PDF - ECONorthwest
Transcription
PDF - ECONorthwest
The Potential Economic Effects of the Proposed Water Bottling Facility in McCloud October 2007 Prepared by 99 W. 10th Avenue, Suite 400 Eugene, OR 97401 Phone: (541) 687-0051 www.econw.com © ECONorthwest 2007 CONTACT INFORMATION This report was prepared by Kristin Lee, Cleo Neculae, Ernie Niemi, and Sarah Reich, economists and analysts at ECONorthwest, which is solely responsible for its content. ECONorthwest specializes in the economic and financial analysis of public policy. ECO has analyzed the economics of resource-management, land-use, development, and growth-management issues for municipalities, state and federal agencies, and private clients for more than 30 years. For more information, please contact: ECONorthwest 99 W. Tenth, Suite 400 Eugene, Oregon 97401 (541) 687-0051 www.econw.com info@econw.com Prepared for: McCloud Watershed Council www.mccloudwatershedcouncil.org Funding provided by the Bella Vista Foundation Correction The report, as it was originally released, contained a typographical error. On page 31, the second bullet should have read “200 HE per month at an HE rate of $17.60 per month,” rather than “200 HE per month at an HE rate of $17.60 per acre-foot.” In addition, this revised report contains revisions to Table 4, on page 32. A revised copy is available for download as of August 2008 at http://www.econw.com/reports/ECONorthwest_McCloud%20Economic%20Analysis.pdf ECONorthwest 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary .................................................................................................. 4 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 7 I. Conceptual Economic Model for Evaluating the Impacts of Nestlé’s proposal ............................................................................................................... 9 Commercial Demands......................................................................................... 10 Consumer Demands ........................................................................................... 10 Tracing the Consequences of a Water-Resource Decision ................................ 12 II. Long-Run Trends Affecting Economic Conditions in McCloud, Siskiyou County, and California...................................................................................... 14 III. Trends Affecting the Value Of Water in McCloud and Throughout California............................................................................................................ 17 Population Growth Will Increase Demands for Water......................................... 17 Demands for Natural Amenities Will Continue to Shape McCloud’s Future ....... 18 Changes in Precipitation & Drought Will Tighten California Water Supplies....... 19 State and Federal Policies May Restrict Water Withdrawals .............................. 20 Increasing Knowledge of Ecosystem Services Will Heighten Their Importance . 21 IV. Background on the Bottled Water Industry and Nestlé ................................. 23 Growth in the Industry ......................................................................................... 23 Spring Water, Tap Water, and Flavored Water................................................... 25 Issues Affecting the Future of the Industry.......................................................... 26 Implications for McCloud..................................................................................... 27 V. The Nestlé-MCSD Contract and Other Water Purchases................................ 28 Water Quantities in the Contract ......................................................................... 28 Prices and Other Payments in the Contract........................................................ 29 Prices Paid by Water Bottlers Elsewhere............................................................ 31 Prices Paid for Leasing or Purchasing Water for Other Uses ............................. 32 Implications for McCloud..................................................................................... 33 VI. Local Economic Effects of the Proposed Facility .......................................... 35 A. Employment.................................................................................................... 35 B. Population, School Enrollment, Housing ........................................................ 43 C. Other Potential Local Effects .......................................................................... 51 D. Implications for McCloud ................................................................................ 60 Appendix.................................................................................................................. 62 ECONorthwest 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Much of the debate over a proposed water-bottling facility in McCloud has focused on the potential for the community of McCloud to derive economic benefits from its endowment of spring water through jobs created at the facility, payments made to the McCloud Community Services District (MCSD), and property taxes paid to Siskiyou County. An evaluation of the economic consequences of the Nestlé proposal, which includes a contract for a period of 50 to 100 years, must take into account trends that are shaping economic conditions in California and across the globe. One such trend is the evolving economic value of natural resources, including water. High-quality natural resources remain important to an area’s economic health, but they contribute to the economy in multiple and more complex ways than in the past. Old demands for water—typically tied to commodity-oriented, resourceintensive industries—are becoming weaker relative to new demands, such as the demand for quality-of-life amenities provided by natural resources. Recreational opportunities, scenic vistas, and healthy environments contribute directly to the well-being of people who have access to them and influence both where people choose to live and where firms choose to locate. Such amenities can exert a powerful influence on economic growth. And, these influences are increasingly evident in McCloud, as the exceptional natural environment attracts residents, visitors, and economic activity to the area. To evaluate the economic consequences of the proposed Nestlé facility and contract, decision makers must weigh the risks associated with making binding decisions in the face of uncertainties. Trends indicate that water will only grow in importance to the area’s economy, and there is considerable uncertainty about the ability of future water supplies to meet demands. Population growth, changes in precipitation and drought, and the accompanying regulations on streamflows and water diversions will increase the strain on California’s water supplies. Nestlé’s proposed extraction of water would reduce the availability of water for competing uses—municipal, industrial, agricultural, and environmental—over the period of 50 to 100 years. Nestlé is currently the world’s largest water bottler, and analysts predict continued growth in sales of bottled water. The bottled-water market, however, is evolving into new types of products using treated municipal water instead of mountain spring water. This trend, plus new concerns about plastic bottles, water quality, and fuel emissions from water shipments, create uncertainties about the potential for Nestlé to generate economic prosperity in McCloud over the life of the contract. ECONorthwest 4 Available information, though incomplete, indicates that the price Nestlé intends to pay the MCSD for water is less than (a) the prices Nestlé and other bottlers have paid for water in other places under roughly comparable circumstances and (b) the value of water when used for other purposes in California. Plus, without contract provisions to respond to changes in the uses and values of water in McCloud and the greater Sacramento Basin that will likely arise during the potential 100-year duration of the contract, there is great risk that the MCSD will be giving away too much for too little in return. Proponents of the facility claim that it would provide jobs for many local residents and boost the local economy. We find that these expectations lack substantiation, however, and evidence indicates that the facility would likely impose a number of costs on residents and taxpayers. Our key findings include the following: • Most positions at the proposed Nestlé facility would likely be filled by people who do not currently live in McCloud. Given the wage level and experiences at other facilities, the majority of these positions would not attract new residents. • The projected employment at the facility would amount to approximately one-half of one percent of all employment in the county. • The facility would likely displace current employment at existing firms and employment that would have materialized in the future. • Demographic changes in McCloud reflect strong national trends, and the jobs and revenues from the proposed Nestlé facility are unlikely to reverse these trends. • Recent growth in McCloud indicates that the natural amenities of the area are important economic assets, as they attract people and firms. • Depending on the eventual assessed value of a water bottling facility, it might generate over $1 million in property taxes annually. Studies, suggest, however, that large facilities may cause losses of other jobs, firms, and residents in the county—and therefore, the accompanying property taxes. • Should periods of prolonged drought arise in the next 50 to 100 years, MCSD, its ratepayers, and nearby landowners may bear the costs of acquiring new water supplies, including deepening wells or drilling new wells. • Heavy truck traffic on SR-89 would approximately double at full build-out of the proposed Nestlé facility, and it would be difficult to ECONorthwest 5 exclude all truck traffic from traveling through town. Hidden costs of truck traffic include traffic accidents, congestion, air pollution, negative health effects, increased road maintenance, and possibly the need for additional law-enforcement services. • The proposed Nestlé facility would generate wastewater. If Nestlé elects to send the wastewater to the MCSD treatment system, it would consume approximately one-twelfth of the remaining capacity of the system. If Nestlé treats the wastewater on its own site, it may pose a risk of contamination to the area’s groundwater. • Although Nestlé would reimburse MCSD for the direct costs MCSD would incur in providing services to Nestlé, other communities have found that a large facility occupies the time of public officials and consumes public resources, which usually are not reimbursed. We find that rather than provide an engine for economic growth, Nestlé’s proposed facility would impose costs and obligations on the community that would likely outweigh the benefits, particularly given the duration of the contract, uncertainties about the future, economic trends, and potential risks. Nestlé’s proposed facility would consume one of the area’s most economically valuable assets in a way that seems unlikely to maximize the economic contribution of that asset to local residents or others downstream that also value the goods and services it provides. In so doing, Nestlé’s facility and related activities may also degrade the amenities—natural and otherwise—that are now primarily responsible for attracting economic activity to McCloud. ECONorthwest 6 INTRODUCTION The natural springs that supply the community of McCloud, California with its drinking water originate in the glaciers and volcanic soils of Mt. Shasta. These springs flow into Mud Creek and Squaw Valley Creek, which ultimately join the McCloud River. Mud Creek flows into the Upper McCloud River above the McCloud Reservoir, and Squaw Valley Creek flows through the community of McCloud and joins the Lower McCloud River below McCloud Dam and Reservoir. The McCloud River eventually joins the Sacramento River at Shasta Lake, and flows through the Central Valley of California, emptying into the Pacific Ocean at the San Francisco Bay-Delta and providing water for the San Joaquin Valley. The water flowing from Mt. Shasta provides economically valuable goods and services as it travels from its headwaters to population, agricultural, and industrial centers downstream. Much of the debate over a proposed water-bottling facility in McCloud has focused on the potential for the community of McCloud to derive economic benefits from its endowment of spring water through jobs created at the facility, payments made to the McCloud Community Services District (MCSD), and property taxes paid to Siskiyou County. From an economics perspective, the foregoing list of economic consequences is incomplete. Two documents that purport to identify the economic consequences of the proposal—the Draft Environmental Impact Review (DEIR) and an economic report sponsored by Nestlé—focus narrowly on only these kinds of effects. In so doing, they provide an incomplete view of the economics. In contrast, this report examines both the potential costs and the potential benefits. And, it places these economic consequences in the context of the economic trends shaping the role that water and other natural resources play in the overall economy. In Section I, we present a conceptual framework for analyzing natural-resource decisions in the context of trends shaping the demands for natural resources such as water from the springs near McCloud. In Section II, we describe broad, long-run economic and social trends that are shaping the U.S. economy. These trends have implications for economic decisions in McCloud. In Section III, we describe several trends affecting the use and value of water. In Section IV, we provide some background information on the waterbottling industry. Such information increases our ability to understand the potential of this industry to generate economic costs and benefits in both in McCloud and downstream now and in the future. ECONorthwest 7 In Section V, we summarize our understanding of the components of the contract with Nestlé as it relates to water quantities and prices, and we report prices paid elsewhere to acquire water for bottling and for other uses. And in Section VI, we evaluate the likely effects of the proposed facility on jobs, property taxes, population, housing, schools, traffic, and other public services. ECONorthwest 8 I. CONCEPTUAL ECONOMIC MODEL FOR EVALUATING THE IMPACTS OF NESTLÉ’S PROPOSAL At the center of the decision facing the community of McCloud, there are questions about the extent and nature of the tradeoffs posed by the proposed Nestlé facility and the water-supply contract with MCSD. Opinions differ about the likely effects of the project and how it will influence life in McCloud. From an economic perspective, the decision is essentially a decision about allocating water resources—and the economywide ripple effects of that allocation. In this section, we lay the economic groundwork for understanding the consequences of approving the Nestlé proposal. A key message is that there are far more economic consequences than the jobs and tax revenues that have been the focus of previous discussions. To evaluate fully the potential consequences over the next 100 years, one must consider not only the possible gains—such as jobs and tax revenues—but also the possible losses—such as other opportunities and hidden costs. Given current trends, and the uncertainties inherent over a period of 100 years, the risks must also be considered. Over the next few pages we outline a simple framework for describing the economics of water. Central to this framework is the idea that water can be used in many different ways, but water used one way generally precludes using that same water another way. The conceptual framework outlined in the next few pages involves recognizing the impacts on the evolving market for water resources and how these initial impacts will affect the overall economy. Moreover, these impacts must be viewed in the context of regional, national, and even global forces and trends that are fundamentally altering the role of water resources in supporting jobs, creating wealth, and shaping entire economies. Old demands for water—typically tied to commodity-oriented, resourceintensive industries—are becoming weaker relative to new demands that lack the commodity orientation. Without a full understanding of these trends and their economic implications, resource managers, community leaders, and individuals trying to manage water resources to benefit local economies easily can make mistakes. The punishment for such mistakes usually falls most heavily on the individuals, families, and communities at the bottom of the economic ladder. An important implication of these trends