and in various forms. In the next section we shall also see that
training on gender issues happens to be one of the core components in applying gender
perspective in public policy. Nevertheless, gendered training for stakeholders and
policymakers is not the only complementary technique that can be applied. Quite close
to the gendered trainings in public policy are the so-called focal points. These are intersectorial agents who coordinate policymaking and provide guidance in decision-making
(Kulašiková, 2008). The work and the agenda of these focal points may have a different
basis, as much as these agents may be a part of the given organisation, or they may be
just the “outside experts”.
Furthermore, any gender-sensitive policymaking requires a substantial amount of data on social
reality. Therefore, gender-sensitive data collection techniques are to amass, analyse and
interpret the quantitative and qualitative inputs of research (Kulašiková, 2008). In general,
45
gender-sensitive data can be divided into two specific groups. The first includes the so-called
indexes of gender equality, whose aim is to provide comparative data on factors of gender
equality7. The second group encompasses the gender-sensitive statistics, with specific
indicators. These statistics not only accompany the project management of positive actions, but
they also are a conditio sine qua non for gender mainstreaming, as they “give details on
differences between genders and their interrelatedness. They analyse whether the needs of
women and men are being equally satisfied” (Asklöf et al., 2003: 28). Both groups of gendersensitive data are an inseparable complement of analytical methods of gender mainstreaming.
Among Barbara Stiegler’s consultative and participatory techniques we may also find the legal
requirement for gender balance, also known as the quotas in decision-making (Stiegler, 2002).
There has been some continuous debate in the scholarly environment and political arenas over
the quota system in decision-making institutions in EU Member States. Nevertheless, for the
purposes of this article, which wishes not to delve further into the debate over the legal
requirement of gender balance in decision-making, it has to be noted that, according to some
scholars, equal representation of women and men in decision-making is a crucial element in
attaining gender equality. 8
Epistemological foundations of gender mainstreaming
The integrated gender perspective applied to public policy represented by the umbrella term
‘gender mainstreaming’ encompasses a variety of analytical, consultative and participatory
techniques that may be applied at different stages of policymaking. “It involves the
incorporation of gender considerations into all policies, programmes, practices and decisionmaking, so that at any stage of development and implementation an analysis is made of the
effect on women and men and appropriate action is taken.” (Arribas and Carrasco, 2003: 24).
Furthermore, the primary idea of gender mainstreaming represented a completely different
approach to the expected outcomes of new gender equality policies. The epistemological
foundations of gender mainstreaming can be demonstrated by recalling the work of Nancy
Fraser – Justice Interruptus – in which she theorizes the notion of social inclusion and
recognition. Fraser distinguishes between two types of strategies (methods in public policy):
affirmative and transformative, this dichotomy also being applicable to advocate in favour of
the difference between gender mainstreaming methods and the so-called positive actions
(Fraser, 1997). Furthermore, in her work on radical imagination, Nancy Fraser speaks of
affirmative actions as of outcome-driven, while the transformative actions are aimed at
disclosing the root causes of inequalities. This is because the affirmative actions target unequal
outcomes of societal structure without challenging the structure itself. On the contrary, a
transformative action displays root causes by challenging and deconstructing social patterns
leading to inequalities (Fraser, 2007). Affirmative actions, as described by Nancy Fraser, are
also known as positive actions 9, aimed at particularly ostracised socio-cultural groups (Council
of Europe, 2000). A positive action is a preferential and redistributive measure, which, in the
context of equality policies, is often framed as a women-in-development measure. While the
latter aspire to tackle the inequality in access to goods and the inequality of possibilities, gender
mainstreaming was declared by the Beijing Platform to have the transformative potential to
deconstruct the cultural patterns causing the discrimination. Nancy Fraser concludes her
deliberations on affirmative and transformative actions by assessing their influence on
individual’s social status. When comparing the two approaches, she comes to the conclusion
7
The foremost index of gender equality is the United Nations Development Programme Human Development
Report (UNDP, 2011).
8
See for example: Dahlerup, 2011; Niskanen, 2011; or Lovenduski, 2000.
9
The term “affirmative action” is rather more often applied in the Anglo-American environment. However, legal
terminology prefers the term “positive action” as this does not hold the label of “special treatment” (Waddington
and Bell, 2011).
46
that “while affirmative actions appear to be more focused on solidarity, the transformative
actions are in fact more focused on solidarity”, since the latter endeavour to tackle inequalities
without creating stigmatised groups perceived to benefit unjustifiably (Fraser and Honneth,
2004: 118). Despite the respectful dichotomy in Fraser’s conceptualization, she admits that the
two categories may overlap, and this would in most cases happen when a positive action gains
transformative measures during application.
Gender mainstreaming brought a new, transformative perspective of gender equality policies
when it rebuilt the concept of distributive understanding. Rather than understand the
inequalities as rooted in the division of resources, it applied a performative, Butlerian10 view of
gender. As Zuzana Kiczková and Oľga Pietruchová write on gender mainstreaming, it is vastly
related to “the change in decision-making in organisations with androcentric structures […]
these are the organisations where the mainstream, as a dominant trend in thinking and acting,
stems from traditional male forms of perception and experiences which are deemed to be the
generally binding norms.” (Kiczková and Pietruchová, 2011: 473). Moving away from a purely
distributive understanding of gender inequalities led to a new understanding of women and
gender bias. As Petra Debusscher writes in her analysis of gender mainstreaming strategies,
there is a considerable difference between the previous women-in-development approach,
which deemed women to be the problem, as well as the solution of inequalities, and the new
approach of integrated gender mainstreaming (Debusscher, 2011). As Kiczková and
Pietruchová conclude, “[T]he whole approach to women has changed, since they are no more
the source of the problem, it is not their insufficient education, or low self-esteem. The
attention is drawn to the social structures and processes which create inequalities between
women and men […]” (Kiczková andPietruchová, 2011: 474).
