Alexandria and Alexandrianism
Transcription
Alexandria and Alexandrianism
Alexandria and Alexandrianism This page intentionally left blank Alexandria and Alexandrianism Papers D e l i v e r e d at a S y m p o s i u m O r g a n i z e d b y T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m a n d The Getty Center for the H i s t o r y of A r t and the H u m a n i t i e s a n d H e l d at t h e M u s e u m April 22-25, I 993 T h e J. Paul G e t t y Museum Malibu, California 1996 © 1996 The J. Paul Getty Museum 17985 Pacific Coast Highway Malibu, California 90265-5799 Mailing address: P.O. Box 2112 Santa Monica, California 90406 Christopher Hudson, Publisher Mark Greenberg, Managing Editor Kenneth Hamma, Editor Benedicte Gilman, Manuscript Editor Nancy Moore, Copy Editor Leslie Thomas Fitch, Designer The Sheila Studio, Series Design Elizabeth Burke Kahn, Production Coordinator Except where noted, all illustrations are reproduced by permission of the institutions or individuals that own them. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Alexandria and Alexandrianism: papers delivered at a symposium organized by the J. Paul Getty Museum and the Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities and held at the Museum, April 22-25, 993p. cm. I ISBN 0-89236-292-8 1. Art, Hellenistic—Egypt—Alexandria—Congresses. 2. Art, Roman—Egypt—Alexandria—Congresses. 3. Alexan dria (Egypt)—Civilization—Congresses. I . J. Paul Getty Museum. I I . J. Paul Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities. N5888.A54A44 1996 709'.32—dc20 95-53984 CIP Typography by G & S Typesetters, Inc. Printed by Science Press, Div. of the Mack Printing Group On the front cover: Bust of a king, provenance unknown. Diorite. About 220-180 B.C. New Haven, Yale University Art Gallery 1.1.1953 (on loan from the Peabody Museum of Natural History, Yale University). See essay by Bernard V. Bothmer Contents ix Foreword John W a l s h and T h o m a s F. R e e s e INTRODUCTION 3 Alexander's Alexandria Peter G r e e n THE 29 CITY OF ALEXANDRIA IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD Egyptian Influence on Daily Life i n Ancient Alexandria H e n r i Riad 41 " A l l A r m y Boots and Uniforms?": Ethnicity i n Ptolemaic Egypt Diana Delia 55 City Planning? Giinter G r i m m 75 Cults i n Hellenistic Alexandria Lilly Kahil 85 Body and Machine: Interactions between Medicine, Mechanics, and Philosophy i n Early Alexandria H e i n r i c h von S t a d e n ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA: GREEK 109 AND EGYPTIAN CONTRIBUTIONS Alexandria and the Origins of Baroque Architecture Judith M c K e n z i e vi Cont ent s 127 From the Double C r o w n to the Double Pediment John O n i a n s 141 From Hellenistic Polychromy of Sculptures to Roman Mosaics W. A. Daszewski 155 Ein spatromischer bemalter Sarg aus Agypten i m J . Paul Getty Museum Klaus Parlasca 171 Roots and Contacts: Aspects of Alexandrian Craftsmanship Michael P f r o m m e r 191 Pharaonic Egyptian Elements i n the Decorative Arts of Alexandria during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods Robert Steven Bianchi 203 Ptolemaic Portraits: Alexandrian Types, Egyptian Versions R. R. R. S m i t h 215 Hellenistic Elements i n Egyptian Sculpture of the Ptolemaic Period B e r n a r d V. B o t h m e r 231 The Alexandrian Style: A Mirage? Andrew Stewart 247 Is There an Alexandrian Style—What Is Egyptian about It? A r i e l l e P. Kozloff C o n t e n t s THE 263 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA Late Antique Alexandria G. W. Bowersock 273 Medieval Alexandria: Some Evidence from the Cairo Genizah Documents A b r a h a m L. U d o v i t c h 285 Alexandrian Culture i n M o d e r n Times: Egyptian Identity and Cosmopolitan Aspects Mohamed Ghoneim 302 Reigns of the Ptolemies 303 M a p of early Ptolemaic Alexandria vii This page intentionally left blank ix Foreword T h e papers p u b l i s h e d i n this v o l u m e were first presented at a s y m p o s i u m h e l d at the G e t t y M u s e u m i n A p r i l 1 9 9 3 . T h e s y m p o s i u m , j o i n t l y sponsored by the M u s e u m a n d the G e t t y Center f o r the H i s t o r y o f A r t a n d the H u m a n i t i e s , encouraged p a r t i c i p a n t s t o range w i d e l y over the A l e x a n d r i a n landscape a n d t o examine n o t o n l y the ancient c i t y b u t also its e n d u r i n g legacy. Speakers were asked t o elicit d u a l or m u l t i p l e readings o f the m a t e r i a l remains o f H e l l e n i s t i c A l e x a n d r i a f r o m b o t h E g y p t i a n a n d Greek p o i n t s o f v i e w a n d t o consider the m o d e r n concep t i o n a n d re-creations o f t h a t city, w h i c h is as legendary as its founder. T h e b r e a d t h o f the speakers' interests is reflected here i n the scope o f subjects, f r o m Alexander's A l e x a n d r i a t o T h e C o n t i n u i n g Influence of A l e x a n d r i a . A l t h o u g h m o s t papers are focused o n the v i s u a l arts o f A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , the allure o f the c i t y i n later times emerges t h r o u g h o u t . O n e of the basic questions the t w o i n s t i t u t i o n s w a n t e d t o explore i n o r g a n i z i n g this s y m p o s i u m was w h e t h e r o r n o t t r u l y A l e x a n d r i a n attributes can be seen i n the arts created t h e r e — w h e t h e r there is such a t h i n g as an " A l e x a n d r i a n style." I n A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e people i n subsequent ages u p t o the present have b u i l t t h e i r cities o n t o p o f those w h o preceded t h e m , l i t t l e o f the ancient w o r l d is avail able for excavation a n d direct e x a m i n a t i o n , so m u c h is left t o specula t i o n a n d nostalgia. Participants were asked t o consider the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the A l e x a n d r i a n associations o f certain materials a n d techniques, certain subjects, a n d certain elements o f style, m i g h t be based at least i n p a r t o n w h a t o u r age imagines A l e x a n d r i a t o have been, o n the m y t h o f its o w n nature. T h e s y m p o s i u m also e x a m i n e d the many-sided c u l t u r a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l character of the c i t y f r o m other vantage p o i n t s , h e l p i n g t o p o r t r a y a richer c o n t e x t by considering l i t e r a t u r e , science, m e d i c i n e , a n t h r o p o l o g y , a n d c i t y p l a n n i n g . A n i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d a s u m m a r y o f pa pers l o o k i n g at the e n d u r i n g influences of A l e x a n d r i a f r o m post-antique t o m o d e r n times further p u t these discussions i n perspective, r e m i n d i n g us again o f the distance t h a t separates us f r o m the ancient city. x Foreword We are delighted t o have h a d the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r o u r s i b l i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s t o offer the f o r u m for this fascinating m a t e r i a l a n d t h a n k f u l t o the speakers f o r their papers a n d c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the discussions. A n d we are grateful f o r the w o r k o f o u r staff, i n p a r t i c u l a r M a r i o n True a n d the members o f the A n t i q u i t i e s D e p a r t m e n t of the M u s e u m , a n d members o f the Center's staff. John Walsh Director T h e J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m Thomas F. Reese Deputy Director T h e Getty Center f o r the H i s t o r y of A r t a n d the H u m a n i t i e s Introduction This page intentionally left blank 3 Alexander's Alexandria Peter Green A recent I t a l i a n article asked, i n its t i t l e , the ( n o t entirely r h e t o r i c a l ) q u e s t i o n , " E g y p t i a n A l e x a n d r i a — a m y t h ? " Wisely, the w r i t e r o m i t t e d a 1 m a i n verb. I f is evokes memories o f E. M . Forster, C o n s t a n t i n e Cavafy, a n d Lawrence D u r r e l l , was takes us back t o the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , 2 t o the grandiose dreams a n d processions o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos, t o Cleopatra's suicide after A c t i u m , t o the A r i a n a n d M o n o p h y s i t e her esies. A l e x a n d r i a has always h a d a m y t h i c q u a l i t y a b o u t i t . Cavafy, the 3 poet o f h o m o s e x u a l nostalgia ("Days o f 1 8 9 6 . . . " ) , reached back i n t o the city's Hellenistic a n d Byzantine past f o r i m a g e r y a n d examples: Sophists a n d soldiers, p o l i t i c a l lies, dynastic fantasies, m o m e n t s o f m e m orable defeat, a n d always, u n c h a n g i n g d o w n the ages, ephemeral yet 4 eternal i n t h e i r a g o n i z i n g beauty, the y o u n g m e n f o r w h o m his heart a n d b o d y hungered. T h o u g h A l e x a n d r i a h a d h a d a r e p u t a t i o n f o r g o o d l o o k i n g a n d available boys a l m o s t since its f o u n d a t i o n — H e r o d a s i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. m e n t i o n s t h e m i n the same breath as gaudies, philosophers, a n d g o l d — i t remains true t h a t Cavafy (like D u r r e l l after 5 h i m , l i k e A n d r e Gide i n Algeria) was i n effect shamelessly using another c o u n t r y as a name f o r his o w n obsessions. T h i s h a b i t has n o t been re 6 stricted t o poets a n d novelists. A n o t h e r factor encouraging m y t h i c i z a t i o n has always been A l e x a n d r i a ' s m o r e - t h a n - s y m b o l i c separation f r o m E g y p t . B o t h i n the Hellenistic a n d i n the R o m a n periods i t was officially k n o w n as " A l e x a n d r i a by E g y p t , " seldom as " A l e x a n d r i a in E g y p t . " T h i s was a p p r o p r i a t e 7 i n m o r e t h a n one sense. I t distinguished the r o y a l f o u n d a t i o n o f the G r a e c o - M a c e d o n i a n r u l i n g elite f r o m the o l d p h a r a o n i c capitals o f M e m p h i s . I t enshrined the concept o f a g o v e r n m e n t t h a t regarded E g y p t as alien " s p e a r - w o n t e r r i t o r y , " fit f o r economic e x p l o i t a t i o n . I t r u b b e d i n the fact t h a t n o P t o l e m y u n t i l the last representative o f the dynasty, C l e o p a t r a v n , ever b o t h e r e d t o learn E g y p t i a n , p r e f e r r i n g t o operate t h r o u g h a corps o f Greek-speaking E g y p t i a n interpreters. Seers at its f o u n d a t i o n h a d prophesied, accurately, t h a t the c i t y w o u l d be a m e l t i n g p o t o f a l l n a t i o n s , perhaps w h a t D u r r e l l ' s N e s s i m meant w h e n he char 8 acterized A l e x a n d r i a as "the great wine-press o f l o v e , " a n d this was t o 9 r e m a i n true t h r o u g h o u t A l e x a n d r i a ' s l o n g a n d c o l o r f u l h i s t o r y , except 4 INTRODUCTION t h a t the nations never, i n any i m p o r t a n t sense, i n c l u d e d E g y p t itself u n t i l after the 1 9 5 6 Suez W a r . M o h a m m e d A l i was a nineteenth-century T u r k i s h adventurer w h o operated m u c h i n the s p i r i t of the Ptolemies o r Alexander's governor, Kleomenes (of w h o m m o r e later): " H e e x p l o i t e d the f e l l a h i n by b u y i n g g r a i n f r o m t h e m at his o w n price: the w h o l e of E g y p t became his private f a r m . " 1 0 N e i t h e r Cavafy n o r D u r r e l l , we m a y note, c u l t i v a t e d E g y p t i a n friends o r made any serious a t t e m p t t o inte grate E g y p t i a n realities i n t o their A l e x a n d r i a n m y t h . 1 1 I n this they were s i m p l y a d h e r i n g t o an age-old t r a d i t i o n . T h e magic o f A l e x a n d r i a , i n fact, can be seen f r o m start t o finish as the p o w e r f u l b y - p r o d u c t o f a c o s m o p o l i t a n a n d ( i n G r a h a m Greene's sense) seedy c o l o n i a l i s m , at once rootless a n d e x p l o i t a t i v e , o f w h i c h the casual p i c k - u p s o f H e r o d a s a n d Cavafy, n o t t o m e n t i o n D u r rell's grisly c h i l d prostitutes, can serve as an eloquent s y m b o l . A l e x a n d r i a became the e m b o d i m e n t o f H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t u r e precisely because i t h a d n o n a t i o n a l basis. T h e C y n i c p h i l o s o p h e r w h o p r o c l a i m e d himself a kosmopolites, a " c i t i z e n o f the w o r l d , " m i g h t w e l l have h a d the Ptole maic c a p i t a l i n m i n d . T h e scholarship a n d the e d i t i n g i n the M o u s e i o n , the obsessional search f o r past literature t h a t characterized the L i b r a r y (and at least one m o n a r c h , P t o l e m y i n Euergetes 1, w h o forfeited his fifteen-talent deposit so as t o keep the official A t h e n i a n copies o f A i s c h y - los, Sophokles, a n d E u r i p i d e s ) ; the scientific expertise t h a t w e n t i n t o 12 the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the Pharos, the great lighthouse t h a t g u i d e d n i g h t travelers t h r o u g h the shoals a n d reefs outside A l e x a n d r i a ' s m a i n h a r b o r ; the m e d i c a l p i o n e e r i n g w o r k o f an Erasistratos o r a H e r o p h i l o s t h a t de pended o n r o y a l p r o t e c t i o n against c u r r e n t religious prejudice t o a l l o w h u m a n dissection a n d v i v i s e c t i o n ; the l i t e r a r y activities o f a K a l l i m a 13 chos o r a T h e o k r i t o s , blissfully i n n o c e n t o f any influence f r o m native E g y p t i a n literature: a l l these things were i m p o r t e d , i m p o s e d , alien. H y b r i d i z a t i o n , w h e n i t came, began i n the l o w e r strata o f society, a fertile seed bed f o r exotic superstition a n d religious syncretism. T h u s the regret sometimes expressed by r o m a n t i c Hellenists for the p o s t - 1 9 5 6 demise o f the " o l d A l e x a n d r i a " has an i r o n i c t w i s t t o i t : T h e nostalgia m i g h t w e l l be regarded as a k i n t o t h a t o f displaced French pieds noirs f o r the o p i u m dens o f the Casbah, a n d Islam's w a r y suspicion o f the c i t y f r o m the t i m e o f its conquest by A m r ( A . D . 640) was n o less n a t i o n a l t h a n religious i n nature. T h e s i l t i n g u p o f harbors a n d canals can perhaps be ascribed i n p a r t t o i n g r a i n e d A r a b distrust o f the sea a n d of naval w a r f a r e ; 14 b u t Forster was surely r i g h t i n essence w h e n he w r o t e t h a t " A m r a n d his A r a b s . . . i n s t i n c t i v e l y shrank f r o m A l e x a n d r i a ; she seemed t o t h e m i d o l a t r o u s a n d f o o l i s h . . . t h o u g h they h a d n o i n t e n t i o n o f destroying her, they destroyed her, as a c h i l d m i g h t a watch." 1 5 B u t i t was n o t u n t i l the regime o f G a m a l A b d e l Nasser, the Green first t r u l y E g y p t i a n r u l e r o f E g y p t i n t w o a n d a h a l f m i l l e n n i a , t h a t A l e x a n d r i a was finally integrated i n t o the b o d y p o l i t i c o n w h i c h f o r so l o n g i t h a d existed as an alien a n d exotic g r o w t h . Readers of Cavafy a n d D u r r e l l m a y perhaps reflect t h a t this change was, o n balance, n o b a d t h i n g : t h a t e x o t i c i s m can be b o u g h t at t o o h i g h a price. Those researchers w h o , like myself, n o r m a l l y react t o a m y t h by w a n t i n g t o get b e h i n d i t have a m o r e t h a n usually t o u g h p r o b l e m o n their hands w i t h A l e x a n d r i a , n o t least i f they hope, as I d o , t o clarify the circumstances of the city's o r i g i n a l f o u n d a t i o n . W h e n we l o o k at o u r l i t erary evidence, i t at once becomes clear t h a t m y t h i f i c a t i o n began very early. T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , despite a s t r a t u m of valuable early H e l lenistic evidence, ascribes Alexander's begetting t o the last independent p h a r a o h , N e k t a n e b o i i ; cites his correspondence w i t h the A m a z o n s ; has h i m arrive i n E g y p t after a razzia t h r o u g h Sicily, Italy, a n d A f r i c a ; a n d describes his e x p l o r a t i o n of the sea b o t t o m i n a m a g i c a l d i v i n g b e l l . 16 T h e h i s t o r i a n A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s , w r i t i n g i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y A . D . , h a d Cleopatra v n responsible f o r b u i l d i n g b o t h the Pharos a n d the H e p t a s t a d i o n (the seven-furlong causeway l i n k i n g the island o f Pharos a n d the m a i n l a n d ) , t h o u g h b o t h i n fact antedated her by a l m o s t three cen turies. 17 T h e earliest detailed d e s c r i p t i o n o f the c i t y t o survive is t h a t by the geographer S t r a b o , 20 B.C. 1 9 18 w h o was i n A l e x a n d r i a f r o m 24 t o ( p r o b a b l y ) a n d is thus, similarly, three h u n d r e d years o u t o f date, the dif ference, t o take a m o d e r n p a r a l l e l , between the L o n d o n o f Samuel Pepys a n d the c i t y I k n o w today. By the date o f Strabo's visit the o r i g i n a l f o u n d a t i o n h a d already been t r a n s f o r m e d a l m o s t b e y o n d r e c o g n i t i o n , since D i o d o r u s Siculus ( w h o was there o n l y a few years before Strabo) w r i t e s t h a t " a l l subsequent kings o f E g y p t v i e d i n the city's development. Some a d o r n e d i t w i t h splendid palaces, some w i t h dockyards a n d h a r b o r w o r k s , a n d others again w i t h various further notable dedications a n d w o r k s o f art, t o the p o i n t w h e r e m o s t people r e c k o n i t the first o r second c i t y o f the i n h a b i t e d w o r l d . " 2 0 T h e n o r m a l recourse i n such circumstances w o u l d be t o the so-called h a r d evidence o f p a p y r o l o g y , epigraphy, n u m i s m a t i c s , a n d the archaeological r e c o r d . B u t here A l e x a n d r i a presents an unusual a n d f r u s t r a t i n g case. T h o u g h the c i t y has survived w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n f r o m a n t i q u i t y , nevertheless f r o m the M i d d l e Ages u n t i l the advent o f M o h a m m e d A l i i n 1805 o n l y the western p a r t , i n p a r t i c u l a r the silted-up neck o f the f o r m e r H e p t a s t a d i o n , r e m a i n e d under c o n t i n u o u s occupa t i o n . As Fraser says, "even w i t h i n l i v i n g m e m o r y m u c h o f the area east of the Great H a r b o u r consisted o f s a n d - d u n e s . " 21 Since this was precisely w h e r e the i n t e r i o r o f the Ptolemaic c i t y was located, i t m i g h t have been t h o u g h t t h a t the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r excavation were excellent. T w o fac tors, one man-made, one n a t u r a l , c o m b i n e d t o render such a p r o j e c t a l l 5 6 INTRODUCTION b u t impossible. T h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a as a p o r t d u r i n g the nineteenth century, i n p a r t i c u l a r under K h e d i v e I s m a i l , n o t o n l y effec tively b u r i e d the ancient strata under n e w b u i l d i n g s b u t also, i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the C o r n i c h e ( 1 9 0 6 ) , created an artificial coastline u p t o 300 m i n depth. 22 To m a k e things even worse, i n m a n y districts ancient sherds were redeposited, i n complete c o n f u s i o n , o n t o p o f the later strata. B u t such f r u s t r a t i n g h u m a n activities were eclipsed by those of nature. O v e r the centuries there has t a k e n place, p a r t l y t h r o u g h seis m i c disturbance, p a r t l y t h r o u g h the w e i g h t o f the silt washed d o w n b y the N i l e , a general subsidence o f u p t o f o u r meters. As a result, m u c h o f the coastal section o f the Ptolemaic c i t y ( w h i c h , as we k n o w , i n c l u d e d at least some o f the r o y a l palaces), n o w lies under the waters o f the M e d i terranean, a n d the on-site p a p y r o l o g i c a l evidence, w h i c h c o u l d have t o l d us so m u c h a b o u t the capital's f u n c t i o n i n g , has been t o t a l l y d e s t r o y e d . 23 T h u s i f we w a n t t o understand the circumstances of A l e x a n d r i a ' s f o u n d a t i o n , we find ourselves c o m p e l l e d t o reexamine the l i t e r a r y evidence w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f various h i s t o r i c a l factors: strategic, economic, c o m m e r c i a l , c u l t u r a l , even religious. Some o f these are p e r e n n i a l , so t h a t , surprisingly, we find m o d e r n A l e x a n d r i a shedding l i g h t o n its an cient c o u n t e r p a r t . 24 Let us begin, t h e n , w i t h the enigmatic f o u n d e r himself. A l e x a n d e r 111 o f M a c e d o n f r o m adolescence o n made a h a b i t of creating or t a k i n g over cities a n d n a m i n g t h e m after himself. H i s first recorded venture of the sort was at the tender age o f sixteen. A p p o i n t e d regent w h i l e P h i l i p was c a m p a i g n i n g against B y z a n t i u m a n d Perinthos, he dis l o d g e d a g r o u p o f rebellious T h r a c i a n t r i b e s m e n a n d established a m i l i t a r y o u t p o s t , A l e x a n d r o p o l i s , t o m a t c h the P h i l i p p o p o l i s his father h a d set u p t w o years p r e v i o u s l y . A l e x a n d e r never lacked the c o m p e t i t i v e 25 s p i r i t . P l u t a r c h (Mor. 328E) credits h i m w i t h n o less t h a n seventy f o u n dations i n a l l : each n a m e d A l e x a n d r i a , a n d m a n y of t h e m n o m o r e t h a n f r o n t i e r fortresses. A l e x a n d r i a - b y - E g y p t p r o v e d b y far the m o s t success f u l . I t was also the one i n w h i c h he seems t o have t a k e n the m o s t per sonal i n t e r e s t . 26 W e m a y l e g i t i m a t e l y ask ourselves w h y . T h i s question f o r m s p a r t o f a larger p r o b l e m : w h y d i d he choose t o go t o E g y p t at all? A f t e r the battle of Issus (September 333) w h y d i d he n o t at once pursue the defeated a n d disorganized forces o f D a r i u s eastward t o Babylon? W h y , instead, d i d he m a r c h over three h u n d r e d miles o u t o f his w a y d o w n the coast o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , spend seven m o n t h s besieging T y r e a n d a l o n g w i n t e r i n a n d a r o u n d the N i l e Valley, a n d n o t resume his career o f conquest u n t i l late A p r i l o f 3 3 1 ? To u n d e r s t a n d this we m u s t appreciate (as A l e x a n d e r himself u n d o u b t e d l y d i d ) the dangerous a n d fluid s i t u a t i o n t h a t h a d developed b e h i n d his ad vance, i n A s i a M i n o r a n d the Aegean, a n d t h a t n o w seriously threatened his ever-lengthening lines o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Green Since his siege a n d capture o f M i l e t o s i n 3 3 4 , A l e x a n d e r h a d operated, except f o r one s m a l l t r a n s p o r t s q u a d r o n , w i t h o u t a fleet. V a r i ous reasons have been suggested f o r this; b u t the t r u t h o f the m a t t e r seems t o have been t h a t the b u l k o f the navy was s u p p l i e d by his reluc t a n t Greek allies, w h o m he distrusted so deeply t h a t he a c t u a l l y preferred the r i s k o f r e b e l l i o n i n his rear, n o t t o m e n t i o n the challenge o f n e u t r a l i z i n g every key p o r t f r o m the l a n d w a r d side, t o t h e i r c o n t i n u e d presence. 27 W o r s e , the Persians h a d also decided t o c a r r y o u t an aggressive, a n d h i g h l y successful, naval c a m p a i g n i n the Aegean, f o r w h i c h they m a i n l y e m p l o y e d the large P h o e n i c i a n fleet. A f t e r Issus, D a r i u s gave t h i s c a m p a i g n t o p p r i o r i t y : M i l e t o s a n d H a l i k a r n a s s o s were r e c a p t u r e d , a n d K i n g Agis i n o f Sparta, already p l a n n i n g a n a t i o n a l i s t r e b e l l i o n , was f u r n i s h e d w i t h g o l d a n d n o less t h a n eight t h o u s a n d mercenaries, w h i l e the Persian cavalry c o m m a n d e r , N a b a r z a n e s , c a m p a i g n i n g i n A n a t o l i a , threatened t o sever Alexander's l a n d w a r d lines of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . 2 8 I n the circumstances, the sea lanes a n d p o r t s o f the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n assumed e n o r m o u s strategic i m p o r t a n c e . A l e x a n d e r h a d done w h a t he c o u l d t o secure t h e m as far as C i l i c i a . W h a t r e m a i n e d n o w were Phoenicia a n d E g y p t , 29 o n b o t h o f w h i c h Persia, being herself a n o n m a r i t i m e i n l a n d c o u n t r y , h a b i t u a l l y d r e w f o r her fleet. I t s h o u l d n o w be i m m e d i a t e l y a p p a r e n t w h y A l e x a n d e r spent seven m o n t h s besieging the great offshore s t r o n g h o l d o f T y r e . Tyre's n e i g h b o r a n d r i v a l S i d o n , h a v i n g been reduced savagely by A r t a x e r x e s O c h u s i n 345 after an at t e m p t e d r e b e l l i o n , w e l c o m e d the M a c e d o n i a n s w i t h o p e n arms. B u t 30 Gaza also gave A l e x a n d e r t r o u b l e , a n d another t w o m o n t h s were spent i n r e d u c i n g i t . Besides being a spice e n t r e p o t at the head o f the Eastern caravan routes, the c i t y c o u l d serve as a m i l i t a r y fortress g u a r d i n g the l a n d approaches t o E g y p t . 31 F r o m Gaza A l e x a n d e r made the 2 0 0 k m t o the f r o n t i e r s t r o n g h o l d o f Pelusium, at the m o u t h o f the N i l e , i n just under a w e e k . T h e s m a l l fleet he retained g o t there before h i m , a n d he f o u n d i t at an c h o r i n the h a r b o r . 32 Since A r t a x e r x e s Ochus h a d earlier (343) dealt w i t h E g y p t just as b l o o d i l y as he d i d w i t h S i d o n , 33 Alexander met w i t h n o o p p o s i t i o n at Pelusium a n d was indeed w e l c o m e d as a l i b e r a t o r . 34 B o t h Phoenicia a n d E g y p t were n o w safely under M a c e d o n i a n c o n t r o l . Alexander's strategy at this p o i n t is clear e n o u g h . I t w o u l d take D a r i u s at least a year t o r e c r u i t , t r a i n , a n d d e p l o y a n e w a r m y . Since there was n o t h i n g A l e x a n d e r w a n t e d m o r e t h a n another full-scale, a n d , w i t h l u c k , decisive, engagement, he was w e l l c o n t e n t t o let D a r i u s prepare for t h i s , w h i l e he h i m s e l f dealt w i t h other pressing p r o b l e m s . So far, he h a d secured C i l i c i a a n d the P h o e n i c i a n coast, thus safeguarding m u c h o f the East M e d i t e r r a n e a n sea r o u t e , b u t there still r e m a i n e d N o r t h A f r i c a . To the west o f Cyrene lay " b a r b a r i s m a n d C a r t h a g e , " 35 about w h i c h n o t m u c h c o u l d be done as yet. B u t Cyrene itself, a n d a f o r t i o r i 7 8 INTRODUCTION the N i l e D e l t a , h a d t o be made safe. W h a t e v e r other considerations A l e x a n d e r h a d i n m i n d as he m a r c h e d t h r o u g h the desert t o H e l i o p o l i s , this one was surely p r o m i n e n t . 3 6 Mazaces, the Persian satrap, whose g a r r i s o n h a d been t a k e n f r o m h i m t o fight at Issus a n d w h o was thus v i r t u a l l y defenseless, crossed the river f r o m M e m p h i s a n d surrendered the c i t y t o the M a c e d o n i a n s , together w i t h eight h u n d r e d talents a n d the r o y a l f u r n i t u r e . phis, a c c o r d i n g t o the R o m a n c e , 38 37 In Mem A l e x a n d e r was n o t o n l y e n t h r o n e d as p h a r a o h b u t also, o n being s h o w n a statue o f N e k t a n e b o n , the last E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h , inscribed w i t h a p r o p h e c y that he w o u l d come again t o r i d E g y p t o f the Persians, declared himself Nektanebo's son—perhaps, i f there is any t r u t h i n the story, t o strengthen his o w n c l a i m as Egypt's n e w ruler. A t the same t i m e , w h i l e d u l y sacrificing t o the E g y p t i a n gods, A l e x a n d e r also h e l d lavish Greek-style games, b o t h m u s i c a l a n d athletic, w i t h top-level c o m p e t i t o r s i m p o r t e d f r o m the Greek m a i n l a n d , 3 9 a nice example o f his increasing need, as his career of conquest advanced, t o be all things t o a l l m e n . W h i l e i n M e m p h i s (perhaps after a t o u r o f inspec t i o n t h r o u g h the nearby c o u n t r y s i d e ) , he settled the future a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of E g y p t i n his usual manner: t h a t is, by c h a n g i n g n o t h i n g apart f r o m those i n charge at the t o p . 4 0 W h a t he d i d n e x t has been the subject of considerable dis agreement a m o n g historians, ancient a n d m o d e r n alike. B o t h Q u i n t u s C u r t i u s Rufus a n d D i o d o r u s clearly state t h a t his n e x t act was t o pay a visit t o the o r a c u l a r shrine of Zeus A m m o n (of w h i c h m o r e i n a m o m e n t ) i n the S i w a h Oasis. I n p a r t i c u l a r they, like J u s t i n , 41 place the f o u n d a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a after this visit, t h o u g h i t is o n l y the A l e x a n d e r Romance t h a t develops the post hoc, propter hoc a r g u m e n t that Alexander's p u r pose i n v i s i t i n g the shrine was t o discover w h a t site the g o d favored f o r his n e w city, a n d t h a t A m m o n d u l y responded w i t h an oracle i n s t r u c t i n g the k i n g t o " f o u n d his famous c i t y across f r o m Proteus's i s l e . " other h a n d , b o t h A r r i a n a n d P l u t a r c h 4 3 4 2 O n the appear t o place the f o u n d a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a before the visit t o S i w a h . W e have here w h a t has m o r e of ten t h a n n o t been t a k e n (mistakenly, I t h i n k ) as a f u n d a m e n t a l conflict o f p r i m a r y sources. B r a d f o r d Welles, i n an influential a r t i c l e , argued t h a t the 44 A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e was r i g h t : t h a t n o Greek c i t y c o u l d be f o u n d e d w i t h o u t d i v i n e a p p r o v a l a n d t h a t the evidence of A r r i a n a n d P l u t a r c h m u s t therefore be rejected. Previously " A l e x a n d e r historians [had] u n hesitantly accepted the Ptolemaic v e r s i o n " o f A r r i a n . Welles's thesis gave rise t o a simpliste 4 5 N o w , for a while, a n d misdirected debate between the advocates o f " b e f o r e " a n d " a f t e r . " 46 I t was B r i a n Bos w o r t h w h o l o o k e d i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n f o r a s o l u t i o n t o this p r o b l e m . There was n o reason, he argued, w h y A l e x a n d e r s h o u l d n o t have p i c k e d o n a site first, t h e n have o b t a i n e d d i v i n e a p p r o v a l f o r i t at S i w a h , a n d finally have Green established an official " f o u n d a t i o n d a y " o n his r e t u r n . O n e m i g h t also stress the fact t h a t oracular consultants, i n c l u d i n g w o u l d - b e colonists, h a b i t u a l l y framed their questions i n such a w a y as t o solicit a p p r o v a l for a choice already made. 47 W i t h these considerations i n m i n d , w e can m a k e o u r sources y i e l d a fairly consistent a n d plausible account o f w h a t actually happened. F r o m M e m p h i s A l e x a n d e r sailed d o w n the C a n o p i c b r a n c h of the N i l e . 4 8 H e already h a d i n m i n d the d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o f o u n d a n e w c i t y i n the area. I t was t o be large, w e l l p o p u l a t e d , prosperous, w i t h a g o o d , safe h a r b o r . 49 A r r i a n o n several occasions mentions Alexander's motives in founding cities. 50 W h i l e he h a d an eye for a strategically o r otherwise advantageous site, his m a i n concern always seems t o have been t o leave a large a n d famous m e m o r i a l o f himself, an extension o f his quest f o r g l o r y (kleos). T h i s was w h y every such f o u n d a t i o n bore his name, t o shed a n a t u r a l luster o n i t . H i s other recipe for success was a large p o p u l a t i o n , so t h a t we r e g u l a r l y f i n d h i m n o t o n l y d i r e c t i n g Greek a n d M a c e d o n i a n colonists i n t o his n e w cities b u t f o r c i b l y r e l o c a t i n g indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s f r o m s u r r o u n d i n g areas. I t is also clear t h a t his m o t i v a t i o n was very often, i n p a r t at least, c o m m e r c i a l . T h i s being so, d u r i n g his voyage he m u s t at the very least seriously have considered the claims o f a famous Greek e m p o r i u m already l o n g established o n the C a n o p i c b r a n c h of the N i l e : N a u k r a t i s . 51 N a u k r a t i s h a d been a p r i v i l e g e d c o m m e r c i a l en t r e p o t for the Greeks at least since the early s i x t h century, a n d i t is h a r d t o believe t h a t the r i c h businessmen, w h o surely w e n t o u t of t h e i r w a y t o entertain the M a c e d o n i a n c o n q u e r o r w h e n he reached N a u k r a t i s d u r i n g his t o u r o f inspection, d i d n o t t r y also t o sell h i m the idea o f t u r n i n g N a u k r a t i s i n t o the c i t y o f his dreams. I t is even possible t h a t they f o r a brief w h i l e succeeded. P l u t a r c h , i n a passage t h a t has elicited s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e c o m m e n t , records t h a t o n the advice o f his technical consultants A l e x a n d e r h a d already selected a site—was, indeed, o n the p o i n t o f mea s u r i n g i t off a n d enclosing i t — w h e n a p r o p h e t i c d r e a m t u r n e d his atten t i o n t o the offshore island of P h a r o s . 52 T h a t this was N a u k r a t i s is made even m o r e p r o b a b l e by the fact t h a t one o f his advisers, Kleomenes, was himself a native o f the city, a n d almost certainly (as his subsequent career suggests) one o f its leading f i n a n c i e r s . 53 D u r i n g the n i g h t , a c c o r d i n g t o P l u t a r c h , A l e x a n d e r dreamed t h a t a w h i t e - h a i r e d a n d venerable o l d m a n s t o o d beside h i m a n d de c l a i m e d t w o lines f r o m H o m e r ' s Odyssey ( 4 . 3 5 4 - 5 5 ) : " T h e r e is an is l a n d i n the ever-surging m a i n , / offshore f r o m Egypt: Pharos is w h a t m e n call i t . " T h e king's religiosity was one of his strongest characteristics. 54 Struck by this v i s i o n , he sailed o n t o the coast, e x p l o r e d L a k e M a r e o t i s , a n d e x a m i n e d Pharos itself. H i s first i n s t i n c t seems t o have been t o f o l l o w his d r e a m t o the letter a n d b u i l d a c i t y actually o n the island, being dissuaded f r o m this p l a n o n l y by the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t Pharos was n o t 9 10 INTRODUCTION big e n o u g h for w h a t he h a d i n m i n d . 5 5 B u t t h e n , surveying the l o n g limestone ridge between lake a n d sea, n o t i n g the n a t u r a l deep-water h a r b o r , the p r o t e c t i o n afforded by Pharos, a n d the lack o f c o m p a r a b l e facilities elsewhere a l o n g the coast, he decided, P l u t a r c h says, t h a t H o mer "was n o t o n l y e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n other respects b u t also a very clever city planner." 56 A t this p o i n t , says A r r i a n ( 3 . 1 . 5 ) , "a l o n g i n g [pothos] for the w o r k t o o k h o l d o f h i m , " a n d i n his usual i m p u l s i v e , enthusiastic m a n ner, he began m a r k i n g o u t the future city's m a i n features: the site o f the agora; the n u m b e r a n d l o c a t i o n o f t e m p l e s — m o s t l y t o Greek gods b u t also t o E g y p t i a n Isis a n d Serapis (the H o m e r i c d r e a m m a y even have t a k e n place d u r i n g a n i n c u b a t i o n i n the e x i s t i n g shrine o f Serapis at R h a k o t i s ) — t h e streets, l a i d o u t i n a r i g h t - a n g l e d g r i d p a t t e r n a n d so 57 placed as t o catch the c o o l p r e v a i l i n g breeze; a n d a massive great r o y a l palace. 59 58 hugely strong r a m p a r t s ; These features are a l l specifically at t r i b u t e d t o A l e x a n d e r rather t h a n t o his successors. O n e further feature f o r w h i c h he can safely be given the credit is A l e x a n d r i a ' s r e m a r k a b l e system o f u n d e r g r o u n d drains, c o n d u i t s , cisterns, a n d sewers. clearly h a d t o be i n place ab initio. Alexandrine 60 This I t is referred t o by the a u t h o r o f the War, * a n d (according t o the A l e x a n d e r Romance) was ac 6 t u a l l y r e c o m m e n d e d t o A l e x a n d e r by one o f his technical advisers. 62 O n e factor t h a t u n d o u b t e d l y influenced A l e x a n d e r as a strate gist i n favor o f the site was its s t r i k i n g resemblance t o t h a t o f T y r e . 6 3 A g a i n , he f o u n d an offshore island capable o f c o n t r o l l i n g access t o the m a i n l a n d , a n d his o r i g i n a l n o t i o n o f establishing A l e x a n d r i a o n Pharos itself confirms the c o m p a r i s o n . T h a t the island was t o o small t o c o n t a i n the k i n d o f c i t y he h a d i n m i n d was n o t the o n l y a r g u m e n t , however, i n favor o f p r e f e r r i n g a site centered o n the limestone ridge k n o w n as R h a k o t i s . W h a t A l e x a n d e r h a d done at T y r e by d r i v i n g a great causeway f r o m shore t o i s l a n d , others m i g h t yet achieve h e r e . 64 Better t o anticipate t h e m . W h a t was m o r e , A l e x a n d e r at once perceived t h a t the existence of such a causeway, quite apart f r o m its strategic advantages, w o u l d greatly i m p r o v e the d o c k i n g f a c i l i t i e s . 65 F r o m an open roadstead merely shel tered by Pharos, the p o r t o f A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d at one stroke acquire m a j o r eastern a n d western h a r b o r s , each easily p r o t e c t e d against b o t h v i o l e n t storms ( f r o m whatever quarter) a n d attack f r o m the sea. For these reasons I a m i n c l i n e d t o believe t h a t the H e p t a s t a d i o n f o r m e d p a r t of Alexander's o r i g i n a l p l a n a n d was i m p l e m e n t e d d u r i n g his lifetime. I n a passage m u c h c o n t a m i n a t e d w i t h later m y t h , A m m i a n u s picks u p one t r a d i t i o n t h a t has the r i n g o f t r u t h a b o u t i t : the H e p t a s t a d i o n , he reports, was r e m a r k a b l e n o t o n l y f o r its size (it was nearly a m i l e i n length) b u t also for the "scarcely credible speed" w i t h w h i c h i t was built. 6 6 T h e k i n d o f speed t h a t amazed those w h o saw i t (and a f o r t i o r i those w h o became its v i c t i m s ) was, o f course, one o f Alexander's bestk n o w n characteristics. Green II T h a t A l e x a n d e r ' s purpose i n f o u n d i n g A l e x a n d r i a was at least as m u c h strategic as c o m m e r c i a l seems c e r t a i n . 67 Egypt's r e m a r k a b l e a b i l i t y , even u n d e r the m o s t i n e p t o f the Ptolemies, t o resist successful i n v a s i o n b y l a n d o r sea testifies i n retrospect t o his foresight. H i s acquisi t i o n o f the N i l e V a l l e y guaranteed h i m a l m o s t i n e x h a u s t i b l e supplies o f g r a i n a n d o t h e r p r o d u c e . M e m p h i s gave h i m c o n t r o l o f the D e l t a . Pelus i u m h a d o n l y l i m i t e d facilities f o r the maintenance o f a fleet; b u t w i t h the establishment o f a deep-water p o r t i n A l e x a n d r i a (at the one p o i n t o n the E g y p t i a n l i t t o r a l w h e r e this was possible) A l e x a n d e r c l i n c h e d his d o m i n a t i o n over the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T w o w o r l d w a r s have a m p l y c o n f i r m e d the port's c r u c i a l i m p o r t a n c e as a n a v a l base. A l e x a n d e r ' s emphasis o n the size a n d strength o f the c i t y w a l l s suggests a d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o m a k e his f o u n d a t i o n equally i n v u l n e r a b l e f r o m the l a n d w a r d side. T h e site o f R h a k o t i s h a d been used f o r a defense post i n ear lier periods. Strabo describes h o w the p h a r a o h s established a g a r r i s o n there, t o keep o u t foreigners, p r i m a r i l y Greeks ( o n e c o n o m i c g r o u n d s , i t is alleged, w h i c h sounds l i k e an a n a c h r o n i s m f r o m Ptolemaic t i m e s ) , a n d "gave t h e m as a d w e l l i n g place the area k n o w n as R h a k o t i s , n o w t h a t p a r t o f the A l e x a n d r i a n s ' c i t y situated above the d o c k y a r d s , w h i c h was t h e n a village; a n d the l a n d a r o u n d the village they gave t o herdsmen, w h o also were able t o prevent incursions by o u t s i d e r s . " 68 Strabo's evi dence is c o n f i r m e d i n some d e t a i l b y the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , w h e r e , i n a difficult a n d i n places c o r r u p t passage, w e hear o f a dozen s m a l l villages s u r r o u n d i n g R h a k o t i s itself, w h i c h served as t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t e r . 69 Even m o r e i n t r i g u i n g , t h o u g h e x t r e m e l y h a r d t o evaluate, are the exten sive u n d e r w a t e r r u i n s o f a huge h a r b o r c o m p l e x l y i n g t o the n o r t h a n d west o f Pharos: T h e y c o u l d be a m i l l e n n i u m older t h a n the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a , a n d the m o s t plausible t h e o r y identifies t h e m as p a r t o f the M i n o a n thalassocracy centered o n K n o s s o s . 70 Pottery deposits suggest, as w e m i g h t expect, a Greek presence i n the area at least since the m i d seventh c e n t u r y . 71 H e r o d o t o s a n d T h u k y d i d e s b o t h refer t o g a r r i s o n posts i n the area, the one i n the s i x t h century, the other i n the fifth, i n each case as p a r t o f a d e s c r i p t i o n o f Egypt's general defense s y s t e m . 72 T h e r e is n o reason t o suppose t h a t A l e x a n d e r , w h o h a d a l l H o m e r a n d a g o o d deal o f Euripides b y heart, w o u l d n o t also be f a m i l i a r w i t h the t w o great exponents o f his o w n themes o f conquest a n d e m p i r e . T h e shape o f the o r i g i n a l c i t y w a l l is l i k e n e d b y several o f o u r sources t o a c h l a m y s , a M a c e d o n i a n m i l i t a r y c l o a k , 7 3 w h i c h was f o r m e d f r o m a r e c t a n g u l a r piece o f c l o t h shaped s o m e w h a t l i k e the segment o f a circle: a c o n v e x l o w e r edge subtended t o t w o s t r a i g h t sides c o n v e r g i n g o n a m u c h n a r r o w e r t o p edge, the latter s t r a i g h t o r slightly c u r v e d . city's dimensions are also v a r i o u s l y r e p o r t e d , Strabo's figures—30 74 The stades f r o m east t o west, b u t n o m o r e t h a n 7 - 8 n o r t h t o s o u t h , between L a k e M a r e o t i s a n d the s e a — b e i n g p r o b a b l y the m o s t accurate. Strabo also 75 makes i t clear t h a t the c i t y b o u n d a r y stopped s h o r t , i n the west, o f the 12 INTRODUCTION suburb k n o w n as N e k r o p o l i s , " i n w h i c h there are m a n y graves a n d gar dens a n d embalmers' p a r l o r s . " 7 6 A s i m i l a r terminus ad quern is p r o v i d e d i n the east by the cemetery o f Shatby. 77 Insofar as the chlamys image bore any r e l a t i o n t o reality, i t seems t o have envisaged an area r o u g h l y rectan gular b u t n a r r o w i n g n o r t h w a r d as i t approached the h a r b o r area. I f A l e x a n d e r w i s h e d t o o b t a i n d i v i n e a p p r o v a l for his f o u n d a t i o n , i t first h a d t o be defined. T h i s is the true r a i s o n d'etre b e h i n d the m o s t famous anecdote c o n c e r n i n g his activities at the site: most o f o u r sources r e c o r d i t , b u t none perceives its relevance. 78 W h e n Alexander h a d fixed o n the site at R h a k o t i s , as we have seen (p. 10 above), he strode a r o u n d , A r r i a n says, m a r k i n g o u t (we are n o t t o l d h o w ) various features o f his n e w city. B u t the c h a l k o r l i m e used for m a r k i n g r a n o u t a n d was replaced, i n this emergency, by the barley meal o r polenta t h a t f o r m e d the t r o o p s ' a n d w o r k m e n ' s rations ( w h a t they h a d t o say a b o u t losing their l u n c h is n o t recorded). A vast s w a r m of seagulls a n d m a r s h birds appeared a n d devoured the barley meal. A l e x a n d e r , super stitious t o a degree, was concerned as t o w h a t this m i g h t p o r t e n d b u t got w e l c o m e reassurance f r o m A r i s t a n d e r a n d his other seers, w h o declared t h a t the c i t y w o u l d a b o u n d i n w e a l t h a n d p r o v i d e sustenance for m e n o f every n a t i o n . 7 9 W h a t has escaped notice a b o u t the barley-meal anecdote is t h a t i n every version o f i t w h a t A l e x a n d e r is m a r k i n g o u t is, specifically, the city's perimeter, its f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , its defining b o u n d a r y w a l l s . 80 This lends some c r e d i b i l i t y t o the generally disregarded c o m m e n t of Q u i n t u s C u r t i u s Rufus, w h o i n f o r m s us t h a t the use o f barley meal t o establish the outer c i r c u i t , w h a t a R o m a n w o u l d call the pomerium, was "a c u s t o m o f the M a c e d o n i a n s . " 81 of a n e w c i t y I n any case w h a t A l e x a n d e r was d o i n g was m a k i n g a r i t u a l declaration of i n t e n t , at least as m u c h for divine as f o r h u m a n n o t i f i c a t i o n . H e t h e n "offered sacrifice f o r these actions, a n d the sacrifice appeared f a v o r a b l e . " 82 A t this p o i n t Alexander's lieutenant Hegelochos a r r i v e d by sea w i t h w e l c o m e news f r o m the Aegean, where the naval c a m p a i g n was everywhere t u r n i n g i n the M a c e d o n i a n s ' f a v o r . 83 I t was n o w that, once again, A l e x a n d e r was seized by a sudden urge, a pothos, shrine o f Zeus A m m o n i n the L i b y a n desert. 84 T h i s pothos t o visit the m a y n o t have been exclusively religious i n nature. A l e x a n d e r still needed t o secure Cyrene. H e r e l u c k was o n his side. Before he reached P a r a e t o n i u m (Mersa M a t r u h ) , envoys met h i m f r o m Cyrene bearing r i c h gifts a n d so l i c i t i n g a treaty o f alliance, w h i c h he was o n l y t o o glad t o grant t h e m . 8 5 H o g a r t h argued t h a t A l e x a n d e r o n l y w e n t t o Siwah at a l l because he n o w h a d n o need t o proceed t o Cyrene a n d felt he m i g h t as w e l l make the l o n g m a r c h w o r t h w h i l e . Alexander's religious nature suggests o t h 8 6 erwise; b u t H o g a r t h is u n d o u b t e d l y r i g h t i n his c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the j o u r ney was also strategically m o t i v a t e d . Green We are o n l y concerned here w i t h t w o facets o f this m u c h discussed episode: the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t one reason f o r A l e x a n d e r ' s f o r a y i n t o the desert was t o secure A m m o n ' s blessing o n the p r o p o s e d n e w city, a n d a search f o r evidence establishing the c h r o n o l o g y o f b o t h the p i l g r i m a g e itself a n d the city's f o u n d a t i o n . T h e sole source c l a i m i n g t h a t A l e x a n d e r c o n s u l t e d the oracle r e g a r d i n g his p r o p o s e d f o u n d a t i o n is p r o v i d e d b y the A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e . 87 T h o u g h as a n u n s u p p o r t e d w i t ness this t e x t does n o t inspire confidence, Welles has offered c o n v i n c i n g reasons w h y i n this case w e s h o u l d believe w h a t i t tells us. As he says, " D i d any Greek i n d i v i d u a l o r c o m m u n i t y ever f o u n d a n e w c i t y w i t h o u t first c o n s u l t i n g an oracle? . . . A n y o n e i n a n t i q u i t y k n e w t h a t A l e x a n d e r m u s t have h a d d i v i n e guidance i n f o u n d i n g his name c i t y . " 8 8 T h e oracle, a c c o r d i n g t o the R o m a n c e , i n s t r u c t e d the k i n g t o d o so " o p p o s i t e the isle o f Proteus," just as he h a d h o p e d , "over w h i c h A i o n P l o u t o n i o s h i m self presides,/ t u r n i n g the boundless w o r l d o n its five-hilled ridges." 8 9 T h i s deity, the R o m a n c e d u l y i n f o r m s us, was none other t h a n Serapis. 90 T h o u g h the degree o f A l e x a n d e r ' s personal i n v o l v e m e n t i n the Serapis c u l t is m u c h d e b a t e d , 91 the existence o f a serapeion i n R h a k o t i s seems c e r t a i n , a n d i t clearly o c c u p i e d the same site as the later t e m p l e , t h a t is, the southwest p a r t o f the city, o n the l i t t l e h i l l w h e r e "Pompey's P i l l a r " (actually p a r t o f the temple itself) s t i l l s t a n d s . 92 T h a t A l e x a n d e r received a p p r o v a l f o r his f o u n d a t i o n f r o m A m m o n , a n d t h a t this a p p r o v a l was i n some w a y l i n k e d t o the c u l t o f Serapis, seem h i g h l y p r o b a b l e . T h e j o u r n e y t o S i w a h was m a r k e d by t w o p h e n o m e n a t h a t enable us t o date i t w i t h reasonable p r e c i s i o n : heavy r a i n , storm, 9 4 9 3 a n d a sand p r o d u c e d by the southwest k h a m s i n w i n d s . B o t h these are re stricted t o the w i n t e r m o n t h s . 9 5 Alexander had arrived i n Egypt during N o v e m b e r 3 3 2 : he p r o b a b l y c o n s u l t e d the oracle i n late December o r early January. T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e offers an E g y p t i a n date, 25 T y b i , f o r the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a . C o n v e r s i o n t o a J u l i a n date depends 9 6 o n w h e t h e r the w r i t e r o f the R o m a n c e was c a l c u l a t i n g f r o m the Ptole m a i c calendar, w h i c h gives us A p r i l 7, o r f r o m Augustus's R o m a n calen dar, w h i c h w o r k s o u t at January 2 0 . 9 7 Since a f e w lines earlier he equates T y b i w i t h January, the latter seems m o r e p r o b a b l e a n d fits very w e l l w i t h the c l i m a t i c evidence. I n any case, A l e x a n d e r left M e m p h i s f o r Phoenicia "at the very first sign o f s p r i n g , " 9 8 a n d this w i l l c e r t a i n l y have been be fore the second week i n A p r i l . T h e one t r u e inconsistency i n o u r testim o n i a ( w h i c h also baffled A r r i a n , w h o reports i t ) concerns his r o u t e back. D i d he r e t u r n by the same r o u t e (thus A r i s t o b u l u s , f o l l o w e d by Q u i n t u s C u r t i u s R u f u s ) , o r m a k e the shorter, b u t far m o r e dangerous t r e k across the desert t h r o u g h the Q a t t a r a Depression, d i r e c t l y t o M e m phis? 99 T h e o n l y reason he w o u l d have chosen t o d o the latter w o u l d be i f he was pressed f o r t i m e . W i t h a January rather t h a n an A p r i l date he h a d n o such urgency. H e was also, u n d o u b t e d l y , eager t o see his n o w d i - 13 14 INTRODUCTION vinely sanctioned p r o j e c t under way. I therefore believe t h a t A r i s t o b u l u s was r i g h t a n d t h a t A l e x a n d e r traveled back via P a r a e t o n i u m a n d the coast r o a d t o R h a k o t i s . I n a brief notice D i o d o r u s records the sequence o f his actions at this p o i n t : " K i n g A l e x a n d e r charged c e r t a i n o f his Friends w i t h the b u i l d i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a , made a l l arrangements i n E g y p t , a n d set o u t back f o r Syria w i t h his a r m y . " 1 0 0 W h o were these Friends, a n d w h a t precisely were the i n s t r u c t i o n s they received? We have already m e t the d u b i o u s l y n a m e d H y p o n o m o s , w h o (according t o the A l e x a n d e r R o mance 101 ) advised A l e x a n d e r o n the i n s t a l l a t i o n o f a sophisticated under g r o u n d system o f w a t e r supply a n d sewers, the existence o f w h i c h is c o n f i r m e d b o t h by later l i t e r a r y evidence a n d b y a r c h a e o l o g y . 102 With h i m are also n a m e d N u m e n i o s , a stonemason; K r a t e r o s of O l y n t h o s ( n o t the M a c e d o n i a n general); a n d Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s , described as an engineer (lArixttviKos). T h e first t w o are otherwise u n k n o w n . Kleomenes, o n the other h a n d , together w i t h the architect D e i n o k r a t e s ( w h o m the R o m a n c e also m e n t i o n s , 0 3 ) , was directly responsible f o r the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a n d i n i t i a l development of Alexander's d r e a m city. J u s t i n b l u n t l y states t h a t Kleomenes " b u i l t A l e x a n d r i a . " was responsible f o r its unusual d e s i g n . 105 1 0 4 I f he b u i l t i t , D e i n o k r a t e s B o t h o f these larger-than-life m e n are w o r t h a closer l o o k . A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d n o t have been A l e x a n d r i a , perhaps m i g h t n o t even have survived, w i t h o u t t h e m . V i t r u v i u s , the R o m a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l w r i t e r , describes i n de tail 1 0 6 h o w D e i n o k r a t e s , a r m e d w i t h letters o f i n t r o d u c t i o n , sought Alexander's patronage. I m p a t i e n t at the delay i n o b t a i n i n g an i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the k i n g , D e i n o k r a t e s h i t o n a decidedly t h e a t r i c a l scheme. Being a t a l l , handsome, w e l l - b u i l t m a n , he s t r i p p e d off at his l o d g i n g house, o i l e d himself, p u t o n a w r e a t h o f p o p l a r leaves, d r a p e d a l i o n s k i n over his left shoulder, a n d m a r c h e d o u t , grasping a c l u b , t o the t r i b u n a l w h e r e A l e x a n d e r was g i v i n g j u d g m e n t . T h e appearance o f this deuteroH e r a k l e s caused a sensation. A l e x a n d e r , c u r i o u s , s u m m o n e d h i m . T h e sales p i t c h was ready. D e i n o k r a t e s , w h o h a d a taste f o r the k i n d of p u b lic g i g a n t i s m t h a t afterwards distinguished the P t o l e m i e s , 107 and w h o clearly shared Disraeli's belief t h a t w h e n flattering r o y a l t y y o u s h o u l d lay i t o n w i t h the p r o v e r b i a l t r o w e l , a n n o u n c e d a p l a n t o carve M o u n t A t h o s i n t o the likeness o f A l e x a n d e r himself, w i t h one h a n d h o l d i n g a basin t o collect the f l o w o f water, a n d the other s u p p o r t i n g a c i t y o f ten t h o u sand i n h a b i t a n t s . 108 A l e x a n d e r a n n o u n c e d himself pleased w i t h this m o n s t r o u s piece o f v u l g a r i t y b u t , w i t h his usual p r a c t i c a l eye f o r logis tics, asked w h e t h e r the c i t y h a d an adequate local g r a i n supply. W h e n he heard t h a t a l l g r a i n w o u l d have t o be i m p o r t e d , he k i l l e d the p l a n — b u t at the same t i m e expressed a p p r o v a l o f the c o n c e p t 109 and enrolled Dei nokrates as a m e m b e r o f his staff, i n t e n d i n g t o m a k e use o f his services. T h i s revealing anecdote tells us a l o t n o t o n l y a b o u t A l e x a n - Green der's architect b u t also a b o u t A l e x a n d e r himself a n d his grandiose plans. D e i n o k r a t e s w e n t t o E g y p t i n the king's t r a i n a n d was there c o m m i s sioned w i t h the p l a n n i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a 1 1 0 — i n the king's name, w h i c h suggests t h a t he was given a free h a n d t o i m p r o v i s e d u r i n g Alexander's absence i n the East. Nevertheless, i t seems l i k e l y t h a t m u c h o f the essen t i a l p l a n n i n g was done w i t h Alexander's p r i o r a p p r o v a l a n d t h a t some of i t m a y be a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the k i n g himself. Blanche B r o w n r e m i n d s us o f Alexander's interest i n siege craft, h a r b o r d r e d g i n g , a n d drainage schemes. 111 Was he responsible f o r the u n d e r g r o u n d w a t e r - s u p p l y sys tem? V e r y p r o b a b l y . W e m a y also detect his h a n d i n the c r e a t i o n of v i t a l canals: one l i n k i n g the Western H a r b o r w i t h L a k e M a r e o t i s , an o t h e r — s o m e miles i n l e n g t h — b e t w e e n L a k e M a r e o t i s a n d the N i l e , thus c o n n e c t i n g the country's i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l t r a n s p o r t systems. 112 D e i n o k r a t e s was responsible f o r the c h l a m y s l i k e shape o f the c i t y p e r i m eter 1 1 3 a n d f o r the o r t h o g o n a l street system, t h o u g h i t m a y have been A l e x a n d e r w h o insisted t h a t at least the t w o m a i n - a x i s streets s h o u l d be (like those o f B r i g h a m Young's Salt L a k e C i t y ) a plethron, t h a t is, n o less t h a n a h u n d r e d feet i n b r e a d t h , a m o s t unusual s t i p u l a t i o n f o r t h a t day and age. 114 T h e A l e x a n d e r R o m a n c e , o n the other h a n d , represents b o t h D e i n o k r a t e s a n d Kleomenes as dissuading A l e x a n d e r f r o m creating an over-large t e r r i t o r y (xcopa, chord) f o r A l e x a n d r i a , a r g u i n g t h a t he w o u l d never be able t o find enough people t o fill i t ; 1 1 5 the k i n g seems t o have t a k e n t h e i r advice, since the actual t e r r i t o r y the Romance tells us he agreed o n m o r e o r less coincides w i t h h i s t o r i c a l fact. T h e same source states (§ 8) t h a t he ordered anyone l i v i n g w i t h i n t h i r t y miles o f the c i t y b o u n d a r y t o move i n t o the c i t y itself, at the same t i m e g r a n t i n g t h e m l a n d a n d A l e x a n d r i a n citizenship. C u r t i u s adds t h a t he evacuated some other l o c a l t o w n s a n d " f i l l e d the n e w c i t y w i t h a vast p o p u l a t i o n . " 1 1 6 Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s is an altogether m o r e f o r m i d a b l e figure. I t m a y have been his engineering skills (p. 14 above) t h a t first led A l e x a n d e r t o enlist his services f o r the b u i l d i n g o f A l e x a n d r i a ; b u t i t very soon became apparent t h a t this a m b i t i o u s Greek's chief q u a l i f i c a t i o n was as a t o u g h , a n d h i g h l y u n s c r u p u l o u s , financier a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r . 117 His first official a p p o i n t m e n t was as t a x c o l l e c t o r f o r the r e g i o n east o f the D e l t a a n d subsequently f o r a l l E g y p t a n d the adjacent p a r t o f N o r t h Africa. 1 1 8 H i s i n s t r u c t i o n s were t o let the n o m a r c h s c o n t i n u e t o rule t h e i r districts i n accordance w i t h long-established t r a d i t i o n b u t t o e x t r a c t t r i b u t e f r o m t h e m , w h i c h they f o r t h e i r p a r t were ordered t o pay. So successful was he t h a t A l e x a n d e r soon established h i m as governor o f E g y p t , the equivalent o f a Persian s a t r a p . 119 I n t h a t capacity he r u l e d E g y p t f r o m A l e x a n d r i a u n t i l 3 2 3 / 3 2 2 . A f t e r Alexander's death, however, w h e n P t o l e m y g o t E g y p t as his o w n satrapy, Kleomenes was d e m o t e d t o deputy governor. 120 Ptolemy, however, h a d n o i n t e n t i o n of r e t a i n i n g so a m b i t i o u s a n d unscrupulous an a d m i n i s t r a t o r , whose reduced p o s i t i o n 15 16 INTRODUCTION was an open i n v i t a t i o n t o conspiracy: indeed, r u m o r h a d i t t h a t K l e o menes was already i n secret c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h Ptolemy's bete n o i r e , Perdiccas. I t is, t h e n , n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a l m o s t as soon as P t o l e m y ar r i v e d i n E g y p t , he h a d Kleomenes arrested a n d e x e c u t e d . 121 Inspection of the treasury revealed t h a t his predecessor h a d managed t o amass n o less t h a n eight t h o u s a n d talents d u r i n g his years i n o f f i c e . 122 A great deal o f this m o n e y h a d been acquired by m a n i p u l a t ing the g r a i n m a r k e t . Demosthenes (or w h o e v e r w r o t e the speech against D i o n y s o d o r o s ) d r a w s a graphic p i c t u r e o f p r i c e - f i x i n g a n d resale deals by a cartel consisting o f m e n w h o were a l l "subordinates a n d confeder ates" o f K l e o m e n e s . 123 F u r t h e r details are p r o v i d e d by the pseudo- A r i s t o t e l i a n Oeconomical w h i c h n o t o n l y confirms the price-fixing charges b u t gives us a glimpse of Kleomenes' other activities. I n p a r t i c u lar, he was responsible f o r i m p l e m e n t i n g Alexander's r e l o c a t i o n policy, w h i c h i n c l u d e d the area o f Canopus, together w i t h its p u b l i c m a r k e t . H i s dealings w i t h the priests a n d p r o p e r t y owners are i n s t r u c t i v e . First he a n n o u n c e d he w o u l d transfer t h e m . T h e y t h e n b r i b e d h i m t o leave the m a r k e t w h e r e i t was. H e a c c e p t e d — u n t i l the b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l was ready. T h e n he r e t u r n e d a n d demanded a vast s u m , " w h i c h he said rep resented the difference t o h i m between h a v i n g the m a r t near the Pharos a n d at C a n o p u s . " W h e n they t o l d h i m this was impossible, he trans ferred t h e m anyway. (Readers o f The Alexandria Quartet w i l l at once recognize a s p i r i t u a l ancestor of M e m l i k Pasha.) A l l the anecdotes c o n cerning h i m e x e m p l i f y his ingenious ways o f e x t r a c t i n g m o n e y f r o m the u n w i l l i n g a n d the u n w a r y . N o n e o f t h i s , clearly, b o t h e r e d A l e x a n d e r , w h o was quite h a p p y as l o n g as Kleomenes d i d his j o b efficiently a n d remained l o y a l . T h e governor, f o r his p a r t , made sure t h a t A l e x a n d e r g o t the lion's share of any profits (one e x t r a c t f r o m a letter he w r o t e t o the k i n g lists s m o k e d q u a i l a n d thrushes by the t h o u s a n d ) . 125 T o w a r d the end of his life A l e x ander w r o t e t o Kleomenes, i n s t r u c t i n g h i m t o erect a shrine t o Hephaist i o n — " o f vast size a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d m a g n i f i c e n c e " — o n the island of Pharos, name i t after H e p h a i s t i o n , a n d issue a decree o b l i g i n g business contracts t o have Hephaistion's name w r i t t e n i n t o t h e m . D o t h i s , A l e x ander c o n c l u d e d , " a n d any w r o n g y o u have done i n the past, I w i l l par don, a n d i n the future, however y o u m a y err, y o u w i l l suffer n o h a r m from me." 1 2 6 T h i s a t t i t u d e p r o f o u n d l y shocked the respectable A r r i a n , w h o characterizes Kleomenes (quite justifiably) as "a bad m a n w h o h a d perpetrated m a n y injustices i n E g y p t " a n d c a n n o t b r i n g himself " t o ap prove such a mandate f r o m a great k i n g t o a person r u l i n g over so w i d e an area a n d so m a n y p e o p l e . " 1 2 7 Yet, l i k e h i m o r n o t , this was the m a n w h o g u i d e d a n d f o r m e d A l e x a n d r i a t h r o u g h the first c r u c i a l decade o f the city's existence, and we can be c e r t a i n t h a t he left his o w n i d i o s y n c r a t i c stamp o n Alexander's Green o r i g i n a l plans. I t seems clear t h a t one o f the first t h i n g s Kleomenes es t a b l i s h e d i n A l e x a n d r i a — j u s t as w e m i g h t expect, c o n s i d e r i n g his c o m mercial instincts—was a functioning m i n t . 1 2 8 H i s dealings i n g r a i n s h o w t h a t r i g h t f r o m the start the n e w f o u n d a t i o n f o r m e d a n a t u r a l e n t r e p o t for East-West trade. M e r c a n t i l e requirements suggest t h a t the h a r b o r s a n d d o c k s — a n d , n a t u r a l l y , the H e p t a s t a d i o n — h a d p r i o r i t y w h e n i t came t o c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k , a l o n g w i t h the c i t y w a l l s . A l e x a n d e r ' s palace a n d the shrine o f Serapis w e r e , s i m i l a r l y , features t h a t n o p r u d e n t gover n o r w o u l d neglect. Nevertheless, i t is w o r t h e m p h a s i z i n g t h a t at the t i m e of Kleomenes' death none o f the m a j o r features w e associate w i t h A l e x a n d r i a — t h e Pharos, the M o u s e i o n , the L i b r a r y , the r o y a l m a u soleum (Sema), the m o r e e x t r a v a g a n t palaces—had even been started. T h e cross f o r m e d by the t w o great c e n t r a l t h o r o u g h f a r e s m u s t have been i n place, b u t m a n y smaller streets a n d alleys were left t o evolve at r a n d o m , w i t h l i t t l e regard f o r the o r t h o g o n a l g r i d . 1 2 9 T h i s n a t u r a l d e v i a t i o n f r o m r e c t i l i n e a r consistency m a y have been responsible i n p a r t f o r the persistent d e n i g r a t i o n o f M a h m o u d Bey's pioneer w o r k i n p l o t t i n g the remains o f the ancient city. H e , l i k e a l m o s t every scholar since, assumed t h a t the street p l a n was absolutely regular t h r o u g h o u t . T h e m o s t t r e n c h a n t c r i t i c i s m came f r o m D . G . H o g a r t h , w h o , w i t h E. F. Benson, excavated briefly i n A l e x a n d r i a i n 1 8 9 5 . 1 3 0 Eh s chief c o m p l a i n t (apart f r o m generalized sneers at M a h m o u d Bey's ama teur status, incompetence, a n d lack o f experience) was t h a t the o r i e n t a t i o n o f streets o n M a h m o u d Bey's m a p c o u l d n o t be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h t h a t of w a l l s a n d pavement f o u n d by H o g a r t h h i m s e l f . 131 Since b o t h m e n be lieved i n a s t r i c t a x i a l g r i d , i t is easy t o see h o w this m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g came a b o u t ; b u t i t was d o u b l y u n f o r t u n a t e i n t h a t H o g a r t h ' s strictures m e a n t t h a t M a h m o u d Bey's w o r k was a l m o s t w h o l l y neglected u n t i l very recent times. N o w , however, e x c a v a t i o n has t o a s u r p r i s i n g degree v i n d i cated his o r i g i n a l p l a n . 1 3 2 We still k n o w very l i t t l e a b o u t early A l e x a n d r i a i n archaeological terms; b u t w h a t w e d o k n o w — f o r e x a m p l e , t h a t the C a n o p i c W a y f o l l o w e d the line o f m o d e r n rue Rosette, t o d a y the Sharia H o r r e y a — 1 3 3 we owe largely t o M a h m o u d Bey. I f w e have succeeded t o any degree i n rescuing A l e x a n d e r ' s A l e x a n d r i a f r o m m y t h , this is scarcely due t o the e p o n y m o u s f o u n d e r himself, w h o s e m a i n c o n t r i b u t i o n was t o a d d some h i g h l y p o t e n t m y t h s o f his o w n . As H o g a r t h p i t h i l y r e m i n d s us, A l e x a n d e r "stayed i n the N i l e V a l l e y just a b o u t the t i m e t h a t a n o r d i n a r y t o u r i s t spends o n a single v i s i t , a n d he never r e t u r n e d t o i t except as a n e m b a l m e d corpse." 1 3 4 I n death he ceased t o be a t o u r i s t , a n d became a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n . P t o l e m y Soter d i v e r t e d the funeral procession a n d i n effect h i j a c k e d A l e x a n d e r ' s b o d y t o E g y p t , w h e r e i t r e m a i n e d o n p e r m a n e n t display (rather l i k e L e n i n i n R e d Square), first i n a g o l d coffin a n d t h e n ( w h e n a later P t o l e m y s o l d t h a t f o r cash t o pay mercenaries) i n a replacement o f 17 18 INTRODUCTION glass o r alabaster. Julius Caesar m e d i t a t e d over h i m . Augustus acciden t a l l y b r o k e off a b i t o f his nose. C a l i g u l a stole his breastplate f o r per sonal use. Septimius Severus restricted access t o the t o m b . Caracalla, i n an u n w o n t e d l y generous gesture, t o o k off his o w n p u r p l e toga, his rings, a n d jewels a n d placed t h e m o n the bier ( A . D . 2 1 5 ) . A f t e r t h a t , o b l i v i o n . T h e t o m b , its occupant, a n d the palace area generally were p r o b a b l y destroyed a b o u t A . D . 2 7 3 , d u r i n g the disturbances o f Aurelian's reign. A c e n t u r y later J o h n C h r y s o s t o m is asking, r h e t o r i c a l l y : " T e l l me, w h e r e is Alexander's t o m b ? Show me, tell me the day o n w h i c h i t ceased t o exist!" 1 3 5 Despite t h i s , f r o m a n t i q u i t y t o the present day h o p e f u l fanta sists have c o n t i n u e d t o search f o r the M a c e d o n i a n conqueror's last rest i n g place: Alexander's p o s t h u m o u s charisma ( w h i c h so i n h i b i t e d his successors t h a t they h e l d c o u n c i l meetings i n the presence o f his e m p t y throne and regalia l36 ) still retains a l l its o l d m a g n e t i s m . 137 T h e quest has m o s t l y concentrated o n the mosque o f the p r o p h e t D a n i e l o n N a b i D a n i e l Street, the presumptive site o f the Sema. Despite the archaeolo gists' flatly negative undeterred. 139 findings, 138 o p t i m i s t s , m o s t l y amateurs, continue M y o w n favorite " s i g h t i n g " is one w h i c h Forster records, by a d r a g o m a n o f the Russian Consulate ( " p r o b a b l y a l i a r , " Forster m i l d l y c o m m e n t s ) w h o i n 1 8 5 0 c l a i m e d t o have seen t h r o u g h a hole i n a w o o d e n d o o r "a h u m a n b o d y i n a sort o f glass cage w i t h a d i a d e m o n its head a n d h a l f b o w e d o n a sort of elevation o r t h r o n e . A q u a n t i t y o f b o o k s o r papyrus were scattered a r o u n d . " 1 4 0 W i s h f u l t h i n k i n g is a great p r o m o t e r o f visions. We k n o w a l i t t l e of Alexander's plans f o r A l e x a n d r i a ; we k n o w v i r t u a l l y n o t h i n g o f its u l t i m a t e i m p o r t a n c e i n his scheme o f things h a d he l i v e d , m u c h less h o w close a resemblance ( i f any) the shape t h a t the c i t y finally assumed bore t o the v i s i o n he h a d i n m i n d as he strode a b o u t the site at R h a k o t i s , architects a n d aides s c r a m b l i n g b e h i n d h i m , d r i b b l i n g trails o f barley meal over d a r k soil a n d limestone o u t c r o p p i n g s (cf. p . 12 above). V i c t o r Ehrenberg's r o m a n t i c a s s u m p t i o n 141 that Alex ander p l a n n e d t o m a k e A l e x a n d r i a - b y - E g y p t the c a p i t a l o f his empire is w h o l l y u n s u p p o r t e d by evidence a n d u n l i k e l y i n the extreme: the c a p i t a l , as has often been said, was wherever A l e x a n d e r happened t o be, his n o t i o n o f i m p e r i a l rule being (to p u t i t k i n d l y ) d y n a m i c rather t h a n static. Even Fraser's c l a i m t h a t he " c o n t i n u e d t o take an interest i n the c i t y u n t i l he d i e d " rests o n n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the king's request f o r an outsize m o n u m e n t t o H e p h a i s t i o n a n d his awareness o f Kleomenes' peccadilloes (p. 16 a b o v e ) . 142 financial A l e x a n d e r never saw A l e x a n d r i a i n his life t i m e , even t h o u g h he became the city's resident daimon once he was dead. C o u l d he m i r a c u l o u s l y have come back t o see w h a t h a d been done i n his name, w o u l d he have a p p r o v e d w h a t he saw? T h e c i t y indeed became large a n d p o p u l o u s , t h o u g h w i t h a Green r i b a l d c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m t h a t m i g h t have disconcerted h i m , since his n o t i o n s o f fusion always left the M a c e d o n i a n s f i r m l y i n charge. O n t h a t score the Ptolemaic c o u r t a n d the A l e x a n d r i a n bureaucracy, w h i l e allay i n g his fears, w o u l d also have aroused his p u r i t a n a n t i p a t h y t o l u x u r y a n d self-indulgence. T h e h a r b o r s , docks, canals, a n d c i t y w a l l s p r o b a b l y t u r n e d o u t m u c h as he h a d envisaged t h e m . T h e Pharos w o u l d have pleased his taste f o r p r a c t i c a l science w h i l e also a p p e a l i n g t o his sense of g i g a n t i s m . A r i s t o t l e ' s p u p i l , w h o h a d t a k e n endless geographers, b o t a nists, a n d h i s t o r i a n s w i t h h i m o n his conquest o f the East, can h a r d l y have failed t o approve o f the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y , t h o u g h the b a c k b i t i n g antics o f its resident faculty w o u l d n o m o r e have appealed t o h i m t h a n they d i d t o T i m o n o f Phlius w h e n he w r o t e : " I n the p o l y g l o t l a n d of E g y p t m a n y n o w find pasturage as e n d o w e d scribblers, endlessly q u a r r e l i n g i n the M u s e s ' b i r d c a g e . " 1 4 3 W h e r e I suspect he w o u l d have felt m o s t alien f r o m the A l e x a n d r i a o f later m y t h is i n the solipsistic sexual p h a n t a s m a g o r i a t h a t p r o v e d so p o t e n t a s t i m u l u s t o Forster, Cavafy, a n d D u r r e l l — o r , f o r the m a t t e r o f t h a t , t o K a l l i m a c h o s . Despite H e p h a i s t i o n ( w h o m Cavafy, f o r one, w o u l d have dismissed as the m o s t s t u n n i n g o f square bores), despite the Persian e u n u c h Bagoas—so t a n t a l i z i n g l y r o m a n t i c i z e d by M a r y Re n a u l t — A l e x a n d e r w o u l d surely have f o u n d the "great wine-press o f l o v e , " n o t least its too-seductive dregs, b o t h repellent a n d t e r r i f y i n g . I n a m o m e n t o f u n g u a r d e d c a n d o r he once declared t h a t he was never so c o n scious o f his o w n m o r t a l i t y as w h e n asleep o r i n the act o f s e x . 144 Of fered t w o b e a u t i f u l boys, he asked the d o n o r w h a t shameful q u a l i t y he h a d perceived i n his k i n g t h a t he s h o u l d m a k e such f o u l proposals. Sol diers g u i l t y o f rape he ordered p u t t o death "as w i l d beasts b o r n f o r the d e s t r u c t i o n o f m a n k i n d . " Persian w o m e n he described as " i r r i t a n t s t o the eyes." 1 4 5 So r n u c h f o r Justine, D u r r e l l ' s c h i l d p r o s t i t u t e s , a n d the seedier denizens o f the rue Lepsius. Perhaps, h a d A l e x a n d e r l i v e d , the c i t y he f o u n d e d at the crossroads o f East a n d West m i g h t have assumed a dif ferent character. Perhaps: b u t at heart I d o u b t i t . T h e m e l t i n g p o t o f a l l n a t i o n s p r o v e d as m y t h i c a l l y d u r a b l e as its f o u n d e r , even t h r o w i n g u p , i n C l e o p a t r a v n , a figure whose b r i l l i a n c e a n d c h a r i s m a m a t c h e d A l e x a n der's o w n . O n l y by t u r n i n g back t o E g y p t c o u l d the m u l t i r a c i a l spell be b r o k e n : a n d f o r t h a t the c i t y h a d t o w a i t over t w o m i l l e n n i a . 1 4 6 The University of Texas at Austin A U S T I N , T E X A S 19 20 INTRODUCTION Notes 1 S. D a r i s , " A l e s s a n d r i a d ' E g i t t o : u n m i t o ? " 10 I I 2 C f . J. L . P i n c h i n , Alexandria rell and Cavafy 3 Forster (note 3 above), p p . 9 5 - 9 6 . 45 (1990): 1 0 3 - 2 0 . Paideia Still: Forster, Dur- C f . M . M a n z a l a o u i , "Curate's Egg: A n A l e x a n d r i a n O p i n i o n o f D u r r e l P s Quartet," (Princeton 1977). E x p o u n d e d w i t h clarity a n d w i t by E. M . For 12 ster i n w h a t B o n a m y D o b r e e o n c e d e s c r i b e d Etudes 15.3 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 2 4 8 - 6 0 . Anglaises G a l e n Comm. in Hipp. Epidem. i i i (cited at l e n g t h b y Fraser, 11 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p . 4 8 0 ) . as " s u r e l y t h e best g u i d e - b o o k ever w r i t t e n " : Alexandria: A History and a Guide, introduc 13 H . v o n S t a d e n , Herophilus: t i o n b y L . D u r r e l l (rev. e d . , N e w Y o r k 1 9 8 2 ) , cine in Early pp. 7 9 - 8 2 . ch. The Art of Medi (Cambridge 1989), Alexandria 6, p p . 1 3 8 - 5 3 ; G r e e n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 5 9 - 6 0 w i t h f u r t h e r refs. 4 I a m t h i n k i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y o f the strange p o e m 'kTTokeiireiP b debs 'APTCOPLOP, its title a n d t h e m e t a k e n f r o m P l u t a r c h ' s Life (ch. of 14 Antony A . L . U d o v i t c h , " L ' e n i g m e d ' A l e x a n d r i e : Sa p o s i t i o n a u m o y e n age d ' a p r e s les d o c u m e n t s de l a 7 5 ) , i n w h i c h t h e defeated R o m a n hears G e n i z a d u C a i r e , " Revue aoparos OCaaog pa ireppa jme jmovaLKeg man de VOccident musul- 46 (1987): 7 1 - 7 9 . et de la Mediterranee egaicnes, /me cfrcoves—a s i g n t h a t t h e g o d " t o w h o m he m o s t l i k e n e d a n d a t t a c h e d h i m s e l f " 15 Forster (note 3 above), p p . 6 2 , 8 4 . 16 Ps.-Call. 1 . 4 - 1 2 , 3 . 2 5 - 2 6 , 1 . 2 9 - 3 0 , 2.38 (ed. was a b a n d o n i n g h i m . 5 H e r o d . Mim. 1.29: c f . P. G r e e n , Alexander H . V a n T h i e l ) . T h e best a v a i l a b l e t r a n s l a t i o n s i n to E n g l i s h are t h o s e b y K e n D o w d e n , (rev. e d . , B e r k e l e y 1 9 9 3 ) , p . 2 4 5 . Actium Ancient 6 T h e i d e a is E r n e s t G e l l n e r ' s : see h i s r e v i e w a r ley t i c l e " T h e M i g h t i e r Pen? E d w a r d Said a n d t h e The Greek Novels, Collected e d . B . P. R e a r d o n ( B e r k e 1989), p p . 6 5 0 - 7 3 5 , a n d by R. Stoneman, Greek Alexander (London 1991). Romance D o u b l e Standards o f Inside-Out C o l o n i a l i s m , " Times Literary Supplement 4 6 9 0 (19 February 17 A m m . Marc. 22.16.9-11. 18 Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 1 0 ( C . 7 9 1 - 9 5 ) . 19 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 3~4- Gellner continues: " N o d o u b t i t 993) 1 : w a s easier t o find a t t r a c t i v e h o m o s e x u a l p a r t ners i n B i s k r a t h a n a m o n g t h e haute geoisie protestante, bour b u t t h i s does n o t m e a n t h a t t h e A l g e r i a n oasis w a s a r e s i d u e o f a n c i e n t above), p p . 1 2 - 1 3 n . 2 9 . M e d i t e r r a n e a n sensuous h a r m o n y , l i b e r t y a n d f u l f i l l m e n t . " N o r , he m i g h t h a v e a d d e d , w a s t h e 20 D i o d . Sic. 1 . 5 0 . 6 - 7 : ol Kara TO egrjs ancient Mediterranean. M u t a t i s mutandis, the fiacrikevcroLVTes same c r i t i c i s m c a n be l e v e l e d a t b o t h C a v a f y €(f>LAoTL/jirj9rjaap els TTJP ravTTjg avgrjaLP. and Durrell. fiep yap rfjs AiyviTTOv fiavikeiois irdpreg pueyakoirpeTrecrip, P€(op£oL<; xal Xiixecriv ol 6 ' erepotg 7 P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Kal vol. 1 (Ox KaTaaKevdajuLaatP Toaovrop 18 (hereafter " F r a s e r , 1 " a n d " F r a s e r , 11"). T h e irkeCaTOLq 7rp(orr]p rj Sevrepap R o m a n prefect's t i t l e w a s Praefectus Kara dreae et Aegypti, TTJP OIKOV/UL€PT)P adrijp apadrjtiao-i irrl (bare irapa ford 1972), p . 107; v o l . 2, p p . 1 9 6 - 9 7 n n . 1 1 0 Alexan- iKda/mrjcrap d^tok&yoig ol ol 8e TOIS apiQpuelcrdai TWP irokeiop. and Romans i n Alexandria w r i t e o f t r a v e l i n g to E g y p t ( m u c h as a m o d e r n 21 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 . 22 I b i d . C f . also M . R o d z i e w i c z , " L e d e b a t s u r l a G r e e k w o u l d s p e a k o f g o i n g to E u r o p e ) . 8 P l u t . Alex. 2 6 . 1 0 ; S t e p h . B y z . s.v. t o p o g r a p h i e de l a v i l l e a n t i q u e , " R e v u e de AAegapSpeat. T h e seers t o l d A l e x a n d e r t o be o f g o o d cheer: cident 7rokvapK€(TTctTTJP yap oiKi^eaQai (1987): 3 9 - 4 8 . avrov, Kal 7ravra8a7T(bv TTOXIV V7r y musulman et de la Mediterranee I'Oc 46 OLvQpojTTiQV io-ojtieprjp 23 rpo<f)6p. H o w m u c h w o u l d h a v e c o m e d o w n t o us even g r a n t e d o p t i m u m p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r sur 9 L . D u r r e l l , Justine p. 1 4 . ( L o n d o n 1957, repr. 1985), v i v a l r e m a i n s a m a t t e r f o r d e b a t e . I t is a c u r i o u s fact that documents referring t o A l e x a n d r i a Green f r o m elsewhere i n E g y p t o n l y begin a b o u t the middle o f the reign of Ptolemy 35 H o g a r t h (note 29 above), p . 54. 36 Arrian 37 C u r t . 4 . 7 . 4 - 5 ; A r r i a n 3.1.2. Philadelphos ( 2 8 3 - 2 4 6 ) , that is, i n the m i d - t h i r d century 3.1.1-3. (Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p . 6; Fraser, 11 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p p . 9 - 1 0 n . 2 3 ) ; w h e t h e r t h i s is e v i dence f o r t h e s l o w b u r e a u c r a t i c g r o w t h o f t h e capital, o r (more likely) f o r the gradual exten s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a n c o n t r o l o v e r t h e chora, 38 re P s . - C a l l . 1.34: evedpoviacrav avrbv AlyvTTTioi . . . dig AlyvTTTiov ol fiacnAea. mains uncertain. 39 24 40 i l l u m i n a t i n g article " A l e x a n d r i a f r o m M o C u r t . 4 . 7 . 5 : a Memphi h a m m e d A l i to G a m a l A b d a l Nasser," i n ad interiora N . H i n s k e , e d . , Alexandrien: bus ita ut nihil gen dreier Jahrtausende mediterranen Kulturbegegnun- im Schmelztiegel mutaret einer P l u t . Alex. Kara 9 . 1 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v. 'kke£;av8peiai 41 A r r i a n 7 . 2 3 . 7 ; cf. A . B . B o s w o r t h , Conquest and Empire: the of Alexander Great 42 (Cambridge 1988), pp. 2 4 6 - 4 7 . 27 Studies y$th Presented Societies to Victor and Institutions: Ehrenberg on His ( O x f o r d 1966), pp. 3 7 - 6 9 , Birthday louis uectus, Hammonis rr)v ALJVTTTOV oraculum esse Aegypti sta- 8e ra els "A/xyLiw^o?. irpor)\6ev condidit re more ab Hammone, et coloniam Macedonum iubet. P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 0 - 3 1 , esp. 1 . 3 0 . 5 : KrC£e irokiv 7T€pC(f)7JJilOl> VTTEp HpQ)T7]C8a VTjCTOV. E. Badian, " A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d the Greeks o f A s i a , " i n Ancient flumine compositisque Aegyptiorum J u s t . 1 1 . 1 1 . 1 - 2 , 1 3 : reuersus caput The Reign eodem penetrat, ex patrio adire Alexandream (no. 3); T h e o p o m p u s fr. 110. 26 Aegypti tuit; D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 : Karaarrjaag (Mainz a m Rhein Grofistadt 1981), pp. 6 3 - 7 4 . 25 A r r i a n 3.1.4. O f especial v a l u e i n t h i s c o n t e x t is P. M . Fraser's 43 A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 - 2 . 2 , 3 . 3 . i f f . ; P l u t . Alex. 26 passim. 44 C . B r a d f o r d W e l l e s , " T h e D i s c o v e r y o f Sarapis and the Foundation o f A l e x a n d r i a , " esp. p . 4 8 . Historia (Wiesbaden) 1 1 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 2 7 1 - 9 8 . T h o u g h I re 28 P. G r e e n , Alexander A Historical 356-323 of Macedon, Biography g a r d h i s f u n d a m e n t a l p r e m i s e as m i s c o n c e i v e d , BC: I w o u l d e m p h a s i z e t h a t t h e r e is a g r e a t d e a l o f (Berkeley 1991), pp. 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 , 2 4 2 - 4 3 ; A . R. Burn, o r i g i n a l v a l u a b l e s c h o l a r s h i p i n Welles's a r t i c l e "Notes o n Alexander's Campaigns, o n points of detail. B C , " Journal of Hellenic Studies 332-330 72 (1952): 81-91. 45 A . B. Bosworth, "Errors i n A r r i a n , " Quarterly 29 Classical 26 (1976): 136 n. 102. D . G . H o g a r t h , " A l e x a n d e r i n E g y p t a n d Some C o n s e q u e n c e s , " Journal ogy 2 ( 1 9 1 5 ) : of Egyptian Archaeol 46 53-60. See, e.g., E . N . B o r z a , Historia P. M . Fraser, Opuscula 16 (1967): 3 6 9 ; 7 (1967): Atheniensia 30 n . 27. 30 A . T . O l m s t e a d , A History pire of the Persian Em (Chicago 1948), p p . 4 3 6 - 3 7 . 47 C f . H . W . P a r k e , Greek Oracles (London 1 9 6 7 ) , c h . 5, " O r a c l e s a n d C o l o n i s a t i o n , " p p . 4 4 f f . , esp. p . 4 5 . 3I B o s w o r t h (note 26 above), p . 6 8 . 32 A r r i a n 3.1.1; Curt. 4.7.2. 48 O l m s t e a d (note 30 above), p p . 4 3 7 - 4 0 . I n 49 33 a d d i t i o n t o l o o t i n g the temples a n d c o m m i t t i n g A r r i a n 3.1.4. A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 , €v8aC/mova; P l u t . Alex. jmeyaArjv Kal iroAvavOpcoirov, 26.4, D i o d . Sic. o t h e r o u t r a g e s , O c h u s d r o v e i n t o e x i l e t h e last 1 7 . 5 2 . 1 , juLeyaArjv; C u r t . 4 . 8 . 2 , magnae n a t i v e p h a r a o h , N e k t a n e b o ( N e k h t - h a r - h e b i ) 11 V i t r u v . 11 praef. 1.4, portum naturaliter sedis; tutum. — l a t e r t o u t e d i n m y t h as t h e f a t h e r o f A l e x a n der (see p . 5 a b o v e ) . 34 50 D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 1 - 2 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 1 ; P. A . B r u n t , Arrian, vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass. p . 2 2 3 n . 3. 1976), 51 A r r i a n 4 . 1 . 3 - 4 , 24.7; 6.15.2, 22.3; 7.31.7. F o r a useful s u r v e y o f N a u k r a t i s , see J. B o a r d m a n , The Greeks Colonies Overseas: and Trade, Their Early 3 r d ed. ( N e w Y o r k 1980), 21 22 INTRODUCTION pp. 117-34, w i t h further bib. For a description θάλασσαν, o f t h e e m p o r i u m i n t h e A r c h a i c p e r i o d , cf. H d t . ϋποδεΐξαι καλείται δέ υπόνομος <αύτόν> διά τό ταϋτα. 2.178-79, w i t h the commentary o f A . B . L l o y d , Herodotus Book 11: Commentary (Lei 99-182 63 d e n 1988), p p . 2 2 2 - 3 1 . C f . R . C a v e n a i l e , " P o u r u n e h i s t o i r e p o l i t i q u e et sociale d ' A l e x a n d r i e : Les o r i g i n e s , " 52 P l u t . Alex. τόπον 26.4: λέγουσι γνώμη 53 yap δτι . . . τίνα των αρχιτεκτόνων διεμετρεΐτο καϊ όσον ούδέπω 64 περιέβαλλεν. Η . Berve, Das Alexanderreich graphischer UAntiquite 4 1 (1972): 9 4 - 1 1 2 . Classique 28 a b o v e ) , 2 4 7 - 6 3 , w i t h t e s t i m o n i a t h e r e c i t e d . auf prosopo- 65 v o l . 2 ( M u n i c h 1926), Grundlage, F o r t h e siege o f T y r e i n g e n e r a l , see G r e e n ( n o t e S t r a b o 17.1.6, C.792, w h o i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n i n f o r m s us t h a t o r i g i n a l l y i t p . 210, n o . 4 3 1 , asserts t h a t K l e o m e n e s " v e r - also served as a n a q u e d u c t t o P h a r o s . m u t l i c h der hochsten Finanzaristokratie v o n Naukratis angehort [hat]." 66 A m m . M a r c . 22.16.10: beptastadium credenda 54 I b i d . , v o l . 1, p p . 8 5 - 1 0 0 , assembles t h e celeritate, sicut ita magnitudine mira uix con- struxit. evidence. 67 55 C u r t . 4 . 8 . 1 - 2 : contemplatus loci naturam, pri- mum urbem con- in ipsa insula statuerat dere; inde ut apparuit baud capacem est magnae esse, elegit nouam sedis urbi locum, 68 C f . C a v e n a i l e ( n o t e 63 a b o v e ) : io3ff. S t r a b o 17.1.6, C . 792: κατοικίαν insulam εδοσαν ubi νυν μεν τής Άλεξανδρέων nunc Alexandrea. τό ύπερκείμενον υπήρχε- 56 P l u t . Alex. 26.7: ειπών ως "Ομηρος τά τ ' άλλα θαυμαστός καϊ ην άρα τους ή έστι μέρος τότε τής κώμης δυναμένοις έξωθεν αύτοϊς Ψακώτιν, πόλεως των νεωρίων, τά δέ κύκλω παρέδοσαν, σοφώτατος <5' την προσαγορευομένην δέ κώμη βουκόλοις και αύτοΐς κωλύειν επίοντας. αρχιτέκτων. 69 57 P s . - C a l l . 1.31.2, best s t u d i e d i n t h e t e x t a n d O n A l e x a n d e r ' s r e l a t i o n s w i t h Serapis, see commentary provided by A . Ausfeld, " Z u r W e l l e s ( n o t e 44 a b o v e ) : 283ΓΪ. Topographie v o n A l e x a n d r i a u n d Pseudokallisthenes 1 3 1 - 3 3 , " Rbeiniscbes 58 D i o d . Sic. 17.52.2. C f . R . M a r t i n , dans la Grece Philologie L'Urbanisme fiir C f . also Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 - 6 ; (Paris 1956), p p . 4 2 - 4 3 . antique Museum 55 (1900): 3 4 8 - 8 4 , esp. p p . 3 5 0 - 5 3 . Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7 η . i 8 . I a m n o more convinced than was M a r t i n that t h e o r i e n t a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s street p l a n h a d a r e l i g i o u s o r r i t u a l significance. 70 See Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 n . 2 1 , f o r a g o o d b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l survey o f the scholarship 59 D i o d . Sic. 17.52.3, 4: τον μεν αυτής ϋπεστήσατο καϊ κατά την όχυρότητα κατασκευάσαι βάρος 60 των θαυμαστά o n these t a n t a l i z i n g u n d e r w a t e r r u i n s . T h e C r e διαφέροντα θαυμάσιον <5' ο "Αλέξανδρος προσέταξεν περίβολον τψ τε μεγέθει και κατά t a n c o n n e c t i o n w a s first a d v a n c e d b y R . W e i l l , . . . " L e s p o r t s a n t e h e l l e n i q u e s de l a c o t e d ' A l e x a n βασίλεια d r i e et l ' e m p i r e c r e t o i s , " Bulletin de Frangais 16 (1919): τό μέγεθος και έ'ργων. M a h m o u d Bey, Memoire sur Vantique Alexan- 71 [Caes.] Bell. quibus Alex. 5.1: Alexandrea est fere babet pertinentis, specusque aqua Llnstitut See i n p a r t i c u l a r M . S. V e n i t , " T w o E a r l y C o r i n t h i a n A l a b a s t r a i n A l e x a n d r i a , " Journal Egyptian suffossa Orientale 1-37· drie ( C o p e n h a g e n 1872), p p . 2 9 - 3 2 . 61 d'Archeologie in priuatas a Nilo domus of 61 (1985): 1 8 3 - 8 9 ; ear l i e r b i b . i n Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 6 n . 16. tota 72 inducitur. Archaeology H d t . 2.30; T h u c . 1.104.1, w i t h t h e a n a l y s i s o f C a v e n a i l e ( n o t e 63 a b o v e ) : 1 0 3 - 5 . 62 P s . - C a l l . 1.31: T h e adviser's n a m e is g i v e n as H y p o n o m o s ( t h o u g h t h i s m a y be n o m o r e t h a n t h e excuse f o r a n a e t i o l o g i c a l p u n ) : συνεβουλεύσεν θεμελίων πόρους κτίσαι, τω Άλεξάνδρω εν αυτή και όχετηγούς την πόλιν δέ και έπιρρέοντας 73 ούτος See, e.g., D i o d . Sic. 17.52.3; P l u t . Alex. S t r a b o 17.1.8, C . 793; P l i n . NH 26.8; 5.62. εκ ύδρηγούς εις την 74 F. B . T a r b e l l , " T h e F o r m o f t h e C h l a m y s , " sical Philology Clas 1 (1906): 2 8 3 - 8 9 , esp. 2 8 4 - 8 5 . Green 75 S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 3 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v. Αλεξάνδρεαι 90 1 7 . 5 2 . 3 ( 4 0 stades X 1 p l e t h r o n ) ; J o s e p h . Jud. P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 3 - 1 - 4 , 8. ( 3 4 X 8 stades); D i o d . Sic. 2.16.4 ( 3 ° x 1 stades); P l i n . NH 0 Bell. 91 See, e.g., W e l l e s ( n o t e 4 4 a b o v e ) : 2 8 2 f f . ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 4 8 6 ° . 5.10 ( 2 4 k m c i r c u m f e r e n c e ) . C f . Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 above), pp. 2 6 - 2 7 η 92 · *>4· S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 , C . 7 9 5 ; cf. M a h m o u d - B e y ( n o t e 6 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 3 - 5 6 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , 76 S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 , C . 7 9 5 : εν ω κήποί καϊ ταφαϊ και καταγωγαϊ των νεκρών προς τε τάς πολλοί p p . 2 6 8 - 7 0 ; Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 84ff. ταριχείας n. 190. έπιτήδειαι. 93 D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 3 - 5 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 1 4 ; P l u t . Alex. 2 7 . 1 ; A r r i a n 3.3.4. 77 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 · 78 A r r i a n 3 . 2 . 1 - 2 ; Plut. 2 6 . 8 - 1 0 ; Curt. 4.8.6; 94 D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 5 ; P m t - Alex. 2 7 . 3 ; cf. C u r t . 4.7.11-12. S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 , C . 7 9 2 a d fin.; P s . - C a l l . 1.32; cf. A m m . M a r c . 2 2 . 1 6 . 7 ; S t e p h . B y z . , s.v. 79 Αλεξάνδρεαι. 95 Welles (note 4 4 above): 2 7 8 - 7 9 w i t h n . 36. I f t h i s is a n e x a m p l e o f A l e x a n d e r ' s a l l e g e d p o l 96 Ps.-Call. 1.32.6. 97 See Fraser, π ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 3 n . 9 , w i t h b i b . 98 A r r i a n 3 . 6 . 1 : άμα icy o f r a c i a l fusion, w e s h o u l d bear i n m i n d t h a t t h e f u s i o n w a s t o be c a r r i e d o u t u n d e r s t r i c t G r a e c o - M a c e d o n i a n o v e r l o r d s h i p : as J u s t i n (note 4 1 above) reports, A l e x a n d r i a — b y E g y p t τω ηρι νποφαίνοντι. R . S. b u t n o t o f i t — w a s t o be n o t o n l y t h e c a p i t a l b u t Bagnall, " T h e Date o f the F o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x "a M a c e d o n i a n c o l o n y . " a n d r i a , " American Journal of Ancient His tory 4 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 4 6 - 4 9 , argues f o r A p r i l 7 o n t h e 80 S t r a b o : την τον περιβόλου κνκλοτερή κόλπον; C u r t i u s : orbem περιτειχισμον; C a l l . : τό περίμετρον ambitus lineales; g r o u n d s t h a t n o A l e x a n d r i a n w o u l d receive a Plut.: γραμμήν; A r r i a n : τον κνκλον t r a d i t i o n a l d a t e i n J a n u a r y t h a t he t h e n c o n . . . τον futuri verted t o T y b i . Perhaps n o t ; b u t this a s s u m p t i o n Ps.- muri; underrates b o t h the c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m o f R o m a n Amm. Marc: τής πόλεως-, S t e p h . B y z . : τό A l e x a n d r i a a n d the fact t h a t the city's f o u n d a σχήμα. t i o n d a t e m u s t have been c o m m o n k n o w l e d g e , 81 C u r t . 4 . 8 . 6 : "ut Macedonum mos est." a n d indeed a p u b l i c h o l i d a y , i n either (adjusted) T h e fact c a l e n d e r . T h e m e t e o r o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e also gives t h a t t h i s c u s t o m is n o t r e p o r t e d e l s e w h e r e does us a t e r m i n u s a n t e q u e r n ( F e b r u a r y at t h e latest, n o t offer p r i m a facie g r o u n d s f o r r e j e c t i n g i t . I w o u l d judge): I a m not convinced that Arrian's 82 A r r i a n 3 . 1 . 5 : καϊ επί ιερά καλά τούτοις έθύετο, και p h r a s e c i t e d a b o v e is as v a g u e l y flexible as B a g τά n a l l w o u l d l i k e i t t o be. T h e f a c t t h a t A l e x a n d e r έφαίνετο. could, i n t h e o r y , have left M e m p h i s as late as 83 Arrian 3.2.3-7· A p r i l a n d s t i l l have k e p t his d a t e w i t h d e s t i n y at 84 F o r t h i s e p i s o d e , see A r r i a n 3 . 3 . 1 - 4 . 5 ; C u r t . t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e is a l l a g a i n s t i t . G a u g a m e l a is n o p r o o f t h a t i n f a c t he did; 4 . 7 . 6 - 3 2 ; P l u t . Alex. z6.6-zy; and Diod. 99 Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 - 5 1 . 4 ; J u s t . 1 1 . 1 1 . 2 - 1 2 . A r r i a n 3 . 4 . 4 , cf. C u r t . 4 . 8 . 1 . A . B . B o s w o r t h , A Historical 85 D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 4 9 . 2 - 3 ; C u r t . 4 . 7 . 9 . 86 H o g a r t h (note 29 above): 5 7 - 5 8 . 87 Ps.-Call. 1 . 3 1 - 3 3 passim. of Alexander, Commentary on Arrian's History v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 2 7 4 , has a b r i e f b u t sensible d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p r o b l e m , s u g g e s t i n g , p l a u s i b l y , t h a t A r r i a n m a y w e l l have m i s i n t e r p r e t e d his sources: " I f A r i s t o b u l u s h a d a detailed statement that A l e x a n d e r returned via P a r a e t o n i u m t o Egypt w h i l e Ptolemy said 88 baldly that Alexander returned to M e m p h i s , it Welles (note 44 above): 2 7 5 - 7 6 . w o u l d have been p o s s i b l e f o r h i m t o d r a w a 89 P s . - C a l l . 1 . 3 0 . 5 - 7 : νπέρ προκάθητ' πενταλόφοις έλίσσων. Αιών ΐΐλοντώνιος κορνφαΐσιν ΤΙρωτηίδα αντός ατέρμονα νήσον m i s t a k e n inference f r o m Ptolemy's b r e v i t y a n d I ης άνάσσων assume t h a t t w o r o u t e s w e r e at i s s u e . " I κόσμον 100 D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 5 2 . 6 . M o r e d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t s i n Arrian 3.5.2-7; Curt. 4.8.4-9. 23 24 INTRODUCTION 101 Ps.-Call. 1 . 3 1 . 9 - 1 0 . Geschichte (Munich 1969), Ptolemaios'1 pp. 3 9 - 5 1 . 102 [Caes.] Bell. 5 . 1 ; M a h m o u d - B e y (note 60 Alex. I 18 above), p p . 29ft. A r r i a n 3 . 5 . 4 specifies t h e m o r e l i m i t e d area o f " A r a b i a t o w a r d s H e r o o n p o l i s " ; C u r t . 4.8.5 103 refers t o "eiusdem Ps.-Call. 1.30.6. est"] 104 J u s t . 1 3 . 4 . 1 1 : Cleomenes, qui 107 Aegypto iuncta The natural infer went on. V i t r u v . 2 praef. 4 ; P l i n . NH 5.62; V a l . M a x . I 19 1.4.7, e x t . 1 ; A m m . M a r c . 2 2 . 1 6 . 7 . 106 [ i . e . , "quae Aegyptique." ence is t h a t his a u t h o r i t y w a s e x t e n d e d as t i m e Alexandriam aedificauerat. 105 Africae V i t r u v . ζ praef. [ A r i s t . ] Oecon. 1 3 5 2 1 7 ; A r r i a n , τά μετ' Αλεξ. s 1.5% 2 R o o s ; [ D e m . ] 5 6 . 7 ; Paus. 1.6.3. b 1-4. A m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , he h a d a h a n d i n d e s i g n i n g 120 A r r i a n , i b i d . ; Just. 1 3 . 4 . 1 1 . 121 Paus. 1.6.3. 122 D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 1 4 . 1 . t h e vast n e w t e m p l e o f A r t e m i s at E p h e s o s : S t r a b o 1 4 . 1 . 2 2 - 2 3 , C . 6 4 0 - 4 1 , cf. W . B . D i n s m o o r , The Architecture of Ancient (3rd Greece rev. e d . , L o n d o n 1 9 5 0 ) , p . 2 2 4 . 123 [Dem.] $6.yn. D e m o s t h e n e s is a p p e a l e d t o as a w i t n e s s at t h e close o f t h i s speech (§ 5 0 ) ; b u t i t 108 V i t r u v . 2 praef. 1 - 3 ; P l u t . Alex. has been a r g u e d t h a t his n a m e w a s i n s e r t e d b y a 7 2 . 3 - 7 ; Strabo l a t e r scribe w h e n t h e speech h a d f o u n d a p l a c e 14.1.23, C.641. i n t h e D e m o s t h e n i c c o r p u s . I n a n y case, since 109 V i t r u v . 2 praef. 3: "formationem puto K l e o m e n e s ' t e n u r e o f office is s p o k e n o f as o v e r pro- (§ 7 refers t o t h e ύπηρέται bandam." Κλεομένους I 10 V i t r u v . 2 praef. 4 : Ibi Alexander nomine 111 ciuitatem Alexandriam eum American Society the o n l y a m o n t h o r t w o before Demosthenes' suo flight and death i n 322. constituere. B. R. B r o w n , "Deinokrates and Alexandria," Bulletin, . . . άρξαντος) speech m u s t have been d e l i v e r e d , at t h e earliest, [after n o t i n g t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e site] . . . iussit και συνεργοί του έν τή Αίγύπτω 124 15 of Papyrologists [ A r i s t . ] Oecon. 1352 z.z.^^a-ί, passim; 2.2.39, I 3 5 3 17-1352 s 25, b 1-7. b ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 3 9 - 4 2 . » esp. 4 1 - 4 2 . 125 112 Strabo 17.1.4, C.789. I I3 P l i n y NH 12 6 Deinocrates 5 . 6 2 : metatus est earn . . . ad effigiem [Alexandriam] C i t e d b y A t h e n a e u s , Deipnos. A r r i a n 7 . 2 3 . 6 - 8 : εϊτέτι αφήσω σε τούτου, άμάρτης, Macedonicae ουδέν 9.393c. πρότερον ήμάρτηκας, καϊ τό λοιττόν, πείσγ) £ξ εμού όπηλικον άν άχαρι. chlamydis. 127 I 14 A r r i a n 7.2.3.8, 6: Κλεομένει, ττολλά D i o d . Sic. 1 7 . 5 2 . 3 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 3 . τούτο I 15 άνδρϊ πολλών P s . - C a l l . 1.31 p a s s i m . αδικήματα άρχοντι I 16 C u r t . 4 . 8 . 5 : ex finitimis Alexandream tudine impleuit. iussis urbibus nouam urbem έχω commigrare magna πολλής δέ ανθρώπων επεσταλμένον, άνδρι άδικήσαντι κακω μεν τε και κακω . . . χώρας, εκ βασιλέω- άλλως καϊ έν Αίγύπτω μεγάλου άνδρι, ουκ έπαινέσαι. multi- H o w q u i c k l y was this reloca 128 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 above), p . 10 n . 25. t i o n carried out? Even i f the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n s were s u m m o n e d to build their new homes f r o m scratch o n the l a n d a l l o t t e d t h e m — p r i v a t e en 129 R o d z i e w i c z (note 22 above): 4 5 - 4 6 . 130 D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o f t e r p r i s e at t h e service o f p u b l i c w o r k s — a c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d m u s t have elapsed b e f o r e t h e n e w city was ready for occupation. Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h N o t e For a t h o r o u g h , i f over-kind, study of Kleo- Egypt m e n e s ( r e p r e s e n t e d as t h e v i c t i m o f P t o l e m a i c pp. o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries," I 17 Exploration Fund ( L o n d o n 1895?), 1-33. p r o p a g a n d a : cf. also Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 7 a b o v e ] , p . 7 ) , see J. Seibert, Untersuchungen zur I3I I b i d . , p. 17, where H o g a r t h writes: "For i n - Green έν Αίγύπτω stance, his C a n o p i c Street ( o n w h i c h a l l o f his grille άπείριτα o f streets d e p e n d s ) lies at a n angle w h i c h πολυφύλω δηριόωντες I βιβλιακοί I Μουσέων χαρακϊται έν ταλάρω. fits v e r y i l l w i t h t h e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e w a l l s f o u n d 144 by me to the south o f i t . " P l u t . Alex. θνητός 132 C f . Mor. R o d z i e w i c z (note 22 above): 4 4 - 4 7 : "Des 2 2 . 6 : έλεγε δέ μάλιστα ων εκ του καθεύδειν 65F, και συνιέναι συνουσιάζειν. 717V. f o u i l l e s recentes de p l u s en p l u s n o m b r e u s e s o n t m o n t r e que ce p l a n e t a i t juste et q u e n o u s 145 P l u t . Alex. at a v o n s la le seul p l a n fiable des rues p r i n c i p a l e s " 2 2 . 1 , 4 ; 2 1 . 1 0 : άλγηδόνες ομμάτων ΐίερσίδες. (P- 4 7 ) · 146 I 33 I r e c o r d w i t h grateful t h a n k s the generous help M a h m o u d - B e y ( n o t e 6 0 a b o v e ) , p p . i 8 f f . ; cf. I have h a d i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s p a p e r f r o m n o w Diana Delia, " F r o m Romance to Rhetoric: m y f r i e n d Professor D i a n a D e l i a , w h o p u t her T h e A l e x a n d r i a n L i b r a r y i n C l a s s i c a l a n d Is g r e a t k n o w l e d g e o f A l e x a n d r i a — a n d her re l a m i c T r a d i t i o n s , " American m a r k a b l e c o l l e c t i o n o f r a r e o r inaccessible A l e x Historical Review a n d r i a n s c h o l a r s h i p — f r e e l y at m y d i s p o s a l . 97 (1992): 1456 w i t h n. 26. N a t u r a l l y she is n o t t o be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a n y o f m y e r r o r s o r w i l d e r flights o f fancy. 134 H o g a r t h ( n o t e 29 a b o v e ) : 5 3 . 135 D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 2 6 . 3 , 2 8 . 2 - 4 ; Paus. 1.6.3; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 8 , C . 7 9 4 ; A e l . VH 1 2 . 6 4 ; C u r t . 4 . 6 . 2 9 , cf. L u c a n 1 0 . 1 6 - 5 2 (Caesar); Suet. Div. Aug. 1 8 . 1 ; D i o Cass. 5 1 . 1 6 . 3 - 5 ( A u g u s t u s ) ; Suet. Calig. 52 ( C a l i g u l a ) ; D i o Cass. 7 0 . 1 3 ( S e p t i m i u s Severus); H e r o d i a n 4 . 8 . 9 ( C a r a c a l l a ) ; J o h n C h r y s o s t . Orat. σήμα ήμέραν 136 2 6 . 1 2 : που γάρ, Αλεξάνδρου; καθ' δβϊξόν ήν εϊπέ μοι, μου, καϊ είπε τό τήν έτελεύτησε. C u r t . 1 0 . 6 . 4 ; D i o d . Sic. 1 8 . 6 0 p a s s i m , 1 9 . 1 5 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t . Eum. 1 3 ; N e p . Eum. 7.2-3; Polyaen. 4.8.2. I 37 For a comprehensive (though unevenly docu m e n t e d ) survey, see F a w z i el F a k h a r a n i , " A n Investigation i n t o the V i e w s C o n c e r n i n g the L o cation o f the T o m b o f A l e x a n d e r the Great," Bulletin versity I 38 of the Faculty of Arts, Alexandria Uni 18 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : 1 6 9 - 9 9 , w i t h figs. 1 - 1 1 . See Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 5 - 1 7 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 - 4 1 n n . 8 2 - 9 0 ; D e l i a ( n o t e 133 a b o v e ) : 1 4 5 6 n . 2 7 . I 39 T h e m o s t r e c e n t a t t e m p t I have seen is t h a t o f T h o m a s Stelios ( d e s c r i b e d as a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e x e c u t i v e a n d a F e l l o w o f t h e A I A [ ? ] ) i n The Mediterranean 1.2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 6 - 3 3 . 140 Forster (note 3 above), p p . 1 1 2 - 1 3 . 141 V . E h r e n b e r g , Alexander Beihefte 142 zum Alten Orient und Agypten, vol. 7 of (Leipzig 1926), p. 28. Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , p . 7; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 7 above), p . 10 n . 2 4 . 143 T i m o n of Phlius fr. 60 W a c h s m u t h , cited by A t h e n . Deipnos. i . 2 2 d : πολλοί μένβόσκονται 25 This page intentionally left blank The City of Alexandria in the Hellenistic Period This page intentionally left blank 29 Egyptian Influence on Daily Life in Ancient Alexandria Henri Riad There is n o m o r e impressive o r majestic reflection o f the achievements o f the Greeks i n E g y p t t h a n the great c i t y t h a t carries Alexander's name. A l e x a n d r i a has often been celebrated by the w r i t e r s of a n t i q u i t y . Greek a n d R o m a n w r i t e r s , i n inscriptions a n d p a p y r i , almost always accom p a n y the name o f the c i t y w i t h l a u d a t o r y epithets: the great, the very great, the r i c h , the very n o b l e , the very happy, the splendid, the t o w n t h a t possesses a l l t h a t one can have o r desire. Even the A r a b i c h i s t o r i a n A l M a k r i z y t h i n k s that G o d is r e f e r r i n g t o A l e x a n d r i a w h e n m e n t i o n is made i n a verse o f the K o r a n of a c i t y " w h i c h has n o l i k e i n the w o r l d . " 1 I n the R o m a n p e r i o d , A l e x a n d r i a was n o t considered a p a r t of the i m p e r i a l p r o v i n c e of E g y p t , either i n title o r i n law. Its official n o m e n c l a t u r e was Alexandria ad Aegyptum—Alexandria by E g y p t rather t h a n in or of E g y p t , a n d the f u l l title o f the prefect o f E g y p t was praefectus Alexandreae et Aegypti —prefect 1 of A l e x a n d r i a a n d o f E g y p t . T h e A l e x a n d r i a n s were celebrated for their love o f w o r k a n d of money, f o r their m o c k i n g s p i r i t , their novelties, a n d their revolts. T h e y bestowed nicknames u p o n everyone, even o n their k i n g s . H i s l o v i n g sub jects called P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes n physkon, was n i c k n a m e d "the flute p l a y e r . " or "fatty." Ptolemy x i n 3 T h e geographer Strabo visited the c i t y i n the first century of R o m a n rule a n d gave us this v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n : " T h e w h o l e c i t y is criss crossed w i t h streets suitable for the traffic o f horses a n d carriages a n d by t w o t h a t are very w i d e , being m o r e t h a n one pletbrum [ a b o u t 30 m ] i n b r e a d t h , these intersect each other at r i g h t angles. T h e c i t y has m a g n i f i cent p u b l i c precincts a n d r o y a l palaces w h i c h cover a f o u r t h or even a t h i r d o f the entire c i t y . " 4 T h e c i t y was d i v i d e d i n t o five sections designated by the first five letters o f the Greek alphabet. To the east was the A quarter, a n d there as w e l l as i n a substantial p a r t o f the B quarter lived the i m p o r t a n t Jew ish c o m m u n i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a . N a t i v e Egyptians were concentrated i n the west, a r o u n d the site of the o l d village o f R h a k o t i s . I n the other quarters lived the m a j o r i t y of the Greek o r hellenized p o p u l a t i o n o f the c i t y . 5 T h e first Ptolemies attracted i m m i g r a n t s t o the n e w c i t y f r o m m a n y areas o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d : f r o m Thrace, M a c e d o n i a , 30 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA m a i n l a n d Greece, the Aegean islands, the coastal cities o f Asia M i n o r , f r o m Persia, Syria, a n d Judaea. T h e flow o f i m m i g r a n t s p r o b a b l y never d r i e d u p completely. Later, R o m a n s or Italians were attracted by trade, or perhaps they stayed o n after c o m p l e t i n g m i l i t a r y o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e service. W e m a y a d d t o this l o n g list L i b y a n s , C i l i c i a n s , E t h i o p i a n s , A r a b s , Bactrians, Scythians, a n d I n d i a n s . A n d there was also, o f course, a steady i n f l u x o f Egyptians f r o m u p - c o u n t r y ready t o seize the o p p o r t u nities offered by trade a n d commerce a n d , after a t i m e , by the g r a d u a l o p e n i n g u p o f official positions t o non-Greeks. T h e native Egyptians f o r m e d the m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n o n whose labors the economic p r o s p e r i t y of the c o u n t r y depended a n d w i t h w h o m the Greek settlers were i n daily contact. T h e y were, however, FIG. entirely excluded f r o m citizenship, a l t h o u g h i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m t i m e t o Statue of Serapis i n the shape t i m e were able t o acquire i t . T h e p o l i c y of the first three Ptolemies was 6 I of the bull Apis as worshiped by Egyptians. Black basalt. s t r o n g l y M a c e d o n i a n a n d H e l l e n i c ; they treated the natives f r a n k l y as a Alexandria, Graeco-Roman conquered race. T h e Jews were also denied citizenship, a l t h o u g h they Museum. possessed their o w n p a r t i c u l a r privileges, w h i c h , a m o n g other distinc t i o n s , set t h e m apart f r o m the rest o f the populace. T h e d i s t i n c t i o n s between Egyptians a n d Greeks created ten sion a n d resentment between t h e m . Such feelings can surely be seen i n d e m o t i c l i t e r a t u r e . A m o n g the r o m a n t i c tales c o m p i l e d a n d c i r c u l a t e d i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , there is a p r o p h e c y piece called " O r a c l e o f the Potter," w h i c h says, A n d then the Guardian Spirit w i l l desert the city w h i c h they founded and w i l l go to god-bearing Memphis and i t w i l l be deserted. That w i l l be the end of our evils when Egypt shall see the foreigners fall like leaves from the branch. The city by the sea w i l l be a drying place for fishermen's catch because the Guardian Spirit has gone to M e m p h i s , so that passers-by w i l l say, "this was the all-nurturing city i n w h i c h all the races of mankind live." 7 T h e message is quite clear: T h e foreigners are the M a c e d o n i a n rulers, their c i t y is A l e x a n d r i a ; M e m p h i s w i l l rise again. I t is a t a n gible p r o d u c t o f the native h o s t i l i t y t o M a c e d o n i a n rule a n d prophesies the departure o f the g u a r d i a n s p i r i t , agathos daimon, f r o m the c i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a for M e m p h i s . T h i s feeling, however, d i d n o t prevent the de sire a n d need o f t h e i r rulers t o t r a n s m i t the native E g y p t i a n h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n i n t o Greek. T h i s b r o u g h t the E g y p t i a n priest M a n e t h o o f Sebennytos t o A l e x a n d r i a t o w r i t e three volumes o n the h i s t o r y a n d r e l i g i o n o f E g y p t , p r o b a b l y early i n the r e i g n o f P t o l e m y π Philadelphos. I n order t o unite Egyptians a n d Greeks, there was a need for a deity w h o c o u l d be w o r s h i p e d by t h e m b o t h . D u r i n g the r e i g n of P t o l e m y ι a n e w deity was created, the g o d Serapis, w h o c o m b i n e d Egyp- Riad t i a n a n d Greek elements. H i s name is E g y p t i a n , a c o m b i n a t i o n o f Osiris a n d A p i s ; i t refers t o the A p i s b u l l w h o was w o r s h i p e d i n M e m p h i s a n d w h o after his death became an Osiris (fig. i ) . H i s Greek f o r m is an o l d , bearded m a n clad i n a c h i t o n , resembling their supreme g o d , Zeus (figs. 2, 3). T h e n e w g o d became a n a t i o n a l g o d s i m i l a r t o A m e n , Ra, a n d H o r u s . As his w i f e , he was given Isis, a p u r e l y E g y p t i a n goddess, a n d as a son H a r p o k r a t e s , o r H o r u s the c h i l d , son o f Isis. A n d so the Egyptians a n d Greeks were u n i t e d i n a c o m m o n w o r s h i p . I n a d d i t i o n , the Greeks 8 identified their gods w i t h the E g y p t i a n deities: A m u n a n d Zeus, H o r u s a n d A p o l l o , T h o t h a n d Hermes, H a t h o r a n d A p h r o d i t e , Hephaistos a n d Ptah, a n d so o n . H o w e v e r , there is l i t t l e evidence i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d for priests i n E g y p t i a n cults being given Greek names. E g y p t i a n habits a n d customs also gained g r o u n d a m o n g the n e w settlers. F r o m the earliest p e r i o d , the s t a b i l i t y o f the r o y a l f a m i l y was reinforced i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t by the practice o f n a m i n g a son a n d heir d u r i n g the r e i g n o f the father a n d before the latter's death, as was FIG. 2 Statue of Serapis as worshiped by Greeks. Marble. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum. the case w i t h P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d P t o l e m y 1 Soter at the end o f 285 B . C . Less remote f r o m Greek conceptions was the w o r s h i p o f the 9 l i v i n g Ptolemy. W h e n A l e x a n d e r conquered E g y p t , he was received by the Egyptians as l i b e r a t o r . As k i n g of E g y p t , he became a p h a r a o h a n d was therefore d i v i n e . W h e n P t o l e m y 1 made h i m s e l f k i n g , he, t o o , be came d i v i n e . A f t e r his death, he was deified by his successor, as was his w i f e Berenike, under the name Soter, o r savior, a title granted t o h i m by the R h o d i a n s . W h e n his sister-wife A r s i n o e 11 d i e d i n 2 7 0 B . C . , P t o l e m y 11 deified her as A r s i n o e Philadelphos, "the b r o t h e r l o v i n g , " a n d since the k i n g c o u l d n o t be left o u t of the c u l t o f his w i f e , the t w o were associated as theoi adelphoi, or "the fraternal gods." So the Ptolemaic r u l e r c u l t was extended t o the l i v i n g k i n g , a n d a l l the r e i g n i n g Ptolemies w i t h t h e i r wives were w o r s h i p e d i n temples as i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t . 10 T h e marriage o f b r o t h e r a n d sister was c o m m o n i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t , even a m o n g o r d i n a r y people, a n d especially i n the R o m a n p e r i o d , b u t i t was quite a b n o r m a l t o the Greeks. Consanguineous marriage i n ancient p h a r a o n i c times was p r a c t i c e d i n the r u l i n g families t o keep their noble b l o o d p u r e . T h e Ptolemies i m i t a t e d the p h a r a o h s , a n d the first consanguineous marriage occurred between P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d FIG. 3 Bust of Serapis as worshiped by Greeks. Marble. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum. his f u l l sister A r s i n o e 11; the practice was m a i n t a i n e d u n t i l the end o f the dynasty. 11 T h e a r r i v a l i n E g y p t of these n e w settlers b r o u g h t an interest i n g p r o b l e m : h o w w o u l d a m i n o r i t y of Greeks w i t h their Greek tongue a n d Greek c u l t u r e coexist w i t h the mass o f native p o p u l a t i o n , w i t h its o w n language a n d culture? Greeks a n d Egyptians t r i e d by a l l means t o understand each other, especially t h r o u g h language. I n a letter d a t i n g f r o m the second century B . C . , a m o t h e r w r i t e s t o her son, " I congratulate y o u a n d myself o n the news that y o u are l e a r n i n g E g y p t i a n , f o r n o w 31 32 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA w h e n y o u get t o the c i t y [ A l e x a n d r i a ] , y o u w i l l teach the c h i l d r e n at the house o f . . . the p h y s i c i a n . " 1 2 I t is indeed significant t h a t a k n o w l e d g e o f E g y p t i a n s h o u l d i m p r o v e the prospects of a Greek i n the c a p i t a l city. I n actuality, n o m o n a r c h u n t i l the last Cleopatra ( v n ) learned t o speak E g y p t i a n . I t was one o f several languages i n w h i c h she c o u l d converse w i t h o u t an interpreter. K n o w i n g b o t h languages was necessary; Ptole maic contracts (marriage, d i v i s i o n o r sale o f p r o p e r t y , a n d the like) i n d e m o t i c or a m i x t u r e o f Greek a n d d e m o t i c suggest the a d o p t i o n o f b o t h languages. I n fact, e x i s t i n g w r i t i n g exercises, numerous t a x receipts, a n d contracts t e n d t o suggest that w r i t t e n demotic was accessible t o the Egyptians i n the same w a y t h a t Greek documents were t o the Greeks; a d e m o t i c t a x receipt or c o n t r a c t w i t h a Greek d o c k e t o r the reverse shows h o w b o t h languages f u n c t i o n e d . I n r e l i g i o n , P t o l e m y i was careful enough t o realize the i m portance of being c o n c i l i a t o r y t o w a r d the E g y p t i a n p r i e s t h o o d w h i l e at the same t i m e perceiving t h a t its p o w e r m i g h t be dangerous t o the r o y a l a u t h o r i t y . So he t o o k the management o f the sacred l a n d possessed by the temples i n t o his o w n hands, a d m i n i s t e r i n g i t f o r the benefit o f the temples a n d at the same t i m e keeping i t under his c o n t r o l . I n a d d i t i o n , the taxes p a i d by the priests were l o w e r t h a n average, a n d they seem t o have been e x e m p t f r o m the p o l l t a x . 1 3 A l t h o u g h the Ptolemies levied a m o n o p o l y o n trade, they al l o w e d the priests t o c a r r y o n t h e i r usual industries b u t under t h e i r strict c o n t r o l . For example, the a r t o f w e a v i n g the fine byssus l i n e n for w h i c h E g y p t was famous was a specialty o f the temples; after h o l d i n g back the q u a n t i t y necessary f o r r i t u a l purposes, the priests were r e q u i r e d t o deliver t o the k i n g a fixed q u a n t i t y o f the l i n e n , w h i c h became a valuable i t e m i n the e x p o r t t r a d e . 14 T h e Ptolemies strengthened their c o n t r o l o f the temples b y a p p o i n t i n g t o each an overseer, or epistates. T h e priests, o n the other h a n d , received a regular salary f r o m the government a n d seem further t o have been exempted, at least i n p a r t , f r o m the o b l i g a t i o n , or corvee, t h a t r e q u i r e d personal w o r k o n the d i k e s . 15 I n fact, the p o l i c y of the p o w e r f u l Ptolemies t o w a r d Egyptians was a m i x t u r e of benevolent patronage a n d strict c o n t r o l . As t i m e passed a n d the dynasty weakened, there was a shakeup. A f t e r the Battle of R a p h i a i n 217 B . C . , w h i c h gave confidence t o the native E g y p t i a n soldiers, revolts began t o occur. T h e later Ptolemies were c o m p e l l e d t o m a k e concessions t h a t t h e i r predecessors w o u l d certainly n o t have c o n t e m p l a t e d . 16 I t is certain t h a t at the end o f the Ptolemaic p e r i o d the p o s i t i o n o f E g y p t i a n priests was stronger t h a n i t h a d been i n the t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. O n e o f Octavian's tasks was t o c u r b this dangerous p o w e r . There seems t o have been a c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t i o n o n the r i g h t o f a s y l u m . Large tracts o f sacred l a n d were confiscated t o the benefit of the r o y a l Riad d o m a i n . Priests were exempted f r o m the p o l l t a x i n l i m i t e d , fixed n u m bers, b u t there was n o e x e m p t i o n , i n p r i n c i p l e , f r o m l i a b i l i t y t o the corvee or other o b l i g a t i o n s t o do state services. T h e temples were re q u i r e d t o m a k e an a n n u a l a u d i t o f t h e i r p r o p e r t y , of the temple inven t o r y , a n d of a l l the categories of priests. Periodic visits were made by g o v e r n m e n t inspectors t o examine the accounts, check the accuracy of the r e t u r n s , a n d arrest any offenders. 17 T h e sacrifices a n d other details of the temple c u l t were strictly supervised. I n spite o f these restrictions, the E g y p t i a n p r i e s t h o o d , w h i c h still enjoyed the p r o t e c t i o n o f the state, does n o t appear t o have been hos tile t o R o m a n rule before the r e i g n of M a r c u s A u r e l i u s ( A . D . 1 6 1 - 1 8 0 ) , w h e n a r e v o l t led by a priest b r o k e o u t i n the D e l t a . There m u s t thus have been some discontent a m o n g the priests. As a result o f t h a t r e v o l t , the n u m b e r o f priests i n some temples c e r t a i n l y declined, due i n p a r t t o the l i m i t e d e x e m p t i o n f r o m p o l l t a x a n d the corvee. T h e senates g r a n t e d by Septimius Severus at the b e g i n n i n g o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y t o the capitals of nomes, i n c l u d i n g A l e x a n d r i a , meant, as W i l c k e n says, "the complete subjection of the E g y p t i a n ' c h u r c h ' t o the state a n d the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the priests t o the rest of the p o p u l a t i o n . " 1 8 T h e progressive decline of the E g y p t i a n cults c o n t i n u e d , a n d at the end o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y the rise o f C h r i s t i a n i t y was everywhere t h r e a t e n i n g the o l d r e l i g i o n . We k n o w very little a b o u t i n d u s t r y a n d trade i n ancient A l e x a n d r i a . F o o d stuffs, c l o t h i n g , domestic wares, a n d m a n y other items necessary f o r daily use were m a n u f a c t u r e d there. T h e m a i n industries of the c i t y seem t o have been different k i n d s of m e t a l w o r k i n g , glassworki n g , a n d the m a n u f a c t u r e f r o m r a w materials of scents a n d unguents, w h i c h f o u n d a w i d e m a r k e t . These industries were m a i n l y i n the hands of E g y p t i a n craftsmen. M e t a l w o r k i n g p r o b a b l y enjoyed the highest r e p u t a t i o n . T h e account o f the R h o d i a n h i s t o r i a n K a l l i x e i n o s shows the w e a l t h o f pre cious metals t h a t the Ptolemies possessed at t h a t t i m e : " V i c t o r i e s w i t h g o l d w i n g s , a b u n d a n t g o l d j e w e l r y w o r n by w o m e n ; g o l d c r o w n s w i t h f l o r a l a n d other d e c o r a t i o n i n g o l d leaf; g o l d e n cornucopias; a g o l d e n a l tar, g o l d e n m i x i n g b o w l s a n d t r i p o d s ; a n d cups a n d pitchers of v a r i o u s k i n d s , c a r r i e d by Satyrs a n d S i l e n i . " N o t a l l these various objects were m a n u f a c t u r e d i n A l e x a n d r i a ; a considerable a m o u n t o f fine m e t a l w o r k i n the Greek style was made i n M e m p h i s b y the H e l l e n o m e m p h i t e s , w h o used t o p r o d u c e t h a t type of E g y p t i a n - f l a v o r e d Greek w o r k characteris tic o f the early Ptolemaic finds. H o w e v e r , i n the later Ptolemaic p e r i o d m u c h m e t a l w o r k was p r o d u c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a as a result of the g r a d u a l decline of M e m p h i s . 