is that the role of natural resources, including water, in the economy has changed and will continue to change. High-quality natural resources remain important to an area’s economic health, but natural resources contribute to the economy in multiple and more complex ways than in the past. Figure 1 illustrates one way to distinguish among the types of demand for the goods and services that water resources provide. ECONorthwest 9 Figure 1. Competing Demands for Water Commercial Demands The most easily identifiable commercial demands entail the extraction of water. As the left side of Figure 1 shows, the commercial demands for water can be divided into two groups. A Dominant Commercial Use directly uses and depletes a water resource, and it has a dominant position relative to other uses. Its economic importance usually is expressed in terms of jobs and incomes for local residents, tax revenues for local governments, and profits for local firms. It is usually assumed to be the only or at least the primary means of generating economic activity via the water resources. Nestlé’s proposed water-bottling facility would be a dominant commercial use. Other Commercial Uses may compete against the dominant commercial use. Jobs, incomes, and tax revenues from the dominant commercial use may only replace the potential jobs, incomes, and tax revenues from alternative commercial uses. Given the intended scale and duration of Nestlé’s proposal, other commercial uses for the springwater that might otherwise have materialized over the next 100 years—both in McCloud and downstream—may be jeopardized. One provision of the contract identifies in stark terms just such a possibility: other water bottling and beverage businesses would be unable to use MCSD’s spring water for the duration of the contract. Consumer Demands The right side of Figure 1 shows there are two types of demand for water resources coming directly from consumers. These types of demand are economically important for how they contribute directly to economic wellbeing. ECONorthwest 10 Quality-of-Life Amenities such as recreational opportunities, scenic vistas, and healthy environments contribute directly to the well-being of people who have access to them. These amenities influence both where people choose to live and where firms choose to locate.1,2 Residents and visitors attracted to amenity-rich areas create demand for goods and services and increase the labor pool. Thus, the quantity and quality of water-related amenities can affect the levels and types of jobs, incomes, profits, and economic activities throughout the local and regional economies. Such amenities can exert a powerful influence on economic growth. One study found that amenities accounted for about one-half of the interstate differences in job growth.3 These influences are likely to grow. McCloud’s endowment of water resources contributes to the area’s scenic natural setting and provides fishing and other recreational opportunities. These water-related amenities are increasingly valuable assets that contribute to the area’s quality of life and attract visitors and residents, both of which are important to the economy. After the water leaves McCloud, it continues to provide amenities downstream. From the recreational opportunities on Shasta Lake to water for urban and agricultural uses in the Sacramento Basin and San Joaquin Valley, the water flowing from McCloud helps support the region’s quality of life. Environmental Values. The lower right corner of Figure 1 represents the demand associated with environmental values that do not necessarily entail a conscious, explicit use of the area’s water-related goods and services. These values arise in two ways. First, they arise whenever individuals place a value on maintaining the existence of a species, scenic waterfall, or other resource for its own sake, or on the prospect that the resource will be useful, for example, to future generations. Second, they arise when natural resources provide valuable services that people generally consume without being aware of them—that is, resources are valuable for their life-sustaining services. These values are difficult to Knapp, T.A. and P.E. Graves. 1989. “On the Role of Amenities in Models of Migration and Regional Development.” Journal of Regional Science 29 (1): 71-87.; Mathur, V.K. 1993. “The Role of Amenities in a General Equilibrium Model of Regional Migration and Growth.” Southern Economic Journal 59 (3 January): 394-409.; and Mueser, P.R. and P.E. Graves. 1995. “Examining the Role of Economic Opportunity and Amenities in Explaining Population Redistribution.” Journal of Urban Economics 37: 176-200. 1 That location-specific consumption amenities are an important influence in residential location decisions is well documented. The early contributions are Rosen (1979) and Roback (1982). For more recent work on this topic see Beeson (1991), Berger and Blomquist (1992), Blomquist et al. (1988), Brady (1995), Brown (1994), Browne (1984), Cooper (1994), Cromartie (1998), Cushing (1987), Figlio (1996), Gabriel et al. (1996), Gottlieb (1994), Greenwood et al. (1991) and Sherwood-Call (1994). For a list of full citations, see Appendix A. 2 M. Partridge, and D. Rickman. 2003. “The Waxing and Waning of Regional Economies: The Chicken-Egg Question of Jobs Versus People.” Journal of Urban Economics 53: 76-97. 3 ECONorthwest 11 measure, but they can be large, as people both near and far may hold these values. Tracing the Consequences of a Water-Resource Decision This simple framework demonstrates the complex and growing competition for water resources. A central message to be drawn from the framework is that, when water is put to one use, some competing uses go without. In this context, there are economic tradeoffs that ripple through local and regional economies from any use of water. Hence, when trying to trace the economic consequences of decisions such as those embodied by the Nestlé proposal, one cannot look solely at the historical use of the resources but, instead, must also look at the impacts on the competing uses—now and in the future. These impacts materialize through two mechanisms: direct displacement and subsidies. Direct displacement of other water uses can materialize in two ways. First, an increase in one use of water, other things equal, reduces the opportunity for—or the value of—other uses. For example, the 1600 acrefeet of water that Nestlé proposes to extract and bottle may reduce the opportunity for competing commercial uses of water, the quality of life for residents, the environmental value of the resources, or perhaps all three. Second, displacement also occurs when one use is accompanied by negative spillover effects. Nestlé’s proposal would generate effects such as increased truck traffic and alteration of the visual landscape of McCloud. Subsidies of one use of water can distort prices and production levels, imposing costs on alternative uses. Subsidies draw money away from other commercial industries, restricting output and profits. They also lower the disposable incomes of households. Subsidies may be conspicuous, as when states give tax breaks to dominant commercial industries or protect them from competition,4 but they may be more hidden, as when firms in other sectors of the economy subsidize unemployment insurance in some highly cyclical industries.5 In the case of the proposed Nestlé facility, subsidies may come in the form of publicly provided goods and services such as road maintenance and repair. Regardless of their visibility, subsidies suppress the level of production in other industries and lower the well-being of affected households. These effects may materialize near McCloud, but not necessarily. Black, A. and J. Smillie. 1988. A Comparison of Non-Renewable Natural Resource Taxation in Colorado, Montana, North Dakota and Wyoming. Billings, MT: Western Organization of Resource Councils. December.; and Nauth, Z. 1992. The Great Louisiana Tax Giveaway. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana Coalition for Tax Justice, Louisiana Coalition, Inc. 4 Meyer, B.D. and D.T. Rosenbaum. 1996. Repeat Use of Unemployment Insurance. NBER Working Paper Series. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc. January. 5 ECONorthwest 12 The importance of the economic framework outlined in this section lies in its recognition of the evolving competition for water. Decisions about allocating McCloud’s endowment of spring water should be made in the context of these complex competing demands, which arise both in proximity to McCloud but also downstream. Decisions should not be based on old patterns of water use. Given the duration of the contract, and the considerable uncertainties over that period, one must consider the potential risks. As we describe in the next sections of this report, long-run economic trends, many of which are already evident in McCloud, are altering the ways in which water resources can deliver the most economic value. ECONorthwest 13 II. LONG-RUN TRENDS AFFECTING ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN MCCLOUD, SISKIYOU COUNTY, AND CALIFORNIA Future economic growth in McCloud will occur in the context of trends that are shaping economic conditions across the globe. These trends will influence—and they are already influencing—all facets of economic activity: from employment patterns to prices for goods and services. For this reason, an evaluation of the economic consequences of the Nestlé proposal—particularly because it involves a period of 100 years—must take these trends, and the risks and opportunities they suggest, into account. Although no one can predict the future with certainty, current trends provide strong signals about the future. One need look no further than the pending contract with one of the world’s largest corporations, based halfway across the globe, to understand the reality of global economic forces and their magnitude on the economy in places from the size of McCloud to the entire state of California. The most important of these trends include: Overall population growth, the aging of the baby boom generation, and increases in life expectancy. The number of people age 65 and older will double by 2050, while the number of people under age 65 will grow only 12 percent. The economic effects of this demographic change include a slowing of the growth of the labor force, an increase in the demand for healthcare services, and an increase in the percent of the federal budget dedicated to Social Security and Medicare.6 The growing importance of education as a determinant of wages and household income. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, a majority of the fastest growing occupations will require an academic degree, and on average they will yield higher incomes than occupations that do not require an academic degree. In addition, the percentage of high school graduates that attend college will increase.7 Continued growth in global trade and the globalization of business activity. With increased global trade, both exports and imports will rise. Faced with increasing domestic and international competition, firms will The Board of Trustees, Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and Federal Disability Insurance Trust Funds, 2006, The 2006 Annual Report of the Board of Trustees of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and Federal Disability Insurance Trust Funds, May 1; Congressional Budget Office, 2006, The Budget and Economic Outlook: Fiscal Years 2007 to 2016, January; and Congressional Budget Office, 2005, The Long-Term Budget Outlook, December. 6 Daniel E. Hecker, “Occupational Employment Projections to 2014,” Monthly Labor Review 128: 11, November, pp. 70-101. 7 ECONorthwest 14 seek to reduce costs and some production processes will be outsourced offshore.8 Innovation in electronics and communication technology, and its application to production. Advancements in communication and manufacturing technology increase worker productivity, meaning less labor is required per unit of output. There will be growth in the production of both services and goods, but the economy’s emphasis on services will increasingly dominate.9 Continued shift of employment from manufacturing and resourceintensive industries to the service-oriented sectors of the economy. Increased worker productivity and the international outsourcing of routine tasks lead to declines in employment in the major goodsproducing industries. Projections from the Bureau of Labor Statistics indicate that U.S. employment growth will continue to be strongest in professional and business services, healthcare and social assistance, and other service industries. Construction employment will also grow.10 The combination of rising energy costs, strong energy demand, and requirements to reduce emissions and increase use of renewable fuels. Output from the most energy-intensive industries will decline, but growth in the population and in the economy will increase the total amount of energy demanded. Energy sources will diversify and the energy efficiency of automobiles, appliances, and production processes will increase.11 Continued westward and southward migration of the U.S. population. Although there are some exceptions at the state level, a 2006 U.S. Census report documents an ongoing pattern of interstate population movement from the Northeast and Midwest to the South and West.12 The importance of high-quality natural resources. The relationship between natural resources and local economies has changed as the economy has shifted away from resource extraction. Increases in population and in households’ incomes, plus changes in tastes and Jay M. Berman, 2005, “Industry Output and Employment Projections to 2014,” Monthly Labor Review 128:11, November, pp. 45-69. 8 Jay M. Berman, 2005, “Industry Output and Employment Projections to 2014,” Monthly Labor Review 128:11, November, pp. 45-69. 9 Jay M. Berman. 2005. “Industry Output and Employment Projections to 2014,” Monthly Labor Review 128:11, November, pp. 45-69; and Daniel E. Hecker, 2005. “Occupational Employment Projections to 2014,” Monthly Labor Review 128: 11, November, pp. 70-101. 10 11 Energy Information Administration, 2006, Annual Energy Outlook 2006 with Projections to 2030, U.S. Department of Energy, DOE/EIA-0383(2006), February. Marc J. Perry. 2006. Domestic Net Migration in the United States: 2000 to 2004, Washington, DC, Current Population Reports, P25-1135, U.S. Census Bureau. 12 ECONorthwest 15 preferences, have dramatically increased demands for outdoor recreation, scenic vistas, clean water, and other resource-related amenities. Such amenities contribute to a region’s quality of life and play an important role in attracting both households and firms.13 These are some of the most important trends shaping today’s economy and tomorrow’s. Individuals, firms, and communities that align themselves with these trends—whether by chance or by intention—will be better positioned to thrive and, not incidentally, to weather economic downturns. Given the inherent uncertainties about the future, these trends provide a starting place for considering the potential risks of a binding contract with a possible duration of 100 years. In Section III we focus on the ways that these trends and others are shaping the value of water resources in McCloud and throughout California. For a more thorough discussion of relevant research, see, for example, Power, T.M. and R.N. Barrett. 2001. Post-Cowboy Economics: Pay and Prosperity in the New American West. Island Press, and Kim, K.-K., D.W. Marcouiller, and S.C. Deller. 2005. “Natural Amenities and Rural Development: Understanding Spatial and Distributional Attributes.” Growth and Change 36 (2): 273-297. 13 ECONorthwest 16 III. TRENDS AFFECTING THE VALUE OF WATER IN MCCLOUD AND THROUGHOUT CALIFORNIA Many of the long-run trends identified in Section II have implications for the use and value of water in McCloud and across the state. In this section we highlight how many of these trends are likely to affect the region’s water resources. Any evaluation of the economic consequences and risks of a 100-year water-supply agreement should consider these trends, which include population growth, increasing water demands, climatic cycles and trends, as well as the regulatory setting. Population Growth Will Increase Demands for Water As Figure 2 depicts, population has been growing, and forecasters expect population growth to increase in Siskiyou County, neighboring Shasta County, and throughout California. As population grows, both commercial and consumer demands for water will also grow. More water will be required for municipal and domestic uses, agricultural irrigation, and instream uses such as recreation. In a state where water supplies are already highly constrained in many places, those areas with greater quantities of water available will not be unaffected. Figure 2. Population trend and forecast, 1960-2100 Source: ECONorthwest, with data from the U.S. Census 1960-2000 and Landis, J.D. and Reilly, M. No date. How We Will Grow: Baseline Projection of the Growth of California’s Footprint through the Year 2100; Appendix B-2. Working Paper 2003-04. California Resource Agency, California Energy Commission, and Institute of Urban and Regional Development, University of California, Berkeley. Retrieved on May 17, 2007, from http://repositories.cdlib.