Hickerson, "Jumanos"
Transcription
Hickerson, "Jumanos"
The Linguistic Position of Jumano Author(s): Nancy P. Hickerson Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Autumn, 1988), pp. 311-326 Published by: University of New Mexico Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630262 Accessed: 04/12/2010 12:02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unm. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. University of New Mexico is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Anthropological Research. http://www.jstor.org THELINGUISTIC POSITIONOF JUMANO NancyP. Hickerson ofAnthropology, TexasTechUniversity, TX79409 Lubbock, Department Jumanois a frequentdesignationin SpanishandFrenchhistoricalsourcesdealingwith theaboriginalinhabitants of northernMexico,NewMexico,and Texas,betweenthelate centuries.Thereis littleagreement abouttheidentityof sixteenthand themid-eighteenth theJumano;amongthe severallinguisticaffiliations (Sauer proposedare Uto-Aztecan 1934) andAthapaskan(Forbes1959). One widelyaccepted position(Scholesand Mera 1940) maintainsthatthe termwas simplya generaldesignation for Indianswhowere facialpaintingor tattooing.Thispaperreviewsthehistorical rayados-i. e., whopracticed evidencefor intelligibility involvingJumanoand concludesthat it was a relationships mostcloselyaffiliatedwithPiro. The divisionof theTiwansubfamily of Tanoan,probably is to the Jumano explainedbytheactiveinvolvement of a segment ubiquityof references of thispopulationin interarealtrade. ONEOFTHEMOST COMMON-yet mysteriousandelusive-of the namesapplied to NativeAmericansin the historicSouthwestis "Jumano." Fromthe time of the first entradas,manyreferenceswere made to Jumanos,who were encounteredby the Spanishconquerorsin areas of present-dayNew Mexico, Texas, andArizonaandin adjacentregionsof northernMexico(Figure1). The in reportsof the Espejo firstknownappearanceof the nameis its application, of of located near LaJuntade los to the residents villages expedition 1582, Rios(theconfluenceof the RioConchosandthe RioGrande)andalsoto Indians foundin campsand rancheriasin the countrybetween these rivers and the RioPecos. A decadelaterthe chroniclesof the Ofiateexpeditionalsodescribed contacts with Jumanoslivingin the southeasternTompiropueblosof New Mexico,east of the RioGrande;inaddition,a partyof Ofiate'smenencountered Indiansin centralArizonawho were identifiedas Jumanos. Besidesthese fourlocales,whichencompassa verybroadgeographical area, manylaterreferencesto JumanosoccurfromeasternandsouthernTexasareas where Spanishmissionaryandmilitaryexpeditionspenetratedonly towardthe end of the seventeenthcentury.Aroundthis timemountedJumanos traveledfar and wide over traderoutes whichlinkedthe Rio Grandevalley andpointshundredsof milesto the east, as faras the villagesof the Tejasor was also a Hasinaiconfederacy.By the mid-eighteenthcentury,"Jumano" frequentdesignationfora grouplocatedon the ArkansasRiver,laterassumed to be a divisionof the Wichita.Afterthistime,onlya few, scatteredreferences to the namewere made, both in the LaJuntaarea andin Texas; the last is perhapsAdolphBandelier's(1984:54)mentionin 1890 of a Tewa Indianwho remembereda childhoodencounterwiththe "Humanesh." formof a namewhichoccursin many is actuallya standardized "Jumano" variants (Humana,Xumana,Umane, etc.). Most references come from Spanish sources, since the Spaniardsof both Nueva Vizcaya and New Mexico had frequent dealings with these people; indeed, the Spaniards apparently met 311 RESEARCH OFANTHROPOLOGICAL JOURNAL 312 JUMANOLOCATIONSIN THE SIXTEENTHAND SEVENTEENTHCENTURIES . $P I \C 4'V bL~~?~ • R C o on ov l . o 0 M IC CL ElPasoonloo ?E COAQAA fb "o Perro G UL L n._ 0 River1 son River Ott OCIolson Mo FIGURE 1. 1. LaJuntade los Rios 2. TompiroPueblos Salinesof New Mexico 3. HighPlainsencampment of 1629 4. ConchoRiver("RioNueces") 5. 6. 7. 8. ColoradoRiver("RioSanClemente") Pecos River,ToyahCreek Pecos Pueblo Rivercampof 1691 Guadalupe Jumanosin almostevery areaintowhichthey penetratednorthandeast of La Juntade los Rios.Towardthe endof the seventeenthcentury,Frenchsources also recordtheirpresencein easternTexasas "Chouman." Englishor Angloare to the Americanreferences late, andapplyalmost Jumano few, historically entirelyto the ArkansasRivergroup. andhistoricalliteratureusually Discussionsof theJumanoin anthropological "Apartof the mysteryis the apparent or a "problem. treatthemas a "mystery" breadthof referenceof the term.TheJumanoswereperceivedbythe Spaniards as a singlenacidn,a termwhichmaybe looselytranslatedas either"nation" diffuse or "tribe."It has never been clearwhetherthe many,geographically occurrencesof the nameconstitutereferencesto whatwas, in anyrealsense, a single ethnic group.It has also been suggested that "Jumano" may have been-like "Chichimeco"-abroader,genericdesignationbasedon some selected cultural,physical,and/orlinguisticcharacteristics. Attemptsto resolve the necessity,first,of findinga rationale the "Jumano haveconfronted problem" in the widespreadand scatteredoccurrencesof the namein time andspace and, second, of identifyingthe Jumanosin terms of establishedethnicand linguisticclassifications. POSITION OFJUMANO THELINGUISTIC 313 PROBLEM" THE"JUMANO The baselineformodemresearchon theJumanois Hodge'shistoricalstudy (1911). Workingwith a more restrictedbody of primarysources thanlater refresearchers,Hodgeattemptedto understandthe scatteredgeographical erences to Jumanoswhichhe foundin the earlySpanishsourcesas embodying the periodicmovementsandrelocationsof a singletribeof nomads. Hodge was the