1 9 Silver vases f r o m A l e x a n d r i a have been discovered as far away as central E u r o p e . T h e "Tazza Farnese" dish of the first century B . C . is a masterpiece of A l e x a n d r i a n a r t i s t r y (see K o z l o f f fig. 9, b e l o w ) . C a r v e d f r o m s a r d o n y x , i t represents the N i l e g o d as an o l d 33 34 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA m a n h o l d i n g a c o r n u c o p i a . A t his feet, Isis reclines o n the head o f a s p h i n x , a n d the central figure o f H o r u s - T r i p t o l e m o s carries a knife a n d a bag o f seeds. 20 G l a s s m a k i n g h a d always been an i m p o r t a n t i n d u s t r y i n E g y p t , a n d i t c o n t i n u e d t o be so i n Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a . I t sprang i n t o n e w life under the Ptolemies, a n d f o r m a n y centuries A l e x a n d r i a was the center of the f a b r i c a t i o n o f articles i n glass. Strabo refers t o glassmakers o f the c i t y i n a w a y t h a t shows t h a t they were a substantial, well-established b o d y o f craftsmen. A l e x a n d r i a n glassmakers, like m e t a l w o r k e r s , n o t o n l y c o n t i n u e d a n d m o d i f i e d native t r a d i t i o n s b u t also p r o d u c e d i m i t a tions o f m e t a l vases. 21 E g y p t h a d n o rivals i n the manufacture o f p a p y r u s . I t h a d been used i n E g y p t since the very early p e r i o d a n d was certainly avail able t o the Greek w o r l d f r o m the fifth c e n t u r y B . C . o n w a r d . I t was u t i lized n o t o n l y as a w r i t i n g m a t e r i a l b u t also i n m a k i n g various objects o f d a i l y a n d domestic use, such as mats a n d simple w r a p p i n g paper. I n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , the papyrus i n d u s t r y was a r o y a l m o n o p o l y , b u t free markets also existed. Strabo tells us t h a t i n his day, papyrus d i d n o t g r o w a b u n d a n t l y i n the i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o r h o o d o f A l e x a n d r i a , a l t h o u g h i t d i d generally i n the L o w e r D e l t a . Nevertheless, the m a n u f a c t u r e o f pa pyrus was also c a r r i e d o u t i n A l e x a n d r i a under the P t o l e m i e s . 22 T h e source o f the h i g h - q u a l i t y p o t t e r y frequently encountered i n A l e x a n d r i a is u n c e r t a i n . T h e d o u b t arises p r i m a r i l y f r o m the absence of adequate potter's clay i n the n e i g h b o r h o o d of the city. T h e famous A l e x a n d r i n e Tanagra figurines are made o f i n f e r i o r clay t h a t h a d been considerably washed a n d refined (figs. 4 , 5). There were, however, beds of fine clay b o t h i n U p p e r E g y p t , at Qena, a n d i n the D e l t a ; these were p r o b a b l y the m a i n sources o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s p o t t i n g clay. Two m a i n types of p o t t e r y cinerary urns are associated w i t h A l e x a n d r i a : black-glazed r i b b e d vases w i t h f l o r a l d e c o r a t i o n i n w h i t e a n d sometimes i n relief, a n d the H a d r a vases (fig. 6 ) . T h e first g r o u p oc curs elsewhere i n the H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d b u t is sufficiently m o r e numerous i n A l e x a n d r i a n t o m b s t o oblige us t o suggest t h a t this variety is A l e x a n d r i a n . T h e H a d r a vases fall i n t o t w o d i s t i n c t classes. T h e first a n d larger g r o u p , frequently f o u n d i n Ptolemaic t o m b s , consists o f fine, well-fired clay decorated w i t h panels, flowers, scrolls, a n d palmettes, as w e l l as scenes o f animals o r h u m a n figures a p p l i e d i n black o n the pale buff o f the t e r r a c o t t a . T h e second, less frequent type consists o f vases p a i n t e d w h i t e a n d decorated w i t h p o l y c h r o m e objects such as an altar, a s w o r d , or a p a i r o f shoes. These t w o groups are contemporaneous a n d fre q u e n t l y appeared at Shatby, a d i s t r i c t of A l e x a n d r i a ; the o r i g i n of b o t h types is p r o b a b l y A l e x a n d r i a n . 2 3 Faience was another very p o p u l a r type of p o t t e r y i n A l e x a n d r i a a n d was p r o d u c e d l o c a l l y as w e l l as elsewhere i n E g y p t . A m o n g the FIG. 4 Alexandrine Tanagra figure. Terracotta. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. Riad m o s t n o t a b l e p r o d u c t s i n faience are the " r o y a l o i n o c h o a i , " w h i c h s h o w i n relief the figure o f a Ptolemaic queen p o u r i n g a l i b a t i o n o n a n altar. T h i s type is a p p a r e n t l y a l m o s t t o t a l l y confined t o the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t this hellenized faience is essentially the p r o d u c t o f Alexandria. 2 4 W e a v i n g reached a very h i g h s t a n d a r d o f p e r f e c t i o n i n ancient E g y p t . L i n e n p r o d u c t i o n was one of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t industries i n A l e x a n d r i a , a l o n g w i t h the w e a v i n g o f tissues a n d c l o t h o f m o r e t h a n ten different varieties. Carpets, dyed p u r p l e , a n d e m b r o i d e r e d c l o t h w i t h figures of a n i m a l s a n d birds were also m a n u f a c t u r e d i n the city. A l e x a n d r i a was famous f o r the m a n u f a c t u r e o f n a t u r a l p r o d ucts f o r w h i c h E g y p t h a d n o r i v a l : perfumes, unguents, a n d other a r o matics, such as incense a n d m y r r h . T h e r a w materials f o r perfumes, e x t r a c t e d f r o m flowers a n d p l a n t s , were f o r the m o s t p a r t c u l t i v a t e d i n E g y p t ; whereas the a r o m a t i c gums a n d resins were m a i n l y i m p o r t e d f r o m S o m a l i l a n d , A r a b i a , a n d I n d i a . A l t h o u g h perfumes o f v a r i o u s types were w i d e l y used i n the p h a r a o n i c p e r i o d , t h e i r m a n u f a c t u r e was per FIG. 5 Alexandrine Tanagra figure. Terracotta. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m . fected i n A l e x a n d r i a . 2 5 I n a letter t o his b r o t h e r - i n - l a w Servianus c o n c e r n i n g the i n h a b i t a n t s o f A l e x a n d r i a , E m p e r o r H a d r i a n says, [It is] a city rich, opulent, productive, i n w h i c h none lives idle. Some are glass blowers, some makers of papyrus, some linen weavers, all have some art or other. The gouty have something they can do, the b l i n d likewise, not even those w i t h gout i n the hand are idle. Their o w n god is n o t h i n g [that is, " m o n e y " ] ; this Christians, this Jews, this all alike venerate. 26 T h e i r love o f w o r k a n d o f m o n e y was equaled b y the love o f p u b l i c spec tacles, o f gymnastics, feasting, a n d m a t e r i a l pleasures. B u t i t m u s t n o t be t h o u g h t t h a t A l e x a n d r i a was entirely g i v e n u p t o f r i v o l i t y a n d amusement. A t this same t i m e , Saint C l e m e n t was f o u n d i n g the great s c h o o l o f C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g y i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h h a d so immense a n influence o n the t h o u g h t o f the C h u r c h w h i l e pagan p h i l o s o p h y still flourished i n the city. O n e o f the first aims o f O c t a v i a n after the R o m a n conquest of E g y p t was t o e x p l o i t its r i c h g r a i n lands. H e engaged the R o m a n a r m y t o r e b u i l d the dikes a n d clean the canals, w h i c h h a d suffered f r o m ne FIG. 6 glect d u r i n g the late Ptolemaic p e r i o d . I n some years the N i l e flood was Hadra hydria. Alexandria, t o o l o w o r t o o h i g h , a n d a shortage o f g r a i n resulted. M o r e o v e r , native Graeco-Roman M u s e u m . revolts occasionally caused devastation o f g r a i n lands i n parts o f E g y p t . I n A . D . i o o , famine i n E g y p t was so serious t h a t E m p e r o r T r a j a n o r d e r e d the g r a i n fleet t o r e t u r n f r o m R o m e t o A l e x a n d r i a i n order t o relieve the suffering o f the E g y p t i a n s . T h e t r a n s p o r t o f the g r a i n t r i b u t e t h a t R o m e levied o n E g y p t was p r o b a b l y the m o s t a m b i t i o u s m a r i t i m e enterprise o f the ancient 35 36 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA w o r l d . D u r i n g the first three centuries o f the R o m a n p e r i o d , 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 tons ( t w e n t y m i l l i o n modii) were sent a n n u a l l y f r o m A l e x a n d r i a t o R o m e , o n the largest a n d fastest ships o f the day. A t A l e x a n d r i a , the g r a i n was stored i n great granaries t o w a i t f o r the s h i p m e n t t o R o m e . T h e g r a i n fleet usually sailed as a u n i t at the b e g i n n i n g of s p r i n g , p r o b a bly i n A p r i l . T h e j o u r n e y w o u l d have t a k e n at least a m o n t h , sometimes t w o ; the fleet a r r i v e d at the seaport o f R o m e , p r o b a b l y at the b e g i n n i n g of M a y . T h e r e t u r n t r i p c o u l d be made i n t w o or three weeks i f the w i n d s were favorable. A q u i c k t u r n a r o u n d m i g h t result i n another sail i n g before w i n t e r . D u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d , there were t w o seafaring divinities: Isis a n d Serapis. Isis became the goddess o f the sea; festivals i n her name m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g o f the sailing season. O n those occasions a ship, o r a m o d e l , w i t h e m b r o i d e r e d sails a n d decorated w i t h offering scenes a n d lights, was launched o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o open the w a y f o r safe sailing. T h e second deity, Serapis, was also one of the i m p o r t a n t seafar i n g gods a n d was f o u n d as an object o f w o r s h i p i n a l m o s t a l l the b i g p o r t s i n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n . 27 O w i n g t o the l o c a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a , between the M e d i t e r ranean t o the n o r t h a n d L a k e M a r e o t i s t o the s o u t h , its cemeteries m u s t i n e v i t a b l y have been located t o the east a n d west o f the city. Excavations u n d e r t a k e n since the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y i n the eastern sub urbs have b r o u g h t t o l i g h t extensive cemeteries d a t i n g f r o m the earliest Ptolemaic p e r i o d . D u r i n g t h a t t i m e , those b u r i e d i n the eastern ceme teries were a l m o s t exclusively Greeks a n d other foreigners, w h i l e i n the western cemeteries the m a j o r i t y were Egyptians. A t the close o f the P t o l emaic p e r i o d a n d d u r i n g the R o m a n p e r i o d , the eastern cemeteries were still i n use f o r b u r i a l s , b u t i n m u c h smaller numbers t h a n the western. M u m m i f i c a t i o n was p r a c t i c e d exclusively i n the western cemeteries, w h e r e native Egyptians were b u r i e d . A l t h o u g h the early Greek settlers preferred c r e m a t i o n , they later i m i t a t e d the Egyptians a n d chose e m b a l m i n g rather t h a n c r e m a t i o n . W h e n the dead were cremated, the ashes were preserved i n an u r n , w h i c h usually h a d the f o r m of hyd r i a . I n 1 8 8 0 at I b r a h i m i e h , a d i s t r i c t t o the east of the city, a t o m b was f o u n d t h a t c o n t a i n e d several r o w s o f niches h o u s i n g the c i n e r a r y urns of the numerous mercenaries w h o served under the early Ptolemies, as w e l l as urns o f the religious envoys f r o m various Greek t o w n s . Such urns were also f o u n d i n great numbers at Shatby, at H a d r a (hence the name H a d r a vases), a n d i n the western cemeteries at G a b b a r i a n d W a r d i a n . 2 8 Several o f these urns bear, p a i n t e d o r engraved, the names o f the deceased, often accompanied b y the father's name a n d t h a t of his c o u n t r y . A g r o u p o f these i n s c r i p t i o n s a l l o w s us t o fix w i t h p r e c i s i o n the date o f t h e i r use. T h e y belong t o mercenaries w h o came f r o m T h r a c e , Crete, Thessaly, a n d other cities, o r t o ambassadors w h o i n c o n n e c t i o n Riad w i t h religious feasts were sent t o A l e x a n d r i a , where they died a n d were buried. 29 D u r i n g the l o n g course of ancient E g y p t i a n history, m a n y cus t o m s c o n c e r n i n g death a n d b u r i a l r e m a i n e d r e m a r k a b l y s i m i l a r . O n e procedure t h a t u n d e r w e n t subtle change was m u m m i f i c a t i o n . I n later p h a r a o n i c h i s t o r y i t was c o m m o n t o envelop the entire bandaged b o d y of the deceased i n cartonnage, w h i c h consisted o f l i n e n r e i n f o r c e d w i t h plaster, m o d e l e d t o the o u t l i n e o f the e m b a l m e d body. T h e section cover i n g the head was usually fashioned as a c o n v e n t i o n a l a n d idealized p o r t r a i t o f the deceased, w h i l e the p o r t i o n covering the b o d y was frequently decorated w i t h scenes o f deities a n d the n e t h e r w o r l d . D u r i n g the Ptole maic p e r i o d , the use of cartonnage was confined t o c e r t a i n p o r t i o n s of the l i n e n - w r a p p e d m u m m y — t h e head, chest, s t o m a c h , t h i g h s , a n d feet. T h e head was t h e n covered w i t h a mask decorated w i t h a w i n g e d scarab beetle, w h i l e a r o u n d the neck was placed an elaborate c o l l a r w i t h ter m i n a l s i n the f o r m of f a l c o n heads. T h e area between the head and the feet was decorated w i t h deities a n d religious scenes. M u m m i f i c a t i o n c o n t i n u e d t o be p r a c t i c e d even i n early C h r i s t i a n i t y . According to tradition, Alexandria's involvement w i t h Chris t i a n i t y started i n the m i d d l e o f the first c e n t u r y A . D . w h e n the evangelist Saint M a r k came t o A l e x a n d r i a preaching a n e w r e l i g i o n . O n his a r r i v a l , he was fascinated by the beauty of the city. H e was w a n d e r i n g t h r o u g h its streets l o o k i n g at the magnificent b u i l d i n g s , w h e n one o f his sandals became t o r n . H e w e n t t o a shoemaker by the name o f A n i a n u s t o have i t repaired. W h e n the shoemaker t o o k the a w l t o w o r k o n the sandal, he accidently pierced his h a n d ; Saint M a r k h e l d the cobbler's h a n d , preach i n g the Gospel, a n d the man's h a n d m i r a c u l o u s l y healed. T h e cobbler a n d the members o f his f a m i l y were converted t o C h r i s t i a n i t y a n d were baptized. 30 A f t e r t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n Christians g r a d u a l l y m u l t i p l i e d i n n u m b e r u n t i l the pagans t o o k notice o f t h e m a n d sought t o arrest the evangelist. I n A . D . 68, d u r i n g the celebration o f the festival of Serapis, Saint M a r k was arrested, t o r t u r e d , a n d p u t t o d e a t h . 31 D u r i n g the first c e n t u r y a n d the first h a l f o f the second cen t u r y , the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a a n d some parts o f E g y p t was n o t considerable. A c c o r d i n g t o his letter t o Servianus, E m p e r o r H a d r i a n ( A . D . 1 1 7 - 1 3 8 ) h a d seen the A l e x a n d r i a n s w o r s h i p i n g Serapis a n d C h r i s t i m p a r t i a l l y . "Those w h o w o r s h i p Serapis are C h r i s t i a n s , a n d those w h o call themselves bishops o f C h r i s t are devoted t o S e r a p i s . " 32 T h e y saw n o great difference between the t w o religions. B u t f r o m the t i m e of Septimius Severus ( A . D . 1 9 3 - 2 1 1 ) the development o f C h r i s t i a n i t y was very r a p i d . T h e catechetical s c h o o l — a C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g i c a l u n i v e r s i t y — w a s f o u n d e d at t h a t t i m e . T h o u g h C h r i s t i a n i t y h a d made great progress, i t was largely confined t o the l o w e r and m i d d l e classes a n d made l i t t l e impression o n the aristocracy. C h r i s t i a n i t y , however, d i d n o t enjoy an easy g r o w t h . I t suf- 37 38 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA fered b l o o d y persecutions under the r u l e o f Septimius Severus ( A . D . 2 0 4 ) , under Decius ( A . D . 2 5 0 ) , a n d under Valerianus ( A . D . 2 5 1 ) . T h e greatest persecution o f the Christians o c c u r r e d i n the t i m e o f D i o c l e t i a n , w h o was so detested b y E g y p t i a n C h r i s t i a n s t h a t , later, the c h u r c h dated the E r a o f M a r t y r s f r o m the first year o f his r e i g n i n A . D . 2 8 4 . 3 3 I n ad d i t i o n t o these persecutions, isolated incidents, such as Caracalla's massacre o f the A l e x a n d r i a n p o p u l a c e , resulted i n a steady surge o f A l e x a n d r i a n n a t i o n a l i s m i n the late second a n d t h i r d centuries. Reports o f violence c o n t i n u e d . A v i s i t o r t o A l e x a n d r i a i n the t h i r d c e n t u r y w r i t e s t o his parents i n his h o m e t o w n o f O x y r h y n c h u s i n U p p e r E g y p t saying, " T h i n g s have happened the l i k e o f w h i c h hasn't happened t h r o u g h a l l the years. N o w i t is c a n n i b a l i s m , n o t w a r . . . . So rejoice the m o r e , l a d y m o t h e r , t h a t I a m outside the c i t y . " 3 4 M o s t o f the violence i n A l e x a n d r i a was l i n k e d t o struggles between pagans a n d C h r i s t i a n s . T h e disturbance o f A . D . 4 1 2 - 4 1 5 c u l m i n a t e d i n the m u r d e r of the p a g a n teacher o f p h i l o s o p h y , H y p a t i a . 3 5 A l e x a n d r i a thence became a g r o w i n g center o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . W h e n E m p e r o r Theodosius gave the final b l o w t o p a g a n i s m by officially a d o p t i n g the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i n A . D . 3 8 9 , he gave the task o f a b o l i s h i n g p a g a n i s m i n A l e x a n d r i a t o the p a t r i a r c h T h e o p h i l u s , w h o , w i t h great en ergy, persecuted a l l those w h o refused t o embrace the n e w r e l i g i o n a n d set a b o u t the d e s t r u c t i o n o f temples, m o n u m e n t s , a n d statues. A m o n g others, the celebrated temple o f Serapis, a l o n g w i t h its a d m i r a b l e statue, were destroyed. A c h u r c h dedicated t o Saint J o h n was erected o n the site of the S e r a p e i o n . 36 Nevertheless, A l e x a n d r i a was still an i m p o r t a n t c o m m e r c i a l a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e center, a l t h o u g h its days, even as such, were n u m bered. I t was o c c u p i e d b y Persians w h e n they c o n q u e r e d E g y p t , t h e n re covered b y the i m p e r i a l forces. W h e n the A r a b s i n v a d e d E g y p t , the A r a b a r m y , w i t h the help o f native Egyptians, m a r c h e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h they reached o n 29 September 6 4 2 . T h e A r a b forces m a r v e l e d at the magnificence o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s palaces a n d m a r b l e colonnades. A few years later, the c i t y was recovered b y the R o m a n s , b u t the A r a b s soon t o o k i t again. A l t h o u g h A l e x a n d r i a c o n t i n u e d f o r a t i m e t o have some i m p o r t a n c e as a naval center, i t g r a d u a l l y sank i n t o decay. Its great b u i l d ings disappeared one after the other, a n d earthquakes s h o o k the l a n d a n d l o w e r e d the g r o u n d level so t h a t m u c h o f the o l d c i t y is n o w under the sea. N o t h i n g remains o f the o l d magnificent A l e x a n d r i a b u t frag ments o f sculpture a n d i n s c r i p t i o n s i n museums—shattered r e m n a n t s o f a g l o r i o u s past. Chicago House L U X O R , E G Y P T R iad Notes 1 E . B r e c c i a , Alexandrea (Bergamo ad Aegyptum 20 D . B. T h o m p s o n , i n H . Maehler and V . S t r o c k e r , eds., Das ptolemaische 1920), p. 34. Agypten (Cairo 1978), pp. 1 1 3 - 2 2 . 2 P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, vol. 1 (Ox ford 1972), pp. 1 0 7 - 8 . 21 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 7 . 3 See B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 . 22 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 1 . 4 H . L . Jones, The Geography 23 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 8 - 4 0 . 24 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 0 ; i n g e n e r a l , see (London of Strabo a n d N e w Y o r k 1 9 3 2 ) , p . 33 ( = 1 7 . 1 . 8 ) . See also Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 f t . D . B . T h o m p s o n , Ptolemaic 5 I . B e l l , " A l e x a n d r i a , " Journal Archaeology 6 of Portraits Egyptian Oinochoai and (Oxford 1973). 13 ( 1 9 2 7 ) : 1 7 4 ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 6 8 ; Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 - 3 7 . 25 B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 1 - 3 2 ; Fraser ( n o t e 26 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 1 . E . L . B u t c h e r , The Story Egypt, 2 above), pp. 3 8 - 9 2 . 7 in Faience P. O x y . 2 3 3 2 ; see Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 0 9 , 6 8 1 , 6 8 4 ; A . B o w m a n , Egypt after the 27 Pharaohs of the Church of vol. 1 ( L o n d o n 1897), p. 40. J. R o u g e , Ships and Fleets Mediterranean ( M i d d l e t o w n 1975), p p . 198ft. of the Ancient (Warwickshire 1986), p. 3 1 . 8 9 28 Breccia (note 1 above), p . 2 2 2 . (note 2 above), pp. 206, 246. 29 Breccia (note 1 above), p p . 2 2 2 - 2 3 . B o w m a n (note 7 above), pp. 2 3 - 2 4 . 30 B r e c c i a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 1 0 - 1 5 ; Fraser O . M e i n a r d u s , Christian Modern, 10 I . B e l l , Cults Egypt and Creeds in Egypt, Ancient and 2 n d rev. e d . ( C a i r o 1 9 7 7 ) , p . 3 0 . Graeco-Roman ( L i v e r p o o l 1 9 5 4 ) , p p . 2 2 - 2 4 ; Fraser 3I Ibid., p. 163. 32 Butcher (note 26 above), p . 4 0 . 33 B o w m a n (note 7 above), p. 4 5 . 34 P. O x y . 3 0 6 5 ; see B o w m a n ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , (note 2 above), p p . 1 8 9 - 3 0 1 . II B o w m a n (note 7 above), p. 24. 12 U . W i l c k e n , Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit (Berlin-Leipzig 1 9 2 7 - ) , no. 148 = L . M i t t e i s a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundziige der Papyruskunde, und p. 214. Chrestomathie v o l . 1 (Leipzig 1912), no. 136. 35 B o w m a n (note 7 above), p . 214. I3 B e l l ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5off. 36 B o w m a n (note 7 above), p . 207. 14 Bell (note 10 above), p p . 5 i f f . 15 Bell (note 10 above), p . 55. 16 Bell (note 10 above), p . 53. 17 Bell (note 10 above), p . 54. 18 M i t t e i s a n d W i l c k e n (note 12 above), p. 115; Bell (note 10 above), p . 55. 19 Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 6 f t . 39 This page intentionally left blank 41 " A l l Army Boots and Uniforms?" Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt Diana Delia T h e o k r i t o s ' s Adoniazousai (Idylls 15) begins w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the crush o f people o n the streets of A l e x a n d r i a amidst the c e l e b r a t i o n o f an A d o n i s festival d u r i n g the r e i g n o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos. U n d a u n t e d by the s w a r m o f pedestrians a n d cavalry, G o r g o , P r a x i n o a , a n d t h e i r c o m p a n i o n s are borne by the surge o f celebrants a l o n g a t h o r o u g h f a r e lead ing t o the r o y a l palace, w h e r e the festivities w i l l take place. T h e c r o w d is described by the d i s g r u n t l e d w o m e n as " a l l a r m y boots a n d u n i f o r m s " a n d , en r o u t e , P r a x i n o a is nearly t r a m p l e d by a r o y a l h o r s e m a n . O n fi n a l l y reaching her d e s t i n a t i o n , p i q u e d by the p u s h i n g a n d s h o v i n g i n w h i c h she herself h a d also h e a r t i l y i n d u l g e d , P r a x i n o a responds t o a stranger's h u s h i n g o f her chatter by d e m a n d i n g t o k n o w his o r i g i n . Swelling w i t h condescension, she announces t h a t she a n d her c o m p a n ions are Syracusans, w h i c h by extension makes t h e m C o r i n t h i a n s , a n d t h a t as Peloponnesians, they speak i n the D o r i c dialect. W i t h this v o l u b l e r e t o r t , she dismisses b o t h c r i t i c a n d c r i t i c i s m . W h i l e m u c h o f the Adoniazousai, l i k e any w o r k of l i t e r a t u r e , m a y be p u r e i n v e n t i o n , t w o aspects are h i g h l y p r o v o c a t i v e a n d w a r r a n t further i n v e s t i g a t i o n : first, the poet's i m p r e s s i o n t h a t soldiers were pre p o n d e r a n t i n t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c . A l e x a n d r i a a n d , second, the emphasis placed o n ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Since the Ptolemaic a r m y extensively em p l o y e d f o r e i g n mercenaries, b o t h issues find a c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r i n the nature o f e t h n i c i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s paper w i l l address t h a t sub ject, focusing o n the late f o u r t h t h r o u g h early second c e n t u r y B . C . — before the repressive measures o f P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes 11 reversed the " b r a i n d r a i n " t o A l e x a n d r i a characteristic o f preceding centuries. O n e m a y as w e l l begin b y p o s i n g the historian's c o n v e n t i o n a l l i t a n y : w h o came t o A l e x a n d r i a ? whence? a n d w h y ? D i d o r u s Siculus a n d Polybios relate t h a t p r o m i n e n t p o l i t i c a l figures were b r o u g h t t o A l e x a n d r i a as hostages. Conspicuous a m o n g these was Pyrrhos o f E p i r o s , w h o a r r i v e d i n 2 9 8 , m a r r i e d P t o l e m y 1 Soter's daughter, a n d w i t h his help re gained an empire the f o l l o w i n g year. Subsequently, C h r e m o n i d e s a n d G l a u k o n , sons o f the A t h e n i a n Eteokles, secured t h e i r father's pact w i t h Philadelphos by distinguished service under h i m a n d his successor, w h i l e 42 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA A n d r o m a c h o s , father of the A s i a n r u l e r Achaios a n d b r o t h e r - i n - l a w of Seleukos, resided i n A l e x a n d r i a as a r o y a l prisoner i n 2 2 0 B . C . 1 O t h e r nabobs deliberately sought p o l i t i c a l a s y l u m here. Pursuant t o the A n t i g o n i d conquest o f Athens i n 3 0 7 , D e m e t r i o s o f Phaleron t o o k refuge i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e his stellar rise t o i n t i m a t e counsellor o f Soter appears t o have occasioned o d i u m a n d subsequent disgrace under Philadelphos. A n d r o n i k o s o f O l y n t h o s , w h o h a d refused to surrender T y r e t o Soter i n 3 1 2 , was later w a r m l y received a n d h o n o r e d b y h i m at A l e x a n d r i a . H i p p o m e d o n o f Sparta j o i n e d the c o u r t of Euergetes 1 a n d was subsequently sent o u t t o govern the H e l l e s p o n t a n d T h r a c e . H i s c o m p a t r i o t Kleomenes m was n o t as f o r t u n a t e ; h a v i n g fled to A l e x a n d r i a w i t h three t h o u s a n d Spartan soldiers a n d h i g h hopes o f o b t a i n i n g Philopator's assistance i n r e g a i n i n g his t h r o n e , he died at t e m p t i n g t o escape f r o m this h a v e n . As A l e x a n d r i a was a n e w c i t y f o u n 2 d a t i o n , the early Ptolemies necessarily r e c r u i t e d foreign talent as "friends of the k i n g " t o serve as chief ministers a n d advisors, c o m m a n d e r s o f t h e i r b o d y g u a r d , ambassadors, governors o f overseas possessions, c o u r t philosophers, physicians, a n d r o y a l t u t o r s . A c t i v e n e t w o r k i n g ensured 3 t h a t friends a n d relations w o u l d be considered f o r i m p o r t a n t posts. 4 I n the p o l y g a m o u s m i l i e u o f the r o y a l h o u s e h o l d , foreign w o m e n secured positions o f influence as official wives or concubines. T h u s the n o t o r i o u s A t h e n i a n hetaira Thais m a i n t a i n e d i n t i m a t e relations w i t h P t o l e m y Soter, despite his marriages t o E u r y d i k e , the daughter o f A n t i p a t e r , a n d t o Berenike. A r s i n o e 1, Lysimachos's daughter, was mar r i e d t o Philadelphos t o secure Egypt's alliance w i t h Thrace; a m o n g her husband's m a n y mistresses was a foreigner o f such surpassing c h a r m t h a t the c u l t o f A p h r o d i t e Bilistiche was i n s t i t u t e d i n her h o n o r i n A l e x a n d r i a . Berenike 11 b r o u g h t her father's k i n g d o m o f Cyrene as a d o w r y w h e n she m a r r i e d Euergetes 1, a n d the u n i o n o f C l e o p a t r a 1 a n d Epiphanes sealed the pact e n d i n g the F i f t h Syrian W a r . I n the n e x t generation, A g a t h o k l e a of Samos e x p l o i t e d her influence as P h i l o m e t o r ' s mistress t o advance the c o u r t career o f her b r o t h e r , a r o y a l c a t a m i t e . 5 T h e n a r r a t i v e o f Polybios is rife w i t h notices o f d i p l o m a t i c missions t o a n d f r o m the c i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the M a c e d o n i a n a n d Syrian w a r s o r p e t i t i o n s o f Ptolemaic allies seeking p r o t e c t i o n o r p r o t e s t i n g the malfeasance o f neighbors. C i n e r a r y urns f r o m H a d r a c o n t a i n the remains of A t h e n i a n , C h i a n , R h o d i a n , C y z i c a n , a n d Cyrenaean ambassadors w h o died o n t h e i r missions. O t h e r H a d r a vases 6 c o n t a i n the ashes o f sacred envoys, OecopoC, dispatched b y various Greek cities t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n festivals at A l e x a n d r i a , t o offer sacrifices at A l e x a n d r i a n shrines, or s i m p l y t o announce f o r t h c o m i n g festivals cele brated i n t h e i r h o m e l a n d s . A n u m b e r o f H a d r a urns have been discov 7 ered outside o f A l e x a n d r i a ; these were c a r r i e d back t o the homelands of ambassadors, o r SecopoC, identified o n the u r n s . Streams o f foreign dele8 Delia gations a r r i v i n g i n , t o u r i n g , a n d d e p a r t i n g f r o m the c i t y m u s t have been a regular feature o f A l e x a n d r i a . T h e Ptolemies i n v i t e d f o r e i g n priests t o i n s t i t u t e p o p u l a r mys tery cults at A l e x a n d r i a . Soter b r o u g h t the E u m o l p i d T i m o t h e o s f r o m Athens t o establish the c u l t o f Demeter i n a s u b u r b of the city, a p p r o p r i ately d u b b e d Eleusis. T h e fledgling c u l t n o d o u b t benefited f r o m the religious expertise o f the famous A t h e n i a n P h i l o c h o r o s , w h o lived i n A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g Philadelphos's r e i g n . H i s c o n t e m p o r a r y Philiskos of 9 K o r k y r a presided over the rites of D i o n y s o s . 10 Foreigners often h e l d the e p o n y m o u s p r i e s t h o o d o f A l e x a n d e r a n d supervised the dynastic c u l t . 11 N u m e r o u s professional schools sprang u p i n A l e x a n d r i a u n der the early Ptolemies, a n d i t was t o these t h a t m a n y foreign p u p i l s flocked: the a n a t o m i s t Praxagoras o f K o s settled i n A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g the r e i g n o f Soter a n d opened a m e d i c a l school t h a t t r a i n e d , i n successive generations, H e r o p h i l o s o f C h a l c e d o n , Kleophantes o f Keos, P h i l i n o s of Kos, and Chrysippos of Rhodes. 12 To this g r o u p o u r learned colleague H e i n r i c h v o n Staden w o u l d a d d Erasistratos o f Keos. Hence i t is n o t sur p r i s i n g t h a t A l e x a n d r i a became so h i g h l y r e p u t e d as a center f o r m e d i c a l studies t h a t , centuries later, A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s observed t h a t a p h y s i c i a n merely h a d t o c l a i m t h a t he h a d studied at A l e x a n d r i a f o r his credentials t o be considered i m p e c c a b l e . 13 L i k e w i s e , the m a t h e m a t i c i a n - astronomers E u c l i d a n d A r i s t a r c h o s o f Samos left Athens f o r A l e x a n d r i a by the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h e i r studies attracted K o n o n o f Samos, Eratosthenes of Gyrene, A r c h i m e d e s o f Syracuse, a n d A p o l l o n i o s o f Perge t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d the research o f these scholars, i n t u r n , i n s p i r e d the m e c h a n i c a l studies o f Ktesibios a n d P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m . Such studies d i d n o t develop i n a v a c u u m b u t b u i l t u p o n available models a n d the progress o f t h e o r e t i c a l k n o w l e d g e . 14 A f t e r the M o u s e i o n was f o u n d e d by Soter, talent scouts were dispatched t h r o u g h o u t the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o r e c r u i t leading p u n d i t s a n d entice t h e m t o relocate t o A l e x a n d r i a b y prospects o f r o y a l patronage, extensive research facilities, a n d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o associate w i t h the greatest m i n d s o f the d a y . 15 Some scholars t o o k u p p e r m a n e n t residence i n the city, others visited o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y . D e m e t r i o s of Phaleron h a d already i n i t i a t e d the t r a n s p l a n t o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l t h o u g h t f r o m A t h e n s t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d he was soon j o i n e d by a f e l l o w peripatetic, S t r a t o n of L a m p s a k o s , a n d the Stoics Eratosthenes o f Cyrene a n d Sphairos o f Bosporos. 16 T h e c o m i c w r i t e r s P h i l e m o n o f Syracuse a n d M a c h o n l i k e wise came, f o l l o w e d b y the poets K a l l i m a c h o s o f Cyrene, H e r a k l e i t o s o f H a l i k a r n a s s o s , H e r m e s i a n a x of K o l o p h o n , H e r o d a s o f K o s , T h e o k r i t o s of Syracuse, a n d the e p i g r a m m a t i s t H e d y l o s . 17 N u m e r o u s historians, ethnographers, a n d biographers t o o k u p residence i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i l e K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes was so impressed b y the c i t y t h a t he c o m p o s e d an essay o n i t . 1 8 T h e L i b r a r y ' s superb resources attracted t o A l e x a n d r i a 43 44 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA generations o f g r a m m a r i a n s , w h o edited a n d c o m m e n t e d o n H o m e r i c , A r c h a i c , a n d classical l i t e r a r y w o r k s . Discussed at l e n g t h by Peter Fraser, these require n o f u r t h e r c o m m e n t here, apart f r o m the observation t h a t the o r i g i n s of m a n y s c h o l a r s — p a r t i c u l a r l y Cyrene, K o s , a n d Samos— c o i n c i d e d w i t h areas under Ptolemaic c o n t r o l . 1 9 A c c o r d i n g l y , one w o n ders w h e t h e r A r i s t o p h a n e s o f Byzantium's circumstances really o u g h t t o be considered u n i q u e : his father i m m i g r a t e d t o E g y p t t o enter Ptolemaic service as a mercenary a n d b r o u g h t the f a m i l y a l o n g ; other mercenaries surely d i d l i k e w i s e . 20 A n e w c i t y f o u n d a t i o n p r o v i d e d extensive o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r architects a n d engineers such as D e i n o k r a t e s , w h o l a i d o u t the o r i g i n a l c i t y p l a n , a n d Sostratos o f K n i d o s , the designer o f the Pharos l i g h t house. 21 A l e x a n d r i a ' s s p l e n d i d s i t u a t i o n o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , w i t h nat u r a l h a r b o r s a n d access by N i l e canals t o upper E g y p t a n d b y o v e r l a n d routes t o the R e d Sea, r a p i d l y p r o m o t e d the c i t y as a mecca f o r business and commerce. 22 T h e Z e n o n archive conveys a g o o d sense o f h o w exten sive such interests h a d already become b y the r e i g n o f Philadelphos, f o r Z e n o n f r o m K a u n i a s c o m m u t e d between A l e x a n d r i a a n d f o r e i g n lands t r a n s a c t i n g business—banking a n d t r a d i n g — o n behalf o f his employer, the dioiketes A p o l l o n i o s . T h e Z e n o n p a p y r i also reveal the v a r i e t y of p r o d u c t s i m p o r t e d b y A p o l l o n i o s i n t o A l e x a n d r i a : w i n e a n d cheese f r o m Lesbos, K n i d o s , a n d C h i o s ; o i l f r o m Samos a n d M i l e t o s ; a n d L y c i a n honey, t o name a f e w . 23 A l t h o u g h A p o l l o n i o s e m p l o y e d his o w n agents a n d fleet t o p r o v i s i o n his h o u s e h o l d , such p r o d u c t s p r o b a b l y t y p i f y those b r o u g h t t o A l e x a n d r i a by foreign traders f o r general sale. I n 1 9 5 5 , V i r g i n i a Grace sorted m o r e t h a n fifty-five t h o u s a n d a m p h o r a handles b e l o n g i n g t o the B e n a k i a n d G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m collections i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e lion's share o f these bear R h o d i a n stamps, a l t h o u g h K n i d i a n , a n d , t o a lesser degree, K o a n , T h a s i a n , a n d C h i a n stamped vessels also a b o u n d . 2 4 Fraser's surmise t h a t e m p t y R h o d i a n ves sels were shipped t o A l e x a n d r i a i n vast quantities is n o d o u b t correct, just as A r n o l d E n k l a a r demonstrated the C r e t a n o r i g i n o f H a d r a vases, i m p o r t e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a f o r some t w e n t y years before the m a n u f a c t u r e of l o c a l A l e x a n d r i a n i m i t a t i o n s b e g a n . 25 Just as foreign talent sparked the development o f a native t r a d i t i o n o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l , scientific, a n d l i t erary studies i n A l e x a n d r i a , f o r e i g n - m a n u f a c t u r e d wares furnished the impetus f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f l o c a l i m i t a t i o n s . M e r c h a n t ships o r d i n a r i l y d i d n o t r e t u r n h o m e e m p t y b u t were laden w i t h cargoes o f g r a i n , pa p y r u s , perfumes, unguents, spices, a n d aromatics f o r w h i c h E g y p t was justly famous. A l e x a n d r i a thus f u n c t i o n e d as a g r a n d entrepot o f the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a t t r a c t i n g foreign shippers, shipbuilders, sailors, merchants, a n d the moneylenders o n w h o m they a l l necessarily relied t o finance c o m m e r c i a l ventures. O p p o r t u n i t i e s such as these encouraged Delia massive i m m i g r a t i o n of b o t h foreigners a n d Egyptians t o A l e x a n d r i a . 2 6 M a n y o f the f o r m e r were b u r i e d i n the cemeteries o f Shatby, H a d r a , a n d I b r a h i m i e h , c o m m e m o r a t e d by modestly p a i n t e d c i n e r a r y urns o r l o c u lus slabs preserving merely t h e i r names, p a t r o n y m i c s , a n d e t h n i c s . 27 O n the eve o f the F o u r t h Syrian W a r , N i k a g o r a s of Messenia sailed t o A l e x a n d r i a w i t h a cargo of horses t h a t he sold t o a r o y a l agent. 28 Horses were v i t a l f o r the cavalry, encamped a l o n g w i t h the rest of the a r m y some distance outside the c i t y w a l l s , p r o b a b l y i n the v i c i n i t y of Bulkeley, at the l o c a t i o n later occupied by the R o m a n castra drinaP Alexan- A l t h o u g h i t is impossible t o assess w i t h any c e r t a i n t y h o w m a n y t r o o p s this g a r r i s o n m a y have housed, Polybios indicates t h a t a r o u n d 2 2 0 B . C . three t h o u s a n d Cretans, one t h o u s a n d Peloponnesians, a n d n u merous Syrians a n d Carians c o n s t i t u t e d merely a p o r t i o n of i t . 3 0 T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n of ethnics i n Polybios's catalog o f the Ptole maic army, w h i c h was p r e p a r i n g at a b o u t the same t i m e f o r the F o u r t h Syrian W a r , is s i m i l a r l y revealing: E u r y l o c h o s o f M a g n e s i a c o m m a n d e d the R o y a l G u a r d ; Sokrates the B o e o t i a n led a c o n t i n g e n t o f peltasts; A n d r o m a c h o s o f Aspendos a n d Ptolemy, son of Thraseas, supervised the p h a l a n x ; Phoxidas the Achaean c o m m a n d e d the Greek mercenaries; Polykrates supervised the cavalry o f the g u a r d a n d L i b y a n a n d E g y p t i a n horsemen; Echekrates o f Thessaly c o m m a n d e d the Greek a n d mercenary cavalry; K n o p i a s o f A l l a r i a a n d P h i l o of Knossos led the C r e t a n c o n t i n gent; A m m o n i o s o f Barca c o m m a n d e d L i b y a n s a r m e d i n M a c e d o n i a n fashion; Sosibios was i n charge o f the Egyptians; a n d D i o n y s o s the T h r a c i a n supervised the T h r a c i a n s a n d G a u l s . 31 A l t h o u g h this m i l i t a r y b u i l d u p was o f l i m i t e d d u r a t i o n , funerary i n s c r i p t i o n s a n d c i n e r a r y urns f r o m Shatby, H a d r a , a n d I b r a h i m i e h , o n w h i c h the names of soldiers are a c c o m p a n i e d b y foreign ethnics, c o r r o b o r a t e the v i e w t h a t a great m a n y soldiers stationed at A l e x a n d r i a were f o r e i g n i n o r i g i n . 3 2 Egyptians also enlisted i n the Ptolemaic army, b u t p r i o r t o the Battle o f R a p h i a i n 2 1 7 B . C . t h e i r service appears t o have been restricted t o the native corps of /maxL/uLoi; hence i t is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t E g y p t i a n names have n o t t u r n e d u p a m o n g the m i l i t a r y personnel i n these cemeteries. 33 D u r i n g the h a l f c e n t u r y t h a t preceded R a p h i a , E g y p t h a d en gaged i n f o u r Syrian campaigns as w e l l as the C h r e m o n i d e a n W a r against M a c e d o n i a , r e s u l t i n g i n the o c c u p a t i o n o f n u m e r o u s Aegean islands a n d bridgeheads o n the coast o f Asia M i n o r . T h e solid gains of Philadelphos a n d Euergetes 1 established the Ptolemaic overseas empire, i n s t r i k i n g contrast t o the earlier, ephemeral conquests o f Soter. H a r d l y a season passed t h a t d i d n o t witness m i l i t a r y a c t i o n i n Syrian o r Aegean theaters. A f t e r R a p h i a , the Ptolemies engaged i n yet another Syrian w a r a n d spent two decades suppressing w i d e s p r e a d native revolts i n U p p e r E g y p t . I t is n o w o n d e r t h a t the Ptolemies were c o n s t a n t l y i n need o f seasoned 45 46 HELLENISTIC A L E X A N D R I A soldiers a n d c o m m a n d e r s . L i k e w i s e , they extensively e m p l o y e d f o r e i g n ers t o t r a i n recruits a n d t o c o m m a n d overseas m i l i t a r y operations and garrisons. 34 Polybios d i d n o t have t o attend a festival i n d o w n t o w n A l e x a n d r i a i n order t o r e p o r t t h a t f o r e i g n mercenaries c o n s t i t u t e d a m a j o r segment of the p o p u l a t i o n o f this c i t y i n his day. Nevertheless, he seems t o echo Praxinoa's sentiments i n c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e m as fiapv KCU TTOXV Kal avaycoyov—oppressive, abundant, and uncultivated—noting as w e l l t h a t they posed a significant menace whenever E g y p t i a n dynasts were w e a k . 35 I n a d d i t i o n t o the g a r r i s o n outside the city, the Ptolemies m a i n t a i n e d h o u s e h o l d t r o o p s (ra depaireCa) rrepl rr\v OLV\T)V a n d a r o y a l b o d y g u a r d (ra 4>vkaKeZa) inside i t ; c o m m a n d e r s a n d other soldiers were often present at c o u r t . 3 6 A n o t h e r g a r r i s o n , serving p r i m a r i l y as a customs post, was stationed nearby at Schedia. 37 For a d m i n i s t r a t i v e purposes, the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a was orga nized i n t o five d i s t r i c t s , n u m b e r e d after the first five letters of the Greek alphabet, b u t p o p u l a t i o n settlement d i d n o t c o n f o r m t o the same pat t e r n . Instead, the l i t e r a r y a n d d o c u m e n t a r y sources reveal a p a t c h w o r k of scattered ethnic n e i g h b o r h o o d s , o r At/meves ("shelters"), t h r o u g h o u t the c i t y . 38 For e x a m p l e , the oldest Jewish n e i g h b o r h o o d , w h e r e the great synagogue described i n the T a l m u d m u s t have been located, appears t o have been situated i n the A d i s t r i c t , east o f Silsileh, yet P h i l o relates t h a t Jews resided i n a l l o f the other districts as w e l l . 3 9 Likewise, Rhakotis, lo cated i n the south-central sector o f the city, appears t o have been the oldest E g y p t i a n settlement, p r e d a t i n g even the f o u n d a t i o n b y A l e x a n d e r ; yet, by the t i m e o f Caesar, the i s l a n d of Pharos c o n s t i t u t e d a s u b u r b b o a s t i n g an E g y p t i a n p o p u l a t i o n so massive t h a t i t occasioned c o m ment. 40 So, t o o , the various A l e x a n d r i a n deme headquarters, n o d o u b t located i n the oldest sections of the city, scarcely reflected a c t u a l resi dence patterns o f A l e x a n d r i a n citizen deme members a n d t h e i r families centuries later. O t h e r ethnic groups also m a i n t a i n e d central headquarters i n the city, l i k e w i s e situated i n the n e i g h b o r h o o d s first settled b y f e l l o w countrymen. 41 E t h n i c c o m m u n i t i e s fostering c o m m o n social a n d c u l t u r a l bonds developed wherever foreigners settled i n the c i t y a n d were replen ished a n d r e v i t a l i z e d b y the constant i n f l u x o f n e w i m m i g r a n t s . For the v a r i o u s reasons n o t e d above, A l e x a n d r i a steadily ab sorbed a stream of f o r e i g n i m m i g r a n t s d u r i n g the f o u r t h t h r o u g h m i d t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. T h e n u m e r o u s funerary stelae a n d c i n e r a r y urns of this p e r i o d b e l o n g i n g t o m e n a n d w o m e n possessing f o r e i g n ethnics suggest t h a t , after the i n i t i a l settlement at the t i m e of the f o u n d a t i o n o f the city, f e w f o r e i g n settlers a c q u i r e d the A l e x a n d r i a n f r a n c h i s e . 42 Residing f o r m u c h o r a l l o f t h e i r lives i n a c i t y n o t their o w n , w i t h o u t politeia o r au t o n o m y , the use o f ethnics b y f o r e i g n residents signified m o r e t h a n mere s t a t u t o r y c o m p l i a n c e w i t h Ptolemaic regulations. For ethnics preserved Delia n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y w h i l e simultaneously d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between i m m i grants f r o m Greek cities a n d Egyptians a n d other n o n - H e l l e n e s . 43 Like wise, at A l e x a n d r i a , i n the D e l t a a n d i n U p p e r E g y p t , at Cyrene, a n d wherever large numbers o f foreigners resided, ethnic associations k n o w n as TToXnevybara were f o u n d e d t o perpetuate n a t i o n a l c u l t practices. P r i m a r i l y religious i n nature, TrokirevfjiaTa nevertheless m o d e l e d t h e i r i n t e r n a l structure a n d procedures o n democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s : they m e t as assemblies, w h e r e members deliberated matters, v o t e d decrees, a n d elected m a g i s t r a t e s . 44 I n cities such as A l e x a n d r i a , m e m b e r s h i p i n a Greek rroXirevixa p r o b a b l y sufficed t o ensure the e n r o l l m e n t o f sons i n the l o c a l g y m n a s i u m , i n m u c h the same w a y t h a t the designations ol arrb rod yvfjbvaaCov, ol jxiqTpoTroXCTai, a n d ol K&TOLKOL perpetuated H e l lenic status i n enchoric m e t r o p o l e i s d u r i n g the R o m a n P r i n c i p a t e . cisely because TrokiTevjiaTa. 45 Pre a n d gymnasia perpetuated elitist social status d i s t i n c t i o n s undesignated by law, these i n s t i t u t i o n s were assidu ously c u l t i v a t e d b y strangers i n a strange l a n d as h a l l m a r k s o f H e l l e n i c o r quasi-Hellenic c i v i l i z a t i o n . As a Syracusan at A l e x a n d r i a , P r a x i n o a behaved i n a m a n n e r t h a t is n o t difficult t o c o m p r e h e n d . T h e c i t y was teeming w i t h foreigners, m a n y of t h e m mercenaries deprived of the privileges a n d benefits enjoyed by citizens. I n f l a u n t i n g her Greek o r i g i n , P r a x i n o a s u m m o n e d t o her defense the one status badge t h a t foreigners m i g h t a c t u a l l y possess—a Greek ethnic. Served u p by a q u i c k m i n d a n d a ready t o n g u e , i t was n o t t o be t a k e n lightly. Brown University P R O V I D E N C E , R H O D E I S L A N D 47 48 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Notes 1 P y r r h o s : W . P e r e m a n s , E . v a n ' t D a c k , et a l . , Prosopographia 6.14566; PP Ptolemaica (hereafter [ h e r e a f t e r P. Cair. (Cairo 1925-1931), Zen.] 11, n o s . 5 9 0 4 5 - 4 6 ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 2 5 7 B . C . ) PP) C h r e m o n i d e s : PP 6 . 1 4 6 3 6 ; G l a u k o n : 6 . 1 4 5 9 6 ; A n d r o m a c h o s : PP 6 . 1 6 1 4 0 . 5 A t h e n a e u s i 3 . 5 7 6 e - f ; B e r e n i k e I : PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 7 ; T h a i s : PP 6 . 1 4 7 2 3 ; A r s i n o e I : PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 1 ; 2 D e m e t r i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; A n d r o n i k o s : PP B i l i s t i c h e : PP 6 . 1 4 7 1 7 ; B e r e n i k e 11: PP 6 . 1 4 4 9 7 ; 4 . 1 0 0 6 2 a ; H i p p o m e d o n : PP 6 . 1 4 6 0 5 ; C l e o p a t r a I : PP 6 . 1 4 5 1 5 ; A g a t h o k l e i a : K l e o m e n e s : PP 6 . 1 6 1 1 8 . 3 P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic PP Alexandria, vol. 1 6 [hereafter Fraser] ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 1 0 2 - 3 ; F. H e i c h e l h e i m , Die auswartige Ptolemaerreich, Bevolkerung PP 6 . i 4 7 8 8 f f . See also P. M . Fraser, " I n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m P t o l e m a i c E g y p t , " Berytus " A H a d r a Vase i n t h e A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m , " Journal passim. For example: of Egyptian the Metropolitan Chief ministers and advisors: K a p h i s o p h o n 39 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : Archaeology 8 4 - 9 4 ; β- F- C o o k , Inscribed Museum Hadra cia, e d . , Catalogue des antiquites r e n t u m : PP 2 . 4 3 3 1 a n d 6 . 1 4 6 3 0 ; P o l y k r a t e s o f Iscrizione A r g o s : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 3 , a n d F. P r e i s i g k e et a l . , = SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 1 6 8 6 . griechischer Urkunden 7 (Cairo 1911), no. 190 e latine see also C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , PP 6.14996ft.; pp. 3 6 5 9 ( A l e x a n d r i a ) ; a n d his b r o t h e r P t o l e - 20-25, n o s - 1 (fro m A p o l l o n i a ) , 3 (Pho- caea), 7 ( A c h a i a ) , 8 ( B o e o t i a ) , a n d 1 0 ( D e l p h i ) . 8 Ambassadors: Theodoros of Cyrene: 6.16761; greche Egyp- aus [ h e r e a f t e r SB] ( S t r a s b o u r g 1 9 1 5 ) , 1, m a i o s : PP 6 . 1 5 7 7 0 . PP d'Alexandrie, nos. 1 - 5 6 8 : tiennes eds., Sammelbuch au Musee general C o m m a n d e r s o f the b o d y g u a r d : Sosibios o f Ta- no. in a b o v e ) , 1 1 6 7 6 a n d 1 6 4 2 , r e s p e c t i v e l y ; E . Brec 6.14576. Agypten Vases (New York of Art 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 2 3 - 3 4 , n o s . 7 a n d 8 = SB ( n o t e 3 of K o s : PP 6 . 1 4 9 9 0 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f S a m o s : PP 13 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 1 5 9 - 6 1 ; T . R o n n e a n d P. M . Fraser, im B e i h e f t 18 ( L e i p z i g 1 9 2 5 ) , Klio, 6.14714. A . E n k l a a r , " C h r o n o l o g i e et p e i n t r e s des h y dries de H a d r a , " Bulletin D e m e t r i o s o f A t h e n s : PP 6 . 1 4 7 5 4 . Antieke Beschaving 60 (1985): 145. G o v e r n o r s : PP 6 . 1 5 0 3 i f f . See also R . S. B a g n a l l , The Administration sions Outside of the Ptolemaic of Egypt Posses 9 T i m o t h e o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 1 8 ; see also K a l l i m a c h o s ' s h y m n t o D e m e t e r , a n d Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , (Leiden 1976), pp. 2 2 9 - 35 a n d p a s s i m . Fraser, p p . 6 6 - 6 7 , a s t u t e l y o b pp. served t h a t a m a j o r i t y o f P t o l e m a i c officials at mente 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 ; P h i l o c h o r o s : F. J a c o b y , Die D e l o s , T h e r a , a n d C r e t e possessed G r e e k c i t y FGrH] der griechischen Historiker Frag- [hereafter (Berlin 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 5 8 ) , π ι B, no. 328. ethnics other t h a n A l e x a n d r i a n . 10 P h i l i s k o s : PP 3 . 6 5 4 1 . L i k e w i s e , a t e m p l e o f C y bele w a s b u i l t n e a r b y at C a n o p u s b y t h e r e i g n C o u r t philosophers: Demetrios of Phaleron: PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; D i o d o r o s K r o n o s f r o m Iasos: of Euergetes Π: E . B r e c c i a , " L a Μήτηρ PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 6 ; M e n e d e m o s o f E r e t r i a : PP C a n o p o , " Bulletin d'Alexandrie 6 . 1 6 7 7 0 ; M n e s i s t r a t o s o f T h a s o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 7 2 . P h y s i c i a n s : C h r y s i p p o s o f K n i d o s : PP 6.16646; I I de la Societe θέον a archeologique 17 ( 1 9 1 9 ) : 1 8 8 - 9 2 . E.g., K a l l i k r a t e s o f Samos ( 2 7 2 / 2 7 1 B . C . ) : 3.5164; Patroklos of M a c e d o n (271/270 P h i l i p p o s o f K o s : PP 6 . 1 6 6 4 0 , a n d Fraser, PP pp. B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 2 5 ; Pelops o f M a c e d o n ( 2 6 5 / 2 6 4 - 369-70. 2 6 4 / 2 6 3 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 2 7 ; G l a u k o n o f A t h e n s T u t o r s : P h i l i t a s o f K o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 2 4 , a n d Fraser, ( 2 5 5 / 2 5 4 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 0 7 1 ; N e o p t o l e m o s o f pp. 309 and 450; Straton of Lampsakos: P i s i d i a ( 2 5 2 / 2 5 1 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 0 4 ; T l e p o l e - PP 6.16786; Apollonios of Naukratis "Rho- dios": ? ? 6 . 1 6 5 1 1 ; Aristarchos o f Samothrace: PP 6.16512, a n mos of Lycia (247/246 and 245/244 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 5 2 8 8 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f Samos (216/215 B . C . ) : PP 3 . 4 9 8 6 . See also J. I j s e w i j n , De d Fraser, p . 4 6 2 . dotibus Lagidorum 4 See, e.g., C . C . E d g a r , Zenon Papyri, 4 vols. sacerdotiisque Alexandri Magni saceret (Brussels 1 9 6 1 ) , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 3 above), p p . 215 and 2 2 2 . Delia 12 Praxagoras: Fraser (note 3 above), p . 3 4 5 ; A . S. H u n t , eds., The Oxyrhynchus H e r o p h i l o s : P P 6.16606; ( L o n d o n 1 8 9 8 - ) , x , n o . i 2 4 i . i i ( s e c o n d cen Kleophantos: PP 3 . 1 6 6 1 5 ; P h i l i n o s : PP 6.16639, Papyri t u r y A . D . ) a n d Fraser, p p . 3 3 0 - 3 8 o n t h e suc a n d Fraser, cession o f L i b r a r y d i r e c t o r s . p . 3 5 9 ; C h r y s i p p o s : PP 3 . 1 6 6 4 6 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 4 6 - 4 7 . O n E r a s i s t r a t o s , see PP 6 . 1 6 5 9 7 ; cf. Fraser, p . 3 4 7 . 20 Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 0 7 - 8 , 4 5 9 - 6 1 . 13 z2.16.18. 21 Deinokrates: Rhodian? PP 6.16530, and 14 E u c l i d : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 1 , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , Bulletin p p . 3 8 7 - 9 6 ; A r i s t a r c h o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 6 , a n d gists B. R. B r o w n , "Deinokrates and A l e x a n d r i a , " of the American Society of Papyrolo- 15 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 3 9 - 4 2 ; S o s t r a t o s : P P 6 . 1 6 5 5 5 . Fraser, p p . 3 9 6 - 9 9 ; K o n o n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 5 , a n d Fraser, p p . 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 ; E r a t o s t h e n e s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 , 22 A g a t h a r k i d e s : C. M i i l l e r , ed., Geographici v o l . 1 (Paris 1 8 5 5 ) , p p . 1 1 1 - a n d Fraser, p p . 4 0 2 , 4 1 4 - 1 5 ; A r c h i m e d e s : Graeci Minores, PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 8 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 9 9 - 4 1 4 ; A p o l l o - 9 5 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 7 ; Periplus Maris Erythraei. n i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 2 5 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 9 6 , 4 1 5 - 2 2 ; K t s e b i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 4 6 , a n d Fraser, p . 4 3 1 ; 23 P h i l o n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 6 1 , a n d Fraser, p p . 4 2 8 - 3 4 . P. Cair. Zen. ( n o t e 4 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 5 9 1 1 0 ; see also E . L e i d e r , Der Handel von Alexandreia (Hamburg 1933), pp. 2 6 - 2 7 . 15 D . Delia, " F r o m Romance to Rhetoric: The A l e x a n d r i a n L i b r a r y i n Classical a n d Islamic T h o u g h t , " American Historical 24 V . G r a c e , " A n c i e n t G r e e k W i n e Jar F r a g m e n t s i n C o l l e c t i o n s i n A l e x a n d r i a , " Year Book 97 Review American (1992): 1 4 5 1 - 5 2 . Philosophical Association, of the 1955: 321-26. 16 D e m e t r i o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 4 2 ; S t r a t o n : PP 6 . 1 6 7 8 6 ; E r a t o s t h e n e s , PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 , a n d Fraser ( n o t e 3 25 Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 7 - 6 8 ; A . E n k l a a r , " L e s h y d r i e s de H a d r a , I I : F o r m e s et a t e l i e r s , " a b o v e ) , p . 4 8 3 ; S p h a i r o s : PP 6 . 1 6 7 8 8 . Bulletin 17 Beshaving 61 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : n o s . 43 C o r i n t h o r S i k y o n ) : PP 6 . 1 6 7 0 2 ; K a l l i m a c h o s : at A l e x a n d r i a a b o u t 2 6 0 B . C . , w i t h d e c o r a t e d PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 7 , pots ceasing by the early second c e n t u r y B . C . a n d Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 4 5 2 - 5 5 , 7 1 7 - 9 3 ; H e r a k l e i t o s : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 9 ; a n d n o n d e c o r a t e d p o t s c o n t i n u i n g t o be ex H e r m e s i a n a x : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 5 ; H e r o d a s : p o r t e d t o A l e x a n d r i a i n t o t h e first c e n t u r y B . C . PP 6.16691; 18 Antieke a n d 6 3 . a . C r e t a n H a d r a vessels b e g i n t o a p p e a r P h i l e m o n : PP 6 . 1 6 7 2 3 ; M a c h o n ( f r o m T h e o k r i t o s : PP 6.16696; E n k l a a r dates A l e x a n d r i a n - m a n u f a c t u r e d H a d r a Hedylos ( f r o m A t h e n s o r S a m o s ) : PP 6 . 1 6 6 8 8 . w a r e w i t h i n t h e years ca. 2 4 0 t o 1 9 0 B . C . H e k a t a i o s o f A b d e r a : PP 6 . 1 6 9 1 5 ; T i m o s thenes o f R h o d e s : PP 5 . 1 3 7 9 4 ; L y k o s o f R h e - See also T . N e r o u t s o s , KEPAMIflN AABAI ENEIIirPA<J>OI EN T H I A P X A I A I AAEHANAPEIAI ( A t h e n s 1 8 7 5 ) , P- 4 d passim; g i o n : PP 6 . 1 6 9 3 1 ; T h e o p o m p o s o f C h i o s : E . B r e c c i a , " L a n e c r o p o l i de l T b r a h i m i e h , " Bul 2 letin de la Societe PP 6 . 1 6 9 2 4 ; D e m e t r i o s o f B y z a n t i o n : PP 6.16910; a n Archeologique d Alexandria : 9 ( 1 9 0 7 ) : 7 4 - 8 6 . N o t e D i o d o r u s Siculus 2 0 . 8 1 A p o l l o d o r o s of Athens: PP 6 . 1 6 8 2 2 , a n d F r a s e r ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) : 1 5 3 - 5 8 , o n the extensive trade between Rhodes a n d n o . 1 3 ; H e r m i p p o s o f S m y r n a : PP 6 . 1 6 9 1 8 ; Alexandria. S a t y r o s o f K a l l a t i s : PP 6 . 1 6 9 4 8 . R e g r e t t a b l y , only the fragments of Kallixeinos survive 26 FGrH O n E g y p t i a n i m m i g r a t i o n t o A l e x a n d r i a , see H . B r a u n e r t , Die Binnenwanderung: ( q u o t e d by Athenaeus 1.196a a n d 203c = zur Sozialgeschichte i n C, no. 627). und Kaiserzeit, 19 Z e n o d o t o s o f E p h e s o s : PP 6.16516, Agyptens in der Studien ptolemder- Bonner historische Forschungen 26 (Bonn 1964), p p . 7 5 - 8 0 . a n d Fraser (note 3 above), p p . 4 5 0 - 5 2 ; A l e x a n d e r the Aet o l i a n : PP 6 . 1 6 5 0 9 , a n d Fraser, p . 4 4 9 ; L y k o - 27 M y p r e l i m i n a r y survey o f the funerary evidence p h r o n o f C h a l k i s : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 9 , a n d Fraser, of Ptolemaic date y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g results p . 4 5 0 ; E r a t o s t h e n e s o f C y r e n e : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 5 , (see also s o l d i e r s discussed at n o t e 3 2 b e l o w ) : a n d Fraser, p p . 4 5 7 - 5 8 ; E u p h r o n i o s o f C h e r r o n e s o s : PP 6 . 1 6 8 5 3 ; A r i s t o p h a n e s o f B y z a n O n e M a m e r t i n e : SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o s . 4 1 7 ^ t i u m : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 3 , a n d Fraser, p p . 3 0 8 , 4 5 9 - 6 1 ; (Hadra). A g a l l i s o f K o r k y r a : PP 6 . 1 6 8 1 4 ; A r i s t a r c h o s ^ Fraser, Three M a c e d o n i a n s : Breccia (note 6 above), p p . 6 4 2 - 4 7 . See also B . P. G r e n f e l l a n d no. 278 (Shatby); A . A d r i a n i , " L a necropole o f S a m o t h r a c e : PP 6 . 1 6 5 1 2 , a n c 49 50 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA d ' E z b e t el M a k h l o u f , " Annuaire Greco-Romain, du Musee (Alexandria 1940): 1935-1939 Three Thracians: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 5 0 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; SB i n , n o . 6 6 7 9 ( H a d r a ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 60 no. 78. Three Thessalians: Breccia (note 6 above), O n e I s t r i a n : B r o w n , PPM, p . 2 5 , n o . 1 7 = Brec n o . 2 4 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) a n d 2 7 5 ( S h a t b y ) ; SB 1, cia (note 6 above), no. 234 ( H a d r a ) . 1 2 1 , n o . 4; C o o k , (note 6 above): 16. no. 5696 (Hadra). O n e M a r o n e i t a n : C o o k (note 6 above): 26, n o . 1 2 ( H a d r a ) ; see also J. B i n g e n , "Vases d ' H a d r a O n e A e t o l i a n : SB 1, n o . 4 0 7 . et p r o s o p o g r a p h i e p t o l e m a i ' q u e , " O n e M a l i a n : R . Pagenstecher, Untersuchungen iiber Gestalt der alexandrinischen Malereien Nekropolis: und Chronique 43 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 3 8 9 - 9 0 . d'Egypte Entwicklung Grabenlagen und [ h e r e a f t e r Pagenstecher, ihrer Nekropolis] One Samothracian: C o o k (note 6 above): 22, no. 5 (Hadra). (Leipzig 1919), p. 45, no. 22. O n e C y p r i o t : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 292 (Hadra). One Locrian: ibid., p. 6 1 , no. 82. T w o B o e o t i a n s : SB 1, n o s . 2 1 0 7 - 2 1 0 8 (Hadra). F i v e R h o d i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 1 9 ( H a d r a ) ; J. G . M i l n e , e d . , Catalogue Three A k a r n i a n s : Breccia (note 6 above), nos. quites Egyptiennes 192 a n d 293 ( H a d r a ) ; C o o k (note 6 above), Inscriptions general du Musee des Anti du Caire: Greek ( O x f o r d 1905), p. 47, no. 27530 ( H a d r a ) ; SB i n , n o . 6 6 7 6 ( H a d r a ) ; SB v , n o s . p p . 2 7 - 2 8 , n o . 16. 7767-68 (Hadra). Six A t h e n i a n s : SB 1, n o . 4 5 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; Brec cia (note 6 above), nos. 205 ( H a d r a ) , 2 1 0 , a n d O n e M y s i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 249 2 4 8 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; SB v , n o . 7 7 9 3 ( H a d r a ) ; SB (Ibrahimieh). v i i i , no. 9863 (Serapeion). T w o Assians: Breccia (note 6 above),-nos. 2 8 2 O n e M e g a r i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 5 6 ( S h a t b y ) a n d 233 = Pagenstecher, (Ibrahimieh). p. 59, n o . 74. O n e A c h a i a n : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 59, n o . 73 = B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 283 O n e C h i a n : B r o w n , PPM, Nekropolis, p . 62, n o . 45 = C o o k (note 6 above): 30, no. 22. (Ibrahimieh). Six M i l e s i a n s : B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 3 6 T w o A r c a d i a n s : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 48, no. 37 p . 4 7 , n o . 25 = B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 4 6 ( S h a t b y ) ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 7 3 = Pa ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; A d r i a n i (this note), p . 1 2 1 , n o . 7 genstecher, Nekropolis, ( E z b e t el M a k h l o u f ) . Breccia (note 6 above), nos. 285 ( H a d r a ) a n d p. 50, n o . 4 2 (Shatby); 2 8 6 = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, O n e A r g i v e : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 59, p. 6 1 , no. 84; Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 315. n o . 70 = Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 232 (Hadra). One M y l a s i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 308. O n e E p i d a u r i a n : SB 1, n o . 2 1 3 0 ( R a m l e h ) . T w o M a g n e s i a n s : SB i n , n o . 6 2 4 0 = 6 6 8 5 a n d 6683 (Hadra). Twelve Cretans: Breccia (note 6 above), nos. 1 9 7 - 9 8 , 2 3 0 ( H a d r a ) , 245 a n d 252 (Ibra O n e B i t h y n i a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 3 1 h i m i e h ) , 2 7 6 ( S h a t b y ) ; Pagenstecher, = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, Nekropo p. 48, no. 35. lis, p . 6 0 , n o . 7 9 ( H a d r a ) ; C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) : 9 n . 7, 2 1 - 2 2 n o . 4 ( H a d r a ) , 26 n o . 12, 30 n o . O n e H e r a k l e o t a n : Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 2 1 ; Fraser (note 6 above), p . 145, n o . 9. 299a (Shatby). T h r e e T h e r a i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 9 9 ( M e x / G a b b a r i ) ; B . R . B r o w n , Ptolemaic and PPM] the Alexandrian Paintings Style and Mosaics [hereafter B r o w n , ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 19 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; C o o k ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) : 16 n . 6 0 . Four Galatians: Breccia (note 6 above), nos. 1 9 5 , 2 6 8 a = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, n o . 7 5 ; B r o w n , PPM, stecher, Nekropolis, p. 60, p . 1 7 , n o . 6 = Pagen p . 53, n o . 52 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 47, no. 30. Delia O n e C e l t : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, a b o v e ) , n o . 2 3 7 = B r o w n , PPM, p. 58, no. 65. (Shatby). O n e Pisidian: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 289 A n E p i r o t : B r o w n , PPM, p. 26, no. 21 p. 26, n o . 22 ( H a d r a ) . (Hadra). Thessalians: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 242 = Pagenstecher, Nekropolis O n e P a m p h y l i a n : SB 1, n o . 1 7 2 4 ( H a d r a ) . (note 27 above), p . 5 1 , n o . 45 = B r o w n , PPM, pp. 2 5 - 2 6 , F o u r S y r i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 9 ( H a d r a ) ; B r e c c i a n o . 2 0 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; B r o w n , PPM, (note 6 above), nos. 294 ( H a d r a ) a n d 307; ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 238 p. 16, no. 4 SB i n , n o . 6 6 8 9 ( H a d r a ) . Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, O n e Phoenician: Breccia (note 6 above), n o . Recberches 2 5 1 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) . N o t e also t h e A r a m a i c f u n e r (Paris 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 5 0 ) , 1, p . 2 1 7 . = p p . 5 2 - 5 3 , n o . 50 ( S h a t b y ) . O n T h e s s a l i a n s , see also M . L a u n e y , sur les armees 2 vols. hellenistiques, a r y stela o f A q a b i a h f r o m t h e same c e m e t e r y : B r e c c i a ( n o t e 25 a b o v e ) , p . 4 0 . A n A e t o l i a n : SB ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , 1, n o . 2 1 1 0 (Hadra). E l e v e n C y r e n a e a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 0 6 6 ( H a d r a ) ; SB 1, n o . 1 6 7 6 ( H a d r a ) ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , A k a r n i a n s : SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 4 ( H a d r a ) ; Pagen n o s . 1 9 9 a n d 2 4 0 = Pagenstecher, stecher, Nekropolis, Nekropolis, p. 5 1 , no. 44. p p . 3 6 - 3 7 , n o . 6 (Shatby); Breccia (note 6 a b o v e ) , n o s . 2 5 7 ( H a d r a ) , 2 6 6 , a n d 3 0 0 = Pa A Keian: C o o k (note 6 above): 2 0 - 2 1 , no. 2 genstecher, Nekropolis, ( H a d r a ) . See also L a u n e y , Recberches, p. 60, no. 81 (Hadra); 1, p . 2 0 5 . A d r i a n i (this note), p p . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 5 a n d 13; SB i n , n o . 6 6 8 0 ( H a d r a ) . C r e t a n s : SB v , n o . 7 7 9 4 ( A l e x a n d r i a ) ; B r e c c i a ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , n o . 1 9 4 = SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 6 28 Polybios 5.37. ( H a d r a ) ; Breccia (note 6 above), n o . 188 = SB 1, n o . 2 1 0 2 ( H a d r a ) . See also L a u n e y , 29 O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e castra romano, e topographici 1, p p . 2 5 0 - 5 1 . dei dell'Egitto nomi greco- A R h o d i a n : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, p. 46, no. 26 (presumably f r o m Alexandria). v o l . 1.1 ( M i l a n 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 1 4 8 ; J. Les- q u i e r , Varmee Diocletien Recberches, Judaicum 4 . 1 1 . 5 . C f . A . C a l d e r i n i , Dizionario geografici see Alexandrina, S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 ; J o s e p h u s Bellum romaine d'Egypte d'Auguste a (Cairo 1918), pp. 3 8 9 - 9 0 . Tomb 1 A C o l o p h o n i a n : P. M . Fraser, " I n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m G r e c o - R o m a n E g y p t , " Berytus 15 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : at M u s t a f a Pasha, d a t i n g f r o m t h e late t h i r d t o 7 1 , n o . 1 ( p r o b a b l y f r o m A l e x a n d r i a ) . See also the early second century B . C . , h a d a pediment L a u n e y , Recberches, 1, p . 4 3 1 . o n w h i c h cavalrymen were depicted: A . A d r i a n i , " L a n e c r o p o l e de M o u s t a f a P a s h a , " du Musee 1934/1935 Greco-Romain, Annuaire 1933/1934- (Alexandria 1936): 1 0 2 - 1 2 B i t h y n i a n s : SB 111, n o . 6 2 4 1 = B r o w n , and 1 7 3 - 7 4 ; B r o w n (note 27 above), p p . 5 2 - 5 3 , G a l a t i a n s : Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, n o . 3 4 — a n e x e m p l a r y s t u d y t h a t has b e c o m e n o . 25 = B r o w n , PPM, a l l t h e m o r e v a l u a b l e w i t h t h e passage o f t i m e d r i a ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, since t h i s a n d m a n y o t h e r m o n u m e n t s ( H a d r a ) ; B r o w n , PPM, recorded b y the a u t h o r have deteriorated. Nekropolis, pp. 1 7 - 1 8 , no. 7 ( H a d r a ) ; Pagenstecher, Nekropolis, n o . 3 1 = B r o w n , PPM, 3I p. 52, no. 47 p . 16 n o . 3 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) ; SB 1, n o . 2 1 1 6 = Pagenstecher, Polybios 5.36.4. p. 46, p. 18, n o . 9 (Alexan p . 4 5 , n o . 23 = B r o w n , PPM, 30 p. 48, p. 18, no. 8 (Ibra P o l y b i o s 5.79 a n d 8 2 . A g a t h o k l e s ' a r r a n g e m e n t s h i m i e h ) ; B r o w n , PPM, in 206 B . C . indicate that a substantial h i m i e h ) . See a l s o A . J. R e i n a c h , " L e s G a u l o i s e n number pp. 1 6 - 1 7 , n o - 5 (Ibra o f m e r c e n a r i e s c o n t i n u e d t o be s t a t i o n e d i n E g y p t e , " Revue A l e x a n d r i a : Polybios 15.25.3 and ( 1 9 1 1 ) : 3 3 - 7 4 a n d 182; i d e m , "Les Galates 17-18. des Etudes Anciennes d a n s P a r t A l e x a n d r i n e , " Monuments 32 PPM, p . 2 8 , n o . 2 7 ( G a b b a r i ) . See also SB i v , n o . 7 4 5 6 . 13 et Me Macedonians: A . A d r i a n i , "Nouvelles decou- mories, Academie vertes d a n s l a n e c r o p o l e de H a d r a , " Annuaire Lettres 18 ( 1 9 1 0 ) , p p . 3 7 - 1 1 6 ; a n d L a u n e y , (Alexan Recberches, du Musee Greco-Romain, 1940-1950 d r i a 1 9 5 2 ) : 2 5 - 2 7 = B r o w n , PPM 1, p p . des Inscriptions et Belles- 511-13. (note 27 above), p . 28, n o . 26 ( H a d r a ) ; Breccia (note 6 A Cyrenaean: Breccia, p. 284 ( I b r a h i m i e h ) . T h e 51 52 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA f u n e r a r y stela o f a R o m a n m e r c e n a r y , S i l v a n u s , hence, b y extension, an ethnic n e i g h b o r h o o d : w a s also u n e a r t h e d at S h a t b y : SB I , n o . 6 7 4 . f o r t h i s use, see P. Cair. Zen. (note 4 above), no. 59034.7 (Philadelphia 257 B . C . ) . 33 J. L e s q u i e r , Les institutions gypte militaires de I'E- (Paris 1 9 1 1 ) , p p . 5 - 1 0 . sous les Lagides 39 J o s e p h u s Contra T o m b 1 at A n f u s h y , w h i c h o n c e c o n t a i n e d a Bellum Judaicum p a i n t i n g i n w h i c h t h e deceased w o r e a m i l i t a r y Tosefta Sukkah Apionem 2 . 3 3 - 3 6 ; Josephus 2 . 4 9 5 ; P h i l o In Place. 55; 4.6. h e l m e t , m a y w e l l have been d e c o r a t e d f o r a n E g y p t i a n s e r v i n g i n t h i s c o r p s . See G . B o t t i , P s . - K a l l i s t h e n e s 1 . 3 1 . 4 ; Caesar Bellum Civile 3 . 1 1 2 . 2 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 ; P l i n y Naturalis Bulletin 5.62; C a l d e r i n i (note 29 above), p . 3 9 . de la Societe Archeologique d'Alexan- drie 4 ( 1 9 0 2 ) : 1 7 - 1 8 ; B r o w n , PPM 34 40 " P r e m i e r e v i s i t e a la n e c r o p o l e d ' A n f o u c h y , " Historia (note 27 above), pp. 5 3 - 5 4 , no. 35. 41 D e l i a ( n o t e 38 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 1 - 8 2 a n d n . 4 4 . M y r m i d o n o f A t h e n s : PP 6 . 1 5 2 2 3 ; A n t i g o n o s 42 See n o t e 2 7 a b o v e . 43 Ptolemaic l a w distinguished three official legal o f M a c e d o n : PP 6 . 1 5 1 7 8 ; K i l l e s o f M a c e d o n : PP 2 . 2 1 6 4 a n d 6.14609; N i k a n o r of Macedon: PP 2 . 2 1 6 9 a n d 6 . 1 4 6 1 6 ; P r a x a g o r a s f r o m status categories a m o n g subjects: c i t i z e n s o f C r e t e : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 4 ; K a l l i k r a t e s o f S a m o s : G r e e k c i t i e s , s o l d i e r s , a n d e v e r y o n e else. T h e s e PP 6 . 1 4 6 0 7 ; P a t r o k l o s o f M a c e d o n : last w e r e r e q u i r e d i n o f f i c i a l d o c u m e n t s t o a p PP 6 . 1 5 0 6 3 ; K a l l i k r a t i d a s o f C y r e n e : p e n d t o their names p a t r o n y m s , ethnics, a n d PP 6 . 1 5 2 1 2 ; A g a t h o k l e s o f S a m o s : PP 6 . 1 4 5 7 6 ; class, i.e., e l i t e s o c i a l status d e s i g n a t i o n s , w h e n N i k o l a o s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 1 ; A n d r o m a c h o s a p p l i c a b l e : P. M . M e y e r , e d . , Griechische o f A s p e n d o s : PP 2 . 2 1 5 0 ; P o l y k r a t e s o f A r g o s : pyrusurkunden PP 6 . 1 5 2 3 3 ; E c h e k r a t e s o f T h e s s a l y : PP 2 . 2 1 6 1 ; versitatsbibliothek der Hamburger Staats- Paund Uni- (Leipzig-Berlin 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 2 4 ) , P h o x i d a s o f M e l e t a : PP 2 . 2 1 8 2 ; E u r y l o c h o s o f 1, n o . 1 6 8 ( t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . ) ; W . M . B r a s h e a r , M a g n e s i a : PP 2 . 2 1 6 0 ; S o k r a t e s o f B o e o t i a : e d . , Agyptische PP 2 . 2 1 7 8 ; K n o p i a s o f A l l a r i a : PP 2 . 2 1 6 5 ; Museen P h i l o n o f K n o s s o s : PP 2 . 2 3 0 1 ; A m m o n i o s o f no. 2367 (third century B . C . ) . Likewise, the zu Berlin Urkunden aus den Staatlichen (Berlin 1980), v o l . 14, B a r c a : PP 2 . 2 1 4 8 ; D i o n y s o s o f T h r a c e : a m n e s t y decree o f 1 1 8 B . C . ( B . P. G r e n f e l l , PP 2 . 2 1 5 7 ; H i p p o l o c h o s o f T h e s s a l y : A . S. H u n t , a n d J. G . S m y l y , eds., The PP 6 . 1 5 2 0 8 ; S k o p a s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 2 4 1 ; Papyri, T h e o d o t o s o f A e t o l i a : PP 6 . 1 5 0 4 5 ; B o l i s f r o m reaffirmed that Greek courts of l a w C r e t e : PP 6 . 1 4 7 5 0 ; D o r y m e n e s o f A e t o l i a : tai) w e r e t o h a n d l e cases i n v o l v i n g G r e e k l i t i PP 6 . 1 5 1 9 9 ; E u p h r a i n e t o s o f A e t o l i a : g a n t s , w h i l e E g y p t i a n p a r t i e s w e r e t o seek j u s t i c e PP 6.15203. Tebtunis vol. 1 [London 1902], no. 5.207-20) i n E g y p t i a n c o u r t s {laokritai). (chrematis- See also J. M e l e z e - M o d r z e j e w s k i , " E n t r e la c i t e et le fisc: L e s t a t u t 35 P o l y b i o s 3 4 . 1 4 i n S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 1 2 . O n t h i s pas grec d a n s l ' E g y p t e r o m a i n e , " i n sage, see m y essay, " E g y p t i a n s a n d G r e e k s , " ( V a l e n c i a 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 2 4 3 . S u c h d i s t i n c t i o n s be Symposion f o r t h c o m i n g i n F. B . T i c h e n e r a n d R . M o o r t e n , c a m e even m o r e c o n s p i c u o u s d u r i n g t h e R o m a n Mimesis: The Reciprocal p e r i o d , w h e n R o m a n c i t i z e n s h i p w a s esteemed the Arts in Graeco-Roman Honor of Peter M. Green Influence of Life Antiquity. Presented and Essays on His as t h e h i g h e s t l e g a l s t a t u s , a n d H e l l e n i s m w a s in e n d o r s e d as a n e l i t e s o c i a l status d i s t i n c t i o n . yoth Nevertheless, the influence o f E g y p t i a n c u l t u r e Birthday. o n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f mathematics, mechanics, 36 Polybios 15.25.17 and 16.21.8. Lesquier (note a n d science at A l e x a n d r i a a n d t h e i m p a c t o f 33 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 - 4 ; Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , v o l . E g y p t i a n i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d r e l i g i o u s ideas a n d 2, p p . 1 5 2 - 5 3 n . 2 2 4 . practices o n Greeks a n d R o m a n s i n E g y p t were substantial although n o t always acknowledged 37 G . L . A v a r n i t a k i s , "Sur quelques inscriptions by ancient authorities. Indeed, one-dimensional r e l a t i v e s a u c a n a l d ' A l e x a n d r i e , " Bulletin cultural interaction—the hellenization of Egyp ITnstitut d'Egypte, de tians w i t h o u t a corresponding egyptianization ser. 4.3 ( 1 9 0 2 ) : 2 1 ; see also of Hellenes—is inconceivable w i t h i n the m u l t i Fraser ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 9 . cultural context of Hellenistic and R o m a n 38 Egypt. P s . - K a l l i s t h e n e s 1.32. See also C a l d e r i n i ( n o t e 29 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 9 - 8 0 , a n d D . D e l i a , Alexan drian Principate Citizenship during the Roman 44 D . D e l i a , " P o l i t e i a , P o l i t e u m a a n d t h e Jews o f ( A t l a n t a 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 5 2 n . 1 1 . ALJULTJP d e n o t e s a A l e x a n d r i a " ( f o r t h c o m i n g ) ; see also L a u n e y , l a n d i n g place i n a h a r b o r , a haven o r retreat; Recherches Kifxr]v ercupeCas s i g n i f i e d a place o f f e l l o w s h i p , ( n o t e 3 2 a b o v e ) , 11, p p . 1 0 7 9 - 8 0 . Delia 45 T h a t t h i s state o f affairs w a s n o t w h o l e h e a r t e d l y e n d o r s e d b y A l e x a n d r i a n c i t i z e n s is r e v e a l e d b y t h e Boule eds., Papiri papyrus (G. Vitelli and M . Norsa, greet e latini, v o l . 10 [Florence 1 9 3 2 - ] , no. 1160), in w h i c h Alexandrian citi zens at t h e t i m e o f t h e R o m a n a n n e x a t i o n o f E g y p t ( 3 0 B . C . ) envisage t h e d u t i e s o f t h e i r p r o s p e c t i v e c i t y c o u n c i l t o be s c r u t i n y o f e p h e b i c candidates i n order t o exclude y o u t h s subject t o t h e p o l l t a x (i.e., a n y o n e l a c k i n g R o m a n c i t i z e n s h i p o r c i t i z e n s h i p i n a G r e e k c i t y ) , a n d preser v a t i o n o f the p u r i t y o f the citizen body. 53 This page intentionally left blank 55 City Planning? Gunter To Peter Marshall Fraser W i t h the Greek f o u n d a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a i n the year 3 3 1 B . C . a n e w 1 2 era was d a w n i n g i n the age-old h i s t o r y o f E g y p t . E v e n t u a l l y the k i n g d o m with gratitude on the occasion seventy-fifth Grimm of his birthday o n the N i l e opened u p t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d , a n d , h e r a l d i n g the w i n d o f change, a c o m p l e t e l y different type o f c i t y emerged: the R o y a l C i t y (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) . U n l i k e any polis f a m i l i a r t o the Greeks, this 3 new c a p i t a l a n d residence o f the M a c e d o n i a n sovereigns was governed m o r e o r less b y the Ptolemaic rulers alone. I t still developed q u i c k l y i n t o the true center o f the w h o l e Hellenistic w o r l d a n d became the m a i n f o cus of trade, arts, a n d sciences w i t h i n a few decades. A l e x a n d r i a was l a i d o u t o n a n a r r o w , h i l l y cape between the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea t o the n o r t h a n d L a k e M a r e o t i s t o the s o u t h , her shape reminiscent o f an outspread chlamys. T h e so-called H e p t a s t a d i o n , a d i k e e x t e n d i n g over seven stades, connected the t o w n a n d the island o f Pharos, w h i c h gave its name t o its celebrated lighthouse. West o f the d i k e the Eunostos H a r b o r t o o k f o r m ; east o f i t lay w h a t was t o be called the Great H a r b o r . T h e s o u t h e r n quarters o f the c i t y were m a i n l y c o m posed of residential houses b u t also i n c l u d e d the Serapeion, w h i l e the n o r t h e r n section saw the rise of the r o y a l palaces (the Basileia), the M o u seion, the L i b r a r y , a n d the Paneion (an artificial h i l l w i t h gardens a n d a sanctuary o f the g o d Pan) as w e l l as the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the theater, the g y m n a s i o n , temples, p a r k s a n d gardens, a n d also o f the Sema, the b u r y ing place o f A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d the Ptolemaic kings. O n l y a few years after Octavian's conquest o f the N i l e me t r o p o l i s , p r e s u m a b l y sometime between 24 a n d 20 B . C . , the geographer and h i s t o r i a n Strabo visited A l e x a n d r i a a n d left us a valuable d e s c r i p t i o n i n his Teojypa4>Ca (Book 1 7 ) . 4 Even so, research i n t o ancient A l e x a n d r i a d i d n o t start u n t i l relatively late i n the nineteenth century. T h e A l e x a n d r i a n s ' general lack of interest i n the past of their o w n t o w n was o n l y one reason f o r this; another was the e n o r m o u s changes i n the t o w n ' s p a n o r a m a due t o "a general subsidence, p r o b a b l y o f a b o u t f o u r metres, w h i c h has t a k e n m u c h o f the coastal r e g i o n of the ancient c i t y beneath sea level" a n d ag gravated by the immense b u i l d i n g activities under the successors of Mohammed Ali. 5 56 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA As a n o t e w o r t h y e x c e p t i o n , M a h m o u d Bey (El F a l a k i , i.e., " T h e E n g i n e e r " ) , a s t r o n o m e r t o the khedive I s m a i l , was c o m m i s s i o n e d t o excavate a n d catalogue the remains o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a between 1863 a n d 1 8 6 5 . As h i c k w o u l d have i t , the p r o j e c t was f u r t h e r e d by the m o s t distinguished circles. A p p a r e n t l y the French emperor N a p o l e o n i n h a d n o t been very h a p p y at h a v i n g t o d o w i t h o u t a g o o d , detailed m a p of the ancient c i t y w h i l e w o r k i n g o n his m o n u m e n t a l Histoire de Jules Cesar. H e h a d conveyed his regret t o V i c e r o y I s m a i l , w h o i m m e d i a t e l y t o o k a c t i o n , assigning the w o r k t o M a h m o u d Bey a n d p r o v i d i n g h i m w i t h a g r o u p o f technical officials a n d t w o h u n d r e d w o r k m e n . A m a n u script plus seven maps a n d d r a w i n g s , i n c l u d i n g o u r first p l a n o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a based o n the evidence o f excavations, were c o m p l e t e d by D e cember 1 8 6 6 a n d sent t o L o u i s N a p o l e o n i n 1 8 6 7 . T h e r e p u b l i c o f let ters, however, h a d t o w a i t six m o r e years before M a h m o u d Bey's w o r k was made accessible: i t was p r i n t e d a n d p u b l i s h e d i n Copenhagen o n the occasion o f an official visit p a i d t o D e n m a r k by the engineer himself o n behalf o f the E g y p t i a n viceroy i n 1 8 7 2 . 6 M a h m o u d Bey's results were revised a n d i m p r o v e d by Ferdi n a n d N o a c k i n accordance w i t h further evidence o f his o w n excavations d u r i n g 1898 a n d 1 8 9 9 . T h a n k s t o Evaristo Breccia, A c h i l l e A d r i a n i , 7 a n d others w h o have considerably increased o u r k n o w l e d g e o f the an cient c i t y , n u m e r o u s investigations f o l l o w e d i n the first h a l f o f this cen 8 t u r y . T h e m o s t substantial c o n t r i b u t i o n yet, the b o o k o n Ptolemaic 9 A l e x a n d r i a , was finally presented i n three volumes by Peter M a r s h a l l Fraser i n 1 9 7 2 ; this m o n u m e n t a l , e p o c h - m a r k i n g opus o f o u t s t a n d i n g q u a l i t y has become absolutely indispensable. 10 Based o n a l l the preceding research a n d o n his personal o b servations, W o l f r a m H o e p f n e r d r e w a n e w c i t y m a p o f early Ptolemaic Alexandria, published i n 1990. 11 A c c o r d i n g t o h i m , A l e x a n d r i a was d i v i d e d i n t o a system o f equal rectangles o f 3 1 0 by 277 meters e a c h . 12 One insula measured 150 by 3 0 0 feet ( w i t h 29.4 c m t o the f o o t ) , a n d the i n d i v i d u a l a l l o t m e n t s c o n t a i n e d therein h a d a size of 75 by 75 feet, cover i n g r o u g h l y 4 8 6 square meters each. T h e regular insulae were s u b d i v i d e d b y streets 50 feet w i d e ( = 14.70 m ) , whereas the m a i n axes—one m a j o r r o a d r u n n i n g e a s t - w e s t a n d , as H o e p f n e r postulates, t w o m o r e leading n o r t h - s o u t h — b r o a d e n e d t o 100 feet ( 2 9 . 4 0 m ) . I f Hoepfner's street m a p o f Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a were correct, there s h o u l d have been a b o u t fifty residential quarters, each composed of 144 houses. A l l t o l d , the n u m b e r o f residential houses w o u l d thus have a m o u n t e d t o s o m e t h i n g l i k e seven t h o u s a n d , a c c o m m o d a t i n g m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 people! To check these figures, we s h o u l d first o f a l l r e v i e w the loca t i o n of the c i t y w a l l s . L e t us begin w i t h l i t e r a r y evidence. A r r i a n 1 3 men t i o n s Alexander's personal role i n the siting o f the m a i n p o i n t s o f the c i t y ( " . . . w h e r e the agora s h o u l d be constructed, a n d h o w m a n y temples there s h o u l d be, . . . those o f the Greek gods a n d o f E g y p t i a n Isis") a n d G r i m m especially i n the course o f the c i t y w a l l . T h e latter is also c o n f i r m e d by D i o d o r u s : " A l e x a n d e r also l a i d o u t the w a l l s so t h a t they were at once exceedingly large a n d m a r v e l o u s l y s t r o n g . . . a n d he l a i d o u t the site a n d traced the streets s k i l l f u l l y . " 1 4 Second, we have some i m p o r t a n t i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m PseudoKallisthenes' Life of Alexander,* 5 or strictly speaking, f r o m those sec t i o n s o f i t t h a t are authentic, t h a t is, of H e l l e n i s t i c o r i g i n . T h e Life reports t h a t A l e x a n d e r , i n f o u n d i n g his n e w city, was assisted by t w o m e n : D e i n o k r a t e s o f Rhodes a n d Kleomenes o f N a u k r a t i s . 1 6 Other sources c o r r o b o r a t e t h a t D e i n o k r a t e s was indeed the architect o f Alexandria; 1 7 he seems t o have been the a u t h o r o f the city's first design. I n v o l v e d i n the business was also Kleomenes, Alexander's g o v e r n o r i n E g y p t , w h o m P t o l e m y I e l i m i n a t e d i n 323 B . C . Kleomenes was respon sible f o r the finances i n general a n d the m o n e t a r y system i n p a r t i c u l a r . We m a y assume considerable b u i l d i n g a c t i v i t y d u r i n g his r e i g n ( 3 3 1 323 B.C.). A t least the Ptolemaic m i n t was w o r k i n g t h a t early, s t a r t i n g p r o b a b l y i n 3 3 1 / 3 3 0 or, at the latest, i n 3 2 6 / 3 2 5 . 18 U n f o r t u n a t e l y we have n o m a t e r i a l p r o o f o f t h a t or o f w h e r e the m i n t was located i n the n e w c a p i t a l . T h e question arises, however, w h e r e else t o l o o k f o r i t i n this c o u n t r y w i t h o u t any local t r a d i t i o n i n m i n t i n g a n d coinage. A n d i f the m i n t was a c t u a l l y established i n A l e x a n d r i a , i t m u s t c e r t a i n l y have been w e l l p r o t e c t e d f r o m the very b e g i n n i n g . W h i l e discussing the emperor Vespasian's visit t o the A l e x a n d r i a n Serapeion a n d the o r i g i n o f the g o d Serapis, Tacitus provides us w i t h another relevant piece of i n f o r m a t i o n . 19 T h e E g y p t i a n h i g h priests assured h i m t h a t Ptolemy 1 h a d e q u i p p e d the n e w l y f o u n d e d c i t y w i t h w a l l s , temples, a n d cults: moenia w o r d moenia templaque refers t o the c i t y enclosure, 20 et religiones addidit. I f the this implies the c o m p l e t i o n o f the w a l l d u r i n g the r e i g n of Soter. B u t even leaving this p o s s i b i l i t y aside, i t seems s o m e w h a t h a r d t o believe t h a t A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d have been left completely exposed between 3 3 1 a n d 323 B . C . A n y h o w , i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . the A l e x a n d r i a n c i t y w a l l was definitely there, f o r K a l l i m a c h o s asked the scholars of the c i t y t o assemble " i n the shrine be fore the w a l l . " 2 1 I n o u r l i t e r a r y sources we have neither a h i n t i n d i c a t i n g w h e r e we should assume the c i t y w a l l t o have r u n n o r a d e s c r i p t i o n o f its appearance ( w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f a reference i n Pseudo-Kallisthenes' r o m a n t i c account, b u t i n a passage t h a t does n o t have c r e d i b i l i t y ) . 22 Even Strabo, w r i t i n g a b o u t his visit t o A l e x a n d r i a , does n o t e x p l i c i t l y m e n t i o n a c i t y w a l l . H e does, however, use the expression TrepifioXos (enclosure). 23 Let us n o w l o o k f o r archaeological evidence. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , there is none. I n spite o f M a h m o u d Bey, w h o c l a i m e d t o have discovered remains o f the Ptolemaic c i t y w a l l at various p o i n t s d u r i n g his excava t i o n s , there is n o p r o o f t h a t these remains belonged t o the o r i g i n a l c i t y wall. 2 4 Nevertheless we are still able t o a p p r o x i m a t e the p o s i t i o n o f the 57 58 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 1b 1a 1c early w a l l s i n the eastern a n d western parts of the t o w n , as Fraser has a l FIG. ready p o i n t e d o u t . H y d r i a , from Shatby. Front. Ca. 2 5 I n accordance w i t h universal Greek practice, a l l la 3 3 0 - 3 2 0 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco- b u r i a l areas m u s t have l a i n outside the c i t y w a l l s . I n the eastern p a r t of Roman M u s e u m 8667. Photo by A l e x a n d r i a , the n o r t h e r n b u r i a l g r o u n d underneath m o d e r n Shatby is D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , generally considered t o be the oldest e x t a n t necropolis. Late A t t i c red- Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 3 0 - 2 6 9 3 2 . figured w a r e clearly indicates such an early d a t e . 26 W h a t we c a n n o t t e l l FIG. lb exactly is w h e n the Shatby necropolis was eventually a b a n d o n e d . B u t Side view of hydria, figure i a . seen i n the l i g h t o f recent research, the t h e o r y o f its end i n the late f o u r t h Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy c e n t u r y B . C . l o o k s very u n l i k e l y i n d e e d ; over a considerably longer p e r i o d . 27 i t seems t o have been i n use of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 26935-26937. 2 8 I n any event, the fact t h a t s i m i l a r late A t t i c red-figured w a r e FIG. I c Back view of hydria, figure i a . of an even earlier date has come t o l i g h t i n the r e g i o n o f m o d e r n H a d r a , Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy s o u t h o f Shatby, seems t o have passed largely u n n o t i c e d . O n the w h o l e , of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F the t o m b s o f H a d r a are dated t o the second h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . a n d t o the earlier p a r t o f the s e c o n d , 29 a l t h o u g h there is e n o u g h evidence of b u r i a l a c t i v i t y h a v i n g started i n this r e g i o n as early as the late f o u r t h century. T w o A t t i c h y d r i a i of the second h a l f of the f o u r t h century were f o u n d d u r i n g the last decade of the nineteenth century. O n e specimen (figs, i a - c ) , 3 0 datable between 3 3 0 a n d 3 2 0 B . C . , shows d a n c i n g w o m e n , a flute player, a w i n g e d Eros, a n d palmettes b e l o w the handles. T h e sec o n d one, o f the same date a n d u n t i l n o w u n p u b l i s h e d , is decorated w i t h a w o m a n ' s head (fig. 2 ) . 3 1 A pelike, again o f A t t i c o r i g i n (figs. 3a, b ) , 3 2 s h o w i n g a p i l l a r , a discus, a n d three y o u t h s f r a m e d by k y m a t i a a n d w e a r i n g h i m a t i a , was even m a n u f a c t u r e d before the m i d d l e o f the f o u r t h century. T w o o f these vessels were p u b l i s h e d w i t h complete disregard f o r their o b v i o u s value i n the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the t o p o g r a p h y o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a . A b e a u t i f u l faience vessel o f the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , de p i c t i n g a statuette, three masks o f the g o d Bes, a n d bands o f o r n a m e n t a l m o t i f s as w e l l as animals, was f o u n d i n another t o m b at H a d r a together w i t h five coins o f P t o l e m y 1 (figs. 4a, b ) . 3 3 26933-26934. Grimm 2 FIG. 3a 3b 2 H y d r i a , from Shatby. Ca. 3 3 0 - 3 2 0 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8668. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 1 - 2 6 9 2 3 . FIG. 3a Pelike, from Shatby. Front. Ca. 360 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m 8669. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 4 - 2 6 9 2 6 . FIG. 3b Back of pelike, figure 3 a. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 2 6 9 2 7 - 2 6 9 2 9 . FIG. 4a Faiance vessel, from H a d r a . Early t h i r d century B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 19462. Photos by D . Johannes, D A I , Istanbul. FIG. 4b V i e w of vessel from H a d r a , figure 4a. 4a 4b 59 60 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 5 Alabaster tomb in the Latin Cemetery, Alexandria. T h i r d century B . C . Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 7033-7034. FIG. 6 Stag-hunt mosaic, from Shatby. Ca. 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 21643. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 17445. T h e p o s i t i o n s o f these b u r i a l places ( H a d r a a n d Shatby) p r o vide us w i t h w e l c o m e clues c o n c e r n i n g the t o p o g r a p h y extra muros. On the other h a n d , there is n o reason at a l l t o regard the so-called Alabaster T o m b i n the L a t i n Cemetery (fig. 5) as being inside the area enclosed by the c i t y w a l l . Breccia's p r o p o s i t i o n that the Alabaster T o m b s h o u l d be identified w i t h the N e m e s e i o n , f o u n d e d by Julius Caesar t o h o n o r Pompey, has r i g h t l y been rejected by A d r i a n i . 3 4 T h e Alabaster T o m b was i n deed p a r t o f a t o m b . Supposing t h a t this m u s t have been b u i l t outside the c i t y w a l l , w e can deduce t h a t the w a l l s h o u l d have r u n i m m e d i a t e l y west o f i t . T h e stag-hunt mosaic o f the first h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 6 ) , 3 5 show i n g three h u n t i n g erotes s u r r o u n d e d by a border o f animals, proves that the residential quarters o f A l e x a n d r i a c a n n o t have been far away. We m a y therefore assume w i t h some confidence t h a t the f o u n d a t i o n s of the eastern w a l l , r u n n i n g f r o m n o r t h t o s o u t h , lay somewhere between the stag-hunt mosaic house a n d the Alabaster T o m b . Strabo m e n t i o n s o n l y the western necropolis o f A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h i n his day served as the m a i n b u r i a l place. H i s i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t b e y o n d the canal "there is o n l y a s m a l l p a r t o f the c i t y a n d t h e n y o u come t o the s u b u r b N e k r o p o l i s " is o f extreme i m p o r t a n c e , f o r the 3 6 western cemetery was surely situated b e y o n d the c i t y w a l l , a n d the course o f the canal i n question was, at least p a r t l y , m o r e o r less t h a t o f the m o d e r n M a h m o u d i y a C a n a l . Grimm FIG. 7 Kantharos, from Gabbari. Ca. 2 5 0 - 2 2 5 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m 8512. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 2 6 4 6 8 - 2 6 4 6 9 . FIG. 8 Kantharos, from the Athenian art market. Ca. 2 5 0 - 2 2 5 B . C . Heidelberg, Originalsammlung der Universitat Η 2O. Archaologisches Institut der Universitat Heidelberg, neg. N.s. 882 FIG. D. 8 7 9a "Plaquette" vase, from M i n e t el-Bassal. Front. Ca. 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 2 1 5 4 1 . Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 11704. FIG. 9b Side view of "plaquette" vase, figure 9a. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 11707. 9b 9a T h e archaeological evidence leaves n o d o u b t t h a t the G a b b a r i a n d M a f r u s a regions, together w i t h the w h o l e d i s t r i c t east o f t h e m u p t o the o u t l e t o f the M a h m o u d i y a C a n a l i n t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea ( M i n e t el-Bassal), were used as necropoleis f r o m the first h a l f o f the t h i r d cen t u r y B . C . o n w a r d . T h i s is attested by A t t i c West Slope w a r e o f a b o u t 2 5 0 B . C . o r slightly later, such as, f o r e x a m p l e , a k a n t h a r o s f r o m G a b b a r i (preserved i n A l e x a n d r i a ) decorated w i t h a c h e c k e r b o a r d p a t t e r n a n d concentric squares (fig. 7 ) . 3 7 A close b u t s o m e w h a t squatter p a r a l l e l (fig. 8), n o w i n H e i d e l b e r g , comes f r o m the A t h e n i a n a r t m a r k e t . 3 8 F u r t h e r m o r e we k n o w o f a " p l a q u e t t e " vase f r o m M i n e t el-Bassal (figs. 9a, b) s h o w i n g a figure o f the seated H e r a k l e s , a seated w o m a n , t w o f i g h t i n g y o u t h s , one o f t h e m o n horseback, a n d Jason w i t h the d r a g o n . 3 9 61 62 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Oa Black-glazed amphora, from Fort Saleh, Mafrusa. Front. Ca. 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m 2 7 8 1 1 . Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 12806. FIG. I Ob Side view of black-glazed amphora, figure 10a. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 12811. A related a m p h o r a was f o u n d at F o r t Saleh, M a f r u s a (figs, i o a , b ) , 4 0 but b o t h vessels c a n n o t yet be dated any m o r e precisely t h a n r o u g h l y t o the first h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . 4 1 There is n o A t t i c red-figured w a r e at a l l , a n d there is n o i n d i c a t i o n o f any b u r i a l a c t i v i t y before the first h a l f of the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h i s hints o f a t i m e lag between the f o u n d a t i o n of the eastern a n d t h a t o f the western w a l l . T h e eastern area o f A l e x a n d r i a was f o r p r a c t i c a l reasons the first t o need g o o d p r o t e c t i o n . A t the end o f the f o u r t h century, any enemy w o u l d have t r i e d t o a p p r o a c h A l e x a n d r i a f r o m the east, as Perdikkas d i d . 4 2 I n s u m m a r y , w h e n Strabo visited A l e x a n d r i a , he m u s t have seen the Ptolemaic c i t y w a l l — i n whatever c o n d i t i o n — w h e r e i t h a d been i n the late f o u r t h a n d early t h i r d centuries. I n the western p a r t o f A l e x a n d r i a he n o t i c e d a large b u r i a l area, b e y o n d the c i t y w a l l . I n the eastern p a r t o f the t o w n , however, the s i t u a t i o n was c o m p l e t e l y different. T h e course o f the c i t y w a l l d i d n o t seem t o matter a n y m o r e , as people, especially the Jewish p o p u l a t i o n , were l i v i n g i n a n d a m o n g the t o m b s a n d graveyards. 43 P r o b a b l y the eastern c i t y w a l l h a d been extended d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , a n d the o l d p a r t o f i t was just being i g n o r e d , by the people, a n d b y Strabo. I n any case, the p o s i t i o n o f the early eastern (city) w a l l clearly indicates t h a t , at least d u r i n g the late f o u r t h a n d t h i r d centuries, the l a n d a l l o t t e d f o r exclusively residential purposes, t h a t is, those quarters de v o i d o f any official architecture reflected i n Strabo's account a n d m i r r o r e d b y archaeological evidence, m u s t have been considerably smaller t h a n alleged. I n c i d e n t a l l y , H o e p f n e r 4 4 himself reduced the n u m b e r of fifty residential quarters displayed o n his m a p t o t h i r t y - f i v e , i n his o w n Grimm FIG. II The Serapeion seen from the northwest. I n the foreground, remains of older building; to the left, parts of the temple of Euergetes I. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F 14700-14701. c o m m e n t s o n i t , assuming t h a t the t o t a l n u m b e r o f i n h a b i t a n t s r a n g e d somewhere between 7 5 , 0 0 0 a n d 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . B u t even these l o w e r figures m u s t be f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d by r o u g h l y t w e n t y percent, f o r the w h o l e re g i o n east o f R ' 2 (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) u n d o u b t e d l y served as a cemetery already by the end o f the f o u r t h century. T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the c i t y w a l l was p r e s u m a b l y begun u n der Kleomenes a n d o n l y a c c o m p l i s h e d i n the t i m e o f P t o l e m y 1, w h i l e the H e p t a s t a d i o n "was c a r r i e d o u t either by Kleomenes o r P t o l e m y S o t e r . " T h e famous l i g h t h o u s e , 46 45 the Pharos, was p r o b a b l y b u i l t o w i n g t o P t o l e m y Soter's o w n p l a n a n d i n i t i a t i v e , o r i t "was b u i l t i n the reigns o f Soter a n d o f Philadelphos, o r i n t h a t o f the latter a l o n e . " 4 7 P t o l e m y 11 i n his t u r n c o n t r i b u t e d a z o o l o g i c a l g a r d e n , and 48 he h i m s e l f o r possibly his predecessor, P t o l e m y 1 Soter, b u i l t a s m a l l t e m p l e f o r the w o r s h i p o f Serapis i n the southwest section o f the c i t y o n a n a r t i f i c i a l h i l l raised over b e d r o c k (fig. 1 1 a n d f o l d - o u t m a p ) . O n l y a few traces o f i t can be recognized u n d e r n e a t h the later s t r u c t u r e s . 49 The l o c a t i o n o f this shrine i n R h a k o t i s , t h a t is, i n the o n l y q u a r t e r w i t h i n A l e x a n d r i a ' s city w a l l s t h a t was a p p a r e n t l y being i n h a b i t e d by native Egyptians before the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a i n 3 3 1 B . C . , was c e r t a i n l y n o r a n d o m choice. W h i c h place c o u l d indeed have been m o r e a p p r o priate f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a new, a r t i f i c i a l l y c o m p o s e d d e i t y l i k e Se rapis, w h o was, after a l l , m e a n t t o p r o v i d e the scope f o r the c o n c e p t i o n a l a n d c u l t u r a l fusion o f Egypt's o l d a n d n e w sovereigns? 63 64 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 12 G o l d foundation plaque, from the Serapeion. H . : 5.9 cm; L . : 17.3 cm. Ca. 2 4 6 - 2 2 1 B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m P 8357. Photo by D . Johannes, D A I , Istanbul. FIG. 13 Temple of Serapis, reconstructed as a templum in antis. D r a w i n g by Michael Sabottka. FIG. 14 Temple of Serapis, reconstructed as a prostylos tetrastylos. by Michael Sabottka. I t is n o t s u r p r i s i n g , t h e n , t h a t P t o l e m y i n chose precisely the same l o c a l i t y f o r ancient A l e x a n d r i a ' s m o s t celebrated m a i n sanctuary, namely, the Serapeion. B u t famous t h o u g h i t was, h a r d l y a n y t h i n g o f i t o r o f its t r a n s f o r m e d successor f r o m R o m a n i m p e r i a l times has r e m a i n e d . Today, the scanty visible proofs o f its f o r m e r splendor have been reduced t o a few o v e r g r o w n f o u n d a t i o n trenches: a v i e w f r o m the n o r t h w e s t m a y help t o illustrate its present c o n d i t i o n (see f i g . n ) . Fortunately, however, between 1943 a n d 9 4 5 thirty founda x t i o n deposits were unearthed i n pits designed as receptacles f o r this special purpose. T h e y came t o l i g h t f r o m beneath the southeast a n d southwest corners o f the Ptolemaic enclosure w a l l a n d the southeast cor ner o f the temple p r o p e r . T h e y c o n t a i n e d f o u n d a t i o n plaques, s m a l l i n scribed tablets o f glass, faience, a n d m u d b r i c k , a n d m e t a l sheets of g o l d , silver, a n d bronze. T h e i r Greek a n d h i e r o g l y p h i c i n s c r i p t i o n s certify the d e d i c a t i o n o f the temple a n d o f a sacred enclosure t o the g o d Serapis by P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes a n d A r s i n o e 111 (fig. 1 2 ) . 50 Drawing Grimm FIG. 15 G o l d foundation plaque, from the sanctuary of Harpokrates. H . : 5.1 cm; L . : 10.9 cm. Ca. 2 2 2 / 2 2 1 205/204 B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m Ρ 10035. Photo by D . Johannes, D A I , Istanbul. Some years ago, M i c h a e l S a b o t t k a managed t o retrieve the 51 a p p r o x i m a t e o u t l i n e o f the c o m p l e x a n d presented us w i t h m o r e t h a n a vague idea o f its o r i g i n a l appearance. U s i n g a l l the data he c o u l d possi bly e x t r a c t f r o m the size, p o s i t i o n , a n d arrangement of each single t r e n c h , he reconstructed the p l a n , w h i c h consisted of either a templum antis (fig. 1 3 ) 5 2 or a prostylos tetrastylos (fig. 1 4 ) . 53 in T h e relatively s m a l l temple can have been n o longer t h a n 22 m a n d n o w i d e r t h a n 12 m . To its eastern w a l l , a s m a l l sanctuary of H a r p o k r a t e s was attached d u r i n g the r e i g n of P t o l e m y i v , " b y c o m m a n d of the gods Isis a n d Serapis," as again attested o n f o u n d a t i o n plaques (fig. 1 5 ) . 54 Ptolemy i v also instigated the b u i l d i n g of the Sema, t h a t is, the m a u s o l e u m o f A l e x a n d e r , the founder o f the city, a n d o f the Ptole maic k i n g s . 55 U n f o r t u n a t e l y , however, we have n o clue either t o its exact l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the Basileia o r t o its design. I a m sorry t o a d d t h a t the same is true o f the once w i d e l y r e n o w n e d M o u s e i o n c o n t a i n i n g a c o u r t a n d an exedra, o f the grave of Cleopatra a n d M a r k A n t o n y , a n d o f the so-called T i m o n e i o n ; i n the last case we d o at least k n o w o f its p o s i t i o n (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) . 5 6 I t was b u i l t by A n t o n y after his defeat at A c t i u m ( 3 1 B . C . ) a n d n a m e d by h i m after the legendary m i s a n t h r o p i s t T i m o n of Athens, w h o h a d , i n the t i m e o f Perikles, f o u n d himself exposed t o the same sort of unkindness f r o m his contemporaries t h a t A n t o n y h a d t o go t h r o u g h i n his a w k w a r d predicament preceding his death. P l u t a r c h , i n the Life of Antony, tells the story: A n d n o w A n t o n y forsook the city and the society of his friends and built for himself a dwelling i n the sea at Pharos by t h r o w i n g a mole out into the water. Here he lived i n exile from men and declared that he was contentedly imitating the life of T i m o n , since, indeed, his experience had been like Timon's; for he h i m self also had been wronged and treated w i t h ingratitude by his friends and therefore hated and distrusted all m a n k i n d . . . . He forsook that dwelling of his and the sea, w h i c h he called Timoneum. 65 66 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA I n the case o f the " C a e s a r e u m " ( " K a i s a r e i o n , " "Sebasteion," "Augusteum"), 5 7 w i t h its large-scale p a r k s , p o r t i c o s , p r o p y l a i a , a n d libraries, we d o k n o w o f its dimensions a n d o f its p o s i t i o n near the " G r e a t H a r b o r " (see f o l d - o u t m a p ) , thanks t o "Cleopatra's Needles." For i n the year 13/12 B . C Augustus h a d these t w o obelisks removed f r o m H e l i o p o l i s t o A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e they were reerected i n f r o n t of the Cae sareum. O n e o f t h e m w e n t t o L o n d o n i n 1 8 7 7 ; the other, w i t h its i m p o r t a n t i n s c r i p t i o n s , a r r i v e d i n N e w York's C e n t r a l Park i n 1 8 7 9 . 58 What h a d m o s t p r o b a b l y been c o n t r i v e d a n d b u i l t f o r the c u l t o f Caesar a n d M a r k A n t o n y eventually t u r n e d o u t t o be the center o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s w o r ship o f A u g u s t u s . 59 A c c o r d i n g t o Strabo, a quarter o r even a t h i r d o f the w h o l e c i t y was " r o y a l t e r r i t o r y , " a n d this Basileia o f r o u g h l y 1,600 m i n d i ameter m u s t have presented herself basically as a spacious landscape o f p a r k s a n d pleasure gardens w i t h scattered sanctuaries, palaces, r o y a l b u i l d i n g s , shrines, a n d profane architecture g r a d u a l l y s p r i n g i n g u p here and there. 60 Something l i k e consistent c i t y p l a n n i n g is n o w h e r e manifest. Every Ptolemaic k i n g was o b v i o u s l y free t o choose whatever a n d w h e r ever he w a n t e d t o b u i l d , a n d due t o the immense p r o p o r t i o n s o f A l e x a n dria's parks a n d gardens, b u i l d i n g l a n d was a m p l y available. T h i s again is affirmed by Strabo: " A n d the c i t y has very fine p u b l i c sanctuaries a n d ' T h e Palaces,' w h i c h f o r m a quarter o r even a t h i r d o f the entire enclo sure. For each o f the kings added some a d o r n m e n t t o the p u b l i c dedica tions a n d also added p r i v a t e l y further residential blocks t o those already existing." 61 T h i s is further c o n f i r m e d by D i o d o r o s : " A n d n o t o n l y A l e x a n d e r b u t those w h o after h i m r u l e d E g y p t d o w n t o o u r o w n t i m e w i t h few exceptions have enlarged this [i.e., A l e x a n d r i a ] w i t h lavish additions." 6 2 Some o f the projects were n o t even considered w o r t h finish i n g , as is possibly demonstrated by a huge b u i l d i n g site w i t h m a n y differ ent c o m p o u n d s , abandoned i n the early second c e n t u r y B . C . , r i g h t i n the heart o f the c i t y ( f o l d - o u t m a p : Temple o f Poseidon?). H o e p f n e r , t h i n k i ng o f a n e w fashion, n o w suggests " t h a t the unfinished b u i l d i n g s were l o o k e d at as a w e l c o m e e n r i c h m e n t of the p a r k l a n d a n d that the predilec t i o n f o r the inchoate, i n c l u d i n g unfinished architecture, evolved exactly i n this p e r i o d . " 6 3 T h i s fascinating h y p o t h e s i s 64 seems t o be s u p p o r t e d by a r e m a r k a b l e object f r o m V a r a p o d i o (Tresilico) near Reggio d i Cala bria 6 5 (fig. 16), n o w k e p t i n the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m o f Reggio. T h e c i r c u lar tortoiseshell b o x l i d was allegedly discovered a r o u n d 1924 i n a t o m b FIG. 16 t h a t was said also t o have p r o d u c e d H e l l e n i s t i c pottery. T h e t o p o f the L i d of a tobacco box. Nineteenth l i d is decorated w i t h g o l d - a n d electrum-leaf inlays f o r m i n g a landscape century. Reconstructed by Ulrike s i m i l a r t o those k n o w n f r o m Pompeian w a l l paintings; the side bears a frieze o f h o v e r i n g butterflies. T h e whereabouts given as its finding place Denis after E. Galli, Rivista Istituto dell'Arte d'Archeologia del R. e Storia 6 (1937): 37, fig. 7. Grimm h a d been n o t e d by archaeologists already i n 1904 w h e n excavations i n the v i c i n i t y uncovered several t o m b s o f H e l l e n i s t i c date, one o f t h e m c o n taining 6 6 p o t t e r y , g o l d earrings, a n d a since-famous gold-glass b o w l . A c c o r d i n g t o M i c h a e l Pfrommer's investigations, the e a r r i n g s , 68 6 7 which end i n antelopes' heads, were made a b o u t 2 0 0 B . C . , a type l i n k e d t o the H e l l e n i s t i c East. T h i s provides us w i t h i m p o r t a n t clues c o n c e r n i n g b o t h the date a n d the landscape w h e r e the gold-glass b o w l was m a n u f a c t u r e d . I t c o u l d also have helped t o assign the tortoiseshell l i d t o its p r o p e r place i n t i m e a n d area o f o r i g i n . I n the m e a n t i m e , however, i t t u r n e d o u t t h a t the object i n q u e s t i o n came f r o m someone's p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y (and n o t f r o m a t o m b ) , a n d several colleagues f r o m I t a l y recognized i t f o r w h a t i t , i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , really is: the l i d o f a t o b a c c o b o x f r o m the nine teenth c e n t u r y . 69 I n s u m m a r y , the shape o f the city, the course o f her w a l l s , the system o f her streets, a n d c e r t a i n i m p o r t a n t p o i n t s such as the agora a n d the p o s i t i o n o f a few temples were fixed b y her f o u n d e r , A l e x a n d e r the Great. I t was n o t foreseen i n w h a t w a y the n e w r o y a l c i t y w o u l d u n f o l d and develop. 70 D e t a i l e d , farsighted, o r consequential c i t y p l a n n i n g s h o u l d therefore n o t be r e c k o n e d w i t h , as i t a p p a r e n t l y d i d n o t exist. University of Trier T R I E R , G E R M A N Y 67 68 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Notes 1 T h e f o l l o w i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o n t h e u r b a n de Memoire, v e l o p m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a under the Ptolemaic i n D e n m a r k , see Memoire, kings represent a p a r t i a l result o f the author's w r i t t e n o n S e p t e m b e r 6, 1 8 7 2 , i n C o p e n h a g e n ) . m o r e extensive c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the T h e engineer's s c h o l a r l y a c h i e v e m e n t s a n d his zur Topographie des antiken Bildlexikon which Alexandria, p p . 1 2 9 - 3 0 ; f o r M a h m o u d Bey's stay p. 131 (addendum, m a p o f t h e N i l e m e t r o p o l i s c a m e t o o late t o w i l l be p u b l i s h e d b y t h e G e r m a n A r c h a e o l o g i be t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t i n N a p o l e o n ' s cal I n s t i t u t e i n B e r l i n . T h e p r o j e c t w a s s u p de Jules Cesar. p o r t e d i n m a n y ways by the C a i r o b r a n c h o f the (Guerre des Gaules), German Archaeological Institute ( D A I Cairo). I 1 8 6 6 , ends w i t h Caesar's c r o s s i n g t h e R u b i c o n Histoire T h e s e c o n d a n d last v o l u m e w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n Paris i n w i s h t o express m y g r a t i t u d e t o its f o r m e r d i r e c i n 4 9 B . C . T h e r e m a i n i n g p e r i o d u n t i l Caesar's t o r , W . K a i s e r , a n d t o his successor, R . Stadel- death, a n d consequently the A l e x a n d r i a n w a r o f m a n n . T h a n k s are d u e also t o m y f r i e n d D i e t e r 4 8 / 4 7 , c o u l d n o t be t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n b y J o h a n n e s , p h o t o g r a p h e r at t h e D A I C a i r o u n t i l the French emperor, w h o died i n 1873. early 1993, w n o t n a d e t h e negatives o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h s r e p r o d u c e d i n figures 1 - 7 , U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t m a n y copies o f M a h 9-12, m o u d Bey's p i o n e e r i n g studies seem t o h a v e a p a n d 1 5 . T h e s e , l i k e t h e c o m p l e t e set o f n e w p h o t o g r a p h y for the above-mentioned peared i n p r i n t ; their accessibility m a y have dictionary, been t o o l i m i t e d f o r t h e p u b l i c t o realize f u l l y are p r e s e r v e d i n t h e a r c h i v e o f t h e F o r s c h u n g s - the scholarly profile o f this learned m a n , w h o z e n t r u m G r i e c h i s c h - R o m i s c h e s A g y p t e n at U n i h a d been b r o u g h t u p a n d e d u c a t e d i n Paris. R e versity of Trier. g a r d i n g t h i s d r a w b a c k , his a u t h o r i z a t i o n o f a G e r m a n s u m m a r y o f his r e s u l t s , g r a n t e d i n 1 8 7 2 2 P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic to H e i n r i c h K i e p e r t i n Berlin, l o o k s a l l the m o r e vol. 1 Alexandria, ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 4; v o l . 2, p . 3 n . 9 i m p o r t a n t ( M a h m o u d Bey's m a p o f A l e x a n d r i a (hereafter a b b r e v i a t e d " F r a s e r , 1" a n d " F r a s e r , 11"); w a s also m a d e a v a i l a b l e f o r Baedeker's R . S. B a g n a l l , " T h e D a t a o f t h e F o u n d a t i o n o f fubrer A l e x a n d r i a , " American cf. n o t e 7 b e l o w ) : " Z u r T o p o g r a p h i e des a l i e n tory Journal of Ancient His A l e x a n d r i a . N a c h M a h m u d Beg's E n t d e c k u n - 4 (1979): 4 6 - 4 9 · g e n . . . , " Zeitschrift 3 Reise- a n d its F r e n c h a n d E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s ; der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde nach N i k o p o l i s : Stadtebau u n d Stadtbilder hel- K i e p e r t ' s m a p , r e p r o d u c e d o n p i . 5 o f his w o r k l e n i s t i s c h e r Z e i t , " i n Akten tional Kongresses Berlin 1988 des xm. fur Klassische zu Berlin 7 ( 1 8 7 2 ) : 3 3 7 - 5 9 , p i . 5. W . Hoepfner, " V o n Alexandria uber Pergamon Interna ( o n a scale o f 1 : 2 0 , 0 0 0 as o p p o s e d t o M a h Archaologie, m o u d Bey's 1 : 1 0 , 0 0 0 ) , focuses o n t h e a n c i e n t c i t y , l e a v i n g its m o d e r n state o u t o f a c c o u n t . (Mainz 1990), pp. 2 7 5 - 7 8 . D u r i n g a stay i n A l e x a n d r i a ( M a r c h 1 8 7 0 ) , 4 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 1 - 3 7 ; Fraser, m K i e p e r t h a d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o acquaint himself (note 2 above), pp. w i t h the l a y o u t o f the t o w n a n d the p r o b l e m s 119-20. r a i s e d b y i t . H i s v e r s i o n o f M a h m o u d Bey's p l a n 5 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 - 9 ; i d e m , " A l e x differs f r o m its m o d e l i n t h a t t h e c o l u m n s d i s andria from M o h a m m e d A l i to Gamal A b d a l c o v e r e d a n d t h e r o a d sections e x p l o r e d b y " T h e N a s s e r , " i n Alexandrien: E n g i n e e r " have been i n d i c a t e d . dreier Jahrtausende mediterranen Kulturbegegnungen im Schmelztiegel einer Aegyptiaca Treveren- Grofistadt, sia. T r i e r e r S t u d i e n z u m griechisch-romischen 7 F. N o a c k , " N e u e U n t e r s u c h u n g e n i n A l e x a n d r i a , " Mitteilungen gischen Agypten, vol. 1 (Mainz 1981), pp. 6 3 - 7 4 . Instituts, des Deutschen Athenische Abteilung Archaolo25 (1900): 2 1 5 - 7 9 , pis. 9 - 1 1 . Noack's i m p o r t a n t 6 Memoire bourgs sur Vantique et environs sondages, Alexandrie, decouverts nivellements et autres (Copenhagen 1872); A . Adriani, d'arte dell'Egitto greco-romano ses par les investigations were carried o u t exactly a h u n fau fouilles, recherches . . . Repertorio C, v o l . 1 d r e d years after t h e first c r e d i t a b l e i n v e n t o r y o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s v i s i b l e a n c i e n t r e m a i n s h a d been d r a w n up by a group of most remarkable schol ars ( " C o m m i s s i o n des sciences et des a r t s " ) , ( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 5 5 - 5 7 , n o . 6; v o l . 2 w h o m N a p o l e o n the Great h a d a p p o i n t e d t o ( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 3 ) , p i . 3, fig. 6 a n d p i . 4 , fig. 7 w o r k i n t h e w a k e o f his a r m y i n 1 7 9 8 a n d (hereafter a b b r e v i a t e d " A d r i a n i , 1" a n d (for m a p s o f t h e c i t y r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h i s F r e n c h 1799 " A d r i a n i , 11"); Fraser, π ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 13 survey, cf. Fraser, 1 [ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , p i . 1 [ f r o n t i s n . 3 1 . F o r b o t h m a p s o f a n c i e n t A l e x a n d r i a , cf. p i e c e ] , a n d p i . 2 [ f o l l o w i n g p . 2 0 ] ; Fraser, π Grimm [ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , p . 2 0 n . 3 4 [cf. p . 13 n . 3 1 § 1 ] ; c o n s t r u c t i o n o f D e i n o k r a t e s ' l a y o u t of the city, cf. also t h e m a p o n p p . 1 1 2 - 1 3 , i n M o r s i Saad t h o u g h the u n p r o v e n course of the city w a l l was E l - D i n et a l . , Alexandria: t a k e n o v e r f r o m M a h m o u d Bey ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) tory The Site and the His [ N e w Y o r k 1 9 9 3 ] ) . N o a c k himself was a m e m b e r o f the so-called Sieglin E x p e d i t i o n , a a n d K i e p e r t ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) . G o i n g b a c k t o these t w o , I have f u r t h e r s k e t c h e d i n t h e t w o b r i d g e s t e a m a s s e m b l e d a n d sent t o A l e x a n d r i a t o c l a r o f t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n (cf. S t r a b o 1 7 . 