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1025&context=iurd. In addition to growth in the McCloud area, population growth in the Central Valley is also relevant to the downstream demands on water that ECONorthwest 17 originates in McCloud and enters the Sacramento River. Much of California’s future growth is expected to occur on valley floor areas.14 Demands for Natural Amenities Will Continue to Shape McCloud’s Future Many people come to McCloud to enjoy the area’s natural resource amenities: the McCloud River and its tributaries offer world-class fishing, whitewater rafting, hiking, camping, and other recreation activities. People are also drawn to McCloud for its scenery: McCloud sits in the shadow of Mt. Shasta, and is a stop along the Volcanic Legacy Scenic Byway. Winter recreation also draws visitors to the area, creating the potential for McCloud to be a year-round recreation destination. While the McCloud River supports many kinds of recreation, it is perhaps best-known for its trout fishing. The McCloud was the site of California’s first fish hatchery,15 where McCloud rainbow trout were propagated and distributed around the world. Anglers come to the McCloud River to fish its trout in their native waters. The State of California recognized this unique resource when it protected parts of the McCloud River under the California Wild and Scenic Rivers Act in 1989. McCloud is surrounded by other recreation amenities. The Mt. Shasta Ski and Snowboard park is only a few miles away; the Shasta Sunset Dinner Train, operated by the McCloud Railway, draws visitors year-round to enjoy the scenery of the area; and the Volcanic Scenic Byway follows highway 89 through McCloud. All of these amenities, in concert with the small-town and historic atmosphere, contribute to the attractiveness of McCloud as a destination for visitors, retirees, and new residents. There are indications, however, that McCloud has the potential to benefit even more than it already does from the visitors who come to the area to enjoy nearby recreation opportunities and scenery. One website warns anglers against relying on the town of McCloud to stock up on supplies, noting that “the closest fly shops are not in McCloud,” but in Mt. Shasta and Dunsmuir. It adds that while McCloud is a good last stop for supplies, Mt. Shasta has more restaurants, hotels, and fishing supply stores.16 Mt. Shasta also draws much of the business from winter skiers, even though McCloud is the closest town to the ski park. California Department of Water Resources. 2006. Progress on Incorporating Climate Change into Management of California’s Water Resources. Technical Memorandum Report. July. 14 U.S. Forest Service, Shasta-Trinity National Forest, Shasta-McCloud Management Unit. 1998. Lower McCloud River Watershed Analysis. March 18. 15 Troutsource.com. 2007. “McCloud River.” Retrieved July 3, 2007, from http://www.troutsource.com/RiversFolder/McCloud.htm 16 ECONorthwest 18 Changes in Precipitation and Drought Will Tighten California Water Supplies Climatic cycles and trends threaten to change the pattern of water availability in Siskiyou County and throughout California. Recent forecasts suggest that annual precipitation will decrease throughout the state (see Figure 3).17 Scientists predict that rising temperatures will also cause a shift in precipitation patterns throughout the seasons. During the winter, more precipitation will fall as rain rather than snow. And, spring snowmelt will start earlier, with drier conditions beginning earlier in the year and persisting longer.18 Less water and more demand will present even greater challenges for water management. Decisions made now that do not account for changing demands, changing supplies, and the associated uncertainties and risks will preclude future opportunities. Figure 3. Annual Precipitation Forecast: 2021-2040 as a Percent of 1950-2000 Source: R. Seager. 2007. An Imminent Transition to A More Arid Climate In Southwestern North America. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.ldeo.columbia.edu/res/div/ocp/drought/science.shtml R. Seager, M. Ting, I. Held, et. al. 2007. “Model Projections of an Imminent Transition to a More Arid Climate in Southwestern North America.” Science. 316 (5828) pp. 1181-1184. Retrieved June 28, 2007, from http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/rapidpdf/316/5828/1181.pdf?ijkey=CAlzmuA008O0.&keytyp e=ref&siteid=sci 17 J. Dracup and S. Vicuna. 2005. “An Overview of Hydrology and Water Resources Studies on Climate Change: the California Experience.” In R. Walton, P.E., ed., Proceedings of the 2005 World Water and Environmental Resources Congress, May 15-19, 2005, Anchorage, Alaska. Reston, VA: ASCE/EWRI. 18 ECONorthwest 19 Uncertainty pervades scientists’ current understanding of the McCloud River’s hydrology. The area is dominated by volcanic soils and lava tubes. This geology is highly porous, characterized by rapid infiltration and complex systems of underground rivers and aquifers. The uncertainties and complexities make it difficult to predict how changes in precipitation and runoff would affect water supplies or the timing and quantity of flows. There are also uncertainties about how new wells might affect existing wells, springs, and other water supplies.19 While water seems plentiful in McCloud today, water shortages have occurred in the past. Most recently, McCloud experienced a drought between 1987 and 1992, and voluntary cutbacks in water use were requested.20 Drought has also recently affected the northern parts of Siskiyou County, where wells ran dry and water conservation measures were requested. Scientists and policy makers expect that such events may increase in frequency and duration in the future. State and Federal Policies May Restrict Water Withdrawals Over the last century, California has engineered an extensive network of reservoirs and aqueducts to move water from where it falls as snow or rain to population, agricultural, and industrial centers. The largest of these systems is in the Central Valley, where much of the state’s agricultural production occurs. As part of the Sacramento Basin, the McCloud River’s water is part of this larger system of supply and demand as it flows south toward the San Francisco Bay-Delta. On the whole, California is experiencing serious water supply challenges, which have renewed discussions about raising dams or building new dams and canals.21 In addition to the policies and infrastructure established to provide water to California’s agricultural regions and dry southern cities, policies and laws are in place to provide California’s ecosystems and wildlife with water they need to survive and to provide goods and services valuable to people. Given population growth and changes in water availability, water policies will increasingly mandate conservation and maintaining T. Myers. Review of Nestlé Waters North America Inc. Water Bottling Project Draft Environmental Impact Report/Environmental Assessment. McCloud Watershed Council. 19 The Source Group, Inc. 2006. Water Supply Assessment Report, McCloud, California. McCloud Community Services District. Report No. 01-MCD-003. April 12. Available as a Technical Appendix No. 3.11-1 to the Nestlé Waters North America Inc. Draft EIR/EA. 20 See, for example, G. Lucas. 2007. “GOP Cites Warming in Bid for New Dams.” San Francisco Chronicle. February 1. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.sfgate.com/cgibin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2007/02/01/BAGB8NSRS81.DTL and P. Rogers. 2007. “Delta Pumps Idled to Save Smelt.” Mercury News. June 1. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.mercurynews.com/lifestyle/ci_6035871 21 ECONorthwest 20 sufficient instream flow to support healthy ecosystems. If the MCSD is faced with such mandates in the future and finds the need to curtail use, it may be faced with raising water rates or paying users to leave water instream. Increasing Knowledge of Ecosystem Services Will Heighten Their Importance Natural resources provide many valuable services that most people, perhaps all, take for granted. Some, such as microscopic activities that cycle energy, carbon, and nutrients, help sustain life. Others make living in a place less costly by controlling pests, capturing floodwater, diluting waste, and removing pollutants from surface water. Both human and natural systems benefit from these ecosystem services. Table 1 depicts the range of services provided by water-related ecosystems. In McCloud, the McCloud River and its tributaries provide many waterrelated ecosystem services. By supporting a thriving trout population, the McCloud River also contributes to McCloud’s economy as anglers who are drawn to the area because of the fishing also purchase goods and services from local merchants. The trees and vegetation around the river clean the air, and sequester carbon dioxide. The McCloud River and its tributaries also provide aesthetic, cultural, and recreational services directly to the people of McCloud as they hike, swim, and relax around the river. Water originating near McCloud continues to provide ecosystem services as it becomes the Sacramento River and flows to the San Francisco Bay-Delta. As the understanding of ecosystem services grows, demands to sustain them also grow. As the National Research Council recently concluded, “there is a much greater danger of underestimating the value of ecosystem goods and services than over-estimating their value.”22 22 National Research Council, Committee on Assessing and Valuing the Services of Aquatic and Related Terrestrial Ecosystems. 2004. Valuing Ecosystem Services: Toward Better Environmental Decision-Making. National Academies Press. ECONorthwest 21 Table 1. Summary of All Functions, Goods, and Services of Water-Related Ecosystems (Current Understanding) Functions Examples of Goods and Services Produced 1 Production and regulation of water Natural and human-built features capture precipitation; filter, retain, and store water; regulate levels and timing of runoff and stream flows; influence drainage; and provide water for diverse human uses. 2 Formation & retention of soil Wetlands and biota accumulate organic matter, and prevent erosion to help maintain productivity of soils. 3 Regulation of atmosphere & climate Biota produce oxygen, and help maintain good air quality and a favorable climate for human habitation, health, and cultivation. 4 Regulation of disturbances Wetlands and reservoirs reduce economic flood damage by storing flood waters, reducing flood height, and slowing velocity of flood. 5 Regulation of nutrients and pollution Wetlands and riparian vegetation improve water quality by trapping pollutants before they reach streams and aquifers; natural processes improve water quality by removing pollutants from streams. 6 Provision of habitat Wetlands, riparian vegetation, streams, and reservoirs provide habitat for economically important fish and wildlife. 7 Food production Biota convert solar energy into plants and animals edible by humans. 8 Production of raw materials Streams and biota generate materials for construction, manufacturing, fuel, and fodder; streams possess energy convertible to electricity. 9 Pollination Insects facilitate pollination of economically important wild plants and agricultural crops. 10 Biological control Birds, bats, and microorganisms control pests and diseases. 11 Production of genetic & medicinal resources Genetic material in wild plants and animals provide potential basis for drugs and pharmaceuticals. 12 Production of ornamental resources Products from plants and animals provide materials for handicraft, jewelry, worship, decoration, and souvenirs 13 Production of aesthetic resources Wetlands, riparian vegetation, streams, and reservoirs provide basis for enjoyment of scenery from roads, housing, parks, trails, etc. 14 Production of recreational resources Streams, reservoirs, riparian vegetation, fish, waterfowl, and other wildlife provide basis for outdoor sports, eco-tourism, etc. 15 Production of spiritual, historic, cultural, and artistic resources Wetlands, riparian vegetation, streams, and reservoirs serve as basis for spiritual renewal, focus of folklore, symbols of group identity, motif for advertising, etc. 16 Production of scientific and educational resources Wetlands, riparian vegetation, streams, and reservoirs provide inputs for research and focus for on-site education. Source: Adapted by ECONorthwest from De Groot, R., M. Wilson, and R. Boumans. 2002. “A Typology for the Classification, Description and Valuation of Ecosystem Functions, Goods and Services.” Ecological Economics 41: 393-408; Kusler, J. 2003. Assessing Functions and Values. Institute for Wetland Science and Public Policy and the Association of Wetland Managers, Inc.; and Postel, S. and S. Carpenter. 1997. “Freshwater Ecosystem Services.” in Nature's Services: Societal Dependence on Natural Ecosystems. Edited by G.C. Daily. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, pgs. 195-214. ECONorthwest 22 IV. BACKGROUND ON THE BOTTLED WATER INDUSTRY AND NESTLÉ In this section we present data about trends in the bottled water industry to help decision-makers assess the costs and benefits of the proposed Nestlé facility and the Nestlé-MCSD contract. As decision makers weigh the costs and benefits of committing a portion of the area’s water resources to this use, they should also consider the potential risks. Key characteristics of the industry include: • Bottled water sales have grown steadily over the last twenty years and analysts predict sales growth will continue. Nestlé is the world’s largest bottled water manufacturer. • Bottled water products range from spring water to bottled municipal water to flavored waters, which are also usually made with municipal water. The flavored waters are the fastest-growing category of bottled water products. • Concerns about manufacturing processes, product packaging, water quality, and other issues have led to boycotts and bans of bottled water. Growth in the Industry As Figure 4 shows, sales of bottled water have grown steadily over the last twenty years. In the United States in 2006, sales exceeded 8.25 billion gallons, which represents an increase of 9.5 percent over 2005.23 Growth in the sales of bottled water has outpaced all other beverage categories, and bottled water is expected to exceed carbonated soft drinks in overall sales volume in the next decade. The sales volume of bottled water surpassed that of milk, and nearly overtook that of beer in 2006.24 Nestlé is the world’s largest water bottler,25 with 72 brands of bottled water in 37 countries. Nestlé held a 38.5 percent share of the North American bottled water market in 2006.26 In 2005 it led the industry with International Bottled Water Association. 2007. “Bottled Water: More than Just a Story About Sales Growth.” Press Release. April 9. Retrieved May 31, 2007, from http://www.bottledwater.org/public/2007_releases/2007-04-09_bevmkt.htm 23 “A U.S. First: Bottled Water Outsold Milk in 2006.” 2007. Water Technology Online. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.watertechonline.com/news.asp?N_ID=67248 24 J. Alexander. 2007. “Nestlé Raises Stakes in Bottled Water Battle.” Muskegon Chronicle. January 7, Section A, pg. 1. 25 Nestlé Waters. 2007. “Nestlé Waters is accelerating its development in enriched waters and healthy beverages, having once again consolidated its worldwide leadership of the bottled water market in 2006.” Press Release. March 6. Retrieved May 31, 2007, from http://press.Nestlé-waters.com/NR/rdonlyres/DCFB5EFB-C07C-4B56-9BC483C65AFA45B4/75782/20070306_compresNWres2006_EN1.pdf 26 ECONorthwest 23 a 42.7 percent share of the U.S. single-serving bottled-water market.27 Nestlé markets its bottled water in multiple ways. It has regional brands, such as Poland Spring and Arrowhead; international brands such as Perrier and S.Pellegrino; and national brands, including Nestlé Pure Life. In 2003, Nestlé extracted an estimated 1.86 billion gallons of spring water for bottled water production in the United States.28 Figure 4. Sales of Bottled Water (1986-2006) Source: Beverage Marketing Corporation, as reported in Beverage World. 2007. “Bottled Water.” State of the Industry Report ’07. April. Pp. 15-16. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.beverageworld.com/SpecialReports-2006/State-Industry-2007.pdf Industry analysts describe intense competition among producers.29 Nestlé is known in the industry as a low-cost producer, employing efficiencies across its production process that Nestlé officials believe allow the company to maintain its competitive edge. Most of its facilities are less than 15 years old, and they use high-speed, vertically integrated manufacturing processes.30 For example, in many of its facilities, Nestlé H. Miller. 2006. “Nestlé’s Water Unit Springs a Leak as Activists Block New Wells.” Bloomberg.com. July 26. 27 T. Clarke. 2005. Inside the Bottle: An Expose of the Bottled Water Industry. Canada: The Polaris Institute, p.16. 28 T. Williams. 2006. “Making a Go of it in Bottled Water.” Water Technology Online. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.watertechonline.com/article.asp?indexid=6636435 29 S. Theodore. 2004. “Nestlé Waters North America: Focused on Performance.” Beverage Industry. September 1. 30 ECONorthwest 24 manufactures its own bottles from plastic “preforms,” and its production lines run with just three to four employees per line. Although cost efficiencies are welcomed by shareholders, they raise concerns about the ability of Nestlé to generate the types of employment opportunities residents of McCloud may be expecting. Spring Water, Tap Water, and Flavored Water Nestlé’s core focus area within the bottled water market has been—and continues to be—spring water. The International Bottled Water Association defines spring water as “bottled water derived from an underground formation from which water flows naturally to the surface of the earth.”31 Spring water may be collected at the surface, or pumped to the surface via a well or borehole from the aquifer that feeds the spring. Some consumer research has shown that U.S. consumers claim to prefer spring water over other kinds of bottled water.32 In practice, however, U.S. consumers purchase large amounts of bottled water that is not considered spring water. In 2006, one study estimated that 40 percent of bottled water sold in the United States was processed municipal tap water,33 up from 25 percent reported in a 1999 study.34 This water, usually labeled as “drinking water” or “purified water” is drawn from municipal systems, purified or treated, and then bottled. Coca-Cola sells treated municipal tap water under the Dasani label; Pepsi’s brand is Aquafina; and Nestlé sells it as Nestlé Pure Life. In recent years, the bottled water industry has introduced flavored water and enhanced water—water with added vitamins, herbs, and extracts. These new products represent a small, yet rapidly-growing segment of the bottled water market: in 2005, sales volume of enhanced water grew by 41.7 percent and flavored water grew by 197 percent.35 Although spring water has historically been its core focus, Nestlé is positioning itself to play a leading role in these new product categories,36 which typically rely International Bottled Water Association. 2004. Frequently Asked Questions. February 25. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.bottledwater.org/public/faqs.htm 31 32 “Leading the Way.” 2007. Bottled Water World. Issue 40, January-February, pp. 26-29. E. Arnold and J. Larsen. 2006. Bottled Water: Pouring Resources Down the Drain. ECOEconomy Update. Earth Policy Institute. February 2. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.earth-policy.org/Updates/2006/Update51.htm. 33 Natural Resources Defense Council. 1999. Bottled Water: Pure Drink or Pure Hype? March. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from https://nrdc.org/water/drinking/bw/bwinx.asp 34 35 “State of the Industry ’07: Bottled Water Report.” 2007. Beverage World. April. Nestlé Waters. 2007. “Nestlé Waters is accelerating its development in enriched waters and healthy beverages, having once again consolidated its worldwide leadership of the bottled water market in 2006.” Press Release. March 6. Retrieved May 31, 2007, from http://press.Nestlé-waters.com/NR/rdonlyres/DCFB5EFB-C07C-4B56-9BC483C65AFA45B4/75782/20070306_compresNWres2006_EN1.pdf 36 ECONorthwest 25 on municipal tap water or well water rather than spring water. These trends indicate that Nestlé does not require access to spring water for all of its endeavors, and there is uncertainty about how market trends and conditions will affect Nestlé’s operations in the future. Issues Affecting the Future of the Industry In 2004, Nestlé projected steady growth in its bottled water sales over the next decade, expecting to build one new plant every year from 2004 to 2014 to keep up with demand.37 Since then, growth of Nestlé’s bottled water business has remained strong. In a January 2007 interview Nestlé Waters North America’s CEO noted that this future growth will be realized only if the current downward trend in sales of carbonated soft drinks continues.38 Other factors may also affect the long-term growth predictions for the bottled water industry. Rising fuel costs, for example, may diminish the profitability of bottlers located far from urban markets. Information regarding the industry’s environmental and social impacts, felt in local communities across the world, are beginning to emerge in the mainstream media and may affect consumer choices in the future. The bottled water industry is coming under increased scrutiny for a number of its practices. These include the inefficiency of the water bottling process (Nestlé reports that it requires 1.86 liters of water to produce one liter of bottled water39); environmental impacts of plastic bottles (over 75 percent of which are never recycled40); the fuel usage and emissions that arise from trucking so many billions of gallons of water around the country; questions regarding the purity of bottled water compared to tap water;41 and the local impacts on communities whose aquifers are being tapped by the bottled water companies. Several recent articles in the New York Times42 and Fortune43 have highlighted the environmental consequences of the bottled water S. Theodore. 2004. “Nestlé Waters North America: Focused on Performance.” Beverage Industry. September 1. 37 38 “Leading the Way.” 2007. Bottled Water World. Issue 40, January-February, pp. 26-29. Nestlé S.A. 2007. The Nestlé Water Management Report. March. Retrieved June 26, 2007, from www.Nestlé.com/SharedValueCSR/Environment/Water/Report/Intro/Introduction.htm 39 J. Gitlitz and P. Franklin. 2007. Water Water Everywhere: The Growth of NonCarbonated Beverages in the United States. Container Recycling Institute. February. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://container-recycling.org/assets/pdfs/reports/2007waterwater.pdf 40 Natural Resources Defense Council. 1999. Bottled Water: Pure Drink or Pure Hype? March. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from https://nrdc.org/water/drinking/bw/bwinx.asp 41 M. Burros. 2007. “Fighting the Tide, a Few Restaurants Tilt to Tap Water.” New York Times. May 30. Retrieved May 31, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 42 ECONorthwest 26 industry. These concerns have begun to materialize in ways that affect consumer behavior and may ultimately affect the market for bottled water. For example, in June 2007, the mayor of San Francisco ordered all city departments to phase out the purchase of bottled water in the City. Since then, other cities have taken similar steps. Also, some restaurants in California and New York have stopped offering bottled water to their patrons to underscore their commitment to offering more sustainable products. Whether the rising concerns over bottled water will strike a chord with the public and begin to soften the market for bottled water remains to be seen. Implications for McCloud Nestlé is not just a large bottled water company. It has multiple lines of business operating in markets all over the world. It faces competitive conditions in all its markets and reports to shareholders intent on maximizing profit. Driven by the constant need to reduce costs, its manufacturing facilities are likely to continue to automate production processes. Nestlé monitors market conditions continuously and makes strategic decisions to enter new lines of business and exit less profitable ones. Although these characteristics may epitomize business practices, they raise concerns for the community of McCloud. For example, how would Nestlé respond to changes in the bottled water market that do not favor the product that brought Nestlé to McCloud—spring water? The contract does not bind Nestlé to ongoing payments to MCSD if business conditions change. M. Gunther. 2007. “Bottled Water: No Longer Cool?” Fortune. April 25. Retrieved June 16, 2007, from http://money.cnn.com/2007/04/24/news/economy/pluggedin_gunther_water.fortune/ 43 ECONorthwest 27 V. THE NESTLÉ-MCSD CONTRACT AND OTHER WATER PURCHASES In this section we compile the available information about Nestlé’s potential use of water in McCloud. That is, based largely on the MCSD contract, the DEIR, and other publicly available documents, we summarize current descriptions of water sources, quantities, uses, and prices that characterize Nestlé’s proposed project. For comparison purposes, we provide some information about prices other water bottlers pay or have paid elsewhere. We also provide prices paid for leases or purchases of water for other uses in California and other places in the U.S. Water Quantities in the Contract Table 2 provides a summary of the water sources and quantities available to Nestlé through its contract with the MCSD and through water rights it acquired separately. Nestlé’s contract with the MCSD establishes an initial amount of water that Nestlé could use for bottling. According to the contract, however, Nestlé could also purchase additional water from the MCSD to meet the needs of its employees (e.g. restroom facilities), the factory (e.g. landscaping and maintenance), and to run its bottling equipment (e.g. water for cooling, lubrication, bottle washing, and sterilization). According to the contract, water used for these purposes would not be included in the “maximum take” of 1600 acre-feet of qualified water designated for bottling purposes in the contract.44 The contract also includes a provision that would, at Nestlé’s request, compel the MCSD to install groundwater wells on the bottling facility site, allowing Nestlé to draw additional water from the area for use in other beverage products. Independent of the contract with the MCSD, Nestlé has acquired rights to water from the McCloud River—over five times the amount it plans to purchase from the MCSD.45 These rights were historically owned by the lumber mill in McCloud. As we understand, these water rights are governed by the nuances of California water law, and we do not know whether Nestlé would be able to exercise these rights or to what use the water would be put. 44 See Section 6.5.4 on pg. 17 of the contract. Water right permits obtained through the Water Rights Information Management System (WRIMS), maintained by the California Environmental Protection Agency, State Water Resources Control Board, Division of Water Rights. Retrieved June 22, 2007. 45 ECONorthwest 28 Table 2. Water Resources Nestlé Might Extract in McCloud Anticipated Use Water Source Maximum Quantity Source of Information Water for bottling MCSD Springs 1600 acre-feet/year Contract with MCSD Additional water for bottling MCSD Springs Not specified Contract with MCSD Water for domestic and manufacturing purposes MCSD Springs (via MCSD system) 224 acre-feet/year Water for drinking water products or products utilizing b drinking water (but not spring water) Groundwater Unlimited Contract with MCSD Unknown McCloud River 8941 acre-feet/year California Water Right Permit Nos. 002155 and c 010083 a Contract with MCSD and DEIR Source: ECONorthwest, based on contract, California water rights records, and DEIR. a Based on the anticipated needs of the bottling facility at full build-out, as outlined in Section 3.11 of the DEIR. b See pp. 16-17 of the contract. c Water right permits obtained through the Water Rights Information Management System (WRIMS), maintained by the California Environmental Protection Agency, State Water Resources Control Board, Division of Water Rights. Retrieved June 22, 2007. Prices and Other Payments in the Contract Table 3 outlines the various rates, fees, and other payments as stipulated in the contract. These include payments for water purchases, fees for water and sewer connection and disposal, and other payments to the MCSD and a community program. • Some fees, such as the connection fees, are one-time payments for services, which Nestlé would pay at the rate prevailing at the time that MCSD would provide the service. • Other rates, such as the rate for some water purchases, would rise as the household equivalent (HE) rate is adjusted for all customers. • Other payments are fixed or adjusted upwards only periodically. In both cases, these payments may not keep pace with inflation. For example, Nestlé would contribute a fixed $100,000 per year to the Arrowhead Community Enhancement Fund. This amount in 2057 would be worth less, in inflation-adjusted dollars, than the same amount in 2007. Another example of this is the exclusivity payment, which increases in years 6 and 11, but stops increasing automatically in year 25, rising in successive years only if water rates increase. ECONorthwest 29 Table 3. Payments Specified in the Nestlé-MCSD Contract Contract Component Rate Amount ($) Direct Water Purchases $42,240 per year Spring Water up to 1600 acre-feet 200 times HE Rate (per year) a HE rate in contract is $17.60/month Additional Spring Water in excess of 1600 acrefeet $120 per acre-foot Rate is subject to adjustment Domestic Water (from MCSD) 1 times the HE rate (per year) a HE rate in contract is $17.60/month Groundwater Metered at Golf Course Irrigation Rate b Current rate is $0.0002/gallon Unknown depends on usage Water Connection Fee 200 times HE rate (one-time) HE rate in contract is $1,300 $260,000 one-time Domestic Water Connection Fee 1 times the HE rate (one-time) HE rate in contract is $1,300 $1,300 one-time Sewer Connection Fee 21 times the HE rate (one-time) HE rate in contract is $1,300 $27,300 one-time Sewer Disposal Fee 21 times HE rate (per year) c Current HE Rate is $37.60/month Unknown depends on usage $211.20 per year Related Fees $9,475.20 per year Other Payments Exclusivity Payment Per year, years 1-5 Per year, years 6-10 Per year, years 11-25 Per year, after year 25 (plus rate adjustment factor) Contingency Payment 90 days after signed contract Years 1-4 after signed contract per year Total contingency fees $25,000 one-time $56,250 (for 4 yrs) $250,000 Arrowhead Community Enhancement Program Per year fixed rate $100,000 per year $150,000 (for 5 yrs) $200,000 (for 5 yrs) $250,000 (for 15 yrs) $250,000+ (yr 25+) Source: ECONorthwest, based on contract. a Here we use the household equivalency (HE) rate as of the date of the contract. We understand that the HE rate is adjusted periodically, and Nestlé would pay based on the current HE rate. b The contract does not state the golf course irrigation rate. We use the current rate, based on information provided to us. c The contract specifies that the sewer disposal rate is based on a fixture count user classification. As we understand, the fixture count user classification is the method used to calculate the appropriate HE of the facility. The number of fixtures (toilets, sinks, etc.) in the facility are counted, and divided by an average fixture count of 11 (the average number of fixtures in a household in McCloud) to arrive at the HE for the facility. To approximate the sewer disposal fee in this table, we use the 21 HE estimated for the sewer connection, and the current HE sewer rate, as of June 29, 2007. The actual fixture count user classification may differ from 21 HEs. ECONorthwest 30 Prices Paid by Water Bottlers Elsewhere The price that water bottlers pay for water varies, depending on the type of water, the ownership of the water source, and the details of the contract. For example, companies that use municipal water usually pay a per-gallon rate more or less equivalent to that which other customers pay; this rate is usually publicly disclosed, even if the amount of water the company uses is not. On the other hand, companies that purchase water from springs held in private ownership typically do not disclose the rate paid for spring water or the amount extracted. Finally, there are many instances where companies pay little to nothing for water from groundwater sources, usually because the company owns the land and the right to extract water from the underlying aquifer. These factors make it difficult to identify current market rates paid by bottlers for spring water. Table 4 presents prices that water bottlers, including Nestlé, pay or have paid for water. Some prices are for spring water, while others are for municipal tap water. This list is not exhaustive, nor is it necessarily a representative sample of prices; it merely presents the data available to us. As Table 4 shows, the price Nestlé intends to pay MCSD is much lower than the prices Nestlé and others pay or have paid for water in some other locations. We acknowledge that the rate we calculated is based on these assumptions: • 1600 acre-feet of water • 200 HE per month at an HE rate of $17.60 per month As we understand, Nestlé would pay at the HE rate in effect at the time of its payments, and we understand the HE rate is already slightly higher than the rate identified in the contract. Some might also be tempted to include in the calculation of the price per acre-foot the other payments Nestlé would make. We find, however, that Nestlé would likely be receiving benefits (other than the water itself) for those additional payments, and it would be inappropriate to include them in the calculation. We have also excluded the estimated amount of water (up to 224 acre-feet) for which Nestlé would be able to access at a rate of 1 HE. ECONorthwest 31 Table 4. What other sellers have received for water to be bottled Seller Purchaser MCSD-proposed Marietta, GA Nestlé Coca-Cola or Pepsi Source Type Spring Municipal Price Quantity (gallons) ($/gal) 521,362,284 $0.000081 a $26.40 $0.002 b $652 c $1,629 Unknown ($/acre-ft) Maine Department of Conservation Nestlé (Poland Spring) Spring Unknown $0.005 City of Dunsmuir Dunsmuir Bottling Co. Spring 50,000,000 $0.005 d to $0.01 $1,629 to $3,258 Unknown Sierra Spring Water Spring Unknown $0.005 e to $0.015 $1,629 to $4,888 Pure Mountain Spring Co. Nestlé (Poland Spring) Spring 450,000,000 $0.0067 f $2,183 Source: ECONorthwest, based on the indicated sources. a Contract between the McCloud Community Services District and Nestlé Waters. The price per gallon rate show here is calculated using only Nestlé’s annual water rate payment based on 200 HE and the rate in effect as of the date of the contract, excluding the other payments included in the contract. If we include the other payments (the exclusivity fee and the community enhancement payment), the rate increases to $0.0005 per gallon or $182.65 per acre-foot. b T. Clarke. 