first scholarto identifythe "CowNation"of west Texas, visited by Cabezade Vacain 1536, with the Jumanosof the Espejoentrada and other early accounts.He believedthat this tribe, locatedin the early sourcesat or nearLaJuntade los Rios,hadmigratedto New Mexicoby 1598, when Jumanoswere foundto be livingin or near the Tompiropueblos.By whowerestationedinthe eastern 1629,whenFraySalasandothermissionaries in the plainssome 112leagues(perhaps pueblosvisiteda Jumanoencampment 250 miles) to the east of New Mexico, the tribe had moved again,Hodge reasoned.AfterSalas'svisit, they evidentlyfollowedhimbackto the Tompiro pueblosin New Mexico.Arguingthatthe Jumanoswouldnot live in a "village other thantheirown,"Hodge(1911:251)concludedthatthe "greatpuebloof the Xumanos"in the Tompiroarea mentionedin the Spanishsources (Ayer 1900:285)must have been "anaggregationof dwellingsof the more or less temporarykindwhichthey were foundto occupywhenvisitedby Cabezade Vacaandby Espejoon the lowerRioGrande."Fromthis locationhe believed thatthe tribeagainshiftedbackto the plainswhenthe missionariestemporarily suspendedworkamongthemin 1631. The secondrecordedvisit of Salas,in 1634, to Jumanorancheriason the Rio Nueces (againeast of New Mexico, for the purposeof but south of their earlierlocation)was made "apparently bringingthemback"(Hodge1911:258). of the localesanddistancesgiven in Hodgemadevery free interpretation his sources, locatingthe Jumanosettlementsin the plains-from the time of Salas'svisits up to that of Martinand Castilloin 1650-in the vicinityof El Cuartelejo,an area in western Kansas;however,in each case the original sourcesindicatelocationseitherdueeast or southeastof New Mexico.Hodge was apparentlyguidedin his interpretation by a desire to establisha lineal tribesof Kansas connectionbetweenthe Jumanosandthe Caddoan-speaking knownfromlatersources.He suggestedthatthe Jumanotribe andOklahoma, dividedafter 1650, some of them locatingin Texas (wherethey were found by expeditionsout of New Mexicoin 1654 and 1683), whileothersremained furthernorth,becomingalliedwith the Pawneesand French.Since the Ar... aliasJumanes" of the nineteenthcenturycould kansasRiver"Panipiquets be identifiedwith the Tawehashor Taovayas(Wichita),Hodge (1911:268) backin time to the Jumanos believedthat he couldprojectthe identification mentioned in sixteenth-century sources: "Theircustom of tattooing, the character of their houses, andtheir semi-agriculturalmode of life duringthe century they were first known, suggest relationship,if not identificationwith the Wichita 314 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL people."Thus, theJumanoof the lowerRioGrandewere claimedas ancestors in Chihuahua andNew of the modernWichita:the term"Jumano, ""originating to have been gradually Mexico,passedintoTexas, butseems replacedby the The apparent name 'Tawehash,'whichin turnwas supersededby 'Wichita."' of the Jumano,then, was "simplya matterof changingnomendisappearance clature"(Hodge1911:268). of Jumanohistorywas originally inspiredby entries Hodge'sinterpretation on the TawehashandotherWichitagroupswhichthe historianHerbertBolton submittedfor inclusionin the HandbookofAmericanIndiansNorthof Mexico (1907-1910),of whichHodgewas editor.At aboutthe sametime, Boltondid furtherresearchin the archivesof Mexicoand in 1911 respondedwith an articlewhichalso focuses on the "mystery"of Jumanoidentityand on their whereaboutsduringandafterthe end of the seventeenthcentury. BoltondisagreedwithHodge'sconclusionthatthe "RioNueces,"on which the Jumanoswere situatedin 1634 and 1650, couldbe identifiedas the Arkansas.Hiscarefulanalysisof the itinerariesof the severalSpanishexpeditions to the "Nueces"betweenthese datesand1684establishedthe identityof this river as the Concho,andits confluent(the "SanClemente")as the Colorado of Texas. Witha largerdatabase, Boltonwas also able to correctHodge's impressionthat the Jumanoshad completelydisappearedfrom their earlier territoriesby the beginningof the eighteenthcentury;he cited manuscript sourceswhichindicatedthepresence,afterthisdate,ofJumanoslivingtogether with Tobososnear the Rio Grandeand also, alliedwithApaches,near San Antonio. for Boltonwas an evidentshift An importantpartof the "Jumano problem" inJumanoloyalties:untilSpanishmissionariesleft Texasin 1693,theJumanos enemiesof the Apaches,but when Spain were alliesof Spainandimplacable reclaimedthe territoryin 1716, the JumanosandApachesthere hadbecome " allied.Afterthis date Spanishsourcesbeganto refer to "ApachesJumanes, indicatingthat to some observersthe Jumanoswere considereda divisionof the Apaches.Whenthe TawehashandApachewere at warin 1771, according on bothsides of to Bolton(1911:84),"peoplecalledJumano" were apparently the conflict.Thus, at least in these lateryears, the nameclearlydidnot apply to a unitarygroupor tribe. AlthoughBoltonexpressedno opinionaboutJumanolinguisticclassification, his expositionmadeHodge'spositionless tenable.It wouldseem doubtfulthat the Rio GrandeJumanosof 1582couldbe directancestorsof the nineteenthcenturyCaddoanWichitas. The geographerCarlSauerenteredthe discussionof the "Jumano problem" of Aboriginal TribesandLanguagesin throughan essay on "TheDistribution NorthwesternMexico"(1934). Sauerdirectedhis attentionto the southern fringes of Jumano distribution,the area around La Junta and the lower Rio Grande. He presented evidence for culturalcontinuity between the Jumano and the Suma, the latter a people of wide distributionthrough northern Chihuahuaand Sonora: "I do not thinkthat there was any clear differencebetween THE LINGUISTIC