The feminist critique
Here we shall recall a number of feminist perspectives applied to the integrated genderperspective approach to public policy. Though it may seem that gender mainstreaming, as a
product of second wave Feminism and a new paradigm in the discourse on gender equality in
public policy, is a feminist approach in its own nature, there are numerous scholars arguing
against this assumption. These scholars claim that the epistemological framework of applied
gender mainstreaming methods may vary. In this article, we argue particularly in favour of
Emanuela Lombardo and Petra Meier, who analyse the epistemological framework of gender
mainstreaming in EU policies and therefore treat the umbrella term as an open signifier “that
can be filled with both feminist and non-feminist content” (Lombardo and Meier, 2006: 151).
Nevertheless, when it comes to the term ‘feminist’, regarding the criticism of gender
mainstreaming, it is certainly in need of an explanation. The term itself comprises a wide range
of approaches in political activism, as well as in political philosophy. The criticism of gender
mainstreaming can be often found in the works of two types of Feminism: the Feminism of
difference and Feminism of diversity. These two schools find their interest in deconstructing
dichotomies and attack discursive hierarchies 11 (Evans, 1995). However, since the Feminism of
difference has the tendency to oppose the liberal Feminism 12 of equality, which hopes to
10 In 1990, Judith Butler published a ground-breaking publication titled Gender Trouble, which presented
a significant reconceptualization of the Anglo-American and Continental feminist philosophy. In this work, Butler
argues that the substance of the socio-cultural construct of gender is in its own essence performative. In this
innovative publication Judith Butler proposed a more cognitive perspective of gender, as she sees it as a “series of
repeating acts which create an effect of stability and substantiality“ (Zábrodská, 2009: 39).
11
The Deconstructivist approach in Feminism strongly opposes women-centred strategies in public policy
(Stiegler, 2002).
12
The Feminism of equality (in northern American literature known as liberal Feminism) speaks of equality as of
opportunity, rather than of conditions. With regards to this, Evans writes that liberal Feminism “wants to advance
47
“advance women into men’s world”, it demands gender mainstreaming to keep up to its
transformative objective and attack the hierarchies feeding the discrimination.
Therefore, it is possible that gender mainstreaming “as an open signifier” uses different
epistemological frameworks, which stem from different approaches to gender. Authors Carole
Bacchi and Joan Eveline (2010), for example, establish three different theoretical frameworks
that gender mainstreaming can apply to in practice (p. 322):
-
Inclusion: This approach is epistemologically close to liberal Feminism of equality
as its aim is to assure equal opportunities of individuals.
Reversal: The importance of women’s perspectives gained through consultation
with women’s organisations. This approach is close to the Feminism of difference.
Displacement: This approach roots for complex equality, requires inclusive
deliberation and represents the Feminism of diversity.
Zuzana Kiczková and Oľga Pietruchová use a typology of epistemological framing resembling
closely the one of Bacchi and Eveline while they speak of the third framework as
“degendering”, meaning we no longer speak of women or groups but of social institutions
(Kiczková and Pietruchová, 2011: 483). Nevertheless, Bacchi and Eveline (2010) argue that it
is necessary to distinguish between these three approaches in gender mainstreaming, as
according to them, “[P]roblems do not characterize policies, but rather policies characterize
problems” (p. 116). In their deliberations, Bacchi and Eveline clearly imply that different
understandings of gender affect policies on gender equality. They write that “in some cases
these understandings reproduce and increase the male, white and able-bodied privileges they
seemingly challenge, in other certain inequalities are remedied. In short, the meaning of gender
is contested, along with the utility of the mainstreaming strategy.” (p. 90)
Lombardo and Meier challenge the application of gender mainstreaming by recalling its
original aim: “to challenge traditional gender roles from a feminist perspective” (Meier,
Lombardo, 2006: 152). The authors assume that gender mainstreaming does not often address
what they call the “gender equality perspective” (p. 152). Based on this assumption, they
establish five rules that each gender mainstreaming approach should abide by when truly
mainstreaming gender (p. 153):
-
-
-
Focus on gender: the applied method has to focus on gender, not only on women. If
the subjects of the applied tool are only women, the method implies that their
behaviour is the root cause of the problem and that men’s lifestyles do not have to
be altered. It is worthy to mention that there are researchers who insist on including
men and masculinity into the epistemological framework as a way of indicating the
power relations.
Reference to gender issues: gender mainstreaming method has to exhibit a clear
reference to gender at all stages and aspects of the policymaking. This means that
gender mainstreaming need to be gender-centred, rather than women-and-girlscentred.
Equal representation of men and women: equal representation of both women and
men is required throughout the whole policymaking. As Petra Debusscher writes,
“The absence of men in the solutions for gender equality implies that women have
to catch up with the male norm and are made the sole responsible for that”
(Debusscher, 2011: 44).
women to what is continually regarded as equality with men within the various hierarchically ordered groups”
(Evans,1995: 30).
48
-
Knowledge: substantial knowledge on gender issues is required for the agents and
stakeholders of the programme. 13
Mainstreaming diversity: since discrimination is not solely related to one factor, but
is rather related to different social statuses an individual holds (e.g. race, religion,
sexual orientation), it is necessary to also mainstream diversity into the policy. Carol
Bacchi and Joan Eveline (2010) argue that diversity mainstreaming became a
necessity when feminist scholars started to express concern that “the concept of
gender is invariably tied to a male-female binary and hence is limited in its ability to
reflect dilemmas among women” (p. 321).
These scholars summarise in their theories the feminist criticism of gender mainstreaming,
however, the critique itself comes more often from the constructivists, as they analyse the
language of policymaking and its effect on individuals. In the next part of this article we shall
discuss how gender mainstreaming penetrated the discourse of the EU’s institutions on gender
equality and thus became a part of the EU’s “new modes of governance” (Bruno et al., 2006:
519).