2005. Cited Previously. Pg. 29. Rate effective in 2007. c Maine Department of Conservation contract with Nestlé Waters for Range Pond State Park water extraction, as reported by H2O for ME. Retrieved June 25, 2007, from http://waterdividendtrust.com/information/waterprofit.php Date in which rate was effective is unknown. d Metcalf & Eddy, Inc. 1997. Evaluation of Dannon Corporation’s Spring Water Purchase Offer. City of Mt. Shasta. August 20. Rate effective in 1997. e Metcalf & Eddy, Inc. 1997.Cited Previously. Rate effective in 1997. f T. Turkel. 2007. “Water Deal Too Sweet?” Portland Press Herald/Maine Sunday Telegram. April 1. Retrieved June 14, 2007, from http://pressherald.mainetoday.com/business/stories/070401cover.html This rate is an estimate based on Pure Mountain Springs Co.’s reported revenue generated between 2003 and 2007, which was approximately $3,000,000, divided by an estimated 450,000,000 gallons sold to Poland Spring during that same period. Prices Paid for Leasing or Purchasing Water for Other Uses In an attempt to determine the marginal value of streamflow from national forests, an economist with the U.S. Forest Service summarized existing studies on the value of different uses of water and analyzed data from water leases and purchases in the U.S.46 He found that in California, the median price paid for both water leases and water purchases that occurred between 1990 and 2003 was $96 per acre-foot per year for municipal purposes, $45 per acre-foot per year for irrigation purposes, and $64 per acre-foot per year for environmental purposes.47 These A purchase entails a one-time payment for permanent transfer of the right to the water; with a lease, the underlying water right remains unchanged, but the short-term usage of water is transferred from the seller to the purchaser for an annual payment. 46 ECONorthwest 32 estimates embody considerable uncertainty, but they provide estimates of the value of water in California. Another study examined water transactions across the western U.S. between 1999 and 2002.48 The authors of the study indicate that most of the transactions in their analysis involve urban interests purchasing or leasing water from agricultural interests; the remainder generally involve acquisitions of water to accomplish environmental objectives associated with instream flows. The transactions recorded in California involved a total of 3,354,000 acre-feet of water. Of the total, 3,127,000 acre-feet of water were leased, while 227,000 acre-feet of water were sold. The average lease price in California was $80 per acre-foot, and the average sale price in California was $1,207 per acre-foot (in 2004 dollars). The average lease price across western U.S. was $86 per acre-foot and the average sale price was $1,299 per acre-foot (in 2004 dollars). These numbers should be used with caution, for they give, at best, a rough indication of the prices people would be willing to pay for water from the McCloud River and its springs. The prices at which water is leased or sold elsewhere reflect particular economic conditions that may not exist in the area. Some of the prices may, indeed, reflect values in the McCloud area, but before reaching that conclusion, one would have to determine that the conditions that triggered a particular transaction at a particular price someplace else are similar to conditions in McCloud. Implications for McCloud Available information, though incomplete, indicates that the price Nestlé intends to pay the MCSD for water is less than (a) the prices Nestlé and other bottlers have paid for water in other places under roughly comparable circumstances and (b) the value of water when used for other purposes in California. Of course, in many places, bottlers that possess water rights pay nothing, which is a price that exists only as a relic of a time when water supplies were not as constrained and demands were not as intense as they are now—such a price does not reflect the value of the underlying resource. To evaluate the economic consequences of giving Nestlé the right to extract these volumes of water in exchange for contractual obligations, one must examine the alternative uses and values of that water and weigh the risks associated with making binding decisions in the face of uncertainties. Brown, T.C. 2004. The Marginal Economic Value of Streamflow From National Forests. Discussion Paper DP-04-1, RMRS-4851. U.S. Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. December 28. http://www.fs.fed.us/rm/value/docs/ marginal_economic_value_streamflow_forests.pdf, accessed June 25, 2007. 47 Howitt, R. and K. Hansen. 2005. “The Evolving Western Water Markets.” Choices. 20:1 (1st Quarter), pp. 59-63. Retrieved June 29, 2007, from http://www.choicesmagazine.org/2005-1/environment/2005-1-12.pdf. 48 ECONorthwest 33 Nestlé’s proposed extraction of water would reduce the availability of water for competing uses—particularly over the period of 100 years. Such alternatives include uses for other commercial purposes, uses that enhance quality of life, and uses that enhance environmental values. Given the period of the contract, decision makers must evaluate whether Nestlé’s proposed use is now—and whether it would continue to be—the highest valued use of all the possible alternative uses over the next 100 years. At a minimum, these data indicate that water has no universal price. Instead, its value is dependent upon the circumstances of time and place. Without contract provisions to respond to changes in the uses and values of water in McCloud and the greater Sacramento Basin that will likely arise during the 100-year duration of the contract, there is great risk that the MCSD will be giving away too much for too little in return. ECONorthwest 34 VI. LOCAL EFFECTS OF THE PROPOSED FACILITY In this section we describe the likely local effects of the facility in light of existing conditions and trends in McCloud and Siskiyou County. We focus on employment, population, schools, housing, and effects on public infrastructure and services. To provide greater context for evaluating the potential impacts, we searched for information about bottling plants at the four sites shown in Table 5. We selected two of these facilities, Crystal Geyser in Weed and CCDA Waters (a division of Coca-Cola) in Mt. Shasta, because of their proximity to McCloud. We selected the other two facilities—one in Maine and one in Tennessee—because they are both newer Nestlé facilities located in relatively rural communities. Table 5. Background Information on Case Study Sites Company Location Population (2000) Opening Date Facility Size (sq.ft) Number of Employees Nestlé Hollis, ME 4,114 2000 828,000 375 Nestlé CCDA Waters Crystal Geyser Red Boiling Springs, TN Mt. Shasta, CA Weed, CA 1,023 3,640 2,978 2004 380,000 a 76/229 c 2001 161,373 100 1998 f d 246,000 90 Water Quantity (gallons) 350,000,000 b 870,000 e Unknown Unknown Source: ECONorthwest a Number of employees when operating at peak capacity. b Number hired at opening/Estimated number at full build-out. c Number of employees when operating at peak capacity. d Number of employees in 2001. e Amount withdrawn from springs on-site. Could process additional water from springs located nearby the facility. f The building inspector reports that the plant is comprised of 3 buildings that amount to 246,000 sq. feet (A. Cook, personal communication, Oct. 2007). A. EMPLOYMENT Job creation has been touted as one of the benefits of approving Nestlé’s plans to extract and sell water from the springs in McCloud. In this section we: (1) report Nestlé’s projections of the number of jobs and the wages at its proposed facility in McCloud, (2) provide information about employment experiences at other bottling facilities, (3) summarize findings from studies of the county-wide employment effects from large, new facilities, and ECONorthwest 35 (4) examine whether the jobs at a bottling plant in McCloud would lead to overall job growth in Siskiyou County. Proponents of the facility claim that it would provide jobs for many local residents. We find that these expectations lack substantiation, however, and evidence indicates that few local residents would work at the plant. Our key findings include the following: • Most positions at the proposed Nestlé facility would likely be filled by people who do not currently live in McCloud. Given the wage level and experiences at other bottling facilities, the majority of these positions would not attract new residents. • The projected employment at the facility would amount to approximately one-half of one percent of all employment in the county. • The facility would likely displace employment at existing firms, meaning that job gains at the facility would be offset, in part, by job losses at other firms. 1. Nestlé’s Projections of Employment Levels and Wages at its Proposed Facility in McCloud By entering into an agreement with Nestlé, MCSD expects to “restore economic vitality to the community” by facilitating the creation of new jobs.49 Nestlé is under no obligation or commitment, however, to provide a specific number of jobs, or to hire people living in McCloud. In this section and in Table 6 we summarize the information about the potential jobs at Nestlé’s proposed facility. Temporary construction employment. The DEIR reports that the Phase I facility would require 30 to 60 construction jobs for approximately six months and that Phase II and Phase III would require similar levels of construction labor. In 2004, a Nestlé representative said that Nestlé would use an out-oftown engineering firm to design the McCloud facility and oversee the construction process. For other aspects of construction, though, Nestlé would open the bidding and select a contractor based on professional qualifications, availability, and cost.50 Although some local contractors P.J. Kampa. 2004. Frequently Asked Questions Relating to the Agreement for the Purchase and Sale of Spring Water Between McCloud Community Services District and Nestlé Waters North America Inc. McCloud Community Services District. December. Retrieved June 21, 2007, from http://www.mccloudarrowheadproject.org/docs/MCSD_FAQ_Dec_2004.pdf 49 50 D. Clayton. 2004. “Nestlé Answers Citizen’s Questions.” Mt. Shasta News. August 4. ECONorthwest 36 may have an opportunity to bid on portions of the construction, there is no guarantee that they would win the contracts. When the bottling facilities in Mt. Shasta and Dunsmuir were built, outside contractors oversaw design and construction. According to a local contractor, local builders were hired toward the end of the construction process as deadlines neared. They were not hired through bidding processes but at daily crew rates for a few days or weeks at a time. If similar circumstances develop in McCloud, it seems unlikely that many of the construction jobs would be awarded to residents of McCloud. Operational employment. The Nestlé facility, as initially constructed, would employ approximately 60 people. According to Nestlé’s projections, the water-bottling plant would employ up to 240 people at “full build out”—that is, 4 to 10 years after construction of the initial bottling facility and during the peak season. Operations at full build-out would run 24 hours a day with three shifts, with roughly half of the positions during the day, one-quarter from 4 pm to midnight, and one-quarter from midnight to 8 am.51 Neither the DEIR nor any other publicly available document provides a detailed breakdown of the types of jobs that would be provided, by job title and by wage level. Nestlé has also provided no information about the percentage of the jobs that would be full-time, part-time, temporary, or seasonal. In 2005, however, a Nestlé representative suggested that 30 to 40 percent of the jobs would be entry-level positions with starting wages of $10 per hour.52 In 2002, the average wage of production workers at bottled-water facilities (workers up through the line-supervisor level) was about $11 per hour in California and about $13 per hour in the U.S.53 These data indicate that production wages at the McCloud facility likely would not climb much above this level. As evidence from other bottling facilities indicates, employment levels would vary by season. The DEIR acknowledges this seasonality directly. DEIR 3.13-4; 129 positions from 8 am to 4 pm; 59 from 4 pm to 12 am; and 59 from 12 am to 8 am. 51 D. Clayton. 2005. “Nestlé hears concerns and support in McCloud.” Mt. Shasta News. December 14. 52 U.S. Census Bureau. 2005. Bottled Water Manufacturing: 2002. 2002 Economic Census, Manufacturing, Industry Series. January. Report No. EC02-311-312112 (RV). Retrieved May 31, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/prod/ec02/ec0231i312112t.pdf Production workers include workers through line-supervisor level engaged in fabricating, processing, assembling, inspecting, receiving, storing, handling, packing, warehousing, maintenance, repair, janitorial, guard services, product development, recordkeeping, and other services closely associated with the production of bottled water. Employees above the workingsupervisor level are excluded from this number. 53 ECONorthwest 37 First, the DEIR states that “actual employment numbers may vary from time to time based on economic conditions, seasonal markets and technology.”54 Second, the DEIR states that the summertime is the peak season “when operations would be accelerated to meet greater product demand,” and when the facility would generate the highest levels of traffic.55 For example, 50 percent more water-freight trucks per day are expected in the peak season than in the non-peak season.56 We expect that employment would be lower during non-peak periods and higher during peak periods. Table 6. Projected Employment at Nestlé’s Proposed Facility in McCloud Possible Expansions Phase I Phase II (2-5 yrs after Phase I) Phase III (2-5 yrs after Phase II) Facility Construction Jobs Temporary (6 months) 30-60 30-60 30-60 Pipeline Construction Jobs Temporary (unknown duration) 15-20 None None 60 Unknown 240 Facility Operations Jobs Source: DEIR, Economic Impact Study 2. Employment and Wages at Other Bottling Facilities In this section we provide information about employment at the waterbottling facilities listed in Table 5. This information may help citizens and decision makers gain a better understanding of how employment might materialize at a facility in McCloud. Mt. Shasta CCDA Waters Facility. The bottling facility in Mt. Shasta employs 100 people at peak capacity. These include production workers, warehouse workers, maintenance workers, and a small number of office support staff. Approximately 45 to 50 of the jobs at the CCDA facility are seasonal, non-employee workers hired during the peak season. Transportation workers, such as truck drivers, are not hired directly by 54 DEIR 3.13-4 55 DEIR 3.3-21 200 water-freight trucks (400 trips) per day are expected at full build-out in non-peak season, and 300 water-freight trucks (600 trips) are expected at full build-out in peak season (DEIR 3.3-22 (Table 3.3-10)). 