POSITION OFJUMANO 315 Jumanoand Suma.The lattername was generallyappliedat the west, the formerat the east. TheJumanoincludedlargesedentarycoloniesandnomad bands, the Sumawere primarilywanderers.The name ranges throughthe followingforms:Humano,Jumano,Jumana,Xumana,Chouman(French),Zumana, Zuma,Suma,Yuma"(Sauer1934:68).Sumaswere almostas widely dispersedas Jumanos,rangingwest into Sonoraand as far south as Casas Grandes.Sauerbelievedthat Sumagroupswhichwere locatedupstreamon the RioConchosinthe sixteenthcenturymoved,inthe seventeenth,intoareas on bothsides of the RioGrande,replacingthe Jumano"Otomoacas" and"Caguates"encounteredby the earlierentradas. Sauer assignedthe Suma-Jumanos and their neighbors,the Conchos,to differentdivisionsof the greatUto-Aztecanlanguagestock.The Conchowere were set apartas alignedwith the Pimaand Opata,whilethe Suma-Jumano "thenortheasternmost lot of the NorthMexicanUto-Aztecanpeoples"(Sauer 1934:68). In a jointpublication, "SomeAspectsof the JumanoProblem,"Scholesand Mera assessed the state of Jumanostudiesto 1940; they acknowledged the contributionsof Hodge, Bolton, and Sauer and broughtnew historicaland information to bearon the issues. Mera'scontribution dealtwith archaeological the archaeologyof the Salinesareaof New Mexico,withspecialreferenceto the identification of the Jumanopueblosthere. Scholes'spaperproposeda solutionto the problemof Jumanoidentitywhichhas since been widelyaccepted. Observingthat in some Spanishsources (specifically,the chronicles of the Ofiateexpedition)the term"Jumano" was sometimesappliedto people whowerealsodescribedas "rayados" (i.e., paintedortattooedpeople),Scholes (1940:275)concludedthat"inthe earlycolonialperiodthe nameJumanowas used ... to designateall indiosrayados." As Scholesindicated,this sense of the term wouldhavemadeit applicable to a large numberof tribes, since decorationof the face and/orbodywas a widespread-indeed,almostuniversal-practice;the trickwouldbe to distinandan originalgroupor groupswhich guishbetweensuchgeneric"Jumanos" wouldhave been the sourceof the name. However,Scholespresentedonly two examplesto illustratehis point,andthe argument,in retrospect,does not seem convincing.Infact,"Jumano" is nota termwhichwas universally applied, as Scholesseems to suggest, to anyandallpaintedandtattooedpeoples;its use was muchmoreselective.The explanation thatseveralgroups,separated in timeandspace,werecalledbythisnamesimplybecauseallof thempracticed face or bodypaintingmaybeg the questionandmayeven haveservedto divert attentionfromthe discoveryof more specificandmoremeaningfulhistorical connectionslinkingthese groups.2 The second, longer section of Scholes's paper (1940:276-85) deals with the Jumano pueblos in the Salines region of New Mexico in the period between the Ofiateconquestandthe abandonment of thisareainroughly1672.Drawing on his extensive research in colonial New Mexican church history, Scholes demonstrated that Jumanoswere present as a substantialminoritypopulation 316 RESEARCH OFANTHROPOLOGICAL JOURNAL in this predominantly Piro(or "Tompiro") area.TheJumanosresidedin three or fourvillages,one of which,largerthanthe others, was "LasHumanas" or the "greatpuebloof the Xumanas."The area was repeatedlystressed by droughtand cropfailuresandby the threatof damageanddestructionfrom Apacheraiding.Scholes(1940:284)documentedthe progressiveabandonment with of the Tompiroareaafter1650andthe removalof the nativepopulation, most of the Jumanosbeingresettledat the newlyestablishedMansomission near El Paso. evidenceconfirming Sauer'sassessFinally,Scholesincludeddocumentary and or identitybetweenSuma Jumano.Although ment of a close relationship Scholes he didnotattemptto resolvethequestionofJumano affiliation, linguistic rejectedHodge'sCaddoantheoryoutrightandalsoappearsto havebeen wary as Uto-Aztecan.His observationson of Sauer'sclassification of Suma-Jumano betweenTompirosandJumanosare evidence the apparentmutualintelligibility for a possibleTanoanaffiliation of Jumano,a possibilitywhichseems not to havereceivedseriousconsideration byotherscholars.Scholes(1940:285)went so far as to suggest that the "linguistic phaseof the problemshould... be carefullyexplored,especiallywithreferenceto currentspeculationaboutthe widerconnectionsof Tanoan." andarchaeological data,Kelley'sstudy(1986,but Usingbothethnohistorical of the La first publishedin 1947) tentativelyacceptedSauer'sidentification "asUto-Aztecan.However, whomKelleycalls"Patarabueyes, Juntapopulation, are the Kelleydid not considerthis populationto be Jumano;his "Jumanos" of he On the basis material remains, suggestedthat population. plains-dwelling a relationshipexisted between the two groups;he was uncertainaboutthe of the plainsgroup, andaboutthe linguisticaffiliation natureof the relationship as wellas Utoand Athapaskan, Coahuiltecan, suggestingCaddoan,Tonkawan, Aztecan.Strangelyenough,even thoughKelley'sworkwasapparently inspired in partby that of ScholesandMera,he didnot mentiona possiblelinkageof the Jumanosto Tanoan. The last anthropologist to dealwithJumanoidentityandlinguisticaffiliation is Forbes, whose mainresearchinterest has been Apachehistory.Forbes (1959:144)arguedthatthe Jumanoanda numberof othersin "abelt of tribes extendingfromthe areaof southeasternArizonato easternTexas"wereAthapaskanin language:"Theevidenceexamined... has led to the classification of the Janos,Jocomes, Mansos, Sumas, Cholomes,Jumanos,Cibolos,and Pelones in the Athabaskan family.The Conchos,Tobosos,andJulimeshave been placedwith some skepticismin the Uto-Aztecanfamilywhile the