Gender mainstreaming in European Union policies on gender equality
All deliberation on the EU’s gender equality policy must take into consideration that the Union
is an “establishment of a common economic market for capital, labour, goods and services”
(Elman, 1996: 11). As Amy Elman eloquently states, the EU was originally envisaged as an
“economically inspired plan” (p. 1). The first and at the same time the most decisive directives
on gender equality were adopted in the late 1970s. They concerned equal pay, equal treatment
in employment and equal treatment in social security systems (Hoskyns, 1996). Nevertheless,
from the Community’s evolution it is clear that the agenda of EU institutions does not follow a
fixed framework, which cannot be extended or restricted. The EU’s public policy on gender
equality is an archetypal example of how the forces of Neo-functionalism and Europeanism
evolve policies and continuously find legitimation in further areas. As Mark Pollack and Emily
Hafner-Burton (2000) summarise, “During the past five years, the EU’s approach to equal
opportunities has been transferred from a narrow focus on equal treatment in the workplace, to
a gradual acceptance of specific positive actions and since 1996, an institutional commitment to
mainstreaming gender” (p. 450). At the advent of the Community, triggered by the Treaty of
Rome, it was clear that the Community’s interest in gender equality rests in its potential to
enhance the market and economic development of its Member States. Gender-based
discrimination in the labour market became the core of European gender equality policy
(Kulašiková, 2008), and it has hitherto become a part of this policy’s identity. Furthermore, the
EU’s gender equality policy is not specifically assigned to and committed by institutions and
agents. It is rather what we may call a “chewing-gum policy”, and therefore influences different
fields and areas of social reality. The current Strategy for equality between women and men
2010 - 2015 identifies 5 areas where the European Commission wishes to advance gender
equality, namely: equal economic independence; equal pay for equal work and work of equal
value; equality in decision-making; dignity, integrity and an end to gender-based violence
(Strategy for equality between women and men 2010 – 2015, 2010). This clearly shows that
EU’s gender equality policy engages in diverse areas and it is therefore limited to abide by its
own scope of intervention. In this chapter, we will describe the process of transformation of the
EU’s gender equality policy and its agenda on tackling human trafficking.
13
The Council of Europe set up a working group in 2004 to evaluate the existing strategies and policies on gender
equality in EU Member States. Its final report revealed a rather critical view of the framework used for these
applied strategies and their women-centered approach, instead of a gender-centered framework (Council of
Europe, 2004).
49
The advent of integrated genderisation in EU institutions
The Treaty of Rome (1957), as the founding document of European Community, demanded
equal pay for women and men in each country acceding to the agreement. Article 119 outlaws
any kind of discrimination in remuneration for work based on individual’s sex. We may
therefore conclude that European policy on gender equality did not tolerate anti-discrimination
effort to boost economic growth. The first endeavours to tackle gender discrimination were
oriented towards the equality of resources and equal treatment in the labour market. However,
the policy on gender equality gradually escaped the primary understanding of discrimination as
based in resources (Kulašiková, 2008; Hoskyns, 2000).
As we have already mentioned, the first three directives of the 1970s were aimed at assuring
legal equality of women and men in the labour market. Nevertheless, the policy of equal
treatment became gradually replaced by the preferential treatment approach demonstrated in a
number of the European Commission’s Action Plans. The first Action Plan was created in 1981
and endeavoured to make use of positive actions (i.e. affirmative actions) to advance gender
equality in the workplace. The second Action Plan (1986–1990) aimed at launching work and
life balance, also promoting positive actions and specific training in this area. The third Action
Plan (1989–1990) fractured the boundaries of private and public spheres as it concerned sexual
harassment, protection of motherhood and women’s contribution to the private sphere. This
programme was also the first to tentatively introduce an integrated gender perspective into the
policy (Hoskyns, 2000). Nevertheless, the fourth Action Plan (1994–1995) presented a
breakthrough in the policy as it engaged in “further reduction of the importance given to law
and legal remedies. Law as a strategy for enforcing rights is only mentioned briefly at the end
of the document” (Hoskyns, 2000: 54). This new approach gave way to the paradigm of gender
mainstreaming as a token and the European Commission’s soft law strategy. As Jill Rubery
(2002) writes, the soft law nature of this approach “provides much greater incentives for
member states to interact with and shape the policy agenda, in contrast to the hard law system,
where the policy becomes fixed in legislation” 14 (p. 305).
According to Lombardo and Meier, there have been numerous efforts to incorporate gender
perspective into EU policymaking since the early ‘90s, leading to the Community’s legal
commitment to gender mainstreaming proclaimed in the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997),
(Lombardo, 2013). Sonia Mazey, for example, speaks of the Amsterdam Treaty as of a wellgrasped “window of opportunity” (Mazey, 2002: 227) for European feminists and the European
Women’s Lobby. The European Commission is believed to be the turning wheel for the
transformation of the EU’s discourse on gender equality, as it has been employing the so-called
gender correspondents, as independent agents responsible for mainstreaming gender in its DGs,
since the mid-90s15 (Bruno et al., 2006). Mazey further concludes that “[in] keeping with its
own technocratic policy style, the EU has largely adopted the dominant Nordic top-down,
expert-bureaucratic model of gender mainstreaming” (Mazey, 2002: 232). The European
Commission can be truly seen as the warrantor and the mercenary of gender mainstreaming in
the European institutional structure. In 2001, the Commission set up the High-level group on
gender mainstreaming, which comprises high-level representatives responsible for gender
14
The “soft law” nature of the gender mainstreaming approach is a part of the EU’s multi-dimensional governance
in the form of a “voluntary policy transfer” (Mazey, 2002: 230). This in practice means that Member States are
coerced into policymaking they did not sign up for in the first place. One example is the process of applying for
Structural funds, where the requestors are deliberately asked to provide the information on how the proposed
project will influence gender structures (Mazey, 2002).
15
It must be noted that the incorporation of gender mainstreaming into the work of European Commission’s
structures did not occur in the same way in each General Directorate. Sonia Mazey writes that gender
mainstreaming easily penetrated into the DGs, whose work previously concerned inequalities (e.g. employment),
while it struggles in the others (e.g. trade), (Mazey, 2002).