56 ECONorthwest 38 CCDA, and thus are not included in these numbers. The annual payroll is approximately $1.5 million.57 Recent Job Openings at Siskiyou County Water-Bottling Facilities. Both the Crystal Geyser facility in Weed and the CCDA Waters facility in Mt. Shasta regularly advertise jobs in the Mount Shasta Herald. During the weeks of June 6th, 13th, and 20th (2007), they advertised for production workers, forklift operators, and maintenance technicians. Crystal Geyser advertised 25 job openings at $8.50 an hour plus benefits. CCDA Waters advertised jobs for three shifts, also at $8.50 an hour plus benefits. Calls to the job-placement services handling responses to the newspaper ads indicated that the facilities are almost always seeking production workers. Management and supervisory positions are not, however, advertised the same way. Such positions are advertised within the company and through national channels.58 Nestlé’s Poland Springs Facility in Hollis, Maine. Nestlé’s water-bottling facility in Hollis, Maine opened in 2000 with 75 employees.59 Nestlé conducted a statewide job search and attracted many employees from out of the area and a “handful” from Hollis. The facility expanded over the next five years, trucking in additional water from other sources. According to a Nestlé spokesperson, 375 employees currently work fulltime at the facility.60 The employees include production workers, warehouse workers, office support staff, managers, and some truck drivers. Additional temporary production workers and contract truck drivers are hired during the peak summer season. According to one source, approximately 50 employees today live in Hollis.61 Information on the range of wage levels, including the starting wage, was unavailable. Employment at Nestlé’s Facility in Red Boiling Springs, TN. Local residents of Red Boiling Springs, a rural community in Tennessee, have expressed disappointment at employment patterns at the local Nestlé facility. It was projected to open with 85 employees in 2004 and to increase to 229 within seven years. Nestlé conducted a nationwide job search, and according to a City Councilor “only between 12 to 15 people Telephone interview with Tina Martin, Assistant to Jim Peterson, CCDA plant manager. June 18, 2007. 57 Telephone call with Personnel Preference for Crystal Geyser and Spherion for CCDA Waters. 58 G. Murphy. 2000. “Jury Out on Poland Spring Traffic.” Portland Press Herald. September 26. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 59 Telephone interview with Jane Lazgin, Spokesperson, Nestlé Waters North America. June 8, 2007. Follow-up comments provided by email, June 14 and June 15, 2007. 60 Telephone interview with Irving “Ben” Severance, Selectman, Town of Hollis. June 8, 2007. 61 ECONorthwest 39 from Red Boiling Springs” were among the initial 76 hired at the facility.62,63 This anecdotal information seems consistent with experiences at other Nestlé facilities. Nestlé states that employees at its facility in Cabazon, California live within a 50-mile radius of the facility. Almost half of Nestlé’s employees at its Ozarka water-bottling facility in Texas live in the surrounding county, and the rest live in a neighboring county.64 3. Implications for McCloud McCloud was a company town that grew up around the local timber mills. With changes in the timber industry, and the closure of the area’s mills, local employment is no longer dominated by timber jobs. Figure 5 shows that unemployment rates in McCloud have been higher than the state and county, even prior to closure of the last mill.65 Some have endorsed Nestlé’s proposal as a way to improve employment conditions in McCloud and Siskiyou County. In this section we examine whether it is likely that bottling jobs in McCloud would stimulate employment growth. Effect of Bottling Facilities on Unemployment Rates in Siskiyou Co. Figure 5 shows the unemployment rates for nearby communities, the county and the state during 2000-2006. Although we have not attempted to identify all events that might have affected unemployment rates, the opening of water-bottling facilities does not appear to have had a noticeable or lasting effect on unemployment rates in either Weed or Mt. Shasta. Associated Press. 2003. “New Plant Could Employ 229 Workers.” Macon County Times. October 31. Retrieved on June 7, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 62 S. Brabant. 2003. “Caught between a Rock and a Hard Place.” Macon County Times. March 23. Retrieved on May 31, 2007, from http://www.maconcountytimes.com/articles/2004/03/23/news/newsa.txt. 63 64 Nestlé Waters. 2005. “A Look Across the Country.” Project Update. December. p. 3. 65 The state of California did not track unemployment rates in McCloud before 2000. ECONorthwest 40 Figure 5. Unemployment Rates in McCloud and the Surrounding Area Source: ECONorthwest based on data from California Employment Development Department. 2007. Labor Force & Unemployment Data: Sub-County Area (Cities and Towns), Historical Data. Retrieved on May 30, 2007, from http://www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/cgi/databrowsing/?PageID=4&SubID=164. Note: Unemployment data before 2000 are not directly comparable to data from 2000-2006. Employment Opportunities for McCloud Residents. Residents of McCloud are not limited to employment opportunities within the community of McCloud. Census data from 2000 indicate that, even before the mill closed, over half of McCloud’s employed residents have been taking advantage of favorable commutes to opportunities in areas such as Mt. Shasta (12 miles away), Dunsmuir (16 miles away), Weed (20 miles away), and Redding (68 miles away).66,67 Figure 6 shows the travel time to work reported by residents of McCloud in 2000. Over 85 percent reported travel times of less than 30 minutes. 66 Distance estimates based on Google maps. 67 U.S. Census. 2000. ECONorthwest 41 Figure 6. McCloud residents’ travel time to work, 2000 Source: ECONorthwest, with data from the U.S. Census Bureau. Indirect Employment Effects in Hollis, Maine. According to a local official in Hollis, seven years after Nestlé’s Poland Springs facility opened, the town has not experienced additional businesses—or jobs—moving to town. The Town’s Comprehensive Plan Update, prepared in 2005, corroborates the lack of new business: “There has actually not been a great deal of commercial development along Hollis’ major roads. In fact, home occupations continue to dominate commerce in town.”68 Newspaper accounts indicate that business increased at some establishments along truck routes from the increased truck traffic.69 Other businesses experienced interruptions during road construction projects that were to required to support the increase in trucking.70 Studies of Employment Effects of Large, New Facilities. It would be inappropriate to conclude that current residents of McCloud would occupy all—or even most—of the potential jobs at the proposed Nestlé facility. In addition to the experiences at other bottling facilities, economic studies have shown that most new jobs in an area do not go to the existing local population.71 Other economic studies have shown that large new facilities Town of Hollis Comprehensive Planning Committee. 2005. Town of Hollis Comprehensive Plan Update. April. Retrieved June 7, 2007, from http://www.maine.gov/spo/landuse/plans/hollis/HollisCompPlanFINAL04-05-05.pdf 68 G. Murphy. 2000. “Jury Out on Poland Spring Traffic.” Portland Press Herald. September 26. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 69 G. Murphy. 1999. “Bottling Up Business?” Portland Press Herald. November 25. York County Extra, Pg. 1E. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 70 T. Bartik. 1993. “Who Benefits from Local Job Growth: Migrants or the Original Residents?” Regional Studies 27 (4): 297-311; and T. Bartik,.2005. “Solving the Problems of Economic Development Incentives.” Growth & Change 36 (2): 139-166. 71 ECONorthwest 42 in an area do not tend to increase the overall number of local jobs or population. One of the most comprehensive studies on the effect of new facilities on employment found that, on average, jobs provided by new firms are offset by job losses in the same region. For example, the study found that for every 100 workers at a new, large plant, the county lost 71 existing workers, meaning that the county gained only 29 total jobs overall.72 The author suggests that these effects appear to be caused by negative spillover effects—that is, industrial sites tend to make areas less attractive as residential locations and they repel existing establishments by congesting local infrastructure.73 Conclusions. In summary, if 60 jobs materialize at a bottling facility in McCloud, some local residents would probably fill some of the jobs, but most would be filled by residents from outside McCloud but living in Siskiyou County. Production jobs would have wages around $10 an hour, and evidence indicates that such positions are already difficult to fill in the area, given the frequent advertising of other similar facilities. 60 jobs would increase county employment by less than one-half of 1 percent. At full build-out, 240 employees would increase county employment by approximately 1 percent. If the Nestlé facility causes employment and population effects like large, new firms elsewhere, then we would expect that the county would also lose jobs in existing firms and lose jobs that would have materialized without the facility. The literature shows that the net job increase at full build-out likely would be closer to 70 jobs (240 jobs gained at the Nestlé facility minus 170 jobs—71 percent of the new jobs—lost at other firms). Given the local experience with other bottling facilities, evidence from experiences in communities with new bottling facilities, and findings from economic studies, it is likely that Nestlé’s facility would not improve unemployment rates or overall employment levels in McCloud or Siskiyou County. B. Population, School Enrollment, Housing An oft-repeated concern in McCloud is the lack of young families with children. The decrease in school enrollment, the presence of “vacant” homes, and an increase in the percentage of the population that is retired are characteristics of McCloud’s population that have been cited as evidence that the town is dying. There is an expectation that jobs at the K.D. Edmiston. 2004. “The Net Effects of Large Plant Locations and Expansions on County Employment.” Journal of Regional Science 44(2): 289-319. See also K.D. Edmiston. 2007. “The Role of Small and Large Businesses in Economic Development.” Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City Economic Review 92 (2): 73-97. 72 73 K.D. Edmiston. 2004. (cited previously) ECONorthwest 43 Nestlé facility would reverse these trends by attracting families to McCloud and thereby boost both the economy and the community. In this section we present data on characteristics of McCloud’s population—including overall population numbers, age profiles, school enrollment, and housing status. We find that McCloud’s experience reflects powerful statewide and national trends, and the proposed Nestlé facility is unlikely to reverse them. Our key findings include: • McCloud’s population has, indeed, changed over the last several decades. Many changes reflect national population trends. • A variety of factors have contributed to the decline in enrollment in McCloud’s public schools. • Housing trends provide an indication of the economic importance of natural amenities to McCloud’s future. Trends in McCloud’s population Major trends in McCloud’s population over the last few decades include an overall decline in population, a shift toward an older population, and an increase in the number of part-time residents. The increase in retirement-age people as a percentage of the population echoes a widespread demographic shift that is occurring across the nation and that is predicted to continue into the future. Table 7 shows the census population of McCloud, nearby towns, Siskiyou County, and California. McCloud’s population has decreased since 1980, while the populations of Mount Shasta and Siskiyou County have increased. To our knowledge, McCloud’s population is not tracked annually. In areas of Siskiyou County with annual data available, the data indicate that populations have remained fairly steady between 2001 and 2006. ECONorthwest 44 Table 7. Census Population, 1980-2000 Area 1980 1990 2000 McCloud CDP 1,656 1,555 1,343 Mount Shasta 2,837 3,460 3,621 Weed 2,879 3,062 2,978 39,732 43,531 44,301 23,667,764 29,758,213 33,871,648 Siskiyou County California Source: U.S Census Bureau, 2000 Census of Population and Housing. 2003. Population and Housing Unit Counts. PHC-3-6, California. Table 5: Population and Housing Units: 1980 to 2000; and Area Measurements and Density: 2000. Washington, D.C. Retrieved on June 4, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2000/index.html Figure 7 shows a demographic shift in McCloud over the period 1990 to 2000. The most pronounced shift is the reduction in the percentage of the population in the 25-to-44 age bracket and an increase in the percentage of the population in the 45-to-64 age bracket—those in the baby boom generation who are approaching retirement age or are already retired. Figure 7. Age profile of McCloud in 1990 and 2000 Source: ECONorthwest, with data from the U.S. Census Bureau. ECONorthwest 45 Figure 8 shows the age profiles of McCloud, Siskiyou County, and the United States in 1990 and 2000. The age profile of McCloud closely matches that of Siskiyou County, with a slightly smaller proportion of the population in McCloud in the 25-to-44 age category, but a slightly higher proportion in the over-65 age category. Nationally, the baby boom generation is poised to shift the age distribution. As this generation grows older, the United States will see a relative decline in the proportion of the population in younger age groups and an increase in the proportion of the population in older age groups. Rapid growth in the population 65 years and older will begin in 2011, and the growth is expected to continue into the 21st century.74 Figure 8. Age profiles of McCloud, Siskiyou County, and the United States, 1990 and 2000 Source: ECONorthwest, with data from U.S. Census Bureau. School Enrollment and Population Figure 9 depicts school enrollment in McCloud’s Elementary (K-8) and High School (9-12) from 1998 to 2006. Enrollment in both schools has declined since 1998, but the reasons behind these declines are not clear. The mill closure in 2002 could have contributed to the decline, but the downward trend in enrollment began several years prior to that. U.S. Census Bureau. 