Chitribeshavebeenclassifiedas unidentified." narras,Chisos,andcentralCoahuilla Using ethnohistorical sources, Forbes based his argument on evidence for mutualintelligibilityof speech between bands and tribes and also on indications of the existence of alliances, kinship links, and other types of sociopolitical connections. A number of Forbes's sources do strongly indicatelanguageties among the JumanosandSumas, Cholomes, Cibolos, andMansos, andhe made a convincing THELINGUISTIC POSITION OFJUMANO 317 of thisJumanoblocas Uto-Aztecan.For case to counterSauer'sclassification which indicatethata sharplinguisticbreak example,he quotedprimarysources occurredat LaJunta,wherethe speechof the "Otomoaca-Caguate peoples"Jumanos-was differentfrom,andunintelligible to, theirConchoandAbriache neighborsup the Rio Conchos,who can be identifiedas Uto-Aztecans.But Forbeswent beyondthe limitsof his datain linkingtheseJumanogroupswith here his case rests almostentirelyon culturalconsiderations and Athapaskan; politicalalliances.Duringthe eighteenthand nineteenthcenturies, Sumas, Julimes,andmanyotherweakor dyingtribesin northernMexicoandTexas doubtlessdidbecomeincreasingly withvariousdivisionsof the stronger affiliated and more numerousApacheandwere more or less absorbedas a matterof politicalnecessity.Indeed,as Forbesdemonstrated,some of these groupsdid eventuallycome to be regardedas Apachebands,andin the processthey lost their culturalautonomy.It wouldseem likelythat they becamelinguistically assimilatedas well;butsuchan occurrencetells us nothingabouttheiroriginal andForbespresentedno persuasiveevidence,in the form linguisticaffiliation, of information aboutintelligibility, to supporthis claimofJumanoaffiliation with Athapaskan. JUMANOAND TANOAN As we havejust seen, most attemptsto classifySuma-Jumano linguistically havebeenbasedalmostexclusivelyon culturalconsiderations. Hodge'slinkage of JumanoandCaddoanwas based,in the firstinstance,on nomenclature and was supportedby culturalconsiderations of a very generalsort-house types, subsistencepractices,and the "customof tattooing."Sauerconsideredthe Jumanosto be sedentaryto semisedentaryfarmers,those livingin the buffalo he plainshaving"driftedaway"fromthe river-valleysettlements;accordingly, classifiedthemas Uto-Aztecans,in partbecauseof geographical contiguityto membersof thatgroupingandalso becauseof whathe saw as overallcultural andotherUto-Aztecandesertfarmsimilarityto Pimas,Opatas,Tarahumaras, ers. ForbesnotedthatJumanosandApacheswere sometimesgeographically contiguousandthat,in some cases, a chronological continuitycouldbe traced whenApachebandswerefoundto occupyterritoriesformerlyheldbyJumanos. He thus saw historicJumanos,especiallythe mountedPlainsJumanosof the late seventeenthcentury,as culturally,and thus linguistically, similarto the Apaches. The linguisticevidencefora connectionbetweenJumanoandTanoan,noted by Scholes, has receivedlittle consideration,even thoughI believe that it thanthe objectivelyprovidesa strongercase for Jumanolinguisticaffiliation culturalconsiderations so often heavily relied on. One of the first scholars to suggest a connection between Jumano, Piro, and Tanoan was the Mexican linguist Francisco Pimentel. Pimentel's 1862-1865 classificationof Indianlanguages (cited by Harrington1909) listed the languages of New Mexico in five groups, three of which correspondto the Tanoanstock; one of these includes 318 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL Taos, Picuris,Piro,andSuma(whichshouldimplythe inclusionof Jumanoas of Orozcoy Berra(1864)alsolistedPiroas thelanguage well).Theclassification of boththe SumasandPiros. JohnP. Harrington, examiningthe few availablelexicalmaterialsfromPiro, concludedthatthis languageshouldbe considereda partof the Tiwadivision Pimentel'sclassification, of the Tanoanstock.Notingthathisfindingsconfirmed Harrington(1909:593)concludedthat "Pimentel'sgrouping'Thaoso Piro'is information" doubtlessbasedon old and trustworthy (Harrington's emphasis). classification Further,ina footnoteto thisstatement,he addedthat"Pimentel's of the unrecordedandextinctlanguageof the Sumaas belongingto the same groupis perhapsas reliable." Anothereffort, generallyoverlooked,to deal with some aspects of this problemwas that of Swanton(1942). Eschewingall of the broaderlinguistic connectionswhichothershadsuggestedforJumano,Swanton(1942:324-25) stockacceptedonlythe closest andmost obviousandidentifieda "Shuman" andthe the western the Sumas a languageisolatecomprising division) (as only Tanoan and Piro to He the eastern). (as Jumanos Tompiro) (including assigned didnot suggest anylinkagebetweenthis stockandShuman.He also madeno in connectionwiththe mentionof the use by Hodgeandothersof "Jumano" Tawehashtribeof the WichitaandassignsWichita,as one mightexpect, to the Caddoanfamily.However,Swantondid make several commentswhich suggestthathe saw the possibilityof a historicallinkbetweenWichita,Tanoan, and/or"Shuman." Forone thing,he suggestedthatsome of the earlynomenclatureappliedto the Tawehash-includingthe name of a subgroupcalled tiwa:-might reflecta Tiwa (Tanoan)connection.In addition,he reporteda folk etymologywhichderivedthe nameof the Waco(anotherdivisionof the Wichita)from "Wehiko" (Mexico)and speculatedthat this groupmightbe andWichita of the Shumantribe"whomergedwiththe Tawakoni "descendants (Swanton1942:303-5). RELATIONSHIPS JUMANOINTELLIGIBILITY whichwouldsupport Statementsindicating similarityor mutualintelligibility an assignmentofJumanoto Tanoanare not numerous;however,the evidence is significantly more substantialthanthatfor any