50
mainstreaming at the national level. Since 2003, this group has also assisted in the preparation
of the Report on equality between women and men. Nevertheless, the European Commission’s
initial endeavours to incorporate gender perspective relied heavily on professional consultants
and academic experts, the so-called flying experts (Mazey, 2002).
Furthermore, Mark Pollack and Emilie Hafner-Burton speak of a number of factors which led
to the legal commitment to gender mainstreaming (Pollack and Hafner-Burton, 2000: 436):
-
-
The accession of Sweden, Austria and Finland, which have a long tradition of
gender equality policies, which have led to a new pro-equality approach in European
discourse.
Maastricht Treaty of 1993 conferred new mandate to the community as it created the
three pillars of Community policy.
Treaty of Amsterdam - it was clear before the adoption of the treaty that the gender
equality policy will and should advance beyond the scope of labour market.
Pollack and Hafner-Burton also name a number of relevant actors who helped to adopt the
gender mainstreaming approach in the Community’s common public policy. These include the
Equal Opportunities Unit within the European Commission, Women’s Rights Committee of the
European Parliament, as well as the networks of scholars and activists (Pollack and HafnerBurton, 2000). The European Commission integrated the approach of gender mainstreaming
into its own work, promoting this strategy and helping to evolve the discourse on gender
equality in EU’s Member States. Nevertheless, it has to be emphasized that the European
Commission often stands alone in this endeavor, as the Council and the Court of Justice have
been only briefly influenced by this paradigm (Mazey, 2002).
Nonetheless, as the Treaty of Amsterdam introduced gender mainstreaming into the EU’s
gender equality policy, there has been some confusion as to whether the Member States are still
allowed to apply positive actions to balance inequalities 16. Even in 1995, the Community saw
the well-known Kalanke case in the United Kingdom, where the court ruled a positive action
applied in employment to be unlawful (Sohrab, 2000). Therefore, the position of positive
actions and gender mainstreaming in the hierarchies of Community and national law remained
rather dubious for quite some time. Nonetheless, even Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth claim
that the affirmative and transformative actions should not stand apart, since this creates conflict
in the approaches. What they simply propose is a combined approach (Fraser and Honneth,
2004). This so-called dual strategy became popular in the EU’s gender equality policy after the
adoption of the Treaty of Nice. Article 21 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the EU
speaks of specific measures, as well as an integrated gender approach. The Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union (as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon, 2007) in its Article
157 also endorses this dual approach when tackling and preventing inequalities.
The EU has been rather slow in implementing gender mainstreaming into all of its policies and
processes because it is constantly in the process of negotiating its scope of intervention, notably
in the areas formerly known as the second and third pillar (i.e. common foreign and security
policy; police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters, respectively), (Lombardo, 2013).
Nevertheless, gender mainstreaming has provided feminist activists with opportunities to
advance genderisation in areas which were previously gender neutral, such as “world trade,
globalization, social exclusion, the environment, fisheries and asylum and refugee policy”
(Mazey, 2002: 236). Therefore, in the next part of this chapter we shall speak more of the EU’s
policy on tackling human trafficking and its gendered implications.
16
It is important to emphasize that the beginning of the millennium saw the adoption of two crucial texts in
communitarian law: the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the EU denominated rights and principles of
fundamental human rights throughout the EU; and secondly, the Treaty of Nice (2001) reinforced the principle of
subsidiarity (Bruno et al., 2006).
51
Gender implications of the EU’s policy on human trafficking
The aforementioned two pillars, “common foreign and security policy” and “police and judicial
co-operation”, are problematic in the EU’s quest for converging the Member States’ policies
since the early 1990s (Smith, 2010). It is crucial to recall that the pillars system created by the
Maastricht Treaty (while it is no longer in practice) was in fact based on the typology of
decision-making. Furthermore, the Amsterdam Treaty moved the issues of asylum, visa,
immigrant policy, border and justice co-operation to the first pillar, where the plenary takes
decisions by the qualified majority17 (Lipková, 2011: 42). Since 1999, the Community
functioned according to the Tampere programme on developing migratory policy (Lipková,
2011). Nevertheless, the aftermath of 9/11 demanded a new approach in the Schengen territory,
which was to expand.
After the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty and the coming into force of the Charter of the
Fundamental Rights of the EU, a new area of policy-making opened up for EU institutions. The
Community adopted a new, multi-annual strategy, The EU Strategy towards the Eradication of
Trafficking in Human Beings 2012–2016. This was based on the Directive 2011/36/EU on
preventing and combating trafficking in human beings, and it addressed human trafficking as
the slavery of the 21 st century, denominating the coercive and exploitative conditions in which
millions of people are forced to live around the globe. The communication of the European
Commission issued with regards to the strategy states that trafficking affects women and men,
girls and boys all around the world (European Commission COM(2012) 286 final, 2012: 2).
Nevertheless, the numbers published in the mid-term report on the implementation of the
strategy claim that 80% of the total number of persons trafficked throughout the EU are women
and girls, while the majority (62%) of all the victims of trafficking in the EU are exploited for
sexual servitude (European Commission SWD(2014) 318 final, 2014). Since the majority of
victims of trafficking are women and girls and the primary reason for trafficking is sexual
exploitation, it can be assumed that trafficking is a highly gendered issue, which requires
genderisation in public policy. As the Commission puts in its communication, “Trafficking in
human beings is a complex transnational phenomenon rooted in vulnerability to poverty, lack
of democratic cultures, gender inequality and violence against women, conflict and postconflict situations, lack of social integration, lack of opportunities and employment, lack of
access to education, child labour and discrimination“ (European Commission COM(2012) 286
final, 2012: 3). The gender-related approach to trafficking is thus framed in the EU’s policy on
combatting violence against women (as a form of gender-based violence). The strategy itself
identifies five action points to be considered when combatting trafficking (The EU Strategy
Towards the Eradication of Trafficking in Human Beings 2012 - 2016, 2012):
- Identifying, protecting and assisting victims of trafficking
- Stepping up the prevention of trafficking in human beings
- Increased prosecution of traffickers
- Enhanced coordination and cooperation among key actors and policy coherence
- Increased knowledge of and effective response to emerging concerns related to all forms
of trafficking in human beings
In terms of the gender-specific character of human trafficking, the aforementioned directive
includes the following in its Article 3: “This Directive recognises the gender-specific
phenomenon of trafficking and that women and men are often trafficked for different purposes.