1 . 6 ; Caesar, ify certain unsettled t o p o g r a p h i c a l questions Bellum that h a d arisen w h i l e a n e w m a p of the E g y p nades e x t e n d i n g a l o n g s i d e b o t h m a i n r o a d s Alexandrinum 1 9 ) as w e l l as t h e c o l o n tian metropolis was being d r a w n i n Berlin. The ( " C a n o p i c S t r e e t " a n d "Palace S t r e e t " ) , w h i c h mission was financed by Ernst (von) Sieglin, an are i n d i c a t e d o n K i e p e r t ' s m a p b u t h a d i n d e e d , i n d u s t r i a l i s t f r o m S t u t t g a r t , o n b e h a l f o f his at least p a r t l y , b e e n d i s c o v e r e d a l r e a d y b y b r o t h e r , W i l h e l m S i e g l i n , w h o i n t h o s e days M a h m o u d Bey ( f o r t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , cf. h e l d t h e c h a i r o f g e o g r a p h y (as t h e successor o f H . L a u t e r , Die Architektur H e i n r i c h K i e p e r t [ n o t e 6 a b o v e ] ) at U n i v e r s i t y [ D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 6 ] , p p . 8 0 - 8 2 ) . As the c o l o n des Hellenismus of Berlin. A second c a m p a i g n i n w h i c h N o a c k nade o f "Palace Street," a c c o r d i n g t o Kiepert's was supposed t o partake, scheduled for the m a p , a l m o s t came u p t o the c i t y w a l l , I have winter of 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 , f u r t h e r a d d e d several r e s i d e n t i a l q u a r t e r s i n t h e n a c ! t o be c a n c e l e d o n account of a plague epidemic i n A l e x a n d r i a . A f southeastern region. O n the other h a n d the terwards N o a c k was a p p o i n t e d t o the chair of c o u r s e o f t h e e a s t e r n w a l l has b e e n a l t e r e d , classical a r c h a e o l o g y at Jena a n d hence h a d t o thereby r e d u c i n g the n u m b e r of residential d i s c o n t i n u e his w o r k f o r t h e S i e g l i n E x p e d i t i o n quarters. F u r t h e r m o r e i t appeared useful t o a l t o g e t h e r . W . Sieglin's n e w m a p o f A l e x a n d r i a sketch i n the early necropoleis i n the eastern was eventually reproduced i n the t h i r d e d i t i o n a n d w e s t e r n areas o f A l e x a n d r i a (cf. Fraser, 1 of Baedeker's p o p u l a r traveler's guide gypten: Handbuch Unter-Aegypten Halbinsel fur Reisende. bis zum Fayum [ n o t e 2 a b o v e ] , m a p f o l l o w i n g p . 8) a n d t o m a r k (Ae- Erster Theil: und die Sinai- o u t the p o s i t i o n s o f the Alabaster T o m b , the re c e n t l y f o u n d m o s a i c s (see n o t e 35 b e l o w ) , a n d the house w i t h the stag-hunt mosaic. D u r i n g [ L e i p z i g 1 8 9 4 ] , f o l l o w i n g p . 8 ) , re p l a c i n g the one t h a t h a d been d r a w n a c c o r d i n g the first c e n t u r y B.c.(?) the t o w n e x p a n d e d c o n t o M a h m o u d Bey's m a p o f t h e c i t y i n t h e t w o s i d e r a b l y t o w a r d t h e east, a n d " C a n o p i c S t r e e t " e a r l i e r e d i t i o n s (see first e d . [ L e i p z i g 1 8 7 7 ] , seems t o h a v e been e x t e n d e d c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y . f o l l o w i n g p . 2 2 4 ) . Sieglin's m a p h a d been p u b A n e n t h u s i a s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n o f these c o l o n n a d e d lished i n 1893: A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above), m a i n r o a d s is p r e s e r v e d i n A c h i l l e s Tatius's p p . 5 3 - 5 5 , n o s . 4 - 5 ; A d r i a n i , 11 p i . 2 , figs. n o v e l Clitophon 4 - 5 . T h e r e is a n o t h e r , m o r e e x t e n s i v e m a p s e c o n d c e n t u r y A . D . (cf. H . H e i n e n , " A l e x a n - and Leucippe (5.1) o f the later by Sieglin i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m of drien: Weltstadt u n d Residenz," i n A l e x a n d r i a , s h o w i n g the c o l u m n s discovered [ n o t e 5 a b o v e ] , p p . 5 - 6 ) ; P. M . Fraser, " B y z a n a n d t h e r o a d sections e x p l o r e d b y M a h m o u d t i n e A l e x a n d r i a : D e c l i n e a n d F a l l , " Bulletin Bey, t o o . E . B r e c c i a , Alexandrea la Societe ad Aegyptum romaines fouilles tardives Polonaises d'Alexandrie a Kom habitations a la lumiere el-Dikka, d'Alexandrie de (Alexan d r i a n Studies i n M e m o r i a m D a o u d A b d u ( B e r g a m o 1 9 2 2 ) , fig. 2 5 ; A d r i a n i , 1 ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , p . 5 5 ; M . R o d z i e w i c z , Les Archeologique Alexandrien des Alexandrie, D a o u d ) 45 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 9 3 . Achilles Tatius (Loeb Classical L i b r a r y ) , w i t h an English t r a n s l a t i o n b y S. Gaselee ( L o n d o n 1 9 1 7 ) , p p . 2 3 7 - 3 8 : " A f ter a v o y a g e l a s t i n g f o r t h r e e d a y s , w e a r r i v e d at v o l . 3 ( W a r s a w 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 3 1 7 , p i . 2. A l e x a n d r i a . I e n t e r e d i t b y t h e S u n G a t e , as i t is 8 Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 4 - 1 6 n . 3 1 . called, a n d was i n s t a n t l y struck by the s p l e n d i d 9 A d r i a n i ' s m a p s h o w i n g t h e area o f t h e " B a s i - delight. F r o m the Sun Gate t o the M o o n l e i a " w i t h a synopsis of the w h e r e a b o u t s o f a l l these are t h e g u a r d i a n d i v i n i t i e s o f t h e e n i t e m i z e d d i s c o v e r i e s p r o v e d p a r t i c u l a r l y rele trances—led a straight double r o w of columns, b e a u t y o f t h e c i t y , w h i c h filled m y eyes w i t h Gate— vant: "Saggio d i una pianta archeologica d i a b o u t t h e m i d d l e o f w h i c h lies t h e o p e n p a r t o f A l e s s a n d r i a , " Annuario t h e t o w n , a n d i n i t so m a n y streets t h a t w a l k i n g Romano del Museo Greco- 1 ( A l e x a n d r i a 1934): 5 6 - 9 6 , nos. 1 - 121. in t h e m y o u w o u l d fancy yourself a b r o a d w h i l e s t i l l at h o m e . G o i n g a f e w h u n d r e d y a r d s f u r t h e r , I c a m e t o t h e q u a r t e r c a l l e d after A l e x a n der, w h e r e I s a w a s e c o n d t o w n ; t h e s p l e n d o u r 10 See n o t e 2 a b o v e . I I H o e p f n e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 5 - 7 8 , f i g . 2; cf. o f c o l u m n s i n t e r s e c t e d b y a n o t h e r as l o n g at also figs. 1 , 3. T h e p l a n p r e s e n t e d here ( f o l d - o u t r i g h t angles. I t r i e d t o cast m y eyes d o w n every m a p ) g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w s H o e p f n e r ' s i m p o r t a n t re street, b u t m y gaze w a s s t i l l u n s a t i s f i e d , a n d I of this was cut i n t o squares, for there was a r o w 69 70 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA c o u l d n o t g r a s p a l l t h e b e a u t y o f t h e s p o t at h i s p r e j u d g i n g N o a c k ' s w o r k even a y e a r b e f o r e o n c e ; s o m e p a r t s I saw, s o m e I w a s o n t h e p o i n t t h e r e s u l t s w e r e p u b l i s h e d b y t h e l a t t e r ; cf. o f seeing, s o m e I e a r n e s t l y d e s i r e d t o see, s o m e I D . G . H o g a r t h a n d R . C . B o s a n q u e t , Journal c o u l d n o t pass b y ; t h a t w h i c h I a c t u a l l y s a w Hellenic of 19 ( 1 8 9 9 ) : 3 2 6 . Studies k e p t m y gaze fixed, w h i l e t h a t w h i c h I e x p e c t e d t o see w o u l d d r a g i t o n t o t h e n e x t . I e x p l o r e d 13 t h e r e f o r e e v e r y street, a n d at last, m y v i s i o n u n 3 . 1 . 5 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3; Anab. Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 n . 3. satisfied, e x c l a i m e d i n w e a r i n e s s , ' A h , m y eyes, w e are b e a t e n . ' T w o t h i n g s s t r u c k m e as espe 14 17.52.. Diodorus of Sicily (Loeb Classical L i cially strange a n d e x t r a o r d i n a r y — i t was i m p o s brary), w i t h an English translation by C. Brad sible t o d e c i d e w h i c h w a s t h e greatest, t h e size f o r d Welles, v o l . 8 ( L o n d o n 1963), p. 267; o f t h e p l a c e o r its b e a u t y , t h e c i t y i t s e l f o r its i n Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 habitants; for the f o r m e r was larger t h a n a c o n a b o v e ) , p p . 2 - 3 n . 6. tinent, the latter o u t n u m b e r e d a w h o l e n a t i o n . L o o k i n g at t h e c i t y , I d o u b t e d w h e t h e r a n y race 15 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 4 - 6 . o f m e n c o u l d ever fill i t ; l o o k i n g at t h e i n h a b i t a n t s , I w o n d e r e d w h e t h e r a n y c i t y c o u l d ever 16 be f o u n d l a r g e e n o u g h t o h o l d t h e m a l l . T h e Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 above), p. 4 n . 1 1 . b a l a n c e seemed e x a c t l y e v e n . " O u r s l i g h t l y m o d i f i e d p l a n ( f o l d - o u t m a p ) w a s d r a w n after 17 Hoepfner's reconstruction by Ulrike Denis, Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 above), p . 4 n . 12 a n d p . 10 n . 2 4 ; B . R . B r o w n , d r a u g h t s w o m a n at t h e A r c h a e o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e " D e i n o k r a t e s a n d A l e x a n d r i a , " The Bulletin of Trier University. the American Society of Papyrologists of 15 (1978): 3 9 - 4 2 12 H o e p f n e r ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 5 - 7 8 , figs. 1 , 3. F o r t h e p r o b l e m s i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e 18 P t o l e m a i c r o a d s y s t e m a n d t h e c i t y gates, cf. t h e Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 7; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 above), p . 10 n . 2 5 . d i s c u s s i o n b y Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 1 4 ; Fraser, π ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 6 - 3 0 n n . 6 4 - 19 69. H i s rather pessimistic p o i n t o f v i e w ( " a n d Hist. 4 . 8 3 . 1 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 2 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 5 . t h e w h o l e n e t w o r k o f streets t r a c e d b y h i m [ i . e . , M a h m o u d B e y ] is best i g n o r e d " ) is n o t a f f i r m e d 20 This conclusion looks likely but n o t altogether b y Hoepfner's considerations. Fraser o b v i o u s l y c o m p e l l i n g , as t h e t e r m moenia does n o t p u t m u c h c o n f i d e n c e i n t h e results o f c i t y w a l l s as w e l l as t o a n y o t h e r t y p e o f Noack's excavations carried o u t i n 1898 and f o r t i f i c a t i o n . T a k i n g i n t o a c c o u n t t h a t Caesar can apply to 1 8 9 9 (see n o t e 7 a b o v e ) , w h i c h h a d p r i n c i p a l l y (Bellum c o r r o b o r a t e d M a h m o u d Bey's street s y s t e m . regia, H i s c o m m e n t a p p e a r s r a t h e r t o be i n f l u e n c e d arx, b y D . G . H o g a r t h ' s o p i n i o n expressed i n 1 8 9 5 some m i n o r f o r t i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n the Basileia o f ( D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o n A l e x a n d r i a ( I owe this suggestion t o m y friend civile 3 . 1 1 2 ) calls a s m a l l e r p a r t o f t h e a p a r t connected w i t h the Great H a r b o r , t h e t e r m moenia here m i g h t also refer t o Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h N o t e a n d colleague H e i n z H e i n e n , D e p a r t m e n t o f o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries," A n c i e n t H i s t o r y at U n i v e r s i t y o f T r i e r ) . Egypt port Exploration Fund: Archaeological Re 1 8 9 4 - 1 8 9 5 [ L o n d o n 1 8 9 5 ] : p . 17 n . 1 ) . 21 H o g a r t h h a d d r a w n quite an unfavorable pic Fr. 1 9 1 , lines 9 - 1 1 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 2 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 6 . t u r e o f M a h m o u d Bey's a c h i e v e m e n t w i t h o u t investigating the matter himself. " I a m g l a d , 22 therefore, that I can avoid basing any of m y 2 . 2 8 : T€LX7] TTvpyous €V/ULr)KOLS Kal /uL€TapaCoi$; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 n . 6 3 . o w n w o r k o n h i s . I feel t h e greatest u n c e r t a i n t y as t o h i s r e c t a n g u l a r m a p o f t h e c i t y . " N o a c k , 23 h o w e v e r , v e r i f i e d t h e a l l e g e d street l a y o u t o n l y a 1 7 . 1 . 8 - 1 0 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 1 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 25 n . 5 3 . f e w years l a t e r b y d i g g i n g d o w n t o t h e b e d r o c k at m a n y p o i n t s i n t h e r o y a l q u a r t e r , w h e r e he 24 M a h m o u d Bey ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 2 - 1 8 ; c o u l d c l e a r l y see t h a t t h e P t o l e m a i c streets r a n Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 exactly underneath the medieval a n d R o m a n above), p. 26 n . 63. ones m a p p e d o u t b y M a h m o u d Bey, a l b e i t o n a m u c h deeper l e v e l . ( F o r t h e w i d t h s o f t h e H e l 25 F o r t h e size a n d d i m e n s i o n s o f P t o l e m a i c l e n i s t i c streets, cf. H o e p f n e r [ n o t e 3 a b o v e ] , A l e x a n d r i a , see Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 7 5 . ) S o m e c a u t i o n seems a d v i s a b l e c o n c e r n pp. 2 6 - 2 7 n . 64. i n g H o g a r t h ' s p o i n t o f v i e w , as is suggested b y G r i m m 26 E . B r e c c i a , La necropoli ( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 1 0 3 - 1 0 , n o . 2, pis. C, 4, 7a, Catalogue di Sciatbi, G e n e r a l des A n t i q u i t e s E g y p t i e n n e s , M u s e e 1 0 , 1 1 , 1 2 b , c. T h i s p a r t o f t h e t o w n h a d a p p a r d'Alexandrie, vol. i (Cairo 1912), pp. 4 9 - 5 0 , e n t l y been t h e site o f p o m p o u s m a n s i o n s b e l o n g nos. 9 1 - 9 2 , fig. 36; i b i d . , v o l . 2, pis. 4 7 - 4 8 , i n g t o l e a d i n g p e r s o n a l i t i e s at t h e A l e x a n d r i a n nos 7 1 - 7 4 . court. O n l y very recently (1993), w h i l e prepar i n g the f o u n d a t i o n w a l l s of the n e w A l e x a n 27 H . A . T h o m p s o n , Hesperia d r i a n l i b r a r y i n Shatby, w e r e t w o m o r e m o s a i c s 3 (1934): 315 n . 1 a n d 3 4 8 n . 1 . A d r i a n i a n d also ( b u t m o r e re of the early second century B . C . discovered near s e r v e d l y ) Fraser h a d a l r e a d y e x p r e s s e d t h e i r the house w i t h the stag-hunt mosaic ( I o w e this doubts concerning any exclusive early d a t i n g piece o f i n f o r m a t i o n t o m y f r i e n d a n d c o l l e a g u e i n t o t h e late f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . : Fraser, 1 ( n o t e W . A . D a s z e w s k i ) ; see D . S a i d , Bulletin de 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 2 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 103 stitut 94 n. 240. (1994): 3 7 7 - 8 0 , color illustrations o n pp. 487 Frangais d'Archeologie Orientale iTn- ( A , B) a n d 4 8 9 ( C , D ) . 28 W . D . E. C o u l s o n , " C h a t b y Journal of Egyptian Reconsidered," national Kongresses gie, Berlin 1988 73 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : Archaeology 2 3 4 - 3 6 ; S. I . R o t r o f f , i n Akten des xm. 36 fur Klassische 1 7 . 1 . 1 0 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 n . 6 1 ; J. Fedak's r e m a r k Inter (Monumental Archaolo- Study ( M a i n z 1990), pp. 174, to Early 177-78. Tombs in Selected Imperial of the Hellenistic Tombs from Age: the A Pre-Classical Supplementary Era, Phoenix, v o l u m e 27 [ T o r o n t o 1 9 9 0 ] , p . 129), "the west 29 ern necropolis of Gabbari, Wardian, Mafrusa, Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 ; Fraser, 11 (note 2 above), p p . 1 0 4 - 5 n n - a n d M e x c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e i n t o use f r o m M9 5°- t h e l a t e r s e c o n d c e n t u r y o n w a r d , " is o f c o u r s e 30 c o r r e c t . B u t t h i s is o n l y h a l f t h e t r u t h . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8667 ( f o u n d i n 1 8 9 6 ; H . : 25 c m ) ; C . C l a i r m o n t , "Greek Pottery f r o m the N e a r East," Berytus 37 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8512 1 1 ( 1 9 5 5 ) : 1 2 4 , n o . 2 3 2 , p i . 2 8 . 1 a , b ; J. D . Beaz- ( f o u n d b e t w e e n 1 8 9 0 a n d 1 9 0 0 ; H . : 13.5 c m ) ; ley, Attic C . W a t z i n g e r , Mitteilungen Red-figure 2 n d ed. ( O x Vase-painters, Archaologischen ford 1963), p. 1455. Instituts, des Deutschen Athenische Abteilung 2 6 ( 1 9 0 1 ) : 7 6 - 7 7 , n o . 2 1 ; R . Pagenstecher, Die 3I Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8668 Gefajle ( f o u n d i n 1 8 9 9 ; H . : 16.5 c m ; f o o t r e s t o r e d ) . i n D i e griechisch-agyptische S a m m l u n g Ernst in Stein und Ton, Knochenschnitzereien, P u b l i c a t i o n p e r m i s s i o n was g r a n t e d by Youssef v o n Sieglin, v o l . 2, p a r t 3 (Leipzig 1 9 1 3 ) , p . 18, el-Gheriani. f i g . 2 4 . T h e f o l l o w i n g references are d u e t o M i c h a e l P f r o m m e r , w h o s e k i n d readiness t o 32 A l e x a n d r i a , Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8669 help I gratefully acknowledge: W i t h the excep (found i n 1895; H . : 20 c m ) ; C l a i r m o n t (note 30 t i o n of the b u t slightly differing p r o p o r t i o n s of above), p. 123, n o . 225, p i . 27.2a, b. n e c k a n d b o d y , o u r W e s t Slope k a n t h a r o s from G a b b a r i - A l e x a n d r i a finds a v e r y close a n a l o g y 33 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 19462; i n n o r t h e r n P o n t i c O l b i a (St. P e t e r s b u r g , H e r G . G r i m m , " O r i e n t u n d O k z i d e n t i n der K u n s t mitage O l 4355: T. N . Knipovic, A l e x a n d r i e n s , " i n Alexandrien archeologija (note 5 above), Sovetskaja 1 1 [ 1 9 4 9 ] : 2 7 4 , 2 8 2 , figs. 3, 4 ) . A l p p . 1 9 , 2 0 n . 4 2 , p i . 17a ( w i t h f u r t h e r l i t . ) ; t h o u g h t h e G a b b a r i vessel is n o t d a t a b l e b y ar R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's the c h a e o l o g i c a l c o n t e x t s at t h e m o m e n t , t h e c l e a r l y e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l i e r stages o f t y p o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p Ptolemies, Egypt: Age of ment of our type provide a well-founded termi 1988), p. 226, ad no. 118. nus p o s t q u e r n . F o r a n e a r l i e r e x a m p l e w i t h 34 A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above), p p . 1 4 0 - 4 3 , n o . 89, s q u a t a n d r o u n d e d b o d y , see B . A . Sparkes a n d a n d 2 3 0 , s.v. N e m e s e i o n ; A d r i a n i , 11 ( n o t e 6 L . T a l c o t t , Black a b o v e ) , p i s . 6 1 - 6 3 , % - 2 . 1 1 - 1 8 ; Fraser, 1 The Athenian ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , n o . 7 2 1 , p i . 2 9 (ca. 3 2 5 - 3 1 0 ) . S t i l l less a d p. 108 n . 2 6 3 . v a n c e d t h a n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n vessel is a k a n s and Plain Agora v o l . 12 of Pottery, (Princeton 1970), p. 287, tharos w i t h rotellae-decorated handles f r o m 35 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 21643; W . A . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt, v o l . 1 , Hellenistic Period, Aegyptiaca Treverensia. Trierer Studien and Early Roman z u m griechisch-romischen Agypten, v o l . 3 K a l y m n o s , n o w i n Brussels, M u s e e s R o y a u x A 1 7 1 7 : G . K o p c k e , Mitteilungen Archaologischen Instituts, des Athenische Deutschen Abteilung 7 9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) , p . 5 3 , Beilage n o . 4 4 . 6 ; M . P f r o m m e r , Studien zu alexandrinischer und grofi- 71 72 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA griechischer Toreutik friihhellenistischer Zeit, 41 N e w e v i d e n c e o n " p l a q u e t t e " vases a n d t h e i r Archaologische Forschungen 16 (Berlin 1987), c h r o n o l o g y is p r o m i s e d b y t h e f o r t h c o m i n g d i s p . 1 7 6 n . 1 2 4 5 (first h a l f o f t h i r d c e n t u r y ) . O u r sertation o f M a r t h a Aeissen ( B o n n ) . F o r p r o v i k a n t h a r o s is n o t o n l y f a r m o r e slender a n d its s i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n , see G . G r i m m , i n b o d y deeper, i t is a l r e a d y d e c o r a t e d w i t h t y p i c a l Pharaonen, W e s t Slope m o t i f s ( c o n c e n t r i c a l r e c t a n g l e s a n d dam, and Hildesheim 1 9 7 8 - 1 9 7 9 ) , no. 107 c h e c k e r b o a r d p a t t e r n ) . F o r t h e rise o f these w i t h i l l . a n d n o . 109 w i t h i l l . ; Andreassi (note m o t i f s a m o n g A t t i c p a r a l l e l s , see T h o m p s o n 39 above), p p . 2 1 - 2 9 , pis. 5 - 6 ; K . Parlasca, ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p . 3 4 9 , n o . C 1 1 , fig. 3 0 . I f w e Orientalistische b a l a n c e t h e e v i d e n c e , i t is h a r d l y p o s s i b l e t h a t 4 5 3 n . 3; D o h r n ( n o t e 3 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 7 - 79 (1984): Literaturzeitung o u r k a n t h a r o s predates the m i d d l e of the t h i r d 1 0 6 , pis. 6 2 - 7 5 ; K . Parlasca, i n A . C a m b i - century. t o g l o u a n d E . G . D . R o b i n s o n , eds., Art 38 Gotter, e x h . cat. (Essen, M u n i c h , R o t t e r in the Nicholson Museum, Sydney Classical (Mainz 1995), p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 , pis. 6 2 - 6 4 . O r i g i n a l s a m m l u n g der U n i v e r s i t a t H e i d e l b e r g H 20; Watzinger (note 37 above), p . 77 n . 1; Pagenstecher ( n o t e 3 7 a b o v e ) , p . 1 8 , fig. 25 left; R . H a m p e a n d H . G r o p e n g i e E e r , Aus Sammlung des Archdologiscben Universitat Heidelberg 42 Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 1 n . 7 9 . 43 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 1 - 3 2 ; Fraser, 11 der Instituts der (Mainz 1967), pp. 79, (note 2 above), p . 102 n . 236. 1 1 2 , p i . 33 (the p h o t o g r a p h w a s k i n d l y p r o 39 vided by T. Holscher). 44 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 21541 45 ( f o u n d i n 1 9 2 3 ; H . : 4 4 c m ) ; E . B r e c c i a , Le Musee Greco-Romain Trendall of Arthur 46 Dale Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 7 - 2 0 ; Fraser, 11 (note 2 above), p p . 4 2 - 5 4 n n . 9 4 - 1 2 4 . ( S y d n e y 1 9 7 9 ) , p . 28 n . 3 3 . T . D o h r n , Mitteilungen Instituts, in Honour Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 above), pp. 5 6 - 5 7 n n . 1 2 9 - 3 2 . (Bergamo 1925-1931 1 9 3 2 ) : 3 4 - 3 5 , p i . 2 4 , figs. 8 9 , 9 0 ; G . A n dreassi, i n Studies H o e p f n e r (note 3 above), p p . 2 7 6 - 7 8 . des Deutschen Rbmische Abteilung Arch'dologiscben 47 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 . 48 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 5 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 92 (1985): 98, 100, 104 ( " B . C . 3 1 0 / 3 0 5 - 2 7 5 " ) . The a m p h o r a w a s d i s c o v e r e d i n t h e e a s t e r n m o s t area o f t h e above), p. 30 n . 76. western necropolis, a r e g i o n near the outlet o f t h e c a n a l i n t o t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n ( r u e des 49 G . G r i m m , " Z u m P t o l e m a e r a l t a r aus d e m Soeurs), w h i c h w a s p a r t l y b u i l t o v e r b y c o n a l e x a n d r i n i s c h e n S a r a p e i o n , " i n Alessandria s t r u c t i o n s o f t h e " S o c i e t e de Pressage et de mondo hellenistico-romano: D e p o t s . " T h e cinerary u r n was f o u n d intact i n Achille Adriani, a b u r i a l n i c h e a n d b r o k e o n l y w h i l e b e i n g "res p i . 8; D a s z e w s k i ( n o t e 35 a b o v e ) , p . 1 1 4 , n o . 8, c u e d . " O t h e r n i c h e s i n t h e same t o m b c o n t a i n e d p i . 16; M . Sabottka, "Das Serapeum i n A l e x a n t h r e e b r o k e n vases o f t h e H a d r a t y p e . A b l a c k - dria: Untersuchungen zur Architektur u n d Studi in onore e il di vol. 1 (Rome 1983), pp. 7 0 - 7 3 , s l i p h y d r i a "avec des d e c o r a t i o n s en c o u l e u r B a u g e s c h i c h t e des H e i l i g t u m s v o n d e r f r i i h e n b l a n c h e s u p e r p o s e e , les anses . . . t r a v a i l l e e s p t o l e m a i s c h e n Z e i t bis z u r Z e r s t o r u n g 3 9 1 n . c o m m e des c o r d e s , p o u r v u e s de m a s q u e s p l a s - C h r . , " v o l . 1 (diss., T e c h n i s c h e U n i v e r s i t a t , Ber t i q u e s a u p o i n t d ' a t t a c h e sur l ' e p a u l e " w a s ac l i n 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 3 0 - 5 5 ; i b i d . , v o l . 2, p p . 5 8 - 7 0 q u i r e d i n 1923 by a certain M r . M i l l s , then n n . 1 - 8 7 ; i b i d . , v o l . 3, figs. 4 - 7 ; i b i d . , v o l . 4 , director o f the c o m p a n y m e n t i o n e d before; i t p i s . 8 - 1 9 . A n e a r l i e r d a t i n g o f t h e first b u i l d has been m i s s i n g ever since. i n g i n t o t h e r e i g n o f P t o l e m y 1 is suggested b y A c c o r d i n g t o the i n v e n t o r y o f the m u S a b o t t k a ' s o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t its a x i s deviates s e u m , these finds w e r e m a d e i n M a y 1 9 2 3 . T h i s 4 t o 5 degrees f r o m t h e r e g u l a r o r i e n t a t i o n o f s t a t e m e n t is also s u p p o r t e d b y t h e o r d e r o f i n the Ptolemaic r o a d n e t w o r k ( v o l . 1, p p . 30, v e n t o r y n u m b e r s ; Breccia's e r r o n e o u s reference t o t h e y e a r 1 9 3 0 as t h e d a t e o f t h e d i s c o v e r y s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be d e l e t e d . 53 — 55), w h e r e a s t h e l a t e r t e m p l e o f Serapis e r e c t e d b y Euergetes a l i g n s e x a c t l y w i t h t h e street l a y o u t . A p r o b a b l e r e a s o n f o r t h i s d e v i a t i o n c o u l d lie i n the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t i n the earli 40 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 27811 est stage o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t t h e (found i n February 1965 by D r . H e n r i R i a d ; H . : r o a d n e t w o r k h a d n o t y e t been e x p a n s i v e 39 c m ; m i n o r restorations). Permission t o p u b e n o u g h t o cover the southwestern quarters o f l i s h i t has been g r a n t e d b y H . R i a d . the t o w n . For the l o c a t i o n o f the temple i n the q u a r t e r o f R h a k o t i s , see Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 Grimm i n g p . 1 3 2 . T h i s a l l o w s us t o a p p r o x i m a t e t h e a b o v e ) , p p . 5 - 6 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , dimensions of the "Caesareum," w h i c h m u s t pp. 6 - 9 n n . 1 5 - 2 0 and 22. have t a k e n u p a l m o s t a c o m p l e t e insula, 50 thus Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum P 8357; h a r d l y leaving enough r o o m for the sundial i n G r i m m (note 4 1 above), no. 9 2 w i t h i l l . t h e F o r u m I u l i u m ( F o r u m A u g u s t i , Sebaste A g o r a ) . Geza A l f o l d y ( n o t e 5 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 8 - 5I T h e i m p o r t a n t s t i l l - u n p u b l i s h e d results a c h i e v e d 4 9 , figs. 1 1 , 1 2 , has suggested l o c a t i n g i t i n t h i s by M . S a b o t t k a ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) have c e r t a i n l y area, w h i c h i n n o w a y d e t r a c t s f r o m his b r i l c l e a r e d a n d c h a n g e d o u r p i c t u r e o f t h e Serapis l i a n t d e d u c t i o n t h a t the s o - c a l l e d O b e l i s k o f s a n c t u a r y i n A l e x a n d r i a (cf. t h e r e c e n t discus G a l l u s o n t h e Piazza d i San P i e t r o i n R o m e is s i o n b y P. Pensabene, " E l e m e n t i a r c h i t e t t o n i c i v e r y l i k e l y o n c e t o have f o r m e d p a r t o f a s u n di Alessandria e d i altri siti Egiziani," i n d i a l t h a t C l e o p a t r a v n erected i n A l e x a n d r i a tories d'Arte delVEgitto Reper a n d t h a t served as m o d e l f o r A u g u s t u s ' s s u n d i a l serie C , Greco-Romano, on the C a m p u s M a r t i u s (Alfoldy, p p . 5 5 - 6 7 ) . v o l . 3 [ R o m e 1 9 9 3 ] , PP- 195 — 2.03, based o n a level o f k n o w l e d g e p r i o r t o S a b o t t k a ' s research). 58 52 S a b o t t k a , 1 ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 6 - 6 7 ; Sa E . I v e r s e n , Obelisks in Exile, Obelisks and England Egypt: 54 The (Copenhagen Skyscrapers of of the Past ( N e w Y o r k 1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 1 7 6 - 8 2 , figs. 4 7 - 5 0 ; A l f o l d y ( n o t e S a b o t t k a , 1 ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 7 - 6 8 ; Sa b o t t k a , i n ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , figs. 3 i d , 3 2 a , b , 5 6 a b o v e ) , p . 43 n . 7 8 a n d p . 52 n . 1 0 0 ( w i t h 33a. further lit.). Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m P 10035; 59 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 G r i m m ( n o t e 4 1 a b o v e ) , n o . 93 w i t h i l l . above), pp. 6 8 - 7 0 n n . 1 5 5 - 6 3 ; H . H e i n e n , Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 5 - 1 7 ; Fraser, 11 H . T e m p o r i n i , e d . , Aufstieg (note 2 above), pp. 3 0 - 4 2 n n . 7 7 - 9 2 . romischen "Die 55 v o l . 2, 1 9 7 2 ) , p p . 9 o f f . ; L . H a b a c h i , The Obelisks b o t t k a , i n ( n o t e 4 9 a b o v e ) , figs. 3 i a - c a n d 3 3 b . 53 of Istanbul A n f a n g e des r o m i s c h e n K a i s e r k u l t e s , " i n und Niedergang der Welt 18,5 ( B e r l i n 1 9 9 5 ) , p p . 3 1 5 2 . - 5556 M o u s e i o n : Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 5 ; Fraser, n ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 0 - 3 1 n . 7 7 . 60 See n o t e 6 1 b e l o w . H o e p f n e r ' s s t a t e m e n t ( n o t e 3 Grave of Cleopatra v n and M a r k A n t o n y : a b o v e , p . 2 7 7 ) t h a t a q u a r t e r o r a fifth o f t h e Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 - 3 4 n . 8 1 ; T i - c i t y h a d been " r o y a l t e r r i t o r y " is c e r t a i n l y a p m o n e i o n : P l u t a r c h Life plicable t o the s i t u a t i o n neither before Strabo's of Antony 69 a n d 7 1 (Loeb Classical L i b r a r y ) , w i t h an English trans v i s i t n o r i n his d a y a n d r a t h e r m o r e l i k e l y t o be lation by Bernadotte Perrin, v o l . 9 ( L o n d o n t r u e f o r t h e I m p e r i a l age o n l y . 1920), p p . 2 9 7 , 3 0 1 ; A d r i a n i , 1 (note 6 above), p . 2 5 5 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11 (note 2 above), p. 66 n . 153; G . A l f o l d y , Der Obelisk hi- auf dem Petersplatz storisches Monument in Rom: der Antike, Ein Sitzungs- 61 1 7 . 1 . 8 ; Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 ; Fraser, 11 (note 2 above), p . 30 n . 70. 62 1 7 . 5 2 ; B r a d f o r d W e l l e s ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 9 . 63 H o e p f n e r (note 3 above), p . 277. 64 F o r t h e same p h e n o m e n o n i n m o r e r e c e n t t i m e s , b e r i c h t e d e r H e i d e l b e r g e r A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, n o . 2 ( H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 4 6 . 57 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 2 4 ; Fraser, 11 ( n o t e 2 see R . Z i m m e r m a n n , Kunstliche a b o v e ) , p p . 6 8 - 7 0 n n . 1 5 5 - 6 3 ; cf. also K . T u - dien zu ihrer chelt, " Z u m P r o b l e m 'Kaisareion-Sebasteion'. 1989). Bedeutung Ruinen: und Form Stu- (Wiesbaden E i n e Frage z u d e n A n f a n g e n des r o m i s c h e n K a i s e r k u l t e s , " Istanbuler Mitteilungen 31 65 E. G a l l i , "Riflessi d i p i t t u r a alessandrina i n Ca ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 6 7 - 8 6 . I n 1 8 7 4 massive f o u n d a t i o n l a b r i a , " Rivista del R. Istituto blocks o f b o t h limestone a n d sandstone (mea Storia 6 ( 1 9 3 7 ) : 3 2 f f . , figs. 7, 8, 9 , 1 1 dell'Arte d'Archeologia e s u r i n g 3 . 5 0 m a n d 2 . 5 0 m across, r e s p e c t i v e l y ) and p i . 1 (color reconstruction); D . B. Harden, were discovered immediately south of " C l e o Journal of Glass Studies 10 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 33. patra's Needles." These blocks h a d doubtlessly s u p p o r t e d the largest p a r t o f the at o n e t i m e ; cf. T . N e r o u t s o s , Alexandrie: graphique Etude archeologique "Caesareum" L'ancienne et topo- (Paris 1 8 8 8 ) , p p . i o f f . , m a p f o l l o w 66 H a r d e n ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 , n o s . a - j (with further lit.); M . Pfrommer, chungen zur Chronologie stischen Goldschmucks, friih- und Untersuhochhelleni- Istanbuler Forschungen 73 74 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 3 7 ( T u b i n g e n 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 2 3 7 , a d n o . F K 63 (with further lit.). 67 H a r d e n ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 2 - 3 3 , n o . 4 , figs. 3 1 - 3 2 ( w i t h further lit.); P f r o m m e r (note 66 a b o v e ) , p . 2 3 7 n . 1 8 0 1 ( w i t h f u r t h e r l i t . ) . See also U . H a u s m a n n , Griechische Weihreliefs ( B e r l i n i 9 6 0 ) , p p . 8 1 - 8 2 , fig. 5 1 ( p r o b a b l y A l e x a n d r i a n , first h a l f s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . ) . 68 G a l l i ( n o t e 65 a b o v e ) , f i g . 1 0 ; P f r o m m e r ( n o t e 66 above), p . 169 ( O R 22), p . 237, no. F K 63, pis. 3 0 , 4 5 . A r e a o f o r i g i n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the antelope-head earrings: P f r o m m e r , p p . 1 7 1 7 2 , fig. 3 1 . 69 I n f o r m a t i o n k i n d l y p r o v i d e d by D r . Elena L a t tanzi (Soprintendenza archeologica della Cala bria, Reggio C ) . 70 Fraser, 1 ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 ; H o e p f n e r ( n o t e 3 above), p . 277. 75 Cults in Hellenistic Alexandria Lilly Kahil A l e x a n d r i a is the first Greek t o w n t o become the base of a Greek m o n a r chy i n E g y p t . H e r d o u b l e character as a t r a d i t i o n a l c i t y a n d the c a p i t a l of a k i n g d o m gives her a special character, t h a t of a t o w n i n w h i c h the p o w e r n o longer comes f r o m the citizens a n d t h a t m u s t i n v e n t a n e w re l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the p o p u l a t i o n , based o n a u t h o r i t y b u t also o n care f o r this p o p u l a t i o n . T h e native m o n a r c h y r e m a i n e d isolated, a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l dynastic prestige was reserved f o r Greeks a n d M a c e d o n i a n s . T h e c o u r t , the festivals, a n d the m o n u m e n t s were the instruments of the deli cate balance between Egyptians, o n the one h a n d , a n d Greeks a n d M a c e donians, o n the other, realized under P t o l e m y n , w h i c h made A l e x a n d r i a the center o f a n e w w o r l d (see Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 6 - 1 2 , w h i c h gives a very de t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the t o w n as i t was a b o u t 25 B . C . ) . We have n o t i m e to d w e l l o n this fascinating t e x t , w h i c h describes the d i s t r i c t o f the palaces, the Basileia w i t h the r o y a l gardens, the M o u s e i o n , the L i b r a r y , a n d the Sema, w h i c h P t o l e m y i v considered the grave o f A l e x a n d e r the Great, a n d w h i c h was also the grave o f the first Ptolemies. W h a t was m o s t r e m a r k a b l e was the Serapeion, the sanctuary t h a t became the biggest o f the t o w n . I t was i n the n e w t o w n , N e a p o l i s , w h e r e the agora, the t r i b u n a l s , the theater, the boule, a n d maybe the g y m n a s i u m h a d been erected. B u t i t lacked an i m p o r t a n t d i v i n i t y , w h i c h was unusual since i t was n o t far f r o m the civic center, a n d m o s t Greek cities h a d sanctuaries i n such an area. T h e vast sanctuary of Serapis was b u i l t m u c h further s o u t h , o n a h i l l o v e r l o o k i n g the d i s t r i c t t h a t k e p t the ancient E g y p t i a n name, R h a k o t i s . Some scholars t h i n k t h a t the Serapeion was p e r p e t u a t i n g an older, local c u l t . B u t this is n o t p r o v e d . T h e f o r m o f this sanctuary a n d the c u l t of Serapis, as w e l l as the place w h e r e the temple was b u i l t , c o u l d merely indicate the w i l l of the first Ptolemies t o u n d e r l i n e a s y m b o l i c c o n t i n u i t y w i t h E g y p t i a n heritage. Paradoxically, very l i t t l e is k n o w n a b o u t the Egyptians i n A l e x a n d r i a d u r i n g the t h i r d century. O n the other h a n d we k n o w m u c h a b o u t the Celtic mercenaries because o f t h e i r m a n y t o m b s i n the t h i r d a n d second centuries i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s is also the case o f the Jews, who perhaps were established by A l e x a n d e r the Great himself b u t i n any 76 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Statue of Serapis, from the Faiyum. Sycamore w o o d . Roman period. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. case c o n s t i t u t e d a n i m p o r t a n t c o m m u n i t y f r o m the t i m e o f P t o l e m y v i a n d were g r o u p e d i n one d i s t r i c t at the end o f the Ptolemaic era. I w i l l n o t speak o f the E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n a n d its r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the p h a r a o h s . I t is very difficult t o t r y t o summarize the significance of the cults i n H e l l e n i s t i c E g y p t . T h e l e i t m o t i f o f the E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n is i n fact the passage f r o m life t o death a n d the question of w h a t happens i n the other w o r l d . I t is n o t everyday life t h a t concerns E g y p t b u t the u n c e r t a i n t y o f w h a t happens after death. For the Egyptians i t seems t o be the same life b u t i n another f o r m , m o r e s p i r i t u a l i z e d . M u m m i f i c a t i o n , the b u i l d i n g o f the t o m b s , the d e c o r a t i o n o f the t o m b s w i t h statues, re liefs, stelae, a n d g i f t s — f r o m a simple p o t t o the m o s t beautiful g o l d — a n d the c u l t offerings i n the t o m b s a n d temples a l l suggest t h a t after physical death there is a c o n t i n u a t i o n of life. T h r o u g h art, we have i n some w a y a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the future, of an eternal, m o r e b e a u t i f u l existence. E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n deals w i t h the same p r o b l e m as a l l religions: w h a t is the c o n t a c t between m a n a n d g o d . T h e gods have t h e i r plans, a n d m a n answers gods w i t h prayers a n d offer ings. B u t i n E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n , n o t every m a n is a l l o w e d i n t o the v i c i n i t y of the g o d , b u t o n l y the k i n g , the p h a r a o h , a n d his priest. T h i s attitude is Kahil certainly one t h a t lasted m a n y thousands o f years. D u r i n g the p e r i o d t h a t interests us—the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d of the Ptolemies—the n e w lead ers, Greeks w h o n o w r u l e d the l a n d of the N i l e a n d were l i v i n g i n the m o s t beautiful city, A l e x a n d r i a , t r i e d t o understand the p o w e r o f G o d a n d his omnipresence. T h e y also t r i e d t o find a f o r m t h a t suited E g y p tians as w e l l as Greeks. T h e y d i d i t w i t h success, a n d they f o u n d a name, Serapis, the n e w artistic c r e a t i o n of the n e w p h a r a o h , P t o l e m y I Soter. T h e creation was a b r i l l i a n t idea t h a t t r i e d t o u n i f y the ethnic, c u l t u r a l , a n d social differences between the o l d a n d the n e w leaders of E g y p t . We k n o w t h a t f o r hundreds o f years, Greeks a n d Egyptians h a d been i n c o n t a c t a n d t h a t they already h a d the same beliefs a b o u t some deities. W i t h the f o u n d a t i o n i n a b o u t 6 2 0 B . C . of N a u k r a t i s , a Greek c o l o n y t h a t became extremely prosperous, a n d even before t h a t t i m e , contacts were m a i n t a i n e d . I t is e n o u g h t o read H e r o d o t o s ( m i d d l e of the fifth century) t o see h o w close the parallels were between some E g y p t i a n a n d some Greek gods. Serapis is the hellenized f o r m of O s o r - H a p i , whose c u l t was established i n M e m p h i s i n the late p e r i o d a n d w h o was i n fact the b u l l A p i s (see R i a d fig. i above), w h o , after his death, became an O s i r i s , as d i d a l l w h o d i e d . T h i s g o d , w h o at first was l i t t l e k n o w n except i n M e m phis, was represented as a h y b r i d , w i t h the b o d y o f a m u m m i f i e d m a n a n d a bull's head, c a r r y i n g the solar disk between his h o r n s . B u t the g o d w h o appeared t o P t o l e m y h a d the aspect o f an o l d , i m p o s i n g m a n w i t h a beard (fig. i ) , h o l d i n g a scepter, w i t h the d o g Kerberos seated at his side. T h i s image, w h i c h w o u l d be the i c o n o g r a p h y o f Serapis f o r the c o m i n g centuries, has n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h the o l d E g y p t i a n i c o n o g r a p h y . Yet Serapis presented aspects t h a t l i n k e d h i m t o his E g y p t i a n past. H e is a g o d of the dead, a sort o f d o u b l e o f O s i r i s , a n d l i k e h i m , a g o d of f e r t i l i t y : he wears a modius o n his head (see R i a d fig. 3 above). B u t he is also a healing g o d , a n d this is a n e w element, f o r the Egyptians h a d n o gods w i t h such a specialty. Serapis became closely l i n k e d t o the r o y a l couple o f the Ptolemies a n d t h e i r wives i n a l l sorts o f prayers. T h e great Temple o f Serapis i n A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h its precious f o u n d a t i o n deposits l a i d by the first Ptolemies, attests, especially after Ptolemy 111 ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 1 ) , t o official i n t e r v e n t i o n of r o y a l p o w e r d u r i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the temple. T h e archaeological e x p l o r a t i o n o n this site has been very difficult: T h e site has been altered m a n y times, a n d i t has been d i s t u r b e d . I n fact, m a n y sources t e n d t o identify Serapis w i t h Hades, the Greek g o d of the dead, a n d the advisors o f the k i n g persuaded h i m t h a t Hades-Pluto was the Greek name f o r the E g y p t i a n name Serapis. F r o m the d e s c r i p t i o n by Rufinus o f A q u i l e i a we can get an idea of the splendor o f the Serapeion, its immense esplanade s u r r o u n d e d by w a l l s , w i t h exedras, r o o m s f o r priests, a n d taller b u i l d i n g s w h e r e the 77 78 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA guardians a n d priests lived together. I n the center o f this vast ensemble the temple rose w i t h ornate c o l u m n s a n d an exterior b u i l t o f m a r b l e . T h e Serapeion's g l o r y was immense, a n d its d e s t r u c t i o n by the Christians i n A . D . 392 was felt i n a l l E g y p t as a scandal a n d a cause f o r m o u r n i n g . D u r i n g the first century B . C . there was n o conflict between the different cults t h a t coexisted i n A l e x a n d r i a . I t has been t h o u g h t t h a t the c u l t o f Serapis, so m u c h favored by the Ptolemies, h a d one o b j e c t i v e — t o u n i f y the different elements o f the p o p u l a t i o n s l i v i n g i n Egypt. B u t this is o n l y a guess. I n the t h i r d century B . C . the Greeks played a m a j o r role i n society a n d h a d privileges. I n t e r m a r r i a g e was f o r b i d d e n i n N a u k r a t i s a n d p r o b a b l y also i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e kings w a n t e d t o preserve a p r i v i leged p o s i t i o n f o r the Greeks, a n d so i t is i m p r o b a b l e t h a t they w o u l d have t r i e d t o achieve religious i n t e g r a t i o n , w h i c h they refused elsewhere. T h e c u l t o f Serapis concerned the r o y a l c o u r t , the Greek p o p u l a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a , except i n M e m p h i s , where the c u l t was assimilated t o the c u l t o f A p i s . O n e s h o u l d consider Serapis n o t as a g o d u n i f y i n g different p o p u l a t i o n s b u t as the g o d o f A l e x a n d r i a , as the g o d o f a polis t h a t pa t r o n i z e d the n e w dynasty o f the Ptolemies a n d its p o w e r . M e m p h i s is m o r e interesting t h a n A l e x a n d r i a f r o m the p o i n t of v i e w o f the i n t e g r a t i o n of Greeks a n d Egyptians. I n M e m p h i s d u r i n g the second century B . C . , Greeks a n d Egyptians were b o t h serving the g o d whose official name was Serapis b u t also A p i s (he was w o r s h i p e d i n the shape o f a b u l l l i v i n g i n a sacred p r e c i n c t ) . There, i n M e m p h i s , the inte g r a t i o n was a fact, a n d the believers recognized their g o d i n his different shapes. T h i r d - c e n t u r y A l e x a n d r i a , w i t h its culture a n d r e l i g i o n , was above a l l a Greek t o w n . B u t some o f the E g y p t i a n gods there were al ready w e l l k n o w n t o the Greeks a n d belonged also t o their universe: A t h e n a was N e i t h , A p h r o d i t e was H a t h o r , a n d so f o r t h . A n d i t was i n A l e x a n d r i a t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n c o m b i n e d w i t h Greek artistic tech niques a n d modes o f expression, g i v i n g the E g y p t i a n gods a different a n d often m o r e c o m p l e x image. T h i s supposes n o t o n l y w o r k f r o m the artists w h o c o m b i n e d Greek a n d E g y p t i a n elements b u t also m e n t a l , p h i l o s o p h i c a l , a n d sometimes t h e o l o g i c a l reflection, as we can see i n P l u t a r c h , for instance. I n fact, we c a n n o t speak o f a m i x e d Graeco-Egyptian r e l i g i o n o r c i v i l i z a t i o n b u t o f m u t u a l influences, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c u l t o f Serapis, w h o became universally k n o w n , w i t h his very Greek image as Hades o r P l o u t o n . L i k e h i m , Isis was also represented, b u t m o r e often under a hellenized aspect, invented i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d n o t under her t r a d i t i o n a l , E g y p t i a n aspect. Nevertheless, an i m p o r t a n t Jewish c o m m u n i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a was also influenced by the Greeks, b u t there were conflicts between Greeks a n d Jews s t a r t i n g i n the t h i r d century, n o t o n l y for religious rea sons, b u t f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r fiscal ones. H o w e v e r , the extension of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the t h i r d a n d f o u r t h centuries was also one of the causes; Kahil FIG. 2 Head of Alexander the Great. Granite. First century B.C. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 3x42. the conflicts became m o r e a n d m o r e v i o l e n t , a n d E g y p t i a n r e l i g i o n itself w o u l d vanish. T h i s is n o t the place t o go i n t o greater d e t a i l a b o u t the differ ent elements t h a t c o n s t i t u t e d A l e x a n d r i a n r e l i g i o n . L e t us remember o n l y t h a t m a n y Greek d i v i n i t i e s were w o r s h i p e d b u t t h a t Isis a n d Serapis p l a y e d the m a j o r r o l e : T h e Ptolemies h a d a d o p t e d t h e m , a n d the rulers were b o t h p h a r a o h s a n d k i n g s . We m u s t also n o t forget the i m p o r t a n c e of the festivals attached t o a n u m b e r o f these cults. I n a p a m p h l e t w r i t t e n p r o b a b l y under the emperor T r a j a n , D i o n o f Prusa r e p r o a c h e d the A l e x a n d r i a n s f o r passing t h e i r t i m e w i t h w h a t he called " t r i v i a l enter t a i n m e n t s , " such as d a n c i n g , music, a n d horse r a c i n g . H e c o m p a r e d t h e m t o maenads a n d satyrs, t h e i r life being just a k o m o s , a n d n o t an agreeable one b u t a savage one: people d a n c i n g , singing, a n d p o u r i n g b l o o d . Yet under the first Ptolemies, the artistic performances were n o t c o m p a r a b l e t o those m e n t i o n e d by D i o n o f Prusa. A few o f these festivals m u s t be m e n t i o n e d , especially the great procession o f P t o l e m y π Philadelphos. I t was described at the end of the first c e n t u r y B . C . by K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes a n d m e n t i o n e d by A t h e n a i o s o f N a u k r a t i s , a later E g y p t i a n w r i t e r f r o m the t h i r d c e n t u r y A . D . w h o was r e c a l l i n g the f o r m e r splendor o f his n o w - r u i n e d c o u n t r y . I n fact this festival was p r o b a b l y the P t o l e m a i a , celebrated first i n h o n o r of P t o l e m y ι Soter, between 2 7 9 / 2 7 8 a n d 2 7 1 / 2 7 0 B . C . , a c e l e b r a t i o n c o n sidered equal t o the O l y m p i c Games i n Greece. Three dates are g i v e n , the i n a u g u r a t i o n 2 7 9 / 2 7 8 , the Penteteris o f 2 7 1 / 2 7 0 , a n d also 2 7 5 / 2 7 4 . These dates are n o t i m p o r t a n t i n themselves. W h a t is i m p o r t a n t is t h a t the c e l e b r a t i o n c o m m e m o r a t e d the a d m i s s i o n o f P t o l e m y i n t o O l y m p o s , w h e r e he j o i n e d A l e x a n d e r the Great. Therefore, the D i o n y s i a c p a r t o f the festival o c c u p i e d the p r i m a r y place, f o r the g o d D i o n y s o s was 79 80 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA considered t o be an ancestor o f the dynasty. I n the second c e n t u r y B . C . Satyros h a d w r i t t e n a treatise assuming t h a t t h r o u g h his m o t h e r , A r s i noe, P t o l e m y i was a descendant o f B o r k o s , the b r o t h e r o f the k i n g o f M a c e d o n i a , A l e x a n d e r the Philhellene, descendant himself, like P h i l i p a n d A l e x a n d e r , f r o m Temenos, son o f H y l l o s , son o f Herakles a n d D e i a n e i r a , herself the daughter o f D i o n y s o s . T h i s c o m p l i c a t e d genealogy p a r t i a l l y explains h o w the great procession was organized: i n the D i o nysiac procession there were statues o f kings, namely the h i s t o r i c or m y t h i c a l ancestors o f A l e x a n d e r the Great (fig. 2) a n d P t o l e m y 1. T h e Ptolemaia was n o t easy t o organize. M a n y representa tives o f Greek states were i n v i t e d , as were artists. Athenaeus phistae Deipnoso- 5 . 1 9 4 - 9 5 is p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting o n this p o i n t . I n i t we learn t h a t soldiers, artists, a n d foreign delegations were sheltered under tents, the m o s t b e a u t i f u l o f these being t h a t of the official banquet. T h e proces sion began w i t h the section dedicated t o the parents o f the k i n g s , f o l l o w e d by the procession o f " a l l the gods," a n d finally that of the evening star. A great n u m b e r o f animals were sacrificed, a n d o n another day there was c e r t a i n l y a m i l i t a r y parade o f i n f a n t r y a n d horsemen. D i o n y s o s appeared first as the founder o f the dynasty b u t also as the g o d w h o presided over a l l d r a m a t i c contests, w h e r e actors, poets, musicians, a n d singers were c o m p e t i n g . A n u m b e r o f persons were dis guised as satyrs a n d sileni, a n d the statue of the g o d was c a r r i e d o n a c h a r i o t w i t h f o u r wheels: a r o u n d i t were a l l the c u l t officers, the priests, the priestesses, the t h i a s o i , the n e w initiates, a l l sorts o f maenads ( M a c e d o n i a n , T h r a c i a n , a n d L y d i a n ) . T h e y were a l l c r o w n e d w i t h wreaths o f serpents a n d h e l d serpents and daggers i n t h e i r hands. T h i s was the be g i n n i n g o f the secret procession, w h i c h ended w i t h the a p p a r i t i o n of t w o emblemata: a gilded thyrsos 135 feet l o n g , a n d a p h a l l o s , also g i l d e d , 180 feet l o n g , o n t o p o f w h i c h was a star. M y t h o l o g i c a l scenes illus t r a t e d the gods' aspects; a mechanical figure dressed as N y s a , the god's nurse, s t o o d i n her seat, p o u r e d a l i b a t i o n , a n d sat d o w n again. O t h e r chariots c a r r i e d a d d i t i o n a l m y t h o l o g i c a l scenes: the cave where D i o n y s o s as an i n f a n t h a d been nursed by H e r m e s a n d the n y m p h s , a n d the altar of Rhea w h e r e D i o n y s o s a n d Priapos h a d f o u n d refuge f r o m H e r a . Some chariots glorified D i o n y s o s as the g o d o f w i n e . O n e car r i e d an immense winepress, where a chorus o f fifty satyrs w i t h flute play ers pressed w i n e grapes w h i l e singing; a silenus was w a t c h i n g t h e m . A n o t h e r c h a r i o t c a r r i e d a gigantic s k i n (this t i m e n o t a g o a t s k i n b u t a p a n t h e r s k i n ) f r o m w h i c h w i n e d r i p p e d ; 120 satyrs a n d sileni filled g o l d vases f r o m i t . O n a t h i r d c h a r i o t a huge, beautifully decorated krater of silver was c a r r i e d . I n this procession o l d a n d y o u n g m e n c a r r i e d precious objects f r o m the pharaoh's s t o r e r o o m : the objects were meant n o t o n l y t o h o n o r the g o d b u t also t o p r o m p t a d m i r a t i o n f r o m the c r o w d . A cho rus o f six h u n d r e d singers a n d three h u n d r e d musicians p l a y i n g k i t h a r a s Kahil accompanied the procession, w i n e was d i s t r i b u t e d , a n d f r o m the cave o f the n y m p h s pigeons and other birds were released. Those w h o h a d the privilege o f being seated i n the s t a d i u m c o u l d d r i n k sweet w i n e served by y o u n g m e n . T h i s procession t o D i o n y s o s was preceded by V i c t o r i e s w i t h gilded w i n g s w h o h e l d t h y m i a t e r i a w i t h g i l d e d leaves. T h e n came alle gories o f the year a n d the seasons, and i n the procession i n h o n o r of D i o n y s o s a pompe depicted the t r i u m p h a l r e t u r n of the g o d f r o m I n d i a . A c h a r i o t w i t h f o u r wheels bore the figure o f the v i c t o r i o u s g o d s i t t i n g o n the back o f an elephant. H i s a r m y f o l l o w e d : five h u n d r e d y o u n g girls; 120 satyrs; five squadrons of asses m o u n t e d by sileni; elephants; chariots d r a w n by horses, by camels, a n d by a l l sorts of other animals f r o m the forest a n d desert. Some later sarcophagi s h o w us this imagery. T h e n came the prisoners a n d the b o o t y ; w o m e n i n chariots; camels; E t h i o p i a n s c a r r y i n g g o l d , ebony, a n d elephant tusks; f o l l o w e d by the hunters w i t h their dogs, the bird-catchers w i t h cages f u l l o f birds, a n d finally, exotic animals. T h e last: c h a r i o t i n the procession c a r r i e d the religious a n d p o l i t i c a l message: the statues of A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d P t o l e m y 1 or P t o l e m y 11 w i t h c r o w n s of i v y o n their heads. N e a r P t o l e m y 1 were figures of Arete a n d C o r i n t h a n d a procession of w o m e n d e p i c t i n g the cities t h a t P t o l e m y h a d liberated d u r i n g the t i m e of A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d h a d k e p t independent. T h u s , the M a c e d o n i a n dynasty o f E g y p t was p r o c l a i m i n g its p h i l h e l l e n i s m . O t h e r gods f o l l o w e d : Zeus was first, a n d A l e x a n d e r closed the procession o n a c h a r i o t d r a w n by elephants; at his side were A t h e n a a n d N i k e . T h i s is o n l y a short resume o f A t h e naeus's t e x t , w h i c h is very l o n g , a n d i t is strange t h a t we never find any m e n t i o n o f Herakles. I w i l l n o t elaborate o n another festival, t h a t of Demeter, the T h e s m o p h o r i a , i n w h i c h Demeter is assimilated t o Isis. B u t I w i l l deal briefly w i t h the festival i n h o n o r o f the c u l t of A d o n i s , w h i c h was firmly r o o t e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , c o m i n g f r o m nearby countries, such as Phoenicia a n d C y p r u s . T h e best d e s c r i p t i o n o f this feast is a p o e m by T h e o k r i t o s , Idylls 15 ( 2 7 8 - 2 7 0 B.C.). I t evokes an a n n u a l celebration o f the c u l t o f A d o n i s organized inside the palace w a l l s by Queen A r s i n o e n . There was perhaps n o t o n l y a religious festival organized by the queen b u t also a m i l i t a r y parade organized by the k i n g . T h e queen gave this feast t o t h a n k A p h r o d i t e for h a v i n g deified Queen Berenike, the w i f e of P t o l e m y 1 Soter, a n d A d o n i s , the d i v i n e spouse o f A p h r o d i t e , w h o was protectress of b o t h Berenike a n d A r s i n o e 11. T h i s festival h a d a different sense t h a n the usual one; i t was n o t celebrating a m y t h c o n c e r n i n g i m m o r t a l i t y . T h e o k r i t o s ' s Idylls is a short, c o m i c piece o f verse i n w h i c h t w o y o u n g girls f r o m Syracuse are v i s i t i n g the palace o n the first day of the festival t o A d o n i s ; i t tells us n o t h i n g a b o u t the gardens o f A d o n i s . 81 82 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA O n e o f the y o u n g girls is called P r a x i n o a ; w i t h her friend G o r g o a n d t w o servants she goes t o the palace a n d meets m a n y soldiers. T h e husbands of the t w o girls d o n o t p l a y any great role; one of t h e m is o n l y h u n g r y a n d awaits his l u n c h . As usual d u r i n g a feast i n h o n o r o f A d o n i s , the w o m e n h a d a c e r t a i n l i b e r t y a n d c o u l d visit the palace. Inside, i n the en t r y r o o m , pictures i l l u s t r a t e d episodes i n the legend of A d o n i s . A statue of the g o d depicted h i m l y i n g o n a bed o f silver. A female singer f r o m A r g o s sang i n h o n o r o f A d o n i s , describing the k l i s m o s o n w h i c h the g o d was l y i n g , under a green b o w e r where little erotes were flying f r o m one b r a n c h t o another. O n the ends o f the k l i s m o s were representations o f the eagle c a r r y i n g off Ganymede, also an apotheosis. A l l a r o u n d were a l l sorts of offerings: fruits, flowers, alabastra w i t h Syrian perfumes, a n d sweets. N a t u r a l l y , there was m u c h singing. T h e songs m u s t have h a d a religious m e a n i n g a n d a n n o u n c e d the ceremony o f the second day. As these examples show, the cults o f the Ptolemies were s u m p t u o u s . T h e c o u r t w a n t e d the G r a e c o - R o m a n p o p u l a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d the Egyptians t o share i n the c u l t activity. T h e exercise o f the p o w e r t o establish a c u l t seems t o be a sign o f d i v i n e nature. T h i s process started i n Greece i n the f o u r t h century, a n d especially i n M a c e d o n i a . As s o o n as A l e x a n d e r d i e d , Ptolemy, the first satrap o f E g y p t , d i verted this b o d y f r o m M a c e d o n i a t o A l e x a n d r i a . H e b u i l t a magnificent t o m b , the Sema, f o r A l e x a n d e r a n d i n s t i t u t e d a c u l t i n his h o n o r as f o u n d e r o f the c i t y (we d o n o t k n o w i f the Sema is preserved o r where i t lies). I n a b o u t 2 8 0 , P t o l e m y 11 deified his parents, P t o l e m y 1 a n d Berenike. H e t h e n i n s t i t u t e d his o w n c u l t , associated w i t h the c u l t of his w i f e , A r s i n o e 11, w h o d i e d i n 2 7 0 . T h e y were t h e n called "the gods' b r o t h e r a n d sister" (fig. 3). T h i s dynastic c u l t w o u l d continue t o associate the l i v i n g k i n g w i t h his deceased ancestors. I t w o u l d be a c u l t celebrated i n the Greek FIG. 3 Octadrachm w i t h double portraits of Ptolemy i and Berenike I (ob verse), Ptolemy n and Arsinoe n way, by priests a n d priestesses of Greek o r i g i n . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l of (reverse). T h i r d century B . C . Greek r e l i g i o n was preserved, w i t h sacrifices, v i c t i m s , a n d l i b a t i o n s . O n e Alexandria, Graeco-Roman c o u l d suppose t h a t this i d e o l o g y came f r o m the t r a d i t i o n s i n E g y p t , i n w h i c h the p h a r a o h was son a n d successor o f the gods. H e r e the Greek ideal o f arete (virtue) revealed the d i v i n e nature o f the ruler, w h o was the e m b o d i m e n t o f justice, generosity, m i l i t a r y courage, a n d so o n . T h e t h u n d e r b o l t o f Zeus a n d the c o r n u c o p i a , s y m b o l of prosperity, frequently appear o n the coins. Perhaps i t is this r o y a l c u l t t h a t was the real i n s t r u m e n t o f u n i f i c a t i o n for a p o p u l a t i o n o f very different o r i g i n s . T h e r o y a l c u l t therefore h a d t w o levels: one Greek, especially i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d one E g y p t i a n i n other sanctuaries o f the c o u n t r y , a n d yet they d o n o t c o n t r a d i c t each other. We have already spoken of Serapis a n d the role he played. B u t other E g y p t i a n gods were as i m p o r t a n t , especially Isis (fig. 4 ) , w h o h a d several temples i n A l e x a n d r i a , one at Cape Lochias, another o n the M u s e u m 25018. Kahil FIG. 4 Statue of Isis, f r o m Ras el-Soda (Alexandria). M a r b l e . Ca. A . D . 1 4 0 - 1 5 0 . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n Museum 25783. island o f Pharos. She was the protectress o f mariners a n d o f n a v i g a t i o n . H e r c u l t was extremely i m p o r t a n t i n A l e x a n d r i a already i n the t i m e o f A l e x a n d e r the Great. A r r i a n mentions that A l e x a n d e r the Great erected a temple i n h o n o r of Isis the E g y p t i a n . I n the Hellenistic p e r i o d Isis was certainly one of the m o s t p o p u l a r divinities o f E g y p t , a universal goddess. Before the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a she already h a d a temple i n Piraeus. She was identified by the Greeks w i t h Demeter, a n d her image was m o s t l y a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c . B u t she was also often identified w i t h A p h r o dite. I t was d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d i n A l e x a n d r i a that the E g y p t i a n gods often got a n e w l o o k . T h e Isis f r o m A l e x a n d r i a w o r e a dress o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n b u t i n a Greek fashion. She h a d n o w i g , her h a i r was floating or c u r l e d . She c o u l d be completely nude a n d reminds us t h e n o f an o r i e n t a l i z i n g A p h r o d i t e . H e r attributes, the sistron, the discus, a n d the situla, were b o r r o w e d f r o m an E g y p t i a n repertoire b u t c o r r e s p o n d e d n o w t o a Greek s y m b o l i s m . 83 84 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 5 Statue of Euthenia. M a r b l e . Ca. A . D . 1 6 0 - 1 8 0 . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 24124. W e c o u l d say the same o f the N i l e , w h i c h was n o w depicted i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n t r a d i t i o n , n o longer the E g y p t i a n , a n d o f E u t h e n i a (fig. 5), w h o depicted abundance a n d f e r t i l i t y . T h e Egyptians i n A l e x a n d r i a q u i c k l y g o t used t o the n e w l o o k o f t h e i r o l d gods, b u t i n the c o u n t r y i t t o o k m u c h longer, a n d i t was o n l y u n d e r the R o m a n s t h a t these images were spread w i d e l y , p r o b a b l y because of the coinage. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae PARIS 85 Body and Machine: Interactions between Medicine, Mechanics, and Philosophy in Early Alexandria Heinrich von Staden A t different h i s t o r i c a l m o m e n t s o f e x c e p t i o n a l c u l t u r a l efflorescence, science plays s t r i k i n g l y divergent roles. T h e o r e t i c a l l y i n c l i n e d , o r i g i n a l "research" scientists represent a m o r e conspicuous strand i n the intellec t u a l t e x t u r e of early A l e x a n d r i a t h a n , f o r example, o f Periklean Athens or of A u g u s t a n R o m e (despite the b r i l l i a n t t e c h n o l o g i c a l , a r c h i t e c t u r a l , a n d general c u l t u r a l v i r t u o s i t y o f Athens a n d R o m e ) . Scientists were, of course, active i n m a n y Greek cities t h r o u g h o u t the H e l l e n i s t i c epoch, i n c l u d i n g Syracuse, Athens, Rhodes, K o s , Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesos, L a o d i c e a - a d - L y c u m , a n d A n t i o c h , b u t a t h i c k t e x t u r e of scientific activ 1 i t y is a p a r t i c u l a r l y distinctive feature o f A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e i n the t h i r d century B . C . H o w m a n y other ancient Greek cities c o u l d , w i t h i n a single century, c o u n t E u c l i d , A r i s t a r c h o s o f Samos, A r c h i m e d e s o f Syracuse, 2 3 4 K o n o n o f Samos, Dositheos, Eratosthenes o f C y r e n e , a n d A p o l l o n i o s o f 5 Perge a m o n g its resident (or closely associated) m a t h e m a t i c a l scientists? 6 A n d h o w m a n y cities c o u l d , simultaneously, c l a i m b r i l l i a n t mechanicians such as K t e s i b i o s , his p u p i l P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m , a n d D i o n y s o s of 7 8 A l e x a n d r i a a m o n g its t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t o r s , n o t t o m e n t i o n , a m o n g 9 its physicians, b o t h H e r o p h i l o s (the first person t o c o n d u c t systematic scientific dissections o f h u m a n c a d a v e r s ) fluential E m p i r i c i s t " s c h o o l " ? 10 a n d the founders o f the i n 11 Collectively, these a n d other figures m a k e f o r an e x c e p t i o n a l c e n t u r y of scientific a c t i v i t y w i t h i n a single city. N o t o n l y is the n u m b e r of innovative scientists i n A l e x a n d r i a n o t e w o r t h y , however, b u t so are the interactions between different branches of science a n d the hetero geneity o f r i v a l p o i n t s o f v i e w advocated by Greek scientists associated w i t h the city. I t is i n these contexts, t o o , t h a t one s h o u l d locate t w o new, f u n d a m e n t a l l y divergent, r i v a l scientific models o f the h u m a n b o d y developed i n the t h i r d century B . C . by the Greek pioneers o f systematic h u m a n dissection. T h e e x c e p t i o n a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f factors that, f o r the first a n d last t i m e i n a n t i q u i t y , p e r m i t t e d systematic scientific h u m a n dissection— a n d systematic v i v i s e c t o r y e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n o n c o n d e m n e d c r i m i n a l s — 1 2 i n the early t h i r d century B . C . needs n o renewed rehearsal here (see note 86 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 10 above). B u t i t s h o u l d perhaps be underscored again t h a t any m o n o causal e x p l a n a t o r y hypothesis is l i k e l y t o be inadequate. Instead, o n o u r h o r i z o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n we have t o accommodate a v a r i e t y o f interactive factors, i n c l u d i n g the t h i c k t e x t u r e o f scientific a c t i v i t y i n A l e x a n d r i a ; the attested r o y a l s u p p o r t o f this a c t i v i t y ; the c u l t u r a l a m b i t i o n s o f early H e l l e n i s t i c rulers; the r e l a t i o n o f c u l t u r e t o p o l i t i c a l p o w e r ; the Ptolemies' o w n v i o l a t i o n s o f Greek taboos; an i n t e l l e c t u a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h b o l d , erudite e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n coexisted w i t h conservative t r a d i t i o n ; the impressive example o f A r i s t o t l e ' s scientifically p r o d u c t i v e dissections a n d vivisections o f animals (never o f humans) i n the previous century; the p h i l o s o p h i c a l secularization o f the corpse by A r i s t o t l e a n d the Stoics (the latter classified i t a m o n g the aSiacfropa, t h a t is, things t h a t are m o r a l l y " i n d i f f e r e n t " ) ; a n d the p o s s i b i l i t y o f e x p r o p r i a t i n g the age-old E g y p t i a n practice o f m u m m i f i c a t i o n as a " l e g i t i m a t i n g " precedent a n d as p r o o f t h a t a cadaver m a y be opened w i t h i m p u n i t y ( a l t h o u g h n o respectable h i s t o r i a n o f science has confused religious mummification w i t h system dissection; the m o t i v a t i o n s , methods, contexts, aims, a n d atic scientific results of these t w o k i n d s of a c t i v i t y were quite different). O u t of the sys tematic h u m a n dissections made possible by these a n d perhaps by other interactive factors arose t w o r i v a l models o f the b o d y a r t i c u l a t e d m o s t clearly b y H e r o p h i l o s a n d Erasistratos. I t u r n first t o H e r o p h i l o s , t h e n t o Erasistratos. HerophiDos To the vast n e w w o r l d opened u p b y the founder o f their city, A l e x a n drians i n various d o m a i n s responded w i t h extremes o f c u l t u r a l smallness a n d bigness, o n the one h a n d e x p l o r i n g a n d creating the m i n i a t u r e , o n the other h a n d e m b r a c i n g the g i g a n t i s m t h a t became a conspicuous fea t u r e o f H e l l e n i s t i c siege technology, o f sculpture, o f architecture, o f ship b u i l d i n g , o f ostentatious v i c t o r y games, o f religious processions, a n d so o n . T h e K a l l i m a c h e a n poetics of smallness, the m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n of me chanical t e c h n o l o g y b y Ktesibios a n d others, a n d m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n i n the decorative arts a l l belong t o the " c u l t u r e of smallness." So does a note w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s m o d e l o f the b o d y — w h a t one m i g h t call his " m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n o f a n a t o m y . " H e r o p h i l o s was n o t satisfied w i t h describing o n l y larger bones, organs, vessels, a n d muscles; rather, he carefully differentiated a m o n g h u m a n parts barely distinguishable b y the n a k e d eye, a n d i n the process he created a n e w n o m e n c l a t u r e f o r the b o d y — a detailed n e w language o f the b o d y t h a t extensively deploys v i v i d metaphors d r a w n f r o m A l e x a n d r i a n a r t i f a c t u a l c u l t u r e , such as the P h a r o s . 13 T h r o u g h his repeated, m e t i c u l o u s dissections H e r o p h i l o s n o t o n l y discovered the existence o f nerves b u t also accurately described the paths o f at least seven pairs o f c r a n i a l nerves a n d recognized the difference between m o t o r von Staden a n d sensory nerves. H e distinguished between the ventricles o f the b r a i n , a n d he carefully differentiated between f o u r membranes of the eye, be s t o w i n g u p o n subsequent n o m e n c l a t u r e the terms cornea a n d retina.* 4 H e also discovered the heart valves, the systematic a n a t o m i c a l distinc t i o n between arteries a n d veins, a n d numerous other smaller features o f the vascular system. T h e m i n i a t u r i z a t i o n o f a n a t o m y was, o f course, n o t H e r o p h i los's o n l y a n a t o m i c a l a c c o m p l i s h m e n t . H e also offered the first accurate d e s c r i p t i o n of the h u m a n liver, c o n d u c t e d the first i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the pancreas, and p r o v i d e d a descriptive a n d f u n c t i o n a l a n a t o m y of the r e p r o d u c t i v e parts that was n o t i m p r o v e d u p o n f o r c e n t u r i e s . 15 Further m o r e , he demystified the w o m b by discovering the ovaries a n d the Fal l o p i a n tubes, by establishing the a n a t o m i c a l i m p o s s i b i l i t y of a w a n d e r i n g w o m b t h a t causes hysterical suffocation, a n d by a b a n d o n i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l idea—later revived by the i n f l u e n t i a l G a l e n — o f a b i c a m e r a l uterus ( w i t h a c o l d left chamber f o r the gestation o f the female fetus a n d a h o t r i g h t chamber f o r the gestation o f the m a l e ) . 16 B u t m a n y o f his greatest advances lay precisely i n the e x p l o r a t i o n o f m i n u t e parts u n k n o w n t o — or p o o r l y recognized b y — t h e H i p p o c r a t i c s , A r i s t o t l e , D i o k l e s , Praxagoras, a n d other precursors. A second conspicuous feature of H e r o p h i l o s ' s version of the b o d y is t h a t i t is a " d y n a m i c " m o d e l t h a t deploys, inter alia, p r i n c i p l e s t h a t display affinities w i t h theories o f m a g n e t i s m . I n the e x t a n t remains of his w r i t i n g s H e r o p h i l o s d i d n o t m a k e e x p l i c i t the similarities between his t h e o r y of " f a c u l t i e s " o r capacities (SvvdfieLs) a n d m a g n e t i s m , b u t Galen later d i d s o , 17 possibly d r a w i n g o n Stoic sources (this w o u l d n o t be s u r p r i s i n g , since several of H e r o p h i l o s ' s views have m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h Stoic theories). I n p a r t i c u l a r , H e r o p h i l o s seems t o have believed t h a t the b o d y is a m a t e r i a l c o n t i n u u m t h a t harbors n o v o i d , a n d t h a t i n visible, innate capacities or faculties c o n t r o l a n d regulate a l l b o d i l y func t i o n s , often by a t t r a c t i n g or p u l l i n g various f o r m s o f m a t t e r — l i q u i d s , solids, a i r — t h r o u g h ducts a n d other spaces i n the b o d y t o w a r d their ap p r o p r i a t e destinations. These innate faculties are t h o r o u g h l y secularized; n o c l a i m o f d i v i n e design o r d i v i n e force is made f o r t h e m . T h u s an invisible, innate faculty ( " v i t a l dynamis"}), extend i n g f r o m the heart t h r o u g h o u t the w a l l s of the arteries, m a i n t a i n s pulsa t i o n i n the f o r m o f simultaneous d i l a t a t i o n a n d c o n t r a c t i o n o f the heart a n d o f a l l arteries. T h i s dynamis thereby pulls or " a t t r a c t s " a m i x t u r e o f b l o o d a n d p n e u m a (the latter u l t i m a t e l y derived f r o m respiration) f r o m the heart t h r o u g h the entire b o d y v i a the a r t e r i a l s y s t e m . 18 Blood (with o u t pneuma) apparently is s i m i l a r l y m o v e d t h r o u g h the veins, w h i l e p n e u m a — b y means o f w h i c h at least some sensory a n d v o l u n t a r y m o t o r a c t i v i t y is c o n d u c t e d — i s m o v e d t h r o u g h the nerve d u c t s . 19 Innate facul ties likewise seem t o govern the movements a n d p r o p o r t i o n a l relations 87 88 HELLENISTIC A L E X A N D R I A of the t r a d i t i o n a l h u m o r s . O t h e r m o t i v e faculties apparently reside i n the muscles, the lungs, the digestive organs, a n d so o n . A c c o r d i n g t o H e r o p h i l o s , r e s p i r a t i o n , f o r example, is due t o a special capacity o r fac u l t y t h a t displays itself as the lungs' n a t u r a l tendency t o dilate a n d c o n t r a c t . A l l b o d i l y matter, i n fact, seems t o be regulated by such faculties. H e r o p h i l o s e x p l i c i t l y says, for example, t h a t the uterus "is w o v e n f r o m the same things as the other parts a n d is regulated by the same faculties" (VTTO rcov ai)70)v 8vvaiJL€(ov) t h a t govern the rest o f b o d i l y matter (vXag). 20 A l l the body's n a t u r a l processes a n d m o t i o n s , v o l u n t a r y a n d i n v o l u n t a r y , like a l l its materials, therefore are regulated or managed by nature-given capacities o r faculties o r powers (dwapLELs) (diOLKeladai) capable o f m o v i n g matter t h r o u g h b o d i l y ducts a n d spaces, especially by means of m a g n e t l i k e a t t r a c t i o n . A t h i r d n o t e w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s d y n a m i c , magnetic m o d e l o f the b o d y is his tendency t o q u a n t i f y or t o mathematicize aspects of b o t h the e x t e r i o r a n d the i n t e r i o r o f the body, i n c l u d i n g its i n t e r n a l m o t i o n s . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w t h a t Greek science, u n l i k e m o d e r n science, was largely q u a l i t a t i v e rather t h a n q u a n t i t a t i v e i n nature has been s h o w n by Geoffrey L l o y d a n d others t o be i n need o f significant q u a l i f i c a t i o n . 21 I n c e r t a i n i m p o r t a n t respects H e r o p h i l o s ' s m a t h e m a t i c i z i n g aspirations go b e y o n d those o f earlier Greeks. U n l i k e the H i p p o c r a t i c s , H e r o p h i l o s tries t o extend precise measurement b e y o n d p h a r m a c o l o g y , stages i n the e m b r y o , a n d the periodicities t h a t appear i n physical disorders such as fevers. A n d u n l i k e Polykleitos's Canon, w i t h its measurement of fixed p r o p o r t i o n a l i t i e s , its " n o n n a t u r a l i s t i c " jmeaop, its ayppierpCa^ a n d its Kara TO TTapadetypxx 11 H e r o p h i l o s extends the process o f measuring i n t o s m a l l i n t e r i o r structures o f the b o d y a n d i n t o i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r n a l p h y s i o l o g i c a l a n d p a t h o l o g i c a l processes. A l t h o u g h H e r o p h i l o s uses q u a n t i f i c a t i o n t o define generalizable b o d i l y laws, as h a d the H i p p o c r a t i c s a n d Polykleitos, he leaves ample r o o m f o r i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b i l i t y a m o n g h u m a n bodies ( i n this re spect, t o o , f o l l o w i n g some H i p p o c r a t i c s ) — a s does m u c h o f Hellenistic art. H i s version o f the b o d y is inspired neither by an aestheticizing mathem a t i c i s m n o r by a m a t h e m a t i c i z i n g aestheticism, b u t by the a s p i r a t i o n t o define precisely as m a n y n a t u r a l structures a n d processes i n the b o d y as possible, w h i l e recognizing t h a t n o t a l l b o d i l y features w i l l s u b m i t t o q u a n t i f i c a t i o n o r generalization. H i s attempts t o measure b o d i l y processes are perhaps also t o be u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f the renewed, m o r e extensive preoccupa t i o n w i t h scientific measurement i n the t h i r d century B . C . Eratosthenes' On the Measurement and Distances of the Earth (see note 5), Aristarchos's On the Sizes of the Sun and the Moon, ment of the Circle, A r c h i m e d e s ' On the Measure a n d Erasistratos's q u a n t i t a t i v e experiments are a m o n g the m a n y manifestations of this interest. I cite o n l y t w o brief examples von Staden of H e r o p h i l o s ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n this r i c h l y attested d i m e n s i o n o f early A l e x a n d r i a n science—pulse r h y t h m s a n d the healing o f w o u n d s . 23 Perhaps p r o m p t e d i n p a r t by the native E g y p t i a n concept, k n o w n f r o m p h a r a o n i c m e d i c a l p a p y r i , o f " c o u n t i n g " the body's ves sels, 24 H e r o p h i l o s became the first t o develop an elaborate q u a n t i t a t i v e t h e o r y of the pulse. To measure differences a m o n g the pulses o f people at different stages of life, he d r e w o n precise m u s i c a l u n i t s , i n c l u d i n g the TTpcbrosxpovos ( " p r i m a r y t i m e u n i t " ) a n d the akoyos ("irrational u n i t " ) , possibly b o r r o w e d i n p a r t f r o m A r i s t o x e n o s o f Taras's of Rhythm. 15 Elements T h e p r i m a r y differentiae o f pulse types, he argues, are r h y t h m , speed, size, a n d vehemence o r s t r e n g t h — a l l e m i n e n t l y q u a n t i f i able. R h y t h m , w h i c h he defines as "a m o t i o n h a v i n g a defined r e g u l a t i o n i n t i m e , " is central t o his classification o f n o r m a l , healthy pulses accord i n g t o h u m a n stages o f life. We a l l pass f r o m a n a t u r a l l y p y r r h i c pulse r h y t h m (--) i n infancy t h r o u g h a t r o c h a i c pulse (-«) i n adolescence t o a spondaic p r i m e o f life ( - - ) , a n d eventually o n t o an i a m b i c pulse r h y t h m (--) i n o l d age. 26 Nature's music i n o u r arteries hence displays m a t h e m a t ically f o r m u l a b l e p r o p o r t i o n s o f such absolute r e g u l a r i t y t h a t deviations, a n d hence illness, can be determined by exact measurement. T h i s also holds true of the other pulse differentiae, n o t a b l y o f speed or frequency. To measure the pulse H e r o p h i l o s constructed a p o r t a b l e clep sydra t h a t c o u l d be precisely c a l i b r a t e d t o fit the age-group o f each pa tient. T h e device was used t o measure the d e v i a t i o n of the frequency of the patient's pulse r h y t h m s f r o m n o r m a l frequency a n d thus t o measure, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the patient's b o d y temperature or fever, since H e r o p h i l o s h e l d pulse frequency t o be a correlate of b o d y t e m p e r a t u r e . 27 Herophi los's device was perhaps i n s p i r e d i n p a r t by the r i c h native E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n of t i m e - m e a s u r i n g devices, such as a famous alabaster clepsydra of the second m i l l e n n i u m B . C . , a n d i n p a r t by the sophisticated refine m e n t o f w a t e r - c l o c k t e c h n o l o g y by c o n t e m p o r a r y A l e x a n d r i a n m e c h a n i cians such as K t e s i b i o s . 28 A m o n g the mechanical devices invented by Ktesibios is an intricate a u t o m a t i c water c l o c k , w h i c h , u n l i k e the s u n d i a l , operated equally precisely by n i g h t a n d by day, i n summer a n d i n w i n t e r . 2 9 Particu l a r l y interesting i n o u r c o n t e x t is the clock's mechanical seasonal ad j u s t a b i l i t y . T h e p r i n c i p l e of an adjustable t i m i n g device was h a r d l y n e w ; some o f the p h a r a o n i c a n d Greek precursors of Ktesibios's device also c o u l d accommodate seasonable variations (see notes 2 8 - 3 0 ) . B u t Ktesi bios's mechanisms f o r ensuring a regular f l o w a n d f o r adjusting this f l o w seasonably were apparently sufficiently novel a n d s t r i k i n g t o have d r a w n the a t t e n t i o n o f V i t r u v i u s a n d his source(s). I n p a r t i c u l a r , Ktesibios's c l o c k c o u l d be adjusted easily by a series of wedges t o a c c o m m o d a t e s h o r t e n i n g or lengthening of the days i n different m o n t h s o f the c h a n g i n g seasons. T h e same p r i n c i p l e o f easy a d j u s t a b i l i t y t o seasons centrally 30 89 90 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA i n f o r m s H e r o p h i l o s ' s p o r t a b l e t i m i n g d e v i c e — a l t h o u g h here i t is n o t the seasons of the year b u t the seasons of life, the rjAiKCai of his patients, t h a t call f o r q u a n t i f y i n g adjustment. T h e similarities s h o u l d n o t be pressed t o o far, b u t i n b o t h cases the mechanical a d j u s t a b i l i t y o f a t i m ing device t o a c c o m m o d a t e r e g u l a r l y o c c u r r i n g , quantifiable w i t h i n a larger order o f measurable changes regularity is central t o the efficacy of the measuring device. A second example illustrates the diversity of contexts i n w h i c h H e r o p h i l o s m a t h e m a t i c i z e d the body. R e s p o n d i n g t o the question w h y r o u n d w o u n d s heal w i t h m o r e difficulty t h a n others, H e r o p h i l o s , accord ing t o Cassius, "accounts f o r the cause by g i v i n g a geometric demonstra t i o n " [yecofierpLKT] aTrodeigis) o f the surface area o f c i r c u l a r shapes i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r diameter a n d circumference. 31 T h e question was w e l l k n o w n t o the Greeks, b u t H e r o p h i l o s seems t o have been the first t o ad dress i t by means o f m a t h e m a t i c a l p r o o f . T h i s effort, a n d others like i t , of course s h o u l d n o t be m i s t a k e n f o r a " g e o m e t r i c " c o n c e p t i o n of the b o d y as a w h o l e ; H e r o p h i l o s ' s version o f the b o d y is far t o o d y n a m i c i n ternally, t o o m i n u t e l y detailed, t o o i n d i v i d u a l l y variable, a n d t o o p r o v i sional (see b e l o w ) t o accommodate overall p a r a d i g m a t i c n o t i o n s such as Polykleitos's c a n o n o r the famous quadratum. Rather, his geometric p r o o f here reflects his a s p i r a t i o n t o deal w i t h a l l b o d i l y phenomena, large a n d s m a l l , n o r m a l a n d a b n o r m a l , w i t h as m u c h p r e c i s i o n as possible, a n d t o achieve such p r e c i s i o n by m a t h e m a t i c a l or other q u a n t i t a t i v e means whenever possible. These examples of H e r o p h i l o s ' s interactions w i t h geometry, w i t h the m a t h e m a t i c a l features o f Aristoxenos's m u s i c a l theory, a n d w i t h a flexible E g y p t i a n - A l e x a n d r i a n t e c h n o l o g y o f precise measurement illus trate the extent t o w h i c h his new, d y n a m i c - m a g n e t i c version o f the body, m i n u t e l y detailed anatomically, regulated by incessantly active innate powers t h a t c o n t i n u a l l y also p u l l — r a t h e r t h a n merely p u s h — m a t t e r t h r o u g h i t w i t h meticulous regularity and precision, 32 is also projected as m a t h e m a t i c a l l y a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y verifiable. A f o u r t h n o t e w o r t h y feature o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s version of the b o d y s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d : his insistence o n its p r o v i s i o n a l i t y . For all his precise f o r m u l a t i o n s o f regularities i n q u a n t i t a t i v e terms, he argues t h a t a l l causal t h e o r y — a n d hence a l l explanations o f b o d i l y functions o r d y s f u n c t i o n s — m u s t have a merely h y p o t h e t i c a l status; cause c a n n o t be k n o w n or a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h c e r t a i n t y b u t o n l y ex h y p o t h e s i . 33 Experience (i/uL7r€LpCa) is i m p o r t a n t t o H e r o p h i l o s , a n d he believes t h a t we have n o choice b u t t o begin w i t h the surface w o r l d o f phenomena: " L e t the ap pearances {4>aiv6fjieva) be stated first even i f they are n o t first." 34 B u t the g o o d scientist, t r y i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d how the b o d y w o r k s , w i l l also have to investigate why things w o r k the w a y they d o . T h i s w i l l m a k e i t neces sary t o engage i n inferences f r o m the visible t o the invisible and hence von Staden i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of theories, n o t a b l y of causal theories (for example, a b o u t invisible faculties t h a t regulate the b o d y ) . I t is i n this causal do m a i n , i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h a t H e r o p h i l o s insists o n the h y p o t h e t i c a l nature o f his version of the body. I t is i m p o r t a n t n o t t o mistake this epistemological stance f o r t h a t of H e l l e n i s t i c skepticism. H e r o p h i l o s ' s h y p o t h e t i c a l i s m does n o t e n t a i l suspension o f a l l j u d g m e n t . H i s m i n u t e a n a t o m i c a l investigations, his t h e o r y o f faculties, a n d his efforts at q u a n t i f i c a t i o n i l lustrate t h a t his a i m is n o t skeptical epoche, a n d t h a t he is n o t r e l u c t a n t t o c o n s t r u c t theories. Rather, he welds his impressively detailed observa tions t o a b o l d insight i n t o the p r o v i s i o n a l i t y o f their e x p l a n a t i o n , n o m a t t e r h o w precisely m a t h e m a t i c i z e d these explanations m i g h t b e . 35 Erasistratos W h e t h e r Erasistratos, the a u t h o r o f the m a j o r r i v a l Greek version of the h u m a n b o d y i n the early H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , ever p r a c t i c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , is c o n t r o v e r s i a l . Geoffrey L l o y d a n d m o s t m o d e r n scholars believe t h a t he d i d , at least for a substantial p e r i o d of t i m e , whereas Peter Fraser has revived the v i e w t h a t o n l y Seleucid connections are attested for Erasis tratos. 36 I t is a p i t y t h a t many, t h o u g h n o t a l l , scholars have felt o b l i g e d t o choose between A l e x a n d r i a a n d A n t i o c h . There is i n fact evidence t h a t n o t o n l y Erasistratos b u t also several of his relatives, p u p i l s , a n d as sociates were active as physicians b o t h i n Seleucid A n t i o c h a n d i n Ptole maic A l e x a n d r i a . 3 7 O n e neglected, albeit p r o b l e m a t i c , ancient source, Saint Augustine's acquaintance V i n d i c i a n , claims t h a t Erasistratos, l i k e H e r o p h i l o s , c o n d u c t e d p a t h o l o g i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n s " m Alexandria" by means o f dissecting h u m a n cadavers; a n d another, Caelius A u r e l i a n u s , refers t o a remedy t h a t Erasistratos sent o r p r o m i s e d t o send t o one o f the Ptolemies (Ptolemaeo regi promittens). 38 T h e m o b i l i t y o f the H e l lenistic scientific c o m m u n i t y is w e l l attested, a n d ancient sources allude t o Erasistratos's presence n o t o n l y i n A n t i o c h a n d A l e x a n d r i a b u t also i n Keos, Athens, K n i d o s , K o s , a n d other l o c a l i t i e s . M o r e p e r t i n e n t for 39 present purposes is that, wherever he c o n d u c t e d his investigations, Era sistratos's theories s h o w close i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n science. F o u r related features o f Erasistratos's m o d e l of the b o d y are n o t e w o r t h y i n this c o n t e x t . First, Erasistratos refines a n d extends H e r o p h i l o s ' s a n a t o m i cal and p h y s i o l o g i c a l discoveries, f o r example, by m a k i n g an even clearer d i s t i n c t i o n between m o t o r nerves a n d sensory nerves, by specifying m o r e precisely the o r i g i n o f the nerves i n the b r a i n as w e l l as the nervous c o n nections between the b r a i n a n d the spine, a n d by d e m o n s t r a t i n g the func t i o n o f the heart valves. 40 I n a d d i t i o n , he seems t o have been the first t o e x t e n d the systematic use o f h u m a n dissection t o p a t h o l o g y a n d t o deploy e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n regularly i n order t o verify his p h y s i o l o g i c a l theories. 41 Second, epistemologically less reticent t h a n H e r o p h i l o s , Era- 91 92 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA sistratos distinguishes between the c o n j e c t u r a l , or stochastic, branches of medicine (therapeutics, semiotics) a n d its scientific branches (etiology, physiology). 42 For the latter Erasistratos claims certainty, a n d i n this c o n t e x t he tries t o develop a m o r e comprehensive systematic m o d e l o f a l l m a j o r b o d i l y functions as interdependent, interactive processes. Respira t i o n , appetite, digestion, maintenance o f b o d y temperature, sensation, m u s c u l a r activity, the nervous system, p u l s a t i o n , a n d the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f b l o o d a n d p n e u m a by the vascular system a l l are depicted as interdepen dent parts o f a u n i t a r y system. 43 A b a n d o n i n g the H e r o p h i l e a n m o d e l o f m a t e r i a l processes regulated by invisible innate faculties (Swa/ueus), and likewise j e t t i s o n i n g the t h e o r y of the f o u r h u m o r s , Erasistratos instead uses his " m i n i a t u r e " a n a t o m i c a l k n o w l e d g e t o develop a m o r e mechanis tic version o f the body. A c c o r d i n g t o Erasistratos, the b o d y consists o f p a r t i c u l a t e o r corpuscular matter, w h i c h always acts i n accordance w i t h the p r i n c i p l e t h a t m a t t e r w i l l r u s h i n t o any space t h a t is being e m p t i e d (rj rrpbs TO Kevovpuevov aKoXovdta). 44 Erasistratos, i n other w o r d s , denies the possi b i l i t y o f any c o n t i n u o u s or massed v o i d . B u t he acknowledges the dis t i n c t i o n between massed v o i d a n d disseminate o r dispersed v o i d . 4 5 The latter is n o t the c o n t i n u o u s v o i d postulated by Epicurus a n d other a t o m ists b u t the i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d perhaps accepted by Erasistratos under the influence o f his older c o n t e m p o r a r y , the Peripatetic Strato o f L a m p s a k o s (d. 2 6 9 / 2 6 8 B.C.), a t u t o r of P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos. I n Strato's v i e w v o i d exists, b u t o n l y i n the three-dimensional interstices between i m p e r fectly fitting particles o f m a t t e r — p a r t i c l e s o f w h i c h a l l objects, animate a n d i n a n i m a t e , are composed—since matter w o u l d i m m e d i a t e l y r u s h i n t o fill any larger, m o r e c o n t i n u o u s , massed v o i d . 4 6 Wherever Strato m i g h t belong i n Erasistratos's i n t e l l e c t u a l genealogy, i t seems clear t h a t Erasis tratos shares these general principles a n d t h a t , characteristically, he per f o r m s a simple e x p e r i m e n t t o illustrate t h e m . I t is s t r i k i n g t h a t a s i m i l a r e x p e r i m e n t is f o u n d b o t h i n early A l e x a n d r i a n mechanics a n d i n Peri patetic w r i t e r s . 4 7 T h i r d , o n this m a t e r i a l basis, Erasistratos consistently applies principles t h a t also appear i n A l e x a n d r i a n mechanics, n o t a b l y i n pneu matics, h y d r a u l i c s , a n d hydrostatics. H e r o p h i l o s h a d confidently b r o u g h t mechanical means—a measuring d e v i c e — t o the b o d y surface t o measure nature's music i n the body, b u t Erasistratos n o w places n a t u r a l " m a chines" inside the body. Indeed, the b o d y is a machine according t o the Erasistratean version: a perpetual nature-given a u t o m a t o n . There is n o need f o r h i d d e n invisible faculties (Swa/meis), he believes; a l l p h y s i o l o g i cal processes are explicable i n terms o f the m a t e r i a l properties a n d struc tures o f the parts o f a mechanistically o p e r a t i n g body. Yet, as w i l l be s h o w n below, Erasistratos preserves a teleological perspective by depict- von Staden ing m o s t of these parts as being purposive, t h a t is, as serving o r effecting an identifiable f u n c t i o n o r end. H e depicts the body, i n effect, as an au t o n o m o u s machine w i t h i n w h i c h m a n y interrelated, smaller machines w i t h m o s t l y purposive parts are c o n t i n u o u s l y operative. A n a t u r a l au t o m a t o n i n perpetual m o t i o n f o r the d u r a t i o n of h u m a n life, the h u m a n b o d y keeps mechanically d i s t r i b u t i n g b l o o d f r o m the heart a n d liver t h r o u g h the veins, v i t a l p n e u m a f r o m the heart t h r o u g h the arteries, a n d psychic p n e u m a f r o m the b r a i n t h r o u g h the nerves, a l l i n accordance w i t h irpog TO K€POVJUL€POP aKokovSCa (matter " f o l l o w i n g t o w a r d t h a t w h i c h is being e m p t i e d " ) , 48 a n d a l l w i t h o u t p r o m p t i n g by any e x t e r n a l agency o r by invisible i n t e r n a l faculties. A closer l o o k at one of these purposive parts w i t h i n the " b o d y m a c h i n e " m i g h t offer a useful i l l u s t r a t i o n of Erasistratos's reasoning. A m a j o r " s u b m a c h i n e " w i t h i n the larger b o d y machine is the heart, w h i c h Erasistratos depicts as an a u t o m a t i c , d o u b l e - a c t i o n , suction-and-force p u m p or, t o use his o w n m e t a p h o r , bellows. T h i s cardiac b e l l o w s - p u m p is e q u i p p e d w i t h superbly f u n c t i o n a l valves t h a t ensure the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y of the f l o w b o t h of w h a t rushes i n t o its t w o chambers and of what it pumps o u t . 4 9 T h e parallels between Erasistratos's m o d e l of the heart a n d central features o f the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n mechanical t e c h n o l o g y are s t r i k i n g . I offer o n l y one example: the w a t e r p u m p i n vented by Ktesibios d u r i n g Erasistratos's l i f e t i m e . 1. 50 L i k e Erasistratos's version o f the heart, Ktesibios's w a t e r p u m p has t w o chambers. 2. B o t h the cardiac p u m p a n d the water p u m p are e q u i p p e d w i t h valves t o ensure the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y o f the flow. As V i t r u vius says of Ktesibios's p u m p , " i n this chamber there are cir cular valves [tfsses] placed i n the upper orifices [ " n o s t r i l s " ] o f the tubes w i t h an accurate fitting. A n d these valves, by clos ing u p the apertures o f the orifices [ " n o s t r i l s " ] , d o n o t p e r m i t t h a t w h i c h has been pressed i n t o the chamber by means o f air to r e t u r n . " 3. 5 1 As i n Erasistratos's m o d e l o f the heart, so i n Ktesibios's p u m p there are f o u r sets of valves, t w o c o n t r o l l i n g i n t a k e a n d t w o r e g u l a t i n g o u t f l o w f r o m the t w o chambers. 4. F u r t h e r m o r e , Ktesibios uses valves t o ensure the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y of the f l o w of either l i q u i d or air ( b o t h here a n d i n several of his other machines). Erasistratos l i k e w i s e describes the heart valves as ensuring the u n i d i r e c t i o n a l f l o w o f either air {TTvevfjia, breath) or l i q u i d ( b l o o d ) : t w o sets o f cardiac valves, he says, c o n t r o l the f l o w of p n e u m a (respectively into the left 93 94 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA chamber of the heart f r o m the lungs a n d out of this left c h a m ber i n t o the a o r t a ) , w h i l e t w o other valve sets ensure u n i d i r e c t i o n a l flow o f b l o o d i n t o a n d f r o m the r i g h t cardiac chamber. 5. Ktesibios's water p u m p has f o r k e d pipes (fistulae furcillae), a n d Erasistratos's vascular system is s i m i l a r l y dependent o n f o r k i n g vessels. 6. B o t h Erasistratos's version o f the heart a n d Ktesibios's p u m p centrally depend o n the p r i n c i p l e o f an intermediate valved chamber (medius catinus, see note 50). T h e Erasistratean heart serves as a d o u b l e intermediate chamber, o n the one h a n d , f o r b l o o d between the vena cava ( c o m i n g f r o m the liver) a n d the p u l m o n a r y vessels t h a t c a r r y b l o o d t o the lungs, a n d , o n the other h a n d , f o r p n e u m a between the lungs a n d the a o r t a . 7. 52 Just as Ktesibios's water p u m p is constructed w i t h t w i n c y l i n ders (modioli gemelli) s i t t i n g i n a r o u n d space, so Erasis tratos's heart is a t w o - c h a m b e r e d machine t h a t sits i n a larger r o u n d i s h space, the t h o r a x . 8. 5 3 As compression a n d e x p a n s i o n alternate i n each chamber of Ktesibios's water p u m p , so c o n t r a c t i o n c o n t i n u o u s l y alter nates w i t h d i l a t a t i o n i n Erasistratos's cardiac b e l l o w s - p u m p . 9. M o r e fundamentally, the mechanical principles are s i m i l a r i n the t w o cases: p r o p u l s i o n o f matter i n t o a c o n t i g u o u s space by compression or c o n t r a c t i o n a n d d r a w i n g i n o f c o n t i g u o u s matter by e x p a n s i o n o r d i l a t a t i o n , based o n the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t c o n t i n u o u s — a s opposed t o d i s s e m i n a t e — v o i d does n o t exist n a t u r a l l y . (It s h o u l d n o t be o v e r l o o k e d , however, t h a t Erasistratos i n his e x t a n t remains e x p l i c i t l y applies the t h e o r y of i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d o n l y t o the m o v e m e n t of l i q u i d s t h r o u g h the body, n o t t o the c o m p r e s s i b i l i t y o f air.) As always, s i m i l a r i t y s h o u l d n o t be m i s t a k e n f o r identity, n o r does affinity necessarily e n t a i l influence. B u t the parallels between Erasis tratos's m o d e l o f the heart a n d Ktesibios's water p u m p are numerous, n o n t r i v i a l , a n d n o n m a r g i n a l . W h e t h e r Erasistratos b o r r o w e d f r o m Ktesi bios o r Ktesibios f r o m Erasistratos, o r neither f r o m either, is unclear, b u t i t is evident t h a t Erasistratos's version o f the b o d y has m u c h i n c o m m o n w i t h early A l e x a n d r i a n technology. F u r t h e r m o r e , f o r whatever reasons, b o t h Erasistratos a n d some early A l e x a n d r i a n mechanicians, such as Ktesibios a n d P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m , developed versions o f " m a chines"—Erasistratos t o e x p l a i n n a t u r a l p h y s i o l o g i c a l processes, the others t o e x p l o r e n e w t e c h n o l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s — t h a t h a d at least some von Staden elements i n c o m m o n w i t h Strato's t h e o r y o f v o i d a n d o f p a r t i c u l a t e m a t ter. 54 I t also is s t r i k i n g t h a t later A l e x a n d r i a n w r i t e r s o n mechanics, such as H e r o n , p r o b a b l y d r a w i n g o n early H e l l e n i s t i c sources, i n v o k e m e d i c a l i n s t r u m e n t s a n d m e d i c a l practices i n s u p p o r t o f t h e i r views o n i n t e r s t i tial void and on pneumatics. H e r o n ' s elaborate d e s c r i p t i o n o f the de 55 sign o f m e d i c a l devices t h a t d e p l o y his p n e u m a t i c p r i n c i p l e s , such as a c u p p i n g t o o l (oLKva) t h a t does n o t require heating a n d a syringe f o r d r a w i n g off pus {'?TVOVAK6<;, "pus p u l l e r " ) , 5 6 f u r t h e r illustrates the i n t e r a c t i o n between H e l l e n i s t i c m e d i c i n e a n d m e c h a n i c a l technology. F o u r t h , ever since a n t i q u i t y the conspicuously mechanistic features o f m a n y o f Erasistratos's p h y s i o l o g i c a l a n d p a t h o l o g i c a l e x p l a nations have tended t o obscure a n o t h e r m a j o r feature o f his v e r s i o n o f the b o d y : teleology. I n some o f his extensive anti-Erasistratean p o l e m i c s , G a l e n suggests t h a t Erasistratos's t e l e o l o g i c a l statements were merely r h e t o r i c a l , h y p o c r i t i c a l , Peripatetic w i n d o w dressing, a n d t h a t they were b l a t a n t l y c o n t r a d i c t e d by Erasistratos himself, f o r e x a m p l e , w h e n the latter fails t o specify a f u n c t i o n f o r the spleen, the o m e n t u m , the r e n a l arteries, a n d y e l l o w b i l e . 57 B u t the ancient evidence offers n o c o m p e l l i n g reason t o accept Galen's j u d g m e n t . Indeed, Galen's o w n reports leave l i t t l e d o u b t t h a t Erasistratos u n e q u i v o c a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d a t e l e o l o g i c a l ap p r o a c h t o the b o d y : "Erasistratos h i m s e l f supposed t h a t nature (4>vatg) is capable o f f o r e t h o u g h t {TrpovorjriKrj) techne (rexvLKrj)" f o r the l i v i n g being a n d capable o f a n d "Erasistratos seems t o have s o u n d sense, since he t h i n k s t h a t a l l parts o f the b o d y are b o t h w e l l placed (KaXfjg a n d w e l l shaped (8ia7r\a6drjvai) 'capable o f techne' (re;^/^)." 5 8 n o t h i n g w i t h o u t reason (aXoycos), this"; 5 9 TeOfjvai) by n a t u r e , . . . a n d he calls nature Similarly, G a l e n r e p o r t s , " n a t u r e does f o r he [Erasistratos] h i m s e l f says " u p t o the p o i n t w h e r e he [Erasistratos] sings a h y m n t o nature as being capable o f techne, I [ G a l e n ] , t o o , recognize the o p i n i o n s o f the Peripatos" (and, adds G a l e n , Erasistratos's f o l l o w e r s also c l a i m t h a t he associated w i t h the P e r i p a t o s ) ; 60 " o n l y one [ o p i n i o n a b o u t n a t u r e ] w i l l be f o u n d t o be the same f o r Erasistratos a n d f o r those a u t h o r s [sc. the Peripatetics], n a m e l y t h a t nature makes a l l things f o r the sake o f some thing and nothing i n v a i n . " 6 1 P l u t a r c h (or pseudo-Plutarch) seems t o allude t o this f u n d a m e n t a l feature o f Erasistratos's c o n c e p t i o n o f n a t u r a l beings: " F o r , everywhere nature {(pvaug) is exact [aKpiprjs), techne (4>L\6T€XVO<;), superfluity (aTrepirros), (pOJTTLKOV)." w i t h o u t deficiency (aveAAiTrrjs), fond of and w i t h o u t h a v i n g , as Erasistratos says, n o t h i n g t a w d r y 6 2 I t is significant t h a t Erasistratos emphasizes n o t o n l y nature's purposiveness, p r o v i d e n t i a l i t y , a n d aesthetically (KaAcog) d i r e c t e d a c c o m plishments b u t also its craftsmanship (<\>vcrig TexviKrj, Techne (fyiXorexvog). has a r i c h p h i l o s o p h i c a l h i s t o r y as a p a r a d i g m o f p u r p o s i v e o r g o a l - d i r e c t e d a c t i v i t y , a n d hence Greek p h i l o s o p h e r s often use techne 95 96 HELLENISTIC A L E X A N D R I A a n d its cognates t o refer t o teleological processes, also i n c o s m o l o g i c a l contexts. 63 Erasistratos's Stoic c o n t e m p o r a r i e s — a l l ardent teleologists— describe nature (c^vatg) as a "fire capable of tecbne (irvp TexyiKov), w h i c h m e t h o d i c a l l y proceeds t o w a r d the creation o f the w o r l d " o r as "fire e n d o w e d w i t h tecbne" the pneuma tecbne" (irvp evrexvov), a n d they s i m i l a r l y refer t o o f w h i c h the entire universe is c o n s t i t u t e d as " e n d o w e d w i t h [Trvevpua evrexvov) o r as " t e c b n e - l i k e " (rex^oecdeg, cally p u r p o s i v e l y d e s i g n i n g " ? ) . 64 i.e., " a r t i s t i A n d a b o u t the goal-directed nature o f t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n o f tecbne the Stoics leave n o d o u b t : a c c o r d i n g t o a p o p ular d e f i n i t i o n by Z e n o o f C i t i u m , "tecbne is a system (avcrrrj/uia) c o m posed o f c o g n i t i o n s unified by practice w i t h a v i e w t o some goal (reAos) useful for things i n l i f e . " a n d craft, pbysis 6 5 Indeed, at times the Stoics describe nature a n d tecbne, i n i d e n t i c a l terms, as "a d i s p o s i t i o n (e£is, " t e n o r " ) t h a t effects a l l things m e t h o d i c a l l y . " F u r t h e r m o r e , a n u m b e r 66 of Greek philosophers described tecbne &s i m i t a t i n g nature ( i n a stronger, m o r e comprehensive sense t h a n the topos " a r t imitates l i f e " ) . between Erasistratos's c o n c e p t i o n o f pbysis The link 6 7 as a lover o f tecbne (or as ca pable o f i t ) a n d his teleological reading o f n a t u r a l organisms is therefore best u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f such p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n s . These t r a d i t i o n a l affinities between pbysis a n d tecbne m a y also, i n p a r t , have i n f o r m e d Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n o f mechanism a n d teleology: his v i e w seems t o be that, just as tecbne proceeds i n a me t h o d i c a l , goal-directed fashion t o the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f mechanical de vices, so nature m e t h o d i c a l l y (re)produces purposively s t r u c t u r e d n a t u r a l machines, i n c l u d i n g the h u m a n body. B u t equally i m p o r t a n t for under standing the nature a n d l i m i t s o f Erasistratos's teleological c o m m i t m e n t s are the models o f teleological e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t prevailed i n the Peripatos i n the late f o u r t h a n d early t h i r d centuries B . C . Aristotle's version of teleology, like Erasistratos's (and u n l i k e Plato's, the Stoics', a n d Galen's), is e x p l i c i t l y l i m i t e d : according t o A r i s t o t l e , n o t e v e r y t h i n g has a final cause, n o t even i n nature. T h i s holds n o t o n l y f o r events t h a t A r i s t o t l e classifies as chance o r c o i n c i d e n t a l occur rences b u t also i n cases o f systematic failures or o f specieswide traits t h a t c a n n o t be e x p l a i n e d i n teleological terms. I n farts of Animals, for ex ample, A r i s t o t l e remarks: It is likely that the gall (xoXij), when it is present i n the area of the liver, is a residue and not for the sake of anything (oif\ eveKOL TLPOS). For although nature sometimes makes use even of residues, one should not o n this account seek purpose TWOS, " f o r the sake of w h a t , " "final cause") i n all things (eveKa (iravra). Rather, while some things are of such a nature [sc. purposive], many others occur as a result of these by necessity. Similarly, elsewhere i n Parts of Animals 68 A r i s t o t l e n o t o n l y calls the g r o w t h o f h o r n s i n certain animals useless (axpiqo-rov) b u t even adds von t h a t , i n such cases, h o r n s " d o m o r e h a r m t h a n g o o d . " 6 9 Staden Moreover, Aris t o t l e offers p u r e l y mechanistic explanations o f the g r o w t h a n d shedding of h o r n s . A r i s t o t l e m i g h t be famous for his refrain " N a t u r e makes n o t h ing i n v a i n , " b u t he does n o t believe i t as literally, comprehensively, a n d absolutely as Galen d i d . A r i s t o t l e ' s w o r l d , l i k e Erasistratos's, has its share of things t h a t serve n o identifiable final purpose, a l t h o u g h some m i g h t be the necessary b y - p r o d u c t s of processes t h a t themselves exist f o r the sake o f s o m e t h i n g . Aristotle's successor T h e o p h r a s t o s , w i t h w h o m ancient sources associate Erasistratos d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y (see note 74 b e l o w ) , w e n t even further, f u n d a m e n t a l l y q u e s t i o n i n g the scope o f t e l e o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n even w h i l e affirming his basic c o m m i t m e n t t o i t . I n his physics, Meta f o r example, Theophrastos argues t h a t w e m u s t accept c e r t a i n l i m i t s t o purposiveness (TO k'veKa TOV) i n nature a n d t h a t w e m u s t n o t p o s i t either purposiveness or a tendency t o w a r d the best t o exist i n a l l cases (iwl TTOLVTCOV) w i t h o u t q u a l i f i c a t i o n (a7rAd>g). 70 Indeed, he says, m a n y n a t u r a l things either exist i n animals " i n v a i n , as i t w e r e " (TO. jmev cbaTTep [JLQLToctet)) such as nipples i n males o r h a i r i n c e r t a i n places, or are such as t o have an unspecifiable purpose (TLVOS eveKa). There is m u c h i n nature, Theophrastos adds, t h a t neither obeys n o r receives the g o o d ; even the n a t u r a l placement of c e r t a i n b o d i l y organs, such as the w i n d pipe, is p o o r . N a t u r e s i m p l y does n o t always d o w h a t is best a m o n g the possibilities f o r each o r g a n , n o r does i t i n v a r i a b l y m a k e a structure the way i t is because i t thereby is honorable." 7 1 " m o r e w o r t h y , valuable o r TL/ULUDTEPOV, F u r t h e r m o r e , Theophrastos's v i e w entails t h a t neither the universality o f a t r a i t w i t h i n a species n o r the r e g u l a r i t y o f its r e p r o d u c t i o n is sufficient t o establish t h a t s o m e t h i n g exists f o r the sake o f some end. A n d , like A r i s t o t l e a n d Erasistratos, T h e o p h r a s t o s accommodates mechanistic explanations w i t h i n his larger teleological a p p r o a c h . 72 All three seem t o believe t h a t one can coherently h o l d t h a t , i n c e r t a i n cases, once nature has assembled matter i n a purposive way, n a t u r a l mecha nisms w i l l i n e l u c t a b l y p r o d u c e the results w e observe. As i n d i c a t e d above, the ancient evidence suggests t h a t Erasis tratos m a y have h a d personal o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o become acquainted w i t h the Peripatetics' c i r c u m s c r i b e d teleology. Strato's presence i n A l e x a n d r i a (in the p e r i o d before he succeeded T h e o p h r a s t o s as head o f the L y c e u m in Athens i n a b o u t 288 B . C . ) is attested, 73 a n d the e x p l i c i t ancient evi dence o f Erasistratos's connections w i t h Peripatetics, i n c l u d i n g T h e o phrastos, is accepted as v a l i d by m o s t m o d e r n scholars. As suggested above, A r i s t o t l e ' s scientific dissections a n d vivisections o f a n i m a l s — never of h u m a n s — p e r h a p s also p r o v i d e d a p o i n t o f reference f o r A l e x andrian dissection. 74 Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n of (a) mechanistic p r i n c i p l e s s i m i lar t o those used by the mechanical t e c h n o l o g y o f his t i m e , a n d (b) l i m ited teleological e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t finds n o specifiable f u n c t i o n s f o r 97 98 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA c e r t a i n organs a n d substances, m i g h t have seemed an outrageous c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o Galen, w h o h e l d a m o r e P l a t o n i c a l l y c o l o r e d belief i n the ab solute, comprehensive, directed purposiveness o f nature. B u t relocated w i t h i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n t e x t s o f his o w n times, Erasistratos's p o s i t i o n is h i s t o r i c a l l y plausible a n d coherent. H e tries t o r e i n i n teleology w i t h o u t a b a n d o n i n g i t , t o recognize nature's p r o v i d e n t i a l craftsmanship i n the b o d y w i t h o u t m a k i n g overstated claims f o r i t , a n d t o analyze the largely well-designed b o d i l y machines t h r o u g h w h i c h nature effects some of its discernible purposes. These efforts render h i m an i n t r i g u i n g p a r t i c i p a n t i n a lively debate t h a t s t i r r e d m a n y a f o u r t h - a n d t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c . t h i n k e r — a debate t h a t , despite Galen's p o l e m i c a l efforts t o render i t 7 5 obsolete, is n o t over yet. Erasistratos's c o m b i n a t i o n o f a teleological a n d a mechanistic version o f the b o d y therefore offers a f u r t h e r e x a m p l e o f the interactive n a t u r e o f the early H e l l e n i s t i c scientific c o m m u n i t y , n o t a b l y , i n this case, of i n t e r a c t i o n between m e d i c i n e , mechanics, a n d p h i l o s o p h y . Such ex change m a y have been p a r t l y s t i m u l a t e d , o r at least f a c i l i t a t e d , by i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d p o l i t i c a l features o f scientific life i n A l e x a n d r i a , such as the M o u s e i o n a n d m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l r o y a l p a t r o n a g e , even i f , as suggested above, Erasistratos was active i n o t h e r H e l l e n i s t i c cities, t o o . 7 6 T h e t w o versions o f the b o d y presented above n o t o n l y illus trate some resonances between A l e x a n d r i a n medicine a n d other branches of A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e ; they also illustrate the r i c h A l e x a n d r i a n c o m p e t i t i o n between r i v a l scientific theories, r i v a l m e t h o d s , divergent epistemol o g i c a l postures, a n d diverse r h e t o r i c a l c o m m i t m e n t s . 77 I t is a c o m p l e x , r i c h , p r o d u c t i v e scientific a g o n i n the m o s t v i b r a n t o f Greek t r a d i t i o n s , yet i t is a c c o m m o d a t e d , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , n o t i n democratic Athens b u t i n an a u t o c r a t i c n e w state i n A f r i c a w i t h M a c e d o n i a n rulers. Yale University N E W H A V E N , C O N N E C T I C U T von Staden Notes 1 2 vols. (Leipzig 1890-1893); T h e H e l l e n i s t i c scientific c o m m u n i t y w a s m o Graece b i l e , b u t i t is a t t e s t e d t h a t , a t least f o r c e r t a i n T . L . H e a t h , e d . , t r a n s l . , Apollonius exstant, p e r i o d s o f t i m e , A r c h i m e d e s w o r k e d i n Syra Treatise cuse; T h e o p h r a s t o s , E r a t o s t h e n e s , a n d S t r a t o i n G . J. T o o m e r , e d . , t r a n s l . , c o m m . , A t h e n s ( b u t t h e l a t t e r t w o also i n A l e x a n d r i a ) ; Conies Dionysos the A l e x a n d r i a n and the astronomer the Lost on Conic ν to vii: The Arabic Greek Original ofPerga, ( C a m b r i d g e 1896); Sections Apollonius, Translation of in the Version of Hipparchos o f Nicaea i n Rhodes; Praxagoras the Banu Musa ( N e w Y o r k 1990); B . L . v a n and m a n y subsequent doctors i n Kos. Pergamon der W a e r d e n , Erwachende a n d R h o d e s w e r e k n o w n centers o f m a t h e m a t (Basel 1956), p p . 3 9 5 - 4 3 6 ; O . N e u g e b a u e r , Wissenschaft ics, S m y r n a b e c a m e f a m o u s f o r its s c h o o l o f " A p o l l o n i o s - S t u d i e n , " Quellen E r a s i s t r a t e a n p h y s i c i a n s , a n d M e n K a r o u (near Geschichte Laodicea-ad-Lycum) f o r its school o f H e r o - 215-54. und Studien zur A b t . B , 2 (1932): der Mathematik, p h i l e a n d o c t o r s . A p o l l o n i o s o f Perge w a s i n E p h e s o s f o r a t least s o m e t i m e a n d m a i n t a i n e d active contact w i t h 7 Pergamon. See V i t r u v i u s De architectura 9.8.2-7, 10.7- 8; A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae 4.i74b-e, n . 4 9 7 b - e ; A . G . D r a c h m a n n , The 2 F o r E u c l i d ' s c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h A l e x a n d r i a , see Technology P r o c l u s , In primum Study comment., Euclidis in Euclidis Elementa, of the Literary i d e m , Ktesibios, Elementorum Ancient 1, i n J. L . H e i b e r g , e d . , rev. E . S. S t a m a - t i s , Euclidis and Roman Mechanical Antiquity: A (Copenhagen Sources 1963), p p . 10, 156, 1 8 9 - 9 0 , 1 9 2 - 9 3 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; e d . G . F r i e d l e i n ( L e i p z i g 1873), p . 6 8 . 1 0 - 2 0 ; Scholia librum Elementorum of Greek Philon and Heron: (Copenhagen Pneumatics A Study in 1948). v o l . 5 . 1 ( L e i p z i g 1977), p . 4 0 . 2 3 - 2 5 ; P a p p u s , Collectiones 7.35 ( H e i 8 H . D i e l s a n d E . S c h r a m m , Philons Belopoiika, A b h a n d l u n g e n der preussischen A k a d e m i e b e r g p . 678). der W i s s e n s c h a f t e n , B e r l i n , p h i l . - h i s t . K L , 16 3 Aristarchos perhaps studied i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h (1918); i d e m , Exzerpte S t r a t o o f L a m p s a k o s ( t h e P e r i p a t e t i c ) : see S t o - B. VII und via, A b h a n d l u n g e n d e r p r e u s s i s c h e n baeus Eclogae A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, Berlin, phil.-hist. 1.16.1; D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s philosophorum Vitae Mechanik K l . , 12 (1919); R . Schoene, Philonis 5.58. cae Syntaxis 4 aus Philons libri quartus Mechani(Berlin et quintus O n A r c h i m e d e s ' A l e x a n d r i a n a s s o c i a t i o n s , see 1893); C . de V a u x , " L e l i v r e des a p p a r e i l s D i o d o r o s o f S i c i l y Bibliotheca p n e u m a t i q u e s et des m a c h i n e s h y d r a u l i q u e s 5.37.3. historica F o r A r c h i m e d e s ' e x t a n t prefaces a d d r e s s e d t o de P h i l o n de B y z a n c e , " Notices A l e x a n d r i a n m a t h e m a t i c i a n s , see J. L . H e i b e r g , (1903): 2 7 - 2 3 5 ; D r a c h m a n n ( n o t e 7 a b o v e ) ; e d . , rev. E . S. S t a m a t i s , Archimedis E . W . M a r s d e n , Greek opera om nia, 3 v o l s . ( S t u t t g a r t 1972), e.g., v o l . 1, p p . 2 - 4 Technical Treatises 38 et extraits and Roman Artillery: ( O x f o r d 1971), p p . 1 0 5 - 8 4 ; (to Dositheos), 168-70 (to Dositheos, w i t h i d e m , Greek m e n t i o n o f K o n o n ) , 246 ( t o D o s i t h e o s ) ; v o l . 2, Development p p . 2, 2 6 2 - 6 6 ( t o D o s i t h e o s , b u t b o t h w i t h 3^-37, 39-42.» 61-62, 75-76, 89-91, 1 1 3 E , m e n t i o n o f K o n o n ) , 4 2 6 - 3 0 a n d 528 ( b o t h t o 117, I 2 4 f . , 1 9 9 - 2 0 6 . and Roman Artillery: Historical ( O x f o r d 1969), p p . 3 - 6 , 2 5 - 2 6 , Eratosthenes). 9 5 O n D i o n y s o s ' s r e p e a t i n g c a t a p u l t , p r o b a b l y de B e t t e r k n o w n t o s o m e as a n A l e x a n d r i a n l i b r a r signed a n d b u i l t i n R h o d e s , see P h i l o n o f B y z a n i a n , l i t e r a r y c r i t i c , a n d p o e t , E r a t o s t h e n e s also t i u m Belopoeica was a scientist. F o r his famous a t t e m p t t o mea [ n o t e 8 a b o v e ] , c h a p s . 5 1 - 6 0 ) ; M a r s d e n , Ar sure t h e c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e e a r t h , see medis Caelestia, Cleo- ed. R. T o d d (Leipzig 1990), tillery: Technical 73-77 ( = Diels a n d Schramm Treatises (note 8 above), p p . 1 4 6 - 5 2 , 1 7 7 - 8 4 , esp. D i a g r a m 9 ( p . 179); 1.7 ( p p . 3 3 - 3 7 , w i t h f u r t h e r useful refs. t o a n H . D i e l s , Antike cient accounts o f Eratosthenes' measurements; 1924), p p . 1 0 4 - 6 ; M a r s d e n , Artillery: see also i b i d . , p p . x x i i i - x x v , f o r r e l e v a n t m o d cal ( n o t e 8 a b o v e ) , p p . 89, 94; J. G . L a n d e l s , ern lit.). Engineering Technik, in the Ancient 3rd e d . ( L e i p z i g World Histori (London 1978), p p . 1 2 3 - 2 6 , w i t h fig. 44. I t is n o t clear 6 I n i t s field, A p o l l o n i o s ' s Conies E u c l i d ' s Elements became w h a t w e r e i n basic g e o m e t r y . See J. L . H e i b e r g , e d . , Apollonii Pergaei quae w h e t h e r B i t o n ' s f a m o u s treatise, On the struction Catapults of Instruments for Warfare ( M a r s d e n , Artillery: Con and of Technical Trea- 99 100 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA p p . 6 1 - 1 0 3 ) , addressed t o a K i n g A t t a l o s , tises, 13 G a l e n , De anatomicis 10.7 administrationibus b e l o n g s t o t h e t h i r d o r s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . (i.e., (vol. 2, p . 5 1 S i m o n ; p . 56 D u c k w o r t h ) = w h e t h e r its addressee is A t t a l o s 1 o f P e r g a m o n Heroph. ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , f r . 9 2 (cf. f r . 7 9 ) . o r A t t a l o s 11 o r 111), b u t i n a n y case t h e r e seems t o be l i t t l e , i f a n y t h i n g , t h a t c o n n e c t s i t t o A l e x a n d r i a . M a r s d e n , Artillery: p . 