othersuggestedaffiliation. TheLaJunta-PuebloContinuum WhenAlvarNiifiezCabezade Vacaandhis three companions were among the JumanoCibolos,east of the Rio Grandeandnorthof LaJunta,in 1536, they learnedthat the countryof that groupextendedfurtherupstreamfor aboutfiftyleagues. Desiringto go on towardMexico,the Spaniardsinquired about the location of "clothed people" who farmed and lived in towns; the JumanoCibolos told them about two such groups, those to the west (Opatas, Yaquis, etc.) and those living seventeen days' travel to the north (the Rio THE LINGUISTIC POSITION OFJUMANO 319 to the narrativeof Cabeza Grandepueblos).Onthe roadto the latter,according de Vaca,were "peoplewhowere their[theJumanoCibolos']enemies,although speakingthe same language"(F. Bandelier1905:126).Accordingto the Joint Report of the expedition,this maize area "was the closer one, and all the (F. Bandelier peopleon the way to it were friendsandof the samelanguage" didtravelupstreamto the point(nearRincon,N.M.) 1905:251).The Spaniards where they fordedthe RioGrandein orderto takethe trailto the west which followedthe GilaRiver (Hallenbeck1940). On the way north,they "always slept in houses andwith peoplewho gave them manyrobes of cowhide,as well as otherthings,"just as they hadbeen told (F. Bandelier1905:251). whichlaterSpanishexpeditionsfoundbetween Thusthe breakin population the Mansos(inthe El Paso-LasCrucesarea)andthe firstPiropueblos(near Socorro,N.M.) appearsto have been less marked,or possiblydidnot exist, at thisearliertime.Further,whetherornotfriendlyrelationsprevailedthroughout, no majorlanguagebreakis suggestednorthof LaJuntaandsouthof the Piros. La Junta and thePlains The northward routeviaLaJuntade los Riosandthe lowerRioGrandewas traveledby the exploringpartiesledbyFrayAugustinRodriguezandbyAntonio de Espejo, in 1581 and 1582 respectively.Sincethe chroniclersof these expeditions,as well as othervisitorswho followedthem, oftenused completely differentterminologyto refer to places and nativegroups,correlatingtheir informationis difficult,and scholarsdisagreeaboutinterpretationof these sources. The Lujanjournalof the Espejoexpeditionis usuallyconsideredthe most reliablesource,partlybecauseit includesa detailed,day-by-day itinerary and, in addition,because Lujanwas assisted by a remarkabletranslator,a young boy namedPedro who had been takenfromthe La Juntaarea some years earlierby a slavingexpeditionandwhohadbeen raisedin Lujan'shouserelationswhich hold.The groupdesignationsandinformation aboutintelligibility come, indirectly,fromthis sourcemakeLujan'saccountof specialimportance as it relatesto this area. Boththe RodriguezandEspejoexpeditionsfollowedthe RioConchosnorth and noted linguisticbreaksbetween the severaltribes alongit andbetween these tribes and the La Juntainhabitants,as Forbeshas pointedout. When the expeditionsapproachedthe river'smouth,each encountereda farming people, the Cabrior Abriaches(thoughtto be the laterJulimes).NearLaJunta the expeditionsmet peopleoftentermed"Patarabueyes." However,according to Espejo,the name"Patarabueyes" appliedto the villagersin thisvicinitywas coinedby slavehuntersduringearliervisits;thusit maynotbe a termrelatable to culturalor linguisticgroupings.Indeed,afterleavingthe Abriaches,Lujan used "Otomoaca"as the most inclusive term for the villages near La Juntaand also for the more scattered small communitiesfound for some distance up the Rio Grande. Espejo calledthese people "Jumanos,"as didObreg6nin his history of the discovery of New Mexico (Bolton 1916:172). 320 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL Five Otomoacavillageswere situatedat or nearthe confluenceof the Rio ConchosandRio Grande,andthese were visitedduringa stay of eight days wereinitially hostile,probably by membersof the Espejoparty.Theinhabitants becauseof theirearliercontactswithslavers,but they were pacifiedby gifts madeto theircaciquesandby the reassurancesof the boy translator,Pedro. From La Juntathe Espejopartymoved north, followingthe Rio Grande throughsettledareasfora distanceestimatedat around65-70 leagues(perhaps 150 miles).Throughout this territory,Lujanidentifiedthe nativepeopleeither as Otomoacasor as similarto, intermarried with, or relatedto Otomoacas. to "the of the for a distanceof twelve days' banks river According Espejo, nation" are settled with of this (Bolton1916:173).The travel, people [Jumano] three majordivisionsof this people, fromsouthto north,were those which andhave withthe Otomoacas LujancalledOtomoacas,Caguates("intermarried almostthe same language"),andTanpachoas ("peopleof the same bloodand type as the Otomoacas,andof the same dress, except thatthe men tie their andRey 1966:168-69).Located privypartswitha smallribbon")(Hammond in marshlands nearEl Paso, the Tanpachoas havebeenidentifiedwiththe later Mansos(Sauer1934:66). theJumanocountryalongthe RioGrande,the Espejopartywas Throughout able to communicate with the assistance andmaintainamicablerelationships of the translatorPedro,whose uncle--calledJuanCantorby the Spaniardshad been translatorfor the earlierRodriguezexpeditionand"wasknownby allthe othersin the party"(Hammond andRey 1966:162).JuanCantor'shome wasinthe LaJuntaOtomoaca calledSanBernardino, which theSpaniards village whilePedro's(maternal?) was a caciqueamongthe called Guaxi, grandfather, two were interfor statement that the "nations" Caguates--evidence Lujan's married. BeyondEl Paso the Espejopartycrosseda barrenstretchof roughlyeighty leaguesandwent on to explorethe populatedareasto the north.At manyof the pueblosthey hadbeen precedednot onlyby the