17
Since 2014 a new voting system has been implemented, where the plenary votes by the so-called double
majority – The Council of the EU has to have the “vote of the majority of Member States (55%), which represents
at least 65% of the population of the EU“ (Lipková, 2011: 59).
52
For this reason, assistance and support measures should also be gender-specific where
appropriate.” (Directive 2011/36/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council, 2011: 2).
Hence, it is clear from the beginning of the directive that the EU requires a gender-specific
approach to its anti-trafficking policy. The anti-trafficking strategy, for example, refers to
protective measures: “Under the Directive on trafficking in human beings, victims should
receive appropriate protection and assistance on the basis of individual risk and needs
assessments” (The EU Strategy Towards the Eradication of Trafficking in Human Beings 2012
- 2016, 2012: 6). Therefore, it calls for individual assessment, opposing pre-tailored measures
which may reinforce gender stereotypes in the sense of essentialism 18.
Nevertheless, there are some serious risks related to this approach. Since the anti-trafficking
legal framework of EU is “victim-centred and anchored in fundamental rights. It takes a
gender-specific and child-sensitive approach and aims for coherence across all relevant policy
fields“ (European Commission SWD(2014) 318 final, 2014: 4), it assumes the specific
measures will take up the epistemological framework of a women-in-development approach,
avoiding the broader gender implications of unequal power relations in society. A victimcentred approach (and, therefore, when it comes to sexual exploitation often a women-centred
approach) is prone to portray “women as the main problem-holders” (Debusscher, 2011: 44).
This approach could easily assume that women have specific traits that predispose them to
become victims of trafficking and that need to be eradicated, neglecting the implications of
patriarchal structures. This approach could, for example, easily disregard the assumption of
Dorchen Leidholdt that in many countries of Eastern Europe, “girls and women have been
socialised into an ethos of female servitude and self-sacrifice” (Leidholdt, 1996: 85), therefore
many of them may perceive their own victimisation in a completely different light than the
policymakers or the law enforcement officials. Furthermore, Catherine Hoskyns writes that
when women “are treated as a single category, then the interests of women with more resources
tend to dominate the policy agenda.” (Hoskyns, 1996: 15). Hoskyns thus warns us that in case
of a women-centred approach to trafficking, some particular groups of women may be
victimised, since they suffer from other forms of social exclusion (related to their race, religion,
sexual orientation, etc.).
Furthermore, Meier and Lombardo assume in their studies on gender perspective in EU’s
public policies that the evolution of gender mainstreaming in the EU’s structures “has not
necessarily led to a deeper framing of the issues in terms of gender equality” (Lombardo and
Meier, 2008: 102). It is important to be reminded that the Community has been from its
inception rather reluctant to intervene in the “internal” or “private” issues of its Member States
(Elman, 1996). This reluctance has entered the law in the principle of subsidiarity, enforced by
the Maastricht Treaty and the Treaty of Nice. Lombardo and Meier argue that EU policy has
been reluctant and eager at the same time to intervene in the gendered issues of its Member
States, finding its “windows of opportunity” in framing some of the issues as falling within
EU’s remit (Lombardo and Meier, 2008: 107). Debusscher writes that applying gender
mainstreaming into EU employment policies found its legitimacy to boost economic growth
(Debusscher, 2011). Meier and Lombardo argue, in the same sense, that the majority of EU
policy on domestic violence is framed as a public health issue (Lombardo and Meier, 2008). By
the same token, the EU’s anti-trafficking policy and its gendered perspective of this policy are
framed by the institutions of the EU in a variety of forms, drawing their legitimacy from the
labour market – the exploitative conditions, malfunctions of competitiveness or public health
concerns, etc. Nevertheless, as Sonia Mazey claims, sensitive areas of the EU’s remit have
always been conferred to the soft law approach, including gender mainstreaming. Hereby the
18
Within Feminism, “essentialism means that the characteristics of a group of people (normally women) are
basically static. No outside force can change what is essentially there“ (Evans, 1995: 77). This means that the
essentialist approach would assume that women (as individuals) have specific traits (and as a group) that
distinguish them from men – claiming that women are caring, sensitive, etc., while men are aggressive, assertive,
etc.
53
“policy transfer has become a preferred method for extending European integration” (Mazey,
2002: 232).
In the next section we will have a closer look at the tool of sharing good practices of European
Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE). We shall scrutinise the 13 projects listed in this
instrument that deal explicitly with human trafficking and we will approach these projects from
the perspective of “subject positioning”. This is an approach of critical discourse analysis that
concentrates on subjects and the creation of their identity within a particular discourse19 (see
e.g. Laclau and Mouffe, 2001).
EIGE’s shared practices on mainstreaming gender in the area of human trafficking
The European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) is an officially a functioning institution in
the cluster of EU justice and home affairs since 2010. An agency founded upon the Charter of
Fundamental Rights of the EU, it was created to become the knowledge centre and the frontrunner in developing reliable evidence, collecting knowledge, sharing useful experiences and
expertise on gender equality (EIGE, 2012). A considerable part of the EIGE’s agenda is
devoted to documenting good practices and recording methods and tools on mainstreaming
gender in public policies (EIGE, 2012). For this purpose, EIGE developed an online tool for
sharing methods and tools used in EU Member States. These are understood to be operational
instruments, “which can be used separately or combined together to shape largely different
programmes, in terms of aims, approaches and dimensions. Some are practical, ready to use
how-to tools, while others are more elaborated combinations of different elements” (Methods
and Tools, 2014). These collected methods and tools can be therefore used in different stages of
applying gender perspective into policy.