6, a n d Artillery: Treatises, directly 14 Technical retina argues t h a t B i t o n ' s treatise w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t 240 and are d e r i v e d f r o m L a t i n t r a n s l a t i o n s o f Herophilos's Greek terms. B.C. 15 10 ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 8 f f . , esp. 1 5 5 - 6 1 , 1 9 5 - 2 0 8 . O u r t e r m s cornea p . 3, Historical, See Heroph. See L . E d e l s t e i n , Ancient (Baltimore Medicine See Heroph. (note 10 above), p p . 1 6 1 - 7 7 , 182-86, 200-27. 1967), pp. 2 4 7 - 3 0 1 ; idem, "The Development o f G r e e k A n a t o m y , " Bulletin of the History of 16 3 (1935): 2 3 5 - 4 8 ^ . Kudlien, " A n - Medicine 2 1 4 - 2 0 , 2 9 6 - 9 9 , 3 6 5 - 7 2 . Herophilos's identi tike A n a t o m i e u n d menschlicher L e i c h n a m , " f i c a t i o n o f t h e b r o a d l i g a m e n t s (Heroph. 9 7 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 7 8 - 9 4 ; I . G a r o f a l o , ed., Hermes Erasistrati H . v o n Staden, The Art of Medicine in Early o f t h e u t e r u s t h a t pass f r o m t h e side o f t h e Herophilus: bridge 1989), pp. 1 3 8 - 5 3 , 1 8 7 - 8 9 uterus t o the w a l l s of the pelvis, p r o b a b l y was (Cam Alexandria c r u c i a l t o his a p p a r e n t a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e (hereafter idea o f a w a n d e r i n g w o m b , i n a s m u c h as t h e i d e m , " T h e D i s c o v e r y o f the B o d y : Heroph.); frr. 1 1 4 , 6 1 ) , i.e., t w o b i l a m i n a t e l a t e r a l l i g a m e n t s (Pisa 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 2 0 - 2 9 fragmenta (hereafter Erasist.); (note 10 above), p p . 1 6 7 - 6 9 , 1 8 3 - 8 6 , Heroph. b r o a d ligaments help t o h o l d the uterus i n H u m a n Dissection a n d Its C u l t u r a l Contexts i n p l a c e . ( B e t w e e n t h e t w o layers o f e a c h l i g a m e n t A n c i e n t G r e e c e , " The Yale Journal also pass t h e F a l l o p i a n t u b e s — d i s c o v e r e d b y of Biology 65 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 2 2 3 - 4 1 . See also and Medicine H e r o p h i l o s — a n d s o m e b l o o d vessels.) notes 36, 38, 4 1 below. 17 I I See K . D e i c h g r a b e r , Die griechische Empiriker- 2 n d e d . ( B e r l i n 1 9 6 5 ) ; o n P h i l i n o s as schule, f o u n d e r , p p . 1 6 3 - 6 4 , 2 5 4 - 5 5 . Celsus cina, (Medi- E m p i r i c i s t school, w h i l e Pliny the Elder naturalibus 1.14, 3.15 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 4 4 - 5 6 , 2 0 6 - 1 4 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Galenus, (Natu- Scripta 3 v o l s . , e d . J. M a r q u a r d t [ v o l . 1 ] , minora, I . M u l l e r [ v o l . 2 ] , a n d G . H e l m r e i c h [ v o l . 3] 29.5) claims that it started w i t h ralis historia 12 facultatibus o f the omnium) to attack atomistic e x p l a n a t i o n s o f m a g n e t i s m i n De p r o o e m i u m 1 0 ) , h o w e v e r , seems t o m a k e S e r a p i o n t h e f o u n d e r (primus See, f o r e x a m p l e , Galen's use o f " a t t r a c t i v e f a c u l t y " (eXKTLKrj Svvafus) [ L e i p z i g 1 8 8 4 - 1 8 9 3 ] , h e r e a f t e r Scripta minora, A k r o n o f A g r i g e n t u m i n Sicily. See n o t e 7 7 v o l . 3, p p . 1 3 3 - 4 2 , 2 5 1 - 5 7 H e l m r e i c h ) ; Ad below. Pisonem de theriaca De locis affectis Celsus Medicina prooemium 23-26 in Librum De sectis Galeni 6 3 b , p . 1 8 8 ) ; A g n e l l u s o f R a v e n n a ( ? ) , In Galeni 2 3 , a d c a p . 5 (Arethusa comm. Mono 18 See H . v o n S t a d e n , " C a r d i o v a s c u l a r Puzzles i n E r a s i s t r a t u s a n d H e r o p h i l u s , " i n xxxi. p p . 1 8 8 - 8 9 ) . B o t h H e r o p h i l o s a n d Erasistratos gresso c o n t i n u e d t o dissect a n d v i v i s e c t a n i m a l s as w e l l : Bologna, G a l e n De anatomicis Heroph. Claudii Galeni Opera omnia, 6.8, i n frr. 4 9 A , 5 2 ) ; i d e m , De placitis Platonis 7.3 ( v o l . 5, p . 6 0 9 K . ; Corpus Graecorum natura sanguis et 19 teries Erasist. and the arteriis (note 10 above), p p . 2 4 7 - 7 3 ; s e e a l s o p h a s i s o n f a c u l t i e s as a n e x p l a n a t o r y m e c h a n i s m : see Heroph., p p . 3 3 1 (fr. 1 5 6 ) , 4 6 9 - 7 0 (fr. 2 8 4 ) , 5 2 6 . Ar [Princeton 1984], pp. 162, 1 7 9 - 8 0 = fr. 4 7 ) . Heroph. C h r y s e r m o s o f A l e x a n d r i a are a m o n g l a t e r 5.2 a n d 8.4, 5 on Respiration (Bologna 1989), pp. 6 8 1 - 8 7 ; ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 2 9 - 3 0 (fr. 5 7 ) , Herophileans w h o continued Herophilos's em ( v o l . 4 , p p . 7 1 8 , 7 3 3 - 3 5 K . ; D . J. F u r l e y a n d J. S. W i l k i e , Galen Medicina, notes 2 1 - 2 2 below. D e m e t r i o s o f A p a m e a a n d Medicorum f r . 4 2 A ) ; i d e m , An in contineatur Con- della 145a, 155, 164, 184.18, 19). [hereafter C M G ] , 5.4.1.2, p . 4 4 6 D e L a c y = Erasist. 1988 di Storia fr. 60), a n d 7 . 1 6 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 6 4 6 - 4 9 K . = Erasist. Hippocratis Internazionale p p . 2 4 2 - 4 3 , 2 6 2 - 8 8 , 3 2 2 - 6 1 (esp. f r r . 1 4 4 , ed. C. G . K i i h n (Leipzig 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 3 3 [hereafter K i i h n ' s e d i t i o n = K . ] ) , v o l . 2 , p . 5 7 0 ( = Heroph. quaes- Aristotelicum, i n part, rely o n Theophrastos. fr. 63c, administrationibus 2.23 (Supplementum v o l . 2, p a r t 2, p p . 7 2 - 7 4 Bruns), w h i c h m i g h t , a d c a p . 5, fr. De sectis tiones Com- 5 r a 3 5 ~ 4 2 ( p p . 5 7 - 5 8 P r i t c h e t t = Heroph. g r a p h s 8 [ i 9 8 i ] , p . 9 2 = Heroph. see A l e x a n d e r o f A p h r o d i s i a s , Naturales [note 10 a b o v e ] , fr. 1 7 A ) ; J o h n o f A l e x a n d r i a mentaria ancient d o x o g r a p h y of theories of magnetism, (Heroph. [ n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ] f r . 6 3 a , p . 1 8 7 ; Erasist. 3 (vol. 14, pp. 2 2 4 - 2 5 K . ) ; 1.7 ( v o l . 8, p . 6 6 K . ) . F o r a n 20 Heroph. ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 6 5 (fr. 1 9 3 ) , 3 1 8 - 2 2 (frr. 1 4 1 , i 4 3 a - c ) , 2 5 5 - 6 2 , 297, 3 1 1 ; von cf. also p p . 4 6 5 - 6 7 , 4 6 9 - 7 0 ( f r r . 2 8 0 , 2 8 4 : Festschrift zur 4 9 . Versammlung l a t e r H e r o p h i l e a n s a n d Stoics o n f a c u l t i e s ) . Philologen und Scbulmdnner Staden deutscher (Basel 1 9 0 7 ) , p p . 4 4 8 - 7 2 , o n p . 4 6 3 ( = Heroph. 21 G . E . R . L l o y d , The Revolutions of (Berkeley 1 9 8 7 ) , chap. 5 ( " M e a s u r e m e n t Heroph., p p . 2 8 2 - 8 3 , 3 9 2 , a n d , o n pulse frequency a n d and M y s t i f i c a t i o n " ) . C f . P. P e l l e g r i n , " Q u a n t i t e et fever, p p . 2 8 3 - 8 5 , 3 0 2 - 4 , 3 3 6 , 3 3 9 , 3 5 4 - 5 6 biologie dans l ' a n t i q u i t e , " i n D . G o u r e v i t c h , (fr. 1 8 3 ) , 3 7 7 - 7 8 ( f r r . 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 ) , 3 8 0 - 8 3 e d . , Maladie (frr. 2 i 7 a - b , 2 2 2 ) . tualisation. et maladies: Melanges Histoire et en I'honneur concep de Mirko E c o l e P r a t i q u e des H a u t e s E t u d e s , i v Grmek, e 28 s e c t i o n , Sciences h i s t o r i q u e s et p h i l o l o g i q u e s , V : Hautes etudes medievales 70 et modernes, O n p h a r a o n i c w a t e r c l o c k s a n d t i m i n g devices, see O . N e u g e b a u e r a n d R . A . P a r k e r , Astronomical (Geneva 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 1 5 1 - 6 9 . Egyptian v o l . 3 (Providence, R . I . , Texts, 1969), pp. 1 2 - 1 4 ( w i t h p i . 2), 42, 47, 60, 152; L . B o r c h a r d t , Die dgyptische 22 [note 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 1 8 2 , p p . 3 5 3 - 5 4 ) . See also Wisdom Zeitmessung See G . V . L e f t w i c h , " A n c i e n t C o n c e p t i o n s o f ( B e r l i n 1 9 2 0 ) , p p . 6 f f . , 6 o f f . O n K t e s i b i o s , see the B o d y and the C a n o n o f P o l y k l e i t o s " (Ph.D. notes 2 9 - 3 0 , 5 0 - 5 1 below. O n ancient clocks, diss., P r i n c e t o n U n i v . , 1 9 8 7 ) . see also D i e l s , Antike (note 9 above), Technik pp. 1 5 5 - 2 3 2 ; A . Rehm, " H o r o l o g i u m , " in 23 For reflections o f H e r o p h i l o s ' s interest i n mea Paulys s u r e m e n t (size, w e i g h t , v o l u m e , etc.) a n d q u a n Altertumswissenschaft, t i f i c a t i o n , see n o t e s 2 6 - 3 0 b e l o w , a n d clocks); C. R. Tittel, " H e r o n ( 5 ) , " 2 0 9 - 1 1 (frr. 96, 9 8 a - b , 99, i o o a - b ) , 297, Real-Encyclopadie, 3 0 1 , 3 0 5 , 3 2 4 - 2 . 5 (fr. 1 4 6 ) , 3 4 4 - ^ 1 , 365 c o l s . 9 9 2 - 1 0 8 0 , esp. 1 0 5 2 - 5 4 ; D r a c h m a n n , p p . i 6 f f . ; M . C . P. S c h m i d t , Die der antiken d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , see also i b i d . , p . 3 2 6 Agypter, and Heron der Medizin 29 V i t r u v i u s De architectura 7 vols, i n 9 (Berlin 1 9 5 4 - 1 9 6 2 ) , horologiorum ex aqua . . . conparationes explicuit, 9 . 8 . 4 ) suggests t h a t he is s i n g l i n g o u t f o r de S m i t h p a p y r u s , Case 1 ) . s c r i p t i o n o n l y o n e o f several K t e s i b i a n w a t e r c l o c k s . T h e merkhet, C f . L . P e a r s o n , e d . , Aristoxenus, century B . C . ) , apparently invented by A m e n - {Elem.. e m h e t ( c o u r t a s t r o n o m e r t o A m e n h o t e p 1), also 2 . 2 0 - 2 2 , 25), 2 2 - 2 7 , 2 8 , 3 2 - 3 5 , 5 4 - 5 5 , 6 1 , 6 4 - 7 0 ; Heroph. or alabaster, water c l o c k f r o m the reign o f A m e n h o t e p i n (fourteenth Elementa (Oxford 1990), pp. 6 - 9 2 . 1 0 - 1 2 ) , 1 2 - 1 7 {Elem. is s a i d t o h a v e been d e s i g n e d t o m a r k t h e h o u r s (note 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 7 3 - 8 5 (esp. 2 7 8 - 8 0 ) , 3 5 6 , o f t h e n i g h t at a n y season (see n o t e 28 a b o v e ) . 392-93. I n the f o u r t h century B . C . Aeneias "the Tacti c i a n " {How 172, i n V . Rose, Quaestiones medicinales dota et Graecolatina, Graeca fr. 1 7 2 ; see Heroph., to Survive under Siege 22.24-25) l i k e w i s e describes a c l e p s y d r a t h a t is a d j u s t a b l e F o r t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f r h y t h m , see p s . - S o r a n u s 1 8 7 0 ) , p . 2 6 5 = Heroph. f o r t h e seasonal l e n g t h e n i n g a n d s h o r t e n i n g o f Anec- n i g h t s . A n i g h t c l o c k (cbpokoyiov v o l . 2 (Berlin A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae p p . 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 - 8 3 . O n the 4.174c; H . Diels, p u l s e at d i f f e r e n t stages o f l i f e , see R u f u s o f " U b e r P l a t o n s N a c h t u h r , " Sitzungsberichte Ephesos(?), Synopsis preussischen de pulsibus 4, i n C. D a - (Paris 1 8 7 9 ) , p p . 2 2 3 - 2 5 = Heroph., Berlin, der phil.-hist. K l . (1915), pp. 8 2 4 - 3 0 . d'Ephese 5 1 (fr. 1 7 7 ) . O n p u l s e r h y t h m , see also Heroph., vehemence, pp. 2 7 3 - 7 5 , 2 8 4 - 8 6 , 3 2 7 - 2 8 , 352.-54, 30 V i t r u v i u s De architectura aut in columna in diem singulis F o r H e r o p h i l o s ' s c l e p s y d r a , see M a r c e l l i n u s 1 1 , i n H . Schone, " M a r k e l l i n o s ' Pulslehre: Ein Griechisches A n e k d o t o n , " egrediens totum. cuneorum diebus 9 . 8 . 6 : In his aut parastatica tur, quas sigillum nificat crescentias 356-59- De pulsibus Akademie, pp. 3 5 0 - PP- 3 3 5 - 3 8 , 3 4 0 - 4 2 , 3 4 ^ - 4 9 , 3 5 4 - 6 i , 3 9 1 - 9 3 ; o n p u l s e speed, size, a n d of vvKTepivov) t h e c l e p s y d r a t y p e is also a s c r i b e d t o P l a t o : see (note 10 above), r e m b e r g a n d C . E . R u e l l e , eds., Rufus 27 9 . 8 . 4 - 7 , esp. 9 . 8 . 6 . V i t r u v i u s ' s use o f t h e p l u r a l (Ctesibius der v o l . 4 . 1 , p p . 1 (Ebers p a p y r u s ) , 1 7 2 ( E d w i n Rhythmica Entstehung (Leipzig 1912); Landels Wasseruhr (note 9 above), p p . 1 8 8 - 8 9 . See, e.g., H . G r a p o w , H . v o n D e i n e s , a n d alten Philon (note 7 above), Ktesibios, (frr. 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 - 5 9 ) . B u t for an example of quali Paulys v o l . 8.1 ( S t u t t g a r t 1 9 1 2 ) , (fr. 1 9 3 ) , 375 ( f r r . 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 ) , 3 9 1 - 9 3 . 4 2 . 1 - 2 4 W . W e s t e n d o r f , Grundriss 26 classischen 1913), cols. 2 4 1 6 - 3 3 (2428ff. o n water Heroph. (fr. 1 4 9 . 5 - 7 ) ; cf. i b i d . , p . 1 9 . 25 der v o l . 8.2 ( S t u t t g a r t (note 10 above), p p . 1 8 2 - 8 7 (frr. 6 o a - 6 3 a ) , tative 24 Real-Encyclopadie autem describun- ab imo uirgula Quarum adiectus et mensibus horae breuitates sigaut aut exemptus perficere cogit: in "In these [ c l o c k s ] t h e h o u r s are d r a w n e i t h e r o n a c o l u m n o r o n a p i l a s t e r , a n d a figurine ascend i n g f r o m the b o t t o m indicates w i t h a r o d the 101 102 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA h o u r s f o r a w h o l e day. A n d t h e a d d i t i o n o r f r r . 5 2 - 5 3 . C f . i b i d . , p p . 1 1 5 - 3 7 ; R . J. H a n k i n - r e m o v a l o f w e d g e s forces i t t o effect t h e s h o r t s o n , " S a y i n g t h e P h e n o m e n a , " Phronesis nesses o r increases o f [ t h e d u r a t i o n ] o n i n d i v i d (1990): 35 194-215. ual days a n d i n i n d i v i d u a l m o n t h s . " I n 9.8.7 V i t r u v i u s describes a n a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h i s " w e d g e m e t h o d " t h a t m a y be closer t o p h a r a o n i c 35 and H e r o p h i l o s ' s p o s i t i o n reflects t h e g r o w i n g G r e e k concern w i t h theories of scientific m e t h o d i n the o t h e r predecessors (see n o t e s 2 7 - 2 9 a b o v e ) . F o r t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . T h e E m p i r i c i s t s seem t o have r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f K t e s i b i o s ' s w a t e r c l o c k , see been t h e first g r o u p w h o s e a d h e r e n t s d e f i n e d D i e l s , Antike themselves i n terms o f a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a n d (note 9 above), p p . 2 0 4 - Technik 1 1 ( f i g . 7 1 ) ; J. S o u b i r a n , Vitruve, ture, De ix (Paris 1 9 6 9 ) , p p . 2 7 2 - 8 7 livre f u r t h e r l i t . ) ; F. G r a n g e r , e d . , Vitruvius Varchitec e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l m o d e l {ijuLTretpCa a n d its s u b (with d i v i s i o n s ) r a t h e r t h a n after a f o u n d i n g f a t h e r on Archi ( H i p p o c r a t i c , S o c r a t i c ) o r after a p l a c e o r s t r u c vol. 2 (London 1934), p i . N ; Rehm tecture, t u r e (Academy, Stoa, L y c e u m , Kepos). T h i s ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , c o l s . 2 4 2 9 - 3 1 . See also W . S c h m i d t , e d . , Heronis 1: Pneumatica Alexandri n o m e n c l a t i v e m o v e , t o o , reflects t h e i n c r e a s i n g opera, col. p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h m e t h o d . See J. B a r n e s et a l . , (Leipzig 1899), et automata pp. 4 5 6 - 5 7 ( H e r o n , f r o m Proclus), eds., Science 506-7 lenistic and Speculation: Theory Studies ( f r o m P a p p u s ) ; T i t t e l ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , esp. R . J. H a n k i n s o n , e d . , Method, cols. 1 0 5 2 - 5 4 (on Heron's lost w o r k o n water Metaphysics: Studies c l o c k s , w h i c h reflects at least s o m e t e c h n i c a l cient = Apeiron concerns similar to Ktesibios's); D . R. H i l l , (note 10 above), p p . Arabic Science in Hel (Cambridge 1982); and Practice Medicine and in the Philosophy of 22.2 (1988); An Heroph. 115-37. ( A l e p p o 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 1 3 ; cf. Water-clocks i d e m , On the Construction of Water-clocks 36 (London 1976). G . E. R. L l o y d , " A N o t e o n Erasistratus of C e o s , " Journal of Hellenic 95 (1975): Studies 1 7 2 - 7 5 ; P. M . Fraser, " T h e C a r e e r o f E r a s i s t r a 31 Cassius I a t r o s o p h i s t a Problemata e d . , Physici et medici Graeci t u s , " Rendiconti 1 , i n J. I d e l e r , ( B e r l i n 1 8 4 1 ) , p . 1 4 4 = Heroph. Classe Lombardo, 5 1 8 - 3 7 ; W . D . S m i t h , The Hippocratic (note 10 Tradi ( I t h a c a , N . Y . , 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 1 9 0 , 1 9 5 . See a b o v e ) , f r . 2 3 6 ( p p . 4 1 1 - 1 2 ) . Cassius s t a r t s o u t tion by a t t r i b u t i n g this v i e w t o "the also R . F u c h s , " L e b t e E r a s i s t r a t o s i n A l e x a n (Heroph. Herophileans" d r i a ? " Rheinisches f r . 2 3 6 . 2 ) , b u t he t h e n p r o c e e d s t o N . F . 52 ( 1 8 9 7 ) : Museum, identify the v i e w w i t h H e r o p h i l o s himself 3 7 7 - 9 0 ; F. S u s e m i h l , " C h r y s i p p u s v o n K n i d o s N . F . 56 (fr. 2 3 6 . 1 3 ) . See also J. J o u a n n a , " P o u r q u o i les u n d E r a s i s t r a t o s , " Rheinisches plaies c i r c u l a i r e s guerissent-elles d i f f i c i l e m e n t ? ( 1 9 0 1 ) : 3 1 3 - 1 8 ; R. H e l m , " U b e r die Lebenszeit U n n o u v e a u t e m o i g n a g e i n e d i t (Scorialensis der A r z t e N i k i a s , E r a s i s t r a t o s , M e t r o d o r u n d F i n 1 2 , f o l . 4 2 0 V ) , " i n Maladie et C h r y s i p p o s , " Hermes maladies (note 2 1 above), p p . 9 5 - 1 0 8 . O n p u l l i n g (eXKecv, efyeXKeiv, natura sanguis schaft, VS. pushing OXKTJ) (TrejjLireiv, aTrcoBelv, e t c . ) , see, e.g., G a l e n in arteriis 29 ( 1 8 9 4 ) : 1 6 1 - 7 0 ; System in Ancient Greek and the Medicine 1 9 7 3 ) , p p . 1 7 7 - 7 8 ; Erasist. [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , p . 1 7 6 = Heroph. pp. 1 7 - 2 2 . [note 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 1 4 5 a ) ; i d e m , De pulsuum 4 . 6 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 3 3 K . = Heroph. H . D i e l s , e d . , Doxographi p . 6 3 9 ( = Heroph. cita 4 . 2 2 (Moralia 37 (note 10 above), I a m i n c l i n e d t o agree w i t h P. G r e e n , to Actium 103, in (Berlin 1879), Graeci Vascular (Oxford differentiis fr. 144); philosopha Real- Altertumswissen- v o l . 6.1 (Stuttgart 1907), c o l . 335; C . R . S. H a r r i s , The Heart An 8 (vol. 4, contineatur der classischen p. 7 3 2 K . [note 12 above]; Furley a n d W i l k i e p s . - G a l e n De historia Museum, M . W e l l m a n n , " E r a s i s t r a t o s ( 2 ) , " Paulys Encyclopddie 32 del Istituto d i l e t t e r e e scienze m o r a l i e s t o r i c h e , 103 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : vol. 1 minores, fr. 143c); ps.-Plutarch Pla- (Berkeley 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 4 9 0 : Alexander "Erasistra tus w o r k e d i n A n t i o c h as w e l l as A l e x a n d r i a " ( a l t h o u g h m y assessment o f t h e h i s t o r i c a l v a l u e of the evidence concerning Erasistratos a n d 903F-904B). S t r a t o n i k e has b e c o m e m o r e c o m p l e x a n d re 33 G a l e n De procatarcticis causis 1 6 . 1 9 7 - 2 0 4 ( C M G [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , Suppl. p p . 4 1 - 4 2 B a r d o n g ) = Heroph. served t h a n Green's a n d Fraser's, as w i l l be 13.162-64, 2, s h o w n e l s e w h e r e ) . See Suda, E . 2 8 9 6 , s.v. t r a t u s (11, p p . 4 0 2 - 3 A d l e r ) ; G e o r g i u s (note 10 Ecloga above), frr. 58, 59a. chronographica 520.13-17 (Olymp. 1 3 0 . 2 ; p . 3 3 0 M o s s h a m m e r ) ; Scholia 34 A n o n y m u s Londinensis 2 1 . 1 8 - 3 2 = (note 10 above), fr. 50a; Galen medendi = Heroph. Heroph. a d Idyll, Heroph. 3 8 ; A p p i a n Historia in The- x i (p. 240 Wendel); Valerius M a x i m u s , 5.7. e x t . 1 ; P l u t a r c h , Vit. Methodus 2.5 ( v o l . 1 0 , p . 1 0 7 K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] f r . 5 0 b ) . O n e x p e r i e n c e , see ocritum, Erasis Syncellus romana: Syriac. Demetrius 59-61, 3 0 8 - 2 7 . A m o n g E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s associates a n d von relatives, the Erasistratean A p o l l o p h a n e s , w h o 41 Staden O n p a t h o l o g i c a l d i s s e c t i o n , see C a e l i u s A u r e is i d e n t i f i e d as b e i n g f r o m Seleucia, b e c a m e a n l i a n u s Tardae advisor and probably a personal physician to [note 10 above], fr. 2 5 1 ; V i n d i c i a n 5.8.111 = A n t i o c h o s i n ( P o l y b i o s 5.56 a n d 5 . 5 8 ) , w h e r e a s p r a e f . 2 (see n o t e 38 a b o v e ) . O n E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s Apollonios from Egyptian Memphis, a pupil of e x p e r i m e n t s , see H a r r i s ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) , E r a s i s t r a t o s ' s close associate S t r a t o (the d o c t o r , p p . 2 2 4 , 3 7 8 - 8 8 ; H . v o n Staden, " E x p e r i m e n t n o t the Peripatetic), appears t o have been active and Experience i n Hellenistic M e d i c i n e , " i n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s p h e r e . A p o l l o n i o s seems letin passiones of the Institute of Classical Erasist. Gynaecia Bul 22 Studies t o be t h e first f o l l o w e r o f E r a s i s t r a t o s t o have ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 1 7 8 - 9 9 ; Furley a n d W i l k i e (note 12 defined the pulse—a characteristically A l e x a n above), p p . 4 7 - 5 7 (by W i l k i e ) . d r i a n u n d e r t a k i n g : see G a l e n De pulsuum dif- 4 . 2 a n d 4 . 1 7 ( v o l . 8, p p . 7 1 9 , 7 5 9 - 6 1 ferentiis K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ) ; Heroph. 42 (note 10 above), P s . - G a l e n Introductio 5 (vol. 14, siue medicus p . 6 8 4 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ) . pp. 2 6 7 - 8 8 , 3 2 2 - 6 1 , 4 4 6 - 4 9 , 462.-65, 5 6 0 - 6 3 . Erasistratos's brother, K l e o p h a n t o s , 43 p e r h a p s p r a c t i c e d i n A l e x a n d r i a : G a l e n In Hippocratis (vol. Epidemiarum 1 7 A , p . 6 0 3 K . ; CMG 37; 2.4 111 comment. See F u r l e y a n d W i l k i e ( n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 6 Erasist. (note 10 above), p p . 3 1 - 4 6 ; v o n S t a d e n ( n o t e 18 a b o v e ) ; H a r r i s ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) , [note 12 above], pp. 1 9 5 - 2 3 2 . 5.10.2.1, p. 77.20 Wenkebach); on Kleophantos's f a m i l y c o n n e c t i o n , see R u f u s o f E p h e s o s De renum et uesicae berg and Ruelle [note 26 above], p. 32; 3.1, 44 4.1 (Darem- affectionibus See, e.g., G a l e n De anatomicis CMG p . 1 2 8 . 5 Sideras). T h e i r f a t h e r , K l e o m b r o - a b o v e ] , esp. 6 4 9 . 1 7 = Erasist. [note 10 a b o v e ] , fr. 4 9 A ) ; G a l e n De naturalibus facultatibus t o s , m i g h t have been i n A n t i o c h as t h e p h y s i I . 1 6 , 2 . 1 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 6 0 - 6 7 , 75 K . ; Scripta c i a n o f Seleukos 1 N i k a t o r (cf. P l i n y nora historia Naturalis 7 . 1 2 3 a n d 2 9 . 5 ) , as w a s m a i n t a i n e d o n Geschichte der M e d i c i n i m A l t e r t u m , " purgantium Hermes mi [ n o t e 1 7 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 4 5 - 5 0 , H e l m r e i c h = Erasist. less t h a n secure g r o u n d s b y M . W e l l m a n n , " Z u r 155 frr. 74, 136); Galen medicamentorum I I , p . 3 2 8 K . = Erasist. De 2 (vol. facultate f r . 9 3 ) ; G a l e n An in 35 ( 1 9 0 0 ) : 3 4 9 - 8 4 (esp. p p . 3 8 0 - 8 2 ; cf. also arteriis p p . 3 7 1 , 3 8 2 on K l e o p h a n t o s ) . C h r y s i p p o s , a p. 7 0 9 K . ; F u r l e y a n d W i l k i e [note 12 above], son of Erasistratos's K n i d i a n teacher C h r y s i p p . 1 5 0 = Erasist. pos, apparently became a personal physician t o differentiis one o f the Ptolemies (Diogenes Laertius 7.186). sanguis V i n d i c i a n Gynaecia p r a e f . 2 ( = Heroph. 1 0 a b o v e ] , f r r . 5 a n d 6 4 = Erasist. 5 . 2 . 5 0 ( = Erasist. frr. [note 2 (vol. 4, contineatur f r . 1 0 9 ) ; G a l e n De pulsuum 4 . 2 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 0 3 K . = sectione Erasist. aduersus 3 (vol. 1 1 , pp. 1 5 3 - 5 6 K . = EraErasist. 1 9 8 , 2 1 2 ) . See a l s o n o t e 4 9 b e l o w . [note 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 1 7 B ) ; C a e l i u s A u r e l i a n u s Tardae siones natura fr. 1 1 0 ) ; G a l e n De uenae sistratum 38 administra- 7.16 ( v o l . 2, p p . 6 4 8 - 4 9 K . [note 12 tionibus pas- fr. 267). 45 E r a s i s t r a t o s a n d his f o l l o w e r s d i s t i n g u i s h be t w e e n " m a s s e d v o i d " (KEVOV ddpoov, KEVOS dOpocog TO7TO<;), i.e., t h e " e m p t y " t h a t is " l a r g e , 39 Suda, E . 2 8 9 6 , s.v. E r a s i s t r a t o s (11, p p . 4 0 2 - 3 A d l e r ) ; W e l l m a n n (note 37 above), p p . 370, 3 8 0 - 8 2 ; S t r a b o 9 . 5 . 6 ; P l i n y , Naturalis 2 9 . 5 ; Sextus E m p i r i c u s Aduersus clear, p e r c e p t i b l e o r e v i d e n t " [KEVOV o~a(f>Es, aladrjTov, historia mathematicos pEja, o n the one h a n d , and, o n the other h a n d , the " e m p t y " or " v o i d " t h a t " i s i n t h e state o f b e i n g d i s p e r s e d Traprai) S t e p h a n u s o f B y z a n t i u m Ethnica, p . 335 t h r o u g h o u t b o d i e s " : G a l e n De naturalibus M e i n e k e ; S t o b a e u s Anthologium 3.7.57 (p. 325 cultatibus (vol. 4 siue medicus 14, p . 683 K . [note 12 above]). 71-71 [ n o t e 2 6 a b o v e ] , p p . 1 8 4 - 8 5 ) = Erasist. et Platonis (vol. (note Hippocratis 6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 , 6.6.19, 7 . 3 . 6 - 1 3 , 5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 , 5 5 2 , 6 0 2 - 4 , K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] = CMG 7.8.12 646-47 [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] , 5.4.1.2, p p . 396, 398, 4 4 0 - 4 2 , 4 7 6 De Lacy) = Erasist. f r r . 2 0 1 , 2 8 9 , 4 2 A . See also n o t e s 4 2 , 47 below. minora fa 95-99 [ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 7 0 - 7 3 H e l m r e i c h (Daremberg and Ruelle 1 0 a b o v e ) , f r . 3 9 ; G a l e n De placitis fipaxv) 2 . 1 , 2.6 ( v o l . 2 , p p . 7 5 - 7 6 , K . [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] ; Scripta = Erasist. R u f u s ( ? ) , Anat. at s h o r t i n t e r v a l s (Kara (trapicr- 1 . 2 5 8 ; D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s 5.57 a n d 7 . 1 8 6 ; H e n s e ) ; p s . - G a l e n Introductio 40 ivapyEs), [note 10 above], f r r . 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 3 6 , 138, 147); A n o n y m u s Londinensis 26.48c, 2 7 . 6 - 7 , 2 5 - 3 9 . KEVOV ddpoov, for "massed" or " c o n t i n u o u s v o i d " (as c o n t r a s t e d w i t h i n a t e " o r i n t e r s t i t i a l v o i d , StEairappivov irapEarrappiEvov KEVOV), "dissem or apparently became a t e c h n i c a l e x p r e s s i o n , also i n m e c h a n i c s ; i t is conspicuous, for example, i n the p r o o e m i u m t o H e r o n ' s Pneumatica 1 (1, p p . 4 . 3 - 4 , 6.12-14, 8.22, 1 6 . 2 0 - 2 6 , 2 6 . 2 3 - 2 8 . 1 1 Schmidt; 104.29, 109.13, 112.14, 115.18, 116.4 Gottschalk) and 103 104 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA i n Pneum. 1.2 (1, p . 3 6 . 1 0 - 1 1 S c h m i d t ) , 1.4 (1, p . 4 6 . 3 - 4 S c h m i d t ) . See also n o t e s 4 6 , f r r . 8 4 , 1 0 3 - 4 ) ; G a l e n De locis 55-56 ( v o l . 8, p . 3 1 6 K . = Erasist. b e l o w . H . D i e l s , " U b e r das p h y s i k a l i s c h e S y s t e m des S t r a t o , " Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der 7 5 , 4 8 2 , 502 K . ; Furley a n d W i l k i e [note 12 a b o v e ] , p p . 8 2 - 8 4 , 9 4 , 1 2 0 = Erasist. p p . 1 0 1 - 2 7 , esp. p p . 1 0 5 - 1 7 ( r e p r . i n D i e l s , 1 0 8 , 1 1 2 ) ; C a e l i u s A u r e l i a n u s Celeres Kleine 2 . 3 4 . 1 8 0 ( = Erasist. Berlin, Schriften zur Geschichte der antiken ed. W . B u r k e r t [ H i l d e s h e i m 1 9 6 9 I , Philosophie, suum passiones fr. 183); Galen Depul- 4 . 1 7 ( v o l . 8, p . 7 5 9 K . = differentiis Era sist. f r . 2 0 5 ) ; G a l e n De placitis influenced b o t h Erasistratos and A l e x a n d r i a n Platonis m e c h a n i c i a n s , b u t D i e l s m a d e o v e r c o n f i d e n t use [note 12 above], 5.4.1.2, p . 3 9 6 D e L a c y = o f H e r o n t o r e c o n s t r u c t S t r a t o . See L . R e p i c i , Erasist. e Vanima: Saggi su Stratone di 50 Straton von v o l . 5, des Aristoteles, CMG fr. 201). de Ctesibica aquam (Basel 1 9 5 0 ) , f r r . 5 4 - Lampsakos et 6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 ( v o l . 5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 K . ; V i t r u v i u s De architectura nunc See F. W e h r l i , Die Schule Hippocratis Lamp- (Turin 1988), pp. 8 5 - 9 0 . saco educit, in radicibus quae monstrare. modioli fiunt tantes, T h e o r y i n Heraclides of Pontus," R o s e ) ] figura similiter Mnemosyne, 10.7.1: machina 67; Diels (note 45 above); I . M . L o n i e , " M e d i c a l habentes fistulas Insequitur in altitudinem Ea sit ex aere. Cuius gemelli dis- furcillae paulum (del. [sunt cohaerentes, in medium 4 t h ser. 18 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , p p . 1 2 6 - 4 3 ; Η . B . G o t t - catinum schalk, "Strato o f Lampsacus: Some Texts," give a n i n d i c a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e m a c h i n e o f Proceedings K t e s i b i o s , w h i c h raises w a t e r t o a h e i g h t . I t sophical of the Leeds Society Literary of Pontus Philo Theory (Cambridge 1989), pp. See G a l e n De naturalibus H e l m r e i c h ; Erasist. h a v i n g [ o u t l e t ] t u b e s i n t h e f o r m o f a f o r k ; these of t u b e s are a t t a c h e d t o t h e m [ i . e . , t o e a c h o f t h e cylinders] i n a similar way, a n d the tubes c o n 149-60. verge i n a m a i n c h a m b e r [vessel] i n t h e m i d d l e . " 5I 2.1 facultatibus [ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . minora s h o u l d be o f b r o n z e . I n its base [ " r o o t s " ] are Cosmic (vol. 2, p p . 7 5 - 7 6 K . [note 12 above]; " N o w we proceed to concurrentes: made t w i n cylinders, a small distance apart, ( O x f o r d 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 9, of Bithynia 1 2 - 1 4 , 49? 5 6 , 5 8 - 5 9 ; D . J. F u r l e y , Problems 127- ( O x f o r d 1980), p . 1 4 3 ; J. T . V a l l a n c e , The Lost Asclepiades and 1 1 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 9 5 - 1 8 2 , esp. 4 1 ; i d e m , Heraclides 47 frr. 106, p p . 2 3 9 - 6 5 ) , argued that Strato o f Lampsakos La natura 46 De 2 . 1 , 2 . 1 0 , 5.1 ( v o l . 4 , p p . 4 7 4 - usu respirationis phil.-hist. K l . (1893), Wissenschaften, 5.3 affectis fr. 105); Galen Scripta I b i d . : In quo naribus 155-56 locati; [note 10 above], f r r . 9 5 , catino fistularum fiunt asses in coagmentatione qui praeobturantes patiuntur superioribus subtili foramina ( a d d . R o s e ) > quod <redire con- narium 136): Erasistratos submerged a tube i n water, catinum e m p t i e d o u t the air i n i t , a n d observed the c o n tus: spiritu tiguous p o r t i o n of water immediately m o v i n g a s i m i l a r d e v i c e , see H e r o n Pneumatica i n t o t h e space f r o m w h i c h t h e a i r h a d been (1, p p . 1 3 0 - 3 6 S c h m i d t , w i t h fig. 2 9 ; cf. 1, r e m o v e d . See also P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m De geniis (the c o d i c e s r e a d in spiri- is F r a G i o c o n d o ' s e m e n d a t i o n ) . F o r 1.28 p p . x x x i i i , x x x v w i t h fig. 2 9 a ) . in- 3 and 6 (in W . Schmidt, spiritualibus Heronis est expressum non spiritu Alexandrini 52 v o l . 1 [Leipzig Opera, 1899], pp. 4 6 2 - 6 4 , 4 7 0 - 7 2 ) ; Heron Pneumat- ica 1.2 a n d 1.4 (1, p p . 3 6 , 4 2 - 4 6 S c h m i d t ) ; T h e m i s t i u s In Aristotelis De caelo paraphr. See, e.g., G a l e n De placitis a b o v e ] ; CMG 4.5, Plato [note 10 above], fr. 2 0 1 ) . C f . Erasist., p l i c i u s In Aristotelis 4 0 , 4 4 , 49 above. comment. et [note 12 above], 5.4.1.2, p . 3 9 6 D e L a c y = Erasist. ad 3 i 2 b 5 ~ i 4 (p. 2 4 1 . 1 3 - 2 7 Landauer); SimDe caelo Hippocratis nis 6 . 6 . 4 - 1 1 ( v o l . 5, p p . 5 4 8 - 5 0 K . [ n o t e 1 2 4.5, ad p p . 2 3 - 2 6 , 3 6 - 4 3 . See a l s o n o t e s 3 i 2 b 2 (p. 7 2 3 . 1 8 - 3 6 H e i b e r g ) . 48 lar P u z z l e s " ( n o t e 18 a b o v e ) . 49 53 V i t r u v i u s 1 0 . 7 . 1 - 3 . See n o t e s 5 0 - 5 1 a b o v e . 54 See n o t e s 4 5 - 4 6 a b o v e . See n o t e s 4 4 a n d 4 9 ; v o n S t a d e n , " C a r d i o v a s c u See n o t e s 4 0 a n d 4 3 - 4 4 a b o v e , a n d G a l e n in arteriis natura sanguis An 8.4-5 contineatur (vol. 4, p p . 7 3 3 - 3 4 K . [note 12 above]; Furley a n d W i l k i e [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] , p p . 1 7 8 - 8 0 = [ n o t e 1 2 a b o v e ] , f r . 5 1 ) ; G a l e n De sist. micis administrationibus p p . 6 2 4 , 6 4 6 K . = Erasist. De usu partium Era anato- 7 . 1 1 , 7.16 ( v o l . 2, frr. 202, 52); Galen 6 . 1 2 , 7.8 ( v o l . 3, p p . 4 6 5 , 5 3 7 - 4 0 K . ; i , p. 339 Helmreich = Erasist. 55 H e r o n Pneumatica p r o o e m i u m , v o l . 1, pp. 8.23-10.13, 16.10-16, 20.24-25, 25 S c h m i d t . C f . P h i l o n o f B y z a n t i u m nica Syntaxis 26.23Mecha- 4.60 (p. 7 7 . 2 8 - 3 2 Thevenot = p. 1 5 2 . 1 8 - 2 0 Marsden) o n Ktesibios, and 7-8.111.72-73 (p. 9 6 . 1 5 - 2 6 Thevenot = pp. 6 5 - 6 6 Diels and Schramm, 1919 [note 8 a b o v e ] ) . See n o t e s 4 5 , 5 6 . von 56 H e r o n Pneumatica 2. 1 7 - 1 8 (1, p p . xographi 250-54 tiones Schmidt). p. 618); ps.-Galen Graeci , x medicae Staden Defini- 9 5 ( v o l . 1 9 , p . 3 7 9 K . ; SVF, v o l . 2, f r . 113 3 ) ; C l e m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a 57 G a l e n De naturalibus ( v o l . 2, p p . 7 8 , 9 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; minora Stro- 5 . 1 4 . 1 0 0 . 4 ( S V F , v o l . 2 , f r . 1 1 3 4 ) . See mateis 2 . 2 , 2.4 facultatibus also SVF, v o l . 2, f r r . 1 1 3 5 - 3 9 . Scripta [ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 7 , 1 6 7 H e l m r e i c h ) ; Erasist. 65 ( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 8 1 . O l y m p i o d o r o s In Platonis 1 2 . 1 ; for Gorgiam p a r a l l e l passages, see SVF ( n o t e 6 4 a b o v e ) , 58 G a l e n De naturalibus minora [ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p p . 1 5 7 , 1 5 9 - 6 0 H e l m r e i c h ) ; Erasist. v o l . 1, fr. 7 3 . 2 . 2 , 3 ( v o l . 2, facultatibus p p . 7 8 , 8 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta 66 SVF ( n o t e 6 4 a b o v e ) , v o l . 1 , f r . 7 3 . ( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 7 9 . See a l s o G a l e n De venae sectione adversus Erasistratum 4 ( v o l . 1 1 , p p . 1 5 7 - 5 8 K . = Erasist. 67 fr. 80): E . g . , A r i s t o t l e Meteorologica 2.2.194321-22 Physica " Y o u [ E r a s i s t r a t o s ] m a r v e l at n a t u r e as b e i n g at i d e m , Poetica o n c e c a p a b l e o f techne i d e m , Protrepticus t h o u g h t (irpovoriTiKiq) and of fore (TEXVLKTJ) for l i v i n g beings." G a l e n De usu partium [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; 1, p . 2 3 1 H e l m r e i c h = L i t t r e ; CMG 3 60 G a l e n De naturalibus [note minora 68 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p . 165 H e l m r e i c h ) . G a l e n De naturalibus 8Joly/Byl). A r i s t o t l e De partibus 69 Ibid., 3.2.66338-11. 70 T h e o p h m s t o s Metaphysics [note minora 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p . 1 6 7 H e l m r e i c h = Erasist. Theophrastus, Quaestiones = Erasist. 63 3 {Moralia prolis 7 . 1 (Moralia convivales Metaphysics (Leiden 1933), phraste, Metaphysique Theo- (Psris 1 9 9 3 ) , p p . 1 8 - 2 2 , 74-88. 698B-D) fr. 114. E . g . , P l a t o Timaeus h i m , is a c r a f t s m a n u s i n g techne u n i v e r s e (Srjjmuwpydg, t o create the 2933, 4 i 7 > 4 7 5 b 7 ~ 8 ; pur)Xctvaop,ai, a I C 4 5' T h e o p h m s t o s Metaphysics 9.1-4.10321-1232. 72 See, e.g., A r i s t o t l e De partibus animalium 2 . i 4 - i 5 . 6 5 8 a n - b 2 6 ; J. G . L e n n o x , " T h e o phrastus o n the L i m i t s of Teleology," i n - 5 W . W . F o r t e n b a u g h , e d . , Theophrastus 3 4 C I , 3763, 40C2, 4 5 b 6 , 7 0 C 4 , 7 3 C 2 , 7 4 b 4 , 7 7 a 3 ; see also /jLTqxavcbvTai 71 33<Ji; here t h e c o s m i c d e m i u r g e h i m s e l f , l i k e t h e lesser g o d s w h o assist T4 VU X i n a n a n a l o g y , 5oe6). F u r t h e r m o r e , Eresus: On His Life and Work, of Rutgers Univer sity Studies i n C l a s s i c s l H u m s n i t i e s , v o l . 2 t h e u n i v e r s e itself, l i k e the n a t u r e o f a l l its p a r t s , (New Brunswick, N.J., 1985), pp. is " t e c h n i c a l l y c r a f t e d " J. C o o p e r , " A r i s t o t l e o n N a t u r a l T e l e o l o g y , " (8e87]/nLovpyrj/ji€vrj (frvcris, 8oe4; ovpavdg 76d5~6), and its e l e m e n t s behave l i k e c r a f t s m e n (777, 4 0 c 1 - 2 ; Language and Logos (Ith3C3, N . Y . , 1 9 8 2 ) , p p . 1 9 7 - 2 2 2 ; J. C o o p e r , " H y p o t h e t i c s l N e c e s s i t y 3nd N s t u r s i T e l e o l o g y , " i n A . G o t t h e l f 3nd TTvp, 5 9 3 5 - 6 ; cf. 4 7 3 6 , 4 6 e 4 ) . J. G . L e n n o x , eds., Philosophical H . v o n A r n i m , e d . , Stoicorum menta (hereafter SVF), 143-63; i n M . C . N u s s b a u m 3nd M . S c h o f i e l d , eds., SeSrj/uuovpyrj/uLevos, 3 1 3 2 - 4 ; Sep/uut Srjjuuovpyrjdev, 64 see pp. 4 8 5 - 5 8 7 ; A. Lsks snd G. W . Most, 495C) ( n o t e 10 a b o v e ) , f r . 8 3 . See i d e m , = Erasist. 9.2.1131-16; 3lso 4 . 2 . 7 3 1 9 - 2 2 . C f . M s r l e i n v s n R 3 3 l t e , [ n o t e 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 8 1 ) . P l u t a r c h ( P ) , De amore 4.2.677312- animalium 19. 2.4 ( v o l . 2, facultatibus p . 9 1 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta 62 1.11-16 ( v i , pp. 4 8 6 - 9 0 [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] , 1.2.4, p p . 1 3 4 - 2 . 3 , 4 ( v o l . 2, facultatibus p . 88 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Scripta 61 4.1.735; idem, 2.18.2 Cf. the H i p p o c m t i c plantarum treatise On Regimen Erasist. [ n o t e 10 a b o v e ] , f r . 8 2 ) . i448b2o-27; f r r . 1 3 - 1 4 Ross; p s . - A r i s t o t l e 6 0 ; i d e m , Metaphysics De causis 4 . 1 5 ( v o l . 3, p . 3 1 5 K . 2.8.199311-20; 4 . i 4 4 8 b 4 ~ 9 and 5 . 3 9 6 b n - i 2 ; T h e o p h r a s t o s De De mundo lapidus 59 4 . 3 . 3 8 ^ 6 ; idem, and veterum frag- 4 vols. (Leipzig 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 2 4 ) , v o l . 2, f r . 1 0 2 7 ( A e t i u s Placita 1.7.33); totle's Biology Issues in Aris (Csmbridge 1987), pp. 2 4 3 - 7 4 ; A . Gotthelf, "Aristotle's Conception of Finsl C a u s a l i t y , " Review of Metaphysics 30 (1976): D i o g e n e s L a e r t i u s 7 . 1 5 6 (SVF, v o l . 2, f r . 7 7 4 ) ; 2 2 6 - 5 4 ( r e p r i n t e d i n Philosophical C i c e r o De natura [above, this note], p p . 2 0 4 - 4 2 ) ; D . M . Balme, deorum fr. 1 7 1 ) ; G a l e n Methodus 2 . 5 7 (SVF, v o l . 1 , medendi 1.2 ( v o l . 10, "Teleology a n d Necessity," i n Issues Philosophical [above, this n o t e ] , p p . 2 7 5 - 9 0 ; W . K u l l - p p . 1 5 - 1 6 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] = S V F , vol.. 2, Issues fr. 4 1 1 ) ; p s . - G a l e n Historia m a n n , "Different Concepts of Final Csuse i n philosopha 6 and 8 ( v o l . 1 9 , p p . 2 4 6 , 2 5 2 K . [ n o t e 12 a b o v e ] ; Do- A r i s t o t l e , " i n A . G o t t h e l f , e d . , Aristotle on 105 106 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Nature and Living (Pittsburgh 1985), Things B o d y " ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , esp. p . 2 3 1 . C o n n e c p p . 1 6 9 - 7 5 ; G . W . M o s t , " T h e Relative Date o f T h e o p h r a s t u s ' Metaphysics," tions between the Ptolemaic r o y a l c o u r t a n d i n W . W . For- t e n b a u g h a n d R . W . S h a r p i e s , eds., s o m e e a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n scientists are w e l l at Theophras- tested: k i n g s gave H e r o p h i l o s a n d E r a s i s t r a t o s R u t g e r s U n i v e r s i t y Studies i n tean Studies, condemned criminals for vivisectory experimen Classical H u m a n i t i e s , v o l . 3 ( N e w B r u n s w i c k , t a t i o n (Celsus Medicina N.J., 1988), pp. 2 2 4 - 3 3 ; centes homines a regibus uiuos inciderint; Erasist. Teleologie - K u l l m a n n , Die w in der aristotelischen Sit- Biologie, z u n g s b e r i c h t e der H e i d e l b e r g e r A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, fr. 1 7 A ; Heroph. phil.-hist. K l . , vol. 2 (1979); [note 10 above], fr. 63a). Erasistratos pre s c r i b e d a p l a s t e r f o r a K i n g P t o l e m y w h o suf sache' b e i A r i s t o t e l e s , " Berichte passiones zur Wissen- 5 (1982): 2 5 - 3 9 ; G. Wohrle, Methode in seinen 5 . 2 . 5 0 = Erasist. Tardae fr. 267). A n d the son o f Erasistratos's teacher C h r y s i p p o s became botanischen a Ptolemaic c o u r t physician (Diogenes Laertius (Amsterdam 1985), pp. 9 0 - 9 4 ; Schriften no- acceptos fered f r o m g o u t (Caelius A u r e l i a n u s Theophrasts 7 . 1 8 6 ) , as d i d H e r o p h i l o s ' s p u p i l A n d r e a s L . Repici, " L i m i t s of Teleology i n Theophras ( P o l y b i u s 5 . 8 1 . 1 - 7 ; see Heroph., t u s ' Metaphysics?" One A p o l l o n i o s dedicated a sundial to Ptolemy Archiv fur Geschichte der 72 (1990): 1 8 2 - 2 1 3 . Philosophie P h i l a d e l p h o s (Orientis Selectae pp. 4 7 2 - 7 5 ) . Graeci Inscriptiones 2 4 ; see D i e l s , Antike Technik [note 9 above], p p . 1 7 6 - 7 8 ) , and Ktesibios dedicated a Diogenes Laertius 5.58: Strato received eighty t a l e n t s f o r t u t o r i n g P h i l a d e l p h o s . See n o t e s 3 famous r h y t o n w i t h an automatically operating a n d 4 6 a b o v e ; P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic trumpet i n honor of Arsinoe Philadelphos i n Alexan t h e t e m p l e at C a p e Z e p h y r i o n : H e d y l u s , i n v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1972), pp. 114, 3 1 1 , 322, dria, 4 2 7 - 2 8 ; Green (note 37 above), p p . 86, 88, A t h e n a e u s Deipnosophistae 494, A . S. F. G o w , The 611-12. Epigrams 74 ex carcere i d e m , " W e s e n u n d B e d e u t u n g der ' Z w e c k s u r schaftsgeschichte 73 p r o o e m i u m 2 3 : qui fr. 7 . See a l s o P l i n y Naturalis 29.5 Hellenistic ( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 6 5 ) , v o l . 1,11. 1843- t h i r d century B . C . Philon of B y z a n t i u m claims (note 10 above), historia 9 . 4 9 7 D - E ; cf. Anthology: 52, a n d v o l . 2, p p . 2 9 2 - 9 3 . A n d i n the later O n T h e o p h r a s t o s a n d E r a s i s t r a t o s , see D i o genes L a e r t i u s 5.57 = Erasist. Greek t h a t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e t e c h n o l o g y o f ar = Erasist. f r . 8; Sextus E m p i r i c u s Adversus mathe- tillery owes m u c h t o the systematic a p p l i c a t i o n maticos 1.258 = Erasist. natu- of the p r i n c i p l e o f c a l i b r a t i o n , w h i c h "the ralibus facultatibus 1 2 a b o v e ] ; Scripta f r . 5; G a l e n De minora since t h e y o b t a i n e d , f o r t h e first t i m e , a b u n d a n t [ n o t e 17 a b o v e ] , v o l . 3, p . 1 6 6 H e l m r e i c h = Erasist. p r o d u c t i o n f u n d s (μβγάλην f r . 6 ) . See tory a n d techne-friendly "Erasistratus, S t u d e n t o f T h e o p h r a s t u s ? " Bulletin of the poeica His [ = Mechanica kings" (φιλοτέχνων) Syntaxis, thanks (φιλοδοξών) (Belo- B o o k 4 ] , p . 50 T h e v e n o t = p . 1 0 8 M a r s d e n ) . Fraser ( n o t e 73 59 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 5 1 5 - 1 7 . of Medicine χορηγίαν) to the p r o v i s i o n made by a m b i t i o u s Green (note 37 above), p . 4 9 4 ; b u t for a m o r e s k e p t i c a l v i e w , cf. J. S c a r b o r o u g h , tech- i n A l e x a n d r i a have succeeded i n d o i n g nitai 2.5 ( v o l . 2 , p . 9 0 K . [ n o t e a b o v e ) , v o l . 1 , c h a p . 6, a n d p p . 3 7 1 , 4 4 6 . 75 See n o t e s 6 3 - 7 2 a b o v e a n d , e.g., P l a t o ' s c r i t i c i s m o f A n a x a g o r a s , Phaedo Aris ^ybS-^^dz; Scientists o f t h i s p e r i o d also d i s p l a y d i s p a r a t e m o r a l sensibilities. T h e E m p i r i c i s t s , f o r ex ateleological m e c h a n i s m , also i n b i o l o g i c a l c o n a m p l e , r e j e c t e d v i v i s e c t i o n as i m m o r a l a n d sci t e x t s (e.g., A r i s t o t l e De generatione entifically worthless (and they likewise spurned animalium 2 . 6 . 7 4 2 b i 7 - 2 5 , 5 . 8 . 7 8 8 b 8 - 2 9 ; cf. A r i s t o t l e De caelo 3 . 4 . 3 0 3 3 3 ^ 8 ; A r i s t o t l e De et corruptione Metaphysica generatione 1.8.324^35-326b6; Aristotle A . 4 . 9 8 5 b 4 ~ 2 2 ) . For Epicurus's a t e l e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , see, e.g., Letter Herodotus 73-74, Letter to Pythocles to 88, and L u c r e t i u s 4 . 8 2 3 - 5 7 , 5 . 1 5 6 - 2 3 4 . F o r Stoic tele o l o g y , see n o t e s 6 4 - 6 6 a b o v e a n d , e.g., SVF (note 64 above), v o l . 2, frr. 1 0 2 1 , 1 1 5 2 , 1163, 1 1 6 9 - 7 0 , 1 1 7 2 ; SVF, v o l . 3, f r r . 3 7 1 , 6 1 6 . 76 77 totle's n u m e r o u s criticisms o f D e m o k r i t o s ' s N o e v i d e n c e e x p l i c i t l y c o n n e c t s e i t h e r Erasis tratos or H e r o p h i l o s w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n M o u s e i o n as s u c h . B u t p a t r o n a g e c a n t a k e m a n y f o r m s : see Heroph. (note 10 above), p p . 2 6 - 3 0 , a n d v o n Staden, " D i s c o v e r y o f the d i s s e c t i o n as h a v i n g n o c l i n i c a l v a l u e ) . See C e l sus Medicina prooemium 40-44; Deichgraber ( n o t e 1 1 a b o v e ) , f r . 2 4 (esp. p . 1 0 5 . 2 3 - 2 9 ) , frr. 66-70. Arts of Hellenistic Alexandria: Greek and Egyptian Contributions This page intentionally left blank 109 Alexandria and the Origins of Baroque Architecture Judith McKenzie I t has generally been assumed t h a t the architecture of Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a has been lost b e y o n d recall. Sufficient of i t i n fact survives, however, t o suggest t h a t there was a classical architecture t h a t was d i s t i n c t l y A l e x a n d r i a n a n d t h a t this includes the earliest s u r v i v i n g baroque a r c h i tecture. F u r t h e r m o r e , i t can be s h o w n t h a t this architecture is reflected i n the architecture at Petra a n d i n Second Style P o m p e i a n w a l l p a i n t i n g . Finally, i t can be suggested t h a t there is a largely unrecognized c o n t i n u i t y of t r a d i t i o n of i t . T h i s paper is l i m i t e d t o a discussion o f o u r k n o w l e d g e o f the classical architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a , based o n the l i t t l e - k n o w n archaeo logical remains f o u n d i n A l e x a n d r i a itself. I t w i l l focus o n the style of ar chitecture, n o t the t o p o g r a p h y , except f o r i n i t i a l b r i e f c o m m e n t s o n the Ptolemaic c i t y l a y o u t based o n a detailed r e e x a m i n a t i o n o f the r e c o r d o f the archaeological evidence. T h u s , i t touches o n o n l y a s m a l l f r a c t i o n o f m y broader study of the architecture of A l e x a n d r i a , a p p r o x i m a t e l y f r o m 3 0 0 B . C . t o A . D . 7 0 0 , w h i c h concentrates o n the m o n u m e n t a l architec ture of the c i t y a n d the rest o f E g y p t a n d also considers the t o p o g r a p h i cal development o f the city. T h i s larger study is based o n the evidence p r o v i d e d by archaeological remains a n d t e x t u a l sources. T h e t e x t u a l sources p r o v i d e m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a n is usu ally realized a b o u t the development o f the t o p o g r a p h y o f the c i t y r i g h t t h r o u g h t o the Byzantine p e r i o d , w h i l e the archaeological remains give a p i c t u r e o f w h a t the architecture l o o k e d l i k e , at a level o f d e t a i l n o t gen erally p r o v i d e d b y the w r i t t e n sources. For a complete p i c t u r e , one needs the c o m b i n a t i o n o f t e x t u a l a n d archaeological evidence. I n c o n f i n i n g ourselves t o the latter i n this paper, we g a i n o n l y a glimpse o f the whole picture. Ptolemaic G r i d Plan T h e m o d e r n v i s i t o r t o A l e x a n d r i a always remarks o n h o w few traces apparently survive of this famous ancient city. H e visits the site of the Temple o f Serapis a n d discovers o n l y "Pompey's P i l l a r , " the sole c o l u m n i n the c i t y t h a t has survived standing t h r o u g h centuries o f earthquakes. H e finds F o r t K a i t Bey m a r k i n g the site o f the lighthouse, the Pharos, NO ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Plan of Alexandria made by M a h m o u d Bey i n 1866. F r o m M . El Falaki, Memoire I'antique sur (Copenhagen Alexandrie 1872), reproduced in G. Jondet, Atlas historique Ports d'Alexandrie de la Ville et des (Cairo 1921), p i . 37. FIG. 2 Detail of M a h m o u d Bey's plan of Alexandria showing surviving paving and columns i n 1866 ("12a" equals 330 m , cf. fig. 4). D r a w i n g by the author, based on H . Kiepert, " Z u r Topographie der alten Alexandria: N a c h M a h m u d Begs Entdeckungen," der Gesellschaft Zeitschrift fur Erdkunde zu Berlin 7 (1872): 3 3 7 - 4 9 , pi- 5, map opposite page 384. a n d discovers t h a t n o other trace o f i t remains. Even the site o f the entrance t o the Caesareum, the Temple o f Caesar, is n o longer m a r k e d by "Cleopatra's Needles." Instead, the t o u r i s t can find t h e m at h o m e , one o n the Thames E m b a n k m e n t i n L o n d o n , the other i n C e n t r a l Park i n N e w Y o r k , t o w h e r e they were r e m o v e d late i n the nineteenth century. F r o m the n i n t h t h r o u g h the fifteenth c e n t u r y the ancient ar c h i t e c t u r a l remains of the c i t y were m e t h o d i c a l l y r e m o v e d f o r reuse i n other b u i l d i n g s , such as the mosques o f C a i r o a n d even o f I s t a n b u l . 1 McKenzie FIG. T h i s process was assisted b y the earthquakes, w h i c h were p a r t i c u l a r l y 3 Plan of Alexandria made by H . Salt i n 1806. F r o m G. Valentia, Voyages and Travels to Ceylon, India, the Red Sea, Abyssinia Egypt in the Years and 1802-1806, v o l . 4 (London 1811), first fold- destructive i n the t h i r t e e n t h a n d f o u r t e e n t h centuries. 2 T h u s , few remains o f the ancient b u i l d i n g s were still s t a n d i n g by the late eighteenth c e n t u r y w h e n E u r o p e a n interest i n the t o w n began t o develop. Traces o f the l a y o u t o f the ancient c i t y were, however, still out map. Courtesy of The N e w visible. By 1 8 8 0 m o s t o f these traces h a d been b u i l t over o r destroyed by York Public Library. the m o d e r n city, b u t before this happened, they h a d been recorded i n m o r e d e t a i l t h a n is usually appreciated. I n 1 8 6 6 a n A r a b surveyor, M a h m o u d Bey, recorded the re mains o f the g r i d p l a n (fig. i ) . 3 H o w e v e r , his p l a n , a n d even its o r i e n t a t i o n , were disbelieved by the E n g l i s h archaeologist D a v i d George H o g a r t h , w h o has been f o l l o w e d b y other scholars w r i t i n g i n E n g l i s h . 4 T h e p l a n p u b l i s h e d by R i c h a r d A l l a n T o m l i n s o n was an excellent reflec t i o n o f h o w l i t t l e E n g l i s h scholars t h o u g h t was k n o w n a b o u t the p l a n . 5 T h e i r c o n t i n e n t a l colleagues were slightly less skeptical o f M a h m o u d Bey's w o r k . 6 I f one reads the t e x t t h a t M a h m o u d Bey p u b l i s h e d i n F r e n c h i n 1 8 7 2 t o a c c o m p a n y his p l a n , however, one discovers t h a t he was very careful t o r e c o r d w h e r e c o l u m n s o r p a v i n g s u r v i v e d . F u r t h e r m o r e , he a c k n o w l e d g e d (quite c o r r e c t l y ) t h a t those he was r e c o r d i n g were R o m a n rather t h a n P t o l e m a i c . These are visible o n v a r i o u s G e r m a n copies o f 7 M a h m o u d Bey's p l a n , such as those o f K i e p e r t (fig. 2) a n d Sieglin. 8 I t has n o t p r e v i o u s l y been recognized t h a t c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the accuracy o f M a h m o u d Bey's r e c o r d o f the archaeological evidence is t o be f o u n d i n the m a p made b y H e n r y Salt i n 1 8 0 6 (fig. 3 ) . T h i s p l a n was 9 made over h a l f a c e n t u r y before M a h m o u d Bey's a n d shows street lines III 112 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 4 Plan of the Ptolemaic Serapeion, Alexandria ("a" equals 27.5 m , or 1/12 X 330 m ) . D r a w i n g by the author, based on details of A . Rowe and B. R. Rees, "The Great Serapeum of Alexandria," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 39.2 (1957): 4 8 5 - 5 2 0 , plan opposite page 492. existing w h e r e M a h m o u d Bey later recorded t h e m . F u r t h e r m o r e , Salt's p l a n confirms M a h m o u d Bey's i n t e r a x i a l g r i d w i d t h o f 3 3 0 m . T h i s is the distance between the center line of each o f the m a i n n o r t h - s o u t h streets. T h i s d i m e n s i o n is three times the average used i n the Seleucid cities of S y r i a . 10 I t is notable t h a t traces of the p l a n have survived i n A l e x a n d r i a t h r o u g h the R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d Islamic periods, just as they d i d i n Syria. M o s t o f the s u r v i v i n g R o m a n remains, such as those uncov ered at K o m el D i k k a , 1 1 are b u i l t o n the same o r i e n t a t i o n as this g r i d as are m o s t Ptolemaic ones, i n c l u d i n g n o t a b l y the Serapeion. T h e h i p p o d r o m e a d j o i n i n g i t , whose existence was recorded by the N a p o l e o n i c e x p e d i t i o n as w e l l as by H e n r y Salt, was also b u i l t o n this same o r i e n t a tion. 1 2 T h i s structure, called the L a g e i o n after the father o f P t o l e m y 1, was situated southwest o f Pompey's Pillar. A l t h o u g h i t was as large as the Circus M a x i m u s i n R o m e , by the end o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y i t h a d disappeared under h o u s i n g . T h e f o u n d a t i o n s o f the Serapeion, o r Temple o f Serapis b u i l t by P t o l e m y i n a b o u t 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B . C . , have survived. T h e y are clearly m a r k e d a n d r e l i a b l y dated because P t o l e m y left f o u n d a t i o n plaques i n holes at the corners inscribed b o t h i n Greek a n d i n E g y p t i a n h i e r o - McKenzie FIG. 5 Ptolemaic architectural fragments in the Graeco-Roman Museum i n Alexandria as they appeared ca. 192.0. From E. Breccia, ad Aegyptum Alexandria (Bergamo 1922), fig. 103. glyphs. 13 O n e x a m i n i n g the p l a n f r o m Rowe's excavations, w h i c h were done i n the 1940s a n d 1950s, i t becomes apparent n o t o n l y t h a t the t e m p l e a n d its enclosure were l a i d o u t o n the same o r i e n t a t i o n as the g r i d b u t also t h a t the gross u n i t o f t h e i r p l a n , 2 7 . 5 0 m , is e x a c t l y onet w e l f t h o f the i n t e r a x i a l g r i d w i d t h recorded by M a h m o u d Bey a n d Salt (see figs. 2, 4 ) . T h i s w o u l d t e n d t o c o n f i r m the Ptolemaic o r i g i n o f the basic g r i d a n d its o r i e n t a t i o n . T h e use o f a s u b d i v i s i o n o f the street g r i d dimensions a n d the same o r i e n t a t i o n as o n the Serapeion, w h i c h is r e l i ably dated t o P t o l e m y i n , suggest t h a t the basic dimensions a n d o r i e n t a t i o n o f the street g r i d recorded by M a h m o u d Bey h a d a Ptolemaic o r i g i n . T h e y were t h e n preserved i n the R o m a n g r i d , w h i c h he recorded. W h a t the A r c h i t e c t u r e along T h e s e Streets L o o k e d Like We n o w come t o w h a t the architecture a l o n g these streets a n d inside the c o l o n n a d e d courts off t h e m l o o k e d l i k e . Some o f this a r c h i t e c t u r e , par t i c u l a r l y i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , was s i m i l a r t o t h a t at other H e l lenistic sites, such as the fragments r e p u b l i s h e d by W o l f r a m H o e p f n e r , f r o m a b u i l d i n g i n the palace a r e a . 14 F r a g m e n t s in t h e M u s e u m . T h i s paper w i l l concentrate o n the fragments i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h indicate t h a t a classical architecture developed t h a t was d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n . There are over one h u n d r e d p u b l i s h e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments preserved i n the m u s e u m t h a t were still o n display i n 1 9 8 2 (fig. 5). M a n y of these can be s h o w n t o date t o the Ptolemaic p e r i o d . M o s t o f t h e m were n o longer o n display by 1 9 9 2 , however, despite the fact t h a t they give the best available i n d i c a t i o n , at a general level, o f the a r c h i t e c t u r a l details t h a t m i g h t have been used o n Ptolemaic structures, such as the colonnades o f the ancient M o u s e i o n o r L i b r a r y . 113 114 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 6 7a 7b 7c FIG. 6 Epidauran Corinthian capital. FIGS. 7a-c Corinthian capital types. a: Type ι Alexandrian capital; b: Type n Alexandrian capital; c: Type i n Alexandrian capital. FIG. 8 Roman " n o r m a l " Corinthian capital. 8 FIG. 9a Type ι Alexandrian capital, from the Chantier Finney. Ca. second century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire du Musee greco-romain, I 9 3 5 - I 9 3 9 , pl- ΐ 5 · ΐ · FIG. 9b Type π Alexandrian capital, from 9a 9b 9c the Chantier Finney. Ca. second century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i , F r o m the fragments i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i t is possible, first, t o define specific details o f capitals and cornice types as distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n a n d , second, t o determine t h a t the earliest examples o f various n e w baroque s t r u c t u r a l features, such as halfpediments a n d curved entablatures, survive f r o m Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a . M o s t o f these fragments were loose finds, a l t h o u g h one i m p o r t a n t g r o u p , f r o m the " C h a n t i e r Finney," was f o u n d together a n d ap pears t o come f r o m one b u i l d i n g . I r e p r o d u c e d the published pieces i n The Architecture Since t h e n , Pensabene's large v o l u m e has ofPetra.* 5 appeared, w h i c h gives m a n y m o r e examples, reflecting the r e m a r k a b l e consistency o f the evidence. 16 T h e basis f o r the c h r o n o l o g y o f the t o m b s i n A l e x a n d r i a has been given elsewhere. 17 Suffice i t t o say t h a t w h e n the t o m b s are re-examined i n detail, i t becomes clear t h a t w h i l e m o s t of t h e m c a n n o t Annuaire du Musee greco-romain, 1935-1939, pl. 16.1. FIG. 9c Type i n Alexandrian capital, from the Chantier Finney. Ca. second century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire du Musee I 9 3 5 - I 9 3 9 , pl- 17-4- greco-romain, McKenzie FIG. 10 Type i v Alexandrian capital. 1 0 FIG. 11 Type IV Alexandrian capita. Ca. Type i v Alexandrian capital. Ca. second century B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m . From K . Ronczewski, "Kapitelle des El Hasne i n Petra," Anzeiger, FIG. Archaologischer 1932, 3 7 - 9 0 , fig. 22. 12 Acanthus c o l u m n base, from the Chantier Finney. Ca. second century B . C . Alexandria, GraecoR o m a n M u s e u m . From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire du Musee I I I 2 greco-romain, I935-I939, pl- 16.6. r e l i a b l y be dated t o w i t h i n a p p r o x i m a t e l y a q u a r t e r o f a century, i t is generally clear w h e t h e r they are Ptolemaic o r R o m a n , d a t i n g t o the t h i r d o r second c e n t u r y B . C . rather t h a n the first c e n t u r y A . D . For e x a m p l e , T o m b 2 at M u s t a f a Pasha is dated t o a b o u t the second c e n t u r y B . C . , based o n the evidence o f the coins, p o t t e r y , a n d epigraphy. T o m b s 1 a n d 3 at M u s t a f a Pasha are close t o i t i n date. Based o n a c o m p a r i s o n w i t h these, the g r o u p o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney, w h i c h was i n the area o f the palace quarter, m a y be dated t o a b o u t the second c e n t u r y B.C. 1 8 Capitals. T h e C o r i n t h i a n capitals s u r v i v i n g i n A l e x a n d r i a f r o m the Ptolemaic p e r i o d f a l l i n t o a n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t types. T h e first three are related t o t h a t used o n the T h o l o s at E p i d a u r o s . L i k e i t (fig. 6 ) , the A l e x a n d r i a n ones have the helices s p r i n g i n g d i r e c t l y f r o m the c o l l a r of acanthus leaves (fig. 7 a - c ) . By c o n t r a s t , the R o m a n " n o r m a l " C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l is characterized b y the sheath called a c a u l i c u l u s , f r o m w h i c h the helices a n d corner volutes s p r i n g together (fig. 8). T h e A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n capitals were classified by R o n czewski. 19 T y p e 1, w h i c h has the helices facing each o t h e r , 20 includes some examples f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney b u i l d i n g (see figs. 7a, 9 a ) . I t also h a d examples o f Type π o n w h i c h the helices are back t o b a c k (see figs. 7 b , 9 b ) . O n Type 111 the helices are again back t o b a c k 2 2 21 but s p r i n g f r o m f u r t h e r a p a r t , as seen o n the C h a n t i e r F i n n e y examples (see figs. 7c, 9c). T y p e i v capitals are characterized by the lack o f a c o l l a r o f acanthus leaves a n d b y the corner volutes c o n t i n u i n g i n t o spirals back t o back i n place o f the helices. 23 Some examples o f this type are c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h the examples o f the other types f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney (figs. 10, 11). A l s o s u p p o r t i n g one o f the capitals f r o m this b u i l d i n g was an acanthus c o l u m n base (fig. 1 2 ) . These were c o m m o n i n A l e x a n d r i a are f o u n d later at other sites i n the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . 2 4 and 115 116 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 13 15 14 Cornices. T h e capitals f r o m the C h a n t i e r Finney b u i l d i n g sup p o r t e d cornices w i t h the d i s t i n c t i v e l y n a r r o w , flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s a n d square h o l l o w m o d i l l i o n s (figs. 13, 14). M a n y o f these m o d i l l i o n FIG. I 3 Underside of m o d i l l i o n cornice of Alexandrian Corinthian order. cornices survive i n A l e x a n d r i a . By contrast, a t y p i c a l R o m a n cornice FIG. does n o t have these p l a i n m o d i l l i o n s b u t is m o r e ornate (fig. 15). These Fragment of m o d i l l i o n cornice 2 5 m o d i l l i o n types are d i s t i n c t i v e t o the architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d are f o u n d o n l y at sites influenced by i t . T h e y have a l o n g c o n t i n u i t y i n 14 block, from the Chantier Finney. Ca. second century B . C . Alexan dria, Graeco-Roman Museum. From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire E g y p t , as is s h o w n below. Mew B a r o q u e S t r u c t u r a l Features. T h e fragments i n the Musee greco-romain, p l . 15.5. G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m also include the earliest s u r v i v i n g examples of b a r o q u e f o r m s of pediments a n d entablatures. I t s h o u l d first be ex p l a i n e d w h a t is m e a n t b y " b a r o q u e " i n this c o n t e x t . T h e n o r m a l ancient FIG. 15 Roman Corinthian order. Greek m e t h o d o f b u i l d i n g , used o n the Greek temples such as the Par t h e n o n i n A t h e n s , i n v o l v e d a p o s t - a n d - l i n t e l system o f straight stone o r t i m b e r beams w i t h a t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t (fig. 16). By contrast, " b a r o q u e " architecture involves b r e a k i n g away f r o m this system. T h e architecture is treated as a facade, a n d n e w s t r u c t u r a l elements are i n t r o d u c e d , such as the half-pediments f r a m i n g the c i r c u l a r structure de p i c t e d i n the H o u s e o f the L a b y r i n t h i n P o m p e i i a n d carved o n the K h a s n e h at Petra (figs. 1 7 - 1 9 ) . T h e first stage i n the development of b a r o q u e architecture is the a t t a c h m e n t o f pilasters o r c o l u m n s t o a w a l l ; the w a l l is treated as a facade. T h i s began i n Greece by the fifth c e n t u r y B.C. 2 6 T h e develop m e n t t h a t appears t o have o c c u r r e d i n A l e x a n d r i a is the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the b a r o q u e f o r m s o f pediments a n d e n t a b l a t u r e s . 27 These include the h a l f - p e d i m e n t , segmental p e d i m e n t (fig. 2 0 ) , a n d c u r v e d entablature. FIG. 16 Triangular pediment. du 1935-1939, McKenzie FIG. 17 Broken pediment consisting of t w o half-pediments of single pitch. FIG. 18 Roman w a l l painting from the House of the L a b y r i n t h , Pompeii. First century B.C. I 8 FIG. 19 The Khasneh, Petra. F I G . 2 0 F I G . 20 Segmental pediment. I 9 20 117 118 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA T h e earliest s u r v i v i n g examples o f these are i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u FIG. 2 1 Half-pediment. Hellenistic. seum i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e h a l f - p e d i m e n t a n d curved entablature illus Alexandria, Graeco-Roman t r a t e d here (figs. 2 1 - 2 3 ) b o t h have a H e l l e n i s t i c date, based o n t h e i r Museum. F r o m P. Pensabene, l o n g , n a r r o w dentils. N o t e the distinctive A l e x a n d r i a n m o d i l l i o n s , w h i c h "Lastre di chiusura d i loculi con naiskoi Egizi e stele funerarie con never occur i n R o m a n architecture. T h e segmental p e d i m e n t i l l u s t r a t e d ritratto del Museo d i Alessandria," is f r o m C h a m b e r 2 o f T o m b 2 at Anfushy, w h i c h is p r o b a b l y late H e l in Alessandria lenistic (fig. 2 4 ) . ellenistico-romano: di A. Adriani, H a n s L a u t e r has suggested t h a t the s t i m u l a t i o n f o r b r e a k i n g e il mondo Studi in onore v o l . ι (Rome 1983), pp. 9 1 - 1 1 9 , figs. 8, 9. away f r o m the r i g i d p o s t - a n d - l i n t e l system was p r o v i d e d b y l o c a l Egyp tian influence. 28 For e x a m p l e , the curved shape f o r m e d b y the b e n d i n g o f canes w o u l d result i n a segmental p e d i m e n t rather t h a n a t r i a n g u l a r one. A s i m i l a r E g y p t i a n o r i g i n can be suggested f o r the acanthus c o l u m n base. T h e distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n architecture is observed at other sites influenced b y i t . O f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e is I r a q a l - A m i r i n J o r d a n , f i r m l y dated t o the early second c e n t u r y B . C . T h e recent f u l l p u b l i c a t i o n FIG. 22 Half-pediment. Hellenistic. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum. F r o m H . von Hesberg, " L o sviluppo delPordine corinzio i n eta tardo-republicano," i n decoratif LArt a Rome: A la fin de la Republique et au debut du Princi- of i t confirms the existence by this date of a distinctively A l e x a n d r i a n ar pat, table ronde, Rome 1 0 - 1 1 chitecture, i n c l u d i n g even the use o f the Ptolemaic c u b i t as its basic u n i t M a y 1979 (Rome 1981), pp. 1 9 - of d e s i g n . 29 I t has A l e x a n d r i a n decorative details, such as C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l types, as w e l l as acanthus c o l u m n bases. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Khasneh at Petra a n d the a r c h i tecture depicted i n Second Style Pompeian w a l l p a i n t i n g has l o n g been a m y s t e r y (see figs. 18, 19). T h i s is because the w a l l paintings are dated t o the first c e n t u r y B . C . , w h e n there is n o c o n t e m p o r a r y R o m a n baroque architecture. T h e c h r o n o l o g y o f the Khasneh at Petra has, however, n o w been slightly c l a r i f i e d , 30 c o n f i r m i n g t h a t i t is a p p r o x i m a t e l y c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h the w a l l p a i n t i n g s . T h e y are i n fact b o t h a reflection o f the architec ture of A l e x a n d r i a . 31 T h e w a l l p a i n t i n g s include decorative details, such as the h o l l o w m o d i l l i o n s , w h i c h are never used i n R o m a n a r c h i t e c t u r e . 32 3 3 , % · 35· McKenzie FIG. 23 Vertically curved entablature. Hellenistic. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m . From R Pensabene, "Lastre d i chiusura di loculi con naiskoi Egizi e stele funerarie con ritratto del Museo di Alessan d r i a , " i n Alessandria ellenistico-romano: di A. Adriani, e il mondo Studi in onore vol. i (Rome 1983), pp. 91-119, figs. 3, 4. FIG. 24 Segmental pediment, from Tomb 2, Anfushy, Alexandria. From A . A d r i a n i , Annuaire greco-romain, FIG. du Musee 1 9 4 0 - 1 9 5 0 , fig. 40. 25 The M a r k e t Gate, Miletos. Second century A . D . Berlin, Pergamon Museum. By contrast, w h e n the R o m a n s started using b a r o q u e struc t u r a l features, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the second c e n t u r y A . D . , they d i d n o t use the A l e x a n d r i a n decorative details o f c a p i t a l a n d cornice types, b u t t h e i r o w n . T h e b e s t - k n o w n examples o f R o m a n b a r o q u e architecture have survived i n T u r k e y , f r o m the early second c e n t u r y A . D . , such as the M a r k e t Gate f r o m M i l e t o s , w h i c h has a b r o k e n p e d i m e n t ; i t is n o w i n the Pergamon M u s e u m i n B e r l i n (fig. 2 5 ) . T h e L i b r a r y o f Celsus at Ephesos has segmental p e d i m e n t s . 33 B o t h structures consist o f an a r t i c u l a t e d fa cade, w i t h the entablatures b r o k e n f o r w a r d , as earlier seen o n the facade 119 120 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 26a Broken-pediment niche head, from House 9, M a r i n a el-Alamein. F r o m W . Daszewski et ah, Marina el-Alamein: Archaeological Background Problems, and Conservation v o l . i (Warsaw r 9 9 i ) , p . 26, fig. 1 1 . FIG. 26b Broken-pediment niche head, from House 9, M a r i n a el-Alamein. From W . Daszewski et al., Marina el-Alamein: Archaeological Background Problems, and front cover. of the K h a s n e h at Petra. T h e Temple o f H a d r i a n at Ephesos has an arched e n t a b l a t u r e . 34 N o t e the o r d i n a r y R o m a n c a p i t a l a n d cornice types o n these examples. CoontDimyDty o f ADexairocllnaim Amchotectuire M e a n w h i l e , at sites under the influence o f A l e x a n d r i a there is a s t r o n g c o n t i n u i t y o f its architecture. T h e Palazzo delle C o l o n n e at Ptolemais i n L i b y a has A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l types as w e l l as b r o k e n p e d i ments decorated w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s . 35 Similarly, at Cyrene i n L i b y a i n the first c e n t u r y A . D . A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l types were u s e d . 36 I n C y p r u s the A l e x a n d r i a n influence is visible i n the Hellenistic a n d early R o m a n capitals a n d c o r n i c e s . 37 A t M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n , near the site o f the W o r l d W a r n battle a b o u t a h u n d r e d k m west o f A l e x a n d r i a , there has recently been m u c h b u i l d i n g activity, d u r i n g w h i c h a very i m p o r t a n t niche head was uncovered (figs. 26a, b ) . I t consists of a b r o k e n p e d i m e n t f r a m i n g a c o n c h a n d is decorated w i t h square h o l l o w a n d flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s . I t has been suggested t h a t i t is dated t o the first century A.D. 3 8 D i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n architecture continues i n E g y p t i n t o the late antique a n d early C h r i s t i a n periods i n the so-called C o p t i c a r c h i tecture o f the E g y p t i a n Christians. These b r o k e n - p e d i m e n t niche heads d o n o t survive outside E g y p t after the R o m a n p e r i o d . M a n y examples o f these niche heads are f o u n d at the sites a l o n g the N i l e (fig. 2 7 ) . Examples decorated w i t h square h o l l o w o r flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s survive at A h n a s , O x y r h y n c h u s , A s h m u n e i n , a n d i n situ i n the l i t t l e - k n o w n c h u r c h at D e i r e z - Z a w i a h . Such niche heads even survived at B a w i t a n d S a q q a r a . 39 These niche heads were also carved as far s o u t h as Sohag o n the so-called W h i t e M o n a s t e r y , 40 w h i c h was the m a i n c h u r c h o f the m o n a s t e r y c o m p l e x . M y detailed, first-hand e x a m i n a t i o n o f the c h u r c h structure reveals t h a t the niche heads were made f o r i t a n d c o n t e m p o - Conservation v o l . 1 (Warsaw 1991), McKenzie FIG. 27 Broken-pediment niche head, from Egypt. Late antique. Berlin, M u s e u m fur Spatantike und Byzantinische Kunst. FIG. 28 M o d i l l i o n cornice from the W h i t e Monastery at Sohag. Ca. A . D . 440. r a r y w i t h the m o d i l l i o n cornice (fig. 2 8 ) , w h i c h runs a r o u n d the inside o f the b u i l d i n g i n situ above the i n s c r i b e d l i n t e l , w h i c h is dated t o a b o u t A . D . 440. 4 1 T h e c h u r c h was b u i l t by the E g y p t i a n a b b o t Shenute, w h o w e n t t o the C o u n c i l o f Ephesos w i t h C y r i l o f A l e x a n d r i a . T h e n o t i c e a b l y A l e x a n d r i a n a n d classical influence o n this architecture accords w i t h re cent, m o r e detailed reevaluations o f the w r i t i n g s o f Shenute, w h i c h c o n t a i n a greater k n o w l e d g e o f Greek c u l t u r e t h a n has p r e v i o u s l y been appreciated. 42 O n C o p t i c b u i l d i n g s f u r t h e r s o u t h , such as the churches at D e n d e r a a n d L u x o r , the flat g r o o v e d m o d i l l i o n s survive i n t o the fifth o r s i x t h century. T h e c o n t i n u i t y o f the d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n classical a r c h i tecture at these sites clearly has serious i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the h i s t o r y o f the d e v e l o p m e n t o f early C h r i s t i a n architecture i n E g y p t . I t suggests t h a t the so-called C o p t i c architecture perhaps m o r e d i r e c t l y reflects the late a n t i q u e and early C h r i s t i a n architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a t h a n has been recognized, a n d perhaps there is n o t the a m o u n t o f influence f r o m C o n s t a n t i n o p l e t h a t is usually assumed. I t is o n l y n o w since the charac teristic features o f the Ptolemaic classical architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a have been defined t h a t i t has been possible t o ascertain the strength o f its c o n t i n u i t y . Just as there is a c o n t i n u i t y o f the d i s t i n c t i v e l y A l e x a n d r i a n architecture i n E g y p t itself, so there is also a c o n t i n u i t y o f the d e p i c t i o n of i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the east. T h e b r o k e n - p e d i m e n t niche head f r o m M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n c o n f i r m s the a l l u s i o n t h a t s i m i l a r structures m a k e t o A l e x a n d r i a , for e x a m p l e , the i v o r y f r o m the s i x t h o r seventh cen t u r y A . D . t h a t is n o w i n M i l a n a n d depicts Saint M e n a s , whose shrine was at A b u M e n a s west o f A l e x a n d r i a . T h i s m o t i f is also used o n the 4 3 121 122 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA s i x t h - c e n t u r y Rossana Gospels t o frame Saint M a r k , w h o is credited w i t h evangelizing A l e x a n d r i a . 4 4 T h e d e p i c t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l m o t i f s occurs par t i c u l a r l y o n gospel m a n u s c r i p t s , such as those o f the A r m e n i a n , Syriac, a n d E t h i o p i a n churches, w h e r e the c i r c u l a r structure is related t o t h a t i n the P o m p e i a n w a l l p a i n t i n g s , w i t h the tent r o o f c r o w n e d b y a c a p i t a l . 45 T h e M o n o p h y s i t e churches, independent o f influence f r o m C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , appear t o have p r o v i d e d the c o n t a c t f o r this c o n t i n u i t y . I n the e i g h t h century, Islamic w a l l mosaics i n the Great M o s q u e i n Damascus depict the t w o - s t o r e y b u i l d i n g w i t h half-pediments. A l t h o u g h m u c h later t h a n the R o m a n w a l l p a i n t i n g s , the scenes i n the Great M o s q u e bear a r e m a r k a b l e s i m i l a r i t y — n o t o n l y i n details b u t also i n the types o f scenes—to the w a l l p a i n t i n g s , such as the r o o m f r o m Boscoreale near P o m p e i i , n o w i n the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m i n N e w Y o r k . I n b o t h , the same types o f scenes are c o m b i n e d : m o n u m e n t a l ar chitecture, cityscapes, a n d garden scenes. 46 T h e strength o f c o n t i n u i t y o f the architecture o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d o f its d e p i c t i o n i n the east w o u l d suggest t h a t A l e x a n d r i a perhaps r e m a i n e d m o r e active a r t i s t i c a l l y t h a n is generally assumed. T h i s is cer t a i n l y suggested b y the Byzantine texts p e r t a i n i n g t o c h u r c h b u i l d i n g i n the f o u r t h a n d fifth centuries, w h i c h I have recently been a n a l y z i n g i n de tail. 4 7 F u r t h e r m o r e , the spectacular D i o n y s o s tapestry o f the f o u r t h cen t u r y A . D . c o n f i r m s the p i c t u r e given by the textiles recently i l l u s t r a t e d b y Rutschowscaya t h a t H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t u r e , w h i c h began i n E g y p t w i t h the f o u n d a t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a , h a d a s t r o n g c o n t i n u i t y a l o n g the N i l e . 4 8 Before c o n c l u d i n g , i t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t i n the later ar chitecture o f the Renaissance a n d Baroque periods (Baroque w i t h an u p percase JB), the b a r o q u e s t r u c t u r a l elements t h a t h a d first been used i n Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a were again used, as they h a d been by the R o m a n s . For e x a m p l e , o n the Basilica o f Saint Peter i n R o m e , the segmental p e d i ments are used, the earliest examples o f w h i c h survive i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h u s , the a r c h i t e c t u r a l fragments once displayed i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a are the earliest reflection o f the lost architecture o f Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a : the inventive source f r o m w h i c h are derived b o t h early a n d later b a r o q u e architecture. These frag ments are also the m o s t accurate i n d i c a t i o n at a general level o f w h a t the a r c h i t e c t u r a l decorative details o f specific Ptolemaic b u i l d i n g s m i g h t have been l i k e , such as the colonnades o f the M o u s e i o n o r the L i b r a r y . The University of Sydney S Y D N EY, A U S T R A L I A McKenzie Notes 1 E . g . , M o s q u e o f S u l e y m a n i y e : J. M . R o g e r s , esp. 2 6 9 . Seleucid b l o c k sizes: T o m l i n s o n ( n o t e " T h e Stones o f S u l e y m a n i y e , " 5 above), p. 228. Journal of Middle 7 1 - 8 6 , esp. East International 14 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : Studies I I 75-79- Polish excavations w i t h g r i d m a r k e d : B. T k a czow, "Badania nad 'mapa archeologiczna' 2 P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic antycznej A l e k s a n d r i i , " i n M . B e r n h a r d , ed., vol. 1 (Ox Alexandria, Starcizytna f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 8.. Aleksandria w badaniach polskich ( W a r s a w 1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 4 7 - 5 7 , fig. 4 . R o d z i e w i c z 3 M . el F a l a k i , Memoire sur Vantique (note 8 above), p. 19, p l a n 1; i d e m , " L e debat Alexandrie sur la t o p o g r a p h i e de la v i l l e a n t i q u e , " i n R . I I - (Copenhagen 1872). b e r t , e d . , Alexandrie 4 D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , Revue "Report o n Prospects of Research i n A l e x a n d r i a , " tract from Egypt the Archaeological Exploration Report e s deux musulman mondes = et de la Medi- 4 6 . 4 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 3 8 - 4 8 , esp. 4 5 ; W . A . Daszewski, " N o t e s o n the T o p o g r a p h y o f Ptole the ( L o n d o n 1895?), Fund terranee Ex of entre de I'occident m a i c A l e x a n d r i a , " i n Alessandria P- e il mondo vol. 1 (Rome 1983), pp. 5 4 - ellenistico-romano, p p . 1 7 - 1 8 . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t H o g a r t h d i d n o t have a c o p y o f el F a l a k i ' s p u b l i c a t i o n b u t a 6 9 , esp. 6 3 ; W . K o l a t a j , Imperial "manuscript t r a n s l a t i o n " of it p r o v i d e d by A d el-Dikka (Warsaw Baths at Kom de I'Egypte, vol. 1992). m i r a l B l o o m f i e l d . Fraser ( n o t e 2 a b o v e ) , p . 1 3 . 12 5 R . A . T o m l i n s o n , From Mycenae tinople: of the Ancient The Evolution to M . S a i n t - G e n i s , i n Description 5 (Paris), p p . 3 2 8 - 3 7 , p i . 3 9 . A , fig. 2; V a l e n t i a Constan (note 9 above). P h o t o g r a p h of part: E. Sieglin, City Expedition ( L o n d o n 1992), fig. on p. 46. Ernst Sieglin: K6m-esch-Schukdfa, 6 E . g . , A . A d r i a n i , Repertorio d'arte von 1 9 - 2 0 , p i . X ; J. H . H u m p h r e y , Roman dell'Egitto C, v o l . 1 ( t e x t ) ( P a l e r m o greco-romano Die Nekropole vol. 1 (Leipzig 1908), pp. (London 1986), pp. 1963- Circuses 505-13. 1 9 6 6 ) , fig. 1; B. T k a c z o w , r e p r o d u c e d i n I3 P. Pensabene, " E l e m e n t i d i A r c h i t e t t u r a A l e s s a n d r i n a , " Studi [ 1 9 9 1 ] ) : 2 9 - 8 5 , fig. 8 2 ; W . H o e p f n e r E . - L . S c h w a n d n e r , Haus schen Griechenland und Stadt d'Alexandrie and im A . R o w e , " N e w E x c a v a t i o n s at ' P o m p e y ' s P i l l a r , ' " Bulletin 28 ( 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 8 5 miscellanei de la Societe ery of the Famous klassi- rapis ( M u n i c h 1994), pp. 2 3 5 - royale d'archeologie 35 ( 1 9 4 2 ) : 1 2 4 - 6 1 ; i d e m , Temple Discov and Enclosure of Se supplement aux Annales d u at Alexandria, Service des A n t i q u i t e s de I ' E g y p t e , c a h i e r n o . 2 5 6 . See also n o t e 1 1 b e l o w . ( C a i r o 1 9 4 6 ) ; A . R o w e a n d B . R . Rees, " T h e 7 El Falaki (note 3 above), pp. 1 8 - 2 3 , G r e a t S e r a p e u m o f A l e x a n d r i a , " Bulletin 27. John 8 Rylands Library, Manchester H . K i e p e r t , " Z u r T o p o g r a p h i e der a l t e n A l e x a n 4 8 5 - 5 2 0 , plan opp. p. 492. M . Sabottka, S e r a p e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a " ( P h . D . diss., B e r l i n , Berlin der Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde d z i e w i c z , Les Habitations d'Alexandrie romains Technische Universitat, 1 9 8 5 ) . zu 14 W . H o e p f n e r , Zwei tuts, Athenische A b t e i l u n g , Beiheft 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) ; L . B o r c h a r d t , " V o n einer the Red and Travels Sea, Abyssinia and India, Ceylon, Egypt in the Years 1802-1806, de Geogr. B a u s t e l l e , " Bulletin to d'archeologie alexandrinischen de la Societe royale 8 (1905): d'Alexandrie 1-6. vol. 4 (London 1 8 1 1 ) ; r e p r o d u c e d i n G . J o n d e t , Atlas de la Ville et des Ports Mit Ptolemaierbauten, t e i l u n g e n des D e u t s c h e n A r c h a o l o g i s c h e n I n s t i - tardives (Warsaw 1984), p. 365. H . Salt, i n G . V a l e n t i a , Voyages Sultan, "Das 7 ( 1 8 7 2 ) : 3 3 7 - 4 9 , ° P P - P- 3^4* p i - 5 m a p ; Sieglin's m a p is r e p r o d u c e d i n M . R o - d'Alexandrie, bistorique Mem. 15 Soc. J. S. M c K e n z i e , The Architecture f o r d 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 6 9 - 7 5 , pis- of Petra (Ox 199-2,18. 2 (Cairo 1921), p i . 28. 16 10 the d r i a : N a c h M a h m u d Begs E n t d e c k u n g e n , " Zeitschrift 9 of 39.2 (1957): P. Pensabene, Elementi architettonici di Ales sandria R o m a n Syria: Some N e w Considerations," e x c e l l e n t s u m m a r y o f t h i s is g i v e n i n Pensabene Damaszener Mitteilungen 1 (1983): 269-77, e di altri siti Egiziani (Rome 1993). A n A v e r a g e : F. E . Peters, " C i t y P l a n n i n g i n G r e c o - (note 6 above). 123 124 ARTS OF 17 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 6 3 - 6 9 , 7 8 . 36 G. R. H . W r i g h t , "Architectural Fragments f r o m t h e P e r i s t y l e , " i n J. H . H u m p h r e y , e d . , 18 Apollonia: M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 6 9 . pp. 19 K . R o n c z e w s k i , " L e s c h a p i t e a u x c o r i n t h i e n s et varies d u musee g r e c o - r o m a i n Bulletin de la Societe (1927): royale d'Alexandrie," 37 d'archeologie A t p r e s e n t t h e s u b j e c t o f a D . P h i l , thesis b y P i p p a V a n d e r s t a r at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f O x f o r d . s u p p l e m e n t d u fascicule 2 2 d'Alexandrie, 3-36. 38 W . D a s z e w s k i et a l . , Marina chaeological 20 (Tripoli 1976), The Port of Cyrene 189-223. M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 0 - 7 2 , p i s . Problems, i 9 9 ~ 2 0 3 d ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 2 6 , 26-27. Background el-Alamein: and Ar Conservation vol. 1 (Warsaw 1991), pp. 23, 2 7 , 28 e x c l u d i n g n o . 1 9 6 , p i . 2 9 . 39 21 E . g . , A h n a s : U . M o n n e r e t de V i l l a r d , La 2 0 4 ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i . 3 7 e x c l u d O x y r h y n c h u s : E . B r e c c i a , Le Musee ing nos. 2 7 4 - 7 5 , romain 277. Scul- ( M i l a n 1 9 2 3 ) , figs. 9 , 4 8 B ; tura ad Ahnas M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 2 , p i s . 2 0 3 c - d'Alexandrie greco(Bergamo 1931-1932 1933), p i . 47.124; Ashmunein: A . Wace, 22 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 2 , p i s . 2 0 5 - A . M e g a w , a n d T . Skeat, Hermopolis 2 0 6 b ; Pensabene ( n o t e 16 a b o v e ) , p i . 35 e x c l u d Ashmunein i n g n o . 2 5 7 , p i . 36 nos. D e i r e z - Z a w i a h : F. D u f e y , " U n g r o u p e de c i n q 263-68. Magna: ( A l e x a n d r i a 1 9 5 9 ) , p i s . 2 5 . 2 , 3; s o m m e t s - d e - n i c h e s c u l p t e s : Eglise d ' A b b a 23 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 2 - 7 3 , p i . 2 0 7 ; A t h a n a s i o s el A p o s t o l o s a D e i r e z - Z a w i a h , " i n Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 3 9 - 4 1 . M . R a s s a r t - D e b e r g h a n d J. Ries, eds., Actes iv e 24 Congres Copte du vol. 1 (Louvain 1992), M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 7 3 , p i . 2 0 8 ; Pen p p . 6 9 - 7 7 ; B a w i t : G . D u t h u i t , La sabene ( n o t e 16 a b o v e ) , p i . 8 7 . Copte Sculpture (Paris 1 9 3 1 ) , p i . 3 6 b ; S a q q a r a : J. E . Q u i - b e l l , Excavations 25 1988, at Saqqara in, 1907-1908 (Cairo 1909), p i . 37.2. M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 3 - 7 4 , p i s . 2 1 1 1 4 ; Pensabene ( n o t e 1 6 a b o v e ) , p i s . 9 2 - 9 9 , 1 0 1 . 40 26 M . L y t t e l t o n , Baroque Architecture in Niches sculpte du Convent ( C a i r o 1 9 7 6 ) , niches nos. et frises 8 - 1 0 , 34, 42. ( L o n d o n 1974), p. 38. Antiquity P. A k e r m a n n , Le Decor Blanc: Classical 41 Basis f o r d a t e o f i n s c r i b e d l i n t e l , see M o n n e r e t 27 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 7 - 9 2 . 28 H . Lauter, "Ptolemais i n Libyen: Ein Beitrag has been l i t t l e d i s a g r e e m e n t a b o u t t h e d a t e o f z u r B a u k u n s t A l e x a n d r i a s , " Jahrbuch the lintel, b u t considerable v a r i a t i o n i n the de V i l l a r d ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 8 - 2 2 . T h e r e Deutschen Arch'dologiscben Instituts des dates g i v e n t o t h e n i c h e heads f r o m t h e f i f t h t o 86 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : the seventh century A . D . 1 4 9 - 7 8 , esp. 1 7 2 . 29 E . W i l l et a l . , Iraq biade Hyrcan al-Amir: Le chateau du to- 42 H . N . T a k l a , St. Shenouda His (Paris 1 9 9 1 ) ; M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 Life and Times the Archimandrite: (Los Angeles 1987), pp. 8 - 1 2 ; T. O r l a n d i , "Coptic Literature," i n above), p . 7 7 , pis. 223c, d. B . A . P e a r s o n a n d J. E . G o e h r i n g , eds., Roots 30 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 33-53. 31 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 5 - 1 0 1 . 32 M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 9 4 , p i . 2 2 7 a . of Egyptian The (Philadelphia Christianity 1 9 8 6 ) : 5 1 - 8 1 , esp. 6 9 . 43 K . W e i t z m a n n , " T h e Ivories o f the So-called G r a d o C h a i r , " Dumbarton Oaks Papers 26 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 4 3 - 9 1 , p i . 5. 33 L y t t e l t o n (note 26 above), p i . 1 9 1 . 34 L y t t e l t o n (note 26 above), p i . 179. 35 G . Pesce, i7 "Palazzo maide di Cirenaica delle Colonne" in 44 I b i d . , p i . 18. 45 P. U n d e r w o o d , " T h e F o u n t a i n o f L i f e , " Tole- barton ( R o m e 1950); Lauter (note Oaks Papers Dum 5 (1950): 4 3 - 1 3 8 , pis. 3 4 - 38, 53-54- 28 a b o v e ) ; M c K e n z i e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 5 77, pis. 219-233. 46 K . A . C . C r e s w e l l , Early Muslim Architecture, McKenzie 2 n d edn., v o l . i ( O x f o r d 1969); R. L i n g , man 47 Painting Ro (Cambridge 1991), fig. 27. T h i s w i l l be p u b l i s h e d , a l o n g w i t h d e t a i l e d v e r s i o n s o f a l l o f t h e aspects c o v e r e d i n t h i s p a p e r , i n The Architecture of Alexandria (forthcoming). 48 M . - H . R u t s c h o w s c a y a , Coptic Fabrics 1990), pp. 8 2 - 1 1 8 . G. Bowersock, in Late Antiquity (Paris Hellenism (Ann A r b o r 1990), pp. 5 1 - 6 9 , discusses n o t o n l y t h e t a p e s t r y a n d its i m p l i c a t i o n s b u t also l i t e r a t u r e i n E g y p t . 125 This page intentionally left blank 127 From the Double Crown to the Double Pediment John Onians We are used t o seeing the Pantheon (fig. i ) as a R o m a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a Greek t r a d i t i o n , b u t i t m a y be just as a p p r o p r i a t e t o see some o f w h a t we t h i n k o f as essentially R o m a n i n this b u i l d i n g as essentially E g y p t i a n . T h i s paper proposes t h a t an E g y p t i a n architecture was developed i n the N i l e Valley i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d i n conscious o p p o s i t i o n t o the i m p o r t e d Greek t r a d i t i o n , a n d that i t was there ready t o be used f o r s i m i l a r purposes by the country's n e w conquerors, the R o m a n s . I t also argues t h a t the p s y c h o l o g i c a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l f r a m e w o r k t h a t a l l o w e d the E g y p tians t o develop their n e w anti-Greek style was deeply embedded i n the E g y p t i a n m i n d since the first dynasties. T h e basic p r o p o s i t i o n of this paper, a l l u d e d t o i n the h i e r o g l y p h i c o f the t i t l e , is t h a t the a l t e r n a t i n g p e d i m e n t d e c o r a t i o n of the Pantheon i n t e r i o r is a direct descendant of the Pharaoh's d o u b l e c r o w n . T h e attitudes t o geography, history, art, a n d u l t i m a t e l y t o c u l t u r e t h a t a l l o w e d the f o r m u l a t i o n a n d development of this t r a d i t i o n i n E g y p t a n d its inheritance by the R o m a n s were n o t o n l y alien t o Greek views b u t c o n s t i t u t e d a c r i t i q u e of Greek c u l t u r e a n d an i l l u s t r a t i o n of some o f its f u n d a m e n t a l l i m i t a t i o n s . T h i s a r g u m e n t m a y n o t please everyone. We like t o p r i d e o u r selves o n being heirs t o a distinctively Greek t r a d i t i o n and are especially p r o u d o f the w a y o u r great i n t e l l e c t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are based o n theirs. N o w h e r e is this m o r e true t h a n i n the G e t t y M u s e u m , w h i c h can c l a i m an unusually direct descent t h r o u g h the V i l l a dei P a p i r i f r o m the M o u seion a n d L i b r a r y at A l e x a n d r i a . I t is certainly f r o m the scholars of the M o u s e i o n t h a t the West i n h e r i t e d its confidence t h a t i t h a d l i t t l e t o learn f r o m non-Greeks. Yet the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y themselves can o n l y be e x p l a i n e d as conscious i m i t a t i o n s by the Greek invaders of E g y p t i a n i n s t i t u t i o n s . I n the Greek w o r l d there was n o t r a d i t i o n of b u i l d i n g s hous i n g c o m m u n i t i e s o f scholars w o r k i n g o n large collections o f texts. I n E g y p t every great temple h a d its staff of priests a n d its papyrus l i b r a r y . Greece may, i n the schools of the Sophists a n d philosophers, p r o v i d e the m o d e l f o r the Western teaching i n s t i t u t i o n s , b u t the u l t i m a t e m o d e l f o r the great Western research i n s t i t u t i o n s is E g y p t i a n . Such a p o i n t o f v i e w is difficult f o r us t o accept. I t is h a r d f o r us t o t u r n the c l o c k back a n d open o u r m i n d s t o E g y p t , t o v i e w i t n o t 128 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Interior of the Pantheon, Rome. Ca. A . D . 120. Photo by N . Batcock. just as the Greeks a n d R o m a n s d i d , t h a t is, as a granary, a reservoir o f taxes, a source o f exotic flora a n d fauna, a n d a l a n d of mysterious r u i n s . T h e Greeks believed i n one c u l t u r a l system, theirs, w i t h themselves at the center. T h e i r m o d e l f o r c u l t u r e was the single m i n d , w h e t h e r i t was the m i n d o f the i n d i v i d u a l h u m a n o r the one divine m i n d t h a t r u l e d the u n i verse. P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y they were monotheists, a n d they were also u n i c u l turalists. T h e Greeks d i d n o t like there being t w o of a n y t h i n g . T h e Greek state was t y p i c a l l y r u l e d b y a single l e a d e r — w h e t h e r k i n g , t y r a n t , or strategos—or b y a single class, be i t the n o b i l i t y o r the demos. I n the balance between the sexes, m e n were superior t o w o m e n , w h o were t y p i cally regarded as defective males. Few Greeks c o u l d speak t w o l a n guages, w h i c h is w h y the o n l y P t o l e m y w h o c o u l d speak E g y p t i a n was the l a s t — C l e o p a t r a . T h e Greeks also h a d o n l y one type o f p e d i m e n t , the t r i a n g u l a r one. T h e R o m a n s , o n the other h a n d , t h o u g h t i n terms of t w o s , a n d this is w h e r e this i n q u i r y begins. N o t o n l y d i d the R o m a n s have t w o types o f pediments, the t r i a n g u l a r a n d the segmental, they also were h a p p y t o have t w o o f m o s t things. Indeed, t h e i r c u l t u r e was f o u n d e d o n the i m p o r t a n c e o f d u a l i s m . T h e i r state was r u l e d by t w o consuls. I n the FIG. 2 Pharaonic crowns: Upper Egypt, Lower Egypt, and double (after Emery). Ο ηi aηs h o m e , m a n a n d w o m a n h a d considerable equality. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , i n the field o f c u l t u r e , R o m a n s were h a p p y t o speak n o t o n l y their o w n l a n guage, L a t i n , b u t Greek as w e l l . I n a l l this n o t o n l y were the R o m a n s the opposite o f the Greeks b u t they were also just like the Egyptians. T h e Egyptians a c k n o w l e d g e d dualities i n m a n y areas a n d above a l l i n b o t h r e l i g i o n a n d p o l i t i c s . I n religious terms the Egyptians recognized t w o w o r l d s , t h a t o f the l i v i n g a n d t h a t o f the dead, a n d they gave expression t o this d i v i s i o n in cities o f the l i v i n g t o the east of the N i l e a n d cities o f the dead t o the west. I n p o l i t i c s , t o o , the E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h was the r u l e r of t w o lands, U p p e r E g y p t a n d L o w e r E g y p t , a n d t h a t d o u b l e k i n g d o m was i n some measure reflected i n the pharaoh's m a r r i a g e often w i t h a sis ter, w h o was i n m a n y ways his equal. W o m e n figure p r o m i n e n t l y i n state reliefs, b o t h as spouses a n d as partners, a n d E g y p t i a n t o m b s are f u l l o f statues of s y m m e t r i c a l couples. M o r e prosaically, the Egyptians also rec ognized t w o equal r o o f silhouettes, the c u r v e d a n d the flat. W h a t is the core o f the E g y p t i a n interest i n duality? T h e an swer is h i n t e d at i n the d o u b l e c r o w n (fig. 2 ) . W o r n by the p h a r a o h f o r nearly three t h o u s a n d years, the d o u b l e c r o w n was emblematic o f the FIG. 3 d o u b l e k i n g d o m , t h a t o f the D e l t a , L o w e r E g y p t , a n d t h a t o f the N i l e Hieroglyph w i t h shrine of Upper Valley, U p p e r E g y p t . H i s t o r i c a l l y i t was o n the u n i o n o f those k i n g d o m s Egypt. t h a t the strength of the E g y p t i a n state was f o u n d e d . A l t h o u g h w h a t hap pened i n reality was t h a t one dynasty, a n d perhaps even one race, c o n quered another, f r o m the earliest times r i t u a l s a n d apparatus o f the state made visible a c o n t i n u i t y o f the t w o i n s t i t u t i o n s . M o s t i m p o r t a n t was the sacred r i t u a l o f the Heb-Sed at w h i c h the p h a r a o h r a n between t w o shrines representing the capitals o f the t w o k i n g d o m s . T h e t w o k i n g doms were also represented m o r e w i d e l y t h r o u g h t w o shrines of care fully distinguished f o r m s . T h e shrine o f U p p e r E g y p t has an essentially flat t o p b u t w i t h a strangely a s y m m e t r i c a l c u r v e d c o p i n g t h a t appears o r i g i n a l l y t o have represented the line o f the back o f an a n i m a l (fig. 3). T h e shrine o f L o w e r E g y p t is c o m p l e t e l y s y m m e t r i c a l a n d has a t o p t h a t is m u c h m o r e steeply a n d s y m m e t r i c a l l y c u r v e d as i f i t represents an arched r o o f (fig. 4 ) . T h i s o r i g i n is c o n f i r m e d by some representations o f the shrine t h a t s h o w i t s u r m o u n t e d b y w h a t l o o k s l i k e a d o m e o r v a u l t . Parallel t o the d i s t i n c t i o n between the t w o shrines is a difference of m a t e r i a l a n d t e c h n o l o g y between the a r c h i t e c t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s of the t w o k i n g d o m s . U p p e r E g y p t is r i c h i n stone a n d r a p i d l y became the center o f the w o r l d ' s first great t r a d i t i o n of stone architecture. M o r e o v e r , i t d i d this so early t h a t the s t r u c t u r a l types t h a t developed there—the w a l l s , lintels, copings, a n d so o n — a r e p a l p a b l y masonic i n character. As a re FIG. 4 Hieroglyph w i t h shrine of Lower Egypt. sult, the system o f h o r i z o n t a l c o u r s i n g r i s i n g t o h o r i z o n t a l lintels span n i n g d o o r s a n d h o r i z o n t a l slabs spanning roofs a c q u i r e d its o w n integrity. T h e b u i l d i n g s t h a t resulted were t y p i c a l l y flat r o o f e d a n d h a d the profile a n d c o n f i g u r a t i o n t h a t w e consider t y p i c a l l y E g y p t i a n . I n L o w e r E g y p t , b y contrast, w h e r e stone was n o t available locally, b u t 129 130 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA reeds, p a l m t r u n k s , a n d sun-dried b r i c k were, the architecture r a p i d l y acquired a flexibility o f vocabulary, w i t h c u r v e d roofs covered w i t h reed mats a n d b r i c k vaults a n d domes p r o d u c i n g quite different f o r m s a n d c o n f i g u r a t i o n s . T h e t w o shrines n a t u r a l l y became emblematic o f the t w o k i n g d o m s because they a l l u d e d t h r o u g h t h e i r different architectures t o their different geographies. A n o t h e r w a y i n w h i c h the geographical d i s t i n c t i o n between the t w o k i n g d o m s c o u l d be characterized was by vegetation. T h e pa p y r u s , w h i c h g r e w i n p r o f u s i o n i n the D e l t a , r a p i d l y became the e m b l e m of L o w e r E g y p t , a n d the lotus o r w a t e r l i l y t h a t of U p p e r E g y p t (fig. 5). I t is i n this guise t h a t each b l o o m decorates one o f the great square piers t h a t c a r r i e d the r o o f o f a h a l l o f T h u t m o s i s 111 i n the great temple at K a r n a k . T h a t t o the s o u t h is decorated w i t h gigantic l o t u s , t h a t t o the n o r t h by gigantic p a p y r u s . W h a t makes this p a i r i n g m o r e r e m a r k a b l e is t h a t i t is associated w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the S i x t h P y l o n o n the a p p r o a c h t o the temple: the p y l o n is covered w i t h cartouches c o n s t i t u t i n g geographi FIG. 5 cal lists. These are d i v i d e d so t h a t those o n the n o r t h e r n h a l f of the p y Hieroglyphs w i t h lotus and l o n are the names o f c o m m u n i t i e s n o r t h of E g y p t , i n the Levant, w h i l e papyrus plants representing Upper those o n the s o u t h e r n h a l f are those o f c o m m u n i t i e s s o u t h o f E g y p t , i n Egypt and Lower Egypt. N u b i a . T h e t w o emblematic plants are evidently p a r t of a larger m a p p i n g enterprise. T h e c o n n e c t i o n between the piers a n d the geographical lists r e m i n d s us t h a t f u n d a m e n t a l t o the E g y p t i a n w a y of t h i n k i n g was the ideographic system o f h i e r o g l y p h i c characters. T h e h i e r o g l y p h i c script changed m u c h t h r o u g h o u t its history, b u t i t always preserved the p o w e r , w h i c h i t derived f r o m its o r i g i n s , of c a p t u r i n g i n images references n o t just t o things b u t also t o concepts. T h i s resource ensured t h a t differenti ated pictures, w h e t h e r o f the c r o w n s , shrines, o r plants, c o u l d represent the f u n d a m e n t a l difference between the t w o k i n g d o m s . T h e richness o f the system is expressed i n the w a y t h a t each p a i r a r t i c u l a t e d another type of difference. W h i l e the t w o c r o w n s a r t i c u l a t e d a difference o f h i s t o r y a n d o f p o l i t i c a l i d e n t i t y , the t w o shrines a l l u d e d t o differences o f geology a n d c l i m a t e , a n d the t w o plants a l l u d e d t o s i m i l a r differences o f h y d r o g raphy. T h e d o m i n a n t r o l e o f h i e r o g l y p h i c i m a g e r y i n E g y p t i a n a r t a n d c u l t u r e m e a n t t h a t a l l members o f the p o p u l a t i o n , n o t just those w h o k n e w the f u l l language system, w o u l d have been m u c h m o r e alert t o the m e a n i n g o f a r t t h a n i n other cultures. I n a c u l t u r e i n w h i c h the highest social a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l ex pression t o o k the f o r m of images of things, i t was inevitable t h a t images of things generally, a n d even things themselves, w o u l d have an excep t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e . T h i s h a d a p a r t i c u l a r significance f o r architecture. I f v a r i a t i o n i n the representation of a shrine c o u l d represent a difference of reference t o geography a n d c u l t u r e , i t was inevitable t h a t any differences of a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m w o u l d have been liable t o a reading i n broader Onians FIG. 6 Detail of N a r m e r Palette. Early t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m B . C . Cairo, The Egyptian M u s e u m . terms. T h e same w o u l d have been t r u e o f p l a n t s . T h e m e a n i n g o f the l o tus a n d p a p y r u s i n the script was t h a t t h e i r c o m b i n a t i o n i n another c o n t e x t , such as i n the piers o f T h u t m o s i s i n , c o u l d refer t o the p r i m a r y g e o g r a p h i c a l d i v i s i o n o f the N i l e V a l l e y a n d u l t i m a t e l y by e x t e n s i o n o f the w h o l e w o r l d . Indeed, the tendency t o see m e a n i n g i n representational f o r m led t o f o r m a l resemblances being far m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n i n o t h e r cultures, so t h a t , f o r e x a m p l e , the resemblance between the S o u t h e r n C r o w n a n d a rnace head so evident o n the N a r m e r Palette (fig. 6) effec tively leads t o the c r o w n a n d thus the k i n g h i m s e l f a c q u i r i n g the p r i n c i p a l a t t r i b u t e o f the mace, t h a t is, its effectiveness i n s k u l l c r u s h i n g . I t is t e m p t i n g t o suggest t h a t the c r o w n m a y have been given this shape i n order t o invest i t w i t h t h a t m e a n i n g . I n a l l this there c o u l d h a r d l y be a greater c o n t r a s t w i t h the Greeks, f o r w h o m script a n d a r t r a p i d l y became l i t t l e m o r e t h a n t r a n scriptive systems. Greek letters served p r i n c i p a l l y as a n o t a t i o n f o r a se quence o f s o u n d s — m u c h as a m o d e r n d i g i t a l a u d i o system provides a t r a n s c r i p t i o n o f m u s i c — w h i l e a r t essentially d i d the same f o r v i s u a l real ity. Greek a r t developed progressively as a n o t a t i o n f o r w h a t was seen u n t i l i t a l m o s t m a t c h e d the directness o f w r i t i n g as a n o t a t i o n f o r w h a t was heard. A s c u l p t o r w h o carved b o t h figures a n d i n s c r i p t i o n s was w o r k i n g i n the same m o d e i n b o t h activities. T h e o n e - d i m e n s i o n a l i t y o f his a p p r o a c h was just one aspect o f the single-mindedness n o t e d earlier. I t m i g h t be t h o u g h t t h a t the Greek use o f v a r i a n t f o r m s , such as different letter f o r m s f o r D o r i c a n d I o n i c dialects o r different architec t u r a l f o r m s f o r D o r i c a n d I o n i c b u i l d i n g s , constitutes some p a r a l l e l t o the E g y p t i a n d u a l i s m , b u t these differences were u n d e r s t o o d above a l l as m a r g i n a l v a r i a t i o n s o f nature a n d c u s t o m w i t h i n a single p o p u l a t i o n rather t h a n as the representation o f t w o separate w o r l d s . I o n i c c u l t u r e 131 132 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA was seen basically as o n l y a v a r i a n t o f D o r i c . Since the Ionians were t h o u g h t o f as m o r e f e m i n i n e a n d the D o r i a n s as m o r e masculine, this p r o d u c e d a p a r a l l e l w i t h the field o f sex difference. I n general, the differ ences w i t h i n the Greek t r a d i t i o n were seen as t r i v i a l c o m p a r e d t o the absolute d i v i d e between Greeks a n d the rest o f the w o r l d . T h e i n t e g r a t i o n a n d coherence o f the Greek a p p r o a c h m e a n t t h a t i t c o u l d be t a k e n over m o r e o r less i n its e n t i r e t y by outsiders. I t c o u l d be a d o p t e d v o l u n t a r i l y b y neighbors, such as the M a c e d o n i a n s o f Alexander's generation. I t c o u l d equally be i m p o s e d t o some extent by the same M a c e d o n i a n s o n those they conquered. A Greek e d u c a t i o n gave one a Greek m i n d , a Greek physical t r a i n i n g gave one a Greek body. I t was as Greeks t h a t the M a c e d o n i a n s w e n t t o E g y p t , a n d i t was t h r o u g h members o f the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n w h o v o l u n t a r i l y o r i n v o l u n t a r i l y became t o some extent Greek t h a t the M a c e d o n i a n s a d m i n i s t e r e d the t e r r i t o r y . T h e degree t o w h i c h the Greeks were seen as outsiders a n d , indeed, t h o u g h t o f themselves as such is w e l l expressed i n the n o t i o n t h a t the p l a n of A l e x a n d r i a , the N i l e k i n g d o m ' s n e w c a p i t a l , corresponded t o the shape o f a M a c e d o n i a n c l o a k , a rectangle w i t h r o u n d e d corners. L i k e a g a r m e n t t h r o w n d o w n o n a field, the c i t y was an alien a r t i f a c t i n the E g y p t i a n landscape, a n d i t is t e m p t i n g t o t h i n k t h a t i t was the h i e r o g l y p h i c a l l y o r i e n t e d Egyptians w h o read i t t h a t way. W i t h i n the c i t y the M a c e d o n i a n s lived o u t Greek lives i n Greek b u i l d i n g s s u r r o u n d e d b y Greek artifacts. O u t s i d e , o n the other h a n d , the strength o f E g y p t i a n c u l t u r e r e q u i r e d t h a t they n o t o n l y tolerate b u t also s u p p o r t the m a i n t e nance o f l o c a l r i t u a l a n d artistic t r a d i t i o n s . T h e Egyptians w h o m o v e d t o A l e x a n d r i a w o u l d have been w e l l prepared t o c o l l a b o r a t e w i t h t h e i r newest oppressors. T h e rivalries o f the predynastic p e r i o d h a d been suc ceeded b y the u n c e r t a i n balance o f the u n i t e d c r o w n s a n d t h a t i n t u r n by a l t e r n a t i n g periods o f self-rule a n d e x t e r n a l d o m i n a t i o n by the H y k s o s , the Assyrians, a n d the Persians. H a b i t u a t e d t o being conquered, the Egyptians were equally used t o recovering their independence f r o m i n vaders, w h o t y p i c a l l y a l l o w e d themselves t o be c u l t u r a l l y absorbed by their subjects. T h i s at least was true u n t i l the a r r i v a l o f the Greeks f o r w h o m , as w e saw, there was i n a sense o n l y one c u l t u r e , their o w n . A d m i t t e d l y the Greeks w e n t o n c o n s t r u c t i n g temples a n d c o m m i s s i o n i n g sculptures a n d p a i n t i n g s i n t r a d i t i o n a l style f o r the use of the native p o p u l a t i o n , b u t f o r themselves they preferred t h e i r o w n f o r m s . A f t e r the first conquest, however, the Egyptians soon started t o assert t h e i r i d e n t i t y n o t just i n U p p e r E g y p t , w h e r e the Greeks h a r d l y made an i m p a c t c u l t u r a l l y , b u t at the n e w c a p i t a l . T h i s is m o s t evident i n the cemeteries. D u r i n g the second c e n t u r y B . C . E g y p t i a n - t y p e burials i n creasingly r i v a l e d Greek cremations, a n d soon the local p o p u l a t i o n , f o l l o w i n g m i l l e n n i a - o l d practice, established its o w n c i t y o f the dead t o the west of the c i t y of the l i v i n g , leaving the Greeks i n the east. Increasingly, t o o , the f o r m s o f E g y p t i a n sculpture a n d architecture reasserted t h e m - Ο ηi aη s FIG. 7 Interior of Tomb 2, Anfushy, Alexandria. Second century B . C . FIG. 8 Shrine. Second century B . C . Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum. selves. T h e t r a d i t i o n a l Greek t o m b facade was opened u p , as was usual i n E g y p t i a n architecture, t o p r o d u c e a c o m p l e x m i x t u r e of p o r t a l s , l o w w a l l s , w i n d o w s , a n d half- a n d f u l l c o l u m n s . M o r e significantly, some f o r m s are used w i t h a n e w assertiveness, a n d none perhaps so forcefully as the segmental p e d i m e n t (fig. 7 ) . T h i s shape h a d , as n o t e d , a l o n g his t o r y i n L o w e r E g y p t as a f o r m expressing t h a t area's separate architec t u r a l i d e n t i t y a n d c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . N o w i t reappeared opposed n o t t o the flat-roof stone architecture o f U p p e r E g y p t b u t t o the t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t o f the Greeks. I n its d y n a m i c curve i t n o w seems t o express d i r e c t l y the energies of a people a n x i o u s t o t h r o w off oppression by those c o n strained by the triangle's geometry. A l o n g w i t h the surging c o l u m n s o f b u d d i n g lotus a n d papyrus, the huge curved cornices, a n d the c r o w n i n g r o w s o f uraei, the c u r v e d p e d i m e n t gave architecture a v i t a l energy i t never h a d before (fig. 8). T h i s is almost certainly because the Egyptians h a d never before seen their c u l t u r e so clearly opposed t o s o m e t h i n g as stiff a n d h a r d as the Greek a r c h i t e c t u r a l vocabulary. T h e Greeks were n o t insensitive t o this challenge. As i n the establishment of the M o u s e i o n a n d L i b r a r y a n d i n so m a n y other areas, the Ptolemies hastened n o t t o i m i t a t e their subjects b u t t o adapt their o w n c u l t u r e so t h a t i t c o u l d c l a i m s i m i l a r properties. I t was thus perhaps i n a n e w awareness o f the p o w e r o f organic f o r m s t h a t they were the leaders i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the C o r i n t h i a n order o n the e x t e r i o r of b u i l d i n g s such as the A r s i n o e i o n a n d P r o p y l a i a at Samothrace. I f we k n e w m o r e of their architecture i n A l e x a n d r i a , we m i g h t be able t o c o n firm w h a t is suggested by the first t e x t u a l reference t o the f o r m i n a t e x t of K a l l i x e i n o s , preserved by Athenaeus, t h a t i t was a favorite f o r m i n t h a t city. K a l l i x e i n o s tells h o w the order was used i n P t o l e m y iv's cele brated N i l e barge, the thalamegos. There i t was h a r m o n i o u s l y p a i r e d w i t h a flowery E g y p t i a n c o l u m n a r f o r m w i t h whose v i t a l i t y i t m i g h t have FIG. 9 Reconstruction of tent of Ptolemy 11. T h i r d century B . C . (after Studnizcka). seemed c o n t a m i n a t e d . A s i m i l a r v i t a l i z a t i o n o f architecture was evident 1 i n P t o l e m y n's festival tent w i t h its thyrsus-like c o l u m n s (fig. 9 ) , its hang ings, a n d its raised clerestory. M u c h o f the architecture o f L o w e r E g y p t h a d always been i n - 133 134 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA spired b y b u i l d i n g s i n t e m p o r a r y materials, a n d n o w at last the Greek t r a d i t i o n was infused w i t h the same f l e x i b i l i t y a n d freedom. W h e t h e r o r n o t the Palazzo delle C o l o n n e at Ptolemais is Ptolemaic a n d dates f r o m the early first c e n t u r y B . C . , the c o m p l e x i t y a n d diversity o f its f o r m s cer t a i n l y reflect E g y p t i a n values. As others have suggested, the b r o k e n 2 p e d i m e n t f o u n d there a n d elsewhere a l m o s t certainly goes back t o the b r o k e n lintels of fifteen h u n d r e d years earlier. T h e Egyptians, w h o h a d 3 l o n g ago b r o k e n architecture u p i n t o its elements t o use as h i e r o g l y p h s , h a d n o p r o b l e m s e x p l o i t i n g h a l f - c o l u m n s , h a l f - w a l l s , w i n d o w s , aedi cules, a n d other f r a g m e n t a r y a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m s . T h e Greeks, w h o r e q u i r e d t h a t architecture, l i k e w r i t i n g a n d the representational arts, transcribe nature, h a d p r o b l e m s w i t h a n y t h i n g t h a t was n o t a complete w a l l , a complete c o l u m n , a complete d o o r , a complete t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t , o r an u n b r o k e n h o r i z o n t a l entablature. I t was o n l y i n E g y p t t h a t the Greeks a c q u i r e d f r o m t h e i r subjects a m o r e d y n a m i c conceptual a n d f o r m a l a p p r o a c h . T h i s is evident b o t h i n real a n d i n p a i n t e d architec t u r e . T h e correspondence o f the m o r e advanced so-called Second Style p a i n t i n g s f o u n d at P o m p e i i n o t just w i t h w h a t can be reconstructed as Ptolemaic architecture a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l p a i n t i n g b u t also w i t h E g y p t i a n p a i n t e d architecture o f fifteen h u n d r e d years earlier shows once again h o w i m p o r t a n t E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n s were. N o p a i n t e d architecture i n a p u r e Greek t r a d i t i o n has a n y t h i n g l i k e the c o m p l e x i t y a n d variety of the p a i n t e d decorations o f E g y p t i a n M i d d l e K i n g d o m t o m b s . Such p r o p e r ties o n l y enter the Classical w o r l d i n the u l t i m a t e l y Ptolemaic t r a d i t i o n of scenes such as those f r o m Boscoreale. T h e same is i n m a n y ways t r u e of p o r t r a y a l s o f landscape. U n l i k e the Greeks, the Egyptians h a d a l o n g t r a d i t i o n of s h o w i n g h u m a n i t y o f a l l ages, sexes, a n d races at ease i n b o t h u r b a n a n d r u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h e longer the Greeks stayed i n E g y p t , the m o r e they were liberated b y t h a t land's t r a d i t i o n of m a t e r i a l expression, a t r a d i t i o n so m u c h longer a n d stronger t h a n theirs. T h e Greeks elsewhere i n the Eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , such as the Seleucids i n Syrian A n t i o c h , felt s o m e t h i n g of the same influence. Those w h o lived i n m a i n l a n d Greece, o n the other h a n d , a n d especially the A t h e n i a n s , were u n l i k e l y t o have a p p r o v e d o f the c o n t a m i n a t i o n of t h e i r inheritance. T h e same m u s t have been true of m a n y Athenseducated R o m a n s . M a n y m u s t have been appalled at the c o r r u p t i o n of the Greek c u l t u r e they sought t o i m i t a t e , a n d before the Battle o f A c t i u m i n 3 1 B . C . there was a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a r i v a l r y o f c u l t u r a l affiliation be t w e e n those, such as A u g u s t u s , w h o v a u n t e d a relatively pure Greek taste i n o p p o s i t i o n t o w a n t o n o r i e n t a l extravagance, a n d those, such as A n t o n y , w h o were enthused by the cultures o f the East. I t has been w e l l argued t h a t i t is this o p p o s i t i o n t h a t underlies the difference between the d r i e r a n d plainer Temple o f A p o l l o b u i l t by Augustus o n the Palatine a n d t h a t c o n s t r u c t e d b e l o w by the T i b e r by A n t o n y ' s associate Sosius (figs. 10, 1 1 ) . T h e c o m b i n a t i o n i n the latter temple o f segmental pediments, 4 Onians FIG. 10 Plans of Temple of A p o l l o on the Palatine H i l l and Temple of A p o l l o Sosianus, Rome. Ca. 20 B . C . (after Zanker). FIG. II Interior details of Temple of A p o l l o Sosianus, Rome (after Zanker). 135 136 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA F I G . 12 Basilica at Fano. Reconstruction after Vitruvius. canted cornices, a n d exuberant organic v i t a l i t y can o n l y be e x p l a i n e d by an Egyptian inspiration. T h e p a i n t e d equivalent of such Egyptian-style architecture was w h a t we n o w call the T h i r d Style. There can be l i t t l e d o u b t t h a t the c o m b i n a t i o n of pediments a n d roofs c a r r i e d by flowering stalks against w h i c h V i t r u v i u s r a i l e d i n De architectura 7 has its o r i g i n i n the N i l e Valley, w h e r e flowers h a d s u p p o r t e d massive m a s o n r y for t w o m i l l e n n i a . O n l y i n the years after A c t i u m was Augustus able t o m a k e this t r a d i t i o n — l i k e the l a n d o f E g y p t itself—his o w n , a n d V i t r u v i u s himself h a d n o hesitation i n designing a basilica for the emperor at F a n u m Fortunae, GREEK TUNIC w h i c h c o m b i n e d c o l u m n s o f different sizes a n d clerestory l i g h t i n g i n i m i t a t i o n o f E g y p t i a n hypostyle halls (fig. 12). R o m e , w h i c h h a d l o n g ago w e l c o m e d the E g y p t i a n s t r u c t u r a l v o c a b u l a r y o f arches, vaults, a n d domes, came increasingly t o feel m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h the E g y p t i a n c r i t i q u e o f Greece t h a n i t was w i t h the pure Greek t r a d i t i o n . W i t h the passing o f t i m e , as the R o m a n s felt increasingly threatened by a l l aspects of Greek c u l t u r e , g o o d a n d bad, this tendency was o n l y accentuated. A decisive factor i n the R o m a n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the d y n a m ically curved E g y p t i a n f o r m s was almost certainly a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the R o m a n toga, w i t h its nearly semicircular f o r m , differed f r o m the rectan g u l a r Greek t u n i c i n m u c h the same w a y as the segmental p e d i m e n t dif fered f r o m the t r i a n g u l a r (fig. 13). Slaves were p r o u d t h a t w h e n they were freed, they cast off square clothes a n d p u t o n r o u n d ones. To m a t c h this, there is also p a r a l l e l evidence t h a t some R o m a n s actually t h o u g h t of themselves as physically r o u n d as i f i n o p p o s i t i o n t o the Greeks, w h o h a d lavished praise o n m e n w h o were square. I t was this sense o f the re 5 l a t i o n between curved a n d angular f o r m t h a t almost certainly led t o the i n t r o d u c t i o n , first, o f the a l t e r n a t i n g r o u n d a n d square niche a n d , t h e n , of segmental a n d t r i a n g u l a r pediments, w i t h the r o u n d niche a n d seg- ROMAN T O G A F I G . 