Rodriguezexpeditionof 1581, but also by the Coronadoentradaforty years earlier,not to mention severalsmallerofficialandunofficial exploringparties.Someof these explorers spent time in the buffaloplains,usuallyreachedby way of Pecos Pueblo,and had repeatedencounterswithnomadicnativesthere; however,exact identificationof specificethnicgroupsis usuallyimpossible. The narrativesof the Espejoexpedition(Hammond andRey 1966:209-11) of nativesin deserve specialnote in this regardbecauseof theiridentification this areaas Jumanos.Espejoandhis partyvisitedPecos, the mosteasternof the pueblos,andfollowedthe Pecos Riversouthward,intendingto continue alongthatroutein orderto reachthe RioGrandeandLaJunta.Afterspending almosta monthon this trail(120 leaguesby Espejo'scalculation), they came upon three natives who were recognized as being "of the Jumanonation."The Spaniardswere able to communicatewith these Indiansthrough the "Patarabueye" interpreter, Pedro. They were informedthat the junctureof the Pecos THELINGUISTIC POSITION OFJUMANO 321 with the Rio Grandewas fardownstreamfromLaJuntaandwere directedto a shortcut.The Jumanostook the party"bygood trails"an estimatedforty leagues to theirdestination;on the way they stoppedat a Jumanorancheria settlementon Toyah (probably,as Kelley[1986:14]suggests, the "Jediondo" Creek),wherethey were entertainedwithmusicanddancing,andtheypassed several other smallJumanocampsbefore arrivingat LaJunta.Accordingto Lujan,these Jumanos"intheirclothing,appearance,andhabitatare similarto the Pataragueys[sic]." Thus the Espejochroniclesprovidegood evidencethat the inhabitantsof the La Juntaarea had close linguisticand culturalconnectionswith people dwellingfurtherup the Rio Grandeandin the southernplains.They indicate thatJumanoshuntedin the valleyof the Pecos in the early historicperiod, that they inhabitedthe countrybetweenthat riverandthe Rio Grande,and that linguisticandculturalcontinuityexisted betweenthese plainsgroupsand the farmingpopulationat LaJunta. Jumanoand Suma Most authoritieshave acknowledgeda close relationshipor even an identity has usually betweenJumanoandSuma.As Sauer(1934:68)has noted,"Suma" been appliedto groupsrangingwest of the Rio Grandeas far as northern to those rangingto the east. In the 1680s the Rio Grande Sonora,"Jumano" between LaJuntaand El Paso was inhabitedby smallsettlementsof Sumas (noted by the Lopez-Dominguezde Mendozaexpeditionof 1684 [Bolton 1916:322-23]),whereasLujanhadreferredto CaguatesandOtomoacas(Jumanos)in this region. It is not clear whetherthese people were the same basicpopulation identifiedby differentnamesor whether,as Sauersuggested, the Sumashadmigratedintotheseareas,replacingtheearlier"Jumano" groups. The nomenclature of individual groupsrangesthrougha widevarietyof similar of referencesas Jumanoor Sumahasat times forms,andthusthe identification location. been arbitraryandperhapsinfluencedto a degree by geographical Howeverthatmaybe, Scholesquotesandcommentson an incidentwhich attests to the linguisticrelationshipbetween SumaandJumano.In 1682 a Jumanowho hadbeen takenprisonerby PlainsApacheswas withhis captors as they met andtradedwithWesternApachesandSumasnearCasasGrandes, the western extreme of the Sumarange. At this meeting-which Spanish soldierswitnessedandrecountedto an officialwhomadea reportto Governor some Sumas,whoselanguagehas a close Otermin-the Jumano,"overhearing connectionto his own, took refugewiththem"(ScholesandMera1940:28788; also Forbes 1959:139).As Scholesremarks,the incidentproves nothing aboutthe affiliation ofJumanoor SumawithUto-Aztecanor anyotherlanguage between family;it does, however, confirma degree of mutualintelligibility people inhabitingthe easternand western extremes of the largeexpanseof territoryspannedby JumanoandSuma. 322 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL JumanoandPiro mostofthe available information ontheJumanos Scholeshasalsosummarized whose presencein the southeasternTompiropuebloswas notedby Ofiatein 1598 and who left that area by the 1670s. As we have seen, Hodge (1911) interpretedthe Spanishreferencesas indicatingthe presence of a nomadic encampmentin the plainseast of New Mexico.However,Jumanosno doubt didlive in these pueblosalongwiththe Tompiropopulation,fromwhomthey couldbe distinguished by the Spaniardsbecausethey were rayados-painted or tattooedpeople(ScholesandMera1940:285).3 Severaldocumentsfromthe Ofiateperiod(1598-1610)refer to pueblosof theJumanoslocatedinthe areaof saltmarshesbeyondthe ManzanoMountains of New Mexico(Bolton1916:215,225, 234). The three in this Salinesarea thatarementionedbynamearePatoce(Pataotzei,Patuotzey),Genouey(Genobey,Xenopue),andCueloce(Quellotezei,Quelotzey).Cuelocewasthelargest of the three andprobablywas the communityoftenreferredto as the "great in 1634,Benavidesestimated Pueblo,"or "LasHumanas"; pueblo,""Humanas the population of thispuebloat aroundthreethousand(Hodge,Hammond, and Rey 1945:66).Anotherlargepueblomentionedin later sourcesas a Jumano was Tabiri;bothof these largevillageswerelocatedon the eastern community marginsof the New MexicanPuebloarea. The Ofiaterecordsreferto the languageof the Tompiropueblosas Atzigui, indicatingthatit was very similar,if not identical,to thatof the Piros (Tzigui or Atzigue)(ScholesandMera1940:277).No mentionis madeof anylanguage ordialectuniqueto theJumanos,noindication is givenofanylinguisticdifference between Piros, Tompiros,andJumanos,andno hintis droppedof problems in communication between these groups.Indeed,seventeenth-century New Mexicancolonialrecordsmentionthat "thepuebloof Humanasalwaysuses