Nevertheless, when scrutinising these 13 specific projects present in this database, specifically
in relation to human trafficking, we would like to concentrate on the position of a subject, or
the main category around which the project evolves. In this case it is “the victim” who is the
determinant of the framework in which these projects are aimed at tackling human trafficking 20.
Joan Eveline and Carole Bacchi (2010) write that policies and discursive practices create
“subject positions” which are of particular relevance to policy analysis. The authors claim that
the position and identity of the subject is crucial, since it is not the problems which characterise
the policies, “rather policies characterise problems in ways that affect what gets done or not,
who gets harm and who benefits” (p. 116). In this context, Lombardo and Meier claim the
following: “Within the dimensions of diagnosis and prognosis, there emerge implicit or explicit
representations of who is deemed to hold the problem, who causes it and to what extent gender
and intersectionality are related to the problem and its solution” (Lombardo and Meier, 2006:
155).
The aforementioned online system currently enlists exactly 13 projects21 developed and
implemented in EU Member States explicitly mentioning human trafficking. This methodsharing tool, in applying gender perspective into public policies, is divided into four specific
sectors: domestic violence, female genital mutilation, gender mainstreaming and women and
the media. Nevertheless, this tool lacks further explanation on why this particular division was
opted for. Each project explicitly mentioning human trafficking in this tool is either classified
under the sector of domestic violence (DV) or female genital mutilation (FGM). Of these
project, three happen to be listed under the category “awareness-raising campaigns/events”,
19
This particular method of critical discourse analysis is also often called member categorical analysis (see in
Beneš, 2008)
20
Norman Fairclough writes that discourses figure in a number of specific ways. First, they (re)produce social
activity and hold a continuum. Secondly, they figure as representations; and thirdly, they create identities
(Fairclough, 2013) The third factor of a discourse seems to be the most relevant to this analysis as it is directly
related to subjects and their identities created by specific policies.
21
This article was in preparation throughout the year 2014.
54
three are “direct services”, two projects are “networks”, one is a “publication”, two are
“studies/surveys”, and two are classified as “other”22.
Table 1: 13 national projects devoted to human trafficking 23
Start
Date
Sector
Type
Greece
Awareness-raising campaign (TV &
Radio spots, culture and art activities
and informational events) “You are not
the only one. You are not alone!”
2011
DV
Awareness-raising
campaigns / events
France
National Commission for fight against
the violence against women
2001
DV
Network
The Netherlands
Evaluation of alien policy from gender
perspective in the Netherlands
2008
FGM
Study / Survey
United Kingdom
Hard Knock Life - Violence Against
Women. A Guide for Donors and
Funders
2008
FGM
Study / Survey
Croatia
Housing program and counselling centre
(including helpline)
1998
DV
District Service
France
Delegation for victims (DAV)
2005
DV
District Service
Greece
Microsite with information on Violence
against women of the Awareness raising
campaign “You are not the only one.
You are not alone!”
2012
DV
Publication
Croatia
National Campaign to prevent gender
based violence -“Silence is not gold”
2006
DV
Awareness-raising
campaigns / events
Police specialised squad
2007
DV
District Service
Report From the Harmful Traditional
Practices and Human Trafficking SubGroup - Responding to Violence against
Women and Children - The Role of the
NHS
2010
FGM
Other
Information campaign for female
asylum seekers
2011
FGM
Other
United Kingdom
Women Refugees and Asylum Seekers
in the UK
2007
FGM
Awareness-raising
campaigns / events
Greece
Panhellenic Network of 61 structures to
prevent and tackle all forms of violence
against women
2009
DV
Network
Country
Malta
United Kingdom
Belgium
Title
Source: http://eige.europa.eu/methods-and-tools (2014).
22
The category titled “network” generally denominates intra-structural agents functioning in governmental
institutions, networks of experts functioning as an advisory body in policymaking or a public-private partnership
in governmental institutions aiming to promote gender perspective. “Direct services” are a category uniting
projects where direct service was provided to a specific group (e.g. victims of violence). These include housing
programmes, relocation projects, help lines, etc. In the case of the aforementioned 13 project related to human
trafficking, the two project classified as “other” include a governmental report and an information campaign.
23
Abbreviations: DV – domestic violence, FGM – female genital mutilation.
55
It must be noted that none of the 13 project is solely devoted to tackling human trafficking.
Each assumed a multi-dimensional approach dealing with other societal issues in relation to
human trafficking, such as migration, intimate partner violence, feminisation of poverty, etc.
Of the 13 projects, 12 refer to victims of violence solely as to female victims, while talking
about women and girls as of a group in need of protection. Only the Dutch project of 2008
speaks of victims in a gender-neutral way. This project is based on the diversity of victims of
violence, including human trafficking, explicitly mentioning also transgender persons. With the
exception of the Dutch project, all other 12 projects speak of men directly and only as of
perpetrators of violence against women. Directing men in promoting the project is rarely
mentioned, only in general public awareness-raising campaigns. The majority of these projects
also address the victims of violence (ergo women) and are aimed at women directly to promote
their empowerment. The majority of these projects speak of “violence against women”; a
broader gender-centred framing is present only in the project of the Netherlands (2008) and
Croatia (2006), as these are the only ones using the notion “gender-based violence”.