13 Greek tunic and Roman toga. D r a w i n g by the author. Onians FIG. 14 Exterior of Trajan's Markets, Rome. Ca. A . D . n o . Photo by D . Hemsoll. m e n t a l p e d i m e n t t y p i c a l l y i n the m o r e i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n . T h e alterna t i o n o f t r i a n g u l a r a n d segmental pediments is first f o u n d i n Vespasianic structures, such as the E u m a c h i a b u i l d i n g at P o m p e i i , a n d i t is significant t h a t at the same t i m e a n e w c a p i t a l type was i n v e n t e d c o m b i n i n g the I o n i c a n d C o r i n t h i a n capitals as an e m b l e m of R o m a n d o m i n a t i o n over the Greek w o r l d . T h e n e w c a p i t a l c o u l d be read as a h i e r o g l y p h m u c h 6 l i k e the d o u b l e c r o w n of E g y p t ; at the same t i m e Q u i n t i l i a n , the official teacher o f r h e t o r i c a p p o i n t e d by the emperor, w r o t e a treatise p r o p o s i n g a m e m o r y system using signa, or "signs," i n a w a y s i m i l a r t o h i e r o g l y p h s t o summarize a n d recall the contents of a speech. T h e use o f sacrificial 7 i n s t r u m e n t s o n the entablature of the Temple of the Deified Vespasian as a s u m m a r y o f sacrificial r i t u a l reflects a s i m i l a r desire t o compress c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n t o visual ideograms. T h e n e w c a p i t a l type, the relief frieze, a n d the d o u b l e p e d i m e n t a l l can be read e m b l e m a t i c a l l y i n a close p a r a l lel t o E g y p t i a n ideograms. I n the M a r k e t s of T r a j a n the w a y the segmen t a l p e d i m e n t is made t o break the t r i a n g u l a r f o r m i n h a l f m a y even express the v i c t o r y of one c u l t u r e over another, just as the h i g h c r o w n o f one k i n g d o m d o m i n a t e d the l o w f o r m o f the other i n early dynastic E g y p t (fig. 14). I t is, however, under H a d r i a n , an e m p e r o r w h o expended m u c h effort i n b r i n g i n g u n i t y a n d security t o his e m p i r e , t h a t E g y p t i a n 137 138 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA a n d R o m a n cultures come closest, b o t h i n t h o u g h t a n d m a t e r i a l expres FIG. sion. L i k e the p h a r a o h , H a d r i a n traversed his r e a l m f r o m end t o end, The Canopus at Hadrian's V i l l a , a n d , also like the p h a r a o h , he c o n s t r u c t e d a b u i l d i n g i n w h i c h he c o u l d conveniently m i m i c t h a t j o u r n e y o n a s m a l l scale. I n his V i l l a at T i v o l i , w i t h its C a n o p u s , its Academy, a n d its Tempe, he c o u l d cover thousands of miles i n a few yards, just as the p h a r a o h c o u l d i n the c o u r t of the Heb-Sed festival. I n the V i l l a H a d r i a n also c o m b i n e d r o u n d a n d square i n the arches a n d h o r i z o n t a l entablatures of a colonnade i n yet another v a r i a t i o n o f the earlier expression o f b i c u l t u r a l i s m (fig. 15). T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f Greek a n d E g y p t i a n sculptures o n the pavement underneath made i t clear t h a t the synthesis o f Greece a n d R o m e was p a r a l l e l t o t h a t of Greece a n d E g y p t . R o u n d a n d square were also c o m b i n e d i n H a d r i a n ' s t o m b , the present Castel S a n t ' A n g e l o , w h i c h enclosed a R o m a n c i r c u l a r cone w i t h i n a Greek rectangular p l a t f o r m , just as the E g y p t i a n d o u b l e c r o w n c o m b i n e d the emblems of U p p e r a n d L o w e r E g y p t . T h e p o i n t , of course, is n o t t h a t the one imitates the other b u t t h a t the w h o l e w a y of t h i n k i n g h a b i t u a l i n E g y p t was enthusiastically t a k e n u p a n d a p p l i e d by the R o m a n s . Finally, the b u i l d i n g t h a t m o s t e l o q u e n t l y articulates E g y p t i a n t h o u g h t is the Pantheon. T h i s n o t o n l y combines a rectangular Greek c o l o n n a d e d p e d i m e n t w i t h a r o u n d R o m a n d o m e as w e l l as rectangular niches o n the m i n o r axes w i t h r o u n d ones o n the m a i n ones (see fig. 1) but i t reinforces the message o f the a l t e r n a t i o n o f segmental a n d t r i a n g u lar pediments o n the i n t e r i o r by c o u p l i n g the segmental E g y p t i a n f o r m w i t h shafts o f E g y p t i a n p o r p h y r y t h a t are u n f l u t e d , f o l l o w i n g E g y p t i a n 15 T i v o l i . Ca. A . D . 130. Photo by N . Batcock. Onians t r a d i t i o n , a n d the Greek t r i a n g u l a r p e d i m e n t w i t h m a r b l e shafts t h a t are fluted, as they always were i n Greece. Even as the R o m a n s t o o k the seg 8 m e n t a l p e d i m e n t a n d u n f l u t e d c o l u m n as t h e i r o w n , they always r e m e m bered t h e i r E g y p t i a n o r i g i n , as i f i n assertion t h a t i n t h e i r p r o u d e s t a t t r i b u t e , they identified m o r e w i t h t h a t e n d u r i n g e m p i r e t h a n w i t h the u p s t a r t u n r e l i a b i l i t y o f Greece. We c a n n o t trace the f u l l story o f the earlier conflict o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m a n d idea t h a t t o o k place i n Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , b u t we f i n d decisive t e s t i m o n y t o its existence i n the architecture o f R o m e . W h a t e v e r t h e i r debt t o Greece i n terms o f d r y d e t a i l , the R o m a n s o w e d m o r e t o the Egyptians i n terms o f t h e i r ideas a n d the larger features o f style. T h e R o m a n use o f the d y n a m i c c u r v i n g f o r m s o f a r c h , v a u l t , u n fluted c o l u m n , a n d the segmental p e d i m e n t , a l l d e r i v i n g n o t f r o m Greece b u t f r o m E g y p t , e l o q u e n t l y d o c u m e n t s t h i s . So, t o o , does t h e i r fondness for energetic organic p l a n t f o r m s o n friezes a n d capitals. I t is s a l u t o r y t o realize t h a t w h e n Brunelleschi used u n f l u t e d c o l u m n s i n San L o r e n z o , o r w h e n M i c h e l a n g e l o used a b r o k e n segmental p e d i m e n t i n the N e w Sacristy n e x t d o o r , b o t h were r e v i v i n g the f o r m s n o t o f A t t i c a b u t o f the N i l e Valley. Since A u g u s t u s absorbed Cleopatra's k i n g d o m , Western b u i l d i n g s have t o be read n o t as careful exercises i n f o r m a l design i n the Greek t r a d i t i o n , b u t , l i k e E g y p t i a n m o n u m e n t s , as compressed h i e r o glyphs o f geography, h i s t o r y , a n d c u l t u r e . University of East Anglia N O R W I C H , E N G L A N D 139 140 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Notes 1 K a l l i x e i n o s is q u o t e d i n A t h e n a e u s 2 See G . Pesce, I I Palazzo maide 3 Colonne J. M c K e n z i e , The Architecture in Tole- See P. Z a n k e r , The Power Sapiens, of Images in the (Ann A r b o r 1988), pp. fortis et in se ipse totus H o r . Sat. rotundus, (Oxford ofPetra 75-77- of Augustus 5 delle (Rome 1950), passim. 1990), pp. 4 Deipno- 5.38-39. sophistae teres atque 2.7; cf. P l a t o , q u o t i n g Si- m o n i d e s o n the perfect " s q u a r e " m a n , ras 6 Protago 339ff. J. O n i a n s , Bearers Orders in Antiquity, of Meaning: The the Middle Q u i n t i l i a n Inst. Or. Classical Ages (Princeton 1988), pp. Renaissance 7 Age 65-70. and the 41-44. 1 1 . z . 1 9 . See J. O n i a n s , " Q u i n t i l i a n and the Idea o f R o m a n A r t , " i n M . H e n i g , e d . , Architecture Sculpture of the Roman and Empire Architectural (Oxford 1990), p. 4. 8 See K . de F i n e L i c h t , The Rotunda (Copenhagen 1968), p. 1 1 1 . in Rome 141 From Hellenistic Polychromy of Sculptures to Roman Mosaics W. A. Daszewski T h e Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s i n Greek style executed i n m a r b l e are character ized by a n u m b e r o f technical a n d stylistic features t h a t set t h e m apart f r o m other r o y a l p o r t r a i t s o f the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d . These features have l o n g been w e l l recognized by scholars. 1 M a n y Ptolemaic heads have composite character. T h e f r o n t p a r t , i n c l u d i n g the face, neck, ears, a n d hair, was s c u l p t u r e d i n one piece of m a r b l e , the rear p a r t a n d t o p of the head were made separately a n d adjoined later, o r they were c o m p l e t e d i n a different m a t e r i a l , usually stucco. T h e lack o f local m a r b l e i n E g y p t a n d the elevated cost of i m p o r t e d m a t e r i a l were u n d e r s t o o d t o be the m a i n causes f o r the use o f such marble-saving techniques. I t is also characteristic t h a t a l t h o u g h m a r b l e heads of Ptolemaic kings a n d queens are quite n u m e r o u s , they are n o t accompanied by c o m p a r a b l e numbers o f statues or fragments o f statues. As a m a t t e r of fact, p r a c t i c a l l y n o m a r b l e statues m a y be associ ated w i t h r o y a l p o r t r a i t heads. O n the other h a n d , ancient w r i t t e n sources give ample evidence t h a t r o y a l statues d i d exist i n considerable n u m b e r s . Some were made of bronze a n d possibly o f precious metals, 2 b u t they d i d n o t have m a r b l e heads. A logical c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t m a r b l e heads were destined f o r a c r o l i t h i c statues. T h e heads were c o m b i n e d w i t h figures made of perishable m a t e r i a l , m o s t l i k e l y w o o d , b u t perhaps also g y p s u m . Some heads themselves m u s t have been enriched w i t h at t r i b u t e s o f different materials, o r even p r o v i d e d w i t h w i g s . A specific, very soft m o d e l i n g o f the surface of m a n y p o r t r a i t heads, w i t h l i t t l e emphasis o n precise r e n d e r i n g of c o n t o u r s , a technique k n o w n as sfumato, was l o n g considered another characteristic feature of the P t o l e m a i c - A l e x a n d r i a n sculpture i n h e r i t e d f r o m the Praxitelean t r a d i t i o n . H e l m u t Kyrieleis c o r r e c t l y p o i n t e d o u t t h a t sfumato s h o u l d n o t be considered f o r its o w n sake as a special finishing o f A l e x a n d r i a n sculptures b u t o n l y as a reflection of the a m o r p h i c r e n d e r i n g o f the sur face. T h e o r i g i n a l f o r m h a d been defined b y features sharply a n d linearly accentuated b y p a i n t i n g . T h e p o l y c h r o m y was thus o f p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e . I t was also needed t o conceal the difference i n materials, m a r b l e a n d stucco. T h e p o l y c h r o m y was supposedly executed i n s t r o n g a n d c o n t r a s t i n g colors, w i t h black a n d red the d o m i n a n t hues. T h e brightness 142 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA a n d aggressivity o f c o l o r finishings o f Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s were empha FIG. sized by Kyrieleis a n d m o r e recently also by K o n s t a n t i n o s Y f a n t i d i s i n a Female head, from the Serapeion. thesis o n the p o l y c h r o m y o f H e l l e n i s t i c sculptures. 3 T h e s t r o n g c o l o r i n g of the heads is generally considered t o have been i n h e r i t e d f r o m o r influenced by l o c a l E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n , as I Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum. Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo. FIG. 2 opposed t o the m u c h m o r e restrained p o l y c h r o m y o f p u r e l y Greek sculp Mosaic, from Thmuis, second tures outside E g y p t . T h e m u m m y masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s of the copy. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman R o m a n p e r i o d are q u o t e d as expressing the same E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n c o n Museum 21736. Photo by t i n u i n g i n m o r e recent times. Indeed, the masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s often seem t o c o r r o b o r a t e the statement a b o u t the brightness a n d aggres sivity o f the p o l y c h r o m y , b u t they are a l l m u c h later t h a n the p o r t r a i t s i n q u e s t i o n . For the earlier p e r i o d , t h a t is, the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , there is 4 l i t t l e reliable evidence. W i t h regard t o w h a t p a i n t e d m a r b l e heads really l o o k e d l i k e , we are confined t o conjectures based o n m i n u t e traces o f faded colors, usually o f b l a c k , r e d , a n d occasionally b r o w n , t h a t are still recognizable o n better-preserved pieces, w h i l e some idea o f the p o l y c h r o m y o f a c r o l i t h i c statues m a y perhaps be gathered f r o m an analysis of p a i n t e d t e r r a c o t t a figurines. H o w e v e r , considering the s m a l l size a n d mass p r o d u c t i o n o f terracottas, they c a n n o t be t a k e n as conclusive evi dence f o r the standard o f official Ptolemaic statuary. D . Johannes. Daszewski O f special interest w i t h regard t o the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f o r i g i n a l c o l o r i n g are t w o r o y a l heads f r o m the Serapeion i n A l e x a n d r i a , usu ally i n t e r p r e t e d as P t o l e m y i v a n d his sister-wife A r s i n o e i n ; a head of a queen n o w i n Kassel, identified as Berenike i i ; a n d a head n o w i n the Musee de M a r i e m o n t . I t was the female head f r o m the Serapeion (fig. i ) 5 t h a t a l l o w e d Kyrieleis t o d r a w a suggestive p i c t u r e of its o r i g i n a l p o l y c h r o m y a n d t o stress the c r u c i a l i m p o r t a n c e of p a i n t i n g f o r its final ap pearance. Kyrieleis underlines the sharpness a n d l i n e a r i t y i n the use of colors. C o n s i d e r i n g , however, t h a t o n l y traces of the strongest colors are preserved w h i l e m o r e delicate hues, shading, a n d g r a d a t i o n o f colors are gone forever, the faded remains of c o l o r i n g o n these heads a n d others d o n o t a l l o w any conclusive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . W h a t w e have are the remains of a skeletal g r i d of c o l o r s , the filling between the m a i n lines h a v i n g dis appeared. W e m a y thus p u t f o r w a r d t w o c o n t r a d i c t o r y suggestions. Either the Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t heads were b r i g h t l y c o l o r e d a n d aggressive, or they were t o n e d d o w n a n d delicate. U n t i l n o w there was l i t t l e t o prove o r disprove either a s s u m p t i o n . I w o u l d like therefore t o a d d a brief c o m m e n t a r y t o this subject i n the hope t h a t i t m a y shed n e w l i g h t o n the p r o b l e m of p o l y c h r o m y o f H e l l e n i s t i c p o r t r a i t s i n E g y p t . A c o m p a r a t i v e analysis of t w o H e l l e n i s t i c m o n u m e n t s t h a t have been k n o w n f o r q u i t e a l o n g t i m e b u t never before used i n discus sions of p o l y c h r o m y m a y perhaps help us. These m o n u m e n t s , m o r e o r less c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h the above-mentioned heads, are t w o s p l e n d i d mosaic emblemata executed i n vermiculatum technique. B o t h mosaics were f o u n d i n Tell T i m a i , ancient T h m u i s i n the N i l e D e l t a , b u t they are obviously products of a metropolitan workshop from Alexandria. Both s h o w a bust of one a n d the same w o m a n i n a rather strange a t t i r e . 1 6 have considered these t o be t w o stylistically slightly different copies o f some late t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c . p a i n t i n g executed f o r the r o y a l c o u r t circles i n the c a p i t a l . T h e t w o faces differ slightly a n d represent t w o modes o f expression. O n e is h i g h l y e m o t i o n a l , the other is m o r e c a l m a n d subdued (fig. 2). These t w o modes of expression reflect the p r e v a i l i n g s c u l p t u r a l styles of the p e r i o d i n Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t u r e , exemplified, for instance, by the B o s t o n head o f A r s i n o e i n a n d the Serapeion head, perhaps of the same queen. I n the Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt, I suggested, based o n a detailed i c o n o g r a p h i c a l analysis, t h a t the w o m a n m a y a c t u a l l y be an ideal presentation o f a Ptolemaic queen as thea synnaos, representing various aspects of the Ptolemaic p o w e r o n l a n d a n d sea. M o r e recently, after careful e x a m i n a t i o n o f several o r i g i n a l Ptolemaic m a r b l e p o r t r a i t s r e t a i n i n g traces o f c o l o r , I have realized t h a t t h e i r present p o l y c h r o m y is i n fact a faded version o f w h a t one can see o n a f u l l scale a n d w i t h a l l details o n the mosaics f r o m T h m u i s . L e t me quote here, translated by me i n t o E n g l i s h , the d e s c r i p t i o n given by 143 144 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Kyrieleis o f c o l o r finishing o f the Serapeion p o r t r a i t , w h i c h is a t y p i c a l example, a n d c o m p a r e i t w i t h the t w o faces o n the mosaics. The eyelids are even n o w marked by thick black lines, the eye lashes are i n the f o r m of short strokes directed upwards and downwards. The eyebrows were large thick bands. The rugged surface retains considerable traces of dark b r o w n iris. Clearly visible are the remains of linear strands of hair o n forehead and temples. The heavy red and black paint on the m o u t h , nose, and eyes stood glaring against the w h i t e surface. Painted forms must have dominated its whole appearance. 7 L i n e after line, t r a i t after t r a i t , we find o n the mosaics a l l the p o l y c h r o m a t i c details preserved o n the m a r b l e head, a n d m u c h m o r e . For the first t i m e we can a d m i r e a b r o a d s p e c t r u m o f halftones, grada t i o n s , a n d shading. O n e may, of course, object o n the g r o u n d s t h a t the p o l y c h r o m y o f sculptures c a n n o t be j u d g e d by a representation o n mosaics. T h i s o b j e c t i o n is justified, b u t o n l y t o some extent. T h e t w o mosaic busts f r o m T h m u i s are so far absolutely u n i q u e , a n d they are p r o b a b l y the earliest emblemata k n o w n t o us. T h e y have n o i c o n o g r a p h i c parallels a m o n g other H e l l e n i s t i c mosaics o r paintings i n the M e d i t e r ranean. I k n o w o f n o other representations o f heads o n mosaics, be they Hellenistic o r R o m a n , w h e r e m i n o r details of the face w o u l d be i n d i cated i n the same way. Especially characteristic is the r e n d e r i n g o f the eyes a n d eyelashes, nose, a n d m o u t h . O n the other h a n d , this w a y of presentation o f eyelashes a n d o f the use of colors f o r other details is f o u n d o n Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t sculpture i n m a r b l e a n d occasionally o n R o m a n m u m m y masks a n d m u m m y p o r t r a i t s . T h e mosaics f r o m T h m u i s thus seem deeply a n c h o r e d i n the P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n c o n t e x t . T h e ques t i o n remains, however, w h e t h e r the T h m u i s busts are copies of a p a i n t i n g o r perhaps a reflection o f an a c r o l i t h i c statue. T h e latter hypothesis is very t e m p t i n g . Be t h a t as i t may, t h a n k s t o these t w o faces of stone, re e x a m i n e d f r o m a different p o i n t o f view, we m a y better visualize w h a t a m a r b l e head, perhaps p a r t o f an a c r o l i t h i c statue o f a Ptolemaic ruler, m i g h t have l o o k e d like i n f u l l p o l y c h r o m a t i c splendor. A l t h o u g h the mosaics f r o m T h m u i s betray appurtenance t o the P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n c o n t e x t , they testify t o the w a y colors were used t o emphasize facial fea tures. U n l i k e m u m m y m a s k s — w h i c h , after a l l , are mass p r o d u c t s — t h e faces o n mosaics as a w h o l e are neither excessively sharp n o r t o o aggres sive. I n fact, they p r o b a b l y are n o t different f r o m w h a t one m i g h t expect i n the c o n t e x t o f the p u r e l y Greek o r H e l l e n i s t i c k o i n e , except f o r one i m p o r t a n t detail: T h e eyes are emphasized t o a degree t h a t recalls ageold Egyptian tradition. A l t h o u g h H e l l e n i s t i c mosaics i n E g y p t are n o t n u m e r o u s , some o f t h e m are n o t o n l y b e a u t i f u l b u t also o f great i m p o r t a n c e f o r the Daszewski study o f the development o f this type o f d e c o r a t i o n , as p r o v e d by the mosaic o f the H u n t i n g Erotes f r o m the Shatby r e g i o n i n A l e x a n d r i a . I have dealt w i t h this p r o b l e m elsewhere. A f o r e i g n i n v e n t i o n , mosaics 8 were b r o u g h t t o E g y p t by the Greeks i n the late f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . T h i s type o f d e c o r a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d , first, w i t h the GraecoM a c e d o n i a n settlers a n d , t h e n , w i t h the Graeco-Egyptians b u t always w i t h a t h o r o u g h l y hellenized p a r t o f the p o p u l a t i o n . T h e h i g h q u a l i t y of some examples a n d the relative lack o f simple mosaic floors indicate t h a t mosaics i n H e l l e n i s t i c E g y p t were the p r i v i l e g e o f r i c h people a n d o f the r o y a l c o u r t . R o m a n E g y p t presents a very different p i c t u r e . M o s a i c deco r a t i o n became m o r e frequent, a l t h o u g h , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d its v i c i n i t y , mosaics never achieved the immense p o p u l a r i t y they enjoyed i n other parts o f the R o m a n w o r l d , even i n places as close t o E g y p t as Cyrene o r the Syro-Palestine r e g i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o m y i n v e n t o r y based o n l o c a l visits, e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t s , m u s e u m records, a n d files o f the E g y p t i a n D e p a r t m e n t o f A n t i q uities, some 160 mosaics are n o w k n o w n f r o m a l l over the c o u n t r y , m a n y of t h e m preserved o n l y i n fragments. O n e can d i s t i n g u i s h f o u r m a i n areas w i t h mosaics o f u n e q u a l i m p o r t a n c e b o t h i n q u a l i t y a n d i n q u a n t i t y o f the m o n u m e n t s : First, A l e x a n d r i a a n d its i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o r h o o d ; sec o n d , the r e g i o n o f the N i l e D e l t a ; t h i r d , the F a i y u m Oasis, M i d d l e a n d U p p e r E g y p t , a very large area w i t h very few items; a n d , f o u r t h , the Sinai Peninsula f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast s o u t h w a r d t o the M o n a s t e r y o f Saint Catherine. Scanty remains o f mosaic d e c o r a t i o n are recorded f r o m the western desert, n o t a b l y f r o m A b u M i n a a n d K e l l i a . I f the first three areas are m o r e o r less related t o one another a n d stand under v a r i o u s degrees o f A l e x a n d r i a n influence, the mosaics f r o m the n o r t h e r n Sinai, especially f r o m Sheikh Z u e d e , 9 b e l o n g t o the sphere o f influence o f the Syro-Palestine r e g i o n , especially the area o f M a d a b a , R i h a b , M a i n , a n d M o u n t N e b o i n present-day J o r d a n . c 10 T h e w a l l mosaics i n the M o n a s t e r y o f Saint Catherine stand apart f r o m a l l other examples i n the area a n d have l i t t l e t o d o w i t h E g y p t . T h e y p r o v i d e us w i t h a s p l e n d i d e x a m p l e o f the best p r o d u c t s f r o m the J u s t i n i a n p e r i o d , m o s t p r o b a b l y executed by some m e t r o p o l i t a n expert mosaicist f r o m C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . " T h e greatest n u m b e r o f mosaic floors, some sixty-seven items a n d sixty-three larger fragments, come f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d its v i c i n i t y . I a m r e f e r r i n g t o such places as A b u K i r 1 2 (Canopus), M a a m u r a h , 1 3 a n d the p a r t o f the M a r e o t i s r e g i o n closest t o the c a p i t a l , such as the islet of M a h a r S h a a r a n . 14 I t is h i g h l y p r o b a b l e t h a t a l l these mosaics were a c t u a l l y made b y the same m e t r o p o l i t a n w o r k s h o p s . T h e c o m p o s i t i o n , m o t i f s , a n d e x e c u t i o n o f a large mosaic f l o o r f o u n d by the G e r m a n expe d i t i o n o n K o m esh-Shugafa i n A l e x a n d r i a 1 5 are very s i m i l a r t o those o f a 145 146 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA mosaic f r o m M a a m u r a h (fig. 3). T h e same is true for some fine-quality FIG. examples f o u n d isolated i n the chora. A g o o d example is p r o v i d e d by a Mosaic, from M a a m u r a h - p o l y c h r o m e shield o f scales w i t h the representation o f a p y g m y c a r r y i n g 3 Kharaba. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 8473. Photo by water. Years ago K l a u s Parlasca saved this fine mosaic, w h i c h is n o w i n D . Johannes, courtesy of the the C i b a B u i l d i n g i n Basel, S w i t z e r l a n d , f r o m o b l i v i o n . D A I , Cairo. 1 6 T h e piece sup posedly comes f r o m M e m p h i s . I have serious d o u b t s a b o u t its prove FIG. nance. I t w o u l d be a u n i q u e mosaic f r o m this t o w n , where extensive Mosaic, from Shatby. Alexandria, excavations have been carried o u t for m a n y years. Since Hellenistic times Graeco-Roman Museum 10200 a "circle i n square" c o m p o s i t i o n , i n i t i a l l y w i t h a shield o f scales a n d later w i t h a rosette (fig. 4 ) , triangles, o r squares, is very characteristic o f many Alexandrian floors. 17 T h e mosaic i n Basel thus seems m o r e l i k e l y t o have been made either by a m i g r a n t artist f r o m A l e x a n d r i a w h o b r o u g h t w i t h h i m t o M e m p h i s n o t o n l y the technical k n o w - h o w b u t also the necessary materials, o r i t comes f r o m the r e g i o n o f the c a p i t a l b u t the provenance has been falsified, as is often the case w i t h finds c o m i n g f r o m i l l i c i t excavations. A figured mosaic f r o m Sheikh A b a d a , ancient A n t i n o u p o l i s i n U p p e r E g y p t , represents a very different case. I t was uncovered i n a p r i vate house by the I t a l i a n M i s s i o n of Sergio D o n a d o n i . 1 8 Fragments o f a geometric mosaic floor were also recorded f r o m another l o c a t i o n i n this t o w n f o u n d e d by E m p e r o r H a d r i a n i n m e m o r y o f his dead f r i e n d . T h e figured mosaic, w h i c h was i n a p o o r state o f preservation, depicts an aucupium, o r b i r d - c a t c h i n g scene, s u r r o u n d i n g panels p r o b a b l y s h o w i n g A r t e m i s , A p o l l o , a n d D a p h n e . T h e b i r d - c a t c h i n g m o t i f is rare i n Egyp t i a n floor mosaics, as are figured representations. I t is n o t a p r o b l e m o f b a d preservation, as has sometimes been suggested, b u t rather the result of a deliberate choice o r taste. I t is r e m a r k a b l e t h a t apart f r o m a few emblemata o n l y f o u r floors w i t h figured representations are k n o w n 4 (5395)· Photo by the author. Daszewski FIG. 5 Mosaic, from Shatby. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 25093. D r a w i n g by K . K a m i n s k i , Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. f r o m R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a . O n e o f t h e m depicts v a r i o u s b i r d s , a n o t h e r fish (fig. 5), the t h i r d ( n o w lost) c o n t a i n e d a bust o f D i o n y s o s , a n d the f o u r t h (also n o w lost) h a d a representation o f h u m a n f i g u r e s . 19 T w o figured mosaics are k n o w n f r o m T h m u i s . O n e is the famous Banquet Scene a m o n g N i l o t i c marshes, aquatic a n i m a l s , a n d p y g mies; the other redraws one o f the m o s t famous ancient tales o f passion a n d death, namely, the m y t h o f A l p h e u s a n d A r e t h u s a . 20 G e o m e t r i c mosaics i n the D e l t a are recorded i n greater q u a n t i t y . T h e y are b i c h r o m e , usually b l a c k a n d w h i t e . I n this they recall the s i t u a t i o n i n the c a p i t a l , whereas f r o m the later first c e n t u r y A . D . , b l a c k a n d - w h i t e mosaics w i t h v a r i o u s geometric m o t i f s d o m i n a t e the scene, a l t h o u g h p o l y c h r o m e floors are also present. T h e great m a j o r i t y o f E g y p t i a n mosaics i n a l l areas, a n d especially i n A l e x a n d r i a , share one c o m m o n feature. T h e y are usually d e p r i v e d o f t h e i r o r i g i n a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t e x t a n d lack precise c r i t e r i a f o r d a t i n g other t h a n stylistic o r h i s t o r i cal ones. O n l y a few floors can be dated o n m o r e secure archaeological g r o u n d s . These few exceptions are therefore o f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e . T h e y serve as parallels f o r other, u n d a t e d m o n u m e n t s . T h e m o s t o u t s t a n d i n g such g r o u p is a set o f mosaic pavements discovered by the Polish A r c h a e o l o g i c a l M i s s i o n at K o m el D i k k a i n the center o f A l e x a n dria. 21 I n late a n t i q u i t y this area c o m p r i s e d i n its western p a r t several p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , an o d e o n , a b a t h , a n d assembly halls. T o the east was a 147 148 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC A L E X A N D R I A FIG. 6a Mosaics, from House A , K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by W. Jerke, courtesy of the Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. FIG. 6b Upper mosaic from House A , K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. D r a w i n g by R. Sobolewski, Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. Daszewski FIG. 7 Mosaic from House A , K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by residential quarter occupied between the f o u r t h a n d seventh centuries by modest dwellings a n d w o r k s h o p s o f craftsmen a n d small merchants. A . B o d y t k o , courtesy of the Polish B e l o w these late b u i l d i n g s were uncovered remains o f r i c h l y decorated Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. w e a l t h y houses w i t h peristyle courts a n d large d i n i n g r o o m s . M a n y FIG. 8 c o n t a i n e d mosaic floors of fine q u a l i t y , sometimes i n t w o superimposed Mosaic from House B, K o m el layers (figs. 6a, b ) . Stratified p o t t e r y finds give the early second h a l f D i k k a , Alexandria. D r a w i n g by of the first century A . D . as a t e r m i n u s post quern f o r their e x e c u t i o n . R. Sobolewski, Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. F i n a l d e s t r u c t i o n o f a l l houses i n the area o c c u r r e d by the end o f the t h i r d century. Frequent repairs i n mosaics of the second layer testify t o t h e i r l o n g use. T h e earliest level c o m p r i s e d t w o b i c h r o m e , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e mosaics set i n grayish m o r t a r of l i m e a n d ashes o n an earlier pavement of red m o r t a r resembling signinum t i o n of a b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e tesselatum floors. O n e mosaic was a c o m b i n a frame w i t h a p a t t e r n of small cross- lets b o r d e r i n g an opus sectile panel (fig. 7 ) . T h e other one presented a c o m b i n a t i o n of b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e squares w i t h inscribed b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e circles. There s h o u l d be n o d o u b t t h a t these A l e x a n d r i a n pavements were made i n the latter h a l f o f the first c e n t u r y o r slightly later. Soon after the first t w o mosaics were l a i d , f o u r n e w pavements were added, some of t h e m superimposed. Three other mosaics were executed i n the n e i g h b o r i n g b u i l d i n g . Five mosaics o u t of the t o t a l of seven were b i c h r o m e , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e (fig. 8). I n their c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d m o t i f s these mosaics a l l find their 149 150 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 9a FIG. Mosaic w i t h birds from House A , K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by A . Bodytko, courtesy of the Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. FIG. 9b Mosaic w i t h birds from House A , K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. D r a w i n g by R. Sobolewski, Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. closest parallels i n Italy. O n e need o n l y m e n t i o n mosaics f r o m P o m p e i i a n d A q u i l e i a o f the late first c e n t u r y a n d especially o f the first h a l f o f the second century. Some mosaics f r o m K o m el D i k k a have almost c a r b o n copies a m o n g u n d a t e d mosaics f r o m Canopus, thus f a c i l i t a t i n g their c h r o n o l o g i c a l assignment a n d p r o v i n g l i n k s w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k shops. T w o mosaics c o n t a i n e d p o l y c h r o m e panels w i t h i n b l a c k - a n d w h i t e geometric borders. T h e panels w i t h birds (figs. 9a, b) r e m i n d us o f such represen tations o n H a d r i a n i c floors i n O s t i a . H o w e v e r , aquatic birds o n the K o m el D i k k a floor deserve special a t t e n t i o n i n v i e w o f the existence i n late Hellenistic times o f s i m i l a r representations o n mosaics f r o m Canopus, a n d later i n T h m u i s o n the mosaic w i t h the Banquet Scene. There is one m o r e peculiar d e t a i l o f technical e x e c u t i o n w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g because i t sets the representations f r o m K o m el D i k k a a p a r t f r o m a l l other such depictions of b i r d s . A t K o m el D i k k a the eyes are made n o t o f tesserae b u t o f specially prepared glass roundels t h a t i m i t a t e the sequence o f c o l o r zones i n an eye. Suffice i t here t o recall the Daszewski FIG. 10 Mosaics from House T, K o m el D i k k a , Alexandria. Photo by A . B o d y t k o , courtesy of the Polish Centre of Archaeology, Cairo. centuries-long t r a d i t i o n of mosaic glass manufacture i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e same layer f r o m the late first a n d early second centuries A . D . c o m p r i s i n g r i c h residential houses has been identified i n the western p a r t of K o m el D i k k a , w h e r e t w o mosaics were f o u n d . O n e is an o l d find of 1 8 9 5 , made by D . G . H o g a r t h a n d m e n t i o n e d by Parlasca. 22 The floor, i n c o m p l e t e l y recorded i n a d r a w i n g , shows a shield o f triangles a n d a fragment o f a geometric border. A c c o r d i n g t o a d e s c r i p t i o n , i t also c o n t a i n e d a representation o f birds a n d an opus sectile p a r t . I t can n o w be dated m o r e securely t o late H a d r i a n i c times. T h e other mosaic, f o u n d i n an early R o m a n house located p a r t l y b e l o w the o d e o n , displays a b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e panel c o n t a i n i n g a sort o f r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a meander o f swastikas, o r latchkey p a t t e r n , set w i t h i n an adjusting border o f i r r e g u l a r tesselatum. 23 T h e t h i r d house i n the eastern p a r t o f the K o m was the largest of a l l a n d is later i n date a c c o r d i n g t o p o t t e r y finds. W i t h i n i t , three tessellated mosaics a n d one opus sectile floor were f o u n d . 2 4 O n l y one mosaic was black a n d w h i t e , the other pavements are p o l y c h r o m e t h r o u g h o u t (fig. 10). T h e y display decorative m o t i f s t h a t , w h e n t a k e n i n d i v i d u a l l y , find parallels i n the late second century b u t , w h e n considered as a w h o l e , s h o u l d n o t be placed 151 152 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA before the second quarter o r even the m i d d l e of the t h i r d century. Espe cially characteristic i n this respect is the p o l y c h r o m e o r t h o g o n a l p a t t e r n of adjacent squares i n five colors c o m b i n e d w i t h a p o l y c h r o m e d o u b l e g u i l l o c h e a n d an adjacent panel of intersecting circles w i t h inscribed concave lozenges. A l l mosaic pavements a n d the opus sectile floor reveal traces o f repairs. T h e discovery of mosaics i n a stratified excavation at K o m el D i k k a a n d their c h r o n o l o g i c a l assignment a l l o w us t o d r a w sev eral conclusions o f a m o r e general nature. 1. M o s a i c d e c o r a t i o n i n R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a m u s t have been m u c h m o r e p o p u l a r t h a n h i t h e r t o suspected. W i t h i n a rela tively small area o f K o m el D i k k a were f o u n d i n situ sixteen tessellated floors, three opus sectile pavements, a n d hundreds of s m a l l , loose fragments. One emblema figured representation was also f o u n d . 2. vermiculatum with 2 5 M o s a i c s f r o m K o m el D i k k a help fix a p p r o x i m a t e dates for m a n y undated floors i n A l e x a n d r i a a n d Canopus, the a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t e x t o f w h i c h is u n k n o w n . 3. I f considered together w i t h m a n y floors f r o m other A l e x a n d r i a n sites n o t m e n t i o n e d i n this paper, the mosaics f r o m K o m el D i k k a strengthen the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t i n the first a n d second centuries A . D . , b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e floors w i t h geometric ornaments d o m i n a t e d . I n this respect A l e x a n d r i a n mosaics stay i n line w i t h c o n t e m p o r a r y developments i n Greece, Cyrenaica, a n d , especially, Italy. I t is w i t h I t a l y rather t h a n Greece, however, n o t t o m e n t i o n Syria, t h a t b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e mosaics i n A l e x a n d r i a appear t o have h a d special l i n k s w i t h respect t o m o t i f s a n d their use i n overall c o m p o s i t i o n s . 4. C e r t a i n representations t h a t were p o p u l a r already i n ear lier periods, namely birds, flowers, a n d fruits, persist i n R o m a n times. 5. T h e astonishing p o p u l a r i t y o f the "circle i n square" c o m p o s i t i o n a n d the p r e d i l e c t i o n for a l l k i n d s of rosettes are demonstrated o n mosaics i n K o m el D i k k a a n d other A l e x a n d r i a n sites. 6. M o s a i c s f r o m K o m el D i k k a indicate t h a t the scarcity o f figured representations o n mosaic pavements i n E g y p t as a w h o l e a n d i n A l e x a n d r i a i n p a r t i c u l a r is n o t accidental b u t reflects a certain t r e n d or a deliberate choice. University of Trier T R I E R , G E R M A N Y Daszewski Notes 1 E . g . , A . A d r i a n i , Lezioni sull'arte alessandrina (Naples 1972), pp. 47ft.; H . Kyrieleis, nisse der Ptolemäer 11 Royal at Mount Sinai of Saint (Ann A r b o r 1973), p p . 1 1 - 2 0 , a n d i l l s . ; K . W e i t z m a n n , Studies (Berlin 1975), p p . 126ft.; R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic G . H . F o r s y t h e et a l . , The Monastery Catherine Bild- the Arts Portraits at Sinai in (Princeton 1982), pp. 9 - 1 8 . ( O x f o r d 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 86ff. 12 Black-and-white mosaic showing intersecting circles w i t h i n s c r i b e d t r i a n g l e s a n d s q u a r e s . 2 Athenaeus 5.196, 198, 2 0 1 . 3 K . Y f a n t i d i s , " D i e P o l y c h r o m i e der H e l l e n i - Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8472. 13 stischen P l a s t i k " ( P h . D . diss., M a i n z 1 9 8 4 ) , M u l t i c o l o r e d s h i e l d o f scales w i t h i n a s q u a r e frame of bead-and-reel m o t i f , A l e x a n d r i a , p p . 96ft. G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m 8 4 7 0 ; see E . B r e c c i a , 4 G . G r i m m , Die römischen Mumienmasken Bulletin aus drie ( W i e s b a d e n 1 9 7 4 ) , p a s s i m ; K . Par- Ägypten lasca, Repertorio d'arte dell'Egitto Serie B . , v o l s . 1 - 3 , Rittrati romano, (Palermo de la Société Archéologique d'Alexan- 8 ( A l e x a n d r i a 1905): 105ft. p l . Y e t another greco- m o s a i c d i s p l a y s a s h i e l d o f i n t e r s e c t i n g circles di w i t h i n a square frame of guilloche, A l e x a n d r i a , mummie Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 8473: i b i d . , p p . 107ft. 1969-1980). and pi. 5 S e r a p e i o n heads: K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 4 6 f t . a n d p . 1 7 1 , D 3, p i s . 3 4 , 3 5 ; p p . i o 6 f t . , 14 F o u r geometric b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e mosaics decorating four contiguous rooms: G. Botti, "Studio a n d p . 1 8 2 , L 5, p i . 2 5 ; Kassel h e a d , i b i d . , p p . 98 and 180, K 1, p i . 83; M a r i e m o n t head, sull i n n o m o d e l l ' E g i t t o inferiore e p i u special- i b i d . , p p . 9 9 a n d 1 8 1 , K 5, p i . 8 7 ; see also m e n t e s u l l a r e g i o n e m a r e o t i c a , " Bulletin Smith (note 1 above), pp. 9 1 - 9 2 . Société Archéologique de la 4 (1902): d'Alexandrie 80ft. a n d p l . 6 W . A . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus Egypt, of Mosaics vol. i (Mainz 1985), pp. from 142-60, 15 pis. A 32, 33. 7 T . Schreiber, Expedition Ernst vol. 1 Sieglin, (Leipzig 1908), p. 80, pis. 1 2 - 1 4 . Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 109: " D i e A u g e n - 16 l i d e r s i n d n o c h j e t z t als d i c k e s c h w a r z e L i n i e n K . P a r l a s c a , La mosaïque Gréco-Romaine, v o l . 2 (Paris 1 9 7 5 ) , p p . 3 6 3 - 6 8 , p l . H . m a r k i e r t , d i e W i m p e r n f ü h r e n als k u r z e S t r i c h e n a c h o b e n u n d u n t e n . D i e B r a u e n w a r e n als 17 F o r e x a m p l e , a fine, m u l t i c o l o r e d m o s a i c w i t h a breite, dichte B ä n d e r i n Schwarz aufgemalt. D i e s h i e l d o f r a d i a t i n g scales f o u n d i n t h e r e g i o n o f g e r a u h t e O b e r f l ä c h e b e w a h r t n o c h s t a r k e Reste M o h a r e m Bey i n A l e x a n d r i a , der d u n k e l b r a u n e n I r i s , u n d a n S t i r n u n d S c h l ä - M u s e u m 3 2 2 4 A ; see G . B o t t i , Le Musée fen erkennt m a n d e u t l i c h Farbspuren v o n linear Romain Graeco-Roman Gréco- (Alexandria 1892-1898). d'Alexandrie a u f g e m a l t e n L o c k e n s t r ä h n e n . I n s b e s o n d e r e die starke rote u n d schwarze Bemalung an M u n d , 18 Nase u n d A u g e n p a r t i e h o b sich u r s p r ü n g l i c h G . U g g e r i , i n Antinoe (Rome (1965-1968) 1 9 7 4 ) , PP- 1 2 5 - 2 8 , p i s . 5 7 - 6 0 . g r e l l v o n der w e i ß e n O b e r f l ä c h e a b . D i e g e m a l t e n F o r m e n m ü s s e n d e n g a n z e n E i n d r u c k be- 19 herrscht haben." F o r b i r d s , M . R o d z i e w i c z , Alexandrie, nuaire 8 vol. 3 ( W a r s a w 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 4 4 . For fish, A . A d r i a n i , D a s z e w s k i ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , p . 103 a n d p a s s i m . du Musée 1935-1939 Gréco-Romain (Alexandria 1940): 149, p l . 6 1 ; for D i o n y s o s , M . D o n d e r e r , Die Mosaizisten 9 J. C l é d a t , " F o u i l l e s à C h e i k h Z o n è d e , " du service des Antiquités de l'Egypte Annales Antike 15 ( 1 9 1 5 ) : lung und ihre wirtschaftliche 1 5 f t . ; P. H o f f m a n n , " D e r M o s a i k f u ß b o d e n v o n with human marche turzeitschrift 3 (1969): 1 8 8 - 9 7 . der und soziale Stel- (Erlangen 1989), pp. 1 0 7 - 8 ; for mosaic I s m a i l i a , " i n A r m a n t , Deutsch-Arabische Kul- An- d'Alexandrie, figures, du service d'Alexandrie E . B r e c c i a , Rapport du Musée pendant sur la Gréco-Romain l'Exercice 1921-1912, p . 4 ; i d e m ( n o t e 13 a b o v e ) , p . 56 n . 1 . 10 M . P i c c i r i l l o et a l . , I Mosaici di Giordania, exh. cat. ( R e g i o n e L a z i o A s s e s s o r a t o a l l a C u l t u r a 1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 7 8 , 9 5 , 9 8 , esp. 117-27. 20 B a n q u e t Scene, A l e x a n d r i a , Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 2 1 6 4 1 a n d 2 1 6 4 1 A , see E . B r e c c i a , Le 153 154 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC Musée ALEXANDRIA gréco-romain d'Alexandrie, 1925-1931, p. 1 0 1 , p l . 52.193; A . Adriani, in dell'arte antica, classica e orientale, Enciclopedia voi. 1 (Rome 1958), p . 2 2 8 , i l i . 335; i d e m (note 1 above), p . 188, p l . 57; Alpheus and Arethusa, Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 20195, see G . D a r e s s y , Annales Alexandrea du Service des Antiqui 13 ( 1 9 1 4 ) : 1 8 4 ; E . B r e c c i a , tés de l'Egypte (Bergamo 1922), ad Aegyptum p. 2 4 1 , ill. 137; H . Sichtermann, i n dia dell'arte antica, classica Enciclope voi. 3 e orientale, (Rome i 9 6 0 ) , ili. 878; K . M i c h a l o w s k i , dria (Warsaw 1970), p l . 20; H . De a n d P. M a c K a y , Mendes, Alexan Meulenaere voi. 2 (Warminster 1976), p. 2 1 1 , ill. 158. 21 Ζ . K i s s , " L e s f o u i l l e s p o l o n a i s e s e n E g y p t e et a u S u d a n en 1 9 7 3 , " Africana Bulletin 21 (1974): 2 3 o f f . , i l l . p . 2 3 1 ; M . R o d z i e w i c z , Études ( n o t e 19 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 6 ° . Alexandrie 22 et 9 (1976): i7off., and 262L; idem, Travaux D . G . H o g a r t h a n d E . F. B e n s o n , " R e p o r t o n Prospects o f Research i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h N o t e o n Excavations i n A l e x a n d r i a n Cemeteries," Egypt port Exploration Fund, Archaeological i l l . o n p . 1 6 ; A . A d r i a n i , Repertorio dell'Egitto Re- (London 1895), pp. 14ÎÏ. and 1894-1895 d'arte Serie C , v o l s . greco-romano, 1-2 ( P a l e r m o 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 8 3 , n o . 4 4 A ; Parlasca ( n o t e 16 a b o v e ) , p . 3 6 6 a n d i l l . 23 24 Kiss (note 2 1 above), p. 2 3 1 . R o d z i e w i c z , Alexandrie ( n o t e 19 a b o v e ) , pp. 5 0 - 5 2 . 25 W . A . Daszewski, " A n O l d Question in Light o f N e w E v i d e n c e , " Das Ägypten, Römisch-Byzantinische A k t e n des i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n S y m p o - sions, 2 6 . - 3 0 . September 1 9 7 8 , T r i e r . tiaca Treverensia, Aegyp- v o l . 2, ed. G . G r i m m , H . H e i n e n , a n d E. W i n t e r ( M a i n z 1983), pp. 1 6 1 - 6 5 , Ρ · 3 ΐ · ΐ · 1 155 Ein spätrömischer bemalter Sarg aus Ägypten im J. Paul Getty Museum Klaus Parlasca D i e m i t d e m T h e m a des Symposiums " A l e x a n d r i a a n d A l e x a n d r i a n i s m " verknüpften Probleme sind n i c h t a u f die K u l t u r dieser W e l t s t a d t be schränkt. D i e A k z e n t e der griechisch-orientalischen K u l t u r b e g e g n u n g sind i n dieser a n t i k e n W e l t s t a d t u n d i m eigentlichen Ä g y p t e n , der soge n a n n t e n Chora, teilweise sehr verschieden. I m L i c h t e unserer a r c h ä o l o gischen Q u e l l e n ü b e r r a s c h e n die vielfältigen Erscheinungsformen dieser Symbiose. D a z u k o m m e n charakteristische Unterschiede i n zeitlicher Hinsicht. V o r a l l e m sprechen z w e i A r g u m e n t e für die Einbeziehung v o n F u n d e n aus anderen Landesteilen i n unsere T h e m a t i k . I n A l e x a n d r i a sind verschiedene Facetten der materiellen K u l t u r w ä h r e n d der fast i o o o Jahre dauernden p o l i t i s c h e n Z u g e h ö r i g k e i t zur klassischen W e l t n i c h t belegt. Deshalb m u ß m a n n i c h t selten a u f Funde aus anderen Gegenden Ä g y p t e n s zurückgreifen, natürlich m i t d e m V o r b e h a l t eventueller re gionaler Unterschiede. Andererseits ist die unterschiedliche A u s p r ä g u n g der K u l t u r m i s c h u n g ein i n s t r u k t i v e r Gradmesser für das Ü b e r g e w i c h t der einen K u l t u r bzw. der Resistenz der anderen. D a b e i sind die V o r z e i chen dieser Polarität i n A l e x a n d r i a u n d a u f d e m flachen L a n d , der " C h o r a , " gegensätzlich. I n A l e x a n d r i a erfolgte eine schrittweise D u r c h d r i n g u n g des griechischen Erscheinungsbildes m i t ä g y p t i s c h e n Elementen. D e m g e g e n ü b e r haben sich i m übrigen Ä g y p t e n die " e u r o p ä i s c h e n " K o m p o n e n t e n des a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e n Erbes n u r z ö g e r n d durchgesetzt. Das Griechische ist hier selten u n d zumeist a u f den frühen H e l l e n i s m u s beschränkt. I n jedem Falle sind die Resultate der sich d a r a n a n k n ü p fenden A n a l y s e n für beide Aspekte dieses Problems—also des ä g y p t i schen sowie des griechischen—sehr l e h r r e i c h . Z u r V e r m e i d u n g voreiliger Verallgemeinerungen sind j e d o c h getrennte U n t e r s u c h u n g e n e r f o r d e r l i c h , die den j e w e i l i g e n Gegebenheiten—Gattungen, Perioden u n d R e g i o n e n — R e c h n u n g tragen. I m Jahre 1982 e r w a r b J i f i Frei für das J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m einen i n allen wesentlichen Teilen v o l l s t ä n d i g e n , bemalten H o l z s a r g — zusammen m i t einer Serie teilweise fragmentierter, nach Aussage des Vorbesitzers z u g e h ö r i g e r K l e i n f u n d e . D a v o n w u r d e bisher n u r das B r u c h s t ü c k einer beschrifteten H o l z t a f e l p u b l i z i e r t . V o m Sarg selbst 1 56 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA w u r d e i n den vergangenen Jahren n u r die M a l e r e i der Frontseite mehr ABB. fach abgebildet ( A b b . i a ) . Erst i n den Jahren 1 9 9 2 / 1 9 9 3 erfolgte eine Holzsarg. Langseite A. M a l i b u , 2 eingehende Restaurierung u n d technische U n t e r s u c h u n g . D a n a c h w u r d e I a J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AP.75. der Sarg i n seiner o r i g i n a l e n F o r m anläßlich des A l e x a n d r i a - S y m p o s i o n s ABB. erstmals der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt; er f a n d i n der Schausammlung Langseite B des Holzsargs, des M u s e u m s einen angemessenen Platz. D i e erhaltenen Teile des nach 3 seiner A u f f i n d u n g zersägten Sargs umfassen die beiden Langseiten ( A b b . i a , b ) , eine Schmalseite ( A b b . i c ) u n d den D e c k e l ( A b b . i d ) . S o m i t fehlt, abgesehen v o n d e m v e r m u t l i c h unverzierten B o d e n u n d den aufge setzten Leisten an den E n d e n des Deckels, n u r die andere Schmalseite. I h r Fehlen ist leicht z u e r k l ä r e n . D i e O b e r f l ä c h e der anschließenden Par t i e n der beiden Langseiten ist d u r c h W a s s e r e i n w i r k u n g stark beschädigt. Deshalb w a r v e r m u t l i c h auch die M a l s c h i c h t dieser Partie weitgehend zerstört. M i t A u s n a h m e der Schmalseite bestehen die erhaltenen Partien jeweils n u r aus einem Brett. I m H i n b l i c k a u f die gute, bereits i n v o r h e l lenistischer Z e i t p r a k t i z i e r t e Stückungstechnik ist dieser A u f w a n d über raschend. D i e G r ü n d e für diese Praxis sind j e d o c h , w i e w i r n o c h sehen werden, deutlich. Eine C-14-Analyse hat ergeben, daß das H o l z wesentlich älter ist als seine V e r w e n d u n g für den Sarg. D i e sorgfältige U n t e r s u c h u n g I b Abb. i a . Parlasca ABB. I c Schmalseite des Holzsargs, Abb. i a . ABB. Id Gesamtansicht m i t Deckel des Holzsargs, A b b . i a . des technischen Befundes lieferte ferner den N a c h w e i s , daß die Bretter zunächst einem anderen Z w e c k gedient haben. D a b e i b i l d e t e n die beiden Langseiten u r s p r ü n g l i c h ein einziges B r e t t ( M i n d e s t l ä n g e 3,06 m ) , dessen o r i g i n a l e Breite sich d u r c h die an einer Seite verkürzten Einsatzleisten (s. unten) a u f etwa 75 c m berechnen läßt. Z u r E r s t n u t z u n g g e h ö r t a u c h eine Serie k l e i n e r B o h r l ö c h e r , deren u n r e g e l m ä ß i g e V e r t e i l u n g allerdings keine R ü c k s c h l ü s s e a u f den u r s p r ü n g l i c h e n V e r w e n d u n g s z w e c k er m ö g l i c h t . D i e L ö c h e r w u r d e n bei der Z w e i t v e r w e n d u n g kaschiert. D i e F o r m des Sargs ist auffallend schlicht; bei den H o l z t e i l e n fehlen völlig i m eigentlichen Sinne tektonische oder d e k o r a t i v e Elemente. Sogar a u f die sonst üblichen Eckpfosten w u r d e n verzichtet. D i e vier Seiten bestehen ebenso w i e der D e c k e l u n d der fehlende B o d e n aus glat t e n F l ä c h e n ohne Profile. A n beiden Schmalseiten des Deckels w a r e n Leisten v o n 4,3 c m Breite befestigt. Sie dienten w o h l p r i m ä r als Schiebe griffe für den D e c k e l , d o c h k ö n n e n sie auch als flache Giebel d e k o r a t i v ausgestaltet gewesen sein. A n den Ecken sind die Einzelbretter sorgfältig verzapft u n d zusätzlich n o c h d u r c h dicke N ä g e l gesichert. I n auffallendem Gegensatz zu den ü b e r a u s schlichten Formge b u n g des Sargkastens steht die bemerkenswert sorgfältige h a n d w e r k l i c h e G e s t a l t u n g der w i e d e r v e r w e n d e t e n Bretter. Abgesehen v o n der Schmal- 157 158 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA seite (s. unten) besteht jede F l ä c h e aus einem einzigen Brett, das jeweils aus der M i t t e des Stamms einer m ä c h t i g e n Libanonzeder h e r a u s g e s ä g t ist. A u f diese Weise bestand das geringste R i s i k o , daß sich das H o l z i m Laufe der Z e i t verzieht. A u ß e r d e m befinden sich i n den langen B r e t t e r n rechteckige B o h r u n g e n , i n die m i t erstaunlich sauberer F ü g u n g fünf bzw. sechs lange Leisten aus H a r t h o l z eingezogen sind. D a d u r c h erzielte m a n eine zusätzliche Stabilität. Diese Leisten sind i n den B r e t t e r n der L a n g seite v o n u n t e n bis etwa 2/3 der H ö h e eingefügt. D e r D e c k e l weist eine ähnliche A r m i e r u n g auf; hier w u r d e n v o n jeder Seite aus sechs bzw. fünf solcher Leisten i n a n n ä h e r n d gleicher L ä n g e eingezogen. Einer V e r w e r fung des Holzes mußte besonders b e i m D e c k e l vorgebeugt w e r d e n , u m sein einwandfreies F u n k t i o n i e r e n bei späterem Öffnung z u g e w ä h r l e i s t e n . D e m V e r k l e m m e n i n den beiden Falzen w u r d e zusätzlich entgegengewirkt d u r c h eine geringe, m i t b l o ß e m Auge n i c h t w a h r n e h m b a r e V e r j ü n g u n g des Bretts (die Breite beträgt an den Enden 25,0 bzw. 23,6 c m ) . Daraus ergibt sich, daß der D e c k e l v o n der l i n k e n Seite eingeschoben w u r d e . D i e alten Bretter hatten teilweise längere Risse, die d u r c h L e i n w a n d s t r e i f e n kaschiert w u r d e n . Z u s ä t z l i c h mußte eine Fehlstelle i m D e c k e l d u r c h ein F l i c k s t ü c k geschlossen w e r d e n . D i e O b e r f l ä c h e erhielt d a n n eine K r e i d e g r u n d i e r u n g für die M a l e r e i . A u c h die Innenseiten w u r den m i t einem K r e i d e ü b e r z u g versehen, u m ein Verziehen des Holzes i n folge des T r o c k n e n s der äußeren Schicht z u vermeiden. D e r B o d e n w a r i n einer besonderen N u t eingefügt u n d zusätzlich d u r c h E i s e n n ä g e l i n v o r g e b o h r t e n L ö c h e r n m i t den senkrechten Teilen v e r b u n d e n . D i e andere Langseite des Sargs ist d u r c h i h r e n schlichteren D e k o r d e u t l i c h als R ü c k s e i t e charakterisiert ( A b b . i b ) . Sie w i r d geglie dert d u r c h fünf Pilaster m i t k o r i n t h i s i e r e n d e n K a p i t e l l e n u n d B l a t t k e l c h d e k o r a m unteren Ende. Basen sind n i c h t angegeben, ebensowenig ein Sockelstreifen a u f der i n voller H ö h e erhaltenen W a n d u n g . D i e Boden platte w a r , w i e bereits e r w ä h n t , i n eine N u t der Langseitenbretter einge fügt. D e r architektonische C h a r a k t e r der M a l e r e i w i r d unterstrichen d u r c h die v e r b i n d e n d e n A r k a d e n m i t M u s c h e l n i n den Bogenfeldern. V i e l l e i c h t ist hier eine N i s c h e n g l i e d e r u n g gemeint, d o c h w u r d e n u r deren oberer A b s c h l u ß einigermaßen k o r r e k t wiedergegeben. D i e a n n ä h e r n d quadratischen Felder d a r u n t e r enthalten n u r geometrische M u s t e r . D i a gonale L i n i e n u n d breite, auf die Spitze gestellte Vierecke gliedern die F l ä c h e i n kleine Q u a d r a t e u n d Dreiecke. A l s V o r b i l d dieser K o m p o s i t i o n dienten vielleicht W a n d m a lereien m i t derartiger G l i e d e r u n g , w e n n auch i n Ä g y p t e n hierfür keine entsprechenden Parallelen erhalten sind. A n S ä u l e n s a r k o p h a g e d a r f m a n i n diesem Z u s a m m e n h a n g n i c h t denken; Reliefsarkophage w a r e n i m L a n d e w e i t g e h e n d u n b e k a n n t ; auch i m p o r t i e r t e E x e m p l a r e sind i m I n n e r n Ä g y p t e n s n i c h t e i n m a l i n Resten nachzuweisen. D i e geometrischen M u s t e r sind vielleicht als W e i t e r b i l d u n g v o n I n k r u s t a t i o n s m a l e r e i z u P a r l a s c a ABB. le Detail m i t Inschrift des Holzsargs, Abb. i a . verstehen, o b g l e i c h die für diese G a t t u n g charakteristische tektonische G l i e d e r u n g sonst anders gelöst ist. D e r B l a t t k e l c h a m unteren Ende der Pilaster ist ein v o r a l l e m i n der o s t r ö m i s c h e n A r c h i t e k t u r w e i t verbreitetes M o t i v , das auch i n Ä g y p t e n seit der m i t t l e r e n Kaiserzeit vielfach belegt ist. A u c h der Sargdeckel zeigt i n unregelmäßiger A u f t e i l u n g eine r e i n o r n a m e n t a l e M a l e r e i ( A b b . i d ) . Z w e i Felder enthalten gegen ständige Dreiecksmuster. Das Restfeld an der einen Schmalseite ist u n verziert. Das asymmetrisch i n die eine Hälfte verschobene Rechteck enthält ein schildartiges M o t i v a u f g r ü n e m G r u n d . D i e d u n k e l v i o l e t t e Fläche m i t schwarzen P u n k t e n w i r d v o n einem F l e c h t b a n d eingefaßt; i n der M i t t e sitzt eine sechsblättrige Rosette, die aus d e m b e k a n n t e n M u s t e r v e r s c h r ä n k t e r Kreise e n t w i c k e l t ist. D i e u n r e g e l m ä ß i g e A u f t e i l u n g des D e k o r s läßt v e r m u t e n , daß das H a u p t f e l d die P o s i t i o n der K o p f p a r t i e der M u m i e andeuten sollte. D e r Befund des Deckels spricht j e d o c h dafür, daß die M u m i e tatsächlich anders h e r u m gelegen hat. D i e erhaltene Schmalseite ist m i t einem vierfachen Kreis muster a u f w e i ß e m G r u n d verziert, dessen Innenfläche d u r c h radiale L i n i e n i n acht ungleiche Sektoren aufgeteilt ist. D i e verbleibende äußere F l ä c h e ist d u n k e l g r ü n ( A b b . i c ) . D i e m e h r f i g u r i g e M a l e r e i der H a u p t s e i t e des Sargs zeigt i n der M i t t e den a u f einer K l i n e gelagerten Verstorbenen ( A b b . i a ) . Dieser Teil der D a r s t e l l u n g n i m m t fast die gesamte Breite ein. D i e u n r e g e l m ä ß i g geformte K l i n e hat n u r i n i h r e r rechten Partie eine hohe, m i t Stoff be spannte R ü c k e n l e h n e . D e r untere Teil ist n i c h t wiedergegeben; die Liege fläche schließt m i t der U n t e r k a n t e des Sarges ab. N u r a m rechten R a n d der K l i n e ist ein gedrechseltes Bein wiedergegeben, das sich i n einer Serie 159 160 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA ABB. If Z w e i Knaben als Diener des Holzsargs, A b b . i a . v o n vier scheibenartigen Elementen bis zur O b e r k a n t e der R ü c k e n l e h n e fortsetzt. D e r Tote ist offenbar ein K n a b e ; die geringen Abmessungen des Sargs schließen o h n e h i n die V e r w e n d u n g für einen Erwachsenen aus. Seine reiche G e w a n d u n g w i r d später i m Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t der T r a c h t der anderen Personen z u besprechen sein. D e r Inschriftenstreifen neben der l i n k e n H a n d des T o t e n n e n n t seinen N a m e n — A m m o n i o s ( A b b . i e ) . D i e D e u t u n g der Buchstaben i n der z w e i t e n Z e i l e ist unsicher. Offenbar ist die Buchstabenfolge fehlerhaft. V i e l l e i c h t ist N T O N i n ETCON ( i m A l t e r v o n . . .) z u emendieren. D i e Ziffer des erreichten A l t e r s blieb of fen. D a der über den Z a h l b u c h s t a b e n übliche waagerechte Strich angegeben ist, s o l l t e n sie offenbar nachgetragen w e r d e n . E i n e n or t h o g r a p h i s c h e n Fehler m u ß m a n auch a n n e h m e n , w e n n die Buchstaben z u m Vatersnamen g e h ö r e n s o l l t e n . V i e l l e i c h t w a r es ( A ) N T O N ( 6 o u ) . 4 A l l e r d i n g s fehlt a m A n f a n g a m O r i g i n a l k e i n Buchstabe! D e r B l i c k des K n a b e n f i x i e r t den Betrachter; seine aus gestreckte Rechte ist j e d o c h einem der Pagen zugewendet, der die v o n A m m o n i o s m i t spitzen F i n g e r n gehaltene flache Glasschale füllen soll. Dieser u r a l t e , seit d e m 5. J a h r h u n d e r t v . C h r . belegte G e s t u s hat sich i m 5 Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t k l e i n e n , henkellosen T r i n k s c h a l e n lange gehalten. D i e einzuschenkende Flüssigkeit hat, w i e m a n a m I n h a l t des Kessels der k l e i n e n , v o m Pagen gehaltenen Schale sehen k a n n , eine helle, grünliche F ä r b u n g . D e m n a c h k ö n n t e es sich u m W e i ß w e i n h a n d e l n . B e i m I n h a l t der Becher, die verschiedentlich i n der H a n d später M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e z u sehen s i n d , ist hingegen sicher R o t w e i n g e m e i n t . 6 D i e K l i n e w i r d v o n drei Pagen f l a n k i e r t , die den T o t e n bedie nen. D e r eine steht ganz l i n k s v o r einem gelblichen H i n t e r g r u n d neben einer Serie v o n vier S p i t z a m p h o r e n ( A b b . i f ) . I n der erhobenen rechten H a n d hält er einen langen, bronzenen Schöpflöffel, m i t d e m er aus einer fünften A m p h o r a W e i n e n t n o m m e n hat, u m d a m i t den rechts neben i h m Parlasca stehenden Kessel u n d seine i n der l i n k e n H a n d gehaltene Schale z u füllen. D e r ungeschickt wiedergegebene, aber sicher r u n d z u denkende Kessel hat einen o r n a m e n t i e r t e n R a n d . D e r Farbe n a c h zu u r t e i l e n ist es ein B r o n z e g e f ä ß , das a u f einem d r e i - bzw. fünfbeinigen Gestell aus dem selben M a t e r i a l m i t A n d e u t u n g e n v o n F ü ß e n i n F o r m v o n L ö w e n t a t z e n steht. Rechts daneben steht ein weiterer Page, dessen F ü ß e v o n der an dieser Stelle r e l a t i v n i e d r i g e n K l i n e n r ü c k w a n d verdeckt s i n d . Er hält einen großen, rechteckigen F ä c h e r aus F l e c h t w e r k i n der l i n k e n H a n d ; ein originales G e g e n s t ü c k aus Tebtynis i m F a y u m befindet sich i n Berkeley ( A b b . 2 ) . V o n d e m ganz rechts neben der K l i n e stehenden d r i t t e n Pagen 7 sind n u r n o c h Reste erhalten; die M a l e r e i ist i n diesem Bereich großen teils verrieben. T r o t z d e m sind verschiedene Einzelheiten n o c h d e u t l i c h z u erkennen. I m U n t e r s c h i e d z u den beiden anderen f r o n t a l stehenden K n a b e n ist er vor d u n k e l g r ü n e m H i n t e r g r u n d a u f einer gelblichen Stand linie schreitend dargestellt. I n der rechten H a n d e r k e n n t m a n eine g r o ß e B u c h r o l l e , a m H a n d g e l e n k einen querrechteckigen Gegenstand an schwarzen, geflochtenen B ä n d e r n ; v e r m u t l i c h ist ein g r o ß f o r m a t i g e s P o l y p t y c h o n gemeint. N o c h ein W o r t zu den G r ö ß e n v e r h ä l t n i s s e n der vier Personen. M a n hat die relative K l e i n h e i t der Pagen als A u s d r u c k eines n i e d r i g e r e n sozialen Status i n t e r p r e t i e r t . Diese F o l g e r u n g ist sicher u n r i c h t i g . Es ist 8 b e s t i m m t k e i n Z u f a l l , daß die G e w a n d u n g aller vier Personen teilweise identisch ist, so z. B . die k l e i n e n Z i e r m u s t e r a u f den frei h e r a b h ä n g e n d e n Stoffpartien. H i e r b e i h a n d e l t es sich u m lose Ä r m e l . A u f Einzelheiten 9 der G e w a n d u n g u n d i h r e r V e r z i e r u n g k a n n an dieser Stelle n i c h t einge gangen w e r d e n . Interessanterweise g i b t es aber auch i n der p a l m y r e n i schen G r a b k u n s t des 3. J a h r h u n d e r t s D i e n e r f i g u r e n — a u c h hier s p r i c h t m a n gern v o n Pagen—die w i e der G r a b h e r r reich verzierte, parthische G e w ä n d e r tragen. Es ist sicherlich k e i n Z u f a l l , daß die Streifengliederung des Klinenstoffs bei unserer S a r k o p h a g m a l e r e i a u f die O b e r k ö r p e r p a r t i e des T o t e n R ü c k s i c h t n i m m t . Dies hat k a u m den r e i n ästhetischen G r u n d , störende Ü b e r s c h n e i d u n g e n des Stoffmusters m i t d e m K o p f zu v e r m e i d e n . D i e diesen u n m i t t e l b a r umgebende F l ä c h e b i l d e t ein g r ü n g r u n d i g e s ABB. 2 R ö m i s c h e r Fächer. University of California at Berkeley, Phoebe A . Rechteck. Es liegt nahe, hierbei an den rechteckigen N i m b u s z u d e n k e n , der i m k o p t i s c h e n Ä g y p t e n verschiedentlich belegt ist. I n diesem Z u s a m Hearst M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y m e n h a n g ist die besonders v o n W . de G r ü n e i s e n behandelte Frage nach 6-20548. den eventuellen paganen V o r s t u f e n dieses M o t i v s v o n B e d e u t u n g . 10 Im R a h m e n seiner A u s f ü h r u n g e n spielen M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s a u f L e i c h e n t ü c h ern v o n A n t i n o o p o l i s eine gewisse R o l l e . Es ist deshalb vielleicht k e i n Z u f a l l , daß auch für unseren S a r k o p h a g die H e r k u n f t aus O b e r ä g y p t e n i n h o h e m M a ß e w a h r s c h e i n l i c h ist. D i e Abmessungen der K o p f p a r t i e des S a r k o p h a g p o r t r ä t s entsprechen u n g e f ä h r den M a ß e n später M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e . Es liegt nahe, 161 162 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA ABB. 3 Schmalseite eines Holzsargs m i t P o r t r ä t . Paris, M u s é e du Louvre E. 22309. hier b e w u ß t e Z u s a m m e n h ä n g e z u v e r m u t e n . W a h r s c h e i n l i c h legte m a n W e r t a u f die Wiedergabe des Porträts ohne die religiösen I m p l i k a t i o n e n , w i e sie bei den paganen P o r t r ä t m u m i e n gegeben w a r e n . " E i n derartiger Z u s a m m e n h a n g ist a m besten verständlich i n einer Gegend, i n der auch i n der späten Kaiserzeit die A u s s t a t t u n g v o n M u m i e n m i t gemalten B i l d nissen üblich w a r oder wenigstens gelegentlich v o r k a m . I n A u s n a h m e f ä l l e n gab es auch auf paganen Sarkophagen gemalte Porträts i m allgemeinen Sinne des W o r t e s . H i e r z u rechne i c h n i c h t die flüchtige Wiedergabe der Verstorbenen i m R a h m e n v o n T o t e n geleitszenen ä g y p t i s c h e r P r ä g u n g , bei denen die C h a r a k t e r i s i e r u n g als Sterbliche a u f T r a c h t u n d Darstellungsweise—frontale K o p f w e n d u n g — b e s c h r ä n k t b l i e b . I m L o u v r e befindet sich die Schmalseite eines Sarko phags aus der späten Kaiserzeit m i t d e m B r u s t b i l d eines K n a b e n i n langärmeligem C h i t o n (Abb. 3 ) . 1 2 Er hält einen schmalen Becher sowie eine H a n d g i r l a n d e . D i e Büste w i r d f l a n k i e r t v o n z w e i Falken a u f K o n solen. Eine gebogene G i r l a n d e u m r a h m t den K o p f des K n a b e n . A u f dieser, v e r m u t l i c h b a l d nach der M i t t e des 4 . Jahrhunderts datierbaren M a l e r e i begegnen uns i n reduzierter F o r m typische Elemente des pa ganen Totenglaubens, insbesondere die beiden Falken i n der F u n k t i o n als Schutzgottheiten des T o t e n . D i e H a n d g i r l a n d e ist t r o t z ihres h e i d n i schen U r s p r u n g s — b e i den Ä g y p t e r n i n der Bedeutung als " K r a n z der R e c h t f e r t i g u n g " i m osirianischen T o t e n g e r i c h t — d u r c h ein M i n i a t u r p o r t r ä t i n K a i r o auch n o c h für die koptische Z e i t — e t w a 6. J a h r h u n d e r t n.Chr.—belegt. 13 I m Z u s a m m e n h a n g m i t der religionsgeschichtlichen Interpre t a t i o n des Sargs d r ä n g t sich die Frage auf, o b der große A u f w a n d an h a n d w e r k l i c h e m K ö n n e n für einen äußerlich keineswegs prätentiösen Sarg vielleicht triftige Ursachen hat. Dies g i l t insbesondere für die H e r r i c h t u n g der Verschlußplatte. D e r a r t i g e Schiebedeckel sind v o r a l l e m Parlasca v o n k l e i n e n H o l z k ä s t c h e n b e k a n n t . Diese K o n s t r u k t i o n setzt bei den vorliegenden Abmessungen eine ü b e r a u s sorgfältige V e r a r b e i t u n g voraus. Offenbar sollte der D e c k e l i m Bedarfsfalle auch über einen längeren Z e i t r a u m h i n leicht z u öffnen sein. A u s diesem Befund ergeben sich einige aufschlußreiche Konsequenzen. Offenbar w u r d e der Sarg n a c h der Trauerfeier n i c h t endgültig beigesetzt, w i e dies unseren m o d e r n e n V o r stellungen entspräche. Literarische Zeugnisse belegen die pagane Sitte, den Verstorbenen m i t u n t e r n o c h lange Z e i t h i n d u r c h die Grabesruhe v o r z u e n t h a l t e n , auch n o c h für die k o p t i s c h e Z e i t . D e r V o r b e h a l t , den Sarg jederzeit öffnen zu k ö n n e n , hat die M u m i f i z i e r u n g des d a r i n bestat teten K n a b e n zur Voraussetzung. W i r wissen, daß eine derartige Behand l u n g der Leichen auch i n k o p t i s c h e r Z e i t n o c h p r a k t i z i e r t w u r d e . Deshalb k a n n die V o r r i c h t u n g für ein leichtes Öffnen des Deckels n u r den Z w e c k haben, B e r ü h r u n g s k o n t a k t e m i t der M u m i e z u e r m ö g l i c h e n . Diese Sitte ist, soweit i c h w e i ß , i m ä g y p t i s c h e n T o t e n k u l t der Z e i t l i t e r a r i s c h n i c h t belegt. Andererseits k e n n e n w i r eine derartige Praxis aus einer historischen Q u e l l e der klassischen W e l t . F ü r A u g u s t u s ist überliefert, daß er b e i m Besuch A l e x a n d r i a s den S a r k o p h a g des g r o ß e n M a k e d o n e n k ö n i g s öffnen ließ u n d seine M u m i e b e r ü h r t e . 14 Dazu k o m m e n z w e i a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e Parallelen, a u f deren Bedeutung i c h bereits i n anderem Z u s a m m e n h a n g hingewiesen habe. D e r D e c k e l eines w o h l frühkaiserzeitlichen Sargs aus el-Bagawat ( K h a r g a Oase) i n K a i r o , Ä g y p tisches M u s e u m , k a n n v o n der einen Langseite eingeschoben w e r d e n . 15 E i n u m 100 n . C h r . datierbarer Sarg u n b e k a n n t e r H e r k u n f t i n B e r l i n hat eine v e r t i k a l bewegliche Schmalseite. 16 Es fällt auf, daß die b i l d l i c h e n D a r s t e l l u n g e n des Sargs keine d e u t l i c h e n H i n w e i s e a u f die religiöse S p h ä r e des Verstorbenen e n t h a l t e n . Dieser Befund w ä r e n u r bei einem c h r i s t l i c h e n K n a b e n n i c h t ü b e r r a schend. W i r wissen, daß bei den frühen C h r i s t e n die D e m o n s t r a t i o n eigener Symbole i n der Öffentlichkeit—trotz i h r e r bei zahlreichen M a r t y r i e n b e w ä h r t e n G l a u b e n s t r e u e — n i c h t üblich w a r . Es sei n u r an den b e k a n n t e n Brief des Clemens v o n A l e x a n d r i a e r i n n e r t , der den G l ä u b i gen e m p f o h l e n hatte, sich bei F i n g e r r i n g e n mehrdeutiger Symbole zu be dienen. 17 E i n solches V e r h a l t e n w i r d anscheinend auch d u r c h unseren Sarg i l l u s t r i e r t . A u ß e r d e m ist seit jeher das Fehlen eindeutiger, a r c h ä o l o gischer Zeugnisse für die z a h l e n m ä ß i g bereits bedeutende v o r k o n s t a n t i nische Christengemeinde i n Ä g y p t e n aufgefallen. I m Gegensatz z u i h r e n c h r i s t l i c h e n L a n d s l e u t e n bestand für die an paganen Glaubensvorstellungen festhaltenden Teile der B e v ö l k e r u n g i n dieser H i n s i c h t k e i n G r u n d zu besonderer Z u r ü c k h a l t u n g . E i n B l i c k a u f sicher pagane D a r s t e l l u n g e n i m Bereich der G r a b k u n s t l e h r t , daß bei i h n e n stets eine m e h r oder m i n d e r a u s g e p r ä g t e A u s s t a t t u n g m i t e i n d e u t i g heidnischen M o t i v e n u n d S y m b o l e n z u beobachten ist. M e i n e Auffassung, daß der Sarg i n M a l i b u für einen christ- 163 64 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA ABB. 4 Brett eines Sarkophags. Ehemals Kunsthandel, N e w York. © 1975 Sotheby's, Inc. liehen K n a b e n b e s t i m m t w a r , erfordert eine sorgfältige Prüfung even tueller Gegenargumente. E i n e n scheinbaren H i n w e i s zugunsten einer pa ganen D e u t u n g bietet der t h e o p h o r e Personenname. " A m m o n i o s " ist v o n d e m N a m e n des Gottes A m m o n abgeleitet. 18 Es ist aber häufig zu belegen—diese Feststellung g i l t n i c h t n u r für Ä g y p t e n — d a ß derartige Personennamen n o c h lange nach d e m Ende der heidnischen Z e i t i n Ge b r a u c h gewesen s i n d . Deshalb k a n n auch unser A m m o n i o s durchaus A n g e h ö r i g e r einer c h r i s t l i c h e n F a m i l i e gewesen sein. E i n anderes P r o b l e m betrifft die religionsgeschichtliche E i n o r d n u n g bzw. B e w e r t u n g des i k o n o g r a p h i s c h e n Themas. T o t e n m a h l d a r stellungen begegnen uns i n der griechischen W e l t m i t zunehmender H ä u f i g k e i t seit d e m m i t t l e r e n 5. J a h r h u n d e r t v . C h r . Solche Szenen bzw. einzelne a u f einer K l i n e gelagerte Tote sind i n der ägyptischen G r a b k u n s t , besonders a u f Grabreliefs, w ä h r e n d der ganzen Kaiserzeit ü b e r a u s häufig. 19 Sie liefern uns ein lehrreiches A n s c h a u u n g s m a t e r i a l für den t y - pologischen S p i e l r a u m dieser G a t t u n g einschließlich bestimmter Sonder f o r m e n . D a r a u s w i r d d e u t l i c h , daß ä g y p t i s c h e Elemente n u r d a n n fehlen, w e n n die D a r s t e l l u n g auch sonst einen d e u t l i c h reduzierten T y p u s re präsentiert. F ü r entsprechende Reliefs hellenistischer Z e i t bestanden natürlich andere Voraussetzungen, die i n griechischen Glaubensvorstel l u n g e n u n d entsprechenden künstlerischen T r a d i t i o n e n w u r z e l t e n . A u c h i n der Kaiserzeit findet sich sehr häufig das M o t i v des Trinkgefässes i n der ausgestreckten Rechten des T o t e n . D e r D o p p e l s i n n dieser auffallen den Geste—Trankspende an den heroisierten T o t e n bzw. seine Bedie n u n g m i t W e i n i m D i e s s e i t s — b l i e b i m frühen C h r i s t e n t u m erhalten. 20 Dieser Gedanke b i l d e t eine religiös n i c h t genau festgelegte K o n s t a n t e i n der frühchristlichen G r a b k u n s t , w o b e i die N u a n c e n der jeweiligen V o r stellungen vielfach n i c h t genauer z u m A u s d r u c k gebracht w u r d e n . D a r - P a rIas c a aus w i r d d e u t l i c h , daß auch bei unserem Beispiel diese Szene keineswegs als spezifisch pagan i n t e r p r e t i e r t w e r d e n m u ß . B e g n ü g e n w i r uns z u nächst m i t der v o r s i c h t i g e n Feststellung, daß die Totenmahlszene auf u n serem Sarg, isoliert betrachtet, keine eindeutige Festlegung i n religiöser H i n s i c h t e r l a u b t . E i n e n i n s t r u k t i v e n V e r g l e i c h bietet eine sicher n i c h t christliche, v e r m u t l i c h gleichfalls v o n einem Sarg stammende H o l z t a f e l , die sich 1975 i m N e w Y o r k e r K u n s t h a n d e l befunden hat ( A b b . 4 ) . 2 1 Hier sieht m a n a u f einer h o c h b e i n i g e n K l i n e eine gelagerte F r a u . I h r scheinbar entblößter O b e r k ö r p e r ist w o h l n u r die ungeschickte W i e d e r g a b e eines d u r c h s i c h t i g e n C h i t o n s . D e r d a h i n t e r dargestellte einzelne Flügel b e r u h t v e r m u t l i c h a u f der m i ß v e r s t a n d e n e n E n t l e h n u n g aus einer V o r l a g e , bei der a m K o p f e n d e der K l i n e eine Schutzgöttin m i t ausgebreiteten F l ü g e l n stand. D i e M ö g l i c h k e i t , daß a u f diese Weise eine D e i f i k a t i o n angedeutet sein k ö n n t e , ist n i c h t auszuschließen. V o r der K l i n e — g l e i c h s a m u n t e r derselben dargestellt—steht ein M u n d s c h e n k m i t den üblichen R e q u i siten: ein dreibeiniger T i s c h m i t z w e i T r i n k g e f ä ß e n u n d eine S p i t z a m p h o r a i n Dreifußständer. Rechts sieht m a n a u f p y l o n a r t i g e m Sockel einen n a c k t e n , tanzenden M u s i k a n t e n m i t D o p p e l f l ö t e . A n speziellen re ligiösen M o t i v e n findet sich a u f dieser Tafel, abgesehen v o n d e m o b e n e r w ä h n t e n F l ü g e l , n u r ganz l i n k s der a u f einer A r t Standarte sitzende H o r o s f a l k e u n d rechts i m B i l d f e l d des M u s i k a n t e n s o c k e l s eine G ö t t i n , die z w e i aufgerichtete Schlangen hält. D i e Klinenszene m i t der D a r b i e t u n g v o n W e i n k ö n n t e m a n vielleicht i m dionysischen Sinne i n t e r p r e t i e r e n . D e r für T o t e n m a h l d a r stellungen ansonsten charakteristische T i s c h m i t E ß w a r e n fehlt. K i n d liche Symposiasten sind i n der paganen G r a b k u n s t Ä g y p t e n s n i c h t u n g e w ö h n l i c h . Es ist aber meiner A n s i c h t n a c h n i c h t z w i n g e n d , die betreffenden K i n d e r als echte M y s t e n , also als Eingeweihte der d i o n y sischen M y s t e r i e n , zu i n t e r p r e t i e r e n . I n unserer a r c h ä o l o g i s c h e n Ü b e r l i e f e r u n g g i b t es einige Parallelen bei den Grabreliefs. H i e r f i n d e n sich z. T . auffallend niedrige A l t e r s a n g a b e n . Das bekannteste Beispiel ist das v e r m u t l i c h aus A l e x a n d r i a stammende Relief des dreijährigen K n a b e n Souper i n B o l o g n a . 22 I m ü b r i g e n ist die W i e d e r g a b e v o n V e r s t o r b e n e n beiderlei Geschlechts a u f einer K l i n e i n der kaiserzeitlichen G r a b k u n s t des N i l l a n d e s ganz geläufig, w i e e i n E x e m p l a r i m B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i l l u s t r i e r t , das zur u m f a n g r e i c h e n G r u p p e der Terenuthisstelen g e h ö r t (Abb. 5). 2 3 Bei der Ü b e r p r ü f u n g anderer I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s m ö g l i c h k e i t e n bietet sich eine ü b e r r a s c h e n d e A l t e r n a t i v e . Enge f o r m a l e Beziehungen bestehen n ä m l i c h z u den griechischen Heroenreliefs. Das älteste e r h a l tene E x e m p l a r dieser u m f a n g r e i c h e n langlebigen G r u p p e , ein u m 4 5 0 v . C h r . datierbares Relief aus Thasos i n I s t a n b u l , 2 4 zeigt l i n k s neben der K l i n e einen g r o ß e n D i n o s a u f h o h e m Untersatz u n d einen M u n d s c h e n k . D i e Ü b e r n a h m e einer paganen B i l d t r a d i t i o n w a r i m v o r l i e g e n d e n Falle n u r eine äußerliche, f o r m a l e E n t l e h n u n g . D a b e i w u r d e d e m paganen 665 166 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA ABB. 5 Grabstele aus Terenuthis (Nildelta). H . : 37,5 cm; B.: 31 cm. The Brooklyn M u s e u m 72.60. T h e m a der H e r o i s i e r u n g v e r m u t l i c h ein veränderter Gehalt i m Sinne der neuen c h r i s t l i c h e n Lehre unterlegt. Verschiedene Punkte der Beschreibung haben die Bedeutung dieses singulären Sargs v e r d e u t l i c h t . U m so w i c h t i g e r ist die K l ä r u n g seiner zeitlichen u n d religionsgeschichtlichen E i n o r d n u n g . F ü r die C h r o n o l o g i e liefern die Ergebnisse der C-14-Analysen folgende Eckdaten: zwischen 265 u n d 4 2 0 n . C h r . 25 M e i n e erste, a u f stilistischem Wege unter Einbeziehung antiquarischer K r i t e r i e n gewonnene D a t i e r u n g — E n d e des 4. J a h r h u n d e r t s — i s t m i t d e m naturwissenschaftlichen Befund g u t verein bar. N i c h t u n e r w ä h n t bleiben d a r f einer der angeblichen Beifunde des Sargs, das Fragment einer H o l z t a f e l m i t einem 4 7 4 n . C h r . datierten Kaufvertrag. 26 D i e erhebliche Zeitdifferenz z u m spätestmöglichen C - 1 4 - D a t u m einerseits u n d d e m stilistischen D a t i e r u n g s s p i e l r a u m andererseits schließt seine Z u g e h ö r i g k e i t z u unserem K i n d e r s a r g aus. Für eine Stilanalyse e m p f i e h l t sich v o r a l l e m ein V e r g l e i c h des A m m o n i o s m i t späten M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s , deren jüngste nach bis v o r k u r z e m einhelliger M e i n u n g gegen Ende des 4 . Jahrhunderts z u datieren sind. Diese E r k e n n t n i s w u r d e zuerst v o n H e i n r i c h D r e r u p e r a r b e i t e t ; andere, d a r u n t e r G ü n t e r G r i m m , selbst, 30 2 8 David L. Thompson sind i h m d a r i n gefolgt. Gegen diese communis 2 9 27 und ich opinio wurde jüngst die B e h a u p t u n g aufgestellt, die spätesten M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e seien i n severischer Z e i t entstanden. Eine nähere B e g r ü n d u n g der bisher n u r i m R a h m e n eines Vortragsresumes bekanntgemachten H y p o t h e s e steht n o c h aus. D i e i m folgenden herangezogenen Beispiele dieser G a t t u n g sprechen m . E . entschieden dagegen. D r e r u p hatte bereits e r k a n n t , daß die M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e der n a c h k o n s t a n t i n i s c h e n Z e i t , also der beiden Parlasca ABB. 6 M u m i e n p o r t r ä t aus Er-Rubayat ( Ä g y p t e n ) . Ende des vierten Jahrhunderts n.Chr. Temperafarbe auf H o l z . H . : 28,2 cm. M a l i b u , J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 79.AP.129. ABB. 7 Mumienporträt. Wien, Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m x 432.. G e n e r a t i o n e n zwischen der M i t t e u n d d e m Ende des 4 . J a h r h u n d e r t s , n u r a l l g e m e i n als stilistische G r u p p e n d a t i e r b a r s i n d . 31 I n n e r h a l b dieses Z e i t r a u m s w i r d m a n die G r u p p e des B r o o k l y n M a l e r s r e l a t i v früh anzusetzen h a b e n — e t w a M i t t e bis 3. J a h r h u n d e r t v i e r t e l . Sie w i r d unter a n d e r e m repräsentiert d u r c h z w e i Bildnisse v o n Erwachsenen i m J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 3 2 bzw. i n E d i n b u r g h . 3 3 Einer jüngeren Stilstufe s i n d einige andere M u m i e n b i l d n i s s e zuzurechnen, so z.B. z w e i K i n d e r p o r t r ä t s i n Athen, 3 4 e i n bereits v o n D r e r u p analysiertes E x e m p l a r heute ebenfalls i m J. Paul G e t t y M u s e u m ( A b b . 6 ) , Wien (Abb. 7). 3 6 3 5 sowie ein J ü n g l i n g s p o r t r ä t i n Letzteres d a r f als besonders nahe stilistische Parallele z u m stilisierten Gesicht des A m m o n i o s gewertet w e r d e n . D a i n n e r h a l b der gemalten S e p u l k r a l p o r t r ä t s keine E x e m p l a r e b e k a n n t s i n d , für die sich eine spätere D a t i e r u n g w a h r s c h e i n l i c h m a c h e n läßt, e r g i b t sich für den Sarg des G e t t y M u s e u m s eine a p p r o x i m a t i v e G l e i c h z e i t i g k e i t m i t den jüngsten M u m i e n p o r t r ä t s , also ein Ansatz gegen Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts. I n verschiedener H i n s i c h t repräsentiert der Sarg des G e t t y M u s e u m s s o m i t e i n singulares Z e u g n i s des frühen k o p t i s c h e n K u n s t schaffens. Er v e r m i t t e l t d a r ü b e r hinaus w i c h t i g e A u f s c h l ü s s e über die religiösen V e r h ä l t n i s s e i m Bereich der ä g y p t i s c h e n G r a b k u n s t w ä h r e n d der relativ langen Ü b e r g a n g s p h a s e v o n der paganen zur frühchrist lichen Periode. 37 Frankfurt am Main G E R M A N Y 167 168 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Anmerkungen 1 I n v . 8 2 . A I . 7 6 ; W . B r a s h e a r , " A B y z a n t i n e Sale o f L a n d , " / . Paul Getty Museum I I 11 Journal D i e P o r t r a t m u m i e n s t e h e n i n der T r a d i t i o n der p h a r a o n i s c h e n a n t h r o p o i d e n (besser: o s i r i s f o r - ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 6 1 - 6 8 . A b b . 1. 2. Das anpassende m i g e n ) Sarge. Sie s i n d a u f dieser Weise m i t der F r a g m e n t b e f i n d e t s i c h als T e i l der S c h e n k u n g paganen Osirisreligion unmittelbar verkniipft. Kiseleff i n W i i r z b u r g , M a r t i n v o n WagnerM u s e u m I n v . K 1 0 2 2 . D i e U r k u n d e ist 4 7 4 12 n.Chr. datiert. Inv. E 2 2 3 0 9 (ehemals M u s e e G u i m e t Inv. 4 8 1 0 ) ; 2 9 , 5 X 4 2 , 0 c m ; G . G r i m m , Die mischen 2 I n v . 8 2 . A P . 7 5 ; The /. Paul Getty Handbook of the Collections Museum, ( M a l i b u 1986 1 9 8 8 ) , 55 m i t A b b . ( n i c h t i n der onore di A. Adriani, Studi miscellanei 1 A ; ders., i n The Ritratti di studio 2 0 0 3 , A b b . a u f S. 2 0 0 5 o b e n , s.v. = Repertorio d'arte Serie B , v o l . 3 ( R o m greco-romano, 1 9 8 0 ) , 4 9 , N r . 6 0 1 , Taf. 1 4 3 . 1 . in = 28 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 1 5 , 1 2 5 f . A b b . I3 I n v . J E 6 8 8 2 5 ; P a r l a s c a , Mumienportrats (a.O. A n m . 6 ) , 2 1 1 , T a f . 5 3 . 4 ; N . P. S e v c e n k o , i n K . (1991), Encyclopedia di mummie delVEgitto R o m , 2 6 - 2 7 N o v . 1984 Coptic ro (Wies aus Agypten baden 1 9 7 4 ) , 125, Taf. 1 0 9 . 1 ; K . Parlasca, = Neuauflage v o n 1 9 9 2 ) . K . P a r l a s c a , i n Giornate Mumienmasken W e i t z m a n n , H r s g . , The Age of Spirituality, Portraiture, Aus- stellungskatalog ( N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n C o p t i c ( t h i r d a n d f o u r t h centuries). M u s e u m o f A r t , 1 9 7 9 ) , 55 i f . , N r . 4 9 6 , A b b . 3 MafSe: L : 1,56 m ; H : 0 , 4 7 m ; B r . : 0 , 3 5 m . I n f o r m a t i o n e n iiber die Ergebnisse ihrer bisherigen, intensiven Untersuchungen 14 N a c h einem U . H a u s m a n n verdankten Hinweis; D . K i e n a s t , Augustus und konservatori- Princeps und Monarch ( D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 2 ) , 6 4 , 4 5 1 A n m . 7 2 ( z u Cas- schen M a E n a h m e n v e r d a n k e i c h M a y a E l s t o n . sius D i o 5-1.16.5). 4 Diesen V o r s c h l a g m a c h t e Prof. D i a n a D e l i a w a h r e n d der D i s k u s s i o n i m AnschlufS a n m e i n e n 15 I n v . J E 5 6 2 2 8 ; P a r l a s c a , i n Giornate (a.O. A n m . 2), 125, A b b . 12, 13. V o r t r a g . E i n e n verschriebenen(P) V a t e r s n a m e n erwog auch G. W . Bowersock i n einem personlichen Gesprach. 5 B . B . S h e f t o n , i n Annates Arahes Syrienne Archeologiques 2 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : i n , Taf. 16 Inv. 16-83; ebendort 1 2 4 ^ , A b b . 10, 1 1 . 17 T h . K l a u s e r , i n Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Chri- 1 (1958): 2 i f f . ; L . Eizenhofer, ebenda, stentum 22.9-n. 3 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 5 i f f . ; ders., e b e n d a , 6 ( 1 9 6 3 ) : i 7 3 f . 6 K . P a r l a s c a , Mumienportrats Denkmaler und verwandte 18 (Wiesbaden 1966), 144 ( m i t F. P r e i s i g k e , Namenbuch chischen Nachweisen). griechischen 7 enthaltend . . . Menschennamen, Urkunden alle soweit . . . Agyptens grie- sie in sich vor- Phoebe A . Hearst M u s e u m of A n t h r o p o l o g y finden ( H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 2 2 ) , Sp. 2 6 ; T h . H o p f n e r , I n v . 6 - 2 0 5 4 8 ; M a E e : 2 2 , 7 X 18 c m ; L a n g e des Archiv Orientdlni G r i f f s : 6 3 , 5 c m . G r a b u n g B . P. G r e n f e l l u n d cyclopedia, A . S. H u n t 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 ; u n p u b l i z i e r t . P h o t o Les und Publikationserlaubnis verdanke ich Frank weiteren 15 ( 1 9 4 3 ) : 8; The Coptic En Band 1 (1991), 113; G. Wagner, Oasis d'Egypte ( K a i r o 1987), 7of., 229 m i t Nachweisen. A. Norick. 19 K . Parlasca, i n Roma classica, 8 Handbook (a.O. A n m . 2), 55. 9 N a c h einem H i n w e i s , den ich E. R. Knauer 265ff., A b b . ( P h i l a d e l p h i a ) v e r d a n k e , die d e n "sleeved c o a t " 20 e VEgitto nelVanticbita K a i r o 6 - 9 Feb. 1 9 8 9 ( R o m 1 9 9 2 ) , n-15. Parlasca, Mumienportrats (a.O. A n m . 6), 144 u n d verwandte Trachten u n d deren langjahrige m i t H i n w e i s a u f K . F r i i s J o h a n s e n , The Geschichte eingehend analysiert hat i n Grave-Reliefs tion Expedi romischen Welt, und Niedergang Period Attic (Kopen- hagen 1951), 85. 21.1 (Fall 1978): 1 8 - 3 6 , sowie i n H . Tem- p o r i n i , e d . , Aufstieg of the Classical der Band 12.2 (Berlin 1985), 21 A u k t i o n s k a t a l o g Sotheby-Parke Bernet, N e w Y o r k , N r . 3753, 2 M a i 1975, N r . 58, A b b . 578-741. (57,2. X 4 1 , 9 c m ) . 10 Parlasca ( a . O . A n m . 6 ) , 2 2 1 , N r . 4 7 ; 2 2 3 , N r . 6 1 ( B e i t r a g e v o n W . de G r i i n e i s e n ) . 22 H . W r e d e , Consecratio in formam deorum Parlasca 37 (Berlin 1 9 8 1 ) , 32!., 36, 621., N r . 179, Taf. 2 4 . 1 ; K . P a r l a s c a , i n Ägypten: del Dauer und Wan- ( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) , i o i f . (jeweils m i t weiterer D i e religionsgeschichtliche Forschung über diesen P r o b l e m k r e i s b a s i e r t so g u t w i e a u s s c h l i e ß lich auf papyrologischen u n d literarischen Literatur). Quellen. Die spärliche archäologische Über- I n v . 7 2 . 6 0 , 37,5 X 3 1 c m ; B . V . B o t h m e r , i n The V g l . zuletzt Ewa Wipszycka, " L a christianisa- lieferung bleibt weitgehend 23 Brooklyn Museum Annual 1972-1973: Report, t i o n de l ' E g y p t e a u x i v - v i e verdankten Photographie m i t freundlicher 1 1 7 - 6 5 ; R . S. B a g n a l l , " C o m b a t o u v i d e : Genehmigung v o n R. Fazzini. C h r i s t i a n i s m e et p a g a n i s m e d a n s l ' E g y p t e r o - M . Schede, Griechische Antikenmuseums und römische couche dans du vn au iv e le Proche-Orient e siede avant Skulptur (Berlin 1928), (Istanbul) 3f., T a f . 5; J . - M D e n t z e r , La Motif du banquet et le monde J.-C. grec ( R o m 1982), 605, N r . R 316, A b b . 565. D i e E r s t v e r w e n d u n g d e r B r e t t e r ist z w i s c h e n 9 5 vor u n d 50 n . C h r . datierbar. Jerry Podany i n formierte m i c h freundlicherweise darüber, daß e r g ä n z e n d e C-1:4-Analysen, besonders v o n den angeblichen Beifunden, geplant sind. 26 s.O. A n m . 1 . 27 H . D r e r u p , Die Datierung der Mumienporträts (Paderborn 1933; N e u d r u c k 1968), 24, 43$. 28 29 G r i m m (a.O. A n m . 12), 106. D . L . T h o m p s o n , North Art Bulletin Mummy Carolina Museum of 1 4 . 2 - 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) : 7, 1 4 ; ders. Portraits in the } . Paul Getty Museum ( M a l i b u 1982), 10. 30 P a r l a s c a , Mumienporträts 31 D r e r u p (a.O. A n m . 27). 32 I n v . 7 9 . A P . 1 4 2 ; T h o m p s o n , Mummy (a.O. A n m . 6), 2oof. Portraits ( a . O . A n m . 2 9 ) , 5 7 , 6 6 , N r . 1 1 , F a r b t a f e l a u f S. 56. 33 I n v . 1 9 0 2 . 7 0 ; Parlasca ( a . O . A n m . 6 ) , 25;, Farbtafel G. 34 I n v . A N E 1 6 3 0 ; P a r l a s c a , Ritratti di mummie ( a . O . A n m . 1 2 ) , 111, 6 6 , N r . 6 7 1 , T a f . 1 5 8 . 3 . Das andere Porträt w i r d i m B a n d 4 meiner Pub l i k a t i o n vorgelegt. 35 Inv. 79.AP.129; D r e r u p (a.O. A n m . 27), 47f., 6 6 , N r . 3 4 , Taf. 2 0 b ; T h o m p s o n ( a . O . A n m . 2 9 ) , 5 8 f 6 7 , N r . 1 2 , T a f . a u f S. 5 9 . 36 siècles: Aspects s o c i a u x et e t h n i q u e s , " Aegyptus des 25 e 1 1 , m i t A b b . H i e r n a c h einer B . V . B o t h m e r m a i n e t a r d i v e , " Ktema 24 unberücksichtigt. I n v . X 4 3 2 ; M . Z a l o s c e r , Porträts Wüstensand aus dem ( W i e n 1 9 6 1 ) , 30, 67, Taf. 4 7 : "typisch . . . Sonntagsmalerei" (sie!). 68 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 13 ( 1 9 8 8 ) [ 1 9 9 2 ] : 2 8 5 - 9 6 (jeweils m i t älterer L i t e r a t u r ) . 169 This page intentionally left blank 171 Roots and Contacts: Aspects of Alexandrian Craftsmanship Michael Pfrommer Shortly after the m i d d l e of the t h i r d c e n t u r y a s m a l l sanctuary located i n a fortress i n the eastern p a r t o f the D e l t a close t o the m o d e r n village T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s , b u r n t d o w n t o ashes, b u r y i n g the s m a l l treasure of the sanctuary. O b v i o u s l y n o b o d y survived t o r e p o r t o n the b u r i e d h o a r d , a n d t h a t can mean o n l y t h a t the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the f o r t i f i c a t i o n a n d sanc t u a r y was n o t caused by accident b u t by w a r or local s e d i t i o n . T h e fortress seems t o have belonged t o the eastern D e l t a fortifications o f the first Ptolemy, f o u n d e d already before 3 1 6 B . C . under the n o m i n a l patronage of P h i l i p A r r h i d a i o s . T h e d a t i n g o f the f o u n d a 1 t i o n a n d the disaster are fairly w e l l fixed by a huge sequence o f c o i n s . 2 To establish a h i s t o r i c a l b a c k g r o u n d f o r the d e s t r u c t i o n , i t is interesting t o keep i n m i n d the g e o p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n of the years i n question. I n 246 B . C . the Seleucid A n t i o c h o s 11 Theos was m a r r i e d t o Berenike Syra, the sister of the t h i r d Ptolemy. W h e n A n t i o c h o s d i e d at Ephesos under obscure circumstances t h a t same year, his d i v o r c e d w i f e L a o d i k e c l a i m e d the t h r o n e f o r her sons, whereas P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes t r i e d t o preserve the rights of his sister Berenike Syra a n d her i n f a n t son. T h e y o u n g Ptolemy, himself just e n t h r o n e d a few m o n t h s earlier, led his armies against Seleucid Syria t o rescue his sister, w h o was besieged i n A n t i o c h i a . B u t he a r r i v e d t o o late. B o t h m o t h e r a n d son h a d already been m u r d e r e d by members o f Laodike's entourage. C o n d e m n i n g this ruthless c r i m e , the cities o f Asia w e n t over t o Euergetes, w h o at the same t i m e regained p o w e r over the coastal re gions of Asia M i n o r a n d Thrace. I n a d d i t i o n , o n the famous i n s c r i p t i o n at A d u l i s P t o l e m y i n Euergetes c l a i m e d p o w e r over a l m o s t a l l the M i d d l e East, f r o m the M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o the borders o f I n d i a . As Justi3 nus stated, w i t h o u t sedition i n E g y p t itself, Euergetes w o u l d have c o n quered a l l A s i a . Because o f the s e d i t i o n , however, the y o u n g k i n g was 4 forced h o m e i n 2 4 4 . W i t h his sister dead and her c h i l d m u r d e r e d , his c l a i m t o the Seleucid t h r o n e a n d his p o w e r over the t e r r i t o r i e s o f the M i d d l e East were ephemeral a n d i n the end r e m a i n e d just c o u r t fiction. B u t he firmly c o n t r o l l e d the coasts of Asia M i n o r a n d the Aegean, a n d consequently the regnal years of the t h i r d Ptolemy, between 2 4 6 a n d 2 2 2 / 2 2 1 , m u s t be considered the c l i m a x o f Ptolemaic p o w e r . 172 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIGS, la, b Sketch of t w o incense burners, from T u k h el-Quarmous. a: Cairo, The Egyptian Museum J E 38089/ 90; b: Cairo, The Egyptian M u seum J E 38088/91. Drawings by the author. b a T h e w a r is called the W a r of L a o d i k e , o r the T h i r d Syrian W a r , a n d i t is i n the w a k e o f the l o c a l uproars i n Egypt t h a t we m a y place the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the sanctuary a n d fortress of T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s . T h e treasure r e m a i n e d u n t o u c h e d u n t i l 1 9 0 5 , w h e n the leg o f a d o n k e y b r o k e i n t o the cavern w h e r e the treasure was h i d d e n , a n d the m o d e r n h i s t o r y o f o u r h o a r d started. 5 A m o n g the vessels a n d j e w e l r y unearthed by the animal's l u c k y o w n e r a n d by the subsequent excavations o f the E g y p t i a n Archae o l o g i c a l Service, t w o t h y m i a t e r i a , o r incense burners, c o r r o b o r a t e the FIG. sacred c o n n o t a t i o n o f o u r h o a r d (figs, i a , b ) . T h e type p r o p e r was 6 o r i g i n a l l y derived f r o m o r i e n t a l p r o t o t y p e s , b u t by the early Hellenistic Cairo, The Egyptian Museum p e r i o d t h y m i a t e r i a h a d l o n g become an i n t e g r a l class o f the Greek reper t o i r e . T h e p a i r f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s belongs t o t w o different phases 7 8 the other (fig. i b ) , w i t h o u t the r o u n d e d b o w l , m u s t be considered a t r a n s i t i o n a l shape, m e d i a t i n g between the earlier examples a n d the types of the second h a l f o f the t h i r d c e n t u r y . 9 F r o m the v i e w p o i n t o f Greek t y p o l o g y , these incense burners p r o v i d e n o difficulties. W h e n we shift o u r a t t e n t i o n t o the decorative ele ments o f the second t h y m i a t e r i o n (fig. i b ) , however, an entirely different o b s e r v a t i o n emerges. Its spherical l i d is decorated w i t h three tiered friezes a n d a s m a l l E g y p t i a n leaf c a l y x o n t o p (fig. 2). Just b e l o w runs a n a r r o w frieze o f lotus flowers a n d t i g h t l y b o u n d palmettes (see fig. 3 b ) , w h i c h c a n n o t hide its A c h a e m e n i d ancestors (figs. 3a, c, d ) . 1 0 A l t h o u g h o u r craftsman compressed his N e a r Eastern p r o t o type considerably, he was entirely aware of the A c h a e m e n i d system, a n d o n l y m i n i m a l changes give away the later c r e a t i o n . T h e s o m e w h a t ser- J E 3 8 0 9 1 . Photo by D . Johannes, courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. F12605. of t y p o l o g i c a l development. T h e older (fig. i a ) f o l l o w s late Classical p r o t o t y p e s represented, f o r example, by an incense burner f r o m C u m a e ; 2 L i d of incense burner, fig. i b . Pfrommer FIGS. 3a-d a: Architectural decoration from Susa; b: Sketch of the lotus frieze on the l i d of the incense burner, a b fig. 2; c: Frieze on an Achaemenid amphora-rhyton f r o m Kukova M o g i l a (Thrace), Sofia, Archaeo logical M u s e u m 2; d: Frieze on an Achaemenid r h y t o n , N e w York, N o r b e r t Schimmel collection. Drawings by the author. d c FIGS. 4a, b a: Tendril on the base of the a incense burner, fig. i b ; b: Tentative correction according to Greek standards. Drawings by the author. b rated leaves o f the base calyxes o f the lotus flowers recall Greek lotus types, a n d the l i t t l e bars beneath the flowers can o n l y be seen under the l i t t l e "palmettes." 11 T h e craftsman even q u o t e d f r o m the " o r i e n t a l o r i g i n a l " the t i n y decorative elements i n the interstices b e l o w the basic semiarches o f the f r i e z e . 12 T h e f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h A c h a e m e n i d t r a d i t i o n s is further d o c u m e n t e d by the frieze o f s t r i d i n g lion-griffins. O n l y the heads t u r n e d en face t o w a r d the v i s i t o r seem t o be a t r i b u t e t o the conventions o f Greek art. T h e Bes masks i n perfect E g y p t i a n style i n the m i d d l e frieze are n o surprise, given the provenance o f o u r vessel. O u r s i l v e r s m i t h o b v i o u s l y h a d n o difficulties i n mastering the n o n - E g y p t i a n type o f the incense burner, b u t the t e n d r i l o n the base o f the vessel (fig. 4a) clearly betrays the craftsman as a n o n - G r e e k native. Figure 4 b provides a tentative " c o r r e c t i o n " of the artist's atrocious " m i s s p e l l i n g " o f Greek decorative f o r m s . 13 T h i s insufficient f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h Greek standards n o t o n l y re veals the craftsman's n o n - G r e e k ethnikon, i t also demonstrates t h a t even i n the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d the b l e n d o f cultures was far f r o m perfect. T h e Greek vessel shape was a d o p t e d , b u t the h a n d l i n g o f Greek decora tive elements is still d i s a p p o i n t i n g i n n o n - G r e e k ateliers. G i v e n the early Hellenistic date o f the treasure a n d t h y m i a t e r i o n , i t is s u r p r i s i n g t h a t o u r craftsman h a d o n l y m i n o r difficulty i n h a n d l i n g the decorative repertoire of the collapsed A c h a e m e n i d empire, a r e a l m t h a t i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y d o m i n a t e d E g y p t o n l y f o r a few years under A r t a x e r x e s i n . 173 174 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Pfrommer T h i s s t r o n g affiliation t o A c h a e m e n i d standards is n o t u n i q u e t o T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s . I f one lists, f o r e x a m p l e , the d r i n k i n g vessels o f o u r treasure a n d parallels t h e m w i t h vessels f o u n d i n a n A c h a e m e n i d necropolis at Deve H i i y i i k i n n o r t h e r n Syria, a cemetery o f the fifth a n d early f o u r t h centuries at the latest, w e encounter a n a s t o u n d i n g situa t i o n : f o r a l m o s t a l l the d r i n k i n g vessels f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s w e can FIG. 5 q u o t e A c h a e m e n i d - N e a r Eastern c o u n t e r p a r t s (fig. 5 ) . Vessel shapes represented i n T u k h ical angle the w h o l e set f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s belongs t o the category el-Quarmous (left) compared w i t h vessels from the n o r t h Syrian 1 4 From a typolog of " a c h a e m e n i z i n g " silver. Greek f o r m s are a l m o s t entirely absent. A n d necropolis of Deve H i i y i i k (right). a l l this i n a sanctuary t h a t belonged i n its e n t i r e t y t o the early Ptolemaic Drawings by the author. p e r i o d . Even i f w e exclude some p r e - H e l l e n i s t i c vessels f r o m T u k h elQ u a r m o u s , the p i c t u r e does n o t change c o n s i d e r a b l y . 15 T h e s i t u a t i o n is s t r o n g l y reminiscent o f the famous w o r k s h o p representations o n the reliefs f r o m the t o m b o f Petosiris at T u n a el-Gebel (see K o z l o f f fig. 7 b e l o w ) . 1 6 D e p i c t e d is an E g y p t i a n atelier w i t h E g y p t i a n craftsmen w h o are m a n u f a c t u r i n g vessels o f a basically N e a r Eastern type: A c h a e m e n i d deep c u p s , 17 phialai w i t h flaring rims, rhyta w i t h p r o - tomes o f lion-griffins a n d , last b u t n o t least, an incense b u r n e r t h a t can easily be c o m p a r e d w i t h the t y p o l o g i c a l l y less advanced t h y m i a t e r i o n f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s . Even the Petosiris r h y t a find a t y p o l o g i c a l c o u n t e r p a r t i n the famous griffin r h y t o n f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s (see K o z l o f f fig. 6 b e l o w ) . 1 8 A l t h o u g h here, i n contrast t o the Petosiris situa t i o n , the griffin is entirely Greek i n style, the A c h a e m e n i d t r a d i t i o n s s t i l l s h o w i n the h o r i z o n t a l l y fluted h o r n o f the vessel. T h e o n l y possible c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t one b r a n c h o f native E g y p t i a n crafts o f the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d was still s t r o n g l y influenced by the repertoire o f the f o r m e r A c h a e m e n i d e m p i r e . T h i s was o b v i o u s l y the case n o t o n l y i n p r o v i n c i a l ateliers b u t even i n w o r k s h o p s i n the v i c i n i t y o f the o l d E g y p t i a n centers. These achaemenizing tendencies can be encountered already i n E g y p t i a n treasures o f the later fifth a n d the first h a l f o f the f o u r t h c e n t u r i e s . 19 Greek influences were r i s i n g , however, as the a d o p t i o n o f the Greek type o f t h y m i a t e r i o n o r the griffin r h y t o n f r o m T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s demonstrates, b u t i f w e were t o speak o f a Greek d o m i n a t i o n over native ateliers, we w o u l d be entirely m i s t a k i n g the s i t u a t i o n . W h a t w e are a c t u ally e n c o u n t e r i n g is a slow, a l m o s t shy convergence o f t w o cultures; the o l d , p r e - H e l l e n i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s were still s t r o n g l y alive. A r e w e justified i n t r a n s f e r r i n g the p i c t u r e " T u k h elQ u a r m o u s / P e t o s i r i s " t o a l l Ptolemaic ateliers o f the late f o u r t h a n d t h i r d centuries? C e r t a i n l y n o t . L e t us glance briefly at M e m p h i s , the o l d c a p i t a l , w h i c h o r i g i n a l l y housed the t o m b o f A l e x a n d e r the Great. T h e plas ter casts o f ancient m e t a l w a r e a n d models o f helmets f o u n d at m o d e r n M i t R a h i n e shed a n entirely different l i g h t o n Ptolemaic craftsmanship o f 175 176 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 6 Plaster cast of tendril decoration on a helmet from M e m p h i s . Hildesheim, Pelizaeusmuseum H46a-f. FIG. 7 Wall painting of a tendril from a Thracian tomb, Kasanlak, Bulgaria. D r a w i n g by the author. the t h i r d a n d earlier second c e n t u r i e s . 20 T h e y are a l m o s t entirely Greek i n style a n d o f the best q u a l i t y , a n d they cover even figural art, n o t o n l y o r n a m e n t s . Interestingly e n o u g h , a c e r t a i n A c h a e m e n i d influence is nev ertheless d o c u m e n t e d i n an u n m i s t a k a b l e preference f o r b u d d e d plates, a tendency otherwise h a r d l y traceable a m o n g H e l l e n i s t i c m e t a l w a r e . 21 22 Considerable numbers o f the M e m p h i s casts a n d models were c o n t r i v e d as d e c o r a t i o n f o r w e a p o n r y . T h e I t a l i a n i z i n g t e n d r i l d e c o r a t i o n of a helmet (fig. 6) illustrates the s t r o n g affiliations of this Ptolemaic ate lier t o M a c e d o n i a n t r a d i t i o n s . T h e o r i g i n a l l y South I t a l i a n s p i r a l - t e n d r i l 23 was a d o p t e d by M a c e d o n i a n ateliers i n the second h a l f o f the f o u r t h c e n t u r y a n d is subsequently traceable even i n M a c e d o n i a n - i n f l u e n c e d T h r a c e , as is d o c u m e n t e d by the w a l l paintings o f the famous T h r a c i a n t o m b at K a s a n l a k i n B u l g a r i a (fig. 7 ) . 2 4 As models f o r helmets f r o m Pfrommer FIG. 8 Decoration of a shield model, said to be f r o m M e m p h i s . Limestone. M e m p h i s show, the s i m i l a r i t y o f o u r t e n d r i l t o decorations f r o m the M a c e d o n i a n sphere is n o t u n i q u e i n Ptolemaic E g y p t . 25 D i a m . : 64 cm. Ca. 150 b . c . T h i s decorative axis " M a c e d o n i a - E g y p t " can h a r d l y be a Amsterdam, A l l a r d Pierson surprise i n a c o u n t r y such as Ptolemaic E g y p t , whose kings n o t o n l y Museum 7879. were M a c e d o n i a n s by descent b u t even c l a i m e d A l e x a n d e r the Great as ancestor o f t h e i r d y n a s t y . 26 I n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h this " M a c e d o n i a n ten d e n c y " o n the M e m p h i s w e a p o n r y , a t t e n t i o n s h o u l d be d r a w n t o the m o d e l o f a " M a c e d o n i a n s h i e l d " w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n " P t o l e m a i o u " a r o u n d the c e n t r a l g o r g o n e i o n (fig. 8 ) , 2 7 a n d i t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t under the f o u r t h Ptolemy, native Egyptians were t r a i n e d f o r the first t i m e i n a specifically M a c e d o n i a n m a n n e r f o r the famous Battle o f R a p h i a against A n t i o c h o s the G r e a t . 28 These M a c e d o n i a n affiliations were by n o means l i m i t e d t o weapons o r m i n o r arts; they can be f o u n d even i n Ptolemaic architec t u r e . A l t h o u g h the A u g u s t a n a u t h o r Strabo i n f o r m s us t h a t the Basileia, the palace quarter, covered a q u a r t e r o r perhaps even a t h i r d o f A l e x a n d r i a a n d t h a t each P t o l e m y erected his o w n palace i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h 177 178 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 9 Reconstruction of the facades of the thalamegos, the l u x u r y yacht of Ptolemy i v . D r a w i n g by the author. FIG. 10 Reconstruction of the temple of Aphrodite on the second floor of the thalamegos. author. D r a w i n g by the Pfrommer FIG. I I Tendril decoration on a hydria, from Shatby. Alexandria, GraecoRoman M u s e u m 10433. D r a w i n g by the author. the b u i l d i n g s of his predecessors, 29 l i t t l e is actually k n o w n a b o u t Ptole maic p a l a t i a l architecture. A n e x c e p t i o n , however, is the extensive de s c r i p t i o n by K a l l i x e i n o s o f Rhodes of the famous r i v e r b o a t o f P t o l e m y i v P h i l o p a t o r : the thalamegos (figs. 9, 1 0 ) . 30 As the name a n d o u r ancient source reveal, the thalamegos was a floating palace, quite u n l i k e any other ship. A t t e n t i o n s h o u l d be d r a w n t o the facade a n d its a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure (fig. 9 ) . O u r ancient source describes the facade o f the thalamegos as c o l o n n a d e d o n the g r o u n d level b u t w i t h a closed upper storey (krypton). There we find w i n d o w s over a balustrade. T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n caused some p r o b l e m s i n the past, b u t today, w i t h M a c e d o n i a n architecture unearthed, i t provides l i t t l e difficulty. T h e entirely n o n - G r e e k appearance o f the w i n d o w e d u p per floor w i t h its " M a c e d o n i a n ledge" resembles at first glance the fa m o u s M a c e d o n i a n t o m b of L e f k a d i a a n d related facades. the a r c h i t e c t u r a l order o f the thalamegos, 31 I f we c o m p a r e there can be n o d o u b t t h a t the concept o f the facade is closely connected t o M a c e d o n i a n p r o t o t y p e s . T h e i n t e r i o r o f the yacht, however, provides m u c h m o r e t h a n just an equivalent o f a M a c e d o n i a n palace. K a l l i x e i n o s m e n t i o n s a l i t t l e t h o l o i d temple o f A p h r o d i t e o n the upper floor, f r a m e d by t w o d i n i n g r o o m s (fig. 1 0 ) . 32 T h e real i m p l i c a t i o n s o f this strange concept are missed unless one k n o w s t h a t A p h r o d i t e - I s i s was the i m m o r t a l equivalent o f the m o s t famous Ptolemaic queens, f r o m A r s i n o e 11 d o w n t o Cleopatra v n . 3 3 W i t h this temple we suddenly enter the field o f Ptolemaic dynastic cults, w h i c h is essentially so u n l i k e M a c e d o n i a n c o n c e p t s . thalamegos, 34 I n the case o f the the M a c e d o n i a n - t y p e facade is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a M a c e d o n i a n shell. B u t the a r c h i t e c t u r a l language o f the facade was neverthe less very clear, a n d t h a t means i n o u r case basically M a c e d o n i a n . W i t h this b a c k g r o u n d , i t c a n n o t be s u r p r i s i n g that o u r M a c e d o n i a n t e n d r i l decorations were n o t l i m i t e d t o weapons o r architec ture. 35 Reference s h o u l d be made t o an u n p u b l i s h e d scroll o n a ceramic h y d r i a f r o m the A l e x a n d r i a n necropolis of Shatby (fig. n ) . 3 6 T h e rather squat type o f vessel recalls h y d r i a i of the fifth or earlier f o u r t h c e n t u r y , 37 b u t the t i n y t e n d r i l d e c o r a t i o n o f a l m o s t extravagant elegance proves its early H e l l e n i s t i c date. T h e three-dimensional spirals are closely c o n nected t o the scrolls m e n t i o n e d above f r o m M i t Rahine a n d K a s a n l a k (see figs. 6, 7 ) . I n the c o n t e x t o f o u r i t a l i a n i z i n g M a c e d o n i a n t e n d r i l s , atten t i o n s h o u l d be d r a w n t o Ptolemaic w o o d e n sarcophagi a n d t h e i r scroll d e c o r a t i o n . A g a i n we are c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the question o f w h e t h e r they s h o w M a c e d o n i a n influence o r direct South I t a l i a n c o n t a c t s . 38 T h e ques- 179 180 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA t i o n is h a r d t o answer, as the details a l l o w n o clear-cut conclusions at FIG. the m o m e n t , b u t i t s h o u l d be k e p t i n m i n d t h a t A l e x a n d r i a is still o u r Gnathia imitation pottery, said to m a j o r source o f I t a l i a n G n a t h i a p o t t e r y i n the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . 12 be from Crete. Germany, private 39 collection. Photo courtesy of the I n v i e w o f t h i s , direct South I t a l i a n influences can be r u l e d o u t o n l y i n the case of i t a l i a n i z i n g decorations w i t h e x p l i c i t l y M a c e d o n i a n references. owner. FIG. I n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h G n a t h i a i m p o r t s , t w o p o i n t s deserve fur 13 Gnathia imitation pottery, said to ther c l a r i f i c a t i o n . First, a l t h o u g h dozens o f fragments are k n o w n f r o m be from Crete. Germany, private A l e x a n d r i a , G n a t h i a p o t t e r y a n d related vessels f o r m just a s m a l l m i n o r collection. Photo courtesy of the i t y o f A l e x a n d r i a n p o t t e r y . Second, at least some o f the A l e x a n d r i a n G n a t h i a m i g h t w e l l a c t u a l l y be A l e x a n d r i a n i m i t a t i o n s a n d n o t i m p o r t s . 4 0 T h e last p o i n t is clearly i l l u s t r a t e d by m a t e r i a l f r o m a C r e t a n t o m b g r o u p (figs. 12, i 3 ) . 4 1 Some of the vessels quote f a m i l i a r G n a t h i a m o t i f s , b u t the d e c o r a t i o n a n d the fabric speak i n favor o f l o c a l C r e t a n o r per haps even A l e x a n d r i a n potters a n d s t r o n g l y against any South I t a l i a n at t r i b u t i o n . I n the case o f a h i g h skyphos (fig. 12), the spray o f m y r t l e beneath the r i m is clearly derived f r o m the G n a t h i a repertoire, b u t the rose blossom finds analogies i n Crete itself a n d o n a H a d r a h y d r i a . 4 2 The pigeon-and-flower frieze (fig. 13) o f a squat skyphos, however, is best represented a m o n g A l e x a n d r i a n G n a t h i a fragments f r o m Shatby. 43 In c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n m a t e r i a l , the e x e c u t i o n seems some w h a t i n f e r i o r , a n d we m i g h t consequently see C r e t a n "pseudo-Gnathia" as an i n t e r m e d i a r y between m a t e r i a l f r o m South I t a l y a n d f r o m Ptole maic A l e x a n d r i a . A glance at the d i s t r i b u t i o n of G n a t h i a a n d pseudo-Gnathia i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o u l d be r e w a r d i n g . I n fact, the prove nances cover m o r e o r less the regions a n d t e r r i t o r i e s c o n t r o l l e d by the Ptolemies i n the m i d d l e a n d the later h a l f o f the t h i r d century, m e n t i o n e d i n the i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A d u l i s n o t e d above (fig. 1 4 ) . 4 4 A l e x a n d r i a as a G n a t h i a center has already been m e n t i o n e d . C y p r u s was firmly i n Ptole m a i c hands, a n d the Aegean was a Ptolemaic s t r o n g h o l d . Rhodes a n d owner. Pfrommer FIG. 14 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Gnathia pottery in the eastern Mediterranean. A l e x a n d r i a h a d t r a d i t i o n a l l y close e c o n o m i c a f f i l i a t i o n s , 45 a n d Crete, whose eastern p a r t a r o u n d Itanos was under Ptolemaic c o n t r o l a n y w a y , /: territories conquered during the m u s t be considered one o f the m a i n sources f o r Ptolemaic m e r c e n a r i e s . T h i r d Syrian War; 2: territories I t is thus h a r d l y i n d o u b t t h a t the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f G n a t h i a w a r e reflects Ptolemy i n inherited from his Ptolemaic e c o n o m i c connections a n d t h a t w e s h o u l d see G n a t h i a - t y p e father; 3: fictitious domination 46 over Mesopotamia and farther p o t t e r y i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n p r i m a r i l y u n d e r a Ptolemaic v i e w east, based on the inscription p o i n t . T h e e x a m p l e o f G n a t h i a w a r e illustrates the t r a n s i t i o n f r o m eco from Adulis. D r a w i n g by the author. n o m i c s t o artistic r e c e p t i o n . A l e x a n d r i a a n d Ptolemaic E g y p t seem t o have been n o t o n l y a focus f o r commerce b u t also subsequently the source o f l o c a l i m i t a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t s f o r m e r l y f o r e i g n t o the Ptolemaic r e p e r t o i r e a n d as such i m p o r t e d i n t o E g y p t . T h e achaemenizing tendencies o f the native E g y p t i a n reper t o i r e o f the early Ptolemaic p e r i o d a n d the M a c e d o n i a n a n d S o u t h I t a l i a n connections give rise t o the q u e s t i o n o f w h a t was authentic i n the Graeco-Ptolemaic r e p e r t o i r e . C a n Ptolemaic craftsmanship be regarded o n l y as a heterogeneous b l e n d o f f o r e i g n influences? To consider this p o i n t , let us r e t u r n t o T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s a n d the jewelry o f this t r e a s u r e . 47 I n the case o f the jewelry, w e are deal- 181 182 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA i n g n o t w i t h p r o v i n c i a l w o r k s h o p s b u t w i t h p r o d u c t s f r o m t o p ateliers, w o r k i n g i n an entirely Graeco-Hellenistic style. A snake bracelet, for ex ample, one o f the m a j o r types o f Hellenistic jewelry, reveals at first glance the already f a m i l i a r similarities between E g y p t (fig. 1 5 a ) the M a c e d o n i a n sphere o f influence (fig. 1 5 b ) . 49 4 8 and Snake-type j e w e l r y de a veloped considerably over the generations a n d reached almost baroque f o r m s w i t h v i v i d depictions o f c o i l e d animals i n the second century B.C., each object composed o f a single snake (figs. 15c, d ) . 5 0 T h i s one-snake concept seems t o be supplemented by Ptole m a i c ateliers w i t h a double-snake variety, w i t h a n i m a l heads at b o t h ends. T h e E g y p t i a n a t t r i b u t i o n o f this type is suggested by a j e w e l r y h o a r d f r o m E g y p t i a n B a l a m u n a n d by representations o n E g y p t i a n m u m m y masks. T h e date o f the B a l a m u n h o a r d is debated, b u t a H e l 51 b lenistic date is argued f r o m the n o n i m p e r i a l t y p o l o g y a n d especially f r o m the a d d i t i o n o f t y p i c a l l y Hellenistic Herakles k n o t s (fig. I n contrast t o the single-snake types, double-snake 16). 52 examples exist i n closed, r i g i d (see fig. 16) a n d flexible, open versions a n d v a r y considerably i n design a n d e x e c u t i o n , leaving the d o u b l e - a n i m a l concept as the p r i m e element o f c o m p a r i s o n . A rather closed, r i g i d v a r i a n t o f this class belongs t o a b r i l l i a n t set o f Ptolemaic jewelry, w h i c h has recently f o u n d its w a y i n t o the G e t t y collections (fig. 17), a g r o u p t h a t seems a l m o s t t a i l o r - m a d e t o c o n f i r m m y recently questioned c h r o n o l o g y of H e l lenistic j e w e l r y . I t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t as an aspect o f an authentic 53 Ptolemaic repertoire the set contains a pair o f one-snake bracelets fash i o n e d w i t h a j o i n t a n d differing i n t h a t detail f r o m the Greek k o i n e types. 54 W i t h the double-snake concept, P t o l e m a i c - E g y p t i a n j e w e l r y de c veloped an independent type, b u t this v a r i a n t is n o t represented u n t i l the late t h i r d century. T h i s g r o w i n g e m a n c i p a t i o n f r o m the early H e l l e n i s t i c M a c e d o n i a n repertoire is likewise d o c u m e n t e d by earrings w i t h ante lope heads f r o m the set o f j e w e l r y i n the G e t t y M u s e u m m e n t i o n e d above (fig. 1 8 ) . 55 T h i s variety developed f r o m the M a c e d o n i a n lion's- head earrings a n d was almost entirely absent i n the M a c e d o n i a n sphere. As antelope-head earrings seem t o have been p a r t o f the treasure i n T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s , the emergence o f this v a r i a n t m a y have t a k e n place i n the second quarter o f the t h i r d century, o r the m i d d l e o f t h a t century at the latest. 56 T h e earrings are also, a l t h o u g h rarely, represented i n Syria, a n d i t is t e m p t i n g t o consider t h e m p r i m a r i l y Ptolemaic i n type b u t o f course not i n manufacture. We can see clearly the rise of types favored i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , a repertoire o f j e w e l r y t h a t emerged s l o w l y a r o u n d the m i d d l e of the t h i r d century. W e can nevertheless expect i n Ptolemaic E g y p t the presence a n d general k n o w l e d g e o f Hellenistic " k o i n e standards," a p o i n t t h a t deserves n o further e l a b o r a t i o n i n a c o u n t r y devoted so exten sively t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l exchange a n d trade. d FIGS. I 5a-d a: Bracelet, from T u k h elQuarmous. Cairo, The Egyptian Museum J E 38078; b: Bracelet, from Kralevo, Bulgaria; c, d: Bracelets, said to be from Thessaly. Athens, N a t i o n a l Museum. Drawings by the author. pfrommer FIG. I 6 Double-snake bracelet, bought i n Balamun, Egypt. Silver. N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t 26.7.i4 36 FIG. 17 Double-snake bracelets. G o l d . M a l i b u , The J. Paul Getty Museum 92.AM.8.7.1-2. FIG. 18 Antelope-head earrings. G o l d . D i a m . : 2.0 c m . M a l i b u , The J. Paul Getty M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 3 . 183 184 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 19 Antelope-head bracelet, said to be from Egypt. Silver. Formerly art market. To w h a t extent, however, these k o i n e types s t o o d side by side w i t h specific Ptolemaica is h a r d t o t e l l , because so l i t t l e datable m a t e r i a l is k n o w n f o r the second a n d first centuries. O f interest is a s m a l l set o f second-century silver t h a t appeared o n the art m a r k e t i n recent years a n d t h a t , a c c o r d i n g t o reliable sources, was f o u n d i n E g y p t . A n antelopehead bracelet f r o m this h o a r d f o l l o w s a type already k n o w n i n Achae m e n i d times a n d is likewise w e l l represented a m o n g early H e l l e n i s t i c j e w e l r y (fig. 1 9 ) . 5 7 A c c o r d i n g t o H e l l e n i s t i c conventions, the rather u n usual preference o f silver, already encountered i n B a l a m u n , p o i n t s t o a l o c a l atelier. T h i s a t t r i b u t i o n is c o r r o b o r a t e d by the incised a n d crosshatched " c u f f s " b e h i n d the a n i m a l s ' heads a n d the s i m i l a r l y incised, large, t r i a n g u l a r tongues b e h i n d these c u f f s . 58 A m o n g Hellenistic jewelry these elements are n o r m a l l y i n d i v i d u a l adjuncts, cut f r o m t h i n sheets o f g o l d a n d soldered o n . T h e h i g h l y stylized f o r m s o f the a n i m a l heads still recall A c h a e m e n i d a n d early H e l l e n i s t i c conventions, b u t the heavy r i n g , a l m o s t t w o centimeters i n diameter, speaks u n m i s t a k a b l y i n favor o f a second-century d a t e . 59 T h e " h e a v y " variety of the antelope-head lets is k n o w n f r o m a b r i l l i a n t fragment f r o m A s i a M i n o r , 6 0 brace a comparison t h a t underlines the p r o v i n c i a l i t y of o u r Ptolemaic example. T h e silver bracelet also illustrates t h a t even p r o v i n c i a l Ptolemaic ateliers o f the sec o n d c e n t u r y n o t o n l y preserved o l d t r a d i t i o n s b u t adjusted t h e i r reper toires t o c o n f o r m t o c o n t e m p o r a r y standards. To the same second-century h o a r d belongs an excellent h e m i spherical silver cup w i t h parcel-gilt c a l y x d e c o r a t i o n (fig. 2 0 ) . 61 The d e c o r a t i o n associates the cup w i t h silver a n d gold-glass vessels f r o m E g y p t i a n F a i y u m a n d Canosa i n I t a l y . 