2002. Demographic Trends in the 20th Century. U.S. Census Special Reports. November. Retrieved June 27, 2007, from http://www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/censr-4.pdf. 74 ECONorthwest 46 Figure 9. Enrollment in McCloud High and McCloud Elementary 1998-2006 Source: ECONorthwest, with data from Education Data Partnership. Although we do not have data on where high school students from McCloud attend school, we understand that Mt. Shasta High, Weed High, and Golden Eagle attract high school students from McCloud. In addition, other high-school-age students in McCloud are home-schooled. Other findings from our research include: • The trend of declining school enrollment is not unique to McCloud. During the same period, public school enrollment in Siskiyou County dropped by 1,500 students, or about 20 percent.75 • During the same period when McCloud’s high school enrollment dropped, Mt. Shasta High’s enrollment increased. Bussing between McCloud and Mt. Shasta began in 2001-02. From the 2002-03 school year to the 2004-05 school year, Mt. Shasta’s enrollment increased by 57 students, while McCloud’s dropped by 40 students. • There are five traditional high schools in the Siskiyou Union High School District. The district has an open enrollment policy, which allows students a choice of district high schools to attend. California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit. 2007. DataQuest: K-12 Public School Enrollment: Siskiyou County. Retrieved June 23, 2007, from http://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/s 75 ECONorthwest 47 • A charter school—Golden Eagle Charter—also draws students from Siskiyou County. It opened in 2004-05 with 102 students in grades 9-12, and 107 students in grades 9-12 in 2005-2006. These various factors appear to account for some, if not all, of the decline in the number of students attending schools in McCloud. It is unlikely that Nestlé’s plant would affect these factors. Vacant Homes and Population As Table 8 indicates, the vacancy rate of homes in McCloud almost doubled between 1990 and 2000—increasing from 11 percent to 21 percent. The reason most of these units are classified as vacant, however, is not because they fail to attract buyers or renters. Rather, in McCloud the majority of these so-called vacant units are units used for “seasonal, recreational, or occasional use.” These data signify a growing trend of part-time residents and vacation rentals, which corresponds to the role that natural resources and other amenities play in attracting people to McCloud and the surrounding area. The number of units in this category increased to nearly 14 percent of all units in 2000 from approximately 2 percent in 1990. A similar trend is evident for all of Siskiyou County, although to a lesser degree. These kinds of homes maintain connections to public services but tend to use them less than homes with full-time residents. People who currently own second homes, consider themselves part-time residents, or vacation in the area may become permanent residents as they retire or change jobs. Table 8. Housing Vacancy Status for McCloud and Siskiyou County McCloud 1990 Total Units Siskiyou County 2000 1990 2000 704 754 20,141 21,947 11% 21% 14% 15% Seasonal, Recreational or Occasional Use 15% 66% 35% 47% For Rent 16% 13% 16% 17% For Sale 8% 8% 9% 13% 61% 13% 39% 24% 1.6% 13.7% 4.9% 7.3% Percent of Total Units Classified as Vacant Vacancy Status Other Percent of Total Units that are Seasonal Source: ECONorthwest, with data from the U.S. Census Bureau. ECONorthwest 48 Retirement Population The DEIR describes the “influx of retirees from outsides areas” to McCloud. A 2005 study in Mt. Shasta also identified a similar trend and noted that those retirees bring significant capital with them.76 This is evidence of a finding in the DEIR that “McCloud is in transition toward an economic base focused on tourism and services.” Communities across the country have embraced attracting retirees as an economic development strategy. The Economic Research Service of the USDA has endorsed this strategy as a viable way to infuse rural areas with a valuable economic resource.77 Retirees bring retirement income and other assets, which they tend to spend on local services. This demand for local services creates jobs, without the same drain on public services or requirement of public subsidies that often accompanies economic development through new large-scale businesses. They also demand amenities that in turn attract visitors and others to the area. In addition to their monetary assets, retirees bring human capital to a community: many are highly skilled and may work part-time or volunteer their time in the community.78 Nestlé’s Potential Effect on McCloud’s Population Figure 10 shows the trend in population levels in Weed and Mt. Shasta. In each, the opening of a bottling plant had little effect on the town’s population. Nestlé’s proposed bottling plant in McCloud may likewise have little impact on McCloud’s population. The DEIR assumes that only 25 percent of the employees will come from McCloud. Of the remainder, the DEIR assumes 60 percent will come from SR 89 west (from the direction of I-5) and 15 percent will come from SR 89 east.79 The experiences of Weed, Mt. Shasta, and other communities indicate that Nestlé’s facility likely would not infuse McCloud with new young families or reverse other population trends. Bay Area Economics. 2005. Housing Development Opportunity: City of Mount Shasta. July 25. 76 R.J. Reeder. 1998. Retiree-Attraction Policies for Rural Development. Agricultural Information Bulletin No. AIB741. July. Retrieved June 28, 2007, from http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/aib741/ 77 E.H. Warren. No Date. Attracting Retirees as Economic Development. Thomas, Warren + Associates. Retrieved June 26, 2007, from http://www.twaaconsulting.com/docs/Attracting%20Retirees%20as%20ED.pdf 78 79 DEIR Chapter 3.3 p. 23 ECONorthwest 49 Figure 10. Effect of Bottling Plants on the Population of Mt. Shasta and Weed Source: ECONorthwest with data from State of California, Department of Finance. 2007. E-4 Population Estimates for Cities, Counties and the State, 2001-2007, with 2000 Benchmark. May. Retrieved June 22, 2007, from http://www.dof.ca.gov/HTML/DEMOGRAP/ReportsPapers/Estimates/E4/E4-01-06/HistE-4.asp; and State of California, Department of Finance. 2002 Revised Historical City, County and State Population Estimates, 1991-2000, with 1990 and 2000 Census Counts. March. Retrieved June 22, 2007, from http://www.dof.ca.gov/HTML/DEMOGRAP/ReportsPapers/Estimates/E4/E4-91-00/E-4text2.asp ECONorthwest 50 C. OTHER POTENTIAL LOCAL EFFECTS In this section we describe several other potential effects of Nestlé’s proposed facility. These range from increased truck traffic, which might affect McCloud’s quality of life, to strains on public infrastructure and public services. Our key findings include: • Property tax assessments vary by county, and assessed values depend on characteristics of each facilities. Five California waterbottling facilities were assessed property taxes of $300,000 $1,500,000 in recent years. • A facility in McCloud might generate the $1 million in property taxes that Nestlé estimated, but these taxes would be offset by losses of property taxes from firms or residents displaced by the facility. • Should periods of prolonged drought arise in the next 50 to 100 years, MCSD, its ratepayers, and nearby landowners may bear the costs of acquiring new water supplies, including deepening wells or drilling new wells. • Heavy truck traffic on SR-89 would approximately double at full build-out of the proposed Nestlé facility, and it would be difficult to exclude all truck traffic from traveling through town. Hidden costs of truck traffic include traffic accidents, congestion, pollution, health effects, increased road maintenance, and possibly the need for additional law-enforcement services. • The proposed Nestlé facility would generate wastewater. If Nestlé elects to send the wastewater to the MCSD treatment system, it would consume approximately one-twelfth of the remaining capacity of the system. If Nestlé treats the wastewater on its own site, it may pose a risk of contamination to the area’s groundwater. • Although Nestlé would reimburse MCSD for the direct costs MCSD would incur in providing services to Nestlé, other communities have found that a large facility occupies the time of public officials and consumes public resources, which usually are not reimbursed. Property Tax Revenues A Nestlé-sponsored report indicates that a Nestlé facility in McCloud would generate approximately 1 million dollars per year in property tax revenues for Siskiyou County. Until such a facility is built, however, actual tax revenues are uncertain. They depend on the county tax rate, the assessed value of the land, personal property, and improvements. Table 9 lists recent property taxes for several water-bottling facilities in California. Tax rates vary across the counties, and the facilities also vary. ECONorthwest 51 Table 9. Property Tax Revenues from Other Bottling Facilities in California Facility County Recent Property Taxes Nestlé - Arrowhead San Bernardino Co. $ 804,447 Nestlé - Calistoga Napa Co. $ 314,817 Nestlé - Cabazon Riverside Co. CCDA Waters - Mt. Shasta Siskiyou Co. $ 339,907 Crystal Geyer - Weed Siskiyou Co. $ 497,619 $ 1,524,000 Sources: (1)San Bernardino County, Office of the Assessor. Property Information Management System. Retrieved August 6, 2007, from http://nppublic.co.san-bernardino.ca.us; San Bernardino County, Treasurer-Tax Collector/Public Administrator. Property Tax Information. Retrieved August , 2007, from http://www.mytaxcollector.com/ (2) Napa County Assessor's Office. Napa County Website, eService, Assessor Parcel Data. Retrieved August 6, 2007, from http://www.co.napa.ca.us/eServices/AssessorParcelData.asp; Personal Communication with the Napa County Tax Collector's Office on August 6, 2007. (3) Riverside County, Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder. Riverside County Website, Property Information Center. Retrieved August 6, 2007, from http://pic.asrclkrec.com/Default.aspx; Personal communication with the Riverside County Assessor-County Clerk-Recorder's Office and the Treasurer-Tax Collector's Office, August 6, 2007 and August 27,2007. (I06-07 taxes for some categories and 07-08 for others) (4)Personal Communication with the Siskiyou County Treasurer Tax Collector's Office. August 6, 2007. To our knowledge, the Cabazon facility is the newest and largest on the list. Riverside County has assessed its land (over 100 acres) at $4,050,908, its improvements at $24,691,053, and its business personal property at approximately $95,000,000. It seems possible that a large, new facility in McCloud could generate the $1 million per year in property taxes that Nestlé estimates, at least initially. As plant and equipment ages, assessed values change. Given the research on the displacement effects of large facilities, however, property taxes from the proposed Nestlé facility would be offset by losses of property taxes from firms or residents that are directly or indirectly displaced—now and in the future—by the Nestlé facility. Drought Contingency Plan MCSD has stated that stream flows in the three area springs have been reduced by regional droughts in the past.80 The large, new demand by the proposed Nestlé facility raises concerns about the potential effects of future droughts and the potential costs to MCSD and other landowners to prepare for, respond to, and mitigate such effects. MCSD. 2004. Frequently Asked Questions Relating to the Agreement for the Purchase and Sale of Spring Water between McCloud Community Services District and Nestlé Waters North America, Inc. December. Accessed at http://www.mccloudarrowheadproject. org/mcsd.php. Page 19. 80 ECONorthwest 52 The contract specifies that any time MCSD is unable to provide Nestlé with “qualified” spring water, Nestlé’s payments to MCSD would be reduced proportionally.81 This suggests that, particularly during times of reduced supply, MCSD might allow Nestlé to utilize available spring water and serve other customers by other sources as needed and as available.82 The contract also specifies that MCSD and Nestlé develop a water supply plan for emergencies such as droughts, fires, earthquakes, etc. “to identify additional sources of water supply for District’s residential, municipal and industrial customers.”83 Whether the additional water would come from new wells or surface-water sources, there would be costs to develop these sources. There might also be effects on other landowners and on natural resources in areas where new supplies were located. The contract states that Nestlé would “cooperate” with MCSD, but it does not state that Nestlé would bear the costs for providing additional water.84 The DEIR states that the reduced flow to Squaw Valley Creek, as a result of the bottling facility, “can also affect groundwater recharge and water levels on adjacent lands along the waterway.”85 With the Nestlé project, the DEIR states that during drought conditions, there would be a proportionally greater impact on flows in Squaw Valley Creek.86 Therefore, under drought conditions, nearby landowners with private wells—particularly but not exclusively those in the Squaw Valley Creek area—might also bear the costs to deepen their existing wells or drill new wells as lower stream flows affect groundwater levels. An MCSD contingency plan indicates that, at least in the early stages of drought, voluntary and mandatory measures to conserve water would include asking MCSD customers to limit landscape irrigation, to serve water only upon request to restaurant customers, to prohibit car washing, etc.87 These measures support MCSD’s statement that Nestlé would be 81 Contract, 5.4.2 and 5.4.3 (p. 13). MCSD states that non-spring water rights (from the McCloud River, see Table 2 of this report) that Nestlé acquired from the Cal Cedar property “could be included in the water contingency plan benefiting all District customers” (MCSD. 2004. Frequently Asked Questions Relating to the Agreement for the Purchase and Sale of Spring Water between McCloud Community Services District and Nestlé Waters North America, Inc. December. Accessed at http://www.mccloudarrowheadproject.org/mcsd.php. Page 11). 82 83 Contract, Pages 17-18. 84 Contract, Pages 17-18. 85 DEIR p. 3.9-38 86 DEIR, p. 3.9-38. MCSD. 2006. Water Supply Contingency Plan, McCloud, California. Prepared by the Source Group. April 12. 87 ECONorthwest 53 “treated like any other customer of the District.”88 That is, to the extent that Nestlé’s proposed water extraction would reduce water availability throughout the area, particularly under drought conditions, the increased risks and costs would not be borne by Nestlé alone but also by MCSD and others. Traffic Nestlé projects that the facility would generate 600 water-freight truck trips89 and 10 other facility-associated truck trips per day at full buildout during the peak season.90 Approximately 85 percent of these trips would involve SR 89 west and 15 percent would involve SR 89 east. These truck trips would take place throughout the day and night; with 40 of these trips during the morning and evening peak hours, which are the hours that experience the highest volumes of traffic—usually coinciding with morning and evening commutes. A traffic study conducted for the DEIR recorded the existing level of traffic: • 3,106 total vehicle trips, of which approximately 21 percent or 650 vehicles were trucks with 2 or more axles. This information was gathered on SR 89, east of the City of Mt. Shasta. • At the intersection of SR 89 and Broadway Avenue in McCloud, the California Department of Transportation recorded 435 average annual daily truck trips, which represented 17 percent of all traffic.91 Based on these findings, the truck traffic generated by the Nestlé facility would approximately double the existing level of truck traffic. The Nestlé facility would also generate employee-related traffic. At project buildout, during both the peak season and the non-peak season, Nestlé projects 480 daily trips by employees. Of these, 25 percent would come from within McCloud itself, and the remaining 75 percent would come from SR 89—60 percent from the west and 15 percent from the east. MCSD. 2004. Frequently Asked Questions Relating to the Agreement for the Purchase and Sale of Spring Water between McCloud Community Services District and Nestlé Waters North America, Inc. December. Accessed at http://www.mccloudarrowheadproject. org/mcsd.php. Page 18. 88 89 A trip is one-way. 90 DEIR Section 3.3-22 State of California, Department of Transportation. 2004. 2002 Annual Average Daily Truck Traffic on the California State Highway System. February. Retrieved June 7, 2007, from http://www.dot.ca.gov/hq/traffops/saferesr/trafdata/truck2002final.pdf 91 ECONorthwest 54 Nestlé anticipates that the truck traffic would arrive at the facility via a private road accessible from SR 89 to the west of McCloud. According to Nestlé, “all truck traffic will use the private access road and not travel through McCloud.” This would not, however, be the only access to the facility. The DEIR also indicates there would be access to and from McCloud via Mill Road. Nestlé intends that this point of access would be used by employees and serve as a secondary emergency access to the plant. Because the plant would be accessible by this second route connected directly to the middle of town, some truck traffic might also travel through downtown McCloud. Although Nestlé has stated that no trucks would enter the downtown area, other communities in a similar position to McCloud have found that Nestlé’s assurances did not prevent trucks from using alternate routes. Truck traffic introduces several hidden costs including pollution, which affects human and environmental health, and an increased risk of accidents. A recent study of the costs of freight transport in California estimated that freight transport contributed 30 percent of the total statewide nitrogen oxide emissions and 75 percent of all diesel particulate matter emissions in the state. These pollutants have a profound impact on human health: the South Coast Air Quality Management District estimates that 70 percent of all airborne cancer risk comes from breathing diesel exhaust. Diesel exhaust is also linked to asthma and other respiratory problems. Communities that host distribution centers and that are located near trucking corridors are most likely to experience the adverse effects of diesel exhaust.92 Hollis, Maine experienced a significant increase in heavy vehicle traffic after the Poland Springs facility opened—from 431 truck trips on local roads in 2000 to 843 truck trips in 2002.93 Nestlé and town officials advised truck drivers to use designated routes to minimize disruption in residential areas. In fact, the town planning board stipulated in Nestlé’s building permit that the company give its drivers a written policy instructing them to stay on designated routes and not to use engine braking.94 Despite these provisions, a senior planner with the Southern Maine Regional Planning Commission reported that although route 117 “was supposed to be the major trucking route…we are hearing M. Palaniappan, S. Prakash, and D. Bailey. 