We can therefore conclude that a broader genderisation of human trafficking is included only in
two of the 13 projects listed in EIGE’s sharing tool. The language and subject positioning in the
framework of the other 11 projects is more typical of a women-in-development approach, as
described by Petra Debusscher, while the Greek project of 2009 is framed similarly to Laura
Shepherd’s notion of “womenandchildren”. Of the three awareness-raising campaigns, two are
aimed at empowering women and motivating them to “break the silence”, yet only one is
broader, denouncing gender stereotypes and communicating a gender-centred perspective
which deals with power relations and root causes of inequalities. The three direct services
projects are exclusively oriented towards female victims, therefore marginalizing male victims
of violence and human trafficking etc., unable to recognize them and provide services to them
as well. This approach also happens to be gender-blind to transgender and trans-sexual persons,
who may also fall victims of human trafficking. Of these projects, only the Dutch project and a
Belgian project of 2011 are devoted to a specific group rather than just women in general. As
they speak of asylum seekers and immigrants, they acknowledge that particular groups in
society are more vulnerable than the others. Other projects devoted to women in general seem
to adhere to the notion that women are a homogeneous disadvantaged category, which neglects
the fact that differentiation by class, race and other choices and opportunities are sometimes
more relevant determinants of social inclusion than gender (Jahan, 1996). This also contributes
to the agenda’s tendency towards “women’s problems”, excluding references to gender
relations. Role attribution takes a stereotypical form as it portrays men exclusively as
perpetrators. In the discursive frame of the 12 projects (excluding the Dutch project of 2009),
the problem holders seem to be passive women (as a homogenous group), yet they also seem to
be the group directed to resolve this problem.
Conclusions
Considering the above analysis of EIGE’s shared tools of integrated gender perspective in
public policy, it is clear that the framework of these practices is close to the women-indevelopment approach, which happens to be victim-centred and in this context also womencentred. The majority of the Member States’ projects listed in the database happen to diverge
from Lombardo and Meier’s five rules of implementing gender perspective into public policies
(Lombardo and Meier, 2006: 153). These projects do not follow the standard of equal
representation, as they tend to stereotype women and men according to the roles of victims and
perpetrators. Furthermore, references to gender and power-related root causes of human
trafficking and violence are scarce and the majority of these projects do not include diversity,
as they often exclude other grounds of discrimination, such as race, sexuality, class, etc.
In can be therefore concluded that the issue of human trafficking has not, despite its genderspecificity, reached de-genderisation, as envisaged by the epistemological framework put forth
56
in the advent of gender mainstreaming. The results of this analysis also advocate in favour of
Lombardo and Meier’s assumption that, even though the second wave Feminism did influence
the creation of the gendermainstreaming paradigm, the usage of this concept is rather open to
different interpretations and perceptions of gender (Lombardo and Meier, 2006). While EIGE’s
materials speak eloquently of applying gender mainstreaming and the necessary application of
gender perspective, the approach of these 13 chosen methods is epistemologically closer to
affirmative action approach in public policy and, therefore, as Meier and Lombardo also
conclude, it happens to be rather confusing for policy makers on the national level as it lacks in
consistency (Lombardo, 2013).
Nevertheless, it has to be emphasized that the EU’s anti-trafficking policy is of a specific kind
and it is clear from the founding documents of the policy already mentioned in this article that
the Community prefers the “reverse” approach (as put by Bacchi and Eveline, 2010) while
emphasizing women’s perspectives and women’s empowerment. Therefore, the Community
opts for the framing of human trafficking as a women-in-development policy. This is also
supported by the fact that EIGE promotes the application of the aforementioned 13 projects
related to human trafficking in the same epistemological framework. As we have demonstrated
in the previous chapter, this approach happens to overlook some factors of inequality and
power-related structures inherent to the social reality, thereby reinforcing a stereotypical
perception of genders. This approach may primarily lead to the exclusion of male and
transgender victims of human trafficking, as well as to the reinforcement of the notion that
women are the cause of the problem and that they have to be targeted so that the problem is
tackled. To conclude, we should recall that the current women-in-development approach in
anti-trafficking policy also loses out by not fully embracing the potential of the soft law
benefits of gender mainstreaming, which may help to advance the Europeanisation of this
policy. Since human trafficking is also framed in the EU’s policy as a form of violence against
women, the Community’s remit stays dubious in relation to its competence and the competence
of the Member States. The onus is put on the violent and exploitative conditions of the victims,
not emphasizing the root causes, ergo the gender stereotypes operating in trade with sexual
services. It is therefore clear that this area of EU public policy could be influenced by the soft
law approach in implementing gender perspective, as it would create the normative impetus in
form of “framing mechanisms” (Bruno et al., 2006: 520).
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Information about the author:
Veronika Valkovičová (valk.veron@gmail.com) is a PhD candidate at the Institute of European
Studies and International Relations, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius
University in Bratislava, Tel. +421905113203, Mlynské luhy 4, 821 05 Bratislava, Slovakia
Acknowledgements:
The author would like to thank Ľuboš Žársky, Meghan Casey and Michael Wilkinson for their
advice and valuable comments.
61
CZECH JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, BUSINESS AND
ECONOMICS
An International multidisciplinary refereed (double blind-reviewed)
journal of social sciences, business and economics
GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS
PAPER TITLE: TIMES NEW ROMAN 13 pt, CENTERED IN THE MIDDLE,
MAXIMUM 40 WORDS IN LENGTH (NO REFERENCES IN THE TITLE)
1 blank line, Times New Roman, 12 pt
Wadim Strielkowski
Charles University in Prague
Inna Čábelková
Charles University in Prague
Evgeny Lisin
Moscow Power Engineering Institute
Abstract
The abstract should not exceed 300 words and it should explain the goals and objectives of
your paper (you might start with the words „This paper focuses on…“, „This paper aims at
explaining…“, „Our paper is concerned with…“, etc.).
It should very briefly outline what your paper is about, what concepts and methodology it
applies and what main results it contains. The abstract should be kept to the minimum – you
should keep the discussion of your results for the conclusions of your paper.
Keywords: attitudes to poverty, political orientation, responsibility, role of state, belief in God
JEL classification: A13, D31, J10, Q17 (Journal of Economic Literature Classification
system available at: http://www.aeaweb.org/jel/jel_class_system.php)
Introduction (please do not number sections of your paper)
In the introduction you should present the main idea of your paper, outline the scope of your
research and tell the readers what the rest of the paper is going to be about. Please feel free to
use the following template:
“This paper is organized as follows: First, the overview of the research literature on the subject
of our research will be presented. Second, the data and the theoretical model will be described.