62 T h e Faiyum-Canosa g r o u p c o n tains f o u r silver examples o f t w o entirely different t e c h n i q u e s — l o w a n d extremely h i g h r e l i e f — a n d n o less t h a n three exquisite gold-glass b o w l s . Pfrommer FIG. 20 Cup, said t o be f r o m Egypt. Parcel-gilt silver. Formerly art market. O u r cup is the t h i r d f r o m E g y p t p r o p e r , a n d i t c o r r o b o r a t e s the Ptole m a i c a t t r i b u t i o n o f the w h o l e g r o u p . T h e F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p n o t o n l y underlines again the I t a l i a n c o n n e c t i o n o f Ptolemaic e x p o r t s b u t is l i k e w i s e r e m a r k a b l e i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h silver f r o m the Seleucid sphere. Nevertheless, a l t h o u g h several examples o f s i m i l a r calyxes are k n o w n f r o m Seleucid-influenced t e r r i t o r i e s , n o precise p a r a l l e l f o r o u r c a l y x c o m p o s i t i o n can be c i t e d . I f w e study the decorative l a y o u t o f the pieces i n the F a i y u m Canosa g r o u p , however, the basic o u t l i n e o f the leaf decorations is a l m o s t i d e n t i c a l t h r o u g h o u t the g r o u p (fig. 2 1 ) . 6 3 V a r i a t i o n s are l i m i t e d t o the differing flower types. D e p i c t i o n s have become standardized, a fea t u r e t h a t h a d always been t y p i c a l o f E g y p t i a n craftsmanship. I n s u m m a r y , w e are d e a l i n g w i t h a r e m a r k a b l e c o m p l e x i t y o f influences a n d tendencies i n Ptolemaic ateliers. First, there is a decisive achaemenizing tendency, at least i n the earlier decades. Second, there is a s t r o n g affiliation w i t h early H e l l e n i s t i c - M a c e d o n i a n tastes a n d t r a d i FIG. 2 1 t i o n s . T h i r d , there is the slow, a l m o s t tentative emergence o f an au Leaf-calyx composition from t h e n t i c Ptolemaic r e p e r t o i r e . A n d f o u r t h , there is a c e r t a i n desire f o r t w o sandwich-glass bowls, from clear-cut standards. T h a t this tendency t o w a r d s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n is, h o w Canosa. L o n d o n , The British M u s e u m 71.5-18.1/2. D r a w i n g by the author. ever, i n n o way c o m b i n e d w i t h a decline i n q u a l i t y is borne o u t n o t least by the F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p , w h i c h reveals glimpses o f the excellence w e connect w i t h Ptolemaic E g y p t . University of Trier T R I E R , G E R M A N Y 185 186 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Notes 1 A faience p l a q u e b e a r i n g t h e n a m e o f P h i l i p A r - T a r a n t o ( P f r o m m e r , Studien, rhidaios was acquired d u r i n g the K T 52, p l . 32). E . N a v i l l e , Mound i n Egypt Onias, Extra Volume excavations: of the Jew and the City Exploration Fund, Memoir, 2 9 , 5 5 , p i s . 8 B , 1 7 . 8 . M . P f r o m m e r , Studien alexandt'inischer und großgriechischer frühhellenistischer Zeit, Studien), 10 F i g u r e 3 a h e r e , f r o m Susa: R . de Mecquenem, L . L e B r e t o n , a n d M . R u t t o n , Mémoire zu mission Toreutik archéologique de la 30 (1947): 79, en Iran fig. 4 8 . F i g u r e 3c here is t a k e n f r o m a n A c h a e - Archäologische For- s c h u n g e n 16 ( B e r l i n 1 9 8 7 ) (hereafter 207, of jth (London 1890), pp. 1888/1889 pp. 3 6 - 3 8 , menid amphora-rhyton from Kukova Mogila Pfrommer, ( T h r a c e ) . Sofia, A r c h a e o l o g i c a l M u s e u m 2 : pp. 1 4 8 - 4 9 . For a new reading of M . P f r o m m e r , Archäologische Mitteilungen aus t h e d e m o t i c i n s c r i p t i o n s o n t h e vessels, see Iran K . - T . Z a u z i c h , Enchoria d e p i c t s t h e frieze o f a r h y t o n i n t h e N o r b e r t 21 (1994): 101-6. 23 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 9 3 - 9 6 , fig. 1 . 1 . F i g u r e 3 d h e r e S c h i m m e l c o l l e c t i o n ( i b i d . , p . 193 n . 1 8 , fig. 2 F o r t h e c o i n h o a r d , see P f r o m m e r , 1.2, w i t h refs.). Studien, p. 142 n. 925. II 3 F o r G r e e k friezes w i t h these N e a r E a s t e r n A d u l i s is l o c a t e d close t o S u a k i n o n t h e R e d " b a r s , " see m y r e m a r k s i n Istanbuler Sea. F o r t h e i n s c r i p t i o n , see E . B e v a n , gen 3 7 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 6 0 , p i s . 4 4 . 1 ; 4 5 . 1 ; 4 6 . 1 . House The 2 n d ed. (Chicago 1 9 6 8 ; i s t of Ptolemy, e d n . 1 9 2 7 ) , p p . 1 9 2 - 9 3 . P. M . Fraser, maic Ptole- 12 v o l . 1 ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) (here- Alexandria, For a Hellenized version of this c o m p o s i t i o n , see t w o p l a s t e r casts f r o m M e m p h i s / M i t after Fraser, 1), p p . 2 0 3 , 2 0 8 ; v o l . 2 , p . 3 4 4 n . Rahine. Hildesheim, Pelizaeusmuseum 1109; 1 0 6 ( w i t h refs.) (hereafter Fraser, 11). 1 1 1 0 : C . R e i n s b e r g , Studien Toreutik, 4 zur hellenistischen Hildesheimer ägyptologische Beiträge 9 ( H i l d e s h e i m 1 9 8 0 ) (hereafter R e i n s b e r g , Justinus 27.1.5fr. dien), 5 Mitteilun- F o r t h e t r e a s u r e , see P f r o m m e r , Studien, Stu- p p . 3 0 6 - 7 , n o s . 2 6 , 2 7 , figs. 3 6 , 3 7 ( w i t h a d a t i n g a r o u n d 3 4 0 / 3 3 0 , w h i c h is t o o e a r l y ) . pp. 1 4 2 - 5 9 . F o r t h e j e w e l r y , see M . P f r o m m e r , Untersuchungen zur Chronologie hochhellenistischen früh- und 13 Istanbuler Goldschmucks, The type of tendril w i t h small semipalmettes i n the interstices between the m a i n b o d y o f the F o r s c h u n g e n 3 7 ( T ü b i n g e n 1 9 9 0 ) (hereafter s c r o l l a n d t h e helices is o f t e n e n c o u n t e r e d i n P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck), r e d - f i g u r e d vase p a i n t i n g o f S o u t h I t a l y . See p p . 2 0 8 - 9 , pis. 8 . 1 , 2 ; 1 5 . i , 3; 1 9 . i , 2 ; 2 1 . 3 - 5 ; 2.3-1; 2 > P. J a c o b s t h a l , Ornamente 8 ( w i t h refs.). griechischer (Berlin 1 9 2 7 ) , pis. 108.b, m , Vasen 144.b ( A p u l i a n amphora: Karlsruhe, M u s e u m 388; A p u l i a n 6 C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 3 8 0 8 9 / 9 0 : P f r o m - h y d r i a i : B e r l i n , M u s e u m F. 3 2 9 0 / 3 2 9 1 and m e r , Studien, Naples, M u s e u m H . 3244; Campanian am- p . 2 6 6 , K T K 2 , p i s . 2 , 3 (here fig. i a ) . C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m J E 3 8 0 8 8 / 9 1 : phora: Stoddard coll.). Tendrils w i t h palmettes P f r o m m e r , Studien, c a n , o f c o u r s e , n o t be c o n f i n e d t o a single a r t i s - p . 2 6 6 , K T K 3, p i s . 4 , 5 (here fig. i b ) . tic province, but i n connection w i t h o u r H e l - For an A c h a e m e n i d t h y m i a t e r i o n w i t h the t y p i - p a l m e t t e - t e n d r i l is d e r i v e d f r o m late C l a s s i c a l cal h o r i z o n t a l cannelures a n d the stepped l i d , prototypes. l e n i s t i c t h y m i a t e r i o n i t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t t h e 7 see a n e x a m p l e i n N e w Y o r k , T h e M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t 1980.11.12: D . von Bothmer, Bulletin of The Metropolitan Museum of 14 F o r T u k h e l - Q u a r m o u s , see P f r o m m e r , Studien, p i s . 1 0 , 1 4 , 2 5 . F o r D e v e H ü y ü k , see P. R . S. Art 4 2 , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 4 4 , n o . 6 8 , w i t h i l l . For the M o o r e y , Cemeteries development o f Classical a n d Hellenistic t h y - at Deve m i a t e r i a , see m y r e m a r k s i n P f r o m m e r , T. E. Lawrence Studien, British pp. 2 5 - 4 1 . Hüyük, of the First near and Millennium Carchemish, C. L . Woolley Archaeological Reports, Salvaged in B.c. by 1913, International Series 89 ( O x f o r d 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 3 3 , fig. 6. 8 9 E . G a b r i c i , Monumenti antichi 22 (1913): 6 5 7 - 5 8 , p i . 108.4. 15 See P f r o m m e r , Studien, See t h e f a m o u s " R o t h s c h i l d " t h y m i a t e r i o n f r o m 16 G . L e f è b v r e , Le tombeau pp. 152-55. de Petosiris I (Cairo Pfrommer 1 9 2 4 ) , p p . 5 2 - 5 5 , p i . 8. S. N a k a t e n , i n kon PP17 Lexi- 25 See n o t e 2 0 a b o v e . 26 See Fraser, 1, p p . 2 0 2 - 3 , 2 1 5 - 1 6 , v o l . 4 (Wiesbaden 1982), der Agyptologie, 995-9$- F o r t h e A c h a e m e n i d deep b o w l o r A c h a e m e n i d c u p , see P f r o m m e r , Studien, 27 18 and Roman Gold and Silver (note 20 above), pp. 5 4 - 5 9 , 89, no. 23, p i . 22. For Plate ( L o n d o n 1966), pp. 9 9 - 1 0 1 was erroneously the M a c e d o n i a n tendencies i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , see m y r e m a r k s : " G o t t l i c h e F i i r s t e n i n B o s c o - Q u a r l e s v a n U f f o r d , Bulletin reale: D e r Festsaal i n d e r V i l l a des P. F a n n i u s antieke beschaving 66 [ 1 9 9 1 ] : 1 5 9 - 6 3 ) , a p r o b l e m t h a t w i l l be d i s S y n i s t o r , " 1 2 . Trier er cussed i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t . 1992 i n A . B u l l o c h et a l . , eds., Images and C a i r o , E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 3 8 0 9 3 : P f r o m m e r , Self-definition World Winckelmannsprogramm (Mainz 1993): 3 8 - 4 2 , 6 0 - 6 4 ; L- Koenen, in the Hellenistic Ideologies: (Berke ley 1 9 9 5 ) , p . 35 (a n a t i v e E g y p t i a n s e r v i n g as a pp. 1 5 6 - 5 8 , 266, K T K 1, p i . 1 ( w i t h " M a c e d o n i a n o f the cavalry settlers"). refs.). P f r o m m e r , Studien, 28 pp. 7 5 - 9 1 , 142. See P o l y b i u s 5 . 6 5 . F o r t h e rise o f t h e E g y p t i a n e l e m e n t , M . R o s t o v t z e f f , Die 20 Anti- q u e s t i o n e d i n a recent a r t i c l e ( L . B y v a n c k - Studien, 19 Septentrionalis qua 9 ( 1 9 3 4 ) : 2 2 1 - 3 0 , f i g . 2 . G a g s t e i g e r A c h a e m e n i d d e r i v a t i o n established by D . E. S t r o n g , Greek A m s t e r d a m , A l l a r d Pierson M u s e u m 7 8 7 9 : W . v o n B i s s i n g , Eurasia pp. 4 2 - 7 4 . The 224-26. F o r t h e casts, c o m p a r e R e i n s b e r g , F o r t h e h e l m e t s , see G . G a g s t e i g e r , Die mdischen Waffenmodelle Welt: Gesellschaft Studien. und b i n g e n 1 9 5 5 ) , p p . SS9~^ - ptole- hellenistische vol. 2 (Tu Wirtschaft, Fraser, 1, p p . 6 0 - 6 1 . T Hildes- aus Memphis, heimer agyptologische Beitrage 36 ( H i l d e s h e i m 29 Strabo 17.1.8. 30 Kallixeinos, quoted i n Athenaeus 1 9 9 3 ) . O n pages 2 5 - 4 7 a n d 7 6 G a g s t e i g e r c o n nects t h e d e c o r a t i o n s p r i m a r i l y w i t h t h e M a c e F o r m o d e r n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s , see F. C a s p a r i , m y e a r l i e r s t a t e m e n t s t o see specific I t a l i a n c o n Jabrbuch n e c t i o n s . See M . P f r o m m e r , tuts "GroEgriechischer u n d m i t t e l i t a l i s c h e r E i n f l u E i n der Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts 1 1 9 - 9 0 , esp. 184 (hereafter Klio des Archaologischen des antiken r t n posiums 314, 31 Berlin Palaste, P. M . Petsas, Ho taphos the Hellenized tions, East: J . Paul Getty Catalogue Museum Sym (Athens of Macedon ( A t h e n s 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 1 5 0 , fig. 8 0 ( c o l o r r e c o n s t r u c t i o n ) . F o r t h e " M a c e d o n i a n l e d g e , " see from of the des ton Leukadion L . D . L o u k o p o u l o s , eds., Philip T h a t is even v a l i d f o r t h e S e l e u c i d sphere o f i n f l u e n c e . See M . P f r o m m e r , Metalwork Akten (forthcoming). 1992 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 8 2 , fig. 2 9 . M . B . H a t z o p o u l o s a n d n o s . 3, 1 0 , 1 1 - 1 3 , 4 2 , figs. 4 , 1 8 , 2 0 - 2 2 , 6 1 . 22 Seewesens, p a l a t i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see e m y r e m a r k s i n Antike p p . 2 9 4 , 197-99,, Insti Stu Beiheft 32 ( 1 9 3 4 ; 2 n d ed. A a l e n 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 2 0 - 5 3 . F ° 97 (1982): Pfrommer, "EinfluE"). See R e i n s b e r g , Studien, des Deutschen 3 1 ( 1 9 1 6 ) : 1 - 7 4 , fig. 1 0 . A . K o s t e r , dien zur Geschichte Rankenorna- m e n t i k f r u h h e l l e n i s t i s c h e r Z e i t , " Jabrbuch 21 5.204d-2o6c. d o n i a n repertoire, an observation that corrects H . L a u t e r , Die Architektur Collec (Malibu 1993). des Hellenismus ( D a r m s t a d t 1 9 8 6 ) , p p . 1 4 1 , 1 5 2 , fig. 4 4 . a , T h e s e c o m p l e x e s d o n o t c o n t a i n a single e x p i . 4 8 , based o n V . H e e r m a n n , Studien ample. makedonischen Palastarchitektur zur ( P h . D . diss., University of Erlangen-Niirnberg 1986), 23 H i l d e s h e i m , Pelizaeusmuseum b e r g , Studien, 1146 a - f : Reins pp. 283, 373~75 P l s 5 X I - p p . 3 0 1 - 2 , n o . 1 6 , fig. 2 4 . P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , " 1 8 5 , f i g . 35 ( w i t h a d i s 32 Athenaeus 5.205d. 33 Fraser, 1, p p . 2 3 9 - 4 4 . 34 I n M a c e d o n i a n o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d ruler c u l t ex cussion of M a c e d o n i a n analogies). 24 For I t a l o - M a c e d o n i a n t e n d r i l decorations, see P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E . " F o r K a s a n l a k , see P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u S , " 1 3 5 - 3 6 . O u r d r a w i n g ( f i g . 7) is i s t e d . I t is s u f f i c i e n t t o r e c a l l h e r e t h e resistance based o n L . S h i v k o v a , Das Grabmal t o A l e x a n d e r ' s ideas f o r h i s p e r s o n a l d e i f i c a t i o n . von Kasan lak ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n 1 9 7 3 ) , p . 6 5 , p i . 1 9 . F o r the p r i m a r i l y T h r a c i a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the figural zoff, C . H o c k e r , a n d L . Schneider, scher 35 frieze o f t h e w a l l d e c o r a t i o n , see P. Z a Anzeiger, 1985: 623, 6 4 2 - 4 3 . F o r references, see P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , " 175- 87. Archaologi36 Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 10433: 187 188 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA E . B r e c c i a , La necropoli general des antiquites di Sciatbi, Catalogue egyptiennes du (Cairo 1912), pp. 2 9 - 3 0 , no. 40, d'Alexandrie 43 B r e c c i a ( n o t e 3 6 a b o v e ) , p i . 8 2 , figs. 2 8 4 , 2 8 5 . 44 T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n is g i v e n a c c o r d i n g t o G r e e n Musee p i . 3 7 , fig. 4 6 , m e n t i o n e d i n p a s s i n g i n P f r o m ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) . F o r A d u l i s , see n o t e 3 a b o v e . mer, "Einfluft," 184 n . 332. For the extension o f Ptolemaic c o n t r o l i n gen See E . D i e h l , Die Hydria politik e r a l , see W . H u s s , Untersuchungen 37 ( M a i n z 1964), pis. 1 1 , B a g n a l l , The Administration 17- Possessions 38 W i t h s h o r t references: P f r o m m e r , "EinfluE," 1 7 7 - 8 0 . I n detail: M . Pfrommer, Chronolo- gische Uberlegungen Holzsarkophagen zu 45 fruhhellenistischen n a t i o n a l K o l l o q u i u m s i n D e l p h i 1988 (forth coming). 39 Aufien- outside of the Ptolemaic (Leyden 1976). Egypt I t is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g t h a t s o m e t i m e s g o o d s f r o m P t o l e m a i c Palestine r e a c h e d E g y p t b y w a y A k t e n des i n t e r aus Agypten. zur iv. ( M u n i c h 1 9 7 6 ) . R . S. Ptolemaios' o f R h o d e s : M . R o s t o v t z e f f , Die hellenistische Welt: Gesellschaft vol. 1 und (Tubingen 1955), pp. F o r G n a t h i a f r a g m e n t s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , see 46 Wirtschaft, 175-76. F o r I t a n o s u n d e r t h e t h i r d P t o l e m y , see B a g n a l l Breccia (note 36 above), p p . 1 8 8 - 9 0 , p i . 8 1 , (note 44 above), p p . 1 1 7 - 2 3 . For C r e t a n mer figs. 2 7 7 - 7 9 , p i . 8 2 . P f r o m m e r , " E i n f l u E , " cenaries, see G . T . G r i f f i t h , The 176 n . 2 8 0 ( w i t h f u r t h e r refs.). F o r t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Hellenistic of G n a t h i a i n the western M e d i t e r r a n e a n , p . 2 4 5 . P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic J. R . G r e e n , i n A . C a m b i t o g l o u , e d . , in Honour of Arthur Dale see Studies Mercenaries (Cambridge 1935), vol. Alexandria, 3 ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 ) (hereafter Fraser, m ) , i n d e x , (Sydney Trendall World s.v. Crete. 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 8 1 - 9 0 , pis. 2 0 - 2 2 . 40 F o r t h e p r o b l e m o f i m i t a t i o n s , see 47 F o r t h e j e w e l r y , see n o t e 5 a b o v e . 48 F r o m T u k h el-Quarmous, Cairo, Egyptian M u Pfrommer, " E i n f l u E , " 176. For an i m i t a t i o n of a South Italian a m p h o r a f r o m Shatby (Alexandria, seum JE 3 8 0 7 8 ( C G 5 2 0 9 4 ) : P f r o m m e r , G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m 1 6 0 3 4 ) , see schmuck, Pfrommer, "EinfluE," 181 n. 316. G. G r i m m , in Gotter 18.3, p i . 21.4 (second q u a r t e r o f t h i r d century; e x h . cat. ( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) , n o . 1 0 8 , Pharaonen, w i t h c o l o r i l l . ( w i t h refs.). F o r f u r t h e r w i t h refs.). Gnathia i m i t a t i o n s , see t h e t o m b g r o u p f r o m C r e t e ( n o t e 49 41 below). F r o m K r a l e v o : G . G i n e v , Sukrovisteto Kralevo E . B i e l e f e l d , Eine Fundgruppe Vasen in Deckfarbentechnik, griechische, rbmiscbe 132, fiir byzantinische (Frankfurt 1970). T h e b u l k of the pp. 1 2 9 - 3 0 , 3 5 1 , SR 4 1 , fig. 1 8 . 4 . griechischer Galerie und ot (Sofia 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 1 1 , 6 1 , figs. 1 7 , 1 8 . P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, 41 Gold- p p . 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 - 3 6 , 3 4 8 , SR 6, fig. Kunst 50 unpublished F r o m Thessaly (so-called Carpenisi h o a r d ) , A t h e n s , N a t i o n a l M u s e u m : P. A m a n d r y , Collec m a t e r i a l is i n a G e r m a n p r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , tion Helene w h o s e o w n e r has g e n e r o u s l y p r o v i d e d t h e p h o v o l . 1 (Strasbourg 1953), p . 117, nos. 256, 257, Stathatos: Les bijoux antiques, t o g r a p h s . T h e m a j o r piece o f t h e g r o u p is i n 2 6 0 , 2 6 1 , fig. 7 0 , p i s . 4 6 , 4 7 . P f r o m m e r , Bloomington, Indiana, University A r t M u s e u m schmuck, 7 1 . 9 7 : B i e l e f e l d , o p . c i t . , n o . 1 , figs, o n p p . 5, 9 , figs. 1 8 . 2 6 , 2 7 . 1 1 . P. C a l l a g h a n , Annual at Athens of the British School 7 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 6 3 - 6 4 , fig. 2 ( C r e t a n ) . I d e m , i n Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico- Studi i n onore d i Achille A d r i a n i , romano, v o l . 3, Studi e materiali Gold p p . 1 3 2 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 6 , 3 4 9 , SR 1 7 , 1 9 , 51 F o r " d o u b l e - s n a k e " bracelets a n d finger r i n g s , see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, pp. 135-37, figs. 1 8 . 9 , 1 0 , 2 1 , 2 5 ; p i . 2 2 . 6 . F o r B a l a m u n , 6 (Rome 1984), p. 792, see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, p. 208, F K 4, p i s . 1 4 . 4 , 5, 2 2 . 7 , 8 ( w i t h refs.). T o be a d d e d p i . 1 2 4 . 5 , 8. is a p a i r o f s i l v e r b r a c e l e t s f r o m t h e a r t m a r k e t , 42 Plate f r o m C r e t e . Paris, L o u v r e : R . Pagenstecher, Die calenische des Deutschen Reliefkeramik, Archdologischen s o l d w i t h a n " A l e x a n d r i a n a t t r i b u t i o n " (Sothe Jahrbuch b y ' s , L o n d o n , D e c . 14 a n d 1 5 , 1 9 8 1 , p . 6 9 , n o . 2 0 3 A , B , w i t h i l l . ) . F o r t h e sole e x c e p t i o n o f Instituts, E r g a n z u n g s h e f t 8 ( B e r l i n 1 9 0 9 ) , p . 7, p i . 1 . t h e d o u b l e - s n a k e c o n c e p t o u t s i d e E g y p t , see a H a d r a h y d r i a : R . Pagenstecher, Die t i n y finger r i n g f r o m T a r a n t o i n B e r l i n , A n t i k e n - dgyptische dition Sammlung E. v. Sieglin, Ernst griechisch- von Sieglin, v o l . 2, p a r t 3 (Leipzig 1 9 1 3 ) , p . 4 6 , fig. 5 0 . Expe museum 1980.21: Pfrommer, Goldschmuck, p p . 1 3 2 - 3 3 , 3 5 0 , SR 3 1 , fig. 1 8 . 1 7 ; p l . 2-2,-3T h e n o n c a n o n i c a l r i n g w i t h its c l o s e d , r i g i d s p i - Pfrommer r a l c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d as a c l u e t o a P t o l e m a i c 57 U n p u b l i s h e d . I n 1992 i n the N e w Y o r k art c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e T a r a n t o h o a r d . I suggested m a r k e t . O n e o f t h e t w o b r a c e l e t s is n o w i n t h i s a l r e a d y i n Goldschmuck. Trier, c o l l e c t i o n o f the A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Institute For the snake b r a c e l e t s i n M a l i b u , see n o t e 53 b e l o w . F o r ( = Collection Simonian). For m u m m y m a s k s , see G . G r i m m , Die b r a c e l e t s , see P f r o m m e r , Mumienmasken rbmischen pp. 1 1 5 - 1 8 . (Wiesbaden 1974), aus Agypten antelope-head Goldschmuck, pis. 1 3 . 1 , 14, 15. 58 52 T h e same d e c o r a t i o n s h o w s a s o m e w h a t N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t smaller, very p r o v i n c i a l bracelet w i t h h o r n e d , 2 6 . 7 . 1 4 6 3 : P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, s t y l i z e d heads f r o m t h e same h o a r d . T h e pp. 76, 1 3 6 , 3 0 0 , H K 10. p i . 14.5. For the M a c e d o n i a n second-century date o f the bracelets corrects a f f i l i a t i o n a n d the t y p o l o g y o f t h e H e r a k l e s m y t o t a l l y w r o n g d a t i n g o f a similarly deco k n o t , see P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, r a t e d s i l v e r b r a c e l e t w i t h g o a t heads f r o m E g y p pp. 4 - 8 0 . tian M i t Rahine (Cairo, Egyptian M u s e u m 53 S n a k e bracelets: M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u J E 4 1 0 3 7 , C G 5 2 5 8 7 ) : E . V e r n i e r , Bijoux seum 9 2 . A M . 8 . 7 . For the o p p o r t u n i t y t o illus fevreries, t r a t e t h i s b r a c e l e t a n d t h e e a r r i n g s (see b e l o w , egyptiennes fig. 18) I a m indebted t o M a r i o n True, w h o p. 188, C G 52587, p i . 2 1 . Pfrommer, generously p r o v i d e d me w i t h photographs schmuck, and Catalogue generale du Musee des du Caire et or- antiquites (Cairo 1927), Gold p p . 1 1 4 , 3 4 5 n . 6 5 0 , T A 155 (late slides o f t h e w h o l e h o a r d . I n h e r r e c e n t r e v i e w s i x t h o r fifth c e n t u r y ) . T h e b r a c e l e t s h o u l d l i k e o f m y Goldschmuck, w i s e be p l a c e d i n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y . T h e same Journal St. G . M i l l e r {American is v a l i d p e r h a p s i n t h e case o f a g o a t - h e a d 9 7 [ 1 9 9 3 ] : 58 o f . ) of Archaeology v i v i d l y q u e s t i o n e d a l m o s t a l l results o f m y s t u d y bracelet i n Geneva w i t h a very o r n a m e n t a l ren w i t h o u t presenting any n e w evidence. T h e n e w d e r i n g o f the a n i m a l s ' beards (Geneva, M a l i b u complex renders this u n f o u n d e d c r i t i d ' a r t et h i s t o i r e : P f r o m m e r , c i s m c o m p l e t e l y i n v a l i d . T h e set d i s p l a y s a l m o s t pp. 114, 347 n. 650, T A 173). Musee Goldschmuck, a l l t h e t y p o l o g i c a l features a n d even t h e re g i o n a l preferences o f H e l l e n i s t i c j e w e l r y o f t h e late t h i r d a n d e a r l y s e c o n d c e n t u r i e s i n m y Goldschmuck. 59 described F o r these c o m p a r a t i v e l y " h e a v y " d e r i v a t e s o f the H e l l e n i s t i c a n i m a l - h e a d bracelets, S h o r t references s h o u l d be P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, see pp. 1 0 7 - 8 , 112, 114, given t o the c o l o r e d Herakles k n o t s , t o the type 1 1 8 , 3 3 2 - 3 3 , 3 4 0 , n o s . T A 6, 1 3 , 1 0 9 , of snake bracelets w i t h m e a n d e r i n g b u t n o t i n i 6 - 3 3 , 4 7 , 53- figs. t e r t w i n e d b o d i e s o f t h e a n i m a l s ( f o r a n o t h e r de t a i l see n o t e 5 1 a b o v e ) , t o t h e h e a v y finger 60 Paris, L o u v r e : H . H o f f m a n n a n d P. F. D a v i d s o n , r i n g s , a n d even t o m i n o r d e t a i l s s u c h as t h e leaf- Greek Gold: c a l y x m e d a l l i o n s w i t h o u t stone inlays of the ander, e x h . cat. ( B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 6 5 ) , erotes' earrings a n d t o the alleged Ptolemaic p p . 1 4 7 - 5 1 , n o . 5 3 , figs. 5 3 a - f , c o l o r p l a t e i v . preference f o r a n t e l o p e - h e a d P f r o m m e r , Goldschmuck, a n d b u l l - h e a d ear r i n g s (see n o t e 55 b e l o w ) . E v e n t h e p o s s i b i l i t y Jewelry from the Age of Alex pp. 107, 112, 114, 3 3 2 , T A 6, fig. 1 6 . 4 7 . T h e t y p e is nevertheless o f a " p r o p a g a n d i s t i c c o n n o t a t i o n " o f s o m e de d i f f e r e n t , because t h e piece w a s o r i g i n a l l y c o m t a i l s is c o r r o b o r a t e d b y t h e t e l l i n g features o f p o s e d o f t w o p a r t s , each w i t h t w o a n i m a l the M a l i b u h a i r n e t w i t h its A p h r o d i t e m e d a l l i o n heads. {The J. Paul Getty 188-89, n o - I 2 Museum -> % • I 2 )> t Journal n e 21 [1993]: Dionysiac masks, 61 a n d the Herakles k n o t . A p h r o d i t e was a w e l l - U n p u b l i s h e d . I n 1992 i n the N e w Y o r k art mar ket, whereabouts unknown. d o c u m e n t e d di vine equivalent of m a n y o f the m o s t famous Ptolemaic queens, a n d D i o n y s o s 62 F o r t h e F a i y u m - C a n o s a g r o u p , see D . A h r e n s , a n d H e r a k l e s w e r e r e g a r d e d as d i v i n e a n c e s t o r s Miinchner of the house o f Ptolemy. ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 2 3 2 - 3 3 , figs. 5, 6. P f r o m m e r , Jahrbiicher der Bildenden Kunst 19 Studien, pp. 1 1 1 - 1 6 , 2 6 3 - 6 5 , K B k 117/118, 121/122, 54 M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 6 . 128, p i . 58a. P f r o m m e r (note 22 above), p . 55, fig- 4 3 - 55 M a l i b u , T h e J. P a u l G e t t y M u s e u m 9 2 . A M . 8 . 3 . 56 F o r t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n , see P f r o m m e r , 63 schmuck, Gold p p . 1 7 1 - 7 2 , fig. 3 1 . F o r t h e examples T h e d r a w i n g is based o n C a n o s a n s a n d w i c h glass b o w l s i n L o n d o n , B r i t i s h M u s e u m 7 1 . 5 1 8 . 1 / 2 : D . B . Harden, Journal of Glass f r o m T u k h el- Q u a r m o u s i n O x f o r d , A s h m o l e a n 1 0 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 2 3 - 2 5 , figs. 1 - 9 . P f r o m m e r , M u s e u m 1 9 2 6 . 1 0 5 - 7 , see P f r o m m e r , dien, schmuck, Gold p p . 1 6 8 - 7 2 , O R 9, pis. 2 5 . 2 , 3 0 . 4 0 . p . 2 6 4 , K B k 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 ( w i t h refs.). Studies Stu 189 This page intentionally left blank 191 Pharaonic Egyptian Elements in the Decorative Arts of Alexandria during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods Robert Steven Bianchi A l t h o u g h there is a r t i n A l e x a n d r i a , I seriously question w h e t h e r t h a t art is d i s t i n c t l y A l e x a n d r i a n . I a m able t o demonstrate the v a l i d i t y o f t h a t assertion by s u m m a r i z i n g several o f the conclusions reached i n m y essay i n the Festschrift f o r D r . D a o u d . 1 I t u r n m y a t t e n t i o n first t o glass because the older l i t e r a t u r e m a i n t a i n s that A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p s were p r i m a r i l y responsible f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h so-called m i l l e f i o r i a n d cameo glass. O n e n o w 2 recognizes that the native Egyptians were already e x p l o i t i n g the uses o f m i l l e f i o r i glass d u r i n g the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . , as the examples decorat i n g the w o o d e n shrine inscribed f o r N e k t a n e b o n i n the B r o o k l y n M u seum clearly reveal. Recent investigations n o w suggest as w e l l t h a t 3 cameo glass, once considered t o be an A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f o r m , was first m a n u f a c t u r e d instead i n I t a l i a n R o m a n w o r k s h o p s d u r i n g the reigns o f the J u l i o - C l a u d i a n e m p e r o r s . 4 H a d r a h y d r i a e , t o o , were l o n g considered f o u n d a t i o n stones i n the edifice o f A l e x a n d r i a n art. T h e i r f l o r a l d e c o r a t i o n eventually gave rise t o the p u t a t i v e t r a d i t i o n of a ghirlandomania alessandrina, which was suggested t o have been a p a r t i c u l a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r a l predilec t i o n . Alas, we n o w recognize t h a t m a n y o f these vases—and these d o include the m o r e artistically accomplished examples o f this class—are k n o w n t o have been m a n u f a c t u r e d i n Crete a n d subsequently i m p o r t e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a . L i k e the H a d r a h y d r i a e , the so-called Tanagra terra 5 cottas, w h i c h h a d l o n g been u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y regarded as p a r a m o u n t ex amples o f A l e x a n d r i a n art, are n o w k n o w n t o have been developed first i n w o r k s h o p s outside E g y p t , o n m a i n l a n d Greece a n d elsewhere. M a n y were, like the H a d r a h y d r i a e , i m p o r t e d i n t o A l e x a n d r i a as w e l l . 6 There are, o f course, other typologies t h a t I c o u l d pass i n re view, once considered t o be exclusively A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f o r m s b u t subse quently p r o v e d t o be otherwise. O n e can n o longer b l i n d l y accept o n f a i t h w h a t earlier scholars h a d t o say a b o u t A l e x a n d r i a n art, f o r an A l e x a n d r i a n provenance f o r examples of any t y p o l o g y , as we have just seen, is n o guarantee of an A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p . T h e role o f A l e x a n d r i a as an artistic center f o r the p r o d u c t i o n of those m i n o r arts is being successfully a n d successively challenged, 192 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Bracelet, from the Nile Delta. Silver. Roman Imperial period. N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t 2,6.7.1454, Carnarvon Collection, Gift of E. S. Harkness, 1926. w i t h the result t h a t the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a can n o longer be t a k e n f o r g r a n t e d as a leader i n the c r e a t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f such a r t f o r m s . T h e n u m b e r o f m i n o r - a r t typologies once a t t r i b u t e d t o A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s h o p s is d i m i n i s h i n g , f o r there are a c t u a l l y very few typologies i n t o w h i c h the m i n o r arts p r o d u c e d by the native Egyptians d u r i n g the Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n periods can be placed. T h e t w o m o s t u b i q u i t o u s categories o f p h a r a o n i c m i n o r arts d u r i n g these t w o periods are, o f course, the so-called sculptor's m o d e l s / t r i a l pieces—plaques a n d statuettes i n limestone t h a t I m a i n t a i n were e m p l o y e d as e x - v o t o s — 7 a n d glass i n l a y s . 8 W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of these t w o statistically n u m e r o u s classes, there are very few examples indeed o f the m i n o r arts i n p h a r a o n i c Egyp t i a n style i n numbers sufficient t o d r a w inferences a b o u t their style a n d development. T h e excavations o f Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n t o m b s at Thebes by the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m o f A r t earlier this c e n t u r y , the early ex 9 cavations of the E g y p t i a n D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q u i t i e s at such sites as Zeitoun, 1 0 a n d even the m o s t recent excavations by the French i n the cemeteries o f D o u c h 1 1 a n d by the Poles at M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n 1 2 have n o t p r o d u c e d the k i n d s o f assemblages o f objects t h a t can be used t o define the nature o f p h a r a o n i c decorative arts d u r i n g these t w o periods. T h e same generalization appears t o o b t a i n f o r other excavations, such as those b y the B r i t i s h at Saqqara, w h i c h have yielded large numbers o f B ia nchi m e t a l vessels, utensils, a n d the l i k e . T h e p u b l i s h e d examples are so ba 1 3 n a l and so artistically u n a c c o m p l i s h e d , however, as t o be of l i t t l e value for establishing d a t i n g criteria or e x a m i n i n g the exchange o f artistic influences. 14 I k n o w of almost n o examples f r o m the Ptolemaic and R o m a n periods of any p h a r a o n i c f u r n i t u r e , save items such as t r a d i t i o n a l funerary beds. 15 M o r e o v e r , there is v i r t u a l l y n o t a single scrap o f any t h i n g resembling an excavated piece of p h a r a o n i c j e w e l r y , 16 w i t h the ex c e p t i o n , perhaps, of a h o a r d o f t w e n t y - o n e silver serpent-form bracelets a n d armlets f o u n d i n a large p o t t e r y jar d u r i n g the course o f an unsuper vised excavation i n the D e l t a ; they are n o w i n N e w Y o r k a n d suggested t o be of R o m a n I m p e r i a l date (fig. i ) . 1 7 So universal is this absence o f assemblages of objects i n large numbers f r o m archaeological contexts f r o m Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n E g y p t t h a t one c a n n o t simply ascribe this r e m a r k a b l e circumstance either t o the hazards of excavation or t o the p r i o r p i l l a g i n g o f the sites. There seems t o be a deeper c u l t u r a l significance b e h i n d the absence i n great numbers o f such objects. I s h o u l d , therefore, like t o offer one possible e x p l a n a t i o n f o r this s t r i k i n g p h e n o m e n o n . I w i l l begin by reaffirming the general consensus t h a t Ptole maic E g y p t was characterized by t w o societies, the i m m i g r a n t Greek a n d the native E g y p t i a n , w h i c h were separate a n d i n m a n y ways u n e q u a l . 18 T h e c u l t u r a l values a n d t r a d i t i o n s o f the native Egyptians were perpetu ated by the priests o f the temples, w h o m o r e often t h a n n o t w o r k e d i n i s o l a t i o n , developing local t r a d i t i o n s w i t h i n their l i m i t e d geographic spheres of influence. Evidence f o r the strength o f l o c a l , p h a r a o n i c t r a d i tions derives from, the universally accepted observation t h a t the i n s c r i p tions a n d relief decorations of each m a j o r p h a r a o n i c temple o f the Ptolemaic p e r i o d are characterized by their o w n i d i o s y n c r a t i c epigraphic a n d decorative repertoire, t e r m e d i n the literature "la grammaire temple." 1 9 du T h e i n d i v i d u a l s responsible f o r these activities belonged t o a statistically s m a l l , h e r e d i t a r y 20 elite estimated t o have been less t h a n 21 one percent of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , whose members were simultane 2 2 ously the secular a n d clerical a u t h o r i t i e s of the local regions i n w h i c h they lived and w o r k e d . 2 3 M a n y of these i n d i v i d u a l s were w e a l t h y a n d w o r k e d w i t h i n h i g h l y centralized local a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s t h r o u g h w h i c h they m i g h t m a x i m i z e their revenues. 24 T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t c u l t u r a l characteristic of this elite was the literacy of its members; they k n e w and u n d e r s t o o d the h i e r o g l y p h s , a n d they were r e l u c t a n t t o share this k n o w l e d g e . 26 25 As a result, one m i g h t say t h a t the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e o f Ptolemaic E g y p t was r o o t e d i n the hieroglyphs. 27 Its members w o u l d , therefore, quite n a t u r a l l y favor the development o f o n l y those artistic t r a d i t i o n s , such as temples a n d their c o n c o m i t a n t types of statuary, t h a t can be u n d e r s t o o d solely w i t h i n the h i e r o g l y p h i c t r a d i t i o n s of ancient E g y p t i a n a r t . 28 W i t h i n such a c u l t u r a l 193 194 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA c o n t e x t , the members o f this elite w o u l d invest large sums o f c a p i t a l for their o w n funerary establishments, adorned m u m m i e s , 30 29 w i t h their a c c o m p a n y i n g stelae a n d b u t they w o u l d a v o i d quantities o f grave goods, particularly imported Alexandrian l u x u r y goods. 31 T h e manufacture of these last-mentioned objects a n d the m o t i f s decorating t h e m are n o t i n keeping w i t h the scribal, h i e r o g l y p h i c nature o f the t r a d i t i o n s this elite was perpetuating. T h a t there s h o u l d be this t i g h t c o n n e c t i o n between the a p p r o a c h t o the temple a n d the t o m b by members o f this elite s h o u l d come as n o surprise, f o r the same members o f this p r i v i l e g e d class were serving, i f the m o d e l derived f r o m Edfu can be a p p l i e d t o the w h o l e o f the chora, as b o t h temple a n d funerary c l e r i c s . 32 W h a t is m o r e r e m a r k a b l e is t h a t some members o f this native E g y p t i a n elite, b e l o n g i n g t o p r o m i n e n t families o f E d f u ( A p o l l i n o p o l i s M a g n a ) a n d later h a v i n g been b u r i e d at el-Hassaia some ten k i l o m e t e r s t o the s o u t h , are suggested t o have h a d b o t h p u r e l y Greek a n d p u r e l y E g y p t i a n funerary stelae i n the same necropolis, i f n o t i n the same tomb. 3 3 I n certain cases, the very same i n d i v i d u a l was h o n o r e d o n sepa rate Greek a n d E g y p t i a n tombstones under t w o different n a m e s . 34 This conscious c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z i n g o f t w o d i s t i n c t t r a d i t i o n s , the Greek a n d the p h a r a o n i c E g y p t i a n , by members o f the native elite finds its exact correspondence i n the observation t h a t the Ptolemies themselves, r u l i n g f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , were able t o c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z e their roles as E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h s a n d as H e l l e n i s t i c m o n a r c h s a n d were able t o keep these t w o different roles separate a n d d i s t i n c t . T h e M a c e d o n i a n Ptolemies a n d 35 the native E g y p t i a n priests u n d e r s t o o d the stylistic differences t h a t dis t i n g u i s h e d A l e x a n d r i a n , Classical a r t f o r m s f r o m p h a r a o n i c ones. As these t w o stylistically different art f o r m s a n d the h i s t o r i c a l circumstances d u r i n g w h i c h b o t h were created clearly reveal, Greeks a n d Egyptians alike avoided creating w o r k s o f art i n w h a t some earlier scholars have erroneously defined as a m i x e d s t y l e . 36 T h e c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s o f the elite members o f E g y p t i a n soci ety d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d were thus r o o t e d i n the h i e r o g l y p h t r a d i t i o n , w h i c h tended t o find its consummate expression i n temple a n d funerary i n s c r i p t i o n s a n d scenes rather t h a n i n other f o r m s o f a r t . 37 One m i g h t define this c u l t u r a l tendency as a scholastic one, r o o t e d i n a l o n g , b o o k i s h , scribal t r a d i t i o n , n o t p r i m a r i l y a visual one. F u r t h e r m o r e , b o t h the members o f this elite a n d also, t o an extent, the Ptolemies under s t o o d the differences between their t w o cultures a n d consciously created m o n u m e n t s i n one o r the other o f these t r a d i t i o n s . T h e h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d confirms t h a t r a n k i n g members o f this E g y p t i a n elite were i n direct personal c o n t a c t w i t h the Ptolemies themselves. I cite as evidence the personal address b y the E g y p t i a n priest H o r t o the royals a c c o m p a n y i n g P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r , 38 the interac t i o n between P t o l e m y v Epiphanes a n d the s y n o d o f M e m p h i t e priests i n B i anc hi 186 B.C., 3 9 a n d the apparent personal n o m i n a t i o n by P t o l e m y x n Auletes of a h i g h priest at M e m p h i s . 4 0 H o w e v e r p r a g m a t i c these associations m a y have been f o r p o l i t i c a l or economic reasons, some evidence also suggests t h a t the leading intellectuals o f the day, b o t h members o f the native E g y p t i a n elite a n d those o f the A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t , engaged i n i n t e l l e c t u a l dialogues w i t h one another. T h i s is certainly the scenario suggested by at least one scholar i n his evocative character sketch o f the career a n d inter ests o f the a n o n y m o u s , so-called learned priest w h o w r o t e the treatise c o n t a i n e d i n the Papyrus J u m i l h a c . 41 I n such p u t a t i v e discussions, native E g y p t i a n prelates were clearly t a k i n g the i n i t i a t i v e i n this transfer of i n f o r m a t i o n , as the i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h i n the archive o f the i n d i v i d u a l n a m e d M e n k h e s , a village c l e r k , 42 a n d the recent discussion a b o u t the develop m e n t o f the C o p t i c language d e m o n s t r a t e . 43 These dialogues m u s t be regarded against the b a c k g r o u n d o f the activities o f the C r o w n , whose financing of the E g y p t i a n temples was a q u i d p r o q u o w i t h the E g y p t i a n elite t o m a i n t a i n the status q u o of the c o u n t r y . T h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f the syntaxis for a temple i n Elephantine, i n i t i a t e d under P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos b u t begun under the reign of P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r , is a case i n p o i n t . 4 4 D u r i n g the course o f these suggested dialogues, members o f the E g y p t i a n elite c o m m u n i c a t e d t h e i r p h a r a o n i c ideas a n d concepts t o t h e i r Greek counterparts n o t as objets d'art whose f o r m s a n d m o t i f s m i g h t be copied b u t rather as i n t e l l e c t u a l ideas b o r n o f the b o o k i s h t r a d i t i o n s t o w h i c h that E g y p t i a n elite was so b o u n d . I t r e m a i n e d f o r the A l e x a n d r i a n s t o clothe these ideas i n visually understandable terms. T h e earliest a n d b e s t - k n o w n exemplar o f this p h e n o m e n o n is, o f course, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the hellenized g o d Serapis by the early Ptolemies. 45 T h e artificially f o r m u l a t e d tenets of this c u l t ostensibly m a k e manifest i n t e l l e c t u a l aspects o f E g y p t i a n funerary beliefs, c o m bined w i t h those f r o m Greece, i n an A l e x a n d r i a n visual t r a d i t i o n . T h e precedent established by the c r e a t i o n o f the c u l t a n d image of Serapis, despite the failed a t t e m p t t o convince the Egyptians t o embrace its w o r ship, was so p r o f o u n d that i t influenced the ways i n w h i c h m a n y subse quent a p p r o p r i a t i o n s of the E g y p t i a n c u l t u r a l r e c o r d by the A l e x a n d r i a n s were effected. These visual images o f Serapis, d e v o i d as they are o f a l l refer ences t o p h a r a o n i c E g y p t , c a n n o t be fully u n d e r s t o o d by a m o d e r n w h o relies solely o n f o r m a l , a r t - h i s t o r i c a l analysis. T h e themes associated w i t h these images of Serapis are comprehensible o n l y w h e n one consid ers the religious contexts p r o v i d e d by the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . A f o r m a l i s t i c a p p r o a c h t o A l e x a n d r i a n art i n a l l o f its manifestations fails because this m e t h o d o l o g y relies exclusively o n stylistic analysis a n d never considers the d o c u m e n t a r y evidence so c r u c i a l f o r a fuller u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the w o r k o f art under i n v e s t i g a t i o n . W i t h o u t the k n o w l e d g e of this evidence, 195 196 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 2 Figurine w i t h images of Isis and the dog, from Faiyum. Terracotta. Berlin, Staatliche Museen— PreufSischer Kulturbesitz, Agyptisches M u s e u m und Papyrussammlung, inv. 9 9 5 6 . one m i g h t h y p o t h e t i c a l l y consider images o f Serapis i n i s o l a t i o n as the exclusive expressions o f H e l l e n i s t i c Greek concepts. T h i s p h e n o m e n o n o f c l o a k i n g p h a r a o n i c E g y p t i a n concepts i n A l e x a n d r i a n Greek v i s u a l g a r b , w h i c h begins i n the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , is c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h a related practice, t h a t o f i n s c r i b i n g a p h a r a o n i c w o r k o f a r t w i t h an e p i t o m e , usually i n Greek, b u t occasionally i n an other script as w e l l . Someone n o t conversant w i t h ancient E g y p t i a n v i sual conventions is thus p r o v i d e d w i t h a gloss b y w h i c h the image c o u l d be rendered c o m p r e h e n s i b l e . 46 T h e m o s t famous example o f this practice is the stela o f Pasos i n C a i r o , dedicated t o A p o l l o n i o s i n the m i d - t h i r d century B.C. 4 7 I k n o w n o other object f r o m E g y p t i n a Classical artistic i d i o m t h a t is p r o v i d e d w i t h an e p i t o m e i n hieroglyphics f o r the benefit o f an E g y p t i a n p e r c i p i e n t . T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n is i n keeping w i t h the x e n o p h o b i a o f the native E g y p t i a n elite, w h o were n o t interested i n foreigners a n d made n o a t t e m p t at achieving an i n t e l l e c t u a l r a p p r o c h e m e n t w i t h t h e m . T h e n o n - E g y p t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s , o n the other h a n d , i n c l u d i n g the Greeks, h a b i t u a l l y a t t e m p t e d t o achieve such a r a p p r o c h e m e n t , as the use o f these epitomes demonstrates. T h i s practice o f p r o v i d i n g epitomes for w o r k s i n E g y p t i a n style c o n t i n u e d i n t o the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d , at least u n t i l the late first c e n t u r y A . D . , at w h i c h t i m e , o r so i t w o u l d ap pear, the Egyptians ceased creating statues i n p h a r a o n i c s t y l e . 48 T h e penchant f o r t r a n s l a t i n g p h a r a o n i c , E g y p t i a n concepts i n t o A l e x a n d r i a n w o r k s o f art accelerated, however, d u r i n g the R o m a n B ianchi FIG. 3 Votive stela w i t h Athena, T u t u , and Nemesis as a griffin. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m , inv. AOS 5077. I m p e r i a l p e r i o d . T h i s is n o w h e r e m o r e evident t h a n i n the subjects o f 4 9 some of the F a i y u m i c terracottas of the p e r i o d . A p o p u l a r type depicts a goddess i n some association w i t h a d o g . O n the basis o f religious tenets already firmly i n place i n the p h a r a o n i c p e r i o d , this subject can r e a d i l y be identified as the goddess Isis. She is associated w i t h Sothis. I n the f o r m of the D o g Star, Sothis appeared i n the A u g u s t sky as the h a r b i n g e r of the f r u c t i f y i n g N i l e flood, w h i c h was believed t o be c o n t r o l l e d by Isis, at the b e g i n n i n g o f the N e w Year (fig. 2 ) . 5 0 T h e Isiac associations o f the d o g a n d H a r p o k r a t e s are also evident i n a bronze g r o u p , w h i c h , together w i t h the presence o f the t u r t l e , have been i n t e r p r e t e d as symbols o f the rising N i l e a n d renewed f e r t i l i t y . 51 T h i s a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f p h a r a o n i c religious tenets a n d t h e i r subsequent t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o A l e x a n d r i a n visual images are sometimes quite sophisticated, as Quaegebeur demonstrated i n his discussion o f several stelae t h a t depict A t h e n a , the composite genie T u t u , a n d the griffin (fig. 3 ) . 5 2 R e v i e w i n g p h a r a o n i c precedents, he demonstrated t h a t the griffin, l o n g identified i n E g y p t as the i n c a r n a t i o n o f the divine and/or r o y a l m i g h t , p u n i t i v e l y directed against the forces o f chaos, is here associated also w i t h E g y p t i a n concepts o f divine r e t r i b u t i o n , over w h i c h N e i t h , here represented as A t h e n a , a n d her charge, T u t u , pre side. 53 There are, o f course, other examples, such as the use o f p h a r a o n i c c r o w n s a n d headdresses, t h a t are n o t p u r e l y decorative m o t i f s o n the b a n d o l i e r of this priestess 54 b u t rather represent emblems of funerary practices, derived f r o m p h a r a o n i c precedents, i n the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d . Similar c r o w n s w i t h s i m i l a r meanings a d o r n the w a l l s o f T o m b 2 at A n f u s h y . 55 197 198 ARTS O F HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA I n c o n c l u s i o n , the n u m b e r o f typologies i n t o w h i c h one can place objects classified as m i n o r arts f r o m H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n A l e x a n d r i a a n d p h a r a o n i c P t o l e m a i c - R o m a n E g y p t are less n u m e r o u s t h a n one m i g h t expect. O n e o f the reasons c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the d i m i n u t i o n of p h a r a o n i c m i n o r arts i n Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n E g y p t m a y be ascribed n o t t o the hazards of excavation a n d the vagaries of pillage b u t rather t o the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s o f the native E g y p t i a n elite. M o r e often t h a n n o t , these t r a d i t i o n s were conveyed i n a scribal rather t h a n a v i s u a l i d i o m . There was ample o p p o r t u n i t y i n b o t h Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n periods f o r members o f t h a t elite t o engage i n a dialogue w i t h t h e i r A l e x a n d r i a n c o u n t e r p a r t s . As a result o f t h a t dialogue, p h a r a o n i c ideas were made manifest either by the a d d i t i o n o f a w r i t t e n epitome o n a p h a r a o n i c w o r k of a r t o r b y the v i s u a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of those concepts u t i l i z i n g A l e x a n d r i a n n o n p h a r a o n i c m o t i f s . T h i s hypothesis explains w h y the m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e o f p h a r a o n i c R o m a n E g y p t consists a l m o s t exclusively of temple a n d t o m b d e c o r a t i o n w i t h its a c c o m p a n y i n g cartonnage o r other t w o - d i m e n s i o n a l decorations. A n d these c u l t u r a l ex pressions can best be u n d e r s t o o d as b e l o n g i n g t o the scribal i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n o f the E g y p t i a n elite, w h i c h was always the cornerstone of its c i v i l i z a t i o n . W i t h i n such a c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , there does n o t appear to have been a so-called m i x e d school of art i n w h i c h t w o d i s t i n c t artis tic styles reflecting the characteristics of the t w o t r a d i t i o n s were c o n sciously conflated. N E W Y O R K B ianchi Notes 1 "De Rogato A r t i u m Elegantiorum Alexandrin a r u m , " Bulletin of Glass du Service I I des Antiquites Annales 4 (1903): de I'Egypte F. D u n a n d et a l . , La necropole (Oasis 10 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 4 8 - 7 0 , Studies A . Kamal, " U n tombeau a Zeitoun," 95-96. A . O l i v e r , Jr., " M i l l e f i o r i Glass i n A n t i q u i t y , " Journal 10 Archeologique 45 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 3 5 - 4 4 . d'Alexandrie 2 de la Societe de Douch vol. 1 (Cairo 1992). de Kharga), suggests t h a t t h e a d j e c t i v e " m i l l e f i o r i " is t o be preferred to " m o s a i c " w h e n describing this par 12 W . B e n t k o w s k i , " T h e Activities of the Polish- t i c u l a r t y p e o f glass. E g y p t i a n M i s s i o n at M a r i n a e l - A l a m e i n i n T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 37.258 E: O l i v e r (note ranean: 1 9 8 8 , " Polish 3 Archaeology Reports in the Mediter vol. 2 (1989- 1989-1990, 2 a b o v e ) : 6 8 ; R . S. B i a n c h i , i n R . A . F a z z i n i 1990): 3 8 - 4 3 ; and W . A . Daszewski, " M a r i n a et a l . , Ancient e l - A l a m e i n 1 9 9 1 , " Polish Egyptian Art in the Brooklyn Mediterranean: (Brooklyn 1988), no. 79. Museum Reports Archaeology 1991, in the vol. 3 (1992): 2 9 - 3 8 . See a l s o t h e c o m m e n t s e l s e w h e r e i n t h i s 4 D . B . H a r d e n , Glass 1 9 8 7 ) , PP. 5 v o l u m e by J u d i t h M c K e n z i e a b o u t some o f the (Milan of the Caesars a r c h i t e c t u r a l f r a g m e n t s r e c o v e r e d f r o m t h i s site. 53-«4- T h e s u g g e s t i o n w a s first m a d e b y B . C o o k , " A 13 The Brooklyn Annual Graeco-Roman 10 ( 1 9 6 8 - Stelae from Kom Abou (Ann A r b o r 1961), pp. 1-7; A . Abdalla, Funerary Stelae from Upper (Liverpool 1992), pp. 6 - 7 , passim, for 1969): 1 1 5 - 3 8 , and unequivocally confirmed Egypt b y P. C a l l a g h a n , " E x c a v a t i o n s at a S h r i n e o f A b y d o s a n d D e n d e r a . T h e subject matter of the G l a u k o s , " Bulletin deceased o n a k l i n e o f f e r i n g a l i b a t i o n , w h i c h is Archaeology, of the British School of f r e q u e n t l y e n c o u n t e r e d o n these stelae, is also 33 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 0 - 3 0 . F o r a Athens s u m m a r y o f the e v i d e n c e l e a d i n g t o t h i s r e v i the p r i n c i p a l m o t i f of the Getty sarcophagus s i o n i s t assessment f o r t h a t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , see discussed e l s e w h e r e i n t h i s v o l u m e b y K l a u s R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's Parlasca. Egypt: Age of the e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m Ptolemies, 1988) , pp. 6 Museum F. A . H o o p e r , Funerary Billou D a t e d H y d r a Vase i n t h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m , " 14 226-27. R . A . H i g g i n s , Tanagra and the Figurines C . I . G r e e n , The Temple Furniture cred Animal Necropolis at North 1964-19-76 (London 1987); to w h i c h compare (Princeton 1986); N . H i m m e l m a n n , Alexandria F. Petrie, The Funeral und der Realismus Kunst don 1937), p i . x x x i x . in der griechischen Furniture from the Sa Saqqara, (Lon of Egypt (Tubingen 1983). 15 7 " E x - v o t o s o f D y n a s t y x x v i , " Mitteilungen Deutschen Kairo 8 Archaologischen Instituts, Scientiarum Abteilung B i a n c h i (note 5 above), p . 108, where I s u m m a of Glass Studies 25 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 2 5 - 3 5 , i n Bulletin of the Egyptological New 5 (1:983): 9 - 2 9 . York Seminar 16 in Academiae 15 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 1 2 4 ; Hungaricae C . A n d r e w s , Ancient Egyptian (Lon Jewellery d o n 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 1 9 9 ; so, t o o , U . K a p l o n y - H e c k e l , and of " N o c h e i n m a l S O L L U N D H A B E N I N PAT H Y R I S . ' W a s Petosiris ausgegeben h a t . ' : Pheidelberg I n v D e m 763 Recto Z l . 1 0 - 1 9 , " Agypten 9 Antiqua D u n a n d et a l . ( n o t e 1 1 a b o v e ) , p i s . 6 0 , 6 1 . 35 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 5 - 2 2 . rize m y earlier a r g u m e n t s a p p e a r i n g b o t h i n Journal L . C a s t i g l i o n e , " K u n s t u n d Gesellschaft r o m i s c h e n A g y p t e n , " Acta des und Altes Testament 20 (1990): Inter alia, N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u 1 7 5 - 8 2 ; a n d J. T a i t , " A D e m o t i c L i s t o f T e m p l e s e u m o f A r t , D e p a r t m e n t a l Files, T o m b C a r d s a n d C o u r t O c c u p a t i o n s : P. C a r l s b e r g 2 3 , " i n 4582 and 5270: unpublished. I wish to thank H . J. T h i s s e n a n d K . - T . Z a u z i c h , eds., D o r o t h e a A r n o l d f o r g r a n t i n g m e access t o these mata r e c o r d s as I w o r k t o w a r d p r e p a r i n g a m a n u deckens s c r i p t f o r v o l u m e 3 t o c o m p l e t e t h e series b e g u n p p . 2 1 1 - 3 3 . I n his l e c t u r e d u r i n g t h e s y m p o b y W . H a y e s , The Scepter of Egypt, vol. 1 (New York 1953), and vol. 2 ( N e w York 1959). Demotika: zum Festschrift I J . Juni 1983 fur Erich GramLud- (Wiirzburg 1984), s i u m M i c h a e l P f r o m m e r discussed several as pects o f H e l l e n i s t i c G r e e k j e w e l r y , f o c u s i n g his 199 200 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA a t t e n t i o n o n a g r o u p n o w i n t h e J. P a u l G e t t y and Friends M u s e u m , 92.AM.8. J. C . G o y o n , " P t o l e m a i c E g y p t : Priests a n d t h e (Groningen 1986), pp. 254-64; T r a d i t i o n a l R e l i g i o n , " i n Bianchi (note 5 above), 17 The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t 2 6 . 7 . 1 4 5 4 - p p . 2 9 - 4 0 . O f t e n t i m e s these same p r i e s t s i n t e r 1 4 7 4 , t w e n t y - o n e bracelets a n d armlets, r e p o r t m a r r i e d t o consolidate their a d v a n t a g e d status, edly f r o m B a l a m u n a n d acquired f r o m the as a r g u e d b y D . J. C r a w f o r d , " P t o l e m y , P t a h a n d C a r n a r v o n c o l l e c t i o n : M . R o s t o v t z e f f , The cial and Economic History of the A p i s i n H e l l e n i s t i c M e m p h i s , " i n D . J. C r a w So f o r d , J. Q u a e g e b e u r , a n d W . C l a r y s s e , eds., Hellenistic vol. 1 ( O x f o r d 1941), p. 378, and World, Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis ( = Studia Hel- 24) (Leuven 1980), p . 22. lenistica p i . X L V . 2 , 3, w h e r e t h e l o t is d a t e d , i n c o r r e c t l y t o m y m i n d , t o t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d ; see T . G . H . James, Howard Carter: The Path to 22 ( L o n d o n 1992), pp. 1 6 4 - 6 5 , for Tutankhamun H . te V e l d e , " S o m e R e m a r k s o n t h e M y s t e r i o u s L a n g u a g e o f t h e B a b o o n s , " i n J. K . K a m s t r a , t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u r r o u n d i n g its d i s c o v e r y . I H . M i l d e , a n d K . W a g t e n d o n k , eds., u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e r e m a y be a d d i t i o n a l o b j e c t s Symbols b e l o n g i n g t o this g r o u p i n the C a r n a r v o n collec fessor t i o n i n H i g h c l e r e Castle i n the U n i t e d K i n g d o m . casion and Religion: M. S. H. G. Heerma A . E . S a m u e l , The Shifting Interpretations Sands of Ptolemaic of 23 " C o m p u l s o r y P u b l i c Service i n R o m a n E g y p t , " PP19 Treverensia, of the University 129-36. H . de M e u l e n a e r e , " L e s strateges i n d i g e n e s d u et a u d e b u t de 1'occupation r o m a i n e , " degli A l t h o u g h this p h e n o m e n o n was already recog n i z e d b o t h b y H . J u n k e r , Grammatik der 24 Den- Studi J. H . J o h n s o n , " T h e R o l e o f t h e E g y p t i a n P r i e s t Egyptological Studies H . W . F a i r m a n , " N o t e s o n t h e A l p h a b e t i c Signs A. Parker: E m p l o y e d i n the H i e r o g l y p h i c Inscriptions of 78th t h e T e m p l e o f E d f u , " Annales 1986), pp. 7 0 - 8 4 . du Service Rivista 34 (1959): 18. Orientali h o o d i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , " i n L . H . Lesko, ed., (Leipzig 1906), pp. 1-3, and by Antiquites the Chair at the n o m e t e n t y r i t e a la fin de l ' e p o q u e p t o l e m a i q u e vol. 2 (1983), 35-39- deratexte Pro Oc (Kampen 1988), pp. of Amsterdam History: from Religions to Voss on the (New York Egypt 1 9 8 9 ) , p p . 9 , 3 6 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 8 ; J. D . T h o m a s , Aegyptiaca of Ancient Funerary Dedicated van of His Retirement History 18 Essays des Presented Birthday, in Honor of Richard on the Occasion December of His (Hanover 10, 1983 43 ( 1 9 4 3 ) : 1 9 4 , P. D e r - de VEgypte c h a i n w a s t h e first c l e a r l y t o a r t i c u l a t e its p r i n 25 D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l (note 20 above), p p . 169-86; c i p l e s : " U n m a n u e l de g e o g r a p h i e l i t u r g i q u e a F. D a u m a s , " D u p h o n e m e a u s y m b o l e d a n s E d f o u , " Chronique l'ecriture hieroglyphique ptolemaique," 73 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 3 1 - d'Egypte 6 5 . D e r c h a i n ' s l e a d has b e e n f o l l o w e d b y v i r t u rier du CNRS Cour- 29 (July 1978): 20. a l l y a l l s u b s e q u e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s o n these temple texts, inter alia, E. W i n t e r , "Weitere 26 Egypt, der griechisch-romischen Z e i t , " R . S. B i a n c h i , " A n I d e a l I m a g e , " i n The 1989), pp. Agyptologische 4 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 6 1 - 7 6 ; a n d m o r e re c e n t l y E . V a s s i l i k a , Ptolemaic est of Seers: Essays (Leuven Philae M . - T . D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l , Priester Die Rezeption Edfu und der Theologie Dendera Zeit im of Cyril Great Aldred, i n press. agyptischen t i t a t , " i n J. O s i n g a n d E . K . N i e l s e n , eds., von Heritage Privatdokumenten (Wiesbaden J. A s s m a n n , " D e r T e m p e l d e r S p a t z e i t als K a n o n i s i e r u n g k u l t u r e l l e r I d e n - Tempel: der Tempel in den aus ptolemaischer pp. 158, in Honor 5-17. 27 of Erik 1989), of Ancient Iversen Egypt: Studies in The Honour (Copenhagen 1992), p. 23. 169-86. 28 21 of Ancient trans. A . Morrissett ( N e w York i 9 6 0 ) , p. 118; Ahhandlungen 20 S. S a u n e r o n , The Priests Beobachtungen zur 'grammaire d u temple' i n B i a n c h i (note 5 above), p p . 5 5 - 5 9 , f u r t h e r i n g J. B a i n e s , " R e s t r i c t e d K n o w l e d g e , H i e r a r c h y , the perceptive c o m m e n t s o f H . G . Fischer, a n d D e c o r u m : M o d e r n Perceptions a n d A n c i e n t L'ecriture I n s t i t u t i o n s , " Journal lecons Center in Egypt of the American Research 2 7 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 2 1 - 2 3 ; H . te V e l d e , et Part de VEgypte sur la paleographie pharaoniques et ancienne: Quatre Vepigraphie (Paris 1 9 8 6 ) . "Scribes a n d L i t e r a c y i n A n c i e n t E g y p t , " i n H . L . J. V a n s t i p h o u t et a l . , eds., Scripta Signa Vocis: Scribes Studies and Languages to ] . H. Hospers about Scripts, in the Near Scriptures, East, by His Pupils, Presented Colleagues 29 30 J o h n s o n (note 24 above). A m s t e r d a m , A l l a r d Pierson M u s e u m 7 0 6 9 : D . K u r t h , Der Sarg der Teiiris: Eine Studie B i anc hi zum Totenglauben ( = Aegyptiaca im romerzeitlicben Agypten 40 C r a w f o r d (note 21 above), p . 39. 41 P. D e r c h a i n , " L ' a u t e u r d u p a p y r u s J u m i l h a c , " 6) ( M a i n z a m Treverensia R h e i n 1 9 9 0 ) , f o r w h i c h he d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t the decorative and t e x t u a l components, Revue far 41 (1991): 9 - 3 0 . d'Egyptologie f r o m b e i n g a b e r r a n t a n d m i s u n d e r s t o o d as t h e y are g e n e r a l l y p o r t r a y e d i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e , are i n 42 fact carefully p l a n n e d and derive f r o m a purely N . L e w i s , Greeks 1986), pp. in Ptolemaic (Oxford Egypt 104-23. pharaonic t r a d i t i o n , divorced f r o m outside i n f l u e n c e s . T h i s same c o n c l u s i o n w a s r e a c h e d 43 D . R. M c B r i d e , "The Development of Coptic: independently by L . C o r c o r a n , " A C u l t Func L a t e - P a g a n L a n g u a g e Synthesis i n E g y p t , " t i o n for the So-Called F a i y u m M u m m y Por nal of the Society t r a i t s ? , " i n J. H . J o h n s o n , e d . , Life tiquities cultural Society: Constantine Egypt and Beyond from in a Multi Cambyses for the Study An 19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 9 0 - 9 1 . to (Chicago 1992), 44 U . Kaplony-Heckel, " Z u m demotischen pp. 5 7 - 6 2 . B a u g r u b e n - G r a f f i t o v o m Satis-Tempel a u f Johnson (note 24 above), p p . 7 0 - 8 4 . Archdologischen E l e p h a n t i n e , " Mitteilungen 3I Jour of Egyptian des Instituts, Deutschen Abteilung Kairo 43 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 6 7 - 6 8 . 32 D e r c h a i n - U r t e i l (note 20 above), p p . 2 4 7 - 5 3 . 33 W . Clarysse, " i v . I n s c r i p t i o n s , 1 - 2 , " 45 D a c k , et a l . , eds., The ofio^-101 Dossier Concerning ( = Collectanea O s i r i s - A p i s i n p l a c e i n A l e x a n d r i a at t h e t i m e Judean-Syrian-Egyptian B.C.: A Conflict a "War o f his " f o u n d i n g " o f t h a t c i t y , as a r g u e d b y Multilinguistic of Hellenistica, T h e r e is a g r o w i n g c o n s e n s u s t h a t A l e x a n d e r the Great encountered an E g y p t i a n c u l t of i n E. van't D . J. T h o m p s o n , Memphis Scepters" under the Ptolemies (Princeton 1988), pp. 116 n . 57, 194; A . Swi- v o l . 1) (Brussels 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 8 5 , c i t i n g t h e classic w o r k o n t h i s d e r e k , " S a r a p i s et les H e l l e n o m e m p h i t e s , " i n s u b j e c t b y J. Y o y o t t e , " B a k h t i s — r e l i g i o n e g y p - J. B i n g e n , G . C a m b i e r , a n d G . N a c h t e r g a e l , t i e n n e et c u l t u r e g r e c q u e a E d f o u , " i n i d e m , e d . , Le monde Religions en Egypte (Brussels 1 9 7 5 ) , PP- 6 7 0 - 7 5 ; S. K . H e y o b , Colloque de Strasbourg, hellenistique 16-18 et mai romaine: The (Paris 1967 Cult grec: Hommages of Isis among World a Claire Women eds., Preaux in the Graeco- ( L e i d e n 1 9 7 5 ) , PP- 2 - 4 . I t h a n k 1969), pp. 1 2 7 - 4 1 . Roman W . Clarysse, "Greeks a n d Egyptians i n the w i t h me and for p r o v i d i n g the cited Ptolemaic A r m y and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , " t i o n . See, t o o , t h e c o m m e n t s o n t h i s p o i n t m a d e Lorelie C o r c o r a n b o t h for discussing this p o i n t 34 Aegyptus by L i l l y K a h i l elsewhere i n this v o l u m e . 55 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 5 7 - 6 6 . 35 documenta 46 I b i d . , 6 4 ; see also n o t e 2 1 a b o v e . R . S. B i a n c h i , " T h e C u l t u r a l T r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f E g y p t as Suggested b y a G r o u p o f E n t h r o n e d 36 B i a n c h i ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 5 , 6 3 - 6 9 ; see also M a l e Figures f r o m the F a i y u m , " i n J o h n s o n n o t e 53 b e l o w , a n d t h e s u c c i n c t s u r v e y o f t h e ( n o t e 3 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 3 - 2 4 ; see Y o y o t t e ( n o t e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y o f A l e x a n d r i a n C l a s s i c a l art h i s 33 a b o v e ) f o r a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h i s same t o r y by A n d r e w Stewart i n this v o l u m e . p r a c t i c e b y t h e G r e e k s , w h i c h is a g a i n w i t h o u t a p p a r e n t p a r a l l e l for the Egyptians. 37 L . Z a b k a r , Hymns to Isis in Her Temple at Phi- lae ( H a n o v e r 1 9 8 8 ) , p p . 1 3 5 - 6 0 , f o r c r e a t i v e , 47 C a i r o , T h e E g y p t i a n M u s e u m JE 4 4 0 4 8 : Bianchi (note 4 6 above), pp. 15, 23. n a t i v e E g y p t i a n h y m n s t o Isis at P h i l a e c o m posed d u r i n g the Ptolemaic p e r i o d , w h i c h i n s p i r e d t h e later Isis a r e t a l o g i e s o f t h e R o m a n p e r i o d ; a n d S. S a u n e r o n , UEcriture dans les textes d'Esna 48 B i a n c h i (note 46 above), p p . 1 5 - 2 6 . figurative ( C a i r o 1 9 8 2 ) , f o r t h e ex 49 C a s t i g l i o n e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) : 3 1 , a l r e a d y p e r c e p tively recognized this trend. t r a o r d i n a r y , elaborate prayers created d u r i n g the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d by the E g y p t i a n elite i n h o n o r o f t h e g o d K h n u m at E s n a . 50 B e r l i n 9 9 5 6 : G . C l e r c , " I s i s - S o t h i s d a n s le m o n d e r o m a i n , " i n M . B . de B o e r a n d T . A . 38 J. D . R a y , The Archive of Hor (London 1976), p. 120. E d r i d g e , eds., Hommages a Maarten maseren: offert Recueil d'etudes de la Serie Etudes 39 C r a w f o r d (note 21 above), p . 36. orientates dans ] . Vermaseren preliminaires Vempire a Voccasion J. Ver- par les aux romain de son a auteurs religions Maarten soixantieme 201 202 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA le 7 Avril anniversaire 1978, v o l . 1 (Leiden o r beginning o f the R o m a n p e r i o d , t o w h i c h 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 2 4 7 - 8 1 . T h i s t h e m e is o f g r e a t a n t i q u i t y i n p h a r a o n i c E g y p t ; see C . D e s r o c h e s - " O p u s Sectile M o s a i c s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d N o b l e c o u r t , " Q u a t r e objets M a r e o t i s , " Jahrbuch protodynastiques p r o v e n a n t d ' u n ' t r e s o r ' f u n e r a i r e , " Revue Louvre et des Musees de France du tum, 2 (1979): 108-17. 51 M . M a l a i s e , " L e s a n i m a u x et la p o t d ' H a r p o c r a t e : C o n t r i b u t i o n a l ' i c o n o g r a p h i e d u fils d T s i s , " Bulletin tologie 52 de la Societe francaise d'Egyp- 122 (1991): 1 3 - 3 5 . V i e n n a 5 0 7 7 : J. Q u a e g e b e u r , " D e l ' o r i g i n e e g y p t i e n n e d u g r i f f o n N e m e s i s , " i n Visages Destin dans les mythologies: line Duchemin. Colloque Travaux Melanges et memoires: du Chantilly, 1-2 du Jacque Actes du (Paris mai 1980 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 4 1 - 5 4 ; J. Q u a e g e b e u r , W . C l a r y s s e , and B. van Maele, "Athena, Neith, and Thoeris i n G r e e k D o c u m e n t s , " Zeitschrift fur Papyrolo- 60 (1985): 2 1 7 - 3 2 . One gie und Epigraphik can profitably compare this typically pharaonic n a t u r e o f N e m e s i s w i t h its R o m a n n a t u r e , as defined by K . M . D . D u n b a b i n , " I n b i d e calco te . . . T r a m p l i n g u p o n t h e E n v i o u s , " fur Antike und Christentum, Jahrbuch Erganzungsband 18 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 2 6 - 3 5 . 53 For a temple t o T u t u d a t i n g to the R o m a n I m p e r i a l p e r i o d , see C . H o p e , " T h e 1 9 9 1 E x cavations o f Ismant el-Kharab i n the D a k h l e h O a s i s , " Bulletin of the Australian Centre 2 (1991): 4 1 - 5 0 ; C. H o p e for Egyptology a n d O . E . K a p e r , " E x c a v a t i o n s at I s m a n t e l K h a r a b — 1 9 9 2 , " Bulletin Centre for Egyptology of the Australian 3 (1992): 4 1 - 4 9 ; C . H o p e et a l . , " D a k h l e h O a s i s P r o j e c t : I s m a n t e l - K h a r a b 1 9 9 1 - 1 9 9 2 , " Journal for the Study of Egyptian of the Antiquities Society 19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 8 - 9 , reinforce the observation that Classical m o t i f s are k e p t separate a n d d i s t i n c t f r o m p h a r a o n i c m o t i f s (note 36 above). These t w o styles w e r e r a r e l y c o m m i n g l e d i n a n t i q u i t y t o p r o d u c e w h a t some m o d e r n c o m m e n t a t o r s have termed a " m i x e d school of art." 54 L . Kakosy, " D i e K r o n e n i n spatagyptischen T o t e n g l a u b e n , " Aegyptiaca Treverensia 2 (1983): 5 7 - 6 0 . 55 consider the c o m m e n t s b y M . R o d z i e w i c z , T h e c r o w n s are also used i n i s o l a t e d squares i n the checkerboard decoration o f C h a m b e r 1 (j) o f H y p o g e u m 2 at A n f u s h y . J. M a c K e n z i e , The Architecture ofPetra (Oxford 1990), p p . 6 7 - 6 8 , considers the checkerboard decora t i o n t o be " o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n " a n d t h e a p p e a r ance o f t h a t d e c o r a t i v e scheme i n t h i s c h a m b e r t o be n o e a r l i e r t h a n t h e late H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d Erganzungsband fur Antike und Christen 18 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 2 0 4 , p a s s i m . 203 Ptolemaic Portraits: Alexandrian Types, Egyptian Versions R. R. R. Smith T h i s paper describes some characteristic aspects o f the Ptolemaic r o y a l image i n the t h i r d c e n t u r y a n d t h e n explores i n m o r e detail the reception o f A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t types i n E g y p t i a n w o r k s h o p s i n the second century. Ptolemaic p o r t r a i t s have been the subject o f m u c h recent study a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , a n d several distinctive features o f r o y a l style at 1 A l e x a n d r i a can be readily agreed o n . T w o such characteristics are w e l l exemplified by a p a i r of bronze statuettes i n L o n d o n (fig. i ) : first, the 2 heavy deployment: o f attributes, a n d second, the p r o m i n e n t role a n d dis t i n c t i v e representation of the queen. T h e L o n d o n statuettes p r o v i d e o u r best evidence f o r the ap pearance o f f u l l Ptolemaic statues i n the t h i r d century. T h e queen wears a stephane and carries a d o u b l e c o r n u c o p i a , the personal s y m b o l o f A r sinoe n , w h i l e the k i n g , P t o l e m y n , wears t a l l boots a n d an elephant3 scalp headdress a n d carries a c l u b . T h e boots a n d elephant s k i n refer t o D i o n y s o s a n d Alexander, w h o c o n q u e r e d I n d i a , a n d the c l u b t o H e r a k l e s . T h e figure was thus designed t o e m b o d y the official r o y a l 4 m y t h o l o g y i n w h i c h the kings c l a i m e d A r g e a d descent v i a A l e x a n d e r f r o m D i o n y s o s o n one side a n d Herakles o n the o t h e r . T h e m e a n i n g is 5 t h a t the k i n g has powers like those o f his d i v i n e forebears. T h e i m p o s i n g bust o f P t o l e m y i n o n his g o l d coinage presents a classic image of Ptolemaic k i n g s h i p heavily accoutred w i t h d i v i n e sym bols (fig. 2 ) . T h e k i n g has ( i ) the rays of H e l i o s attached t o his r o y a l 6 d i a d e m , signifying the idea o f manifest r o y a l d i v i n i t y , basileus phanes; theos epi- (2) an aegis w o r n like a r o y a l chlamys, the Zeus-like a t t r i b u t e o f Ptolemy 1 Soter, the dynasty's founder; a n d (3) a r o y a l scepter crafted as a t r i d e n t o f Poseidon—the k i n g also rules the sea. Each a t t r i b u t e was carefully adapted t o its nearest r o y a l a n a l o g u e — d i a d e m , c h l a m y s , scepter—to create n e w d i v i n e attributes peculiar t o the k i n g a n d differ ent f r o m those o f the o l d gods. These attributes were p a r t of the larger shaping o f a distinc tive A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t style. T h e A n t i g o n i d s a n d Seleucids favored an energetic a n d d y n a m i c r o y a l image, expressive o f m a r t i a l h e r o i s m i n the manner o f A l e x a n d e r , an overtly charismatic style t h a t does n o t rely 204 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Statuettes of Arsinoe n and Ptolemy n ( 2 8 2 - 2 4 6 B . C . ) , from Egypt. Bronze. H . : 39 cm. L o n d o n , The British Museum 38443 and 38442. on e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t e s . A t A l e x a n d r i a , o n coins f r o m Philadelphos t o 7 Epiphanes, one sees the emergence a n d sharp d e f i n i t i o n o f another r o y a l style: c a l m a n d impassive i n demeanor, precise a n d rather m a n n e r e d i n f o r m , c o u r t l y a n d refined i n effect. T h i s was the Ptolemaic alternative t o 8 the heroic v i g o r prescribed f o r the Successors by A l e x a n d e r . T h e differ ence i n i d e o l o g y is t h a t t o be f o u n d between the ideal dashing D i a d o c h , deinos a n d drasterios, p o r t r a y e d i n Plutarch's account o f the r o y a l style FIG. 2 of D e m e t r i o s Poliorketes, a n d the dazzling e n c o m i u m of the majesty of Alexandrian octadrachm of P t o l e m y Philadelphos i n T h e o k r i t o s 1 7 . Ptolemy i n ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B . C . ) . G o l d . 9 Ca. 220 B . C . D i a m . : 2.5 cm. N e w T h e Ptolemies were unusual i n g i v i n g real p r o m i n e n c e t o t h e i r q u e e n s — i n r o y a l ceremony, c u l t , a n d p u b l i c documents. A n d the queens appear m o r e r e g u l a r l y o n coins a n d i n s u r v i v i n g sculpture t h a n i n any other k i n g d o m , a n d i t was doubtless their images t h a t defined the visual ideal o f female p o w e r f o r other dynasties a n d m o r e w i d e l y f o r the wives of the H e l l e n i s t i c c i t y elites. T h e coins o f A r s i n o e 11 present a s t r i k i n g female e d i t i o n o f Ptolemaic c o u r t style, a h i g h l y m a n n e r e d , angular p o r t r a i t , w i t h t h i n , sharp features a n d w i d e - s t a r i n g eyes c o n t a i n e d i n a t i g h t controlling contour. 10 T h i s h i g h l y austere ideal was tempered i n the fuller-faced p o r t r a i t s o f Berenike 11. B o t h were w i d e l y i m i t a t e d . 11 12 I n the second century, there are t w o connected aspects t h a t perhaps deserve m o r e a t t e n t i o n . T h e first is the use o f official o r c e n t r a l l y p r o v i d e d types i n the c r e a t i o n a n d dissemination o f r o y a l p o r t r a i t s , a practice m o r e f a m i l i a r i n the R o m a n p e r i o d . T h e second is the nature o r q u e s t i o n o f Greek elements i n E g y p t i a n sculpture o f the p e r i o d . I t has been argued recently t h a t E g y p t i a n sculptors b o r r o w e d l i t t l e o r n o t h i n g York, The American Numismatic Society. Smith f r o m A l e x a n d r i a . O n this view, m o s t things i n late-period E g y p t i a n 1 3 sculpture are t o be e x p l a i n e d i n terms o n l y of the r i c h pre-Ptolemaic t r a d i t i o n . H e r e I w o u l d like s i m p l y t o examine a few second-century A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l p o r t r a i t types i n r e l a t i o n t o w h i c h the character a n d extent o f E g y p t i a n reception o f Greek s c u l p t u r a l ideas can be d e m o n strated a n d measured. H e r e w e can, as i t were, f o l l o w a few A l e x a n d r i a n models i n t o the E g y p t i a n hard-stone w o r k s h o p s . T h i s i n t u r n m a y help o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f second-century developments i n the Ptolemaic i m age m o r e generally. T r a d i t i o n a l hard-stone statues a n d reliefs o f the Ptolemaic rulers were made t h r o u g h o u t the Ptolemaic p e r i o d f o r the native temples of E g y p t . 14 T h e i r c o n t e x t is w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by decrees o f the E g y p t i a n p r i e s t h o o d , such as t h a t preserved o n the Rosetta stone. U n l i k e earlier invaders, the M a c e d o n i a n Ptolemies came w i t h t h e i r o w n ideas a b o u t r o y a l representation t h a t were r a d i c a l l y different i n basic p r i n c i p l e s o f f o r m , i c o n o g r a p h y , a n d style f r o m p h a r a o n i c images. T h e priests a n d their sculptors were free t o ignore or take notice o f these differences as they saw fit. T h e i r response, t h o u g h v a r i e d , was always slight i n the c o n t e x t o f the w h o l e statue. A d j u s t m e n t a n d a c c o m m o d a t i o n were confined t o the head. I n place of a p u r e l y p h a r a o n i c scheme, the head m i g h t a d d H e l l e n i c h a i r over the b r o w a n d take o n v a r y i n g degrees o f n a t u r a l i s m . These were o b v i o u s l y intrusive elements designed t o represent the differ ent or foreign character o f the k i n g . T h a t is, the head of a statue m i g h t express merely " t r a d i t i o n a l p h a r a o h , " o r by i m p o r t i n g a few elements of Greek r o y a l style, i t m i g h t express the ideas o f b o t h " p h a r a o h " a n d " P t o l e m y . " M y purpose here is t o s h o w h o w E g y p t i a n sculptors c o u l d sometimes go considerably further. M a n y A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l p o r t r a i t s i n m a r b l e were also h i g h l y generalized, ideal images t h a t expressed forcefully the idea o f Ptolemaios w i t h o u t specifying w h i c h o n e . 15 Basileus O t h e r s , however, reproduce the p a r t i c u l a r s of a defined p o r t r a i t type t h a t can sometimes also be f o u n d o n coins a n d seals. A fine head i n A l e x a n d r i a is t y p o l o g i c a l l y re lated t o a rare c o i n p o r t r a i t type o f P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r a n d clearly represents h i m (fig. 3 ) . 1 6 T h e surface is s m o o t h a n d even, w i t h very spar i n g p h y s i o g n o m i c d e t a i l , b u t the posture, l o n g face, and p r o m i n e n t c h i n give the w h o l e a strongly i n d i v i d u a l effect. We happen also t o have t w o hard-stone heads o f P h i l o m e t o r . T h e first, a granite head i n Athens w i t h nemes a n d d o u b l e c r o w n , is identified by the cartouche o n its back p i l l a r . 17 O n the basis o f the p h y s i o g n o m y alone, one w o u l d n o t have identified i t as the same k i n g . There is, however, a clear c o n n e c t i o n i n the h a i r arrangement over the forehead. T h e m a r b l e head has a t h i c k c e n t r a l l o c k , t u r n i n g t o the r i g h t , framed by t w o smaller locks c u r l i n g i n w a r d o n b o t h sides. T h i s scheme is r e p r o d u c e d o n the granite head, o n l y w i t h a flatter, m o r e s y m m e t r i c a l 205 206 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA h a n d l i n g . Such r e p e t i t i o n o f h a i r schemes is, o f course, m o r e fully attested FIG. a m o n g the a b u n d a n t copies of, f o r example, J u l i o - C l a u d i a n p o r t r a i t Head of Ptolemy v i ( 1 8 0 - 1 4 5 3 B . C . ) . M a r b l e . H . : 4 1 cm. types. T h a t this h a i r scheme was really a defined feature o f Philometor's Alexandria, Graeco-Roman p o r t r a i t type is s h o w n by the second hard-stone head, a fragment o f a Museum 24092. Photo courtesy colossal granite statue f r o m C a n o p u s (fig. 4 ) . ' of the D A I , Cairo, neg. 8 H e r e the h a i r arrangement is almost exactly the same as t h a t F12679-12680. of the head i n Athens, o n l y w i t h a m o r e detailed a n d lively " H e l l e n i s t i c " FIG. r e n d e r i n g . T h e repeated h a i r scheme w o u l d p r o b a b l y be enough t o c o n Head of Ptolemy v i ( 1 8 0 - 1 4 5 nect the C a n o p u s head w i t h P t o l e m y v i . T h e i d e n t i t y is, however, clearly demonstrated by the face, w h i c h is a version o f the same p h y s i o g n o m i c a l type as the m a r b l e h e a d — t a l l n a r r o w face, f u l l m o u t h , deep c h i n . These are sufficient t o establish the c o n n e c t i o n . It is i m p o r t a n t t o emphasize t h a t the c o n n e c t i o n is n o t merely a p o r t r a i t resemblance, t h a t these t w o heads are close enough t o repre sent the same person, b u t rather t h a t they have a definable r e l a t i o n s h i p to the same sculptured type. T h a t is, they c o n t a i n repeated elements f r o m a n " o f f i c i a l " p o r t r a i t o f P h i l o m e t o r . There is n o reason t o t h i n k the A l e x a n d r i a head is the " o r i g i n a l " ; indeed i t is u n l i k e l y , given t h a t the C a n o p u s head has m o r e detailed hair. T h e y are b o t h , t h e n , secondary versions o r interpretations o f an A l e x a n d r i a n c o u r t p o r t r a i t . T h e m a r b l e head is s u m m a r y i n the h a n d l i n g o f the h a i r a n d perhaps adds a layer of d y n a m i c v i g o r . T h e C a n o p u s head is n a t u r a l l y static i n posture a n d flattens the side o f the l o n g face i n t o b r o a d , u n n a t u r a l planes. I t also exaggerates the eyes, w h i c h o n the m a r b l e head are u n c o m m o n l y s m a l l , o u t l i n e d above by heavy lids. T h e m a r b l e head is a perhaps intensified 4 B . C . ) , from Canopus. Granite. H . : 61 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3357. Photo courtesy of the D A I , Cairo, neg. 11135-11140. Smith FIG. 5 Head of Ptolemy v i n ( 1 4 5 - 1 1 6 B . C . ) . M a r b l e . H . : 23.5 cm. Private collection, on loan to Yale University A r t Gallery, N e w Haven. Photo: Sotheby's, Inc. FIG. 6 Head of Ptolemy v i n ( 1 4 5 - 1 1 6 B . C . ) . D i o r i t e . H . : 51 c m . Brussels, Musees Royaux d ' A r t et d'Histoire E1839. H e l l e n i s t i c r e n d e r i n g of the type; the granite head is a t h o u g h t f u l transla t i o n or a d a p t a t i o n f o r a t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n statue. P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes P h y s k o n issued rare t e t r a d r a c h m s a n d d i a d r a c h m s (the latter dated i n 1 3 8 / 1 3 7 B.C.), o n w h i c h he wears the ra diate d i a d e m a n d aegis o f his great t h i r d - c e n t u r y forebear P t o l e m y i n Euergetes. 19 I t is a p l u m p - f a c e d , wide-eyed image t h a t combines a p r o n o u n c e d p h y s i o g n o m i c a l p r o f i l e — l a r g e nose, s m a l l p o u t i n g m o u t h , w e a k c h i n — w i t h an impressive r o y a l bearing. T h i s c o i n gives the key t o a series of related images, some t y p o l o g i c a l l y , some generically, related. A s m a l l stucco head i n H i l d e s h e i m is a precise version of the same p o r t r a i t t y p e , 20 belongs here (fig. 5 ) . a n d an i m p o r t a n t m a r b l e head i n N e w H a v e n also 21 T h i s is a lifesize p o r t r a i t w i t h h a i r a n d one ear added i n stucco. I t has a l o n g face i n the t r a d i t i o n o f P h i l o m e t o r , w i t h sharply c u t features l a i d over a p l u m p , rather formless, p o l i s h e d facial structure. T h e r o u g h l y w o r k e d h a i r f o l l o w s precisely the same line a n d r e l a t i o n t o the b r o w as the stucco head, a n d i t , t o o , is p r o b a b l y a version of the same t y p e . A g a i n , the N e w H a v e n head is surely n o t the o r i g i n a l c o u r t p o r t r a i t b u t an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i t . I t seems t o have enlarged the w i d e , s t a r i n g eyes a n d accentuated the aggressive p o u t of the l o w e r l i p . O n e m i g h t note also the closeness of the eyes. 207 208 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA A fine d i o r i t e head i n Brussels is clearly an E g y p t i a n version of the same p o r t r a i t type of P t o l e m y v i n (fig. 6, a n d B o t h m e r fig. 20 be low). 2 2 I t wears a d o u b l e c r o w n , s u p p o r t e d b e h i n d by a t a l l , b r o k e n back p i l l a r . U n u s u a l l y for this category o f hellenizing p h a r a o n i c r o y a l p o r t r a i t , n o h a i r emerges f r o m beneath the c r o w n as an i m m e d i a t e l y i d e n t i f y i n g " f o r e i g n " element. T h e p o r t r a i t effect is carried b y the face alone, a n d the E g y p t i a n sculptor has made a very careful c o p y o f its i d e n t i f y i n g p h y s i o g n o m y : fat cheeks, s m a l l p o u t i n g m o u t h , w e a k c h i n , p r o m i n e n t nose, a n d large, r o u n d eyes. To capture the essence of the type, the sculp t o r seems also t o have intensified certain features, f o r example, the close ness o f the eyes a n d the fatness o f the face, w h i c h is rendered w i t h a degree o f surface p l a s t i c i t y n o t present i n any o f the Greek versions of the type. T h e shaping o f the eyes is a l i t t l e a s y m m e t r i c a l — o n e is w i d e r t h a n the o t h e r — w h i c h perhaps indicates a certain u n f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the a p p r o p r i a t e f o r m s o f enlarged A l e x a n d r i a n r u l e r eyes. T h a t apart, i t is a r e m a r k a b l y careful a n d i n s t a n t l y recognizable t r a n s l a t i o n of Ptolemy VIII'S p o r t r a i t type i n t o p h a r a o n i c f o r m a n d m a t e r i a l . There m u s t t h e n have been models o f the " o f f i c i a l " A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t s o f Ptolemies v i a n d v i n available i n the native w o r k shops t h a t p r o d u c e d the C a n o p u s a n d Brussels heads, a n d a certain c o n s t i t u e n c y — s u r e l y some of the E g y p t i a n c l e r g y — w a n t e d t o see those models e m p l o y e d . T h e face o f the statues denoted the distinctive a n d special character o f the Ptolemaic pharaohs i n general and o f P h i l o m e t o r a n d P h y s k o n i n p a r t i c u l a r . T h e statues are s t r i k i n g m o n u m e n t s of priestly a c c o m m o d a t i o n t o the M a c e d o n i a n rulers. T h e Brussels P h y s k o n is a near-perfect E g y p t i a n replica o f the king's A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t type. W e m a y l o o k n o w at the image of a FIG. 7 Head of Ptolemaic queen. Black stone. M i d - to late second century B.C. Lifesize. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 406. Smith FIG. 8 Head of Ptolemaic queen, from Egypt. M a r b l e . M i d - to late second century B . C . H . : 37 cm. Paris, Musee du Louvre M A 3546. c o n t e m p o r a r y queen a n d at a case o f s y n t a c t i c a l l y a w k w a r d t r a n s l a t i o n . A n i m p o r t a n t head i n V i e n n a (fig. 7 ) , 2 3 broken f r o m a traditional phar aonic statue w i t h back p i l l a r , m a y be v i e w e d as a female c o u n t e r p a r t t o the Brussels P h y s k o n , o n l y here the s c u l p t o r h a d difficulty i n c a p t u r i n g the essence o f the A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t he was a t t e m p t i n g t o r e p r o d u c e . T h e head is a n E g y p t i a n r e n d e r i n g o r r e c e p t i o n o f a novel female r o y a l style t h a t emerged at A l e x a n d r i a i n the m i d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y B . C . Several m a j o r sculptures f r o m this c o n t e x t , f o r e x a m p l e , a bronze head i n N a p l e s a n d a m a r b l e head f r o m A l e x a n d r i a i n the L o u v r e (fig. 8), have a force f u l , energetic, a l m o s t " m a s c u l i n e " e x p r e s s i o n . 24 T h i s r o y a l style is a s t r i k i n g d e p a r t u r e f r o m the passive beauty of A r s i n o e a n d Berenike i n the t h i r d c e n t u r y a n d was p r o b a b l y designed f o r the series o f p o w e r f u l queens i n the second century, Cleopatras I-III, w h o r u l e d o n behalf o f o r t h r o u g h b o y kings a n d w e a k k i n g s . L i k e the A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t s , the V i e n n a head wears d i a d e m a n d Isis l o c k s , b u t i t has so heightened some features—the s t r o n g d o u b l e c h i n , w i d e m o u t h , a n d masculine n a s o - l a b i a l f o l d s — t h a t the subtle balance o f the A l e x a n d r i a n type between t r a d i t i o n a l beauty a n d executive capacity has been a l l b u t destroyed. T h e s c u l p t o r seems b o t h t o have m i s u n d e r s t o o d a n d t o have m i s m a n a g e d the f o r m s o f a c o m p l e x a n d u n u s u a l image. A m o n g the later Ptolemies, i x - x i , whose p o r t r a i t s have been m u c h studied i n recent years a n d considerably e x p a n d e d by n e w pieces, 25 there are several f u r t h e r examples o f hard-stone heads based o n A l e x a n d r i a n p o r t r a i t types, b u t none w i t h such clear t y p o l o g i c a l connections as those seen i n the cases o f P h i l o m e t o r a n d P h y s k o n . A granite bust f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , recently p u b l i s h e d , is perhaps a loose E g y p t i a n v e r s i o n o f 209 210 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA the same late Ptolemaic type preserved i n the p r o v i n c i a l limestone statue f r o m A p h r o d i t o p o l i s . A n d a lost granite head, f o r m e r l y i n B e r l i n , was 2 6 surely based o n a p o r t r a i t f r o m the same e n v i r o n m e n t as a late Ptolemy ( i x o r x ) at the G e t t y . 27 T h i s demonstrable use o f A l e x a n d r i a n types by the E g y p t i a n hard-stone w o r k s h o p s comes i n the well-defined c o n t e x t o f the king's image. Since he was b o t h M a c e d o n i a n basileus and Egyptian pharaoh, P t o l e m y was a u n i q u e figure o f c o m m o n p r o p e r t y between the Greek a n d the indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s o f E g y p t . I t is precisely this statuary c o n t e x t t h a t is so w e l l b r o u g h t t o life by the inscriptions o f the E g y p t i a n clergy i n the later t h i r d a n d second centuries, such as the Canopus a n d the Rosetta decrees. These inscriptions are edicts o f the assembled 28 E g y p t i a n priests meeting t o vote c u l t a n d statuary h o n o r s t o the Ptole maic kings i n the native temples o f E g y p t . T h e y d o c u m e n t h o w "the na tive clergy, t h r o u g h decrees made at synods, i n c o r p o r a t e d an E g y p t i a n version o f the H e l l e n i s t i c c u l t of the Ptolemies i n t o the priesthoods a n d r i t u a l s o f the l o c a l t e m p l e s . " 29 I t is against the b a c k g r o u n d o f this larger p h e n o m e n o n t h a t the hard-stone version o f A l e x a n d r i a n r o y a l types s h o u l d be set. R o y a l interest i n the dissemination o f images i n the temples is p l a i n l y stated i n the Mendes stela, a n d the priests' interest i n the style o r " m a n n e r " (tropos) cree. 30 o f the statues is e x p l i c i t l y attested i n the Rosetta de T h e clergy's decision t o have Ptolemy's features represented i n a Hellenistic i d i o m i n some statues i n a d d i t i o n t o the usual statues w i t h p u r e l y p h a r a o n i c features was analogous t o their decision t o p u b l i s h their decrees i n the Greek language as w e l l as E g y p t i a n . T h i s measurable i c o n o g r a p h i c a s s i m i l a t i o n o f the t r a d i t i o n a l image of p h a r a o h t o Ptole maic r o y a l style a n d t o p a r t i c u l a r types was meant t o represent t o the E g y p t i a n temple-goer the distinctive nature a n d i d e n t i t y o f the Ptolemaic p h a r a o h residing i n his foreign c a p i t a l at A l e x a n d r i a . I n the examples we have e x a m i n e d the sculptors w e n t b e y o n d the simple i m p o r t a t i o n of a few Greek elements t h a t indicated " P t o l e m y " t o the r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a defined p o r t r a i t m o d e l t h a t specified w h i c h Ptolemy. T h e y s h o w t h a t i n some E g y p t i a n temples, at least i n the second century, the a c q u i r i n g a n d use o f an " i d e n t i f y i n g " A l e x a n d r i a n m o d e l was considered desirable for the m a n u f a c t u r e o f some o f the r e i g n i n g Ptolemy's statues. T h e c o n t e x t a n d o r i g i n o f this p h e n o m e n o n , i t m a y be guessed, was M e m p h i s , whose c u l t u r e has been so w e l l described by D . J. T h o m p s o n i n her Memphis under the Ptolemies** These images m a y be seen as the visual c o u n t e r p a r t o f the p o l i c y o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n w i t h the M a c e d o n i a n rulers pursued by the M e m p h i t e clergy t h r o u g h the m e d i u m o f the r o y a l c u l t . Lincoln College O X F O R D , E N G L A N D Smith Notes 1 H . K y r i e l e i s , Bildnisse p i s . 8, 1 7 , 3 0 , 4 0 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 1 - (Berlin der Ptolemder 1 9 7 5 ) ; E . B r u n e l l e , Die Bildnisse der 9 2 , pis. 7 5 . 3 - 1 1 . Ptole- ( P h . D . diss., F r a n k f u r t 1 9 7 6 ) ; mderinnen R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic Royal (Ox Portraits 9 See esp. P l u t a r c h , Dem. 2 - 4 , probably from f o r d 1988), ch. 9, " T h e Ptolemies and E g y p t . " the early Hellenistic h i s t o r y of H i e r o n y m o s — s o M u c h m a t e r i a l also i n H . M a e h l e r a n d J. H o r n b l o w e r , Hieronymos V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., Das ptolemaische ( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) ; a n d R . S. B i a n c h i , Egypt: Age (Oxford i d e o l o g y i n t h i s passage, cf. S m i t h ( n o t e 1 Cleopatra's a b o v e ) , p . 5 2 . O n T h e o k r i t o s 17 = A u s t i n e x h . cat. ( T h e of the Ptolemies, of Cardia 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 6 7 - 7 1 . O n the reflection o f r o y a l Agypten B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) . Some recent articles: ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 7 ; cf. Fraser, v o l . 1 ( n o t e 5 A . L i n f e r t , " N e u e P t o l e m a e r : P t o l e m a i o s 11. above), p p . u n d A r s i n o e 11.," Mitteilungen Archaologischen Instituts, des 666-67. Deutschen Athenische Abteilung 10 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 7 9 - 8 0 , p i . 70. II Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 9 4 - 9 6 , p i . 82. 12 T w o w i d e l y separated examples, one r o y a l , one 102 (1987): 2 7 9 - 8 2 ; G. Dontas, " Z u einem H e r r s c h e r k o p f In M u s e u m v o n K o s , " lungen tuts, des Deutschen Athenische Mittei Archaologischen Insti 104 (1989): Abteilung 159-63; M . P r a n g e , " D a s B i l d n i s A r s i n o e s 11. P h i l a d e l p h o s , 2 7 8 - 7 0 v . C h r . , " Mitteilungen schen Archaologischen des Instituts, "private." Deut (1) C o i n s o f Q u e e n P h i l i s t i s at Syracuse: Athenische C . M . K r a a y a n d M . H i r m e r , Greek 105 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 9 7 - 2 1 1 ; H . P. L a u f > Abteilung scher, " P t o l e m a i s c h e R e i t e r b i l d e r , " gen des Deutschen Athenische Mitteilun Archaologischen Ancient Instituts, 106 (1991): Abteilung Coins ( L o n d o n 1966), p i . 49; G . K . Jenkins, Greek Coins (New York 1972), fig. 6 0 3 . 223-38. (2) L i m e s t o n e f e m a l e h e a d f r o m A r s o s , C y p r u s : 2 K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 0 , 8 2 , B 1 a n d J 2, J. B . C o n n e l l y , Votive p i s . 8.5, 6, 9 ; 7 2 . 4 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . tic Cyprus 4 4 , 9 1 , app. v m , n o . 9, p i . 70.6; N . H i m r n e l - p i . 1 2 . T h e e x t e n t o f t h i s p h e n o m e n o n is Sculpture of Hellenis ( N i c o s i a 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 3 6 , n o . 3, m a n n , " E i n Ptolemaer m i t Keule u n d K o t h u r n , " best i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e g r e a t n u m b e r o f " p r i i n Festschrift vate" H e l l e n i s t i c female heads t h a t archaeo v o l . 1 (Istanbul 1989), fur J . Inan, p p . 3 9 1 - 9 5 ; Laubscher (note 1 above): 230. l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e has, at one t i m e o r a n o t h e r , A r s i n o e ' s dikeras: t h i s , cf. S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . i d e n t i f i e d as A r s i n o e 11 o r B e r e n i k e 11. O n 3 Athenaeus 1 1 . 4 9 7 B - C . 89-90, w i t h e x a m p l e s c i t e d at n o t e 2 4 . 4 O n r o y a l e l e p h a n t exuviae, 1 above): cf. L a u b s c h e r ( n o t e 13 232-35. B i a n c h i ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 5 - 8 0 , a n d o n cat. nos. 2, 3 1 , 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 4 2 - 4 7 , 52, 53. 5 Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, M . M . A u s t i n , The Hellenistic Alexander to the Roman of Ancient Sources World Conquest: p . 54 = F o r e x a m p l e , o n t h e Brussels P t o l e m y v m (here from f i g . 6 ) : "Because t h e h e a d i n Brussels c o n f o r m s A its r e s e m b l a n c e t o i m a g e s o f a n y Fragmente 6 3 1 , F 1, w i t h Historiker, P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic current i n the t h i r d a n d second centuries B . C . , (Cambridge in Translation 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 2 2 1 ; S a t y r o s , F. J a c o b y , Die der griechischen to established pharaonic traditions that were Selection v 2 ( p . 1 4 9 , cat. 5 3 ) . (Oxford Alexandria 1972), v o l . 1, pp. 2 0 2 - 3 ; ° l - J P- 1 2 0 N - 4814 6 7 B . V . B o t h m e r , Egyptian p. 148, pis. 1 7 . 1 - 4 ; S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 4 4 , Period pi. 75.9. t h e r b e l o w at n o t e 2 8 . 15 O n Seleucid r o y a l p o r t r a i t s , see n o w R . F l e i Herrscherbildnisse 8 T h e r e is n o f u l l s t u d y o f t h i s m a t e r i a l . See Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 2 8 - 2 9 w i t h n . 120, scher, Studien zur Seleukidischen Kunst, Ptolemaic r u l e r i n a H e l l e n i s t i c i d i o m m a y be g r a t u i t o u s " Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 18, 29, 4 2 - 4 3 , 52, 16 Late 1 0 , a n d D 5, 6; w i t h S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 88-89 (Mainz 1991). of the See, f o r e x a m p l e , K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , B 6, 8, 1 0 , C 1 - 7 , v o l . 1, Sculpture ( B r o o k l y n i 9 6 0 ) . O n the context, fur a n d app. v. M a r b l e head: Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 60, 211 212 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA F 3, p i s . 49.2., 5 0 , 5 1 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , R . R . R. S m i t h , " T h r e e H e l l e n i s t i c Rulers at the p . 9 3 , cat. 5 5 , p i s . 3 8 . 1 , 2 . C o i n : K y r i e l e i s G e t t y , " The J . Paul Getty (note 1 above), p . 59, p i . 46.3; S m i t h (note 1 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 5 9 - 7 8 , at 7 0 - 7 8 . Museum 14 Journal above), p . 9 3 , p i . 7 5 . 1 4 . T h i s rare silver h e m i d r a c h m m a k e s t h e clearest t y p o l o g i c a l 17 26 G r a n i t e b u s t , A l e x a n d r i a P 1 2 0 7 2 : P. E . S t a n - c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the A l e x a n d r i a n marble head. w i c k , " A R o y a l Ptolemaic Bust i n A l e x a n d r i a , " T h e p o r t r a i t o n the b e t t e r - k n o w n Phoenician Journal tetradrachms (Kyrieleis [note 1 above], p i . 4 6 . 1 ; Egypt of the American Research Center in 2 9 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 3 1 - 4 1 , figs, i a , b . A p h r o - S m i t h [ n o t e 1 a b o v e ] , p i . 7 5 . 1 3 ) is p r o b a b l y o f d i t o p o l i s statue: Kyrieleis (note 1 above), t h e same t y p e . T h e r e w a s also a q u i t e separate, p p . 7 0 - 7 1 , H 3, p i s . 5 9 . 3 , 4 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 earlier, m o r e y o u t h f u l P h i l o m e t o r p o r t r a i t type, a b o v e ) , p . 9 7 , cat. 6 1 , p i s . 4 1 . 1 - 3 . T h e r e seems attested by the u n i q u e g o l d o c t o d r a c h m i n L o n t o be a d i s t i n c t e c h o o f a c o m m o n i m a g e be d o n : S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 93 ( w i t h l i t . t w e e n these t w o p o r t r a i t s , n o t a b l y i n t h e s i m i l a r n . 38), pis. 75-!5> f o r m u l a t i o n s o f t h e eyes a n d c h i n . l 6 - Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 5 9 - 6 0 , F 1, p i . 4 7 ; 27 S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 9 3 , cat. 7 1 , p i . 4 6 . 2 . Berlin head: Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 7 2 , H 7, pis. 6 3 . 1 - 3 ; S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 9 6 , cat. 7 5 , p i s . 4 8 . 3 , 4 . G e t t y h e a d : S m i t h ( n o t e 25 18 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 6 0 , F 2, pis. 4 8 , 4 9 . 1 ; a b o v e ) : 7 0 - 7 8 , figs. 6 a , d ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , S m i t h (note 1 above), p . 9 3 , cat. 7 2 , pis. 4 6 . 3 , 4 . p . 9 6 , c a t . 5 9 , p i s . 4 0 . 1 , 2 . T h e s e heads w e r e Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 63, p i . 5 2 . 1 ; S m i t h Alexandrian type. b o t h p r o b a b l y simplified versions o f a single 19 (note 1 above), p. 9 4 , p i . 7 5 . 1 7 . 28 C a n o p u s : Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selec- 20 K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 6 4 , G 1 , p i . 5 2 . 2 , 3. tae, p . 5 6 = A u s t i n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 2 2 . 21 S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 6 - 9 7 , 1 2 4 , cat. p . 9 0 = A u s t i n ( n o t e 5 a b o v e ) , p . 2 2 7 . F o r es R o s e t t a : Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 5 8 , p i s . 3 9 . 3 , 4 — t h e r e n o t e d as close t o sential b a c k g r o u n d o n the E g y p t i a n temples P t o l e m y v n i ( p . 9 6 ) , b u t c a t a l o g u e d as " a late a n d c l e r g y , see esp. D . J. T h o m p s o n , P t o l e m y , p r o b a b l y P t o l e m y i x o r x . " I t seems under the Ptolemies Memphis (Princeton 1988), ch. 4, t o me n o w m o r e clearly a version of Physkon's "Ptolemies and Temples"; and out of m a n y m a i n A l e x a n d r i a n type. Also illustrated i n a r t i c l e s b y J. Q u a e g e b e u r , h i s " C l e o p a t r a v i i R . R . R . S m i t h , Hellenistic a n d the Cults of the Ptolemaic Queens," i n (London Sculpture Bianchi (note 1 above), p p . 4 1 - 5 4 . Also o n 1991),%. 241. t h e p r i e s t s : J.-C. G o y o n , " P t o l e m a i c E g y p t : 22 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p . 6 4 , G 2, pis. 52.4, Priests a n d t h e T r a d i t i o n a l R e l i g i o n , " i n B i a n c h i 5 3 ; S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 3 - 9 4 , cat. 7 3 , (note 1 above), p p . 2 9 - 3 9 . pis. 4 7 . 1 , 2. Cf. B i a n c h i (note 1 above), 29 p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 , cat. 53 ( q u o t e d n o t e 13 a b o v e ) . Quaegebeur (note 28 above), p . 4 2 , f o l l o w i n g D . J. C r a w f o r d , " P t o l e m y , P t a h a n d A p i s i n 23 24 S m i t h ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 9 4 - 9 5 , cat. 7 4 , H e l l e n i s t i c M e m p h i s , " i n D . J. C r a w f o r d , pis. 4 8 . 1 , 2. J. Q u a e g e b e u r , a n d W . C l a r y s s e , Studies on Ptolemaic 24 Memphis. Studia Hellenistica ( L o u v a i n 1 9 8 0 ) : p p . 1 - 4 2 , esp. 2 7 - 3 6 . Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 1 2 0 - 2 1 , M 12, pis. 1 0 4 . 1 , 2 (Louvre); S m i t h (note 1 above), p p . 7 5 - 7 6 , 9 4 , cat. 2 4 a n d 5 6 , p i s . 1 9 . 1 , 2 a n d 30 M e n d e s stela: " H i s m a j e s t y o r d e r e d t o erect h e r [sc A r s i n o e ' s ] statues i n every t e m p l e , t h i s w a s 38.3, 4 (Naples and Louvre). pleasing t o t h e i r priests . . . her cult-statues 25 w e r e m a d e i n e a c h n o m e . " T r a n s . : J. Q u a e g e K . Parlasca, " E i n verkanntes hellenistisches H e r r s c h e r b i l d n i s , " Jahrbuch Archaologischen Instituts des beur, " D o c u m e n t s C o n c e r n i n g a C u l t o f A r s i n o e Deutschen 82 (1967): 1 6 7 - 9 4 ; P h i l a d e l p h o s at M e m p h i s , " Journal of Near Eastern " D i e Bildnisse Ptolemaios i x , x , u n d x i , " i n n . 1 3 ; also i d e m , i n B i a n c h i ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , H . M a e h l e r a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., p. 4 3 . I n the c o n t e x t o f this d o c u m e n t , we can ptolemdische Agypten Das (Mainz 1978), pp. 9 - 2 2 ; H . M a e h l e r , " E g y p t under the Last Ptolemies," Bulletin of the Institute the University of London of Classical Studies 30 (1983): 1-16; Studies 3 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 3 9 - 7 0 , esp. 2 4 2 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 6 4 - 7 5 ; A . K r u g , w e l l imagine a request f o r a n d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o r t r a i t models f r o m A l e x a n d r i a . R o s e t t a s t o n e , Orientis of tiones Selectae, Graeci Inscrip 9 0 , l i n e 3 9 : " t h e statues s h a l l be Smith made i n the native (or Egyptian) manner pos)." (tro- T h e w o r d f o r " n a t i v e / E g y p t i a n " is re stored i n the Greek t e x t f r o m the h i e r o g l y p h i c a n d d e m o t i c versions: E. A . W a l l i s Budge, Rosetta Stone The ( L o n d o n 1929), pp. 88, 117. The s u r v i v i n g p o r t r a i t s s h o w h o w far t h e priests w e r e w i l l i n g t o see t h i s o r d e r c o m p r o m i s e d . 3I T h o m p s o n ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) . 213 This page intentionally left blank 215 Hellenistic Elements in Egyptian Sculpture of the Ptolemaic Period Bernard Norma Jean thanks Paul Bothmer for preparing I n the last t h i r t y years, the study o f Late E g y p t i a n sculpture has made Stanwick great progress, m a i n l y as a result o f three l a n d m a r k p u b l i c a t i o n s : Egyp t i a n Sculpture o f the Late Period i n i 9 6 0 , Bildnisse der Ptolemaer i n completing the This is posthumously. Bothmer the for publication article V. article and for notes. published 1 9 7 5 , a n d Das ptolemaische A g y p t e n i n 1 9 7 8 . T h e y i n t u r n have gener ated numerous studies a n d articles i n the scholarly l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g Cleopatra's E g y p t i n 1 9 8 8 ' — t h e catalog of the e x h i b i t i o n i n B r o o k l y n o n Ptolemaic E g y p t , w h i c h contains some novel as w e l l as bizarre ideas. T h u s , accurately dated m a t e r i a l f o r each successive c e n t u r y f r o m 8 0 0 B . C . t o the R o m a n conquest i n 30 B . C . has been w e l l defined, a l t h o u g h such secure a t t r i b u t i o n s are disseminated very slowly, especially i n the academic w o r l d . A m o n g the p r o b l e m s r e m a i n i n g is, f o r instance, the difficulty i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the r o y a l likenesses o f D y n a s t y x x x ( 3 8 0 - 3 4 3 B . C . ) f r o m those o f a h u n d r e d years later. As research o n the last f o u r cen 2 turies o f ancient E g y p t is n o w being c o n d u c t e d i n the great E g y p t o l o g i c a l centers o f the West, we n o w k n o w t h a t m a n y elements o f E g y p t i a n statu ary o f the Ptolemaic Period (305 = 30 B.C.), once considered t o be o f for eign o r i g i n , have been f o u n d t o stem f r o m native sources, f o r e x a m p l e , the r i c h drapery o f the male costume (figs. 1, 2 ) . O n the other h a n d , 3 n e w features have come t o l i g h t t h a t were o v e r l o o k e d u n t i l recently a n d are n o w recognized as n o n - E g y p t i a n . T h i s was due t o the presence a n d , after Alexander's death, t o the p r e d o m i n a n c e o f the Greeks i n the N i l e Valley. A m o n g these n e w features are matters o f substance a n d o f style, b u t i n the m o s t p r o m i n e n t E g y p t i a n art f o r m — s c u l p t u r e i n the r o u n d — Hellenistic influence does n o t become evident u n t i l w e l l past the begin n i n g of the t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . O n e can see the emergence o f this influence especially i n the naturalistic r e n d e r i n g o f the real h a i r (fig. 3 ) . T h i s shift 4 i n style persists u n t i l the m i d d l e o f the first c e n t u r y B . C . , as is evident i n the B r o o k l y n " B l a c k H e a d " (fig. 4 ) ; a l t h o u g h the h a i r is h i g h l y pat 5 terned, i t still shows n a t u r a l locks. R o y a l t y , t o o , is thus p o r t r a y e d , even under the t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n headdress (figs. 5a, b ) . 6 A m o r e s u m m a r y e x e c u t i o n of the coiffure m a y n o t have de veloped u n t i l the second century B . C . , as can be seen i n t w o heads w i t h s h o r t - c r o p p e d hair, one i n S t o c k h o l m (fig. 6 ) a n d another i n Cleveland 7 (fig. 7 ) . T h e n e w t r e a t m e n t o f the h a i r is accompanied by the represen8 216 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I K i n g Sety ι ( 1 3 0 6 - 1 2 9 0 B.C.), from Abydos. Schist. H . : 21 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian Museum CG 7 5 1 . Photo courtesy of the Institute of Fine Arts, N e w York University. FIG. 2 Draped male torso, f r o m Tell elT i m a i (Thmuis). Basalt. Ptolemaic Period. H . : 96.5 cm. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman Museum 20949 ( = G. 214). Photo courtesy of the Institute of Fine Arts, N e w York University. 2 I FIG. 3 M a l e head, provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Second century B.C. H . : 20.2 cm. M u n i c h , Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst GI.WAF 328. FIG. 4 The Brooklyn "Black H e a d , " provenance u n k n o w n ; reportedly from M i t r a h i n e h . Diorite. A b o u t 8 0 - 5 0 B.C. H . : 41.4 cm. The Brooklyn Museum 58.30, Charles E d w i n W i l b o u r Fund. 3 4 FIGS. 5a, b Ptolemy v i Philometor ( 1 8 0 - 1 6 4 / 1 6 3 - 1 4 5 B.C.), from the sea at Aegina. Granite. H . : 62.5 cm. Athens, N a t i o n a l Archaeological Museum ANE 108. 5 5b B o t h m e r 7 6 FIG. 6 Head of male statue, provenance u n k n o w n . Granite. Second century B.C. H . (of head): 12.2 cm. Stockholm, Medelhavsmuseet NME 73. FIG. 7 Head of bearded male statue, from Cyrenaica. Basalt. Second century B.C. H . (of head): 7.9 cm. The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 91.2b. FIG. 8 M a l e head w i t h diadem, provenance u n k n o w n , said to be f r o m Dime. Granite. First century B.C. H . : 34.5 cm. M u n i c h , Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst G l . 30. FIG. 9 M a l e head, from Tanis. Basalt. A b o u t 8 0 - 5 0 B.C. H . : 34 cm. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 3204. 8 9 217 218 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 10 Bust of a king, provenance un k n o w n . Diorite. A b o u t 2 2 0 180 B.C. H . : 44.5 cm. N e w Haven, Yale University A r t Gallery 1.1.195 3 (on loan from the Peabody Museum of N a t u r a l History, Yale University). FIG. II Royal head w i t h diadem, prove nance u n k n o w n . Granite. A b o u t 6 0 - 3 0 B.C. H . : 10.5 cm. Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico KS1803. t a t i o n o f w h i s k e r s , sideburns (fig. 8 ) , a t h i c k mustache, o r a s t u b b l y 9 (fig. 9 ) 1 0 o r f u l l beard (see fig. 7 ) . W h i l e m o s t Ptolemaic p h a r a o h s are represented i n the t r a d i t i o n a l nemes headdress (fig. i o ) , 1 1 some o f t h e m , a l t h o u g h sculptured w i t h a back p i l l a r , wear the t y p i c a l l y H e l l e n i s t i c tie o r b a n d a r o u n d the head (fig. 1 1 ) ; 1 2 queens, t o o , are thus s h o w n (fig. 1 2 ) . 13 N o t a l l of those a d o r n e d w i t h r i b b o n s o r bands o n their h a i r are r o y a l figures, since these insignia, as w e l l as the l a u r e l w r e a t h , also distinguished certain members of the p r i e s t h o o d (fig. 1 3 ) . 1 4 15 For example, the statue o f Pamenkhes, a p r o v i n c i a l governor i n the t i m e B.C.), 12 Queen's head, provenance A b a n d o f rosettes, however, p r i m a r i l y identified a n o m a r c h . of C l e o p a t r a v n ( 5 1 - 3 0 FIG. wears such a d i a d e m (fig. 1 4 ) , 1 6 as d o u n k n o w n . Limestone. Ptolemaic Period. H . : 13.7 cm. The B r o o k l y n Museum 71.12, Charles E d w i n W i l b o u r Fund. Bothmer FIG. 13 Head w i t h laurel wreath, from Tell U m m el-Briegat (Tebtunis). Limestone. Late Ptolemaic Period. H . : 8.5 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian Museum JE 65424 A . FIG. 14 Statue head of Pamenkhes w i t h rosette wreath, from Dendera. Granite. A b o u t 5 0 - 3 0 B.C. H . (total statue): 130 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian Museum JE 46320 (statue base is CG 50047). 13 FIGS. 14 I 5a, b Statue head of H o r , son of T u t u , provenance u n k n o w n , said to be from Sais. Granite. End of fourth century B.C. H . (total statue): 113 cm. Berlin, Agyptisches Museum 2271. I 5b I 5a other officials i n positions of p o l i t i c a l p o w e r . We also k n o w o f at least one instance where the rosettes were r e m o v e d for reasons n o t k n o w n a n d replaced by n a t u r a l hair (figs. 15a, b ) , 1 7 perhaps because the o w n e r lost his exalted p o s i t i o n before he d i e d . A t y p i c a l l y M a c e d o n i a n headdress, the kausia, makes its ap pearance i n the terracottas o f private persons after Ptolemaic rule was established i n the N i l e Valley, as s h o w n by a fine example i n a private FIG. 16 Head w i t h kausia, provenance u n k n o w n . Terracotta. Ptolemaic c o l l e c t i o n (fig. i 6 ) . 1 8 T h a t this k i n d of cap o r hat was also w o r n by Ptolemaic p h a r a o h s has been k n o w n f r o m seal impressions for some Period. H . : 9.5 cm. Amsterdam, t i m e . T h e seals were f o u n d at E d f u , Delos, K a l l i p o l i s , a n d N e a P a p h o s . private collection. O n l y recently d i d a Ptolemaic ruler's head w e a r i n g the kausia appear i n 19 219 220 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 17 Royal head w i t h kausia, prove nance u n k n o w n , said to be from the Faiyum. Limestone. Mid-first century B . C . H . : 23 cm. H a r m o n Fine Arts/Leonard Stern. Illus trated by permission of Leonard Stern, N e w York. FIG. 18 Ptolemy i v Philopator ( 2 2 2 205 B . C . ) , from Canopus. Granite. H . : 150 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3364. FIG. 19 Ptolemy v Epiphanes ( 2 0 5 180 B . C . ) , provenance u n k n o w n . Alabaster. H . : 7.6 cm. Berlin, Agyptisches Museum 13457. FIG. 20 Ptolemy v i n Euergetes 11 ( 1 7 0 1 6 3 / 1 4 5 - 1 1 6 B . C . ) , provenance u n k n o w n . Diorite. H . : 51 cm. Brussels, Musees Royaux d A r t et d'Histoire E . 1839. a private c o l l e c t i o n i n N e w Y o r k (fig. 1 7 ) . 2 0 I t represents a r o y a l y o u t h a d o r n e d w i t h uraeus, H e l l e n i s t i c hairstyle, a n d a full-sized u n i n s c r i b e d back p i l l a r . T h e eyes a n d eyebrows were once i n l a i d . Stylistic considera tions suggest t h a t the head s h o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d t o the m i d d l e o f the first c e n t u r y B . C . T h e delicate, i d e a l i z i n g features are paralleled i n a firstc e n t u r y limestone s p h i n x i n N e w Y o r k ; 2 1 the style o f the locks, w i t h s h o r t curls over the forehead, can be c o m p a r e d t o a s i m i l a r treatment i n the B r o o k l y n " B l a c k H e a d " (see fig. 4 ) . L i t e r a r y evidence is likewise sup p o r t i v e o f a m i d - f i r s t - c e n t u r y a t t r i b u t i o n ; a passage i n Plutarch's Life Antony of (54.5) relates t h a t a son o f M a r k A n t o n y a n d Cleopatra V H was dressed u p i n a kausia a n d d i a d e m . 22 T h e question o f true p o r t r a i t u r e i n ancient E g y p t is still m u c h debated, m a i n l y because w e d o n o t have c o r r o b o r a t i v e sources t o i n d i cate h o w the people thus represented l o o k e d i n real l i f e . 23 I n Ptolemaic B o t h m e r FIG. 2 1 Ptolemy x Alexander I ( 1 0 7 88 B . C . ) , f r o m M e m p h i s . Plaster. H . : 16.5 cm. Geneva, Musee d'art et d'histoire 20240. © Musee d'art et d'histoire. FIG. 22 Head w i t h realistic features, provenance u n k n o w n . D a r k stone. Ptolemaic Period. H . : 18.5 cm. Aix-en-Provence, Musee Granet 17. FIG. 23 Head w i t h realistic features, from the Temple of M u t , Karnak. Granite. M i d d l e K i n g d o m . H . : 18.5 cm. Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College L o n d o n , uc. 1 6 4 5 1 . statuary, however, some of the rulers have been identified by name f r o m sculptures a n d c o i n p o r t r a i t s . A m o n g t h e m are P t o l e m y i v P h i l o p a t o r (222-205 - - 5 B c z 8), 2 4 P t o l e m y v Epiphanes ( 2 0 5 - 1 8 0 B . C . ; fig. 1 9 ) , 25 a n d P t o l e m y v i P h i l o m e t o r ( 1 8 0 - 1 6 4 / 1 6 3 = 145 B . C . ; see fig. 5). P t o l e m y VIII Euergetes 11 ( 1 7 0 - 1 6 3 / 1 4 5 = 116 B.C.) has also been recognized by his f u l l face a n d w i d e - o p e n eyes i n a u n i q u e head, n o w i n Brussels (fig. 20 a n d S m i t h fig. 6 above), t h a t reproduces precisely this king's p o r t r a i t type as k n o w n f r o m c o i n s . 26 T h e likeness o f Ptolemy x A l e x a n d e r 1 ( 1 0 7 - 8 8 B . C . ) is p r o b a b l y reflected i n a plaster profile, n o w i n Geneva (fig. 2 1 ) , 2 7 a n d i n a stucco mask i n M u n i c h t h a t was first p u b l i s h e d as a likeness o f N e k t a n e b o 1 ( 3 8 0 = 3 6 2 i n a small basalt head i n P a r i s . 29 B.C.). 2 8 I t is p r o b a b l y also t o be f o u n d Few such identifications exist f o r the n u m e r o u s private E g y p t i a n sculptures whose realistic features (fig. 2 2 ) are w e l l k n o w n f r o m the p u b l i c a t i o n i n i 9 6 0 of Egyptian the Late Period, Sculpture 3 0 of yoo B . C . to A . D . 100 a n d f r o m t w o studies o f the o r i g i n s of R o m a n R e p u b l i c a n v e r i s m . 31 T h e a t t e m p t t o decide t o w h a t extent such realistic features are true likenesses, r e n d e r i n g the very essence o f a definite person eter nally i n stone, is p r o b a b l y futile. H a r s h realism i n the image o f m a t u r e Egyptians w i t h f u r r o w e d features goes back t o the M i d d l e K i n g d o m (fig. 2 3 ) 3 2 a n d was revived as an archaism i n the e i g h t h a n d seventh cen- 221 222 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC 24 ALEXANDRIA 25 26 FIG. 24 Head w i t h realistic features, provenance u n k n o w n , said to be from Memphis. Schist. Dynasty x x v n ( 5 2 5 - 4 0 4 B.C.). H . : 25.1 cm. Paris, Musee du Louvre N. 2454. FIG. 25 Head w i t h realistic features, from Dime. Granite. Ptolemaic Period. H . : 19.5 cm. Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 3194. FIG. 26 Head w i t h realistic features and shaven pate, provenance u n k n o w n . Granite. Second century B.C. H . : 13.9 cm. Paris, Musee du Louvre E. 8060. FIG. 27 27 Head w i t h rosette diadem, from Aquileia. Basalt. Second century B.C. H . : 18.5 cm. Trieste, Civici Musei d i Storia ed Arte 2187. FIG. 28 Statue of man i n pensive m o o d , provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Second century B.C. H . : 49 cm. L o n d o n , The British Museum 34270. 