2006. Paying With Our Health: the Real Cost of Freight Transportation in California. Pacific Institute. November. Retrieved June 22, 2007, from http://www.pacinst.org/reports/freight_transport/PayingWithOurHealth_Web.pdf 92 Town of Hollis Comprehensive Planning Committee. 2005. Town of Hollis Comprehensive Plan Update. April. Retrieved June 7, 2007, from http://www.maine.gov/spo/landuse/plans/hollis/HollisCompPlanFINAL04-05-05.pdf 93 G. Murphy. 1999. “Bottler Gets OK to Build in Hollis.” Portland Press Herald. September 1. Pg. 1A. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 94 ECONorthwest 55 from people at public hearings that trucks are using other roads.”95 Residents also reported that trucks have blocked intersections, crashed into signs,96 violated speed limits, and woken them at night.97 Although Nestlé attempted to work through the issues with the community and its drivers, it had difficulty enforcing the recommended routes, especially with its third-party contract drivers.98 Red Boiling Springs, Tennessee also experienced traffic impacts due to increased truck traffic after the water-bottling facility opened. Truck drivers coming into town were missing the turn to the plant. This caused highway hazards, as truck drivers attempted to turn around or back up on the busy highway. The State Department of Transportation had agreed to post signs to the Nestlé facility. It is unknown whether the signs were installed, or whether they made a difference in reducing the confusion and associated road hazards. Roads Heavy truck traffic is one of the most influential factors in how quickly pavement deteriorates. According to the Sacramento Area Council of Governments, one fully-loaded 80,000-pound truck causes as much pavement wear as 10,000 passenger vehicles.99 Thus, the increase in vehicle traffic, and particularly heavy truck traffic generated by the Nestlé plant may have substantial implications for the conditions of the roads in and around McCloud, for others using the roads, and for the taxpayers who fund road construction projects. In preparation for the Nestlé plant in Hollis, the Town of Hollis and the Maine Department of Transportation invested in road improvements along the routes that truck drivers would use to access the plant. The state Department of Transportation widened the road, increased the thickness of the roadbed, and improved five miles of one state highway to make the roadway safer and able to handle the influx of truck traffic T. Cohen. 2004. “Plant Prompts New Look at Hollis.” Portland Press Herald. January 30. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 95 S. Harkness. 2005. “Residents Rattled by Truck Traffic” Portland Press Herald. September 2. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 96 G. Murphy. 2000. “Jury Out on Poland Spring Traffic.” Portland Press Herald. September 26. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 97 S. Harkness. 2005. “Residents Rattled by Truck Traffic” Portland Press Herald. September 2. Pg. B1. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 98 Sacramento Area Council of Governments. No Date. MTP2035 Issues Papers: Road Maintenance. Metropolitan Transportation Plan 2035. Retrieved June 7, 2007, from http://www.sacog.org/mtp/pdf/MTP2035/Issue%20Papers/Road%20Maintenance.pdf 99 ECONorthwest 56 generated by the Nestlé plant.100 The Town of Hollis also invested in major improvements to the local road leading to the Nestlé facility after it was built. As a result of protests from residents living along the road, the town did not complete the entire project at first. At the request of Nestlé, however, the Town ultimately agreed to complete the remaining mile of improvements. Of the total $700,000 project costs incurred by the Town of Hollis for the remaining mile of road, Nestlé contributed $400,000.101 Law Enforcement The Siskiyou County Sheriff’s Department provides law enforcement services in McCloud. According to the DEIR, a private security firm would provide security services around the Nestlé site. Because of this, the DEIR suggests that the effect of the Nestlé facility on police services would not be significant. The DEIR fails, however to consider the impacts on law enforcement services from the considerable increase in truck traffic—not just in McCloud, but throughout Siskiyou County. If this increase in truck traffic leads to an increase in accidents, break-downs, and possibly an increased need for speed patrols, then the Siskiyou County Sheriff and the California Highway Patrol would incur the related costs. Sewer Nestlé would generate domestic and sanitary wastewater (i.e. water from restroom facilities) and process wastewater (i.e. water used in the manufacture of plastic bottles and in the bottling process). It would dispose of this wastewater either through a wastewater treatment plant or an on-site treatment system. The process wastewater will contain a number of contaminants, including oils and grease, detergents, lubricants, and other chemicals. Prior to treatment it will contain several contaminants at levels that exceed regulatory limits. The DEIR reports that the facility would generate up to 5,000 gallons per day of wastewater at full buildout. This amount represents 1/12 of the remaining sewer capacity left in McCloud’s treatment facility. For its process wastewater, Nestlé has the option in its contract with MCSD to send this water to the MCSD’s sewer system or to dispose of it on-site. According to the DEIR, Nestlé currently plans to dispose of its process wastewater on-site in treatment wetlands and infiltration ponds and fields. Both disposal options impose hidden costs on the citizens of McCloud. These costs include reduced opportunity to serve additional residents and businesses because of reduced sewer capacity, and environmental costs and risks associated with on-site disposal. G. Murphy. 1999. “Bottling Up Business?” Portland Press Herald. November 25. York County Extra, Pg. 1E. Retrieved June 5, 2007, from Lexis-Nexis. 100 101 Interview with Irving “Ben” Severance, Selectman, Town of Hollis. June 8, 2007. ECONorthwest 57 Other water bottling facilities throughout the country dispose of their domestic and process waste water through a variety of mechanisms: by connecting to the municipal sewage system, by an on-site treatment system, or by trucking the sewage to nearby municipal sewage systems. Nestlé’s Hollis water bottling facility trucks its sewage 15 miles from Hollis to a municipal wastewater treatment system in the Town of Old Orchard Beach because Hollis is not served by a sewer system. Nestlé considered disposing of its wastewater on-site, but decided this option would risk contaminating the underlying aquifer, from which it extracts the water it sells. Under a contract with Old Orchard Beach, Nestlé pays a disposal fee of $0.006 per gallon, plus an annual fee of $4,375 that covers laboratory testing and waste stream monitoring. In 2006, Nestlé paid Old Orchard Beach $173,290 for wastewater disposal. Although Nestlé pays the Town of Old Orchard Beach for processing its wastewater, some town officials question whether they are receiving full compensation for the full costs of accepting Nestlé’s waste, which represents 16 percent of the total wastewater processed by the system. According to one Town Councilor, the Town has had to deny building permits due to lack of capacity in the sewer system. During wet weather events, the pumps often run at full capacity, and a failure would risk dumping untreated waste into local waterways. In his words, “We have concerns for new economic development projects in this town because we do not have sewer capacity. We are ignoring our own needs.”102 The City of Mt. Shasta also experienced hidden costs related to sewage capacity issues. After it opened in 2001, the CCDA facility outside the City of Mt. Shasta initially disposed of its wastewater in the City’s wastewater system. Facing capacity constraints, the City Council noted that CCDA was sending 27,000 gpd to the City’s sewer system, and pointed out that by accepting CCDA’s process wastewater, the City was essentially giving up the opportunity to serve a significant number of additional households or businesses.103 The CCDA bottling facility had a permit to operate an on-site treatment system, and ultimately elected to use it instead of the City’s sewer system to dispose of its waste in the City’s system. On-site systems come with their own hidden costs: they increase the likelihood of groundwater and surface water contamination. Nestlé Town of Old Orchard Beach. 2007. Town Council Meeting Minutes. March 20. Retrieved June 20, 2007, from http://www.oobmaine.com/vertical/Sites/%7BD1C05230-602C-414C9CDA-461ECEEF8A91%7D/uploads/%7B273F2022-3D1F-445C-840A86E71398C4FB%7D.DOC 102 P. Boerger. 2002. “Mount Shasta Water and Sewer System Needs Major Upgrades.” Mt. Shasta Herald. November 20. Retrieved June 14, 2007, from http://www.mtshastanews.com/articles/2002/11/20/news/export6111.txt 103 ECONorthwest 58 recognized this risk when it elected to transport—at considerable cost— its wastewater away from its Hollis facility. A California Regional Water Quality Control Board inspection of the Mt. Shasta CCDA facility in 2006 revealed numerous violations: effluent was flowing over the leachfield and off the site, potentially contaminating surface waters.104 Use of Other Public Services Between the terms of the Nestlé-MCSD contract and the realities of interacting with a large facility, Nestlé’s operations would impose a variety of costs on MCSD, MCSD ratepayers, California taxpayers, and others. Several provisions of Nestlé’s contract with MCSD require MCSD to provide a variety of goods and services to Nestlé. In many cases, the contract specifies that Nestlé would reimburse MCSD for the costs MCSD would incur to provide such services. Reimbursement of only direct costs, however, would likely undercompensate MCSD and its ratepayers. For example, an MCSD employee who performs services for Nestlé would be diverted from providing services to the rest of MCSD ratepayers. Even if MCSD is reimbursed for the hours its employee spends providing services for Nestlé, diversions or delays are hidden costs borne by MCSD and its ratepayers. In the contract, Nestlé requires the district to pursue public, state, and local funding for the construction of the collection system improvements. Nestlé’s reimbursement to the district for these improvements would be reduced by an amount corresponding to the grant amount successfully received. The contract does not specify whether Nestlé would also reimburse MCSD for the direct and indirect costs incurred in securing the grants—costs that would be borne solely by the district. The contract also specifies that Nestlé would reimburse MCSD for only the “actual and reasonable costs” of the district, and MCSD would have to submit documentation to support its costs. The contract does not define “actual and reasonable.” The contract raises concerns that MCSD would not be fully compensated for all costs incurred while providing assistance to Nestlé. In Hollis, Maine, the town council meets with Nestlé every month.105 Such meetings do not appear to be reimbursable under the terms of the NestléMCSD contract, but they clearly would impose costs if similar meetings California Regional Water Quality Control Board, Central Valley Region. 2006. Executive Officer’s Report. June 22-23. Retrieved June 20, 2007, from http://www.swrcb.ca.gov/rwqcb5/monthly_board_report/0606eo.pdf 104 105 Interview with Irving “Ben” Severance, Selectman, Town of Hollis. June 8, 2007. ECONorthwest 59 were held in McCloud. In Hollis, the City also handles complaint calls about the Nestlé facility. D. IMPLICATIONS FOR MCCLOUD We find that rather than provide an engine for economic growth, Nestlé’s proposed facility would impose costs and obligations on the community that would likely outweigh the benefits, particularly given the duration of the contract, uncertainties about the future, economic trends, and potential risks. Table 10 provides a summary list of potential costs and obligations. Nestlé’s proposed facility would consume one of the area’s most economically valuable assets in a way that seems unlikely to maximize the economic contribution of that asset to local residents or others downstream that also value the goods and services it provides. In so doing, Nestlé’s facility and related activities may also degrade the amenities—natural and otherwise—that are now primarily responsible for attracting economic activity to McCloud. ECONorthwest 60 Table 10. Potential Costs and Obligations of the Nestlé Proposal MCSD and ratepayers Contractual obligations to provide water Use of infrastructure (water piping, etc.) Use of sewer system and treatment facility Provision of staff time and resources Loss of other opportunities Increased uncertainty over water supplies Siskiyou County and taxpayers Increase in road maintenance costs Increase in law enforcement services Loss of jobs and incomes from other firms, and accompanying loss of property taxes Increased uncertainty over water supplies State, taxpayers, public Increased congestion and traffic accidents Increased emissions from heavy trucks Negative health effects from emissions Loss of jobs and incomes from other firms Increased uncertainty over water supplies ECONorthwest 61 APPENDIX: RESEARCH THAT DOCUMENTS THE IMPORTANCE OF LOCATION-SPECIFIC CONSUMPTION AMENITIES IN RESIDENTIAL LOCATION DECISIONS. Beeson, P.E. 1991. “Amenities and Regional Differences in Returns to Worker Characteristics.” Journal of Urban Economics 30: 224-241. Blomquist, G. 1988. “Valuing Urban Lakeview Amenities Using Implicit and Contingent Markets.” Urban Studies 25: 333-340. Brady, P. 1995. Interregional Compensating Differentials and Incentives to Migrate: A Study of Locational Decisions by Young Adults. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of Economics. November 8. Brown, R.J. 1994. “Do Locational Amenities Equalize Utility Across States?” The Journal of Economics XX (1): 25-30. Browne, L.E. 1984. “How Different Are Regional Wages? A Second Look.” New England Economic Review (March/April): 40-47. Cooper, J.M.R. 1994. “Migration and Market Wage Risk.” Journal of Regional Science 34 (4): 563-582. Cromartie, J.B. 1998. “Net Migration in the Great Plains Increasingly Linked to Natural Amenities and Suburbanization.” Rural Development Perspectives 13 (1): 27-34. Retrieved July 3, 2007, from http://www.ers.usda.gov/Publications/rdp/rdp298/. Cushing, B.J. 1987. “Location-Specific Amenities, Topography, and Population Migration.” The Annals of Regional Science XXI (2): 74-85. Gabriel, S.A., J.P. Mattey, and W.L. Wascher. 1996. Compensating Differentials and Evolution of the Quality-of-Life Among the U.S. States. Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. June. Gorte, R.W. 1992. Economic Considerations in Natural Resource Production and Protection. CRS Report for Congress. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. September 18. Gottlieb, P.D. 1994. “Amenities As an Economic Development Tool: Is There Enough Evidence?” Economic Development Quarterly 8 (3): 270285. Greenwood, M.J., P.R. Mueser, D.A. Plane, and A. M. Schlottmann. 1991. “New Directions in Migration Research: Perspectives from some North American Regional Science Disciplines.” The Annals of Regional Science 25: 237-270. ECONorthwest 62 Roback, J. 1982. “Wages, Rents, and the Quality of Life.” Journal of Political Economy 90 (6): 1257-1278. Rosen, S. 1979. “Wage-Based Indexes of Urban Quality of Life.” In P. Mieszkowski and M. Straszheim, eds., Current Issues in Urban Economics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Pp. 74-104. Sherwood-Call, C. 1994. The 1980s Divergence in Per Capita Personal Incomes: What Does It Tell Us? Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. August 15. ECONorthwest 63