Third, the model will be run and the results duly presented and commented on. Forth, policy
62
implications will be outlined and discussed in detail. Finally, in the conclusions the main
outcomes of our research will be clearly stated”.
Please use only Times New Roman, 12 points, single spaced. Please do not use footnotes and
hyperlinks in the text – all the references should be presented in the References. Please refrain
from using complicated graphics and diagrams (Word Visio, Corel, Adobe Photoshop, etc.) –
all graphs and diagrams should be provided as JPEG or PNG images in resolution not lower
than 200dpi as separate files together with your paper.
Overview of the research literature
Should you use sub-chapters, please do so in the following way
Sub-chapters should be clearly identified by using Time New Roman, 12 points, bold font +
italics.
A source for each table should be presented (in case it is a result of your own research or
calculations state „Own research“, „Own results“ or „Own calculation“), Times New Roman,
12 pt.
Table 1: Each table should be named as the following (Times New Roman, 12 points)
Times New Roman, 10 points, bold
Times New Roman, 10 pt, single spaced
Times New Roman, 10 points, bold
Source: Čábelková and Orkhan (2012)
The results of statistical analysis (regressions, correlations) should be summarized as the
following:
Table 2: Results of the regression analysis
Inflows
Std. errors Outflows
Variable 1 -.277***
.177
.784***
Variable 2 7.763***
2.180
-2.543**
Constant -77.39**
64.399
-4.145*
R-squared
0.378
Adjusted R-squared
0.370
No. of observations
150
Note: * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%
Std. errors
.155
1.472
2.964
0.305
0.296
Source: Own results
The results of estimating more complicated models can be presented in the following way:
Table 3: Results of the multinominal logistic regression
Group 1 vs.
Group 4
Group 2 vs.
Group 4
Group 3 vs.
Group 4
Category 1
Variable 1
1.125
(.318)
.982
(.035)
.906**
(.043)
8.059
(18.119)
1.9138
(1.2674)
1.9239
(1.6957)
Category 2
Variable 2
Category 3
63
Variable 4
1.026
(3.811)
1.151
(8.881)
2.354
(7.576)
Variable 5
Variable 6
1.9055
(2.9398)
41.024***
(37.304)
12.7514***
(12.291)
.1.557
(2.972)
19.597**
(26.475)
40.340***
(47.621)
Pseudo R2
0.49
Pseudo LL
-74.033
Wald
141.06
Number of observations
1141
Note: * Significant on the 10% level;** Significant on the 5% level; *** Significant on the 1% level; RRR and
standard errors in parentheses
Source: Sanderson and Strielkowski (2012)
All graphics must be inserted into the text (using Insert  Picture  Picture from file) and
provided together with the paper as separate JPEG files with minimum resolution of 200dpi (in
case of diagrams and drawings), or Excel files (in case of graphs and pie charts).
Graph 1: Remittances and development aid for aggregate groups of countries in 1970-2010
500,000
450,000
400,000
Global
remittances
Million US$
350,000
300,000
Remittances to
low /middle
income countries
250,000
200,000
Official ODA aid
150,000
100,000
50,000
0
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990
1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Year
Source: Own calculations based on World Bank (2012).
Diagram 1: Intertemporal interactions between species over time
Source: Strielkowski, Lisin and Welkins (2012).
References
The reference list should only include works that are cited in the text and that have been
published or accepted for publication. The referencing is done in the following manner:
64
In their paper Davenport and Prusak (1998) say… or: Results follow (see Davenport and
Prusak, 1998).
A reference list should be provided at the end of the manuscript, following these formats:
 Author, (year), Title of the book, Publisher.
 Author, (year), Title of the paper, in: Title of the journal, Publisher, pp.
 Author, (year), Title of the paper, Title of the proceedings, Publisher, Location, pp.
Example:
 Davenport, Thomas D., Prusak, L. (1998), Working knowledge: How Organizations
Manage What They Know, Harvard Buisiness School Press
 Barringer, B.R., Harrison, J.S. (2000), Walking a Tightrope – Creating Value trough
Interorganizational Relationships, Journal of Management, Vol. 26, No. 3, pp. 367 –
403.
 Bauer, A., Haltom, N., Peterman, W. (2004), Examining Contributions to Core
Consumer Inflation Measures, Federal Bank of Atlanta, Working Paper 27, 36 p.
Books and journal articles in foreign languages should be cited in their original languages
(transliterated, when in Russian) and a translation provided. Journal titles should be cited only
in the original language. Follow these formats:
 Bystritskiy, S., V. Zausayev, and Ledenev, M. (1998), Rynochnyye preobrazovaniya na
Dal'nem Vostoke (Market Transformations in the Far East), Voprosy ekonomiki, 9, pp.
19-58
 Rosstat (Federal’naya Sluzhba Gosudarstvennoy Statistiki) (2010), Statisticheskoye
obozreniye (Statistical Survey), Moscow, Russia: Rosstat, 215 p.
Authors should make their proof corrections themselves and check that the text is complete and
that all figures and tables are included.
At the end of each paper, information about the authors is attached in the following format:
Wadim Strielkowski (strielkowski(at)fsv.cuni.cz) is an Assistant Professor at Charles
University, Prague, Institute of Economic Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Opletalova 26,
11000 Praha 1, Czech Republic.
Inna Čábelková (inna.cabelkova(at)fhs.cuni.cz) is an Assistant Professor at Charles University,
Prague, Faculty of Humanities, U Kříže 5, 150 00 Praha 5, Czech Republic
Evgeny Lisin (lisinym(at)mpei.ru) is an Associate Professor at Moscow Power Engineering
Institute (Technical University), Krasnokazarmennaya street 14, Moscow, Russian Federation
Acknowledgements:
Acknowledgements (thanks to the colleagues, mentioning of the research project and grants,
etc.) are located at the end of the paper:
This research was supported by the grant No. 2022 provided by the Ministry of Education of
Russian Federation.
The authors would like to thank Vladimir Bystritskiy for his comments.
65
66

czech journal of social sciences, business and economics

Transcription

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