28 B o t h m e r 29 FIG. 31 30 29 Cocked statue head w i t h realistic features, provenance u n k n o w n . Steatite. Second century B.C. turies B . C . Skin folds, w r i n k l e s , a n d crow's-feet at the outer corners o f the eyes were for so l o n g p a r t o f the E g y p t i a n sculptor's r e p e r t o r y t h a t i t is h a r d t o tell w h a t i n the Ptolemaic age is E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n a n d w h a t H . (of head): 7.2 cm. Berlin, is Hellenistic influence. C o m p a r e , for example, a head w i t h realistic fea Agyptisches Museum r o 9 7 2 . tures (fig. 2 4 ) FIG. 30 3 3 o f D y n a s t y x x v n ( 5 2 5 - 4 0 4 B . C . ) w i t h t w o Ptolemaic sculptures, one i n A l e x a n d r i a (fig. 2 5 ) 3 4 a n d another i n Paris (fig. 2 6 ) . 3 5 Head w i t h gloomy features, prove I t is also difficult t o establish h o w m u c h o f the realism of a Greek p o r nance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Second t r a i t is rendered i n the features of an a n o n y m o u s E g y p t i a n n o m a r c h century B.C. H . : 28 cm. Venice, Museo Archeologico d i Venezia, (fig. 2 7 ) . no. 34. pensive m o o d (fig. 2 8 ) , FIG. 3 1 3 6 W h a t is novel i n this stark realism, however, is first o f a l l the 3 7 occasionally i n d i c a t e d by the i n c l i n a t i o n o f the head t o one side (fig. 2 9 ) . 3 8 G l o o m a n d m e l a n c h o l y also emanate f r o m Head w i t h parted lips, provenance these i n t e l l i g e n t faces (fig. 3 0 ) , u n k n o w n . Black marble? Ptole (fig. 3 1 ) . maic Period. H . : 15.2 cm. N e w realistic representations t h a t t o the u n i n i t i a t e d m a y resemble those o f an York, A n t i q u a r i u m , L t d . 40 3 9 sometimes w i t h the lips slightly p a r t e d I t is very difficult t o see this n e w s p i r i t t h r o u g h the facade o f earlier age. I t is the " m o o d " t h a t makes the likenesses of the Ptolemaic Period differ f r o m those of the preceding periods, surely as a result o f the Hellenistic presence. W h a t is n e w i n E g y p t i a n sculpture o f the Ptolemaic age is the b l e n d i n g o f the art o f b o t h nations, E g y p t i a n and Greek (fig. 3 2 ) , 41 achieved i n a series of likenesses t h a t c o m b i n e , i n E g y p t i a n materials a n d techniques, Hellenistic concepts a n d features. T h e finest examples o f the m i x t u r e o f t w o w o r l d s , one aged, one y o u t h f u l , are the H a r r i s head f r o m A l e x a n d r i a i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (fig. 3 3 ) personage, possibly Caesarion ( 4 1 / 3 6 - 3 0 seum (fig. 3 4 ) . 4 3 4 2 a n d the statue o f a r o y a l B.C.), in The Brooklyn M u B o t h s h o w the stylized treatment o f n a t u r a l hair, w h i l e the latter also has the b a n d o f the Hellenistic r u l e r w i t h uraeus, his eyes w i d e open, like those of A l e x a n d e r the Great, the m o u t h d i s d a i n f u l , the w h o l e expressing the thoughtfulness a n d m e l a n c h o l y of the h u m a n face t h a t came t o E g y p t w i t h the Greeks. 223 224 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 32 Ptolemy in? ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B.C.), provenance u n k n o w n . Schist. H . : 37 cm. N e w Haven, Yale University A r t Gallery 4.1.1953 (on loan from the Peabody Museum of N a t u r a l History, Yale University). 32 FIG. 33 Head w i t h curly hair, provenance u n k n o w n , said to come from Alexandria. Schist. First century B.C. H . : 24.5 cm. L o n d o n , The British Museum 55253. FIG. 34 Head of a royal statue, provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt. First century B.C. H . (total statue): 30.5 cm. The B r o o k l y n Museum 54.117. 34 33 Bothmer 225 I n c l o s i n g , i t m a y be useful t o m e n t i o n c e r t a i n features o f E g y p t i a n statuary o f the Ptolemaic Period t h a t u n t i l f a i r l y recently were often a n d w r o n g l y c i t e d as s h o w i n g Greek influence. A m o n g t h e m are: 1. the d r a p e d g a r m e n t o f the male figure w i t h n u m e r o u s folds and pleats; 44 2. the serrated scarf w i t h fringed b o r d e r s ; 3. the pleated female c o s t u m e ; 4. d e v i a t i o n f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e o f arms by the s i d e ; 5. representation o f a p o t h e o s i s ; 6. emphasis o n the shapely female f i g u r e ; 7. the receding h a i r l i n e above the t e m p l e s ; 8. exuberant torso m o d e l i n g . 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 There are, however, t w o features o f the sculptor's craft fre FIG. 35 Head of a kore, from Memphis. q u e n t l y f o u n d i n statuary o f the Ptolemaic Period whose o r i g i n s are Limestone. Late sixth century B . C . c o m p l e x : i n l a i d eyes a n d c o r k s c r e w l o c k s . W h i l e i n l a i d eyes appear f a i r l y H . (total statue): 7 2 cm. Cairo, often i n E g y p t i a n sculpture f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m t o the N e w K i n g The Egyptian M u s e u m C G 2 7 4 3 1 . d o m , after the P^amesside p e r i o d (ended 1 0 7 0 B.C.), they can be f o u n d o n l y i n a few examples: o n a gray granite head o f K i n g O s o r k o n 11 ( 8 8 3 - 8 5 5 B . C . ) from around 870 B . C . , n o w i n Philadelphia; 52 o n a schist head o f K i n g Shabako ( 7 1 2 - 6 9 8 B . C . ) o f a b o u t 705 B . C . , n o w i n B r o o k lyn; 5 3 a n d o n a g i l d e d figure of Isis w i t h H o r u s , dated b y the cartouches of Psamtik 1 ( 6 6 4 - 6 1 0 B.C.), now in London. 5 4 A l i t t l e later, f r o m E g y p t , a l t h o u g h n o t s t r i c t l y E g y p t i a n , is a limestone k o r e f r o m M e m p h i s t h a t has been a t t r i b u t e d t o the last q u a r t e r of the s i x t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 3 5 ) . 5 5 Finally, a male d i o r i t e head, w h i c h m a y date t o D y n a s t y x x x ( 3 8 0 342 B.C.), has b o t h i n l a i d eyes a n d e y e b r o w s . 56 A f t e r this rather sparse use o f i n l a i d eyes, they appear q u i t e often i n the Ptolemaic P e r i o d , i n stone sculpture f o r p r i v a t e persons as w e l l as f o r r o y a l t y (figs. 34, 3 6 ) . 5 7 T h e r e f o r e t h e i r frequent use i n E g y p t after A l e x a n d e r the Great m a y w e l l be due t o the presence o f the Greeks whose o w n statuary often shows this element i n sculpture i n the r o u n d . T h e second feature, namely, c o r k s c r e w locks o n sculptures o f w o m e n i n the Ptolemaic P e r i o d , has thus far been considered t o be o f Egyptian o r i g i n . FIG. 36 Queen's bust w i t h corkscrew locks, provenance u n k n o w n . Basalt. Late Ptolemaic Period. H . : 4 1 cm. Rome, Museo Barracco 4 2 . Photo courtesy of H . W. M u l l e r - A r c h i v e , Universitatsbibliothek Heidelberg, neg. no. 11/794. 5 8 I t m u s t be n o t e d , however, t h a t the c o r k s c r e w locks h a d appeared i n Greek a r t l o n g before they were seen i n E g y p t , 5 9 and it is a q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the hairstyle was n o t a d o p t e d by Greek w o m e n before i t appeared i n E g y p t i a n statuary (fig. 3 6 ) . T h e use o f c o r k s c r e w locks was thus perhaps i n s p i r e d by a Greek p r o t o t y p e , b u t i t was the E g y p t i a n a d a p t a t i o n o f the hairstyle t h a t eventually pervaded the H e l lenistic w o r l d . 226 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA W h i l e E g y p t i a n statues o f the Ptolemaic Period h o l d closely t o long-established native canons, Greek influence sometimes is betrayed i n the t r e a t m e n t o f facial features, coiffure, a n d costume. T h e r e is a n i n creased emphasis o n the n a t u r a l i s t i c m o d e l i n g o f the h u m a n head, espe c i a l l y i n the e x e c u t i o n o f the h a i r , beard, a n d m o u t h . T h e t i l t o f the head a n d the t u r n o f the t o r s o i n r e l a t i o n t o a s t r i c t l y f r o n t a l p o s i t i o n o f the figure are also new. A n o t h e r change is the w e a r i n g o f Greek headdresses, n o t a b l y the M a c e d o n i a n kausia. E g y p t i a n Ptolemaic sculpture exem plifies a successful b l e n d i n g o f t w o separate t r a d i t i o n s , a native one, nearly ended, a n d a y o u n g e r one, v i t a l i z e d by the spread o f Greek ideas t h r o u g h the legacy o f A l e x a n d e r the Great. New York University N E W Y O R K B ot hm er Notes T h e f o r m e r figure: L . B o r c h a r d t , Statuen und t h o u g h t f u l discussion o n Ptolemaic E g y p t i a n sculp 3 Statuetten im ture that c o n t r i b u t e d t o this paper. T h e editors w i s h Museum t o t h a n k R i c h a r d A . Fazzini, D o n a l d Spanel, Bojana General Mojsov, and Asmarina A r o m i n o of The Brooklyn du Caire T h e a u t h o r is g r a t e f u l t o J a c k A . J o s e p h s o n f o r von Konigen und Privatleuten vol. 3 of von Kairo, des Antiquites Catalogue Egyptiennes du Musee (Berlin 1930), p. 74, p i . 139; V . Solia, M u s e u m a n d C a r l a M a r c h i n i of the B r i t i s h M u s e u m " A G r o u p o f R o y a l Sculptures f r o m A b y d o s , " f o r t h e i r g e n e r o u s assistance i n s e c u r i n g Journal permissions Research Center in T h e l a t t e r figure: H . D e M e u l e n a r e a n d erts a n d J e n n i R o d d a o f t h e I n s t i t u t e o f F i n e A r t s at New of the American 29 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 2 1 - 2 2 n . 3 0 , fig. 2 6 . Egypt for sculptures illustrated w i t h this article. N i t a R o b P. M a c K a y , Mendes, Y o r k University were helpful i n securing photos. vol. 2 (Warminster 1976), p . 2 0 0 , n o . 7 4 , p i . 2 7 d . R . S. B i a n c h i , " T h e W a r m e s t t h a n k s are d u e t o t h e c o l l e c t o r s a n d Striding Draped M a l e Figure of Ptolemaic curators w h o graciously a l l o w e d the sculptures i n t h e i r care t o be i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h i s p a p e r . T h e y are E g y p t , " i n H . M a e h l e r a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., Denis Coutagne (Musee Granet, Aix-en-Provence), Das D o r e y a Said ( G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m , A l e x a n d r i a ) , p p . 9 5 - 1 0 2 , discusses t h e d r a p e d m a l e Olga Tzahou-Alexandri (National Archaeological of the Ptolemaic p e r i o d . ptolemdische (Mainz 1978), Agypten figure M u s e u m , Athens), D i e t r i c h W i l d u n g (Agyptisches M u s e u m , Berlin), Christiana M o r i g i Govi (Museo 4 S. S c h o s k e a n d D . W i l d u n g , Agyptische Kunst C i v i c o A r c h e o l o g i c o , Bologna), Luc L i m m e (Musees Munch R o y a u x d ' A r t et d ' H i s t o i r e , Brussels), M o h a m m e d Sammlung Saleh ( T h e E g y p t i a n M u s e u m , C a i r o ) , A r i e l l e K o z l o f f n i c h 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 5 4 , cat. 8 6 , i l l . ; en. (The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t ) , Richard A . Fazzini Cleopatra's (The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m ) , Jean-Luc Chappaz (Musee cat. 3 8 , i l l . Katalog — Handbuch Agyptischer Kunst zur Staatlichen Munchen (Mu (note 1 above), p p . Egypt 133-34, d ' a r t et d ' h i s t o i r e , G e n e v a ) , W . V . D a v i e s ( T h e B r i t i s h M u s e u m , L o n d o n ) , R o s a l i n d H . Janssen (Petrie M u 5 ESLP (note 1 above), p p . x x x i x , 128, 138, seum of E g y p t i a n Archaeology, University College 1 4 3 , 1 5 6 , 1 7 2 - 7 3 , 1 7 6 , cat. 1 3 2 , p i s . 1 2 3 - 2 4 , L o n d o n ) , Sylvia Schoske (Staatliche S a m m l u n g A g y p - figs. 3 2 9 - 3 1 ; R . F a z z i n i et a l . , Ancient t i s c h e r K u n s t , M u n i c h ) , Susan B . M a t h e s o n (Yale tian Art in the Brooklyn University A r t Gallery, N e w Haven), R o b i n Bening- 1 9 8 8 ) , cat. 9 2 , i l l . Egyp (Brooklyn Museum son ( A n t i q u a r i u m , L t d . , N e w Y o r k ) , L e o n a r d Stern (New York), Christiane Ziegler (Musee du Louvre, 6 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 37, 5 9 - 6 2 , 174, Paris), M a r e s i t a N o t a ( M u s e o Barracco, R o m e ) , cat. F 1 , p i . 4 7 . 1 - 3 ; R . R . R . S m i t h , Bengt Peterson (Medelhavsmuseet, Royal Stockholm), G r a z i a B r a v a r ( C i v i c i M u s e i d i S t o r i a ed A r t e , T r i Portraits Hellenistic ( O x f o r d 1988), pp. 87, 93, 170, cat. 7 1 , p i . 4 6 . 2 . este), M a r i s a R i g o n i ( M u s e o A r c h e o l o g i c o , V e n i c e ) . 7 1 B . V . B o t h m e r et a l . , Egyptian Late Period, yoo Sculpture H . K y r i e l e i s , Bildnisse En (hereafter der (note 1 above), p . 156; B. George a n d Medelhavsmuseet: (Stockholm 1982), pp. 1 0 0 - 1 , Introduktion ill. Ptolemaer (Berlin 1 9 7 5 ) . K . Parlasca, " P r o b l e m e der 8 G . Pesce, I I "Palazzo delle colonne" in Tole- spaten Ptolemaerbildnisse," i n H . M a e h t e r maide a n d V . M . S t r o c k a , eds., Das figs. 9 7 - 9 9 ; R . S. B i a n c h i , " C o l l e c t i n g a n d Agypten ptolemdische ( M a i n z 1 9 7 8 ) , p p . 2 5 - 3 0 , figs. 3 6 - 5 1 . R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's Ptolemies, Egypt: Age of di Cirenaica (Rome 1950), p. 80, C o l l e c t o r s , E g y p t i a n S t y l e , " The Bulletin the the Cleveland e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 144-51, ill. 1 9 8 8 ) (hereafter Cleopatra's Museum of Art Schoske a n d W i l d u n g (note 4 above), p p . 1 2 0 , J. J o s e p h s o n s f o r t h c o m i n g s t u d y o n f o u r t h - 1 2 2 , 1 5 4 , cat. 8 5 , i l l . ; Cleopatra's c e n t u r y - B . c . r o y a l p o r t r a i t u r e , Egyptian a b o v e ) , p p . 8 4 - 8 5 , cat. 2, i l l . Sculpture of the Late Period: 400-246 Royal Egypt (note 1 B.C., w i l l discuss h o w D y n a s t y x x x styles c a n be d i s tinguished f r o m those o f the t h i r d - c e n t u r y Ptolemies. of 79 ( M a y 1 9 9 2 ) : Egypt). 9 2 ESLP B. Peterson, " E g y p t e n , " i n the B.C. to A.D. IOO, e x h . cat. (The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i 9 6 0 ) ESLP). of 10 ESLP ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 7 0 - 7 2 , 1 7 3 , cat. 1 3 1 , p i . 1 2 2 , figs. 3 2 7 - 2 8 ; D . W i l d u n g a n d G . G r i m m , Gotter, Pharaonen, e x h . cat. (Essen, V i l l a H i i g e l 1 9 7 8 ) , cat. 1 2 9 , i l l . ; B . V . B o t h m e r , 227 228 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC A L E X A N D R I A " E g y p t i a n Antecedents of R o m a n Republican V e r i s m , " Quaderni di "La Ricerca the clay sealing p o r t r a i t s appear i n S m i t h (note Scientifica" 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 4 , 9 5 - 9 6 ; P. E . S t a n w i c k , " A 1 1 6 ( R o m e 1 9 8 8 ) : 4 7 - 6 5 , figs. 1 - 2 0 , esp. 6 3 . R o y a l Ptolemaic Bust i n A l e x a n d r i a , " of the American I I ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 3 2 , 1 4 1 - 4 2 , cat. ESLP Research Center Journal 29 in Egypt ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 135 n . 16. 1 0 9 , p i . 1 0 1 , figs. 2 7 0 - 7 1 ; G . D . S c o t t i n , An cient Art at Yale ( N e w H a v e n 1 9 8 6 ) , Egyptian 20 p p . 1 6 5 - 6 7 , cat. 9 4 , i l l . 12 R . S. B i a n c h i , " A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t as a K a u s i a D i a d e m a t o p h o r o s f r o m E g y p t , " i n The Intellec tual Heritage to K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 5 , 1 7 7 , cat. H 1 9 ; Ldszlo C . G o v i et a l . , I I senso the Occasion dell'arte nell'Antico Kdkosy Studies by Friends Presented and Colleagues of His 60th Birthday on (Budapest 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 6 9 - 7 5 , pis- n - 1 1 1 . A l t h o u g h B i a n c h i e x h . cat. ( B o l o g n a , M u s e o C i v i c o 1 9 9 0 ) , Egitto, of Egypt: p . 1 9 9 , cat. 1 5 2 , i l l . F o r a discussion o f the attempts t o a t t r i b u t e the head t o the f o u r t h cen H e l l e n i s t i c d i a d e m , see S m i t h ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , t u r y B . C . , t h e r e is v e r y s t r o n g e v i d e n c e t o p l a c e i t i n t h e first c e n t u r y B . C . , as m y a r g u m e n t s i n pp. 3 4 - 3 8 . this article demonstrate. 13 " A d d i t i o n s t o the M u s e u m Collections, D e p a r t m e n t o f A n c i e n t A r t , " The Brooklyn Museum 21 N e w York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t 3 0 . 8 . 7 1 ; p r o v e n a n c e u n k n o w n . ESLP 12 ( 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 0 - 2 1 , i l l . Annual (note 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 6 2 , 1 7 9 , cat. 1 2 5 , p i . 1 1 6 , 14 A . Adriani, "Ritratti dell'Egitto greco-romano," Mitteilungen Instituts, des Deutschen Romische figs. 313-14. Archaologischen 77 (1970): 7 2 - Abteilung 22 T h e a u t h o r t h a n k s Jack A . Josephson for p o i n t 1 0 9 , p i s . 3 2 - 5 1 , esp. p . 9 1 n . 8 5 , p i . 4 6 . 1 ; i n g o u t t h i s passage. T h e w e a r i n g o f t h e G . G r i m m , Die romischen i n t h e first c e n t u r y B . C . m a y h a v e been p a r t o f a Mumienmasken p i . 2 7 . 2 ; E . R u s s m a n n , Egyptian Cairo deliberate a t t e m p t b y the Ptolemies t o legitimize (Wiesbaden 1974), pp. 48, 75, aus Agypten and Luxor their rule i n politically unstable times by i n v o k Sculpture: i n g A l e x a n d e r the Great a n d his M a c e d o n i a n (Austin 1989), pp. 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 , a n c e s t r y ; see C . B o h m , Imitatio no. 9 1 , ill. See ESLP 16 E . D r i o r t o n , Encyclopedie Le Musee du Caire Photo graph ique T h e r e is e x t e n s i v e l i t e r a t u r e o n t h e s u b j e c t o f p o r t r a i t u r e . See, w i t h p r i o r b i b l i o g r a p h y , de J. A s s m a n n , " D i e H i e r o g l y p h e M e n s c h : A g y p (Cairo 1949), pp. 32, 4 7 , fig. 2 0 9 ; A . F a r i d , " G e n e r a l H a t h o r , D a u g h t i s c h e P o r t r a t k u n s t , " Frankfurter t e r o f S t r a t e g o s H j a r g s - P a k o m , " Revue Zeitung, tologie im (note 1 above), p p . 1 5 6 - 5 7 . 23 I'Art, Alexandri (Munich 1989), pp. 1 3 0 - 5 2 . Hellenismus 15 kausia d'Egyp- Ancient 4 1 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 57 n . 1 , 5 8 , 6 3 . Allgemeine 28 M a r c h 1 9 8 7 ; D . Spanel, Eyes: Egyptian Portraiture, Through e x h . cat. ( B i r m i n g h a m M u s e u m of A r t 1988), and the 17 B o t h m e r (note 10 above): 4 8 , 6 1 ; Egypt Orientalis (note 1 above), p p . 1 2 5 - 2 7 , cat. 3 1 , i l l . ; K . - H . Priese, e d . , Das Agyptische Berlin review of this b o o k by R. Tefnin i n Cleopatra's " D a s B i l d n i s i n d e r a g y p t i s c h e n K u n s t : Stile Museum (Mainz 1991), pp. 183, 1 9 4 - 9 5 , c a t u n d F u n k t i o n e n bildlicher Selbstdarstellung," - c h a p . 6 i n i d e m , Stein 116, ill. Gesellschaft 18 Bibliotheca 48 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : cols. 1 1 7 - 1 9 ; ] . A s s m a n n , U n p u b l i s h e d . F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e kausia, im alten und Zeit: Agypten Mensch und ( M u n i c h 1991), pp. 1 3 8 - 6 8 . see C. Saatsoglu-Paliadeli, "Aspects o f A n c i e n t M a c e d o n i a n C o s t u m e , " Journal Studies 113 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 2 2 - 4 7 , of figs. Hellenic 24 Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 37, 4 4 - 4 6 , 1 7 1 , cat. D 2 , p i . 3 3 . 1 , 2 ; S m i t h , p p . 8 7 , 9 7 , 1 7 1 , 1-5, cat. 8 0 , p i . 4 9 . 6 . pis. 1 - i v , w i t h earlier b i b l i o g r a p h y . R o b e r t L u n s i n g h Scheuleer p o i n t e d o u t t h i s s c u l p t u r e t o m e . 25 19 F o r s o m e e x a m p l e s w i t h kausia, t o s , Ta Sphragismata tes Aitolikes Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 54, 1 3 4 - 3 6 , 172, c a t . E 2 , p i . 4 2 . 1 , 2; Cleopatra's see P. A . P a n Egypt (note 1 above), p p . 1 5 2 - 5 3 , cat. 56, i l l . Kallipoleos (Athens 1985), pis. 35.258, 37.263, a n d H . K y r i e l e i s , " B i l d n i s s e des K a i s a r i o n z u Siegela b d r u c k e n aus N e a P a p h o s , " Akten internationalen Archaologie Kongresses fur des XIIL Klassische ( M a i n z 1 9 9 0 ) , p i . 67c. Previous discussion and b i b l i o g r a p h y o n 26 H . Kyrieleis a n d R . R. R. S m i t h also a t t r i b u t e the head t o Ptolemy v n i : Kyrieleis (note 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 6 4 , 1 7 4 , c a t . G 2, p i s . 5 2 . 4 , 5 3 . 1 , 2; S m i t h (note 6 above), p p . 87, 9 3 - 9 4 , 170, cat. 7 3 , p i . 4 7 . 1 , 2 . R . S. B i a n c h i prefers t o see Bothmer t h e h e a d as a n i d e a l physkon figs. type that belongs 1 6 0 - 6 3 ; B o t h m e r (note 10 above), p p . 53, 5 8 , fig. 6. s o m e w h e r e i n the t h i r d t o second c e n t u r y B.C.; Cleopatra's 229 (note i above), p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 , Egypt 34 cat. 53, i l l . H o w e v e r , g i v e n the s t r o n g resem H . S. K . B a k r y , 5000 ans d'art egyptien, exh. blance t o c o i n portraits (Kyrieleis [note 1 c a t . (Brussels, Palais des B e a u x - A r t s i 9 6 0 ) , above], p i . 5 2 . 1 ; Smith [note 6 above], p. 3 2 , cat. 8 6 . p i . 7 5 . 1 7 ) , t h e v i e w t h a t t h e Brussels h e a d r e p r e 27 sents P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes 11 m u s t be c o r r e c t . 35 P a r l a s c a ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , fig. 3 9 . 36 B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 9 , 6 2 , fig. 1 7 . S. C u r t o , L'Egitto e x h . cat. ( B o l o g n a , antico, M u s e o C i v i c o 1 9 6 1 ) , p . 9 1 , cat. 7 7 , p i . 4 2 , 28 M u n i c h , Staatliche S a m m l u n g A g y p t i s c h e r fig. 7 7 . A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p p . 7 4 - 7 5 Kunst AS 5339; provenance u n k n o w n . H . W . n . 7, p i s . 3 3 . 1 , 3 4 . 2 . M i i l l e r attributed this sculpture to Nectanebo I; see H . W . M i i l l e r , Die Agyptische des Bayerischen Staates 37 Sammlung i d e m , " B i l d n i s s e K o n i g N e k t a n e b o s 1. ( 3 8 0 3 6 2 v . C h r . ) , " Pantheon figs. W . Seipel, Gott, Mensch, Pharao, e x h . cat. (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches M u s e u m 1992), ( M u n i c h 1 9 6 6 ) , cat. 6 6 ; p. 4 4 6 , cat. 1 8 3 , i l l . 28 ( 1 9 7 0 ) : 8 9 - 9 9 , 5 - 7 . Parlasca ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , fig. 3 6 , 38 B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 0 , 5 9 , 6 2 , fig. 1 8 . r e - a t t r i b u t e d the w o r k t o P t o l e m y x . 39 29 G . T r a v e r s a r i , Museo Archeologico di Venezia: ritratti u n k n o w n . Originally attributed to Nectanebo 1 p l a t e is e r r o n e o u s l y m a r k e d " 1 0 5 " ) ; A d r i a n i i n ESLP ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p . 7 6 , p i . 3 6 . 3 , 4 ; G o v i ( n o t e (note 1 above), p p . 9 0 - 9 2 , 134, 177, 12 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 2 , n o . 1 5 3 , i l l . cat. 7 3 , p i . 6 9 , figs. 1 7 7 - 8 0 . C . A l d r e d , i n h i s r e v i e w o f ESLP (American Journal of I ( R o m e 1 9 6 8 ) , p p . 1 1 3 - 1 4 , n o . 1 0 4 (the Paris, M u s e e d u L o u v r e E. 8 0 6 1 ; provenance Archaeol ogy 66 [ 1 9 6 2 ] : 2 0 7 - 9 ) , a r g u e d t h a t t h e h e a d 40 U n p u b l i s h e d . ESLP (note 1 above), p p . 1 8 0 - 8 1 , s h o u l d be p l a c e d i n t h e P t o l e m a i c P e r i o d a n d discusses t h e use o f p a r t e d l i p s i n E g y p t i a n suggested P t o l e m y v E p i p h a n e s . A l t h o u g h Par sculpture of the Ptolemaic p e r i o d . lasca ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 2 6 , successfully re a t t r i b u t e d the w o r k t o P t o l e m y x , Cleopatra's 41 ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 1 4 3 , cat. 4 8 , i l l . , Egypt Kyrieleis (note 1 above), p p . 3 7 - 4 2 , 4 4 , 136, 170, c o n t i n u e d t o h o l d the incorrect v i e w that the cat. C 16, p i . 2 8 . 1 - 3 ; S m i t h (note 6 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 7 , 9 3 , 1 6 9 , cat. 7 0 , p i . 4 6 . 1 ; L o u v r e h e a d r e p r e s e n t e d N e c t a n e b o 1. Cleopatra's Egypt (note 1 above), p p . 1 4 7 - 4 8 , cat. 52, i l l . 30 T . D e v e r i a , " C a t a l o g u e des m o n u m e n t s e g y p t i e n s a u M u s e e d ' A i x , " Bibliotheque egyptolo- 42 A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) , p p . 8 6 - 8 7 103, v o l . 4 (Paris 1 8 9 6 ) , p . 2 3 8 . gique, W . V . D a v i e s , Egyptian 31 A d r i a n i ( n o t e 14 a b o v e ) ; B o t h m e r ( n o t e 1 0 n - ^4> p i s . 4 3 . 1 , 4 4 . 4 ; T . G . H . James a n d Sculpture (Cambridge, M a s s . , 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 5 ^ - 5 7 , fig- 6 3 . above), pp. 4 7 - 6 5 . 43 32 A . Page, Egyptian from the Petrie Sculpture, Collection Archaic to ESLP (note 1 above), p p . 133, 1 7 6 - 7 7 , 179, c a t . 1 3 5 , p i . 1 2 7 , figs. 3 3 8 - 3 9 ; K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 1 Saite, above), p p . 7 5 , 1 7 7 , cat. H 18. (Warminster 1976), p . 9 4 , cat. 1 0 5 , i l l . Page m i s t a k e n l y a t t r i b u t e s t h e s c u l p t u r e :o D y n a s t i e s x x v / x x v i ; see 44 Bianchi (note 3 above), p p . 9 8 - 9 9 . 45 B i a n c h i (note 3 above), p p . 9 7 - 9 8 . 46 R . S. B i a n c h i , " N o t t h e Isis K n o t , " Bulletin B. V . B o t h m e r , " E g y p t i a n A n t i q u i t i e s , " i n Antiquities from 33 the Collection of Christos (Mainz 1987), p. 94. G. Bastis the Egyptological S. B . S h u b e r t , " R e a l i s t i c C u r r e n t s i n P o r t r a i t figs. S c u l p t u r e o f t h e Saite a n d P e r s i a n P e r i o d s i n E g y p t , " Journal of the Society for the Study Seminar of 2 (1980): 9 - 3 1 , 1-13. of J. V a n d i e r , Manuel d'archeologie utes t h e L o u v r e b u s t t o t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y B.C. v o l . 3, Les grandes epoques: I , however, w o u l d still h o l d to a Dynasty x x v n 1 9 5 8 ) , p p . 2 2 8 - 2 9 . v n , 2 3 1 . X I I I , pis. L X X V I . 2 , d a t e based o n t h e s t y l i s t i c a n d e p i g r a p h i c e v i 3, L x x v i i . 3 . Egyptian Antiquities 19 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 3 7 - 3 8 , a t t r i b d e n c e discussed i n ESLP 81-83, i o 5> I X (note 1 above), p p . 7 1 , 8 , 134? 1 4 0 , c a t . 6 7 , p i s . 6 4 , 6 5 , 47 egyptienne, La statuaire (Paris 230 ARTS OF 48 HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA B. V . Bothmer, "Apotheosis i n Late Egypt i a n S c u l p t u r e , " Kemi pis. 59 20 (1970): 3 7 - 4 8 , See, f o r e x a m p l e , t w o late s i x t h - c e n t u r y - B . c . k o r a i i l l u s t r a t e d i n R i c h t e r ( n o t e 55 a b o v e ) , VI-XIII. figs. 3 5 8 - 6 7 ( A t h e n s , A c r o p o l i s M u s e u m 5 9 8 a n d 6 8 2 , respectively); a n d the goddess Eirene 49 J. V a n d i e r , " T r o i s statues e g y p t i e n n e s a u M u s e e a n d Ploutos o f the second quarter o f the f o u r t h d u L o u v r e , " La Revue century B . C . ( M u n i c h , Glyptothek 219, a Ro du Louvre 11 (1961): 2 4 7 - 5 4 , de France et des figs. musees 5-9. m a n copy), illustrated i n A . Stewart, Sculpture: 50 51 B i a n c h i (note 3 above), p . 9 9 . Cleopatra's Egypt 1 9 9 0 ) , figs. 4 8 5 - 8 7 - (note 1 above), pp. 6 7 - 7 0 . C o n t r a r y t o the discussion there, however, I still m a i n t a i n t h a t classic t r i p a r t i t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n m i d - D y n a s t y x x v i , a r o u n d 6 0 0 B . C . ; see (note 1 above), p p . x x x v , 54. ESLP 52 Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, The University M u s e u m E 16199, f r o m Tanis. The head joins t o a k n e e l i n g statue, C a i r o , Egyp tian M u s e u m C G 1040. B. V. Bothmer, "The P h i l a d e l p h i a - C a i r o Statue o f O s o r k o n 11 ( M e m b r a D i s p e r s a i n ) , " Journal of Egyptian 4 6 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 3 - 1 1 , pis. i - v i ; Archaeology H . K . Jacquet-Gordon, "The Inscriptions of t h e P h i l a d e l p h i a - C a i r o Statue o f O s o r k o n 11," Journal of Egyptian 46 (i960): Archaeology 1 2 - 2 3 , pis. V I I - V I I I ; K . M y s l i e w i e c , Portraiture Royal x x i - x x x (Mainz of the Dynasties 1988), p p . 16, 24, 115, p i . x x i a - d . 53 The B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 60.74, provenance u n k n o w n . S. W e n i g , Africa of Ancient Nubia in Antiquity: and the Sudan, The Arts v o l . 2, exh. cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 1 7 0 , cat. 8 0 , i l l . 54 L o n d o n , British M u s e u m E A 23050. H . De M e u l e n a e r e , Le surnom 55 egyptien a la Basse (Istanbul 1966), p . 5 n . 13. Epoque G . M . A . R i c h t e r , Korai (London 1968), p. 94, fig. 5 4 0 , n o . 1 7 0 . 56 Private collection, provenance u n k n o w n . ESLP ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p p . 6 5 , 1 0 5 - 7 , cat. 8 4 , p i . 8 0 , figs. 57 107-9. F o r t h e l a t t e r figure, see ESLP (note 1 above), p p . 1 5 8 , 1 7 0 ( e r r o n e o u s l y l i s t e d as R o m e , M u s e o B a r r a c c o 2 9 ) ; G . C a r e d d u , Museo racco di Scultura Antica: La collezione Baregizia ( R o m e 1 9 8 5 ) , p p . 3 8 - 3 9 , cat. 4 3 , fig. 4 3 a - c . 58 W . Needier, "Some Ptolemaic Sculptures i n the Yale U n i v e r s i t y A r t G a l l e r y , " Berytus 9 (1949): 1 3 8 - 4 1 ; E . J. W a l t e r s , " A t t i c G r a v e Reliefs T h a t Represent W o m e n i n the Dress o f Isis," Hesperia, Supplement 22 (Princeton 1988), p . 1 2 ; Cleopatra's Egypt An Exploration, (note 1 above), p . 170. Greek vol. 2 (New Haven 231 The Alexandrian Style- A Mirage? Andrew Stewart M y o r i g i n a l charge was t o tackle the question " A n A l e x a n d r i a n Style: Does I t E x i s t ? " Since this is one o f the m a i n themes o f this meeting a n d has already been addressed by several speakers, I w o u l d like t o d o t w o things. First, t o p u t i t i n c o n t e x t , b o t h t o situate o u r enterprise h i s t o r i cally a n d t o use past scholarship t o i l l u m i n a t e a n d occasionally t o c r i tique o u r present concerns. For as Santayana has w a r n e d us, those w h o ignore h i s t o r y are d o o m e d t o repeat i t . A n d , second, I w a n t t o offer some brief remarks o n three test cases, each very different i n character, as a positive c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the debate. T h e concept o f a specifically A l e x a n d r i a n c o n t r i b u t i o n t o Hellenistic art is just over one h u n d r e d years o l d . I t was the c r e a t i o n o f one m a n , T h e o d o r Schreiber. For m o s t of the nineteenth c e n t u r y i t was c o m m o n l y accepted t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n art was t r i v i a l t o nonexistent. T h e o r t h o d o x v i e w was neatly s u m m e d u p by H e i n r i c h B r u n n w h e n he de clared t h a t A l e x a n d r i a p r o d u c e d n o t h i n g t o m a t c h the achievements o f the Pergamene a n d R h o d i a n schools, p r e s u m a b l y because the strength of the native E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n i n h i b i t e d c r e a t i v i t y there. As B r u n n re m a r k e d o n another occasion, since A l e x a n d r i a h a d n o g o o d stone w i t h i n reach a n d n o incentive t o carve i t , one m i g h t as w e l l expect t o find a school o f skating there as a school of sculpture. Johannes Overbeck a n d L u c y M i t c h e l l accepted this j u d g m e n t w i t h o u t d e m u r i n their h a n d b o o k s of Greek sculpture, first p u b l i s h e d i n 1 8 8 1 a n d 1 8 8 3 , respectively. 1 I n the last fifteen years o f the century, however, the climate of o p i n i o n changed a b r u p t l y , at least i n some quarters. T h e catalyst was an article by T h e o d o r Schreiber i n the Athenische Mitteilungen of 1 8 8 5 , p u b l i s h i n g f o u r bronzes i n the D e m e t r i o c o l l e c t i o n . A grotesque, an 2 A t l a s , a n d t w o caricatures o f blacks (figs. 1, 2 ) , they h a d recently been transferred t o Athens f r o m A l e x a n d r i a a n d were t h e n o n display w i t h other items o f the c o l l e c t i o n i n the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m . I n his article, Schreiber a n n o u n c e d w h a t was t o be his m i s s i o n for the n e x t t h i r t y years, namely, t o s h o w t h a t far f r o m being negligible o r derivative, A l e x a n d r i a n a r t h a d t a k e n a n u m b e r o f paths t h a t were s t r i k i n g l y n e w a n d o r i g i n a l . I n suggesting this, he p o i n t e d t o the huge 3 discrepancy between the archaeological r e c o r d a n d A l e x a n d r i a ' s i n c o m - 232 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. I Grotesque, from Alexandria. Ex-Demetrio collection. Athens, N a t i o n a l Museum. F r o m T. Schreiber, Mitteilungen Deutschen Instituts, des Archaologischen Athenische Abteilung 10 (1885), p i . 10. FIG. 2 Black boy, from Alexandria. Ex-Demetrio collection. Athens, N a t i o n a l Museum. From T. Schreiber, Mitteilungen Deutschen Instituts, Athenische (1885), p i . 12. parable achievements i n literature a n d l e a r n i n g , n o t t o m e n t i o n the ancient descriptions o f Ptolemaic m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , such as Athenaios's accounts o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos's great procession a n d s y m p o s i u m tent a n d o f Philopator's fabulous r i v e r b o a t (see Pfrommer, figs. 9, 10 above). As N i k o l a u s H i m m e l m a n n has r e m a r k e d , b e h i n d Schreiber's w h o l e p r o j ect was the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t even i n the Hellenistic p e r i o d , r e g i o n a l styles were still alive a n d p o t e n t . 4 H e r e , Schreiber was s w i m m i n g i n the m a i n stream o f late nineteenth-century art history, w h i c h was fascinated w i t h r e g i o n a l i s m a n d its artistic manifestations. B u t there is m o r e : o n l y five years before, i n 1 8 8 0 , the first slabs of the Great A l t a r o f Pergamon h a d gone o n display i n B e r l i n , causing a sensation. Hellenistic art, h i t h e r t o 5 restricted t o i n d i v i d u a l masterpieces such as the N i k e o f Samothrace a n d a mass o f copies, was n o w very definitely o n the m a p . Schreiber's p r o m o t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a ' s c l a i m t o fame was surely his w a y of responding and perhaps o f securing f o r h i m s e l f a n e w piece o f the a c t i o n . des Archaologischen Abteilung 10 Stewart I n a b r i l l i a n t l y evocative t e n pages, Schreiber sketched a v i v i d p i c t u r e o f a " f l o u r i s h i n g , n e w Greek l o c a l s c h o o l , " a m a j o r center o f H e l l e n i s t i c art. Its p r o d u c t s , he asserted, were p a t r o n i z e d by the A l e x a n d r i a n p o p u l a c e o n the one h a n d a n d the c o u r t o n the other; were charac terized b y specific l o c a l techniques, subjects, a n d styles; a n d p r o f o u n d l y influenced the a r t o f o t h e r H e l l e n i s t i c centers a n d o f R o m a n I t a l y . 6 Basing his a p p r o a c h o n the o p i n i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y G e r m a n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y t h a t the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n c u l t u r e was c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m , Schreiber argued t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n a r t was essentially c o s m o p o l i t a n , t o o . I t often made use o f c e r t a i n E g y p t i a n techniques, such as stucco a n d p i e c i n g , a n d tended t o use E g y p t i a n m o t i f s i n decorative c o n t e x t s . T h e small-scale genre figures (and t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s , the m a r b l e peas ants, fishermen, a n d derelicts) were made f o r the A l e x a n d r i a n p o p u l a c e . Stressing t h e i r extreme r e a l i s m t h a t often shaded i n t o c y n i c i s m , he saw t h e m as either uncensored vignettes o f street a n d c o u n t r y life o r parodies o n the dissolute orgies o f the C a n o p u s . A t this level, he observed, the A l e x a n d r i a n aesthetic p r i v i l e g e d t r u t h over b e a u t y — i n stark c o n t r a s t t o the A t t i c s c h o o l . T h e c o u r t , o n the other h a n d , e m p l o y e d i m m i g r a n t artists t o create r o y a l p o r t r a i t s a n d ideal w o r k s i n an a t t i c i z i n g (by w h i c h he m e a n t P r a x i t e l e a n ) style characterized by soft, f l u i d m o d e l i n g a n d a 7 suppression o r s l u r r i n g o f secondary d e t a i l . I f a l l this sounds r e m a r k a b l y f a m i l i a r , i t is because i t has been repeated i n a h u n d r e d h a n d b o o k s over the years, often w i t h l i t t l e o r n o change b u t usually w i t h o u t a c k n o w l e d g m e n t — o r perhaps even r e c o g n i t i o n — o f its o r i g i n a l source. A n d i n a final flourish, Schreiber listed a series o f " A l e x a n d r i a n " m o t i f s i n R o m a n o - C a m p a n i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e , sculpture, a n d p a i n t i n g a n d even characterized the H o u s e o f the F a u n i n P o m p e i i as t h o r o u g h l y A l e x a n d r i a n i n style a n d d e c o r a t i o n — i n c l u d i n g , o f course, the A l e x a n d e r M o saic a n d the N i l o t i c landscape t h a t f r o n t e d i t . Excessive t h o u g h some o f this was, i t s h o u l d n o t lead us t o o v e r l o o k Schreiber's e x t r a o r d i n a r y o r i g i n a l i t y . I f anyone were t o ask me t o c o m p i l e an a n t h o l o g y o f the t w e n t y m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l articles i n the field, this article w o u l d definitely be a m o n g t h e m . W r i t t e n at a t i m e w h e n m o s t w o r k o n ancient a r t was p o s i t i v i s t i n the extreme, i t has m u c h t o teach us. O n the one h a n d , its evocative i n t e g r a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l a n d social h i s t o r y , l i t e r a t u r e , a n d a r t is b o t h p o w e r f u l a n d s t r i k i n g l y m o d e r n , b u t , o n the other, its n a r r o w f a c t u a l basis made its w h o l e thesis dangerously unstable a n d p r o n e t o s p i n o u t o f c o n t r o l . O v e r the n e x t q u a r t e r century, i t proceeded t o d o just t h a t , as Schreiber proceeded t o pile m o r e a n d m o r e u p o n i t . Soon he h a d added the H e l l e n i s t i c a n d R o m a n landscape reliefs, w a l l e n c r u s t a t i o n i n c o l o r e d m a r b l e a n d its plaster i m i t a t i o n s , m o s t i f n o t a l l G r a e c o - R o m a n em bossed m e t a l w o r k , a n d even m a n y p o r t r a i t s o f A l e x a n d e r the Great t o the achievements o f the A l e x a n d r i a n s c h o o l . M a n y o f the w o r k s he i n 8 233 234 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA eluded were w i t h o u t provenance o r came f r o m outside E g y p t — a n o m i nous development. Schreiber's v i s i o n o f A l e x a n d r i a as the r a d i a n t center of H e l lenistic a n d early R o m a n art, i l l u m i n a t i n g a l l w h o came i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h i t , a t t r a c t e d m a n y f o l l o w e r s . T h i s was, after a l l , the h i g h summer o f E u r o p e a n e x p a n s i o n i s m , G e r m a n as w e l l as French a n d B r i t i s h , a n d c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m was very m u c h i n vogue. T w o o f t h e m deserve m e n t i o n here for the r e m a r k a b l e l o n g e v i t y o f t h e i r ideas: E d m o n d C o u r b a u d , w h o re duced Schreiber's r i c h a n d variegated c o n s t r u c t i o n t o a simple contrast between Pergamene " r e a l i s m " a n d the A l e x a n d r i a n " p i c t u r e s q u e , " a n d W e r n e r Weisbach, w h o located the o r i g i n s o f i m p r e s s i o n i s m i n A l e x a n drian tomb painting. 9 Needless t o say, Schreiber's s h i n i n g edifice o f hypothesis d i d n o t go unchallenged. C r i t i c s s w i f t l y spotted its weaknesses a n d p o l i t e l y b u t relentlessly set a b o u t exposing t h e m . I n 1895 Franz W i c k h o f f dis p u t e d the A l e x a n d r i a n o r i g i n s o f the landscape reliefs, c l a i m i n g t h e m f o r R o m a n a r t o n the g r o u n d s t h a t they h a d m o s t l y been f o u n d i n I t a l y b u t never i n A l e x a n d r i a , were usually o f I t a l i a n m a r b l e , a n d were best p a r a l leled i n R o m a n o - C a m p a n i a n p a i n t i n g a n d o n the A r a Pacis. 10 I n 1897, Ernest G a r d n e r p o i n t e d o u t yet again t h a t the ancient sources tell o f n o great A l e x a n d r i a n sculptors a n d t h a t archaeology h a d so far revealed n o great m o n u m e n t o f A l e x a n d r i a n art. H e was, however, prepared t o c o n cede at least a share i n the c r e a t i o n of the landscape reliefs t o the A l e x a n d r i a n elite's desire t o escape "the dreary level o f the D e l t a " f o r "the trees a n d m o u n t a i n s a n d breezes o f Cos a n d Sicily." 11 B u t w i t h this par t i a l e x c e p t i o n , he clearly t h o u g h t t h a t A l e x a n d r i a n a r t was neither par t i c u l a r l y o r i g i n a l n o r p a r t i c u l a r l y creative. I n 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 0 4 , A . J. B . Wace n o t e d t h a t the small-scale grotesques were f o u n d as m u c h i n Asia M i n o r as i n E g y p t , a n d he argued t h a t the " r e v o l t i n g b r u t a l i t y " o f the m a r b l e peasants, fishermen, a n d derelicts was u n - H e l l e n i c and therefore R o m a n . As he d r i l y r e m a r k e d , "Such art goes b e y o n d nature i n its search f o r subjects t o give a fillip t o the jaded tastes o f its p a t r o n s . " H e also m a r shaled m o r e arguments against the supposed A l e x a n d r i a n o r i g i n s o f the landscape r e l i e f s . A n d i n 1 9 1 0 , M . A . Ruffer traced the h i s t o r y o f the 12 grotesque i n E g y p t back t o the early t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , thereby r e c l a i m i n g the genre f o r E g y p t i a n a r t . 13 So b y the o u t b r e a k o f W o r l d W a r 1, w h a t its critics n o w derisively t e r m e d " p a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m " was under heavy attack f r o m a l l sides. Yet just w h e n i t seemed t h a t Schreiber's p o s i t i o n was n o longer tenable, s a l v a t i o n o f a sort came i n the f o r m o f n e w finds o f m a r bles, plaster casts, silverware, p a i n t i n g s , a n d terracottas i n a n d a r o u n d A l e x a n d r i a , i n the D e l t a , a n d elsewhere. These gave w e l c o m e s u p p o r t t o some o f his ideas, t h o u g h they c o m p l i c a t e d the p i c t u r e q u i t e c o n siderably o n other f r o n t s . 14 These developments p r o m p t e d the y o u n g Stewart FIG. 3 Ptolemaic k i n g , probably Ptolemy i v Philopator, from the Serapeion at Alexandria. Ca. 2 1 7 - 2 0 5 B . C . Paris, Musee du Louvre M a 3168. Photo: Documentation photographique de la Reunion des musees nationaux. A . W . Lawrence t o issue w h a t was clearly i n t e n d e d t o be the c o u p de grace t o p a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m i n 1 9 2 5 J 5 I n a magisterial a n d devastating first f o o t n o t e , Lawrence dismissed the landscape reliefs once m o r e , reassigned m o s t o f the terracotta grotesques a n d plaster m o l d s t o the R o m a n p e r i o d , l i m i t e d A l e x a n d r i a n p r i o r i t y t o the First Style o f P o m p e i a n m u r a l d e c o r a t i o n , c o m m e n d e d the city's " g o o d r e c o r d " i n ceramics a n d silverware, l a m basted the p o o r q u a l i t y of its jewelry, a n d n o t e d the p a i n t e d gravestones w i t h o u t c o m m e n t . H i s m a i n target, however, was A l e x a n d r i a n sculpture, a n d he characteristically made his o p i n i o n s a b o u t i t clear f r o m the very start. " I t has been said t h a t an A l e x a n d r i a n School existed w i t h ideals m a r k e d l y different f r o m those o f the rest o f the H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . T h i s question m u s t be settled i f the development o f H e l l e n i s t i c sculpture is t o be traced; I have therefore collected w h a t remains o f G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n w o r k i n the r o u n d , a n d I w i s h people t o l o o k at the c o l l e c t i o n a n d see t h a t i t is b a d . " 1 6 R e l y i n g u p o n w o r k s a c t u a l l y f o u n d i n E g y p t , Lawrence n o t e d t h a t the t e r m " A l e x a n d r i a n " was overly n a r r o w , f o r t a k e n l i t e r a l l y i t ex c l u d e d m a t e r i a l f r o m the chora. 17 H e t h e n traced f o u r m a i n phases i n w h a t he called G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n sculpture. First, under P t o l e m y 1, came a p e r i o d o f eclecticism, w i t h Praxiteles the m a i n source o f i n s p i r a t i o n , as i n the other H e l l e n i s t i c centers. N e x t , under the second a n d t h i r d Ptole mies, sculptors t u r n e d t o passionate extravagance, exaggerating a n d dis t o r t i n g t h e i r w o r k f o r expressive effect. ( E x c o r i a t i n g the head i l l u s t r a t e d i n figure 3 here, he singled o u t t h a t of a Ptolemaic queen [see D a s z e w s k i 235 236 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA fig. i above], n o w dated almost a century later, as the finest w o r k i n this otherwise lamentable s t y l e . ) Yet a naturalistic r e a c t i o n was already 18 u n d e r w a y by a b o u t 2 5 0 , a n d by the end o f the century i t d o m i n a t e d the s c u l p t u r a l scene. T h e n , after the native revolts o f the late t h i r d a n d early second centuries a n d the depraved rule o f P h i l o p a t o r , the art w e n t r a p i d l y d o w n h i l l , as exemplified by the sculptures o f the Serapeion at M e m p h i s a n d the Copenhagen Soter. Finally, at the end, "later artistic movements i n the c o u n t r y are semi-oriental: thus a r e v i v a l i n native sculpture oc c u r r e d i n the first c e n t u r y B . C . , w h e n some curious p o r t r a i t s were t u r n e d o u t under G r a e c o - R o m a n influence." 1 9 Lawrence thus saw the h i s t o r y o f Ptolemaic sculpture as a classic c o l o n i a l progression o f s u b j u g a t i o n , d o m i n a t i o n , retrenchment, decadence, a n d finally collapse. So a u t h o r i t a t i v e , n o t t o say a u t h o r i t a r i a n , was his survey t h a t B e r n a r d A s h m o l e felt able t o echo its dismissive tone i n his a n d J o h n Beazley's h a n d b o o k o f 1 9 3 2 . I b r a h i m N o s h y , t o o , b o r r o w e d its c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k ( t h o u g h n o t its negative tone) w h e n under Ashmole's t u t o r s h i p he w r o t e his b o o k - l e n g t h survey o f Ptolemaic art i n 1 9 3 7 . 20 N o s h y also c o n c l u d e d t h a t each c o m m u n i t y k e p t t o itself a n d t h a t cross-fertilization was m i n i m a l ; he believed t h a t the grotesques, f o r example, were " p u r e l y G r e e k . " 21 Yet t h o u g h Noshy's b o o k is derivative a n d l i t t l e read today, i t is interesting t h a t he d i d n o t entirely b u y i n t o his m e n t o r s ' c o l o n i a l i s t line: I n his view, E g y p t i a n char acteristics p r e d o m i n a t e d i n the so-called Graeco-Egyptian w o r k i n h a r d stone, because w h e n the t w o races d i d i n t e r m a r r y , the E g y p t i a n "cast o f mind" won out. 2 2 I n 1 9 3 9 , Frederik Poulsen posed the question anew i n an article e n t i t l e d " G a b es eine alexandrinische Kunst? " 2 3 H e accepted the all-pervasive influence o f Praxiteles u p o n Ptolemaic sculpture b u t c o n structed a n e w c h r o n o l o g y for i t based u p o n a p a r t i a l separation o f genres—a n e w a n d significant step. A f t e r an i n i t i a l p e r i o d of eclecticism, the p o r t r a i t s o f the kings become m a s k l i k e , w o m e n m o r e naturalistic, a n d gods f r a n k l y b a r o q u e — a t least f r o m the second century. L i k e N o s h y , Poulsen also accepted A l e x a n d r i a n p r i m a c y i n the grotesque a n d i n c a r i catures, a n d A l e x a n d r i a n influence u p o n Pompeian p a i n t i n g . H e also t o o k u p a t h o u g h t o f F r i e d r i c h W i l h e l m v o n Bissing t h a t the so-called G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i t s m i g h t have i n s p i r e d R o m a n r e p u b l i c a n verism. H e was, i n c i d e n t a l l y , the first H e l l e n i s t t h a t I k n o w of t o treat t h e m sympathetically. M e a n w h i l e , p u b l i c a t i o n o f finds i n the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m h a d been proceeding apace, directed first by Evaristo Breccia a n d t h e n by A c h i l l e A d r i a n i , w h o succeeded Breccia i n 1 9 3 2 . I n 1 9 5 8 , after he h a d r e t i r e d t o Palermo, A d r i a n i p u b l i s h e d a s u m m a r y o f his o p i n i o n s for the Enciclopedia delVarte antica, classica e orientate. 24 I n i t , he refined Poulsen's c h r o n o l o g y for the sculpture, a r g u i n g t h a t Praxitelean sfumato, Stewart FIG. 4 Bronze cup w i t h landscape scene. Early(?) t h i r d century B . C . Alex andria, Graeco-Roman Museum 25263. From A . A d r i a n i , Diva- gazioni intorno ad una coppa paesistica del Museo di Alessan dria (Rome 1959), p i . A . so far f r o m w a n i n g as the years progressed, eventually came t o d o m i n a t e the A l e x a n d r i a n style t o the e x c l u s i o n o f a l l else, e m p t y i n g its p r o d u c t s of s p i r i t u a l c o n t e n t . Reasserting A l e x a n d r i a ' s c l a i m t o have h a d a m a j o r i m p a c t u p o n H e l l e n i s t i c a n d R o m a n landscape, A d r i a n i a n n o u n c e d his f o r t h c o m i n g p u b l i c a t i o n o f a bronze cup i n A l e x a n d r i a w i t h a landscape scene (fig. 4) i n s u p p o r t . 25 H e t o o k A l e x a n d r i a n p r i m a c y i n the grotesque a n d i n caricatures as a foregone c o n c l u s i o n a n d cautiously accepted A l e x a n d r i a n i m p r e s s i o n i s m i n p a i n t i n g . H e also says n o t a w o r d a b o u t possible E g y p t i a n influence u p o n A l e x a n d r i a n art. I n this he c o n f o r m e d completely t o c o n t e m p o r a r y o r t h o d o x y , w h i c h , as we have seen, r i g h t l y o r w r o n g l y i n c l i n e d t o a k i n d of c u l t u r a l a p a r t h e i d . Yet i t is A d r i a n i ' s s u m m a r y of A l e x a n d r i a n achievements i n the arts t h a t is o f greatest interest, f o r i t puts o u r present p r o b l e m i n the strongest perspective. Alexandria was indeed a fervid and fecund center of Hellenistic art. I n its long history, its art manifests a singular p l u r a l i t y of aspects. I t was an art b o t h of pure Greek traditions and eclectically Graeco-Egyptian; it loved the most dreamy idealization 237 238 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA and the crudest realism; i n sculpture i t had a taste for sfumato, for sketchy pictorialism, but just as much for the minutest de tail; like none other, i t was an art for a refined, decadent elite, but also a popular one too; unequal i n the quality of its production. 26 A l t h o u g h A d r i a n i p r o c l a i m e d h i m s e l f a moderate a n d ex p l i c i t l y disclaimed any t h o u g h t s o f reverting t o turn-of-the-century p a n A l e x a n d r i a n i s m , his sympathies are clear. T h o u g h he o b v i o u s l y believed, l i k e Schreiber, t h a t c o s m o p o l i t a n i s m was the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n art, just as i t was the essence o f A l e x a n d r i a n society, the incoherence o f his s u m m a t i o n is t e l l i n g , for i t p o i n t s t o a peculiar d i l e m m a . Those w h o be lieve i n a " f e r v i d a n d f e c u n d " A l e x a n d r i a , t o use A d r i a n i ' s o w n w o r d s , f i n d themselves o v e r w h e l m e d by the chaotic diversity o f the far-flung m a t e r i a l c o n f r o n t i n g t h e m , w h i l e the m i n i m a l i s t s have far less t r o u b l e i n characterizing an A l e x a n d r i a n style b u t can o n l y disparage i t once they have done so. Together, they suggest t h a t t o l o o k for an overarching, i m p o r t a n t , a n d a u t h e n t i c a l l y Ptolemaic style is t o pursue a mirage a n d t h a t the answer lies elsewhere. I n his article, A d r i a n i called f o r renewed investigation of i n d i v i d u a l genres a n d groups o f m o n u m e n t s , a process t h a t he h i m s e l f d i d m u c h t o f u r t h e r w i t h his Repertorio delVArte delVEgitto greco-romano. I n recent years m a n y scholars have answered the call. I single o u t five: Blanche R. Brown's m o n o g r a p h o n the paintings a n d mosaics, H e l m u t Kyrieleis's o n the ruler p o r t r a i t s , N i k o l a u s H i m m e l m a n n ' s o n the g r o tesques, W i k t o r Daszewski's o n the mosaics alone, a n d M i c h a e l P f r o m mer's o n the m e t a l w o r k a n d j e w e l r y . T h e y i m p l i c i t l y base themselves 27 o n the suspicion t h a t genre style may be m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n p e r i o d style i n the H e l l e n i s t i c age, b u t they are also receptive t o the o l d idea t h a t the H e l l e n i s t i c k o i n e does n o t e x p l a i n or account for e v e r y t h i n g — t h a t i n the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d l o c a l styles m i g h t still be a p o t e n t f o r c e . 28 Indeed, some o f these scholars have gone further, r e v i v i n g an other o l d n o t i o n , t h a t the l o c a l m i l i e u eventually h a d a p r o f o u n d a n d lasting effect u p o n the genres they have studied; they discern, i n other w o r d s , a g r a d u a l e g y p t i a n i z i n g o f certain genres as t i m e progresses. Sug gested by Kyrieleis as an e x p l a n a t i o n for the stereometric character o f m a n y o f his ruler p o r t r a i t s , this idea was recently t a k e n u p o n a g r a n d scale by G i i n t e r G r i m m i n a brief b u t w i d e - r a n g i n g survey o f Ptolemaic arts i n a v o l u m e expressly dedicated t o c u l t u r a l interchange i n E g y p t . 29 So by the 1980s the climate h a d clearly changed: w i t h i m p e r i a l i s m n o w discredited, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m was again i n the air. M e a n w h i l e , a m o n g some Egyptologists, a k i n d o f feisty n a t i o n a l i s m h a d t a k e n h o l d , r e c l a i m i n g the so-called G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i t s i n h a r d stone for E g y p t , re-evaluating t h e i r artistic a n d social w o r t h , a n d soon d e n y i n g t h a t the Stewart genre l o o k e d t o Greek a r t at a l l . 3 0 So as the c o l o n i z i n g West g r a d u a l l y capitulates t o the l o c a l m i l i e u , the c o l o n i z e d East gets its revenge: here, as so often i n the h u m a n i t i e s , c o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i t i c s a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r a l values shape o u r d i s c i p l i n e , often m o r e t h a n its p r a c t i t i o n e r s recognize o r perhaps care t o a d m i t . I hope t h a t this extended preamble has helped t o p u t the arth i s t o r i c a l issues before us i n c o n t e x t . I t s h o u l d also have s h o w n t h a t w h a t goes a r o u n d , comes a r o u n d : Fashions m a y change, b u t the same questions often persist l o n g after t h e i r usefulness is over, a n d the same stale answers have a h a b i t o f r e s u r r e c t i n g themselves. N o w i t is t i m e t o come clean w i t h m y o w n o p i n i o n s . First, i t is indeed t i m e t o take stock; I w o u l d l i k e t o t h i n k t h a t this was the p o i n t o f m y o r i g i n a l charge, t o address the q u e s t i o n " A n A l e x a n d r i a n Style: Does I t E x i s t ? " A s has appeared, scholars have at t e m p t e d t o chase the mirage o f an a u t h e n t i c a l l y A l e x a n d r i a n a r t style over a n d over again i n the past c e n t u r y w i t h conspicuous lack o f success. G i v e n the city's c o m p l e x h i s t o r y , i n t r i c a t e c u l t u r e , a n d m a n g l e d archae ology, o n the one side, a n d the range o f genres a n d m e d i a i t p r o d u c e d , o n the other, their f a i l u r e is h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g . For even i n the m o s t fa v o r a b l e circumstances, any generally acceptable d e f i n i t i o n w o u l d be at best c r u d e l y reductive, at w o r s t as i n c o h e r e n t as A d r i a n i ' s . So s h o u l d the q u e s t i o n be r e f o r m u l a t e d ; s h o u l d A l e x a n d r i a n styles, i n the p l u r a l , be the focus o f i n q u i r y ? Even this seems t o o f o r m a l ist a n d c o u n t e r t o the d r i f t o f c u r r e n t scholarship. For i n recent years, several cherished icons o f A l e x a n d r i a n a r t have fallen l i k e n i n e p i n s , f r o m H a d r a vases, t o " r o u g h " bronzes, t o p i c t o r i a l i m p r e s s i o n i s m . Late f o u r t h - c e n t u r y V e r g i n a has p r o d u c e d a p a i n t e d landscape t h a t casts any t h i n g f r o m E g y p t i n t o the shade. 31 Perhaps i t is t i m e t o a d d Praxitelean- style sfumato t o the list, f o r hundreds o f D e l i a n sculptures a n d dozens of statuettes i n the magazines o f the A t h e n i a n A g o r a display the same characteristic surface m o d e l i n g — u n l e s s one s h o u l d revert t o t u r n - o f - t h e c e n t u r y practice a n d label t h e m A l e x a n d r i a n t o o ! Instead, we s h o u l d ask h o w m u c h the c i t y c o n t r i b u t e d t o the v a r i o u s genres of H e l l e n i s t i c a r t a n d w h a t the nature o f t h a t c o n t r i b u t i o n was, genre by genre. A d r i a n i , B r o w n , K y r i e l e i s , D a s z e w s k i , a n d P f r o m mer have blazed the t r a i l , a n d others are n o w f o l l o w i n g t h e i r lead. F u l l a n d up-to-date p u b l i c a t i o n o f the a r c h i t e c t u r e , bronzes, terracottas, plaster m o l d s , decorative m e t a l w o r k , coins, a n d so o n , are desperately needed t o keep the debate f r o m g e t t i n g o u t o f c o n t r o l a n d t o quash the t e m p t a t i o n t o b u i l d castles i n the air. P a n - A l e x a n d r i a n i s m is b y n o means dead, a n d eternal vigilance is r e q u i r e d t o keep i t i n check. A n d second, as m u c h assistance as possible m u s t be given t o the E g y p t i a n a u t h o r i t i e s t o stop the p l u n d e r i n g o f sites a n d t o l i m i t the trade i n illegal a n t i q u i t i e s . 239 240 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA For n o t o n l y are thieves a n d smugglers destroying contexts at a cata s t r o p h i c rate, b u t dealers' provenances c a n n o t be relied o n a n d so m a k e the objects they sell a l l b u t useless f o r o u r i n q u i r y . To r e t u r n t o genres a n d the eternal question of the " A l e x a n d r i a n c o n t r i b u t i o n " : H e r e , by w a y o f example, are three test cases, each manifesting p r o b l e m s o f a quite different k i n d . T h e first concerns a genre t h a t a p p a r e n t l y h a r d l y existed i n A l e x a n d r i a ; the second addresses a c o n troversy over h o w a distinctive characteristic o f another genre is t o be i n t e r p r e t e d ; a n d the t h i r d focuses o n a feature o f several genres t h a t c l a m o r s f o r m o r e a t t e n t i o n t h a n i t has yet received. First, the missing genre: p r i v a t e , n o n r o y a l p o r t r a i t u r e i n m a r ble o r bronze. H o n o r a r y a n d v o t i v e p o r t r a i t s o f private persons a b o u n d i n the H e l l e n i s t i c cities o f Greece a n d Asia M i n o r , attested n o t o n l y by s u r v i v i n g p o r t r a i t s o f this i l k b u t also by thousands o f inscribed statue bases. Yet there are n o t o n l y very few A l e x a n d r i a n candidates f o r private p o r t r a i t s t o set against the dozens of r o y a l ones t h a t have survived, b u t a q u i c k l o o k t h r o u g h W i l h e l m Dittenberger's Orientis selectae, the Supplementum Prosopographia Ptolemaica epigraphicum Graecum, Graeci ins crip tiones a n d p a r t o f the has t u r n e d u p h a r d l y any inscribed statue bases o f this k i n d . T h i s is very o d d i n d e e d — u n t i l one realizes t h a t ex actly the same s i t u a t i o n seems t o have prevailed at t w o other r o y a l capi tals, Pergamon a n d A n t i o c h . 3 2 O n e e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t a l t h o u g h P t o l e m y Soter gave A l e x a n d r i a a t i t u l a r independence i n the f o r m of a c o u n c i l a n d an assembly, i n reality the c i t y was his o w n possession. Perhaps, t h e n , the mechanisms of social exchange t h a t generated m u c h H e l l e n i s t i c private p o r t r a i t u r e i n the independent o r quasi-independent poleis—private benefactions t o the m u n i c i p a l i t y , a n d so o n — s i m p l y d i d n o t f u n c t i o n there. I n this c o n n e c t i o n , i t is interesting t h a t i n Ptolemaic E g y p t , private citizens of ten made t h e i r dedications t o the gods on behalf of the k i n g . 3 3 Clearly, they felt it.necessary t o include h i m i n the t r a n s a c t i o n . Since the i n s c r i p tions also prove t h a t they often c o m m i s s i o n e d r o y a l p o r t r a i t s t o o , 3 4 it is possible t h a t these a c t u a l l y substituted f o r their o w n o n numerous occasions. Second, the debate a b o u t w h e t h e r the stereometric character of m a n y t h i r d - c e n t u r y r o y a l p o r t r a i t s i n m a r b l e (cf. D a s z e w s k i f i g . i above) is due t o the sculptors' s l o w a d o p t i o n o f E g y p t i a n style o r t o a desire t o classicize. T h e e g y p t i a n i z i n g t h e o r y was first p r o p o s e d by L a w r e n c e a n d seductively argued by Kyrieleis, w h i l e a classicizing t r e n d is c h a m p i o n e d by M a r t i n R o b e r t s o n a n d R. R. R. S m i t h . T h e latter is 3 5 perhaps m o r e plausible, f o r three m a i n reasons. To begin w i t h , exactly the same development is t o be seen i n the A l e x a n d e r coins that Soter m i n t e d f r o m a r o u n d 3 2 1 u n t i l his a s s u m p t i o n o f the d i a d e m i n 3 0 5 . A g gressive a n d craggy at first, Alexander's face soon becomes r o u n d e r a n d Stewart fuller. T h e m o d e l i n g is smoother a n d blander, the features m o r e stylized, the expression m o r e composed; a h a l o o f h a i r n o w frames the face, eas ing the t r a n s i t i o n t o the semidivine a n d d i v i n e attributes t h a t encase i t (figs. 5a, b ) . Alexander's d r i v i n g energy a n d irresistible charisma give way t o the stately repose of the universal m o n a r c h . T h i s is n o t egyptian- i z i n g b u t classicizing, the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a g o d o n earth. N e x t , like the coins, the m a r b l e p o r t r a i t s were a i m e d at an audience t h a t was largely Greek. N o w , Greeks w o u l d n o t o n l y n a t u r a l l y i n t e r p r e t this k i n d o f simple structure as classicizing b u t they w o u l d also FIG. 5a Tetradrachm minted by Ptolemy I Soter of Egypt, obverse. Silver. judge any m a j o r a t t e m p t at e g y p t i a n i z i n g pejoratively, as a c a p i t u l a t i o n to the conquered. F r o m the late t h i r d c e n t u r y i n p a r t i c u l a r , w i t h the Ca. 3 1 5 - 3 0 5 B . C . Hess/Leu sale, regime increasingly under threat, any h i n t of such weakness w o u l d surely 15 A p r i l 1957, lot 313. Photo: be studiously avoided by k i n g a n d sculptor alike. Echoes o f the classical, H i r m e r Fotoarchiv no. 15.0797 v. on the other h a n d , w o u l d have h a d decidedly positive c o n n o t a t i o n s , sug gesting ( a m o n g other things) social a n d p o l i t i c a l stability, adherence t o t r a d i t i o n , close ties t o the Greek m o t h e r l a n d , perhaps even the resurrec t i o n of a past g o l d e n age. A n d finally, the p o r t r a i t of t h a t m o s t ecumeni cal o f the Ptolemies, Cleopatra v n , the o n l y one a m o n g t h e m t o learn Egyptian, 36 e x h i b i t s n o t a trace o f E g y p t i a n style. Instead, she models herself firmly a n d decisively o n the greatest of the Ptolemaic queens, A r s i n o e . A f o r t i o r i , t h e n , we s h o u l d n o t expect her predecessors t o have t r o d w h e r e she so conspicuously refrained. FIG. 5b T h i r d , there is a characteristic of A l e x a n d r i a n art t h a t , w h i l e Reverse of tetradrachm, fig. 5a. certainly n o t exclusive t o A l e x a n d r i a , seems t o have been p a r t i c u l a r l y at Athena, legend A L E X A N D R O U . h o m e a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l developed at the Ptolemaic c o u r t : a dedica Photo: H i r m e r Fotoarchiv no. 15.0797 R. t i o n t o allegory, s y m b o l , a n d m e t a p h o r . A m o n g the m o s t recent of a l o n g line of scholars t o identify an interest i n allegory, a l l u s i o n , a n d signs as p a r t i c u l a r l y characteristic of the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d is J o h n O n i a n s . I n his provocative b o o k Art and Thought in the Hellenistic Age, he p o i n t s t o such w e l l - k n o w n m o n u m e n t s as the Tyche of A n t i o c h a n d the C a l u m n y of A p e l l e s . T h o u g h n o t the first t o observe this p h e n o m e n o n , he does, 37 however, pursue i t considerably further t h a n m a n y o f his predecessors a n d integrates i t m o r e firmly i n t o the H e l l e n i s t i c social c o n t e x t . Yet w h i l e he, t o o , c o r r e c t l y treats i t as a panhellenic p r e o c c u p a t i o n , i t is w o r t h re m a r k i n g t h a t the largest and richest b o d y o f h a r d evidence for i t comes precisely f r o m H e l l e n i s t i c A l e x a n d r i a , leading one t o suspect t h a t the taste f o r i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l developed there a n d arose at a p a r t i c u l a r l y early d a t e . 38 Examples are numerous a n d begin at the very start of the Ptolemaic regime. F r o m 3 2 1 , Ptolemy's A l e x a n d e r coins showed h i m w i t h ele p h a n t scalp and ram's h o r n , a n d f r o m a r o u n d 314 these attributes are j o i n e d by a forehead b a n d , o r mitra, a n d scaly aegis (see fig. 5a). T h e elephant scalp is presumably Alexander's o w n answer t o the l i o n scalp of H e r a k l e s , a n d the others are attributes of A m m o n , D i o n y s o s , and Zeus. 241 242 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Together, they f u n c t i o n as i n t e r l o c k i n g v i s u a l m e t a p h o r s , i n v i t i n g us t o c o m p a r e Alexander's powers w i t h those o f Herakles a n d the gods, t o speculate u p o n Alexander's u n i q u e p o s i t i o n i n the cosmos. T h e i m p e t u s , as Kyrieleis has seen, m a y come f r o m the E g y p t i a n practice o f investing kings w i t h m u l t i p l e a t t r i b u t e s . 39 I f so, i t is a p a r t i c u l a r l y early example o f w h a t B i a n c h i has a p t l y called the Ptolemaic tendency t o c l o a k E g y p t i a n concepts i n Greek g a r b . Yet Kyrieleis does n o t m e n t i o n t h a t a m o n u m e n t p a i d f o r b y A l e x a n d e r himself a n d erected b y his governor, Kleomenes, offers a perfect precedent: the Shrine o f the B a r k at L u x o r . T h e r e , i n the early 3 20s, A l e x a n d e r appears n o less t h a n f o r t y - t w o times i n the presence o f A m m o n a n d various other gods. H e often carries the a n k h , s y m b o l o f longevity, a n d wears a variety o f c r o w n s , sometimes t w o o r m o r e together: w h i t e , blue, red, d o u b l e , Nemes, Atef, h o r n e d , double-feather, a n d g o l d - r i b b o n . H i s titles are v o l u m i n o u s a n d v a r i e d , i n the ancient E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n . 4 0 Soter also i n t r o d u c e d this practice o f w h a t one m i g h t call syncretistic s y m b o l i s m i n t o sculpture i n the r o u n d . A series o f replicas s h o w A l e x a n d e r d i a d e m e d a n d w e a r i n g a l o n g chlamys-shaped aegis, w h i c h n o t o n l y again recalls his father, Zeus, b u t also clearly alludes t o the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h was shaped like a chlamys. I n his r i g h t h a n d he h e l d a scepter, i n his left, p r o b a b l y the P a l l a d i o n . 41 I n m y view, this statue was p r o b a b l y the c u l t image o f the c u l t o f A l e x a n d e r , w h i c h Soter estab lished at the Sema between 3 1 1 a n d 2 8 5 : this, t h e n , is A l e x a n d e r the d i v i n e p r o t e c t o r o f c i t y a n d dynasty alike. T h e later Ptolemies b o t h c o n t i n u e d this t r a d i t i o n a n d i n t r o duced i t i n t o n a r r a t i v e contexts. P t o l e m y 11 Philadelphos a n d A r s i n o e 11 appear i n t w o w e l l - k n o w n bronze statuettes i n the B r i t i s h M u s e u m (see S m i t h fig. 1 above): he w i t h elephant scalp a n d c l u b , she w i t h stephane a n d d o u b l e c o r n u c o p i a . N e x t , P t o l e m y 111 Euergetes dons the d i a d e m , solar c r o w n , t r i d e n t , a n d scaly aegis a n d also, i t seems, commissions a g r o u p o f h i m s e l f as a diademed H e r m e s - T h o t h s u b d u i n g a Syrian o p p o nent i n the so-called L a o d i k e a n W a r o f the 2 4 0 s . 42 Soter also i n a u g u r a t e d another l o n g - l i v e d Ptolemaic practice: t h a t o f s h o w i n g the r u l e r s u r r o u n d e d by personalities a n d personifica t i o n s t h a t together made u p a k i n d o f allegorical n a r r a t i v e . I n the T y c h a i o n at A l e x a n d r i a , n e x t d o o r t o the M o u s e i o n , he placed A l e x a n d e r i n the center o f the r o o m ; the personified E a r t h , Ge, was c r o w n i n g h i m , w h i l e she, i n t u r n , was being c r o w n e d b y Tyche. Statues o f N i k e s t o o d o n either side o f Tyche, m a k i n g the c o m p o s i t i o n r o u g h l y T-shaped i n plan. 4 3 S i m i l a r a l l e g o r i c a l t a b l e a u x appeared i n the g r a n d procession o f P t o l e m y Philadelphos i n 2 7 5 . T h e m o s t elaborate o f these showed A l e x ander a n d Philadelphos ( b o t h w r e a t h e d w i t h g o l d e n i v y c r o w n s ) , A r e t e , Priapos, a n d C o r i n t h i n a c h a r i o t , f o l l o w e d by w o m e n representing the Greek cities o f I o n i a liberated b y A l e x a n d e r . 44 T h e s y m b o l i s m is c o m p l e x Stewart a n d by n o means t o t a l l y t r a n s p a r e n t b u t c e r t a i n l y alludes t o the excel lence a n d p o t e n c y of the regime, its l e g i t i m i z a t i o n b y A l e x a n d e r a n d the League of C o r i n t h , a n d its pretensions t o assuming the great conqueror's m a n t l e i n the A e g e a n . 45 T h e m o s t spectacular essay i n this genre t o sur vive is, o f course, the Tazza Farnese (see K o z l o f f fig. 9 b e l o w ) , t h o u g h at this p o i n t i t is best t o r e f r a i n f r o m speculating w h i c h , i f any, P t o l e m y i t celebrates. 46 I t seems t o me t h a t w e w o u l d d o w e l l t o spend m o r e t i m e o n these p e c u l i a r l y A l e x a n d r i a n p r o d u c t s , f o r t h e i r v a r i e t y a n d inventive ness are t r u l y astonishing. Questions t h a t beg t o be addressed include the f o l l o w i n g : W h a t k i n d s of allegory a n d s y m b o l i s m are we l o o k i n g at, a n d w h a t is the r e l a t i o n between them? W h a t f u n c t i o n s d i d they serve? H o w d o r e a l i t y a n d fantasy i n t e r a c t a n d t o w h a t effect? W h a t overlap, i f any, is there between genres? W h a t l i n k s , i f any, exist w i t h A l e x a n d r i a n literature? W h a t degree o f engagement, i f any, is there w i t h native E g y p t i a n c u l t u r e a n d its t h o u g h t patterns? W h a t i m p a c t , i f any, d i d these p r o d u c t s have o n the w i d e r w o r l d o r u p o n the art of Rome? O f course, I have m e n t i o n e d o n l y a few selected examples of the genre. O t h e r A l e x a n d r i a n allegories i n c l u d e at least t w o m o r e by Apelles, the sculptures o f the Serapeion at M e m p h i s , a n d a p a r t i c u l a r l y tasteless p i c t u r e described by A e l i a n . " P t o l e m y P h i l o p a t o r , " he says, " f o u n d e d a temple t o H o m e r a n d set u p a fine c u l t image o f h i m there. I n a circle a r o u n d the image he placed the cities w h o l a i d c l a i m t o the poet. G a l a t o n the p a i n t e r t h e n p a i n t e d a p i c t u r e of H o m e r t h r o w i n g u p , a n d a l l the other poets g u l p i n g d o w n his v o m i t . " 4 7 University of California B E R K E L E Y , C A L I F O R N I A 243 244 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA Notes I w o u l d like t o t h a n k those colleagues a n d students lenistische w h o a t t e n d e d a p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h i s p a p e r at B e r k e l e y idem, "Alexandrinische Toreutik," o n 14 M a r c h 1 9 9 3 f o r t h e i r h e l p f u l c o m m e n t s , p a r gen der kbniglichen ticularly Gale Boetius, K a r a Olsen, Rainer M a c k , der Wissenschaften R i c h a r d N e e r , Teresa P e y t o n , a n d H a r v e y S t a h l ; f u r Der t h e r assistance o n p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t s w a s k i n d l y p r o (Leipzig 1 8 9 6 ) ; i d e m , " D i e hellenistische Relief (Leipzig 1 8 8 9 - 1 8 9 4 ) ; Reliefbilder Abhandlun- Sdchsischen Gesellschaft 14.5 ( L e i p z i g 1 8 9 4 ) ; i d e m , Gallierkopf des Museums in Gize v i d e d by Stanley Burstein a n d D i a n a D e l i a . A l l errors b i l d e r u n d die a u g u s t e i s c h e K u n s t , " o f f a c t a n d o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n are, o f c o u r s e , m y o w n . des Deutschen Archdologischen H . B r u n n , Geschichte der griechischen nis Alexanders Kunstler, Kairo Jahrbuch 11 Instituts ( 1 8 9 6 ) : 7 8 - 1 0 1 ; i d e m , Studien 1 bei des Grossen: uber das Bild- Ein Beitrag zur (Leipzig 1903); v o l . 1 (1st e d . , S t u t t g a r t 1 8 5 2 ; 2 n d ed., S t u t t g a r t alexandrinischen 1 8 8 9 ) , p . 5 9 5 ; J. O v e r b e c k , Geschichte i d e m , " U b e r d e n C h a r a k t e r der alexandrinische K u n s t , " Actes archeologique chischen der grie v o l . 2 ( 3 r d ed., L e i p z i g 1 8 8 2 ) , Plastik, p . 1 9 9 ; L . M . M i t c h e l l , A History of du lie Congres ( C a i r o 1 9 0 9 ) . F o r a n u p d a t e o n Schreiber's Ancient reliefs, see J. S a m p s o n , " N o t e s o n T h e o d o r (London and N e w York 1883), p. 606. Sculpture Hellenismus T h e pages t h a t f o l l o w d o n o t p r e t e n d t o give a Schreiber's Hellenistische complete account of the of the British "pan-Alexandrian" School Reliefbilder" Papers 42 (1974): 2 7 - 4 5 . at Rome d e b a t e , s t i l l less o f t h e s c h o l a r s h i p o n A l e x a n d r i a n a r t per se; e x t e n s i v e b i b s , w i l l be f o u n d i n A . A d r i a n i , Enciclopedia delVarte antica, 9 clas- v o l . 1 ( R o m e 1 9 5 8 ) , s.v. A l e s - sica e orientale, E . C o u r b a u d , Le Bas-relief tions romain a 9aises d ' A t h e n e s et de R o m e 8 1 (Paris 1 8 9 9 ) , sandrina, arte, p p . 2 3 2 - 3 5 ; G . G r i m m , " O r i e n t p . 2 5 1 ; W . W e i s s b a c h , Impressionismus: u n d O k z i d e n t i n der K u n s t A l e x a n d r i e n s , " i n Problem G. G r i m m , H . Heinen, and E. W i n t e r , zeit ( B e r l i n 1 9 1 0 ) , p p . drien: Kulturbegegnungen im Schmelztiegel dreier einer Alexan- in the Hellenistic pp. 3 0 0 - 3 0 1 , Age der Malerei in der Antike Ein und der Neu- 9-15. Jahrtausende mediterranen Groszstadt 10 ( M a i n z 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 2 2 - 2 5 ; a n d J. J. P o l l i t t , Art representa B i b l i o t h e q u e des Ecoles f r a n - historiques, (Cambridge F. W i c k h o f f , i n t r o d u c t i o n t o Die Wiener sis ( V i e n n a 1 8 9 5 ) , p p . Gene 17-20. 1986), 316-17. 11 E . A . G a r d n e r , A Handbook of Greek Sculpture (1st e d . , L o n d o n 1 8 9 6 - 1 8 9 7 ; 2 n d e d . , L o n d o n 2 T . S c h r e i b e r , i n Mitteilungen Archdologischen 10 ( 1 8 8 5 ) : des Instituts, 1 9 1 5 ) , p p . 4 7 5 - 7 6 . O n p . 4 7 9 , f o r e x a m p l e , he Deutschen Athenische accepted W i c k h o f f ' s c o n t e n t i o n that m a n y o f Abteilung t h e l a n d s c a p e reliefs w e r e R o m a n b u t w e a k l y 380-400. ascribed "the influence under w h i c h they were 3 4 made" partly to Egypt, partly to Asia M i n o r . Ibid.: 386. N . H i m m e l m a n n , Alexandria mus in der griechischen und der Kunst Realis- 12 " A p o l l o Seated o n t h e O m p h a l o s , " Annual the British (Tubingen 1983), p. 2 1 . School See esp. M . K u n z e , e d . , " Wir haben Kunstepoche gefundenV Forschungen zum Ein Pergamonaltar eine of the British School c e n t w o r k o n t h e l a t t e r , see Β . H . F o w l e r , Jahrhundert Hellenistic (Berlin 1986), Aesthetic kotten aus Agypten: und Schreiber 391-99. The ( M a d i s o n 1989), p . 66 n . 1. See also J. Fischer, Griechisch-romische Schreiber (note 2 above): Terra- Die Sammlungen Sieglin (Tubingen 1994), pp. 7 0 - 7 3 ; a n d R . G a r l a n d , The Eye of the Beholder: 7 Praxiteles himself entered the e q u a t i o n shortly formity afterward: W . A m e l u n g , "Sull'arte Alessan- World d r i n a , " Bullettino logica esp. comunale della di Roma Commissione 25 ( 1 8 9 7 ) : and Disability 110-42, (Ithaca, N . Y . , 1995), pp. T . S c h r e i b e r , Die Wiener Palazzo ( L e i p z i g 1 8 8 8 ) ; i d e m , Die Brunnenreliefs De Graeco-Roman 105-22. 13 M . A . Ruffer, " O n Dwarves and O t h e r De f o r m e d Persons i n A n c i e n t E g y p t , " 138-40. Grimani in the archeo- de la Societe 8 10 at Athens ( 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 0 4 ) : 1 0 3 - 1 4 . F o r a b i b . o f m o r e re ganze p. 60. 6 of (1902-1903): 2 1 1 - 4 2 , esp. 2 2 8 - 2 9 ; " G r o t e s q u e s a n d t h e E v i l E y e , " Annual 5 9 at Athens archeologique Bulletin d'Alexandrie 13 ( 1 9 1 0 ) : 1 6 2 - 7 5 ; see m o s t r e c e n t l y A . B a d a w y , aus hel- "Le Grotesque: Invention egyptienne," Gazette Stewart 24 set. 3 . 6 6 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 1 8 9 - 9 8 ; V . des beaux-arts D a s e n , Dwarves in Ancient Egypt and A d r i a n i (note 1 above), w i t h exhaustive b i b . , pp. 2 3 2 - 3 5 . Greece ( O x f o r d 1 9 9 3 ) ; a n d Fischer ( n o t e 12 a b o v e ) . 25 14 See, e.g., O . R u b e n s o h n , Hellenistisches gerdt in antiken del Museo intorno ad una coppa (Rome di Alessandria 1 9 5 9 ) ; o n t h e d a t e o f t h e c u p , see C . R o l l e y , Pelizausmuseum, Gipsabgussen, A . A d r i a n i , Divagazioni paesistica Silber- Greek H i l d e s h e i m , Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung ( L o n d o n 1986), p. 214. Bronzes 1 ( 1 9 1 1 ) ; R . Pagenstecher, " A l e x a n d r i n i s c h e S t u d i e n , " a n d i d e m , " U b e r das landschaftliche R e l i e f b e i d e n G r i e c h e n , " Sitzungsbericbte Heidelberger Phil.-Hist. Akademie der 26 Wissenschaften, 27 1917, no. 12, and 1919, Klasse, A d r i a n i (note 1 above), pp. 2 3 1 - 3 2 . der B . R . B r o w n , Ptolemaic and the Alexandrian 1 9 5 7 ) ; H . K y r i e l e i s , Die Bildnisse p u s o f P t o l e m a i c c o i n s also a p p e a r e d d u r i n g maier kratous saics der from Roman Period, andrinischer zur Chronologie hochhellenistischen alex- Toreutik (Berlin 1987); idem, Zeit Untersuchungen 179-80. zur und grossgriechischer friih hellenistischer (1925): 1 7 9 - 9 0 . Early Aegyptiaca Treverensia 3 E g y p t , " Journal 11 Mo and ( M a i n z 1 9 8 5 ) ; M . P f r o m m e r , Studien Archaeology Ptole- of Ancient v o l . 1 , Hellenistic Egypt, A . W . Lawrence, "Greek Sculpture i n Ptolemaic of Egyptian Mosaics (Berlin 1975); H i m m e l m a n n (note 4 a b o v e ) ; W . D a s z e w s k i , Corpus tou 3 vols. (Athens 1904). ton Ptoiemaion, and (Cambridge, Mass., n o . 1. T h e f i r s t , a n d so far o n l y , p u b l i s h e d c o r these years: J. N . S v o r o n o s , Ta nomismata 15 Paintings Style friih- und Istanbuler Goldschmucks, 16 Ibid.: 17 A p o i n t recently and independently restated by leis, H i m m e l m a n n , a n d P f r o m m e r a l l base t h e i r G i i n t e r G r i m m : G r i m m ( n o t e 1 a b o v e ) , p . 18 arguments partly on material w i t h no prove (offering some c h r o n o l o g i c a l distinctions to n a n c e . O n t h e t o m b p a i n t i n g s as a n c e s t o r s o f nuance Lawrence's t h e P o m p e i a n S e c o n d Style, see A . R o u v e r e t , Forschungen 37 (Berlin 1 9 9 0 ) — t h o u g h K y r i e observation). Histoire 18 et imaginaire de la peinture ancienne, R e c e n t l y , K y r i e l e i s has a r g u e d t h a t these t w o B i b l i o t h e q u e des ecoles franchises d ' A t h e n e s et h e a d s , b o t h f r o m t h e S e r a p e i o n , p r o b a b l y be de R o m e , 2 7 4 ( R o m e 1 9 8 9 ) , p p . 1 9 0 - 2 0 1 . l o n g o v e r h a l f a c e n t u r y later. T h e y a p p a r e n t l y f o r m e d a g r o u p w i t h a Serapis a n d so are l i k e l y 28 C f . t h e p r e s e n t w r i t e r ' s r e m a r k s i n Attika: t o be P t o l e m y i:v P h i l o p a t o r a n d A r s i n o e i n , ies in Athenian i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h h i m after R a p h i a i n 2 1 7 : (London 1979), pp. 1 7 - 2 1 , 1 4 6 - 4 8 . " E i n hellenistischer G o t t e r k o p f , " i n Tomos eis Mnemen Nikolaou Sculpture: 1990), %s. An Exploration Stud of the Hellenistic Age Stele: Kontoleontos 29 ( A t h e n s 1 9 8 0 ) , p p . 3 8 3 - 8 7 ; cf. A . S t e w a r t , Greek Sculpture E.g., K y r i e l e i s (note 27 above), p p . 126-28; G r i m m (note 1 above), passim. (New Haven 756-58. 30 B . V . B o t h m e r , Egyptian Late Period: yoo Sculpture B.C. to A.D. 100, of the e x h . cat. 19 L a w r e n c e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 1 9 0 . ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m i 9 6 0 ) ; R . S. B i a n c h i , 20 B . A s h m o l e , i n J. D . Beazley a n d B . A s h m o l e , R . S. B i a n c h i , Cleopatra's "The Pharaonic A r t of Ptolemaic Egypt," in Greek Sculpture and Painting p . 7 0 ; I . N o s h y , The Arts Ptolemies, ( O x f o r d 1932), in Ptolemaic Egypt: Age of the e x h . cat. ( T h e B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1988), pp. 5 5 - 8 0 . Egypt (Oxford 1937), pp. 8 3 - 9 7 . 3I 21 H a d r a vases: r e a t t r i b u t e d t o C r e t e b y P. J. I b i d . , p . 1 0 1 , r e g a r d i n g t h e m as r a c i s t c a r i Callaghan, "Knossian Artists and catures. A l e x a n d r i a , " i n Alessandria I b i d . , p . 1 4 6 , m a k i n g i t clear t h a t he f o u n d s u c h Adriani, w o r k h i g h l y distasteful. R o u g h b r o n z e s : see t h e c r i t i q u e s b y R o l l e y V . P o u l s e n , " G a b es eine A l e x a n d r i n i s c h e A . K o z l o f f a n d D . G . M i t t e n , eds., The K u n s t ? " From Delight: ellenistico-romano: 22 Studi e il in onore Ptolemaic mondo di Achille vol. 3 (Rome 1984), pp. 7 8 9 - 9 4 . ( n o t e 25 a b o v e ) , p . 2 1 7 , a n d M . T r u e , i n 23 Carlsberg pp. 1-52. the Collections Glyptotek of the Ny 2 (Copenhagen 1939), The Human Figure Gods in Classical Bronze, e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) , pp. 126, 1 3 1 , 1 3 5 - 3 6 . Impressionism: demol ished by B r o w n (note 27 above), p p . 9 0 - 9 2 ; 245 246 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA J. J. P o l l i t t , The Ancient View 40 Art See M . A b d e l - R a z i q , Die Darstellungen Texte ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 1 0 4 a n d 2 2 5 argues t h a t Tempel f o u r t h - c e n t u r y skiagraphia 32 of Greek ( N e w Haven 1974), pp. 3 2 8 - 3 1 ; Rouveret is t h e t r u e a n c e s t o r des Sanktuars von Luxor, Alexanders und des Grossen im Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Kairo, Archaologische Veroffentlichun- of impressionism. Vergina landscape: M . A n - g e n 1 6 ( C a i r o 1 9 8 4 ) ; S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , d r o n i k o s , Vergina p p . 1 7 3 - 7 8 , figs. 5 3 - 5 4 . ( A t h e n s 1 9 8 4 ) , figs. 5 7 - 7 1 . T h e n u m e r o u s p o r t r a i t s o f D i o d o r o s Pasparos 41 O n t h e t y p e , see S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , at P e r g a m o n are t h e e x c e p t i o n s t h a t p r o v e t h e p p . 2 4 6 - 5 1 , figs. 8 2 , 8 3 ; o n t h e c i t y ' s shape, r u l e , f o r these w e r e e r e c t e d d u r i n g t h e M i t h r a - see D i o d . 1 7 . 5 2 ; S t r a b o 1 7 . 7 9 2 ; P l i n . NH d a t i c W a r s , a g e n e r a t i o n after A t t a l o s i n w i l l e d P l u t . Alex. 5.62; 26.8. h i s k i n g d o m t o R o m e : cf. S t e w a r t ( n o t e 18 a b o v e ) , p p . 5 1 - 5 2 , fig. 8 7 2 . 42 H . Kyrieleis, Antike 33 Orientis Graeci inscriptiones Plastik 43 Pseudo-Libanios (Nikolaos Rhetor), nasmata Orientis Graeci inscriptiones EPMHX KAIOP02," 12 (Berlin 1 9 7 3 ) : 1 3 3 - 6 0 . nos. 1 6 - selectae, 1 8 , 2 1 , 2 8 , 2 9 , etc. 34 "KA0AIIEP ster); c o m m e n t s , S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , nos. 19, selectae, Progym- 25 ( L i b a n i u s v o l . 7, p p . 5 3 0 - 3 1 Foer- pp. 2 4 3 - 4 6 . 3 0 , 3 2 , etc.; cf. K y r i e l e i s ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , PP- I 4 3 - 5 0 44 35 K a l l i x e i n o s o f R h o d e s , Peri Alexandreias frag. L a w r e n c e ( n o t e 15 a b o v e ) , p . 1 8 7 ; K y r i e l e i s 2 . 1 9 8 - 2 1 4 ( A t h e n . 5 . 2 o i d - e = F. J a c o b y , (note 27 above), p p . 1 3 4 - 3 5 , 163; C. M . R o b Fragmente e r t s o n , A History of Greek Art 1975), p p . 5 2 2 - 2 4 ; R. R. R. Smith, Royal Hellenistic Hellenistic 45 ( O x f o r d 1986), p. 88; idem, Portraits Sculpture Philadelphos 46 P l u t . Ant. 37 J. O n i a n s , Art and Thought 627 F2). Historiker, 27. S t e w a r t ( n o t e 39 a b o v e ) , p p . 2 5 2 - 6 0 ; cf. E . E . R i c e , The Grand (London 1991), p. 208. 36 der griechischen (Cambridge Procession of Ptolemy (Oxford 1983), pp. 1 0 2 - 1 0 . F o r t h e t w o m o s t r e c e n t suggestions a n d ex h a u s t i v e b i b . , see E . J. D w y e r , " T h e T e m p o r a l in the A l l e g o r y o f t h e Tazza F a r n e s e , " a n d J. P o l l i n i , Hellenistic Age ( L o n d o n 1 9 7 9 ) , c h . 3; o n t h e C a l u m n y , see " T h e Tazza Farnese: 'Augusto m o s t r e c e n t l y J . - M . M a s s i n g , Du texte deunt La Calumnie d'Apelle et son a Vintage: Archaeology iconographie Ancient and Allegory Art ( L o n d o n 1 9 3 9 ) w i t h , m o s t r e c e n t l y , art, " N a r r a t i o n a n d A l l u s i o n i n the Hellenistic B a r o q u e , " i n P. H o l l i d a y , e d . , Narrative in Ancient and Art ( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 9 5 ) , pp. 1 3 0 - 7 4 . 38 See R o u v e r e t ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 4 5 a n d 3 5 3 f o r t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t A p e l l e s m a y have been the p r i m e m o v e r here. 39 Kyrieleis (note 27 above), p p . 1 4 8 - 4 9 ; o n the c h r o n o l o g y o f P t o l e m y ' s c o i n s , see A . S t e w a r t , Faces lenistic of Power: Politics Alexander's Image and Hel (Berkeley 1993), p p . 2 3 1 - 3 3 . One should note i n this context, t h o u g h , that m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t h e o r y recognizes t h a t a n increase i n i n f o r m a t i o n a c t u a l l y i n h i b i t s c o m m u n i c a t i o n : T . E a g l e t o n , Literary An Introduction Imperatore American Re- Journal of 96 (1993): 2 5 5 - 8 2 , 2 8 3 - 3 0 0 , in R o u v e r e t (note 27 above), p p . 3 4 2 - 5 4 ; A . Stew Event Regnal'" respectively. ( S t r a s b o u r g 1 9 9 0 ) . O n G r e e k a l l e g o r y i n gen e r a l , see esp. R . H i n k s , Myth Saturnia Theory: (Minneapolis 1983), p. 101. 47 A e l . VH 1 3 . 2 1 ; also s c h o l . L u c . Charon 7; cf. R o u v e r e t (note 27 above), p p . 3 4 5 , 353 n . 1 4 4 . 247 Is There an Alexandrian Style What Is Egyptian about It? P. Arielle Kozloff To m a n y Egyptologists, Ptolemaic art a n d its b y - p r o d u c t A l e x a n d r i a n style l o o k foreign,. N o t o n l y is the style itself strange b u t some of the m a 1 terials are also n e w t o us. There is a decline i n the q u a l i t y of native stone sculpture a n d a rise i n the q u a l i t y of, for example, terracotta, w h i c h was never a t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n favorite. N o t k n o w i n g w h a t t o m a k e o f A l e x a n d r i a n art, m a n y Egyptologists ignore i t , t a k i n g safe refuge i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s of the p e r i o d o r those f o u n d nearby, such as the Rosetta stone. A l e x a n d r i a ' s art has also been confusing t o m o d e r n w r i t e r s such as Forster, w h o said t h a t G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n art is " n o t as interesting as one m i g h t expect. N o l i v i n g art was b o r n f r o m the u n i o n . " 2 I f that is true, h o w d o we e x p l a i n the b r i l l i a n t w o r k s of art a t t r i b u t e d t o A l e x a n d r i a that are n o w i n museums a n d private collec tions a r o u n d the w o r l d ? Take, f o r example, Cleveland's bronze statuette of an A f r i c a n beggar (fig. i ) , identified by J o h n D . C o o n e y as A l e x a n d r i a n o n the basis o f three p o i n t s : its exotic subject matter, a t r a d i t i o n a l theme i n E g y p t i a n art; the silver and copper inlays, an E g y p t i a n practice since her beginnings i n bronze casting; a n d , finally, its b r i l l i a n t aesthetic q u a l i t y , the h a l l m a r k of E g y p t i a n art t h r o u g h o u t m i l l e n n i a o f p r o d u c t i o n . I n 1988 M a r i o n True reconsidered the bronze as p r o b a b l y A l e x a n d r i a n , p a r t l y o n the basis o f the perfection of its surface finish, w i t h its silky black sheen. 3 U l t i m a t e l y , b o t h the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d the a p p r e c i a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a n style m a y lie i n w h a t is a n d is n o t E g y p t i a n a b o u t i t . We m i g h t begin w i t h the style o f the c i t y itself, w h i c h was f o u n d e d by A l e x ander the Great after his c o r o n a t i o n as Egypt's p h a r a o h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l , M e m p h i s , s o u t h o f A l e x a n d r i a . I n t h a t ceremony, A l e x a n d e r was e n d o w e d w i t h a l l the a p p r o p r i a t e a n d t r a d i t i o n a l N i l o t i c titles a n d n o m e n c l a t u r e — K i n g o f U p p e r a n d L o w e r E g y p t , M e r y a m e n Setepenra, Son of the Sun G o d , A r k s a n d r e s . A l e x a n d r i a ' s design has been described 4 by O w e n s as " r o o t e d i n Classical p l a n n i n g t r a d i t i o n s [ w h i l e ] at the same t i m e i t l o o k s f o r w a r d t o the great achievements o f the H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . " A n d b o t h A l e x a n d e r a n d his Greek c i t y planner have been 5 credited w i t h the o r i g i n a l i t y of A l e x a n d r i a ' s design. 6 248 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA T h e elements t h a t were n e w t o the Greek w o r l d — m o n u m e n t a l l y far exceeding the A t h e n i a n A c r o p o l i s , " b u i l d i n g s arranged i n t o i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g complexes a n d ensembles," the canals, even the sugges 7 t i o n o f c a r v i n g the king's image i n t o the face o f a m o u n t a i n s i d e — w e r e , however, far f r o m o r i g i n a l . T h e y were l o n g - s t a n d i n g t r a d i t i o n s i n E g y p t . T h e grandeur o f M e m p h i s , w h i c h A l e x a n d e r revisited w h i l e his n e w c i t y was being b u i l t , m u s t have eclipsed any t h a t even the w e l l - t r a v e l e d M a c e d o n i a n h a d ever seen. M e m p h i s ' s cemeteries alone stretched t h i r t y k m 8 a l o n g the desert escarpment, a n d the city, t o tell f r o m the l i t t l e t h a t is visible t o d a y a n d f r o m i n s c r i p t i o n s n a m i n g temples yet t o be f o u n d , was indeed a vast site o f b u i l d i n g s arranged i n t o i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g complexes a n d ensembles. For e x a m p l e , the great Temple o f Ptah " H i k u p t a h , " 9 w h i c h p r o b a b l y gave rise t o the Greek name f o r E g y p t , Aigyptos, was connected t o another sacred p r e c i n c t by a b r o a d processional w a y . 10 These features have been perhaps better preserved, at least better re c o r d e d , at e l - A m a r n a , w h e r e A k h e n a t e n h a d a b r o a d avenue b u i l t f o r the express purpose o f r u n n i n g his c h a r i o t , a n d at L u x o r (ancient Thebes), w h i c h A m e n h o t e p i n organized i n t o a series o f temples a n d ensembles connected b y b r o a d processional routes, a n d w h e r e A l e x a n d e r added a shrine t o himself as sun g o d . T h u s , the o n e - h u n d r e d - f o o t - w i d e , east-west avenue bisecting A l e x a n d r i a , f r o m the p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s near the H e p t a s t a d i o n past t e m ples a n d p a r k s t o the palace area, 11 was i n g o o d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n a n d w o u l d have made a perfect venue f o r the famous Ptolemaic processions, 12 those, t o o , being a distant m i r r o r o f l o n g - s t a n d i n g E g y p t i a n practice. Even A l e x a n d r i a ' s H e p t a s t a d i o n causeway, w h i c h connected FIG. I Statuette of a beggar, probably Alexandrian. Bronze w i t h copper and silver inlays. Hellenistic, the m a i n l a n d t o the i s l a n d of Pharos, thus f o r m i n g the h a r b o r , was n o t a ca. 1 0 0 - 5 0 B.C. H : 18.5 cm. n e w idea b u t an e a r t h w o r k i n g o o d , ancient E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n . Pharaohs The Cleveland Museum of A r t , t h r o u g h o u t the m i l l e n n i a h a d created artificial h a r b o r s , i r r i g a t i o n sys tems, a n d jetties b y m o v i n g a n d reshaping vast a m o u n t s o f earth at Thebes, a l o n g the R e d Sea, a n d at the F a i y u m , the latter h a v i n g been witnessed a n d described t o the Greeks by H e r o d o t o s a n d c e r t a i n l y read about by Alexander. life a n d the a f t e r l i f e . 13 14 Egyptians regarded such labors as a fact of b o t h Even the servant figures they c a r r i e d w i t h t h e m t o t h e i r t o m b s were t r a d i t i o n a l l y inscribed w i t h the prayer, " O shabti, . . . i f I be s u m m o n e d . . . t o d o any w o r k . . . o f flooding the banks o r c o n veying sand f r o m east t o west; ' H e r e a m I , ' y o u shall say." 1 5 A n d so, A l e x a n d r i a itself m u s t be recognized n o t as an entirely n e w i n v e n t i o n o f Greek c i t y p l a n n i n g b u t as an overlay o f classical f o r m a t o n a f u n d a m e n t a l l y E g y p t i a n f o u n d a t i o n . I f each P t o l e m y changed or added b u i l d i n g s o r left some unfinished a l o n g the way, so h a d his predecessors at M e m phis a n d Thebes. A r e d granite p o r t r a i t o f A l e x a n d e r i n the G r a e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m i n A l e x a n d r i a shows a similar overlay of f o r m a t over substance Leonard C. Hanna, Jr., Fund, 63.507. Kozloff (see K a m i fig. 2 above). T h e t i l t of Alexander's head slightly t o the left a n d his m e l t i n g glance, apparent despite the loss of the inlays, recalls Plutarch's d e s c r i p t i o n o f Lysippos's r e n d e r i n g of A l e x a n d e r . Yet the h a i r is f o r m e d like a h e a d c l o t h o r w i g , rather u n l i k e the massive, c u r l y h a i r of true Greek p o r t r a i t s ; just above the c o w l i c k o n his b r o w is the trace of a t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n uraeus c o i l e d i n a figure eight, n o t the d i a d e m even t u a l l y w o r n by Ptolemaic r o y a l t y . T h e face is h i g h l y p o l i s h e d , a n d the finish of the h a i r is matte, a type of surface t e x t u r i n g o n hard-stone sculpture t h a t occurred repeatedly t h r o u g h o u t the h i s t o r y of E g y p t i a n art. I n l a i d eyes were also an ancient t r a d i t i o n i n E g y p t i a n stone sculp t u r e , w h i l e i t seems t o have become p o p u l a r i n Greek stone sculpture first d u r i n g H e l l e n i s t i c times. Red granite f r o m the quarries at A s w a n i n southern E g y p t is extremely difficult t o carve because of its hardness a n d s t r u c t u r a l coarse ness. T h e technical s k i l l represented by the A l e x a n d r i a head r e q u i r e d a p r a c t i c e d h a n d , perhaps that of an E g y p t i a n carver w o r k i n g f r o m a Greek m o d e l a n d w i t h Greek v o c a b u l a r y b u t w i t h an u n a v o i d a b l y Egyp t i a n accent. Some of the same observations a p p l y t o a statuette o f a k o u r o s f r o m the second quarter o f the s i x t h c e n t u r y B . C . , said t o have been f o u n d at N a u k r a t i s a n d n o w i n the P u s h k i n M u s e u m i n M o s c o w , 1 6 its t w i n being i n C a i r o . W h i l e the Greek type is o b v i o u s , the s m o o t h ren d e r i n g o f a n a t o m i c a l f o r m s a n d the o r i e n t a l appearance of the facial fea tures a n d hairstyle suggest n o n - G r e e k w o r k . T h e y are carved i n E g y p t i a n alabaster, suggesting l o c a l p r o d u c t i o n . Sculptured p o r t r a i t s o f Alexander's eventual successors (see S m i t h fig. 4 above) are rather rare c o m p a r e d t o those o f previous Egyp t i a n p h a r a o h s o f s i m i l a r w e a l t h . Those carved i n i m p o r t e d m a r b l e usually t e n d t o be H e l l e n i s t i c i n style rather t h a n E g y p t i a n a n d are i n d i v i d u a l ized e n o u g h t o be g o o d likenesses o f t h e i r subjects. Few, however, can be called b r i l l i a n t i n q u a l i t y , perhaps because, like E g y p t i a n limestone p o r t r a i t s , they were finished w i t h gesso a n d p a i n t , w h i c h have since disap peared, a n d they are n o w v i e w e d i n a rather r o u g h state. M o s t p o r t r a i t s of the Ptolemies i n native E g y p t i a n stone nev ertheless depict t h e m i n E g y p t i a n haberdashery, a n d the p o r t r a i t s were p r o b a b l y meant f o r E g y p t i a n temples. T h e kings are s h o w n s t r i d i n g for w a r d i n a h i e r o g l y p h i c pose a n d w i t h a l l the accoutrements that w o u l d a l l o w the E g y p t i a n people t o " r e a d " these sculptures as t h e i r kings even t h o u g h neither the people n o r the M a c e d o n i a n kings c o u l d read the inscriptions. A t odds w i t h E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n , however, is the degree t o w h i c h these E g y p t i a n stone p o r t r a i t s are h o m o g e n i z e d . T h e y were n o t p a i n t e d , a n d technically they are w e l l carved, and yet i t is very difficult t o t e l l one P t o l e m y f r o m another n o t o n l y i n sculpture i n the r o u n d b u t also o n temple w a l l reliefs, such as at Dendera, Esna, E d f u , a n d Philae. 249 250 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA I f the cartouche is missing, as i t often is, i t is difficult t o divine w h i c h P t o l e m y is represented. T h i s is n o t true o f t r a d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n p h a r a o n i c p o r t r a i t u r e w h e r e i n the "perfected likeness" o r " l i v i n g i m a g e , " the tut ankh, o f an i n d i v i d u a l p h a r a o h was o f p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e . A p o r t r a i t o f p h a r a o h was a receptacle o f the divine essence, a n d i t needed t o be recognizable t o f u n c t i o n c o r r e c t l y . T h e p o r t r a i t , w h i c h I define as the discernible 17 likeness o f a specific i n d i v i d u a l , h a d been an essential element o f Egyp t i a n a r t as early as the b e g i n n i n g o f the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m B . C . a n d c o n t i n ued unceasingly f o r the t w o - a n d - a - h a l f m i l l e n n i a preceding M a c e d o n i a n r u l e . C e r t a i n l y , E g y p t is the b i r t h p l a c e o f p o r t r a i t u r e , a n d the Greeks h a d m a n y centuries o f c o n t a c t d u r i n g w h i c h t o absorb this t r a d i t i o n g r a d u ally i n t o t h e i r o w n . 1 8 O n e can o n l y guess w h y the tut ankh, the perfected likeness, was n o t achieved i n a consistent m a n n e r i n h a r d stone under the M a c e donians. Perhaps the Ptolemies, c o m i n g f r o m a b a c k g r o u n d t h a t h a d re peatedly n o t e d the darkness o f E g y p t i a n s k i n i n b o t h a r t a n d l i t e r a t u r e , f o u n d i t i r o n i c a n d possibly even unpleasant t o have t h e i r true images carved o u t o f d a r k E g y p t i a n s t o n e . 19 T h e i n d i v i d u a l , recognizable images o f the first Ptolemies are clearly recorded o n the coins m i n t e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , t h o u g h even i n t h a t m e d i u m t h e i r likenesses suffered some c l o n i n g after a t i m e . 2 0 I n the early years, however, w e find the energetic face o f M e r y a m e n Setepenra Ptolemiis, a.k.a. P t o l e m y i Soter, w i t h his j u t t i n g c h i n , l o n g , d r o o p i n g nose, heavy eyebrows, a n d deep-set eyes, a n d there, t o o , Userkaenra M e r y a m e n P t o l e m i i s , a.k.a. P t o l e m y n Philadelphos, w i t h his d o u b l e c h i n (see K a h i l fig. 3 above). A b r i l l i a n t a n d creative m a n , P t o l e m y 11 is w e l l remembered f o r his legendary b u i l d i n g s a n d f o r c o m m i s s i o n i n g the t r a n s l a t i o n o f the Pentateuch a n d M a n e t h o ' s history. B u t his m o s t i m p o r t a n t accom p l i s h m e n t w h i l e o n Egypt's t h r o n e was the c r e a t i o n o f an e c o n o m y w i t h i n E g y p t t h a t was c o m p l e t e l y independent o f the w o r l d w i d e econ omy. 21 I t was an e c o n o m y t h a t m u s t have affected the artistic p r o d u c t i o n o f the t i m e . F o l l o w i n g a p a t h begun b y his father, P t o l e m y 11 achieved a r o y a l m o n o p o l y i n E g y p t i a n currency b y r e d u c i n g the weights o f g o l d a n d silver coins s t r u c k i n E g y p t f o r use i n A l e x a n d r i a , b y e x c l u d i n g for eign coins f r o m the E g y p t i a n m a r k e t , 22 a n d eventually by m i n t i n g f o r use i n the E g y p t i a n c o u n t r y s i d e large bronze coins t h a t were attractive t o the l o c a l populace b u t were difficult t o place i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y a n d are rarely f o u n d a b r o a d . F r o m this t i m e f o r w a r d , silver a n d g o l d were restricted t o r o y a l hands, silver coinage eventually d i m i n i s h i n g , since the ore came f r o m lands n o t i n Ptolemaic c o n t r o l , u n l i k e N u b i a n g o l d a n d C y p r i o t copper. 23 Therefore, the Ptolemaic coinage m o n o p o l y m u s t also have Kozloff FIG. 2 Portrait of a man, f r o m Egypt. Green schist. First century B . C . H : 21.5 cm. Berlin, Agyptisches Museum inv. 12500. been a m o n o p o l y i n metals, a n d I shall r e t u r n t o this p o i n t later. T w o p o r t r a i t s o f private i n d i v i d u a l s i n i d e n t i c a l , h a r d , green ish stone, one i n B o s t o n 2 4 a n d one i n B e r l i n (fig. 2), are a m o n g the few supremely fine p o r t r a i t heads o f private persons t o have been carved i n Egypt d u r i n g the entire Ptolemaic p e r i o d . Certainly, one master carved b o t h , since the a p p r o a c h t o the masses a n d the t o o l - w o r k i n g o f surface details are i d e n t i c a l o n the t w o heads. T h e i r crispness a n d severity, their very q u a l i t y , speak o f an E g y p t i a n sculptor, as does the stone itself. T h e i r facial features are true tut ankhs, d o w n t o the m o l e o n the left cheek o f the one. As B i a n c h i quite fairly p o i n t e d o u t i n the catalogue f o r the e x h i b i t i o n Cleopatra's Egypt, the nature of these p o r t r a i t s is w i t h i n the m i l l e n n i a - o l d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n of private p o r t r a i t u r e . 25 I n general, however, m o s t Ptolemaic r e n d i t i o n s of private persons are far m o r e gen eralized a n d less satisfying as p o r t r a i t u r e t h a n the B e r l i n a n d B o s t o n heads. Even so, they often have strength a n d m u s t have c o m m u n i c a t e d t o their audience as the t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r o g l y p h i c f o r m of the h u m a n figure i n a c t i o n . Statues o f w o m e n present another set o f issues. A limestone statue i n A l e x a n d r i a belongs t o the l o n g E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n o f stepping, 251 252 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA d r a p e d female figures (fig. 3). A g a i n the structure is h i e r o g l y p h i c . T h e figure has an u n u s u a l l y v o l u p t u o u s a n d rather m a t u r e l o o k , however, even f o r E g y p t i a n a r t . Perhaps i t is a c o m m e n t o n the actual appearance of a Berenike o r an A r s i n o e , b u t t h e i r representations o n the faience o i n o c h o a i , o r "queen's b o t t l e s , " made i n Ptolemaic E g y p t v a r y between flat-chested a n d f u l l (fig. 4 ) . 2 6 Voluptuousness is depicted s p o r a d i c a l l y i n E g y p t i a n art, f o r instance i n late D y n a s t y x v i n a n d again i n the Sake p e r i o d . M u c h closer c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y , however, was the influence o f western A s i a , w h i c h c o n t i n u o u s l y f r o m the b e g i n n i n g o f the second m i l l e n n i u m B . C . t h r o u g h the late first m i l l e n n i u m p r o d u c e d statues a n d figurines o f full-figured w o m e n , a n d d u r i n g the t i m e E g y p t was, i n fact, r u l e d by Asiatics. Such was the figure style o f statues made f o r native E g y p t i a n c o n s u m p t i o n b u t n o t f o r the Greek p a t r o n s o f A l e x a n d r i a . N i c o , a m i d t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . c A l e x a n d r i a n priestess, is s h o w n o n her limestone grave stela, n o w i n C a i r o , d e m u r e l y c l o t h e d i n b o d y - o b s c u r i n g drapery, a n d her pose is t h a t o f w o m e n o n stelae i n Classical Athens (fig. 5). T h e subject matter, however, is a c t u a l l y m o r e E g y p t i a n t h a n i t first appears, since N i c o receives a h a r p , a n d Greek w o m e n were always s h o w n receiv i n g a j e w e l r y b o x o r a m i r r o r f r o m t h e i r servants. 27 A t first b l u s h the c a r v i n g appears Greek i n style, t h o u g h u n sophisticated i n e x e c u t i o n , b u t a second l o o k t u r n s up at least t w o de tails t r a d i t i o n a l t o E g y p t i a n art. First, the carver has splayed o u t N i c o ' s f o o t s t o o l so t h a t b o t h the f r o n t a n d the side can be seen. S h o w i n g t w o dimensions o f an object, either side b y side o r one above the other, was a n accepted aesthetic device i n E g y p t i a n a r t f r o m the O l d K i n g d o m t h r o u g h the Ptolemaic p e r i o d . 2 8 T h e other d e t a i l is the a w k w a r d p o s i t i o n of N i c o ' s a r m . I n g o o d E g y p t i a n artistic t r a d i t i o n i t , l i k e the f o o t s t o o l , is presented as a h i e r o g l y p h i n the p o s i t i o n t h a t makes i t m o s t legible, i f FIG. s o m e w h a t a w k w a r d t o a post-Renaissance eye. Headless statue of a w o m a n , T h o u g h the q u a l i t y o f Ptolemaic stone c a r v i n g often leaves s o m e t h i n g t o be desired, the smaller arts are w i t h o u t equal. I n t h e m w e see a taste f o r h i g h q u a l i t y a n d c o l o r i n an a s t o u n d i n g v a r i e t y o f m a t e r i als, just as one finds i n the smaller arts o f ancient E g y p t . Dozens o f b e a u t i f u l p a i n t e d t e r r a c o t t a statuettes o f w o m e n , often called Tanagra figures after the b i r t h p l a c e o f the t y p e , 29 are the h i g h p o i n t o f the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m f o r m a n y visitors (see R i a d figs. 4 a n d 5 above). These c o l o r f u l ladies w i t h t h e i r Classical m e l o n coiffures are a l m o s t always extremely demure. T h e y are swathed i n d r a p e r y t h a t conceals t h e i r sexual attributes, i f occasionally n o t t h e i r bellies. T h e i r m e d i u m — m o l d e d t e r r a c o t t a ( I u n d e r s t a n d t h a t some pieces have been analyzed a n d s h o w n t o be made o f E g y p t i a n c l a y ) — w a s n o t a favorite i n E g y p t , as i t h a d been i n Greece, a n d the statuettes' general style a n d m o d e s t y seem t o speak i n favor o f m a n u f a c t u r e b y i m p o r t e d Greek 3 from Shatby. Limestone. T h i r d century B.C. H : 50.2 cm. Alexandria, Graeco-Roman M u s e u m 1332. Kozloff FIG. 4 "Queen vase" w i t h p o r t r a i t of Berenike n , probably from Alexandria. Faience. 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B.C. H : 22.2 cm. N e w York, Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman collection. FIG. 5 Grave stela for N i c o . Limestone. M i d - t h i r d century B.C. Cairo, The Egyptian M u s e u m . 253 254 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 6 Griffin r h y t o n , from T u k h elQuarmous. Silver. Ca. 270 B . C . H : 17 cm. Cairo, The Egyptian Museum J E 38093. craftsmen, t h o u g h some o f m y later arguments m a y t i p the balance i n favor o f native artisans. Traces o f l o c a l influence have crept i n . As i n N i c o ' s stela, m a n y o f the figures h o l d o r p l a y m u s i c a l instruments rather t h a n p a r t i c i pate i n t r a d i t i o n a l Greek feminine pursuits. T h e drapery o n one figure is s c u l p t u r e d l o w t o reveal a w e l l - r o u n d e d breast, a b i t of peekaboo m o r e suited t o the n e w A l e x a n d r i a n taste t h a n t o the t r a d i t i o n a l Greek one. M a n y o f the figures w e a r earrings, necklaces, a n d snake bracelets i n a m o u n t s standard f o r E g y p t i a n w o m e n b u t n o t t y p i c a l o f Greek w o m e n before the H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d . I f precious-metal currency was restricted t o r o y a l hands, g o l d j e w e l r y m u s t also have been a perquisite o f the Ptolemaic n o b i l i t y , u n d o u b t e d l y given as gifts by the palace, m u c h as i t h a d been i n dynasties p a s t . 30 O n e o f the m o s t spectacular Ptolemaic hoards ever recorded includes pieces o f g o l d j e w e l r y f o u n d i n 1905 near Bubastis i n the D e l t a , w i t h early t h i r d - c e n t u r y B . C . coins p r o v i d i n g the t e r m i n u s post quern (fig. 6). 31 T h e b r i l l i a n t objects f r o m this treasure m i x Persian, Greek, a n d Egyptian motifs, 32 leaving t h e i r place (or places) o f m a n u f a c t u r e an open q u e s t i o n . O n e piece i n p a r t i c u l a r , a silver r h y t o n w i t h a griffin p r o t o m e , is c o n v i n c i n g l y A s i a t i c i n style, yet reliefs o n the w a l l s o f the t o m b o f Petosiris at T u n a el-Gebel near H e r m o p o l i s i n U p p e r E g y p t leave n o d o u b t t h a t w o r k s o f a r t i n this foreign style were being made i n E g y p t d u r i n g the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 7 ) . M o r e t y p i c a l o f the shape a n d d e c o r a t i o n o f H e l l e n i s t i c sil ver f o u n d i n E g y p t are several b o w l s i n the C a i r o m u s e u m a n d one i n Kozloff FIG. 7 Detail of relief sculpture from the t o m b of Petosiris at Tuna el-Gebel (Hermopolis Magna). Limestone. M i d - f o u r t h century B.C. B r o o k l y n , w h i c h was r e p o r t e d t o have been f o u n d i n E g y p t w i t h coins o f the late t h i r d c e n t u r y B.C. 3 3 A n d , indeed, i t is difficult t o date any Ptole maic silver after the t h i r d century. C o i n c i d e n t a l l y this is the p o i n t at w h i c h the Ptolemaic issues o f silver coinage became rarer because o f the expense o f i m p o r t i n g the ore f r o m a b r o a d . O n the other h a n d , few Ptolemaic bronze statuettes can be a t t r i b u t e d before the t h i r d century B . C . , despite the huge numbers o f bronze cats, ibises, i c h n e u m o n s , a n d a l l m a n n e r o f sacred animals t h a t were made p r e v i o u s l y d u r i n g the Late p e r i o d . Few i f any H e l l e n i s t i c stat uettes f r o m E g y p t can be dated early, a c c o r d i n g t o archaeological evi dence, a n d the circle o f bronze statuettes once dated by style t o the f o u r t h o r t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . is g r a d u a l l y s h r i n k i n g because the statuettes i n m u s e u m collections, l i k e the ones studied b y M a r i o n True i n The Gods Delight, 34 are being redated t o the late H e l l e n i s t i c o r early I m p e r i a l p e r i o d . A rare e x c e p t i o n is the M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m ' s Dancer (exc o l l e c t i o n W a l t e r B a k e r ) , w h i c h True attributes t o A l e x a n d r i a , a n d 3 5 whose sensuous, curvaceous line is one beloved i n ancient E g y p t i a n a r t . 36 255 256 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA T h e Ptolemies first gained c o n t r o l o f C y p r u s a n d its copper mines i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y B . C . , a n d f r o m t h a t t i m e o n they g r a d u ally began r e p l a c i n g silver coinage w i t h bronze. By 2 1 0 B . C . , o n l y the large bronze slugs c o u l d be used w i t h i n E g y p t . Is i t possible t h a t the Ptolemies restricted use o f t h e i r C y p r i o t copper t o the p r o d u c t i o n o f cheap l o c a l currency a n d l i m i t e d the f a b r i c a t i o n of bronze statuettes i n E g y p t i n those early years? T h e m e t h o d o f m a n u f a c t u r e o f the t e r r a c o t t a figurines i n the A l e x a n d r i a m u s e u m t h a t date t o the t h i r d a n d second centuries B . C . was s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f bronze statuettes, w h i c h is t o say, piecemeal casting a n d t h e n assemblage o f the p a r t s . figurine 37 D i d the t e r r a c o t t a - i n d u s t r y s u p p l a n t bronze casting i n E g y p t , at least d u r i n g the t h i r d a n d second centuries B . C . ? Clearly, the Ptolemaic e c o n o m y was based o n e x p o r t i n g as m u c h as possible a n d o n i m p o r t i n g as l i t t l e as possible. I f the manufac t u r e o f silver vessels a n d bronze statuettes can be t i e d t o the economic p o l i c y o f the Ptolemies, t h e n very possibly the issue raised earlier a b o u t the p o o r q u a l i t y o f stone sculpture i n the r o u n d a n d i n relief stems f r o m this p o l i c y as w e l l . T h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f fine m a r b l e sculpture o r even r a w , u n c a r v e d m a r b l e w o u l d n o t have served the Ptolemaic e c o n o m y w e l l . Bryaxis's m o n u m e n t a l Serapis, i m p o r t e d perhaps before the p o l i c y was i n place, w o u l d have been one o f the rare exceptions t o the r u l e . T h i s p o l i c y w o u l d also e x p l a i n w h y corrections were made i n gesso a n d plaster t o the m a r b l e sculpture t h a t does exist. I t was s i m p l y t o o expensive t o t h r o w o u t mistakes a n d t o start over w i t h a n e w b l o c k . I t also explains w h y so m u c h E g y p t i a n limestone was used i n A l e x a n d r i a , even t h o u g h the E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n was t o use limestone o n l y i n funerary contexts. L o c a l E g y p t i a n stone was cheap, since i t w o u l d have been b o u g h t w i t h g r a i n o r Ptolemaic bronze. M o r e o v e r , one c o u l d imagine t h a t the c o l o r e d stones d i d n o t appeal t o the Greeks, even t h o u g h they d i d eventually capture the R o m a n fancy. T h e p r o t e c t i o n i s t economic p o l i c y of the Ptolemies was n o t new. I t was perhaps invented by, a n d c e r t a i n l y h a d been p r a c t i c e d f o r m i l l e n n i a by, p h a r a o h s o f the past, even the wealthiest ones such as A m e n h o t e p i n . H e i m p o r t e d very l i t t l e f r o m a b r o a d , even silver, a l t h o u g h he h a d m o r e t h a n one r o y a l f a t h e r - i n - l a w i n the East, w h e r e sil ver was f o u n d . For the m o s t p a r t , A m e n h o t e p i n a n d other pharaohs used the materials t o w h i c h they h a d e c o n o m i c a l access a n d w h i c h they p r o b a b l y preferred aesthetically—electrum a n d g o l d , f o r e x a m p l e — a n d o n w h i c h they m a i n t a i n e d a r o y a l m o n o p o l y . T h e bronze-statuette i n d u s t r y d i d seem t o blossom i n E g y p t again late i n the second c e n t u r y B . C . W e start seeing figures o f dwarves, Hellenistic-style H o r u s boys w e a r i n g d o u b l e c r o w n s a n d c a r r y i n g c o r n u copia, 38 Isis figures, a n d Serapises c o p y i n g Bryaxis's lost o r i g i n a l . T h e M a h d i a a n d A n t i k y t h e r a shipwrecks testify t o the degree t o w h i c h H e l - Kozloff lenistic bronzes traveled, a n d , thus, A l e x a n d r i a n bronze statuettes c o u l d have traveled t h r o u g h o u t the late H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . Just because stat uettes w i t h e x o t i c subject matter, inlays, a n d E g y p t i a n attributes can be f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the late H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d does n o t m e a n , however, t h a t they a l l came there f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , as True p o i n t e d o u t i n 1 9 8 8 . 3 9 By n o w , E u r o p e , western A s i a , a n d N o r t h A f r i c a were b e c o m i n g parts o f the R o m a n E m p i r e , a n d bronze w o r k s h o p s were being f o u n d e d every w h e r e i n t h a t r e a l m , a l l t u r n i n g o u t s i m i l a r sorts o f statuettes. A n o t h e r m e d i u m also f l o u r i s h e d : glass. C o r e - f o r m e d glass vessels a n d t h e i r offshoots, m i l l e f i o r i glass, a n d so o n , began t o be m a n u factured i n large numbers i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . (fig. 8). Because the vessels o f this date are entirely classical i n shape a n d have been f o u n d i n large numbers a r o u n d the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , scholars have suggested t h a t they were n o t m a n u f a c t u r e d i n E g y p t . 40 I f faience "queen b o t t l e s " i n o i n o c h o e shape were made i n E g y p t , however, a n d i f a l l m a n n e r o f o b jects were being made i n Classical style i n E g y p t , there is n o reason w h y glass bottles c o u l d n o t have been made i n A l e x a n d r i a o n the palace g r o u n d s — t h e t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a t i o n f o r glass w o r k s h o p s — i n shapes t h a t w o u l d have pleased the Ptolemies. Remember t h a t at the height o f the i n d u s t r y d u r i n g the Bronze A g e , m a n y o f A m e n h o t e p i l l ' s M a l k a t a Palace glass vessel shapes FIG. 8 Alabastron, from the Mediter ranean area. Core-formed glass. Late f o u r t h - e a r l y t h i r d century B . C . H : 16.5 cm. The Cleveland Museum of A r t , Purchase from the J. H . Wade Fund 94.9. bore l i t t l e resemblance t o the shapes o f native E g y p t i a n p o t t e r y . I n fact, one o f the favorite N e w K i n g d o m shapes was the l e n t o i d flask, a shape i m p o r t e d f r o m C y p r u s . T h e E g y p t i a n glass versions were t h e n t r a d e d a b r o a d a n d have been f o u n d as far away as C y p r u s a n d Greece. Every student a n d lover o f A l e x a n d r i a bemoans the fact t h a t l i t t l e o f the c i t y has been excavated o r at this late date even retains very m u c h w o r t h finding. B u t there is one i m p o r t a n t source o n A l e x a n d r i a n a r t t h a t is often o v e r l o o k e d : the lovers o f a r t a n d archaeology w h o g r e w u p there, people w h o saw objects washed u p o n the subsiding beach or d u g u p i n the f o u n d a t i o n pits o f n e w b u i l d i n g s or i n the p l o w f u r r o w s o f D e l t a fields. A s k t h e m i f there is such a t h i n g as A l e x a n d r i a n style, a n d they answer i n the affirmative. A s k t h e m w h a t makes A l e x a n d r i a n style, a n d they answer, each one echoing the other, " Q u a l i t y . " W h e n pressed t o be m o r e specific o n the subject o f bronzes, one A l e x a n d r i a n said t o me, "It's the q u a l i t y o f the craftsmanship o f d e t a i l s — l o o k at t h e i r h a n d s . " I a p p l i e d t h a t premise t o objects i n other m e d i a , f o r e x a m p l e , t o the Tazza Farnese (fig. 9 ) , w h i c h is f r o m a g r o u p o f objects—agate vessels—that c o u l d have been made i n A l e x a n d r i a . T h e hands, indeed, are b r i l l i a n t l y achieved, a n d they r e m i n d me o f hands i n m a n y E g y p t i a n b a n q u e t i n g scenes, one o f the m o s t famous versions h a v i n g been pre served i n the t o m b o f T u t a n k h a m e n , o n the back o f the king's t h r o n e . I n the end, A l e x a n d r i a n style is p r o b a b l y just w h a t w e t h o u g h t i t was a l l a l o n g : a basically E g y p t i a n f o u n d a t i o n , f o r m a t t e d i n 257 258 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA FIG. 9 Cameo b o w l , the so-called Tazza Farnese, possibly from Alexandria. Banded Indian sardoynx. Ca. 100 B.C. D i a m . : zo cm. Naples, Museo Nazionale Archeologico. H e l l e n i s t i c style, w i t h a n overlay o f E g y p t i a n touches i n the f o r m of at t r i b u t e s , figural details, a n d surface enhancement. B u t exactly w h i c h m e d i u m was being developed at any given t i m e changed f r o m one cen t u r y t o the n e x t , a c c o r d i n g t o the materials available w i t h i n Ptolemaic e c o n o m i c restraints. T h r o u g h i t a l l there is one c o n s t a n t o f A l e x a n d r i a n style, at least i n the smaller arts, a n d i t is t h a t constant t h a t separates A l e x a n d r i a n a r t f r o m its copyists: q u a l i t y o f craftsmanship. I t was i n perfectly g o o d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n . The Cleveland Museum of Art C L E V E L A N D , O H I O Kozloff Notes 1 I w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k B i r i Fay, Betsy M . B r y a n , I I See D i o d o r u s Siculus 1 7 . 