singersfromthe [Tompiro]puebloof Abo, they beingall of the same nation as the Humanos" in Hu(Hackett1937:143),andthatpublicannouncements manasPueblowere madein Spanishby the alcaldemayorandtranslatedinto Tompirofor "allthe Indiansof the pueblo,whowere gatheredtogetherin the plaza,"by "anIndiannamedAndreswho knewSpanish"(Hackett1937:159). Further,mentionis madeof a certainFray Garciade San Franciso,who in 1660was describedas the "onlyreligiouswhoknowsandpreachesin the Piro language,the languageof the Indiansof the puebloof El Socorroandof the pueblosof Senecu,El Alamillo,andSevilleta;he canalsomakehimselfunderstoodby the Indiansof the pueblosof Umanes,Abo,andTabiri.. . ." (Hackett 1937:163).Schroeder(1964:249),after a detailedexaminationof these and other documentarymaterials,concludedthat all of the puebloseast of the ManzanoMountainsspokethe same languageanddialect,"avariationof the PirotonguecalledTompiro." The Jumanopopulationin New Mexicoevidentlyincreased,at least temporarily,after 1629 when Frays Salas and Lopez broughtseveral hundred refugees fromthe plainsto be resettlednear Quarac(Vetancurt1960, vol. 3:261, 279). In fact, moremovementprobablyhadalwaysoccurredbetween plainsandpueblosthanthe recordsindicate,since the Jumanoenclavein the THELINGUISTIC POSITION OFJUMANO 323 Tompiroareaevidentlyserved as a liaisonbetweenthe nomadichuntersand tradersof the plainsand the sedentaryfarmersof the pueblos.After 1630, however,the PlainsJumanosbeganto retreatsouthward,andby the 1660s, if not earlier,Apacheswere tradingat Las Humanasand Tabira(Hackett 1937:142).At aboutthe sametime,Apacheraidingbecamea seriousproblem alongthe exposed easternflankof New Mexico.The outlyingvillageswere amongthe first to be abandoned,and the Jumanopuebloswere entirelydepopulatedseveralyearsbeforethe PuebloRevoltof 1680.Whenthe evacuation of the Salinesareabegan,manyof the JumanosandTompirosappearto have settled withthe recentlymissionizedMansosat El Paso, a choicewhichmay reflectculturalandlinguisticcompatibility of the groupsinvolved(Scholesand Mera 1940:284).At this time and later, followingthe revolt of 1680, Piros settled there as well. The originallinguisticaffiliations of the El Paso arearefugeesare difficultto reconstruct.Investigatorstwo hundredyears laterfailedto findanylinguistic differencesamongthe descendantsof these variouspeoples;indeed,all had become ratherthoroughlyhispanicized.Nevertheless,a short vocabularyof Piro was collectedby Bartlettnear El Paso in 1850 and publishedwith an introduction was analyzed by Hodgein 1909. In the sameyearthe vocabulary by Harrington,with comparisonsto languagesof the three Pueblobranches of the Tanoanstock. As noted above, Harrington concludedthat Piroshould be classedwithTiwa.Harrington himselfwent to El Paso, buthe was unable to find anyonewith a speakingknowledgeof the languageamongthe few (1909:569)also"couldobtainno satisfactory survivingPirofamilies.Harrington ... aboutthe Suma."However,he was toldby severalindividuals information that Isleta (Tiwa)was "cuasila mismaidioma" as Piro. A generalconclusionfromthe abovediscussionis that significantlinguistic divisionsprobablydidnot exist betweenPiro(including Tompiro),Jumano,and Suma.Some of the evidencemay suggest dialectvariation,as wouldbe exbut nothingsuggests a real pected in a languageof such wide distribution; breakin intelligibility. As indicatedby Harrington,the languageclassification of Piro (Tompiro),Jumano,andSumashouldprovisionally be the Tanoanlanthe Tiwa guage family, subfamily. TIME PERSPECTIVE of languagesandpeoples andrelationships Proceedingfromthe distribution seen in the earlyhistoricperiod,one may speculateaboutthe situationas it existed a relativelyshorttime earlier,i.e., beforethe establishmentof Athapaskandominancein the southernplains.As suggestedby Hyde(1959),Harrington(1940),andothers(e.g., Perry1979),Apaches,havingseparatedfrom theirAthapaskan congenersin the northby perhapsA.D.1000,appearto have movedto the southandto haveenteredthe plainsof New Mexicoandwestern Texasonlya centuryor two beforethe SpanishConquest.In the earlyhistoric period of the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies,a progressivesouthern expansionof theseApachesat the expenseof theJumanosandotherindigenous 324 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH JOURNAL peoples can be followed,and the directionandmomentumof this expansion can be projectedbackto earliertimes. At an estimateddate of A.D. 1300, Tanoanwouldhave been a largeand widelydistributedlanguagestock, boundedby Uto-Aztecan,Tonkawan,Coain the north.Tiwa huiltecan,and Caddoan,and perhapsalso by Athapaskan was apparentlythe most extendeddivisionof Tanoan,beingrepresentedby "Espejo's"Jumanos," andLu"Puebloid" settlements(Kelley's"Patarabueyes, alongthe lowerRioGrandeas faras LaJunta jan's"CaguatesandOtomoacas") de los Rios or beyondand by semisedentaryhunter-gatherers and horticulturalists("Sumas") west of the river.Tanoan-speaking huntingbands(Kelley's "Jumanos") resemblingthe historicJumanoCibolosinhabitedthe plainseast of the Rio Grande.These lattertwo groupsprobablywinteredat the villagesof theirsedentarykinsmen,andthusa mutualdependencybetweenTanoanfarmers andhunterslikelyantedateshistoricmountednomadism, althoughtherange of the huntersincreasedin postcontacttimes. andproductivity As the plainsof easternNew MexicoandwesternTexas are accessibleby severalmajorriversystems, they were probablythe scene of relativelystable intertribalcontactsandtradebetweenTanoans,Caddoans,andothergroups priorto the Apacheinvasion.The precontactJumanotradesystem provided both the networkand the carriersfor this circulationof goods amongthe Tanoansandtheirneighbors.Thus, boththe historicTanoanpuebloson and near the Rio Grandeandthe TanoanKiowaof the southernplainsare to be of Tanoanpeoplesin seen as remnantsof a muchmoreextensivedistribution times. and historic prehistoric early THE MEANINGOF "JUMANO" used the termearliestandin its broadestsense, as the Spaniards "Jumano," of wouldhave been the generaldesignationfor the Tiwa-speaking population the Rio Grande,Pecos and Coloradoriver drainageareas southandeast of of characteristics, New Mexico.These peoplewere identifiedby a combination includingspeech, clothing,facialmarkings,andperhapsotherculturaltraits. In a more restrictedsense, whichwouldhave appliedespeciallyto groups or individualsencounteredoutside of this primaryarea of provenience(in Arizona,amongthe Piro, andwith the HasinaiandotherTexas tribes), "Jumanos"were traders.In this role, the Jumanoswere not only middlemen, carriersof goods, and agents of diffusionbetween nativegroups;they also becameintermediaries betweenSpainandthe tribeseast of New Mexicoand inthe acculturative processinrelation playedanactiveroleas "culturebrokers" to these tribes(c.f. Kelley1955). NOTES andadopted 1. Jumano is theformacceptedbytheBureauofAmerican Ethnology by Hodgefor the HandbookoflndiansNorthof Mexico(1907-1910).Forsome of the numerous forms recorded, see Sauer (1934). OFJUMANO THELINGUISTIC POSITION 325 2. This criticismis not meantto detractfromScholes'ssubstantialcontribution in the "Jumano formulating problem"or to deny him creditfor a usefuland ingenious to criticizethose whohave suggestiontowardits solution;it mightbe moreappropriate acceptedthe suggestionuncritically. 3. Theirdistinctivefacialmarkings("rayas") are a frequentlynotedJumanofeature. It is notclearwhethertheywereproducedby tattooing,painting,scarification, or some combination of methods.Accordingto a description obtainedbyA. Bandelier(1984:54) in 1890, the Jumanoswere "rathertallandwithincisionsandpunctureson the face, whichincisionswere coveredover withpaint."Thisnineteenth-century statementmay or maynot be accuratefor the Jumanosof two centuriesearlier. REFERENCESCITED Ayer,Mrs. E.E., trans., 1900-1901,The Memorialof FrayAlonsode Benavides, 1630. Landof Sunshine13 (1900):227-90,345-58, 435-44; 14 (1901):39-52,131-48, 227-32. Bandelier,A.F.A., 1984, The SouthwesternJournalsof AdolphF. Bandelier,vol. 4 (ed. by C.H. Lange,C.L. Riley,and E.M. Lange).Albuquerque: Universityof New MexicoPress. Bandelier,F., 1905, The Journeyof AlvarNtifiezCabezade Vaca.New York:A.S. Barnes. 11(3):426Bartlett,J.R., 1909,The Languageof the Piro.American Anthropologist 33. Bolton,H.E., 1911, The JumanoIndians,1650-1771.Texas HistoricalAssociation Quarterly15:66-84. in the Southwest,1542-1706.New York: Bolton,H.E., 1916, SpanishExplorations Scribner. The Identification of theJanos,Jocome, Forbes,J.D., 1959, UnknownAthabaskans: 6(2):97-159. Suma,Manso,andOtherIndianTribesof the Southwest.Ethnohistory Hackett,C.W., ed., 1937, HistoricalDocumentsRelatingto New Mexico,Nueva of Washington Vizcaya,andApproachesThereto,to 1773, vol. 3. CarnegieInstitution D.C. Publication 330. Washington, Hallenbeck,C., 1940,AlvarNtifiezCabezade Vaca:TheJourneyandRouteof the FirstEuropeanto Crossthe Continentof NorthAmerica,1534-1536.Glendale,Calif.: A.H. Clark. Hammond,G.P., andA. Rey, eds., 1966, The Rediscoveryof New Mexico,1580of Chamuscado, 1594:The Explorations Espejo,Castafiode Sosa, Morlete,andLeyva de BonillaandHumafia.Albuquerque: Universityof New MexicoPress. American 11(4):563J.P.,1909,NotesonthePiroLanguage. Harrington, Anthropologist 94. J.P., 1940, SouthernPeripheralAthapaskawan Harrington, Origins,Divisions,and Collections100:503-32. Washington, Institution Miscellaneous Migrations.Smithsonian D.C. Hodge, F.W., ed., 1907-1910,Handbookof AmericanIndiansNorthof Mexico.2 D.C. vols. Bureauof AmericanEthnologyBulletin30. Washington, SoHodge,F.W., 1911, TheJumanoIndians.Proceedingsof AmericanAntiquarian ciety 20:249-68. Worcester,Mass. Hodge, F.W., G.P. Hammond,andA. Rey, eds., 1945, FrayAlonsode Benavides' RevisedMemorialof 1634.Albuquerque: Universityof New MexicoPress. 326 RESEARCH OFANTHROPOLOGICAL JOURNAL Hyde, G.E., 1959, Indiansof the HighPlains.Norman:Universityof Oklahoma Press. Texas. AmericanAnKelley,J.C., 1955, JuanSabeataand Diffusionin Aboriginal thropologist57(5):981-95. Relationsat LaJuntade los Rios. Kelley,J.C., 1986[1947],JumanoandPatarabueye: of Museum of University Michigan Anthropology, Anthropological Papers77.AnnArbor. Orozcoy Berra,M., 1864, Geografiade las lenguasde M6xicoy cartaetnograifica de Mexico.MexicoD.F.: Andradey Escalante. Perry, R.J., 1979, The ApacheanTransitionfromthe Subarcticto the Southwest. PlainsAnthropologist 24:279-96. of Aboriginal Tribesand Languagesin NorthThe Distribution C.O., 1934, Sauer, westernMexico.Ibero-Americana 5. Berkeley,Calif. Scholes, F.V., andH.P. Mera, 1940, SomeAspectsof the JumanoProblem.Contributionsto AmericanAnthropology andHistoryvol. 6, no. 34, CarnegieInstitution of Washington 523. Washington, Publication D.C. Schroeder,A.H., 1964, The Languageof the SalinePueblos:Piro or Tiwa?New MexicoHistoricalReview39:235-49. Swanton,J.R., 1942, SourceMaterialon the Historyand Ethnologyof the Caddo D.C. Indians.Bureauof AmericanEthnologyBulletin132. Washington, Fr. A. Teatro Mexicano: Vetancurt, de, 1960[1692], Descripci6nbreve de los sucesos. ... (ed. by J. PorruaTuranzas).4 vols. Madrid:Colecci6nChimalistac.
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