5 2 ; S t r a b o 17.1.6-10 ( 7 9 1 - 9 5 ) for descriptions of A l e x a n d r i a . L a w r e n c e M . B e r m a n , a n d J o h n Ross f o r p r o v i d i n g photographs or for helping me o b t a i n 12 them. See J. J. P o l l i t t , Art in the Hellenistic (Cam Age bridge 1986), p. 280, for a translation of 2 E . M . F o r s t e r , Alexandria: A History K a l l i x e i n o s ' s a c c o u n t o f P t o l e m y n's f e s t i v a l and a p a v i l i o n and procession. i n t r o d u c t i o n by L . D u r r e l l ( N e w York Guide, 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 1 2 5 ; see also p . 3 9 : " G r e e k a n d E g y p t i a n m o t i v e s d i d n o t b l e n d i n A r t as t h e y d i d i n 13 Herodotos 2.149-50. 14 J u s t b e f o r e c o m i n g t o E g y p t , A l e x a n d e r suffered R e l i g i o n ; a t t e m p t s o c c u r , b u t t h e y are n o t n o table a n d o n the w h o l e the c i t y f o l l o w s the gen eral Hellenistic tendencies o f the t i m e . " l o c a l r i d i c u l e at T y r e f o r t h e m a s s i v e efforts i n v o l v e d i n his c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a n e a r t h - m o l e 3 The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 63.507. M . True, m i l i t a r y s t r u c t u r e . See G r e e n ( n o t e 6 a b o v e ) , i n A . R K o z l o f f a n d D . G . M i t t e n , eds., pp. 2 5 2 - 5 4 . Gods Delight: Figure in Classical e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m o f Bronze, 4 The Human The 15 R . O . F a u l k n e r , i n C . A n d r e w s , e d . , The A r t 1 9 8 8 ) , n o . 2 0 , p p . 1 2 8 - 3 1 . See e n t r y f o r cient previous bib. 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 36- For a discussion o f the history and o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p h a r a o n i c n a m e s , see S. Q u i r k e , Who the Pharaohs? 16 Were Book of the Dead I n v . n o . 1, i a 3 0 0 0 . See Aus mern ( L o n d o n 1 9 9 0 ) , esp. p p . 4 0 - 4 1 Egyptian Eurasiens: Meisterwerke An (Austin den Schatzkam- antiker Kunst, e x h . cat. ( K u n s t h a u s Z u r i c h 1 9 9 3 ) , p p . 1 9 0 - 9 1 . a n d 7 4 - 7 7 for A l e x a n d e r a n d the Ptolemies. 17 5 E . J. O w e n s , The World City in the Greek and See B r y a n ( n o t e 1 0 a b o v e ) , p . 1 2 7 . Roman (London 1992), pp. 6 8 - 6 9 . 18 G i s e l a R i c h t e r ' s assessment o f E g y p t i a n p o r t r a i t u r e as s p o r a d i c c r e a t i o n s , c o m p l e t e l y f o r m u l a i c , 6 R G r e e n , Alexander A Historical of Macedon, Biography B.C.: 356-323 a n d i n d i f f e r e n t t o t h e features o f a specific p e r (Berkeley 1991), p . 275. s o n , as s t a t e d i n G . M . A . R i c h t e r , The of the Greeks, 7 Owens (note 5 above), p. 69. Portraits a b r . a n d rev. b y R . R . R . S m i t h ( I t h a c a , N . Y . , 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 3 5 , m u s t be p u t aside. T h e a u t h o r refers t h e r e a d e r t o B r y a n ( n o t e 10 8 9 Green (note 6 above), p. 276. above). A m o d e r n village a n d f a r m l a n d n o w cover the 19 ancient ruins, preventing m u c h excavation, yet T h e l i g h t e s t s t o n e used w o u l d h a v e been t h e s a n d s t o n e o f t e m p l e w a l l r e l i e f s . E v e n t h i s is p a r t i a l e x p l o r a t i o n has r e v e a l e d t h e e n c l o s u r e o f a g o l d e n b r o w n , several shades d a r k e r t h a n t h e vast T e m p l e o f P t a h a n d a n avenue l e a d i n g the island m a r b l e a p p a r e n t l y preferred by the f r o m i t past a n o r t h e r n sacred enclosure w i t h Ptolemies. Relief sculptures were generally finds o f D y n a s t y x x v i a n d D y n a s t y x x x , t h e l a t p a i n t e d , t h e male's s k i n r e d , a n d t h e female's ter d a t i n g t o the f o u r t h c e n t u r y B . C . s k i n y e l l o w . T h i s a l s o c o u l d have d i s p l e a s e d the G r e e k s , w h o left t h e m a r b l e s k i n o f t h e i r o w n 10 W e p r o b a b l y k n o w less a b o u t M e m p h i s ' s d e s i g n p a i n t e d statues u n p a i n t e d . than we do about Alexandria's, but ancient T h e b e s , f o r e x a m p l e , w i t h its ensembles o f 20 O . M o r k h o l m , i n P. G r i e r s o n a n d U . W e s t e r - t e m p l e s a n d l o n g p r o c e s s i o n a l w a y s , is c o m p a r m a r k , eds., Early atively w e l l K n o w n , a n d there one can w a l k the Accession t h r o u g h the ancient b u i l d i n g s a n d a l o n g the Apamea p r o c e s s i o n a l w a y s even t o d a y . See B . M . B r y a n , pp. 102, 104. i n A . P. K o z l o f f a n d B . M . B r y a n , eds., Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep HI and His Memphis, vol. 1 (London 1985). (336-188 Coinage to the Peace from of B.C.) ( C a m b r i d g e 1 9 9 1 ) , Egypt's World, 21 e x h . cat. ( T h e C l e v e l a n d M u s e u m o f A r t 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 7 3 - 1 1 5 ; D . G . Jeffreys, The Survey Hellenistic of Alexander I a m indebted t o Leo M i l d e n b e r g for advice a n d suggestions. of 22 M o r k h o l m (note 20 above), p. 66. 259 260 ARTS OF HELLENISTIC ALEXANDRIA 23 M o r k h o l m (note 20 above), pp. 1 0 5 - 6 . 24 R . S. B i a n c h i , i n R . A . F a z z i n i et a l . , silver f r o m Tell e l - M a s k h u t a ( P i t h o m ) , n o w i n Brooklyn. Egypt: Cleopatra's e x h . cat. ( T h e Age of the Ptolemies, 34 True (note 3 above). 35 True (note 3 above), p p . 4 4 - 4 5 . 36 For example, a Dynasty x v n i t o m b painting; B r o o k l y n M u s e u m 1 9 8 8 ) , p . 1 4 0 , cat. n o . 4 5 . 25 B i a n c h i (note 24 above). 26 See D . B . T h o m p s o n , Ptolemaic Portraits in Faience: Aspects Oinochoai of the and see A . P. K o z l o f f , i n K o z l o f f a n d B r y a n ( n o t e 1 0 Ruler-Cult above), p p . 267, 347, 350. ( O x f o r d 1 9 7 3 ) . As for the recognizability of the p o r t r a i t s t h e m s e l v e s , T h o m p s o n seems t o a d m i t 37 True (note 3 above), p . 4 5 . t h a t o n l y t h r e e o f h e r g r o u p are r e c o g n i z a b l e as i n d i v i d u a l i z e d p o r t r a i t s ; see i b i d . , p . 8 1 . 38 The Cleveland M u s e u m of A r t 72.6 H a r p o k r a t e s . See T r u e ( n o t e 3 a b o v e ) , n o . 2 1 , 27 See S, B.. P o m e r o y , Women from Alexander in Hellenistic to Cleopatra p . 16,5. B . S. R i d g w a y , Hellenistic v o l . 1 , The Styles Egypt pp. 132--36. (New York 1984), 39 Sculpture, B.C. ( M a d i s o n of ca. 331-200 True (note 3 above), p p . 4 3 - 4 5 ; n o . 14, p p . 1 0 2 - 6 ; no. 19, pp. 1 2 4 - 2 7 ; n o . 20, 1990), p. 364. pp. 1 2 8 - 3 1 ; no. 2 1 , pp. 1 3 2 - 3 6 ; no. 22, p p . I 3 7 - 4 ; n o - M , PP- 1 4 7 - 5 ° ; 1 28 H . Schafer, i n E . B r u n n e r - T r a u t , e d . , ciples figs. of Egyptian Art Prin 40 F o r f u l l d i s c u s s i o n o f t y p e a n d b i b . , see B i a n c h i (note 24 above), nos. 1 1 2 - 1 4 , p p . 2 2 0 - 2 2 ; a n d m o r e recently, D . Said, "Tanagra Ladies: T h e Tanagra C o l l e c t i o n (of the A l e x a n d r i a M u s e u m ) , " Franco Maria Ricci 57 ( A u g u s t 1992): 1 3 1 - 4 4 . 30 P o m e r o y ( n o t e 2 7 a b o v e ) , p . 4 2 , discusses t h e H e l l e n i s t i c idea t h a t h o n o r i n g wives h o n o r s t h e i r h u s b a n d s as w e l l . 3I See H . H o f f m a n n a n d P. F. D a v i d s o n , Gold: Jewelry from Greek the Age of Alexander, exh. cat. ( M u s e u m o f Fine A r t s , B o s t o n , 1 9 6 6 ) , n o . 6 4 ( b r a c e l e t w i t h Isis b u s t ) , p p . 1 7 3 - 7 4 , f o r h i s t o r y a n d b i b . ; a l s o , S. C u r t o a n d A . R o c c a t i , Tesori dei Faraoni, e x h . cat. (Palazzo D u c a l e , V e n i c e , 1 9 8 4 ) , n o s . 6 2 - 6 7 ( c o l o r i l l s , o f pec t o r a l , t w o bracelets, three statuettes), p p . 1 8 5 89; also P o l l i t t (note 12 above), p . 255 ( r h y t o n and bowl). 32 V e r y s i m i l a r i n s t y l e t o t h i s find are s m a l l c l o i sonne animals i n the Walters A r t Gallery, Balti m o r e , a n d i n the M u s e u m o f Fine A r t s , B o s t o n . See A . P. K o z l o f f , " A N e w Species o f A n i m a l F i g u r e s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , " American Archaeology 33 Greek Journal of 80 (1976): 1 8 3 - 8 5 . See A . O l i v e r , Silver and Roman o - 5> 2 ( O x f o r d 1974), p. 139, 1 1 9 , 1 2 0 a , 1 2 1 ; p . 1 4 0 , figs. 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 . D . F. G r o s e , The Toledo Ancient 29 n pp. 151-53- for the Gods: Silver, 800 Years e x h . cat. ( T o l e d o M u s e u m o f A r t 1 9 7 7 ) , n o . 1 1 , p . 4 1 ; see a l s o n o s . 7 , 8, p p . 3 2 - 3 4 , f o r f o u r t h - c e n t u r y - B . c . of Glass Museum of Art: Early ( N e w Y o r k 1 9 8 9 ) , p . 1 1 0 . See further discussion below. The Continuing Influence of Alexandria This page intentionally left blank 263 Late Antique Alexandria G . W. Bowersock A few years ago some lines f r o m an unfinished p o e m by one o f the great est of a l l the A l e x a n d r i a n poets, Constantine Cavafy, were p u b l i s h e d f o r the first t i m e i n an I t a l i a n j o u r n a l o f Byzantine studies. T h e lines were 1 w r i t t e n i n 1 9 1 6 as the b e g i n n i n g o f a n e w p o e m , a n d they go as f o l l o w s : M y imagination takes me n o w not to Alexandria of the Ptolemies, but of the fifth and sixth century — I love its every f o r m and moment. N i n e years later, i n revising his p o e m , Cavafy changed the c h r o n o l o g i c a l frame t o the s i x t h a n d the seventh centuries, d o w n t o w h a t he called the a r r i v a l of "the p o w e r f u l A r a b i s m " (0 Kparaidg 'Apafiicr/uLOs). Cavafy was one o f the few m o d e r n admirers o f ancient A l e x a n d r i a t o prefer the late antique p e r i o d t o the H e l l e n i s t i c one. T h e city's c u l t i v a t i o n o f Greek c u l ture a n d its lively conflict between p o l y t h e i s m a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y o n the eve o f the A r a b conquest were m o r e congenial t o a Greek of the late nineteenth a n d early t w e n t i e t h centuries t h a n the p r o u d a n d confident H e l l e n i s m o f the c a p i t a l o f the Ptolemies. Late antique A l e x a n d r i a was a t o t a l l y different place f r o m the c i t y t h a t fell t o O c t a v i a n i n 30 B . C . To understand just h o w different, we have t o l o o k briefly at the m o r e t h a n three centuries i n t e r v e n i n g between the collapse of the Ptolemies a n d the emergence i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y o f the c i t y t h a t Cavafy a d m i r e d so m u c h . U p o n the establishment o f the R o m a n E m p i r e , A l e x a n d r i a was n o longer a r o y a l c a p i t a l . B u t i t was a c i t y t h a t retained its physical splendor. Its economic i m p o r t a n c e was u n d i m i n i s h e d as the g u a r d i a n o f t w o o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t h a r b o r s i n E g y p t . T h e geographer Strabo, r e l y i n g o n his o w n experience i n E g y p t i n the c o m p a n y o f his f r i e n d , the prefect A e l i u s Gallus, described a c i t y f u l l o f magnificent b u i l d i n g s (especially i n the o l d r o y a l q u a r t e r ) , crossed by w i d e streets t h a t c o u l d accommodate the m o s t l u x u r i o u s vehicles. T h e m i x e d p o p u 2 l a t i o n o f Egyptians, Jews, a n d Greeks made c i v i l disturbances inevitable. A l e x a n d r i a became n o t o r i o u s f o r its u n r u l y citizenry. W i t h a d i m i n i s h e d p o l i t i c a l role i n the w o r l d at large, A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d devote itself t o its o w n i n t e r n a l enthusiasms a n d animosities. 264 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA I n an address t o the A l e x a n d r i a n s , delivered either under Ves pasian o r under T r a j a n (for o u r purposes the date is i m m a t e r i a l ) , the r h e t o r a n d p h i l o s o p h e r D i o o f Prusa chastised the people o f the c i t y f o r their f r i v o l i t y a n d unruliness. H e began his speech w i t h a question: 3 " G e n t l e m e n , w o n ' t y o u be serious for just a m o m e n t a n d give me y o u r a t t e n t i o n ? " H e signaled f o r p a r t i c u l a r c o m m e n t their enthusiasm f o r c h a r i o t races a n d for performances o n the k i t h a r a . T h e latter predilec t i o n was n o d o u b t w h y the emperor N e r o was so f o n d o f A l e x a n d r i a , a n d the f o r m e r represents an early stage i n a passion t h a t was t o become a conspicuous feature of late antique A l e x a n d r i a . E t h n i c tensions, par t i c u l a r l y between Greeks a n d Jews, are w e l l d o c u m e n t e d i n the p a p y r i of the J u l i o - C l a u d i a n p e r i o d a n d above a l l i n the w r i t i n g s o f the Jewish p h i l o s o p h e r P h i l o . H i s in Flaccum shows t h a t r a c i a l tensions c o u l d easily be exacerbated by the A l e x a n d r i a n s ' fondness for p u b l i c entertainments. Public spectacles i n c l u d e d Jews being scourged, hanged, t u r n e d o n the w h e e l , maltreated, a n d led t h r o u g h the m i d s t o f the theater o n their w a y t o death. A f t e r this, a c c o r d i n g t o P h i l o , came performances by dancers, m i m e s , a n d flute players. 4 Just as the p o l i t i c a l influence o f A l e x a n d r i a declined sharply d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the R o m a n E m p i r e , so, t o o , d i d its c u l t u r a l i n f l u ence. T h e c i t y played almost n o role i n the m o v e m e n t k n o w n as the Second Sophistic. N o n e o f the Sophists registered by Philostratos came 5 f r o m the city, a n d few i n s c r i p t i o n s o f Sophists of the p e r i o d show any A l e x a n d r i a n c o n n e c t i o n . O b v i o u s l y , there were teachers a n d schools, b u t the hegemony o f A l e x a n d r i a n intellectuals i n the Hellenistic p e r i o d h a d come t o an end. Yet by the t h i r d century, A l e x a n d r i a h a d acquired a n e w k i n d o f i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n . T h e c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r was Platon i s m , whose p h i l o s o p h y was mastered a n d interpreted by N e o p l a t o n i s t s a n d Christians a l i k e . C l e m e n t a n d O r i g e n , the t w o greatest fathers of the early C h u r c h under the influence o f Platonic t h o u g h t , b o t h w o r k e d i n A l e x a n d r i a . S i m i l a r l y A m m o n i u s Saccas, the teacher o f Plotinus, h e l d his school there. T h e r i v a l r y between the p o l y t h e i s t N e o p l a t o n i s t s a n d the 6 C h r i s t i a n Platonists effectively set the stage for the struggles t h a t charac terized A l e x a n d r i a i n the centuries ahead. Yet even w i t h such distinguished figures as Clement, O r i g e n , a n d A m m o n i u s Saccas i n the t h i r d century, A l e x a n d r i a c o n t i n u e d t o be a m a r g i n a l c i t y w i t h i n the R o m a n E m p i r e . T h e emperor Caracalla, w h o d i s l i k e d philosophers, felt free t o c a r r y o u t a massacre there i n 2 1 5 , a n d he abolished f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t for the M o u s e i o n . T h e i n v a s i o n o f the 7 Palmyrenes i n A . D . 2 7 2 b r o u g h t substantial damage t o the m o n u m e n t s of the c i t y a n d m a y even have led t o the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the M o u s e i o n c o m p l e x itself. T h e c i t y was o v e r w h e l m e d a t h i r d t i m e i n A . D . 295.* T h e 8 p r o m i s e o f A l e x a n d r i a for the future was certainly n o t b r i g h t . I t was a l l the m o r e r e m a r k a b l e t h a t A l e x a n d r i a managed t o Bowersock rise f r o m the r u b b l e so successfully i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y t h a t i t n o t o n l y recovered b u t even surpassed its earlier r e n o w n as an i n t e l l e c t u a l center i n the early t h i r d c e n t u r y so as t o challenge C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , A n t i o c h , Beirut, a n d Athens f o r leadership i n the Greek w o r l d of late a n t i q u i t y . Cavafy, g o o d A l e x a n d r i a n t h a t he was, u n d e r s t o o d a l l this very w e l l . I n a p o e m concerned w i t h the t h i r d - c e n t u r y city, he evokes a student of A m m o n i u s Saccas w h o g r e w b o r e d w i t h his studies. He stayed as a student of A m m o n i u s Saccas for t w o years, but he grew tired b o t h of philosophy and of Saccas. A n d so he turned to politics. But he gave that up too. The prefect was such a fool. N e x t the y o u n g m a n t r i e d the C h u r c h a n d t h o u g h t of b e c o m i n g baptized as a C h r i s t i a n ; b u t , r e a l i z i n g t h a t his parents w o u l d disapprove a n d cut off his allowance, he gave u p t h a t o p t i o n as w e l l a n d t u r n e d t o selling his body. 10 Cavafy has r i g h t l y discerned i n this p o e m that the m o s t p r o f i t able careers i n A l e x a n d r i a at t h a t t i m e lay, w i t h i n the confines of de cency, i n p h i l o s o p h y , p o l i t i c s , a n d the C h u r c h . I n subsequent centuries the s i t u a t i o n was n o t m u c h different, except t h a t p h i l o s o p h y , p o l i t i c s , a n d the C h u r c h c o u l d sometimes be fused i n t o a single c a l l i n g . Perhaps the m o s t eloquent ancient t e s t i m o n y f o r late antique A l e x a n d r i a comes near the b e g i n n i n g o f the age i n the pages o f A m m i a nus M a r c e l l i n u s . H e declared A l e x a n d r i a t o be the pinnacle o f a l l cities (vertex omnium civitatum) i n its n o b i l i t y a n d magnificence." There, says A m m i a n u s , salubrious breezes blew, a n d the air was gentle. There was h a r d l y a day o n w h i c h the citizens d i d n o t see the sun. A m o n g the p r i n c i p a l sites were the celebrated lighthouse a n d the c o n n e c t i n g H e p t a s t a d i o n a n d m o r e t h a n one large l i b r a r y housed i n the great Serapeion, a temple that i n its magnificence c o u l d be equaled o n l y by the c a p i t a l at R o m e . For A m m i a n u s these libraries d i d n o t constitute the H e l l e n i s t i c A l e x a n d r i a n l i b r a r y , w h i c h he believed c o n t a i n e d 7 0 0 , 0 0 0 volumes t h a t were b u r n t u p i n the t i m e o f Julius Caesar. B u t as D i a n a D e l i a has re cently argued, the damage f r o m a c o n f l a g r a t i o n under Caesar seems t o have been greatly exaggerated i n some sources. 12 A m m i a n u s ' s praise o f c u l t u r a l life o f A l e x a n d r i a has a some w h a t elegiac t o n e . 13 T h i s was perhaps inevitable because the greatest days o f the late antique c i t y were t o come l o n g after A m m i a n u s h a d w r i t t e n . I n his t i m e the best he c o u l d say was t h a t " n o t even n o w " (ne nunc quidem) were various fields o f l e a r n i n g unrepresented i n the city. T h e teachers of disciplines were still alive " i n a certain w a y " modo spirant), (quodam a n d geometry was still studied. N o t yet, says A m m i a n u s , h a d music altogether d r i e d o u t (exaruit) i n A l e x a n d r i a , n o r was h a r m o n y silent. A n d there was study of the m o t i o n s o f the earth a n d the stars a n d of mathematics. M e d i c i n e comes i n f o r p a r t i c u l a r praise. A d o c t o r w h o 265 266 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA p r o c l a i m e d t h a t he was t r a i n e d i n A l e x a n d r i a was e n t i t l e d t o special appreciation. A m m i a n u s d i d n o t k n o w t h a t s h o r t l y after he w r o t e his lines a b o u t A l e x a n d r i a the c i t y w o u l d be convulsed i n a c i v i l u p r i s i n g led by the p a t r i a r c h t h a t w o u l d destroy the great Serapeion a n d b r i n g the C h r i s t i a n a n d p o l y t h e i s t segments o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n t o o p e n a n d v i o lent conflict. T h i s happened i n 3 9 1 . 1 4 T h e libraries o f the Serapeion m u s t have been e l i m i n a t e d a l o n g w i t h the temple. T h e date m a r k s the begin n i n g o f the era t h a t Cavafy m u s t have h a d i n m i n d w h e n he t h o u g h t o f A l e x a n d r i a i n the fifth, s i x t h , a n d early seventh centuries. I t h a d already become evident i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y t h a t C h r i s t i a n A l e x a n d r i a n s saw i n the patriarchate o f t h e i r c i t y an o p p o r t u n i t y , t h r o u g h the structure o f the C h u r c h , t o restore A l e x a n d r i a t o a grandeur c o m p a r a b l e t o t h a t o f the Hellenistic p e r i o d . T h e repeated returns o f Athanasius t o the c i t y sym b o l i z e d its i m p o r t a n c e i n the e v o l v i n g struggle over the nature o f C h r i s t . By the m i d - f i f t h c e n t u r y the A l e x a n d r i a n p a t r i a r c h was a c k n o w l e d g e d as the leader o f M o n o p h y s i t e C h r i s t i a n i t y . Together w i t h the g r o w i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f the p a t r i a r c h came a s t r o n g r e v i v a l i n pagan l e a r n i n g , e x e m p l i f i e d i n the early fifth c e n t u r y by the eloquent teacher H y p a t i a , whose lectures even eminent C h r i s tians, such as Synesius, praised. T h e m u r d e r a n d d i s m e m b e r m e n t o f H y p a t i a i n w h a t is perhaps the m o s t n o t o r i o u s o f a l l A l e x a n d r i a n r i o t s t u r n e d this p h i l o s o p h e r a n d teacher i n t o a m a r t y r o f the pagan cause a n d a heroine o f f e m i n i s t movements o f m o d e r n t i m e s . 15 B u t her death by n o means e x t i n g u i s h e d p o l y t h e i s t l e a r n i n g i n the city. T h e younger H o r a p o l l o n , f r o m a distinguished pagan f a m i l y i n A l e x a n d r i a , c o n t i n u e d t o teach a n d c o n d u c t his research o n E g y p t i a n antiquities w e l l i n t o the last years o f the fifth c e n t u r y . 16 H i s s u r v i v i n g treatise o n the inter p r e t a t i o n o f the h i e r o g l y p h i c symbols was a v a l i a n t a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n the ancient inheritance o f E g y p t i n the l i n g u a franca t h a t Greek h a d n o w become. I n a c o m p a n y t h a t is b o t h h i g h l y k n o w l e d g e a b l e a n d cre atively diverse I m i g h t venture at this p o i n t t o m e n t i o n an o p i n i o n o f m i n e t h a t I c a n n o t prove b u t t h a t seems w i t h every passing year t o have m o r e a n d m o r e t o be said f o r i t . T h e example o f H o r a p o l l o n a n d his b r e t h r e n suggests t h a t the l i v i n g p o l y t h e i s m o f late antique E g y p t was r o o t e d i n the o l d E g y p t i a n cults. By contrast, wherever p u r e l y classical Greek p a g a n i s m t u r n s u p i n literature o r a r t ( A p o l l o , D i o n y s o s , H e r a kles, Zeus, a n d so o n ) , i t appears t o be an elegant or erudite pleasure of C h r i s t i a n s . I t h i n k o f the marvelous f o u r t h - c e n t u r y D i o n y s o s t e x t i l e at the A b e g g Stiftung f r o m a C h r i s t i a n b u r i a l , of N o n n o s i n the fifth c e n t u r y , 18 1 7 p r o b a b l y the Dionysiaca a n d above a l l the Greek poems o f D i o s k o r o s o f A p h r o d i t o i n the s i x t h c e n t u r y . 19 Genuine p o l y t h e i s m i n Bowersock late antique E g y p t , as opposed t o aesthetic p o l y t h e i s m , was f u n d a m e n tally Egyptian. A l e x a n d r i a ' s aspirations i n the h i e r a r c h y of the C h u r c h were dealt a severe, i f n o t t e r m i n a l , b l o w by the C o u n c i l of C h a l c e d o n i n 4 5 1 , w h e n the A l e x a n d r i a n p a t r i a r c h D i o s k o r o s was defeated i n his a t t e m p t t o ensure the a u t h o r i t y of M o n o p h y s i t e d o c t r i n e . U n t i l t h a t m o m e n t the A l e x a n d r i a n s h a d dared t o hope t h a t , at least i n the c o m m u n i t y o f the C h u r c h , A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d be a r i v a l c a p i t a l t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ; b u t , w i t h the v i c t o r y of the C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i t a n d o c t r i n e at C h a l c e d o n i n 4 5 1 , A l e x a n d r i a c o u l d n o longer hope f o r preeminence. H o s t i l i t y t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e g r e w over the years t h a t f o l l o w e d . T h e r i v a l r y o f the t w o cities as centers o f overseas Greek c u l t u r e never altogether d i e d , a n d this, t o a substantial degree, explains Cavafy's fascination w i t h late antique Alexandria. 20 T h e m o s t valuable descriptions of A l e x a n d r i a i n the postC h a l c e d o n i a n p e r i o d are the Syriac Life Scholasticus a n d the Greek Life of Isidore of Severus by Zacharias by Damascius. I n b o t h o f these precious biographies we can see a c i t y t h a t is still i n t e l l e c t u a l l y ex c i t i n g i n the pagan a n d C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s alike. I t is a c i t y f u l l of churches a n d even u r b a n monasteries. A c c o r d i n g t o the Life of Severus, Greek a n d L a t i n were b o t h t a u g h t i n A l e x a n d r i a , a n d m a n y of the great polytheist teachers lectured, l i k e H y p a t i a , t o Christians as w e l l as pa gans. H o r a p o l l o n is m e n t i o n e d by name, as is Isidore. O t h e r s , such as H e r a i s k o s a n d A s k l e p i o d o t o s , w h o are also k n o w n f r o m other sources ( i n c l u d i n g e p i g r a p h i c a l ones), are n a m e d a m o n g the leading teachers of the late fifth c e n t u r y . 21 D u r i n g his student days i n A l e x a n d r i a , Severus w e n t o n an e x p e d i t i o n t o the o u t s k i r t s o f the c i t y t o i n t i m i d a t e a n d f o r c i b l y d i s r u p t a pagan c o m m u n i t y . Zacharias described this ungener ous m i s s i o n i n d e t a i l . We hear o f the h i e r o g l y p h i c i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the w a l l s o f the house o f the pagans a n d o f the i n t e r i o r w a l l t h a t was b u i l t u p t o conceal the idols. T h e C h r i s t i a n m i l i t a n t s b r o k e i n t o the h i d i n g place o f the pagan gods a n d discovered b o t h the idols themselves—im ages of E g y p t i a n deities, n o t Greek ones—and an altar covered w i t h b l o o d . I n an excess o f pious zeal, Severus a n d his friends destroyed v i r t u a l l y a l l these objects a n d d i d their best t o convert the pagans o f the village as w e l l as t o p r o p u p the w a v e r i n g sentiments o f those C h r i s tians w h o h a d some l i n g e r i n g belief i n the p o w e r o f idols. O n Easter Sunday m o r n i n g all the people of Alexandria at the time of mass were made to hear thousands of imprecations against H o r a p o l l o n . A n d they cried out that he should no longer be called H o r a p o l l o n but Psychapollon—"he w h o destroys souls" . . . the patriarch of G o d made k n o w n to everybody i n his sermon the description of 267 268 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA the idols that we had taken out, w h a t they were made of, and their number. As a result the people were inflamed and brought together all the idols of pagan gods, wherever they could be f o u n d — i n the baths or i n the houses—and they put them on a pile and set fire to them. B u t the Christians o f A l e x a n d r i a were n o t a l l destructive b u l lies. Indeed i t is n o t altogether clear w h e t h e r raids o f the k i n d described i n the Life of Severus were m u c h m o r e t h a n student h i g h j i n k s . T h e c i t y i n the late antique p e r i o d is p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l k n o w n f o r its C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h w o r k e r s (perhaps social w o r k e r s ) called philoponoi. T h e y appear several times i n Syriac t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n i n the Life of Severus. 22 T h e y are perhaps best k n o w n t h r o u g h the name attached t o one o f A l e x a n d r i a ' s m o s t distinguished late antique philosophers, J o h n P h i l o p o n o s , whose extensive commentaries o n Plato a n d A r i s t o t l e have o n l y recently begun t o receive the detailed a t t e n t i o n they deserve. T h e u n i o n o f service a n d h i g h i n t e l l e c t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n i n J o h n P h i l o p o n o s may w e l l reflect a recog n i t i o n o n the p a r t o f the patriarchate o f A l e x a n d r i a t h a t M o n o p h y s i t e s m i g h t as w e l l give u p aspirations t o universal a u t h o r i t y a n d concentrate o n w o r k at h o m e . I n any case, the future o f E g y p t i a n C h r i s t i a n i t y n o longer lay i n A l e x a n d r i a b u t i n the countryside a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y farther s o u t h i n the y o u n g c h u r c h o f the C o p t s , f o u n d e d by the great Shenoute t w o cen turies before. M o n o p h y s i t e h o s t i l i t y t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e also meant t h a t Christians o f this persuasion were m o r e i n c l i n e d t o s u p p o r t the enemies of the Byzantine emperors. I n A l e x a n d r i a t h a t meant the A r a b s . T h e best c h r o n i c l e t h a t we possess o n the final century o f Greek A l e x a n d r i a , the era o f P h i l o p o n o s , is the account o f J o h n o f N i k i o u , k n o w n t o us o n l y t h r o u g h an E t h i o p i c t r a n s l a t i o n of an A r a b i c t r a n s l a t i o n of his o r i g i n a l t e x t . B u t even at such a distance his narrative gives us a v i v i d glimpse i n t o the still r i c h Greek c u l t u r e o f A l e x a n d r i a o n the eve o f the A r a b conquest. W h e n the t e x t o f J o h n o f N i k i o u was first p u b l i s h e d , i n 1 8 8 3 , its greatest r e v e l a t i o n was the p r i m a r y role t h a t the A l e x a n d r i a n s played i n the o v e r t h r o w o f Phokas a n d the elevation of H e r a k l i o s i n the years 609 a n d 6 1 0 . 2 3 N o one w o u l d have credited o r h a d credited A l e x a n d r i a w i t h so i m p o r t a n t a r o l e , a n d the circus factions i n s u p p o r t o f the c h a r i oteers—the so-called Greens a n d Blues—are e x p l i c i t l y associated w i t h the o v e r t h r o w o f Phokas. As A l a n C a m e r o n recognized i n his study o f the factions i n the early Byzantine p e r i o d , 2 4 the A l e x a n d r i a n Greens a n d Blues were m a j o r players, b u t together a n d n o t i n o p p o s i t i o n t o one an other. B o t h s u p p o r t e d Nicetas, the l o c a l sponsor o f H e r a k l i o s . T h a t factions i n the eastern cities occasionally played a p o l i t i c a l role was i n evitable: they were organized, r o w d y , a n d experienced i n r i o t s . B u t they Bowersock h a d n o p l a t f o r m a n d n o fixed p o l i t i c a l positions. T h e case o f A l e x a n d r i a as s h o w n by J o h n of N i k i o u p r o v e d t o be one of the m o s t instructive examples for the w h o l e o f late a n t i q u i t y . T h i s has t o be said because the excellent p u b l i c a t i o n of graffiti f r o m the theater at A l e x a n d r i a by the Polish scholar Z b i g n i e w B o r k o w s k i i n c l u d e d a v a l i a n t t h o u g h u l t i m a t e l y unsuccessful a t t e m p t t o i n t e r p r e t inscriptions o f the Greens a n d the Blues i n terms of p o l i t i c a l d i visions w i t h i n the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a . 25 O v e r a l l , of course, we have rea son t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y grateful for the Polish excavations at A l e x a n d r i a n o t o n l y for the theater texts o f the Greens a n d the Blues b u t for the o n l y physical evidence t h a t we have o f the late antique c i t y : the theater itself, some baths, p a r t of the necropolis, a n d some residential quarters. For the years f o l l o w i n g the accession of H e r a k l i o s , the Life Almoner, of John the w h o was p a t r i a r c h at the t i m e , affords precious glimpses i n t o the c i t y precisely where even the t e x t o f J o h n o f N i k i o u fails us because of a lacuna. T h e already m i x e d p o p u l a t i o n was substantially enlarged by the a r r i v a l o f refugees f r o m Syria a n d Palestine fleeing the Persian i n vaders. 26 T h e safe haven they f o u n d lasted o n l y a short t i m e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o circus factions or r i o t i n g students c o u l d stem the tide w h e n the A r a b s came i n 6 4 2 . T h e e x t a n t t e x t of J o h n o f N i k i o u gives the w h o l e story a n d blames the fall o f A l e x a n d r i a o n the failure o f the C h u r c h t o espouse the M o n o p h y s i t e cause. A c c o r d i n g t o J o h n , " a l l these things fell o u t because they d i v i d e d C h r i s t i n t o t w o na tures." For the c h r o n i c l e r the supporters o f C h a l c e d o n i a n i s m were n a t u r a l l y w e a k o f s p i r i t , a n d i t was n o surprise t o h i m t h a t m a n y p r o m p t l y converted t o I s l a m : N o w many of the Egyptians w h o had been false Christians de nied the holy o r t h o d o x faith and life-giving baptism and em braced the religion of the M o s l e m , the enemies of G o d , and accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast. . . . One of them, named John the Chalcedonian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced the faith of Islam, and, quitting his monk's habit, he t o o k up the sword and persecuted the Christians w h o were faithful to O u r L o r d Jesus C h r i s t . 27 F r o m a C h a l c e d o n i a n a n d C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i t a n perspective the c o n t i n u i n g a n i m o s i t y of M o n o p h y s i t e A l e x a n d r i a t o the central govern m e n t h a d played i n t o the conqueror's hands. I n any case, the A r a b c o n q u e s t — w h a t Cavafy called "the p o w e r f u l A r a b i s m " — a b r u p t l y h a l t e d t h a t c o m p l e x c u l t u r e , e m b r a c i n g b o t h Greek a n d E g y p t i a n t r a d i t i o n s , t h a t h a d been the g l o r y of A l e x a n d r i a even i n its darkest days at the end of the t h i r d century. Cavafy h i m s e l f is the best p r o o f t h a t i t never dis appeared altogether. Late a n t i q u i t y h a d seen a n e w v i t a l i t y at A l e x a n d r i a t h r o u g h its patriarchs, its N e o p l a t o n i s t a n d C h r i s t i a n philosophers, its 269 270 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA o l d E g y p t i a n p o l y t h e i s t cults t h a t refused t o die, a n d its t w o great circus factions. A l e x a n d r i a n life reached a k i n d o f fever p i t c h t h a t made the c i t y u n i q u e i n the Byzantine w o r l d . Its p r o u d independence a n d fierce r i v a l r y w i t h the g o v e r n m e n t i n C o n s t a n t i n o p l e were p a r a d o x i c a l l y t o be its u n d o i n g . I n another p o e m , Cavafy described the i m p a c t o f the A r a b conquest f r o m a Greek perspective i n a m o v i n g p o e m n a m e d f o r a fic t i o n a l character called A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i . 2 8 I n the t i t l e Cavafy e q u i p p e d his " A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i , an A l e x a n d r i a n , " w i t h dates f o r b i r t h a n d death, " A . D . 6 2 8 - 6 5 5 . " I n other w o r d s , M o n a i was b o r n i n the final years o f the Greek c i t y a n d died a l i t t l e over a decade after the A r a b s a r r i v e d . T h i s y o u n g Greek is the speaker as the p o e m begins. H e says t h a t he w i l l c o n s t r u c t a s p l e n d i d suit o f a r m o r f o r himself, a suit of a r m o r composed of " w o r d s , appearance, a n d m a n n e r s " (jme Xoyca, /ne ^vaioyviOfiCa, rpoirovs). /ue W i t h these he w i l l be able t o h o l d o u t against evil m e n . These were the c o m p o n e n t s o f Greek c u l t u r e , as Cavafy u n d e r s t o o d i t . B u t they h a r d l y sufficed against an e x t e r n a l invader. T h e p o e m ends w i t h the y o u n g A e m i l i a n u s M o n a i d y i n g i n Sicily at the age of twenty-seven. H e left his city, p r e s u m a b l y i n 6 4 2 w h e n the A r a b s came. T h e poet asks himself, I wonder i f he ever used this suit of armor; in any case, he didn't wear i t for l o n g . 29 Institute for Advanced Study P R I N C E T O N , N E W J E R S E Y Bowersock Notes 1 mance t o Rhetoric: T h e Alexandrian L i b r a r y i n R . L a v a g n i n i , " S e i t e n u o v e poesie b i z a n t i n e d i C o s t a n t i n o K a v a f l s , " Rivista di studi Classical a n d Islamic T r a d i t i o n s , " e Historical 25 (1988): 2 1 7 - 8 1 , f o r t h e p r e s e n t neoellenici t e x t 2 7 6 - 7 7 : Ή φαντασία I οχι στην τώρα bizantini μον με Αλεξάνδρεια I άλλα τον πέμπτον μορφή της καϊ καθ' εποχή των πιαίνει D e l i a ( t h i s n o t e ) : 1458 n o t e 38, says t h a t A m - ΥΙτολεμαίων, m i a n u s , at 22.16.13, " c o n f u s e d m a i n a n d Sera- ή τον ε"κτον αίώνος. της p e u m l i b r a r i e s . " N o t necessarily: t h e t e x t is I Κάθε t r o u b l e d here, b u t the p l u r a l αγαπώ. Strabo 17.1. 6 - ι ο , 7 9 3 D i o P r u s . Orat. I - bybliothecae is n o t i n d o u b t , n o r t h a t these l i b r a r i e s fuerunt 2 American 97 (1992): 1 4 4 9 - 1 4 6 7 . Review w e r e in t h e S e r a p e i o n (in quo). T h e n u m e r a l 5 C duo i s , h o w e v e r , i n d o u b t . The Roman 32, o n w h i c h see C . P. Jones, World of Dio Chrysostom 13 (Cam A m m . M a r c . 22.16.17-18. b r i d g e , M a s s . 1978), p p . 3 6 - 4 4 . See m o s t r e 14 cently H . Sidebottom, " T h e Date o f D i o o f Historia F o r t h e d a t e , see n o w t h e f u l l d i s c u s s i o n b y T . D . B a r n e s i n h i s r e v i e w o f J. F. M a t t h e w s ' s Prusa's R h o d i a n a n d A l e x a n d r i a n O r a t i o n s , " 41 (1992): 4 0 7 - 1 9 ( f o r a T r a j a n i c w o r k o n A m m i a n u s , Classical (1993): 6 1 - 6 2 . A s a r e s u l t o f Barnes's a r g u and the ' M o b ' : D i o Chrysostom a n d the W o r l d m e n t s , I w i t h d r a w m y e a r l i e r s u p p o r t f o r 392. o f t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s , " Historia 42 (1993): 8 2 - 103 ( f o r a V e s p a s i a n i c d a t e a n d d e p r e c i a t i n g t h e 15 value o f Dio's testimony). F o r a recent account, pending the f o r t h c o m i n g b o o k o n H y p a t i a b y M a r i a D z i e l s k a , see P. C h u v i n , A Chronicle 4 5 88 Philology date), a n d W . D . Barry, "Aristocrats, O r a t o r s , P h i l o in Flaccurn 8 5. A s n o t e d i n G . W . B o w e r s o c k , Greek ists in the Roman of the Last Pagans ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . 1990), p p . 8 5 - 9 0 . Soph 16 ( O x f o r d 1969), Empire C f . G . W . B o w e r s o c k , Hellenism in Late An ( A n n A r b o r a n d C a m b r i d g e 1990), tiquity pp. 20-21. p p . 6 0 - 6 1 . S t i l l i m p o r t a n t is J. M a s p e r o , O n t h e P l a t o n i s m o f C l e m e n t a n d O r i g e n , see Bulletin H . C h a d w i c k , Early orientale " H o r a p o l l o n et l a f i n d u p a g a n i s m e e g y p t i e n , " 6 Classical Christian Thought and the de Caire frangais d'archeologie 11 (1914): 1 6 4 - 9 5 . ( O x f o r d 1966), p p . 3 1 - 9 4 . Tradition F o r A m m o n i u s Saccas, see J. M . D i l l o n , The Middle de ITnstitut 17 ( L o n d o n 1977), p p . 3 8 0 - 8 3 . Platonists D . Willers, "Dionysos u n d Christus—ein archaologisches Zeugnis zur 'Konfessionsangeh o r i g k e i t ' des N o n n o s , " Museum 7 Cassius D i o 7 8 . 2 2 - 2 3 ; H e r o d i a n 4 . 9 . 4 - 8 ; Historia Chron. Augusta, 1 6.2-3; Malalas Carac. 4.590. 18 P. C h u v i n , " N o n n o s de P a n o p o l i s e n t r e p a g a n i s m e et c h r i s t i a n i s m e , " Bulletin 8 A m m . M a r c . 2.2.16.15. C f . Scriptores Augustae, 9 Quadriga M a l a l a s Chron. Historiae tion 3.1. 4.601; J o h n o f N i k i o u 77.1-6 19 Bude L . M a c C o u l l , Dioscorus Work K . P. K a v a f i s , ΙΙοιήματα Guillaume de VAssocia 45 (1986): 3 8 7 - 9 6 , a n d also W i l l e r s ( n o t e 17 a b o v e ) . (Charles). 10 Helveticum 49 (1992.): Ι 4 Ι - 5 · (1919-1933), ed. 20 G . P. Savidis ( A t h e n s 1991), p p . 3 4 - 3 5 . T h e and His World of Aphrodito: His ( B e r k e l e y 1988). A t t h e age o f n i n e t e e n , o n 23 J u n e 1882, C a v a f y w e n t t o Constantinople w i t h his mother twelve lines q u o t e d c o m e f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e days after t h e s o - c a l l e d " m a s s a c r e o f t h e C h r i s p o e m : "Εμεινε t i a n s " at A l e x a n d r i a . C a v a f y b e g a n a n E n g l i s h - Svd χρόνυακαϊ μαθητής I άλλα τον Σακκά. βαρέθηκε I Κατόπι Μ ά τα παραίτησεν. τον *Κμμωνίον καϊ τήν μπήκε *ΐίταν Ί,ακκά φιλοσοφία στα πολιτικά. δ "Επαρχος l a n g u a g e d i a r y e n t i t l e d Constantinopoliad I Epic, μωρός. an w h i c h w i l l be e d i t e d a n d p u b l i s h e d b y Diana Haas. I I A m m . M a r c . 22.16.7. 21 Z a c h . Vit. Seven, 12 I b i d . , 22.16.7 —12. C f . D . D e l i a , " F r o m R o - 22 E . g . , Z a c h . Vit. Seven, p p . 1 6 a n d 22 ( K u g e n e r ) . p . 12 ( K u g e n e r ) , pyl- 271 272 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA pwnw. A l s o n o t e p . 2 6 : tgm' pwnw [sic] (the rdy/na hw dmtqr' dpylw- c a l l e d [ray/ma] o f the <f)L\6irovoL). 23 See R . H . C h a r l e s , The 690 A.D.), Coptic Chronicle Bishop of John (c. (London ofNikiu 1916), p. iv. 24 A . C a m e r o n , Circus at Rome 25 and Factions: Z . B o r k o w s k i , Alexandrie, des factions Blues (Oxford Byzantium and Greens 1976). v o l . 2, Inscriptions (Warsaw 1981), pp. a Alexandrie 5 9 - 7 0 . B o r k o w s k i ' s case d e p e n d s l a r g e l y o n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f his t e x t n o . 39 ( s h o w i n g t o t a l v i c t o r y o f the Greens over the Blues). T h e w o r d [sic] is a p p l i e d t o t h e G r e e n s , a n d yevvecoraTcov B o r k o w s k i believes t h a t t h e use o f f o r fortissimus yevvaLOTaros i n p a p y r i proves that a m i l i t a r y a c t i o n is r e c o r d e d h e r e . 26 L e o n t i u s o f N e a p o l i s , Life of John the Almoner de Chypre, 6 . 1 - 2 ( A . J. F e s t u g i e r e , Vie de Jean 'E7ri dit I'Aumdnier): 61 Wepaai awv, TTJV TrXr/Bovs TCOV ^kXegavSpeiav Tpocjycbv COLS TCOV Uep- KaTaXa/jL^avovroq Kal aTevcocrecos TOV TToraphv KOI Tov e/c (frevyovrcov cbs TJSTJ TrpoXiXeKrai, rod JULT) dveXBelv rod iv ay alx/JMXdiTevcrav with 11.8-12, iTrpeSevaavXvpCav, d/wBr/Tov TOVTOV dveXOopreg TTOXXT)<; Kara €K avvr/Beiav yevopevrjg. 27 John of N i k i o u 1 2 1 . 1 0 - 1 1 (Charles). 28 K . P. K a v a f i s , T\oi7)i±ona (1897-1918), G . P. S a v i d i s , e d . ( A t h e n s 1 9 9 1 ) , p . 8 4 . 29 L o c . c i t . , lines 1 1 - 1 2 : 'Ev Traajj 8ev <f)6p€cre XtKcXCa TTOXV. ireBave. I WLKOCTL kirra irepiirrcjo-eL, xpovtb, arr/v 273 Medieval Alexandria: Some Evidence from the Cairo Genizah Documents Abraham L. Udovitch A m o n g historians of a generation ago, the r e p u t a t i o n of A l e x a n d r i a i n the early Islamic p e r i o d h a d fallen o n h a r d times. By c o m p a r i s o n t o its dazzling brilliance d u r i n g the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods, t o its t u r m o i l a n d v i t a l i t y i n the early Byzantine era, a n d t o its c o m m e r c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l resurgence i n the nineteenth a n d early t w e n t i e t h cen turies, A l e x a n d r i a i n the h i g h M i d d l e Ages seemed l i k e a sleepy t o w n indeed. A number o f E g y p t i a n historians w r i t i n g d u r i n g the past t w e n t y years or so—one m i g h t call t h e m A l e x a n d r i a n " p a t r i o t s " — h a v e v a l i a n t l y t r i e d t o restore t o medieval Islamic A l e x a n d r i a a m o d i c u m o f its f o r m e r (departed?) glory. I a m t h i n k i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r of such estimable historians o f medieval Islamic Egypt as A b d a l - A z i z Salim a n d Jamal c a l - D i n al-Shayyal. c 1 I n the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o his 1967 b o o k entitled (in A r a b i c ) The History of the City of Alexandria during the Islamic Era, Shayyal p r o tests against those scholars w h o p o i n t t o A l e x a n d r i a ' s Islamic p e r i o d o n l y t o "demean its i m p o r t a n c e a n d unjustly characterize i t as an era o f decline, backwardness, a n d evanescence," a n d he asserts quite e x p l i c i t l y a n d w i t h o u t apologies that the purpose of his study is t o re-establish the city's r e p u t a t i o n d u r i n g these medieval Islamic centuries. Yet even Shayyal is perplexed by certain a n o m a l o u s features concerning A l e x a n dria's medieval past. H o w is i t , he asks, that "the A r a b s d i d n o t compose any special h i s t o r y for this i m p o r t a n t border o u t p o s t [thaghr] d u r i n g the Islamic period? . . . w h i l e [at the same t i m e ] they d i d n o t leave any of their cities, large or s m a l l , w i t h o u t its o w n c h r o n i c l e . " 2 For a variety of c u l t u r a l a n d religious reasons, l o c a l histories celebrating the m o n u m e n t s , climate, scholars, h o l y m e n , a n d other n o tables of a t o w n , city, or r e g i o n p r o l i f e r a t e d i n the medieval Islamic c o n t e x t . I d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the accomplishments of l o c a l scholars a n d saints was one o f the ways the very l o c a l , i n d i v i d u a l believer c o u l d bridge the gap between himself a n d G o d . N o t o n l y were such m a j o r centers as Baghdad, Damascus, A l e p p o , a n d Q a y r a w a n the subject o f one or sev eral local histories, b u t the same was true for d i s t i n c t l y m i n o r t o w n s such as Qus or T i n n i s . Consequently, i t is surprising indeed that no l o 3 cal h i s t o r y o f medieval A l e x a n d r i a , n o r any significant b i o g r a p h i c a l c o m - 274 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA pilation of its scholars and notables, has come down to us. ShayyaTs ex tensive search in medieval Arab bibliographic sources (for example, Ibn Nadim's Fibrist and Hajji Khalifa's Kashf al-zunun) yielded only a single reference to a fourteenth-century local history, now apparently lost, and mention of a few short treatises of the fada'il category, praising the city's merits and virtues. While it may have had no exclusive local history of its own, Alexandria was by no means neglected or forgotten by medieval writers. Considerable information about the city is to be found in chronicles, geographic literature, and other contemporary literary and, as we shall see, documentary sources. We have no extant local histories, however, nor any of the usual collections of biographies of local scholars, notables, and holy men. Is it possible that medieval Alexandrians and their Egyp tian contemporaries viewed the city somewhat differently from other urban agglomerations? In what follows, I do not pretend to offer any definitive an swers or explanations to this enigma. I do believe, however, that focus ing on medieval Alexandria's incontestable status as Egypt's second city, subsidiary to Cairo i n almost every significant respect, may help us un derstand some apparent anomalies concerning its history during the Is lamic period. I propose, therefore, first, to explore some of the structural changes brought about by the advent of a new Islamic political and cul tural system that placed Alexandria in a strategically subordinate posi tion vis-a-vis its inland rival; and, second, to examine some new evidence for the eleventh and twelfth centuries garnered from the documents of the genizah i n Cairo concerning Alexandria's very distinctly subsidiary role in economic and commercial matters. In its transition from the late antique and Byzantine spheres to that of Islam, Alexandria's geographic position did not change in any way. Its natural advantages in terms of its harbor, its location, and its relationship to other important Mediterranean ports remained as favor able as they were when the city was first established at its site in 3 3 2 B . C . What did change radically was Alexandria's relationship to the center of political and military power in Egypt and in the region. Since its incep tion, Alexandria served, in one manner or another, as a capital city, ei ther of an empire or of a region, or, at the very least of a country and/or major province, that is, Egypt. W i t h the advent of the Arab conquests, Alexandria's situation changed in almost every respect. It was displaced as a political and military focal point, and its importance as a regional center of religious power and administration declined considerably. A similar statement can be made about its role in Mediterranean com merce, which, even i f it did not completely disappear as claimed by Henri Pirenne in his famous thesis, certainly entered a phase of contraction during the seventh and eighth centuries. 4 U dovitch Alexandria's changed and relatively diminished position fol lowing the Arab conquests was not peculiar to that city alone but was a fate shared w i t h most pre-Islamic coastal towns of the eastern and southern Mediterranean. A n examination of the distribution of urban centers in the Middle East during the Middle Ages reveals a rather strik ing fact: no major political or administrative center was located on the seacoast. Furthermore, even though there were numerous Islamic coastal towns of some economic and commercial importance, the major entre pots of trade and economic life were invariably located some distance inland. On the Mediterranean coastline that came under Islamic domi nation in the seventh and eighth centuries, Antioch and Caesarea gave way to Damascus and Ramleh; Alexandria yielded to Fustat-Cairo, and Carthage to Qayirawan. 5 A n ambivalence and wariness w i t h regard to the sea and other maritime matters characterized the pre-Ottoman Muslim polities of the Mediterranean basin. The sea was a menacing frontier to the early Mus lim rulers of the Middle East. This view of the sea and the cautious and defensive policies that it engendered are a motif of Islamic political and military thinking from the earliest years of the Islamic hegemony until the advent of the Ottomans in the early sixteenth century. The few in stances in which Islamic rulers adopted a relatively sustained, confident, and aggressive naval policy in the Mediterranean are only the exceptions that prove the rule. Uneasiness and anxiety about the sea derived not from the unpredictable dangers of its winds, storms, and waves. These, after all, were risks shared by all people, of all creeds, who went down to the sea in ships. The threat, or perceived threat, of the sea to the me dieval Islamic world of the Mediterranean was a "strategic" one. The sea was the one vulnerable frontier from which Islamic control of the lands bordering on the Mediterranean could be seriously threatened. c In the early years of Islam, during the reign of the caliph Umar ( A . D . 6 3 4 - 6 4 4 ) , he reportedly recommended that the Muslims be kept away from seafaring. [And, indeed,] no Arab travelled by sea except those who did so without Umar's knowledge or they were punished by him for it. Umar thus pun ished 'Afrajah ibn Harthamah al-Azdi, the chief of the Bajilah [tribe]. He sent him on a raid against Oman, and he learned [later] that he had raided it by sea. He disapproved of his having made the raid by sea, and told him so in no uncertain terms. c c 6 Urnar refused repeated requests by the future caliph M u a w i yah, at that time his military commander in Syria, for permission to raid the island of Cyprus. In his futile attempt to persuade the caliph Umar, Mu awiyah maintained that the Byzantine-held outposts on Cyprus were so close to the Muslim-held Syrian coast that the Muslims could hear c c c c 275 276 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA "the barking of the dogs of the Christians." Our sources abound w i t h many other instances of the caliph Umar's displeasure and distress at c any attempt of Arab tribal warriors to traverse large bodies of water in pursuit of their conquests. Ibn Khaldun attributes Umar's policy to his c recognition of the fact that "the Arabs were not skilled in navigation and seafaring," skills that their adversaries at that time—the Byzantines and 7 European Christians—possessed to a high degree. In subsequent centuries, the Muslims of the southern and eastern coasts of the Mediterranean did indeed acquire many of the maritime skills of their predecessors and adversaries and ventured forth, w i t h intermittent boldness and success, onto the waters of the great middle sea. This is exemplified by the stunning victory of the Umayyad fleet over the Byzantine defenders of Constantinople in the Battle of the Masts in A . D . 6 5 5 . Nevertheless, ambivalence toward the sea and naval activity persisted. Throughout the Middle Ages, the coastal towns of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt were regarded as frontier outposts. Tyre, Sidon, Ascalon, Damietta, and Alexandria were invariably designated by the Arabic term thaghr (frontier fortress), the identical term used to des ignate the march areas of raids and counterraids on the shifting borders separating Islam from Christendom. Crete, Cyprus, Sicily, and other Mediterranean islands held by the Muslims were similarly called althughur al-jazariyya (island frontier fortresses). Even at such points as Alexandria and Damietta, where the Mediterranean coastline for hun dreds of miles in either direction had been firmly under Muslim control for many centuries, the hostile and threatening area was perceived as beginning at land's end. The naval efforts of successive Muslim states bordering on the Mediterranean were sporadic in character. For long periods there was no permanent navy or fleet. Throughout the medieval period, the coasts of 8 Syria, Egypt, and N o r t h Africa not only were vulnerable but were actu ally attacked frequently by Christian raiding parties. Muslim policy was reactive. Flurries of naval activity, as occurred in Egypt, for example, during the reign of the Abbasid caliph Al-Mutawakkil ( 8 4 7 - 8 6 1 ) or c under the early Fatimids ( 9 6 9 - 1 1 8 7 ) , alternated w i t h long periods of quiescence. The successful role of naval power in bolstering the Cru 9 sader presence in the Levant for approximately two centuries not only reinforced Muslim wariness of the sea but gave rise in the eastern Medi terranean to a distinct aversion on the part of Muslim powers to naval confrontations. Beginning w i t h Saladin in the late twelfth century and culminating in the period of Mamluk rule (ca. 1 2 5 0 - 1 5 1 7 ) , the attitude of indifference toward the sea turned into one that David Ayalon has aptly characterized as "decidedly negative." Indeed, the Mamluks em barked upon a systematic policy of destroying the fortifications of the cities and towns of the Syro-Palestinian coast, thereby denying to any Udovitch potential enemy a coastal foothold from which he might then penetrate inland and threaten the very foundations of their power. Ports and coastal towns of Egypt were not as severely affected by this policy as those on the Syrian coast. 10 In a section of his Muqaddima devoted to the requirements for town planning, Ibn Khaldun offers the following advice and analysis: In connection with coastal towns situated on the sea, one must see to it that they are situated on a mountain or amidst a people sufficiently numerous to come to the support of the town when an enemy attacks it. The reason for this is that a town that is near the sea but does not have within its area tribes who share its group feeling, or is not situated in rugged mountain territory, is in danger of being attacked at night by surprise. Its enemies can easily attack it with a fleet and do harm to it. They can be sure that the city has no one to call to its support and that the urban population, accustomed to tranquility, has become depen dent on others for its protection and does not know how to fight. Among cities of this type, for instance, are Alexandria in the East, and Tripoli, Bone, and Sale in the West. . . . Alexan dria was designated a "border city" (tbaghr) by the Abbasids, c although the Abbasid sway extended beyond Alexandria to c Barqah (in Libya) and Ifriqiyya (Tunisia). The designation of Alexandria as a "border city" expressed Abbasid fears that at c tacks against Alexandria could be made from the sea. Such fears were justified in the case of Alexandria because of its exposed sit uation. This situation was probably the reason why Alexandria and Tripoli were attacked by the enemy in Islamic times on nu merous occasions. 11 In this passage Ibn Khaldun expresses an insight distilled from the me dieval Islamic experience, to w i t , that the sea and its coastline were to tally dependent on the hinterland for their safety and protection. This strategic reality had profound military, naval, and political implications; it also affected the pattern and organization of trade, especially in the eleventh and later centuries, when international commerce across the Mediterranean was in a period of full expansion. Militarily it meant that in Fatimid Egypt, for example, Cairo rather than Alexandria would serve as the primary naval base for warships. Similarly, in the commercial sphere, it was Fustat-Cairo rather than Alexandria that served as the focal point of an extensive network of Mediterranean exchange, even though Alexandria was the port through which most of the merchandise constituting this trade was carried. 12 H o w did Alexandria's peripheral political and commercial status affect the city's life and institutions? For the eleventh through 277 278 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA thirteenth century the documents of the genizah in Cairo offer us some original and unmediated insights into this question. These documents were found i n an abandoned storage room of an ancient synagogue in Old Cairo (Fustat), stored there together w i t h tens of thousands of nolonger-usable fragments of religious and ritual texts. According to Jew ish custom, these were intended for interment in the hallowed ground of an adjacent cemetery. For reasons unknown, the discarded papers were left to accumulate above ground for a period of over eight centuries. The bulk of the documentary material, such as letters, contracts, and court records, dates from the eleventh through thirteenth century. Most were written i n Judaeo-Arabic, that is, the Arabic language expressed in He brew characters. In addition to specifically religious material, this trove contains voluminous and uniquely valuable material bearing on social, economic, and other aspects of what we might term "secular" life. A l though the letters derive from a Jewish milieu, the practices and reality they mirror were those of the general society in which these Jewish mer chants lived and worked. Numerically, the largest component of this latter category of documentary material consists of business letters exchanged between merchants and others involved in the expanding Mediterranean trade of the times as well as the commerce between the Mediterranean world and the lands bordering the Indian Ocean. Their geographic provenance includes numerous ports and inland towns ex tending all the way from Spain to India. A n inordinately large propor tion of these letters, perhaps as much as twenty percent, passed between Alexandria and Fustat. In discussing Egyptian urban life in the high Middle Ages, S. D . Goitein has written that "the unmistakable testimony of hundreds of Geniza letters proves that Fustat, the inland city, was also the com mercial and financial capital of the country on which Alexandria, the originally Greek maritime town, was economically dependent in every respect." W i t h the exception of its important port facilities, the image of Alexandria emerging from this voluminous correspondence is that of a very provincial town. In administrative and technical matters relating to trade and exchange, Alexandria depended on Fustat. 13 Fustat was Egypt's money market and banking center. For eign currency, even from regions w i t h which Alexandria had maritime ties, was available primarily i n Fustat. When they were i n need of such currencies, Alexandrians had to look to Fustat for their supplies, and when they had such currencies in their possession, they were obliged to send them to Fustat to exchange them for coins that were accepted and legal tender in Egypt. Typical in this respect is a passage from a letter sent from Alexandria to Fustat in or around 1050: " I sent you two purses containing 205 Nizariyya dinars, coined i n al-Mahdiyya. Kindly Udovitch work to exchange them into local tender and hold the money thus ob tained until my arrival." 14 In another letter from about the same time, an Alexandrian trader addresses his associate in Fustat as follows: I sent you a purse with fifty dinars, which are no longer current here in Alexandria but are excellent and first-class in Fustat. Please exchange them for Syrian dinars, whose legends are ar ranged in lines. These should be coins of good quality of the type you usually procure. . . . Your commission shall be one dinar for every hundred changed. I shall send you another purse by the end of the holidays. Please execute the order immediately, for I need these coins urgently. 15 Some banking and exchange activity must certainly have oc curred in medieval Alexandria's marketplace, yet these passages and the many others like them found in business letters sent from Alexandria make it abundantly clear that most serious banking and financial trans actions relating to international commerce took place in Fustat rather than in Alexandria. What: was true for money and finance was also true for the major commodities on which international trade was based. Fustat was the emporium, the entrepot of the entire region. Merchandise from all corners of the globe was amassed and stored there and subsequently re distributed from Fustat. Its markets were rich, well supplied, and cos mopolitan. This was in contrast to the markets of Alexandria, which in terms of variety were much less well furnished. Even commodities from Mediterranean countries that were imported via Alexandria often had to be obtained from Fustat when they became scarce in Alexandria. In a late eleventh-century letter written from Alexandria to Fustat, the writer tells his associate in Fustat: Please take note that neither pepper, cinnamon, nor ginger are available in Alexandria. If you have any of these commodities then keep them, for the Byzantine merchants are keen solely on them. All the Byzantine merchants are about to leave for Fustat. They are only waiting for the arrival of two additional ships from Constantinople. 16 This excerpt clearly illustrates that the important transactions of international commerce took place in Fustat rather than in Alexandria. Alexandria was a point of entry and departure for goods and people in volved in Mediterranean commerce, but it was much less a center of dis tribution and exchange. Also, its markets were much less well stocked than those of Fustat in the major commodities of long-distance maritime 279 280 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA trade. I n another letter from Alexandria written somewhat earlier in the century, the addressee in Fustat is instructed to hold his date-palm fiber until the arrival of the foreign merchants, thus confirming the relative poverty of medieval Alexandrine markets. 17 One should definitely not infer from these examples that large and significant commercial transactions w i t h European and other foreign merchants never took place in Alexandria. They did, and the genizah texts testify to many such occurrences. I n the latter half of the eleventh century and during the twelfth century the demand emanating from Eu rope was quite powerful, and foreign merchants coming to Egypt were voracious in their eagerness to acquire merchandise for their home mar kets wherever they could find goods. The commercial correspondence of the genizah, however, leaves no doubt that, w i t h the possible exception of raw silk, Alexandria was distinctly a secondary supply market—one might even say, a distant second—when compared to Fustat-Cairo. Prices for such staples of the trans-Mediterranean trade as pepper, silk, and sal ammoniac were apparently higher in Alexandria than in Fustat. 18 This would tend to confirm our contention that it was in Fustat, to the exclusion of Alexandria, that the "wholesale," largevolume market for these goods was located. The narrower choice of goods and their limited availability on the Alexandrian markets extended beyond the major commodities of Mediterranean trade. Ordinary commodities for daily life such as shoes, certain kinds of clothing, parchment, ink, and implements of different sorts were regularly acquired by Alexandrians in the bazaars of Fustat. Apparently they were not available in such variety and quality in Alex andria. A refrain in many genizah letters from Alexandria, referring to their markets, is "Nothing is worthwhile buying here." 19 This phrase often prefaces requests to friends in Fustat to send various supplies to Alexandria. I n a letter from about 1060, Ibrahim b. Farah, the represen tative of the merchants (waktl al-tujjar) in Alexandria, ordered two ounces of ink to be bought in Fustat "from the Persian at the gate of the mosque." 20 Although a resident of Alexandria, Ibrahim b. Farah was a frequent commuter between that city and Fustat and was, as this passage indicates, intimately familiar w i t h the markets of the capital city. For merchants like Ibrahim, Alexandria was functionally very much akin to a suburb of Cairo. The supply of goods Alexandrian merchants kept in stock does not seem to have been very large. One genizah letter reports that during a Muslim festival, no decent item of clothing was available in the town since everything had been sold out. 21 Throughout the eleventh and for most of the twelfth cen turies, flax was probably the single most important commodity exported from Egypt to the West. Acquiring sufficient supplies of this commodity Udovitch in the Egyptian countryside where it was produced was a major pursuit of the genizah merchants during the winter months. From October through February they fanned out into the towns and villages of the Delta and the Faiyum to buy raw flax in anticipation of the trading sea son beginning in the early spring. In the context of eleventh-century Mediterranean trade this was a crucial activity. Quite a number of letters concerning these flax-gathering expeditions have been preserved in the genizah, including many to and from traders who were from Alexandria. Virtually all the flax acquired during this period of feverish activity was destined for markets in Europe and N o r t h Africa, and many of the bales would be shipped by sea via Alexandria. Yet, the entire endeavor was coordinated, administered, and financed not from Alexandria but from Fustat, and the hundreds of bales of flax purchased in the countryside were sent first to depots in the Egyptian capital to be stored until they were sold or reshipped via Alexandria. In the export of flax as w i t h so many other trade commodities Fustat was the entrepot and distribution center, and Alexandria was basically a port and transit point. 22 A somewhat similar tendency toward transience is discernible among the Mediterranean merchants who hailed from Alexandria. We can compile an impressive list of eleventh- and twelfth-century traders who settled or made their permanent base in Alexandria. Yet by compar ison to those whose base was in Fustat, the Alexandrian merchants tended to travel and move around much more. They were what Goitein has called "peregrinators." The center of sedentary trade and sedentary traders was Fustat-Cairo. For foreigners as well, Alexandria was a more transitory place than Fustat. People from abroad stayed for shorter periods, just to do their business and then leave. In Fustat, foreign merchants would fre quently spend a large part of the trading season and occasionally stay over the entire winter. The very temporary and transitory nature of the foreign presence in eleventh- and twelfth-century Alexandria may have contributed to the rowdiness, drinking, and similar behavior to which the genizah documents occasionally attest. Unruliness and unrest among the ordinary people within the Jewish community of Alexandria and among the general Alexandrine population seem to have been characteristic. 23 One could translate Alexandria's medieval condition into Braudellian terms by stating that during this period there was a disjunc tion between its long-term structural ( = geographical) position and its middle- and short-term distance from the center of political and eco nomic power. This disjunction was bridged, at least in commerce, by a "community of information" between the two cities. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries the genizah documents attest to an intense ex change of people and information. 281 282 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA The commercial mail service between Alexandria and Cairo in the latter half of the eleventh century was regular and prompt. Several mail couriers—both Muslims and Jews—operated on fixed schedules be tween the two cities, thus providing an active and frequent service. Let ters carried by the regular mail service took from four to six days to travel from one city to a destination in the other; there was, as well, a fay] tayyar, a "flying courier," who provided an express service, and one special messenger is recorded as having made the round-trip between Cairo and Alexandria within seven days. 24 In addition to the commercial mail service, merchants availed themselves of the services of colleagues, friends, and travelers who regularly journeyed between Cairo and Alex andria to carry letters, news, and goods from one place to the other. It was not only letters that were exchanged frequently. There seems to have been an unending stream of merchants traveling back and forth between Alexandria and Fustat. Plans for travel from one city to the other are mentioned in almost every business letter. The frequency of personal and epistolary communication cre ated a community of information on a wide range of economic, commer cial, and financial matters. This community of information, so clearly reflected i n the genizah letters, was largely responsible for making the commercial distance between Alexandria and Fustat significantly smaller than the geographical distance between the two cities. M u c h of the discussion at the conference that gave rise to the present volume was framed by the notion of Alexandria ad Aegyptum: Alexandria by Egypt. In the fields of art, culture, ideology, and religion, we were exposed to a variety of perspectives concerning the extent to which Hellenistic and Roman Alexandria was either by or of Egypt or, more plausibly in my view, both by and of Egypt. W i t h the coming of Islam in the seventh century, the notion of Alexandria ad Aegyptum was radically transformed. Alexandria was designated by the Arabic term thaghr: border or march city. This transformation entailed the slight northward shift of Alexandria's imaginary boundary from the southern edge of its city limits—a boundary that though porous was thought somehow to separate and distinguish Alexandria from Egypt while still leaving it connected to other parts of the Mediterranean world—to the very edge of the sea. While the geographical distance covered by this shift i n boundaries was almost negligible, the cultural and historical distance this border shift entailed was enormous, since it reversed the Hellenistic and Roman cultural and political topography of the city. It erased forever the imaginary line that separated Alexandria from Egypt while complicating its relationship to the rest of the Mediterranean. The language of Alexandria and the language of Egypt were no longer dis tinct but became one and the same. W i t h i n a century of the conquest of Alexandria by the Muslims, Arabic became the dominant language of Udovitch the city and of the region. While in some instances Greek and Coptic bilingualism lingered for some time, Arabic quickly achieved the status of the common medium of exchange. W i t h a new common language came a new shared social and intellectual culture. The religious transfor mation progressed more slowly. It appears that it was not until sometime in the eleventh century that a majority of Egyptians adopted Islam. As far as we know, Alexandria was no different from the rest of Egypt in this respect. In its diversity, in its slow movement toward islamization, it conformed to the general trends discernible in the rest of Egypt. Thus, with the coming of Islam, Alexandria moved definitively from being by Egypt to becoming permanently in and of Egypt. It re mained so throughout the Middle Ages, throughout the pre-modern period, and even throughout its fascinating cosmopolitan phase in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I believe that it is safe to con clude that the change the city experienced in the seventh century was irrevocable and that Alexandria forevermore w i l l be in and o f Egypt. Princeton University P R I N C E T O N , N E W J E R S E Y 283 284 C O N T I N U I N G I N F L U E N C E OF A L E X A N D R I A Notes 1 Jamal al-Din al-Shayyδl, Ta'rikh madinat aliskandariyya fVasr al-islam (Alexandria 1 9 6 7 ) ; Al-Sayyid Abd al- Aziz Sδlim, Ta'rikh madinat al-iskandariyya wa-hadaratiha ft al- asr alislarni, 2 n d ed. (Cairo 1 9 6 9 ) . The books cited here are comprehensive surveys of Alexandria's history during the Middle Ages. Both Shayyδl and Sδlim have contributed many other articles and book-length studies on the history of the city during the early Islamic period. c c c 2 Both quotations are from Shayyδl (note 1 above), introduction, p. iii. 3 For a concise but highly informative survey of local histories in the medieval period, see F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiogra phy, 2 n d rev. ed. (Leiden 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 1 5 0 - 7 2 . 4 5 H . Pirenne, Mohammed and Charlemagne (London 1 9 5 8 ) . See S. D. Goitein, "Cairo: An Islamic City," in I . M . Lapidus, ed., Middle Eastern Cities (Berkeley 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 8 2 ; idem, A Mediterranean Society, vol. 4 (Berkeley 1 9 8 4 ) , pp. 6 - 1 0 ; A. L. Udovitch, "A Tale of Two Cities," in D. Herlihy, H . A. Miskimin, and A. L. Udovitch, eds., The Medieval City (New Haven 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 1 4 4 - 4 8 ; also Al-Sayyid Abd al- Aziz Sδlim, Takhtit madinat al-iskδndariyya wa-'umrδnihδ bil- asr al-islδmi (Dar al-ma δrif, Lubnδn 1 9 6 4 ) , c Ibn Khald٧n (note 6 above), pp. 2 4 8 - 4 9 . 1 have slightly altered Rosenthal's translation in some instances. 12 A. M . Fahmy, Muslim Naval Organization in the Eastern Mediterranean (Cairo 1966), pp. 4 8 - 5 0 ; S. D . Goitein, A Mediterranean So ciety, vol. 1 (Berkeley 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 2 9 6 ; Al-Maqrizi (note 8 above), p. 1 9 3 . 13 Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (note 5 above), p. 7 . 14 Oxford University, Bodleian Library, MS. Heb. fol. 1 0 8 , 1 . 1 1 ; Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 2 3 4 . d68, 15 Cambridge University Library, T.S. 8 J 1 8 , fol. 27,11. 5 - 1 0 ; Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 2 3 8 . 16 Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 4 4 ; ref. is to Cam bridge University Library, T.S. 1 2 , fol. 3 6 9 V , 11. 9 - 1 6 . 17 Palm fiber reference is to Cambridge University Library, T.S. 1 0 J 1 6 , fol. 2 , 1 . 1 8 . 18 For pepper, see Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 2 2 1 ; silk: ibid., p. 2 2 3 ; sal ammoniac: ibid., p. 2 2 9 . 19 Jewish Theological Seminary Library (New York), ENA 1 8 2 2 , fol. 4 7 , 1 . 2 3 . This letter, dat ing from the latter half of the eleventh century, was sent from Alexandria to Fustat in midwin ter by the well-known Alexandrian merchant Isaac Nisδb٧ri; concerning him, see S. D. Goi tein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders (Prince ton 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 2 4 4 . Earlier in the same letter, the writer complains of the sluggishness of the Alexandrian markets. 20 Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (note 5 above), p. 3 4 9 n. 2 2 , referring to Cambridge University Library, T.S. 13 J 1 7 , fol. 1 5 V , 11. 8 - 9 . 21 Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 1 9 5 . 22 Goitein (note 23 Goitein (note 1 2 above), p. 1 7 . 24 Goitein (note 50-55- pp. 6 I I c c c 1 2 5 0 and 1 5 0 0 , many of his ideas are relevant to earlier periods as well. Ibn Khald٧n, The Muqaddima: An Introduction to History, vol. 2 , trans. F. Rosenthal (Princeton 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 39- 7 Ibid. 8 See, for example, the Egyptian chronicler AlMaqrizi's compact and perceptive summary of the naval history of the Islamic world up to his time (fifteenth century) in his Al-mawa iz walitihδr bi-dhikr al-khitat wal-athδr, vol. 2 (Buc laq 9 10 A . H . 1 2 7 0 ) , pp. 189-97. Ibid., p. 1 9 . See D . Ayalon, "The Mamluks and Naval Power—A Phase of the Struggle between Islam and Christian Europe," in Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, vol. 1 , no. 8 ( 1 9 6 5 ) . This brief, lucid paper is a seminal contribution to our understanding of medieval Islamic attitudes toward naval mat ters. Although Ayalon focuses on Egypt between 12 12 above), pp. above), pp. 224-28. 285-90. 285 Alexandrian Culture in Modern Times: Egyptian Identity and Cosmopolitan Aspects Mohamed Ghoneim The arrival of Mohammed A l i in Alexandria in 1805 set in motion a chain of events that would see a small, desolate town—victim of cen turies of Ottoman neglect—develop into a major trading city. This town, aided and abetted by its ancient foundation and associations, was, a century and a half later, to develop an almost mythical status as the epit ome of Levantine cosmopolitanism. Alexandria, the ultimate polyglot, a mixture of languages, races, and religions, has become one of the most potent of metaphors, a symbol of cross-cultural dialogue, the focus of nostalgia for something that, i f it ever did exist, existed in too small a measure ever to be quantified. This paper explores the realities behind the mythical city. I shall examine the metropolitan development of the city from the arrival of Mohammed A l i until the early years of the present century. I n so doing, I hope to demonstrate both the emergence of a clear Egyptian identity w i t h i n this most promiscuous of cities and the importance of the dialectical relationship between the Egyptian residents of the city and their foreign counterparts in establishing the ambience that has allowed Alexandria to be so lionized. Mohammed A l i , Viceroy of Egypt, intended "the gradual modernization of (Egyptian) society along Western lines" to go hand in hand w i t h "the Egyptianization of the life of the nation." I t was a policy that saw Alexandria thrust into the limelight, since Alexandria was Egypt's Mediterranean port, and no modern nation-state could emerge in the nineteenth century without establishing trading credentials. 1 September 19, 1807, saw the evacuation of British troops from Egypt. The first phase of superpower rivalry over Egypt was com pleted. Napoleon's ill-fated Egyptian expedition had come to an inglori ous end—militarily at least—and the British had begun the process that eventually was to establish Egypt as their province. But in the meantime, the house of Mohammed A l i was to come into its own. He arrived in Alexandria the day after the British evacuation, ushering in a period that was to see the gradual erosion of Alexandria's position as a direct depen dency of Istanbul. For centuries the Ottomans had viewed the city as 2 286 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA little more than an extension of their own capital, much as in an earlier period the Greeks had considered Alexandria "ad Aegyptum" an exten sion of their own homeland. It was the beginning of the long process of integration whereby Alexandria, historically isolated from the rest of Egypt, was to become the nation's second city. The most potent symbol of that integration was perhaps the cutting of the Mahmoudiya Canal. Alexandria was at last to be linked w i t h its Egyptian hinterland. A n d the canal, providing a channel for trade, an improved water supply, and the potential to increase the area of arable land through increased irrigation, was to provide the founda tion for the modern development of the city. 3 Between 1 8 1 0 and 1839 Mohammed A l i saw the fruition of many of his plans. Alexandria's harbor was widened and deepened, the famous shipyard established, the lighthouse constructed, and w i t h the completion of the arsenal, the city emerged as both a military and a naval base. As Mohammed A l i pursued his policy of establishing Egypt as a preeminent trading nation, so the city began to attract foreign mer chants and entrepreneurs. When Mohammed A l i first came to Alexandria, it was a town of seven or eight thousand inhabitants. When the viceroy died i n 1 8 4 8 , 4 it was a city whose population exceeded a hundred thousand. This de 5 velopment was ad hoc but not an outgrowth of economic shantytowns. Indeed, in 1845 James Augustus St. John was able to write in Nubia Egypt and that Alexandria, after such hasty development, was "a residential place without any doubt preferable to all other cities in Egypt. I n some respects . . . it could even hold up in comparison w i t h the ports of Italy and France." 6 Foreign C o m m u n i t i e s and t h e Beginnings of t h e I M l a n i f f e s t a t i o n s off t h e C o s m o p o D i t a n S p i r i t At the start of the French expedition to Egypt (1798 - 1 8 0 1 ) , the number of foreigners living in Alexandria did not exceed one hundred. But by 1833, due to the favorable circumstances created by the viceroy, Alexan dria had almost five thousand foreign inhabitants. They were attracted 7 by the preferential treatment they were accorded by the viceroy, includ ing concessionary taxes for foreign merchants that saw them paying less than the rates imposed on Egyptian traders. 8 Foreigners were encouraged to invest in the city's markets, which became major trading venues for a vast array of commodities, and a number of foreign consulates began to spring up in the city. By the late 18 20s Britain, Russia, Austria, Sardinia, Holland, Spain, Sweden, Tus cany, Sicily, Denmark, Prussia, Greece, the United States of America, and France had all established consular relations in Alexandria. 9 From the beginning in 1 8 0 7 to the end of his reign in 1 8 4 8 , G honeim Mohammed Ali's policies toward Alexandria were geared toward the es tablishment of an international trading center. He was careful to secure an environment that would be hospitable to Europeans. Accordingly, all restrictions on the freedoms of Christians were removed. Church bells were allowed to ring out over the city, and many religious foundations were established. As the city expanded, a commercial zone was estab lished to the southeast of the old town containing consulates, offices, hotels, restaurants, coffeehouses, foreign churches, and hospitals. These ambitious urban developments more often than not were planned by foreigners commissioned by the viceroy to oversee the development of his modern, "European" city. Along the north-south axis of the M a h moudiya Canal foreigners were granted plots of land on which to build, and a residential suburb was established consisting of large houses set in spacious gardens." 10 But foreign influence was not to be restricted to the physical appearance of the city. The influx of foreigners was to affect every sphere of civic life: not least, the foreign communities, particularly the French, were to leave their imprint on the education system. In addition to the founding of elementary and secondary schools, a medical school was es tablished, together with naval and maritime academies. 12 Alexandria's second great period of urban development oc curred during the reign of Ismail Pasha ( 1 8 6 3 - 1 8 7 8 ) . It was the khedive Ismail who was to announce that Egypt no longer belonged to Africa but was a part of Europe. And certainly, to all appearances, Alexandria was the quintessential northern Mediterranean port. Ismail was, i f anything, more anxious to modernize than his grandfather, Mohammed A l i . But his plans needed capital investment. Banks began to spring up all over Alexandria, investing capital in the city that by 1873 processing ninety-four percent of Egypt's exports. Foreigners continued to flock into the city, and a further expansion was necessary. The Rami suburb developed, as villas and mansions were built in an eclectic mixture of European styles, from Baroque and Venetian Gothic to the most austere Classicism. w a s 13 As a European city, Alexandria centered on Mohammed A l i Square (previously La Place des Consuls), officially inaugurated in i 8 6 0 , three years before the ascension of Ismail. To the southeast were the Ex change Market building (destroyed by fire in 1977) and the Banco di Roma, imposing architectural monuments to a period of mercantilist op timism. In 1 8 7 2 a bronze statue of Mohammed A l i was erected in the square named after him, a fitting monument to the founder of modern Egypt, lying at the heart of the europeanized city he did so much to cre ate. It seems somehow appropriate that the statue should be by a French sculptor, Jacquemont. 14 Ismail, too, left his monuments, not least among them the 287 288 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA Nouzha Public Gardens. It was during Ismail's reign that "the Europeans became not only part of Alexandrian society but also partners in the mu nicipal administration. The police force included 50 foreigners, the ma jority of them Swiss." But it is important to remember that the real nature of the bilateral relations between European governments and Egypt during Ismail's reign was less geared toward mutual cooperation than toward European economic domination. Van Bemlen, a Dutch judge sitting on the Mixed Court of Alexandria, realized this when he characterized such relations as being aimed solely at the implementation of a European policy whose objective was to protect the interests of European governments and their citizens resident in Egypt. The policy was, he concluded, utterly selfish, since it barely took Egyptian interests into account. 15 16 But times were changing. The emergence of the revolutionary nationalist movement led by Orabi in 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 was aimed as much against foreign hegemony as against the despotism of the khedive Tawfik. Orabi's movement constituted the first real threat to the foreign commu nities in Egypt, a threat that was fully realized by the European govern ments. In 1 8 8 2 the British and French fleets arrived at Alexandria, and tensions finally reached the surface on June 11 when thirty-eight foreign ers and eleven Egyptians were killed in the Alexandrian Massacre. W i t h i n a week, thirty-two thousand foreigners had evacuated the city. By July 1 1 , when the British began to bombard Alexandria, over sixty thousand foreigners had left—practically the entire foreign population. 17 The foreign communities only returned after the British occu pation of the city. By 1 8 9 7 foreigners constituted some fifteen percent of the city's total population, according to the census of that year. The Greek community alone consisted of over fifteen thousand people. There were also sizable communities of Italians (over eleven thousand), Brit ish (eight thousand), and French (five thousand). By 1927, just thirty years later, the total foreign population had expanded to almost a hun dred thousand. 18 As Alexandria entered the twentieth century, it was a unique melting pot, a city that consisted of numerous autonomous but inte grated communities that preserved their ethnic traditions and were allowed to practice their religious rites. These communities enjoyed a sense of solidarity that was founded on a flourishing economy and that was underwritten by the "Capitulations," treaties that exempted foreign ers from Egyptian law and placed them under the jurisdiction of their own courts. 19 What image of Alexandria did these foreign communities produce? Certainly in the literary outpourings that the city inspired one finds very little acknowledgment of the social realities that underwrote the existence of the foreign literati. Rather, Alexandria becomes a reposi- G honeim tory of feelings, of responses that are not necessarily directed toward the city as it was: rather they encompass a place that had, to some extent, become the victim of its own mythology. In assessing the cultural impact of Alexandria's foreign com munities, it is perhaps most convenient to look at the practical ramifica tions of the foreign presence first and then to move on to the various Active accounts of the city. From its earliest days Alexandria had been linked, both prac tically and imaginatively, w i t h Greece (the city was, after all, founded by Alexander the Great). It was therefore hardly surprising that the Greek community should be among the largest and most influential of the for eign groups inhabiting the city. Their influence had been noticeable in a number of spheres, not least in the field of education. In addition to es tablishing primary and secondary schools, they also founded an evening school specializing in the study of foreign languages. Serving the Greek community was an active publishing industry. Daily and weekly news papers were produced in Greek, together w i t h less frequent periodicals. 20 Publishing houses consolidated their activities, producing an extensive list of titles, including a Greek-Arabic dictionary that appeared in 1 8 9 8 , and three translations of the Holy Quran. Between 1 8 6 2 and 1 9 7 2 some five thousand titles appeared. The Greek reading public was well 21 served, both in the dissemination of news and in their access to cultural and literary periodicals. Further enriching the cultural life of the commu nity were the numerous associations that organized a wide variety of events, ranging from conferences and exhibitions to amateur dramatic productions. 22 If there existed a historical precedent for Greek influence in the city, there was a similar precedent for Italian influence. Alexander may well have founded the city, bequeathing it to his general, Ptolemy, but the Ptolemaic dynasty ended when Cleopatra and her lover, M a r k Antony, were defeated by Octavian. By the end of World War 1 the number of Italians in Egypt ex ceeded fifty thousand, half of w h o m resided in Alexandria. Their com munity was well organized within the civic structures of the city, and, largely because they arrived early in the nineteenth century, the Italians had become extraordinarily well integrated in the city's social and eco nomic fabric. They retained long-established links w i t h the Egyptian community, which facilitated their economic life. The Italians in Alexan dria were chiefly tradespeople, some wealthy, some not so wealthy. They comprised, so to speak, the trading middle classes, technicians and craft workers, as well as the more usual professionals and entrepreneurs. They established a number of schools, the most famous being the Don Bosco Institute; they published the Italian-language newspaper 17 Messaggero Egiziano; and they founded the Italian Hospital. 23 289 290 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA Along w i t h the Greeks and Italians, the French, too, played an important role in the development of the Mediterranean character of Alexandria. Their influence was felt most strongly in the field of educa tion. Some thirty educational institutions, including La Mission Laique, which governed Le Lycee d'Alexandrie, and the Frere des Ecoles Chretiennes, which controlled both the Saint Marc and Saint Catherine col leges, contributed to a thriving francophone community. 24 Although far less well integrated socially, the British, too, left an overwhelming impact on the city. They displayed a tendency to "keep themselves to themselves," a characteristic that marked the experience of British colonialism for many countries. Nevertheless, they did estab 25 lish a number of schools; hospitals; and social, literary, and sporting clubs, whose influence on the tone of the city's cultural life was immense. The vast majority of these institutions continued to operate until the ab dication of King Farouk i n 1 9 5 2 and the subsequent establishment of the republic, which effectively brought an end to British control of Egypt. Among the most significant British institutions established in Alexan dria were Victoria College (which was open to pupils of all nationali ties), Saint Andrew's School, the Scottish School for Girls, the British Boys' School, the British Book Club, the Society for Amateurs of Drama and Music, the Sporting Club, the Union Club (whose first president was Lord Cromer), the British Boat Club, and scout troops for boys and girls. 26 The foreign communities already mentioned enjoyed a ho mogenous identity based on national origin. The same cannot be said about the Jewish community in the city, whose identity was based on re ligion, though this does not mean that we can disregard their impact and influence on the cultural and socioeconomic life of the city. The number of Jews i n Alexandria began to increase during the reign of Mohammed A l i . By 1 8 5 0 the community was sufficiently strong to warrant a new synagogue, and the Eliahou Hannabi Synagogue was established. A newspaper published in French but financed and controlled by Jewish in terests, La Liberte, was initially established in support of the Egyptian Nationalist Movement led by Saad Zaghloul against British occupation. This newspaper is perhaps the most eloquent testimony to the degree of integration achieved by the Jewish community in the centuries in which they played an active part in the civic life of Alexandria. 27 A l l the communities contributed, on a day-to-day level, to the cosmopolitanism that had characterized the city since its initial expan sion under Mohammed A l i . But it is to writers that we must turn i f we want to understand just how that image came to be fixed in the imagina tion, particularly i n the imagination of non-Egyptians. Let us first examine the work of Constantine Peter Cavafy, since he provides the paradigm for many later literary outpourings that Ghoneim base themselves ostensibly on a contemporaneous response to the au thor's experience of Alexandria. Cavafy was born in Alexandria in 1863. Two years after the death of his father in 1 8 7 0 , Cavafy left w i t h his family for England, only to return to the city in 1879. What distinguishes the poetry of Cavafy is its complex intermingling of the Alexandria he knew w i t h its ancient past. The city operates, metaphorically at least, as the location of the meeting between past and present. "Cavafy gave," according to Jane Lagoudis Pinchin, "the city a new mythology and Alexandria gave the poet a history and a setting in which he could ground his poems and hear his voice." 28 The past remains eternally present, time enters into a flux which, exploited in the description of psychological moods, precludes any clear definition between what has been and what is. Cavafy's characters are, more or less, linked w i t h Alexandria. He is much praised by critics for his realistic descriptions of everyday life in Cosmopolitan Alexandria of his time, as well as his ambiguous impressions concerning the Egyptian landscape ("Morning Sea"). From the beginning of the twentieth century, there is also a poem by him which constitutes protest at bloody actions undertaken by the British colonial rule against the Arab population ("27 June, 1906, 2 p.m."). 29 In his historical poems, Cavafy remains always a Hellenist. Strange then that he should have chosen M a r k Antony to represent the defeated Greek hero who "no longer deserting oriental Hellenism in dis gust, no longer deserting his city, is now a true Greek, w i t h the courage to watch Alexandria abandon him, and the knowledge that nothing that beautiful would ever appear again." In the poem "The God Abandons Antony" Cavafy reaches a final synthesis between past and present, between myth and reality, between history and actuality, and, most significantly, between poet and hero. M a r k Antony is, after all, none other than Cavafy. 30 When at the hour of midnight an invisible choir is suddenly heard passing with exquisite music, with voices— Do not lament your fortune that at last subsides, your life's work that has failed, your schemes that have proved illusions. Bui: like a man prepared, like a brave man, bid farewell to her, to Alexandria who is departing. Above all, do not delude yourself, do not say that 291 292 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA it is a dream, that your ear was mistaken. D o not condescend to such empty hopes, like a man for long prepared, like a brave man, like to the man w h o was w o r t h y of such a city, go to the w i n d o w firmly, and listen w i t h emotion, but not w i t h the prayers and complaints of the coward (Ah! supreme rapture!) Listen to the notes, to the exquisite instruments of the mystic choir, and b i d farewell to her, to Alexandria w h o m y o u are losing. 31 I f we take Cavafy as the p a r a d i g m , i t is precisely because o f this c o n f u s i o n between an i n v i o l a t e past i n f o r m i n g the present i n such a w a y t h a t the nostalgia prevents any t a r n i s h i n g of the surface. A l e x a n d r i a is, t o Cavafy, e v e r y t h i n g . T h i s is n o t t o say t h a t a c t u a l i t y plays n o p a r t at a l l i n Cavafy's art. B u t w e have t o v i e w Cavafy's c i t y n o t just f r o m the perspective o f the poet, i n itself deliberately confused, b u t f r o m a per spective t h a t contains its o w n nostalgias, propagated t h r o u g h the w r i t ings o f others. N o t everyone was quite as noble as Cavafy w h e n i t came t o b i d d i n g a fictional farewell t o the city, least o f a l l Lawrence D u r r e l l , whose f o u r novels, Justine ( 1 9 5 7 ) , Balthazar a n d Clea ( i 9 6 0 ) together f o r m the Alexandria ( 1 9 5 8 ) , Mountolive Quartet. (1958), T h e massive success o f these novels, p u b l i s h e d i n r a p i d sequence after the Suez crisis, c o u l d w e l l be a t t r i b u t e d t o the functions they served i n e x p l a i n i n g t o an entire generation the reasons w h y the sun h a d set over the empire o n w h i c h i t was supposed t o shine eternally. B u t before e x a m i n i n g the role o f D u r r e l l i n fixing the image of the c i t y f o r a vast English-reading p u b l i c , we s h o u l d examine the w o r k o f Ε . M . Forster. I n m a n y ways Forster is m u c h closer t o Cavafy t h a n he is t o D u r r e l l , a n d i t is n o coincidence t h a t i n Pharos and Pharil- lon, Forster's second b o o k o n A l e x a n d r i a (published i n 1 9 2 3 ) , there s h o u l d appear an essay o n the Greek poet. Forster a r r i v e d i n E g y p t i n 1 9 1 5 , at the height o f W o r l d W a r 1. As a R e d Cross volunteer, he was stationed i n A l e x a n d r i a . H i s fascina t i o n w i t h the c i t y resulted i n Alexandria: A History and a Guide, which is often l a u d e d as the finest g u i d e b o o k ever w r i t t e n . I n c o m p i l i n g his guide, Forster was m u c h influenced by Cavafy's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the city's past. B u t u n l i k e Cavafy, Forster does n o t restrict h i m s e l f t o A l e x a n dria's classical heritage. H e does n o t s h i r k the Islamic p e r i o d , a n d he refutes the classical predilections o f so m a n y o f his contemporaries w h e n he w r i t e s : " T h e A r a b s were a n y t h i n g b u t barbarians; their o w n great c i t y o f C a i r o is sufficient answer t o t h a t c h a r g e . " 32 Ghoneim Despite the emphasis on establishing a historical perspective, the content of Forster's first book on Alexandria does not belie its title. Amid the undeniably literary impressions of the city are comprehensive maps and plans of the most important sites, together w i t h meticulous descriptions of the squares and streets, the palaces and gardens, mosques and churches, monuments and museums, banks and casinos, baths and bathing places that formed the physical environment in which Forster lived. Even after seven decades, Forster's guide retains a startling imme diacy for anyone who knows the city. Pharos the second of Forster's literary excava and Pharillon, tions, in fact consists of pieces that first appeared in the Egyptian Mail. Again the book is organized around the Cavafian conceit that Alexandria now is merely an amalgam of its past. The first part of the book, Pharos, deals exclusively w i t h times past. Personal impressions and contempo rary history are allowed to impinge only in the second part of the book. Forster's empathy w i t h Egyptians was unusual within the British community. In fact, upon his return to England, he wrote a pam phlet whose opposition to the British occupation of Egypt almost cer tainly contributed to the pressure that would enable Viscount Allenby, the high commissioner for Egypt, to force British recognition of Egyptian sovereignty in 1 9 2 2 . 33 Durrell also arrived in Egypt during a time of war. He entered the country in 1 9 4 1 , fleeing before the Nazi invasion of Greece. For three years he lived in Cairo, working at the British Embassy, before be ing transferred to Alexandria. It was Durrell's knowledge of Greek that persuaded his superiors to send him there. From the start his attitude to the city that was to provide the setting for his best-known works was ambivalent. In the poem "Conon in Alexandria," he describes the city as an "ashheap of four cultures." 34 For Durrell they were already cultures in decay. Alexandria was for him always a poor replacement for the Greece he loved. Capitally, what is this city of ours? What is resumed in the word Alexandria? In a flash my mind's eye shows me a thousand dust-tormented streets. Flies and beggars own it today—and those who enjoy an intermediate existence between either. So opens Justine, 35 the first novel in the quartet. If, throughout the novel sequence, Alexandria remains present, Durrell's major pre occupation was, as G. S. Fraser explains, always "centered on his am bivalent characters, for w h o m the city, being a genius loci, played havoc w i t h their lives and relations." 36 Throughout the Suez crisis—an event that saw the whole hearted realization of Egyptian nationalism—as the government sought to acquire control of Egyptian assets, Gamal Abdel Nasser was systemati- 293 294 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA cally demonized in the British press. Hardly surprising then that Durrell's Alexandria Quartet should find such an appreciative public. For what, after all, does Durrell do but demonize the city? I f in the past Alexandria had been culturally promiscuous, she was now little better than a whore. It is the image of the prostitute that dominates Durrell's depiction of the city in which he was forced to live. It is a place imagined, and it is i m portant to remember that the first volume of the quartet appeared a full decade after Durrell had abandoned the city. In her study of Durrell's Quartet, Mona Anis hits on a key point when she writes that any ac count of the novels should "take into consideration, besides the artistic value of the Quartet, the necessity of that work and its mythology—like Egypt as a means of defying the reality of the end of the British Empire and the Suez w a r . " 37 Unlike both Forster and Cavafy, Durrell clearly had an axe to grind. The imprecision that Cavafy had exploited in using the city as his confessional, as the means to articulate personal states of being, takes on an ideologically loaded direction in Durrell. In the work of Giuseppe Ungaretti, we find an eloquent testi mony to the lingering inspiration provided by the polyglottal city. Un garetti was born in Alexandria of Italian descent in 1 8 8 8 . His father ran a bakery in the Moharram Bey district. Typically in this multilingual city, Ungaretti first began writing poetry in French. He soon moved on to translating Edgar Allan Poe. I n 1 9 1 2 , he abandoned Alexandria for Paris, where he was to become involved w i t h many leading exponents of Modernism, among them Henri Bergson, Guillaume Apollinaire, Pablo Picasso, Georges Braque, Fernan Leger, Giorgio De Chirico, Amedeo Modigliani, and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. Marinetti is himself an ex ample of the fact that cultural traffic was not entirely one way. The leader of the Italian Futurists was himself born in Alexandria. 38 It is to be expected that Alexandrian cosmopolitanism should have its casualties. Ungaretti was shocked by the suicide in Paris in 1913 of his closest Egyptian friend, Mohammed Shehab. H o w did Ungaretti rationalize the death of his friend? The formula was concise: he said quite simply that his friend "no longer had a home-land." 39 Though distance intervened, Ungaretti himself was never to face this dilemma. His emotional ties to the city of his birth sustained both the man and his poetry until his death in 1 9 7 0 . The tone of Ungaretti's work is explicit in its nostalgia. This is perhaps clearest in the poem Vase: Walk walk I've rediscovered the well of love In its thousand-and- Ghoneim one-nights eye I've rested Upon the abandoned gardens she alit like a dove Inside the air of a noontide that was a single swoon I picked her oranges and jasmine. 40 Despite Alexandria's constant reappearance in his poetry, Ungaretti was to revisit the city only twice between 1 9 1 2 and 1 9 7 0 . 41 Such is the potency of this dream city. T h e A s s e r t i o n off E g y p t i a n (Identity as Manifested in A l e x a n d r i a n C u l t u r e Whatever the position of Alexandria as a literary metaphor, whatever its status as a dream city, a city remembered more for what it might once have been than for what it was, Alexandria the place could not escape the exigencies of realpolitik. It had never, in fact, been anything other than an Egyptian city, inasmuch as it was located in Egypt, even though its complexion might at times have seemed more Levantine than purely Egyptian. This might seem a mundane comment to make, but behind its outward ba nality lies the fact that Alexandria was always inhabited by a majority of Egyptians. Like their compatriots all over Egypt, the Egyptians in Alexandria, throughout the reign of Mohammed A l i and his successors, adopted, more or less, "those traditional patterns which were common among Egyptians prior to the introduction of European manners and customs." A "true" Egyptian is the natural offspring of his richly di versified ancient past. Yet he has proved to be, from a historical perspec tive, the legitimate son of closely connected Islamic and Arab cultures. To a "true" Egyptian the monotheistic faith of Islam and its noble hu mane principles of peace, love, justice, dignity, and tolerance are the main achievements to strive for, and these principles are therefore inte grated into the Egyptian self as sound behavioral patterns and beliefs. In effect, many devout Egyptians "identify with the great figures of the Arab past. The clemency of A b u Bakr, the noble self-effacement of Umar, the intrepitude of Khalid Ibn Al-Walid, the glitter of Harun Al-Rashid, the chivalry of Saladin—these are not simply historical personalities, but ideal types." 42 43 More important still is the indisputable role that the Holy 295 296 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA Quran has played in spreading, preserving, and reviving the Arabic lan guage and culture. Other Egyptian qualities assimilated from the trea sures of Arab heritage are epitomized in the glorification of manliness, w i t h its significant characteristic—courage—and its sharp sense of hu mor. A l l these attributes have been absorbed and reshaped in an Egyp tian mold unique in itself. 44 From the earliest days, the political w i l l of "Egyptian" Alexandria accorded neatly w i t h that of the rest of Egypt. Alexandrians were as supportive of Mohammed A l i in his struggles w i t h both the Mamelukes and the Turks as any other Egyptian faction, in spite of the fact that such support ran counter to the w i l l of the Porte in Istanbul. By supporting Mohammed A l i in his struggles against his nominal overlord, the Ottoman sultan, the people of Egypt—not least among them the Egyptian inhabitants of Alexandria—laid the cornerstone for the grad ual movement that by 1919 exploded into a full-scale nationalist revolt. Of course, Alexandria's position would seem ambivalent at times, and just as her support of Mohammed A l i was to mark the first push toward Egyptian independence, so many of Mohammed Ali's ac tions after he assumed control of Egypt were to result in the foreign domination of Alexandria despite which the Egyptian population of the city never quite lost sight of that ultimate goal, independence. Egypt had, for centuries, been colonized. It had suffered in numerable invasions, by the Hyksos, the Persians, Greeks, Romans, Turks, French, and British. Yet throughout this, Egyptians, in a very real sense, maintained an idea of their own identity as Egyptians, as a people having a profound realization of their own distinct cultural and national identity. Egyptians have always been proud of their contributions to human history and have been fully aware of their Arab and Islamic heri tages. They developed, one might argue, an uprooted sense of possessing a proverbial cultural entity as well as an extreme ability to absorb and assimilate foreign cultural influence without losing their cultural or na tional character. National character is the key phrase. For in examining the gradual emergence of Alexandria's Egyptian identity, one is in fact plotting the emergence of the nationalist movement that exploded onto Egypt's streets on 23 July 1 9 5 2 . 45 Alexandria was to play an important part in the emergent na tionalism. During the rule of Tawfik ( 1 8 7 9 - 1 8 9 2 ) , Egyptian determina tion to shake off the yoke of foreign oppression finally gelled into action w i t h the nationalist revolution led by Orabi in 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 . Ismail had been deposed, a victim of the financial machinations of the great powers. During Orabi's revolution, Alexandria backed the nationalists to the hilt against first the khedive and later the British. The struggle against British occupation was, to a great extent, conducted in Alexandria. The city was the scene of Mustafa Kamel's Ghoneim most important speeches directed against British imperialism. On 22 Oc tober 1907 he delivered in the Zizinia Theatre his celebrated speech that included the much-quoted nationalist slogan, " I f I had not been born Egyptian, I would have longed to be Egyptian." 46 Under Khedive Abbas Helmi 11 ( 1 8 9 2 - 1 9 1 4 ) , the Egyptian political arena opened up to a degree of political pluralism. Amongst the several emergent parties were the Umma and the National Party. The former produced a manifesto based on the assertion of national independence: Egypt could not be liberated except by the Egyptians themselves and through reform. The Khedive's power . . . should be as sumed by the representatives of the people. (Turkey was regarded as helpless and actual Turkish rule was out of the question.) For eigners in the service of the government should be gradually re placed by native Egyptians. 47 When the British deposed the khedive Abbas Helmi 11 in 1914, declaring Egypt a protectorate, they must have hoped that their action would bring an end to nationalist agitation. It did, however, rather predictably, have the opposite result. It contributed to the resent ments that were to culminate in Saad Zaghloul's revolution in 1 9 1 9 , the seminal event of Egypt's early modern history. The British were not tardy in realizing the threat posed by Zaghloul. Almost immediately he was exiled to Malta w i t h three of his followers. Yet the movement of which he was spokesman had gained its own momentum. In reaction to Zaghloul's deportation, the nationalists organized a "systematic sabo tage of communications, followed by a general strike and political boy c o t t . " Alexandria was in the forefront of this resistance. 48 By 1 9 2 2 , when Britain recognized limited Egyptian sover eignty, a large number of Alexandrians had been killed in the battle for independence. Yet, amid the politicking, day-to-day life continued. The period leading up to 1 9 2 2 saw the emergence of a specifically Egyptian cultural movement in fields as diverse as painting and operetta. Given Alexandria's traditional dominance of Egyptian cultural life, it is not surprising that the major figures in the cultural renaissance should be Alexandrian. If the ambitions of the great Egyptian reformers of the nine teenth century, exemplified in the works of Rifa'a El-Tahtawi ( 1 8 0 1 1873), were simply one aspect of a wider project whose main target was the assertion of national identity, we see these ambitions reaching frui tion in the early years of this century in Alexandria. In colonized countries, nationalism goes hand in hand w i t h modernization. The nascent Egyptian nationalist movement maintained its hold on its traditional supporters while at the same time propagating 297 298 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA social and cultural projects whose informing elements were anything but traditional. M e n such as Imam Mohammed Abdu were promoting lib eral religious reforms, and the Alexandrian Qassim Amin was initiating the call for the emancipation of women. The press was instrumental in articulating this new sense of a cohesive national culture. Alexandria was particularly well served in this respect. Between 1873 published. 49 a n d 9 9 x 2 o v e r I 3 ° journals and periodicals were Early publications had been controlled largely by Syrian and Lebanese immigrants, people such as the Takla brothers, Selim and Bishara, who founded Al-Ahram Daily in Alexandria in 1 8 7 5 . N o less important is the figure of Abdallah El-Nadim ( 1 8 4 5 - 1 8 9 6 ) , the popular satirist born in Alexandria, who later became the spokesman during Orabi's revolution. El-Nadim was perhaps the first Egyptian to realize the power of the popular press. He used journalism as the vehicle to attack the British occupiers and to criticize the Egyptian government. His magazine Al-Tankeet wal Tabkeet was one of the most articulate opponents of British rule. It was followed by his weekly newspaper Al-Taif. so Alexandria's thriving press doubtlessly spent a good deal of space covering the city's diverse cultural activities. Alexandria was, after all, the birthplace of Egyptian theater. Before Selim Naqqash formed his company in Alexandria, theater had been viewed as little more than staged prostitution. It became a respectable art form, not in Cairo, until today home of the National Theater, but in Alexandria. 51 Alexandria also profoundly influenced the course of modern Egyptian music. Though he died at the age of thirty-one, Sayed Darwish (1892-192.3) revolutionized not just the form but also the content of Arabic music. He established a tradition that has been a source of inspi ration to several generations of Egyptian musicians. In examining his works, it is impossible to ignore the nationalist overtones. Darwish was the first musician to use popular, folkloric themes. He applied harmony and counterpoint to traditional melodies, and in so doing opened up the horizons of Arabic music. He admired both Verdi and Wagner, whose influences can be seen in many of the twenty-two operettas he com posed. It is quite appropriate that Egypt's current national anthem 52 ("Beladi Beladi") should have been composed by this fervent nationalist. There is no doubt that Darwish deserves the title bestowed upon him by everybody in the country: "The Musical Composer of the People." 53 In his librettos, Darwish elegantly combined Egyptian collo quial and classical Arabic. The movement toward a vernacular literature was further advanced by Mahmoud Bairam Al-Tunsy. Born in Alexan dria in 1 8 9 3 , Al-Tunsy died in Cairo in 19 6 1 . Throughout his lifetime, Al-Tunsy often found himself in opposition, both to the British and to Egypt's ruling family. His parody of King Fouad resulted in his exile to G honeim France in 1 9 2 0 . Perhaps the most important of his poems are those in formed by the nationalist rebellion against the British, and the group that celebrates the daily life of ordinary Egyptians. Ironically, his bestknown poem, "El-Maglis El-Baladi," is written in classical Arabic, a bit ing repudiation of Alexandria's civic authorities and their decision to impose yet heavier taxes on the city's Egyptian population. In fact, Al-Tunsy wrote poetry not only as an artistic means of expression but also as an effective political tool that paves the way for justice and na tional liberation. 54 55 If Alexandria was to dominate the musical and literary repre sentation of an emergent Egypt, it was equally to dominate the visual representation of this new land, this Egypt for Egyptians. Among the proto-Modernists who did so much to revitalize the plastic arts in Egypt, the names of Mohamed Nagui and Mahmoud Said are preeminent. These two artists used Alexandria, that most promiscuous of cities, as a vehicle for their articulation of what constitutes Egyptianness: The world represents mysterious unknown forces that govern human fates. States of nature form a part of the eternal and sem piternal laws. In order to survive, all that man can do is to reach for a common formula of the psychological balance with nature. Thus, he reflects the traditional culture which formed an impor tant part of the Egyptian temperament through generations. It is a culture which his social status helped to deepen. It became one of the basic elements of "the Egyptian character." 56 The above was written about Mahmoud Said and his view of the organic relationship between culture and the people. In many ways, it may serve as a paradigm for both Said and Nagui since what is being articulated in both artists' work (by Nagui in paintings such as "The School of Alexandria" and "The Procession of Isis," and by Said in "The Alexandrian Women," "Girls from Bahari," "The Family," "The Town," and "Bathing Girls") is less the development of the image of a specific place than the delineation of an Egyptian character. Foreign Cultural Relations C A I R O 299 300 CONTINUING INFLUENCE OF ALEXANDRIA Notes 1 L . S. E l - H a m a m s y , " T h e A s s e r t i o n o f E g y p t i a n 19 R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 119. Identity," i n G. De Vos and L . Romanucci-Ross, eds., Ethnic Identity: Cultural Continuities and 20 K . T r i m i a n d E. Y a n n a k a k i s , "Les Grecs: ' L a parikia' d ' A l e x a n d r i e , " i n R. Ilbert and E. Yan (Palo A l t o , Calif., 1 9 7 5 ) , p . 2 8 3 . Change n a k a k i s , eds., Alexandrie 2 A . A . Ramadan, "Alexandria: French Expedi dele ephemere t i o n t o t h e M o d e r n A g e , " i n G . L . Steen, e d . , identite Alexandria: The Site and the History 1860-1960, de convivialite: Un mo Communautes et (Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 8 4 - 8 5 . cosmopolite (Milan 1992), p. 115. 21 R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p . 122. 3 Ibid. 22 T r i m i a n d Yannakakis (note 20 above), 4 R. Ilbert, "Le symbole d'une Mediterranee ou- pp. 8 4 - 8 5 . verte a u m o n d e , " i n R. Ilbert a n d E. Yannakak i s , eds., Alexandrie ephemere identite 1860-1960, de convivialite: Un 23 Communautes 1860-1960, et (Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 1 2 . cosmopolite A . L a z a r e v , " I t a l i e n , i t a l i a n i t e et f a s c i s m e , " i n R . I l b e r t a n d E . Y a n n a k a k i s , eds., modele Un modele lite: Communautes Alexandrie ephemere et identite de convivia cosmopolite (Paris 1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 9 3 - 9 7 5 Ibid., p. 14. 6 Q u o t e d i n Ilbert (note 4 above), p . 13. Trans 7 24 R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 122. lated by the author. 25 Sobhy (note 7 above), p . 383. H . M . Sobhy, " A l - M o a t h i r a t A l - O u r o u b e y y a 26 Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 5 - 8 6 . 27 Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 9 - 9 3 . 28 J. L . P i n c h i n , Alexandria fi M o g t a ' m a a A l - I s k a n d a r e y y a fi A l - A s r A l H a d i t h , 1 8 0 5 - 1 8 3 9 , " i n Mogta'maa dareyya Abr AWOusour Al-Iskan (Alexandria 1973), p. 350. and 8 Ibid., p. 349. 9 Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 4 9 - 5 0 . 29 Cavafy Still: Forster, G . K e c h a g i o g l o u , " C . P. C a v a f y a n d M o d e r n Greek Orientalism i n Literature," i n Kavafis 10 Sobhy (note 7 above), p. 348. 11 A . A . R a m a d a n , " A l - I s k a n d a r e y y a fi A l - O u s o u r Durrell, (Cairo 1989), p. 34. International Symposium, First Cairo and Alexandria 1991. 30 P i n c h i n ( n o t e 28 a b o v e ) , p . 5 5 . A l H a d i t h a , " u n p u b l i s h e d paper, 1990, p . 22. 3I Q u o t e d i n E . M . F o r s t e r , Alexandria: and a Guide 12 Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 6 4 - 6 7 . 13 R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 118. 14 R. Ilbert, " U n e certaine c i t a d i n i t e , " i n R. Ilbert A History ( L o n d o n 1982), p. 104, trans. G. Valassopoulo. a n d E . Y a n n a k a k i s , eds., Alexandrie 1960, Un modele Communautes 15 ephemere et identite de 1860- 32 Forster (note 3 1 above), p . 86. 33 J. R o d e n b e c k , " L i t e r a r y A l e x a n d r i a , " i n Today convivialite: cosmopolite Monthly 34 R a m a d a n (note 2 above), p. 118. 35 Ibid.: 66. L . D u r r e l l , The Alexandria Balthazar, Sobhy (note 7 above), p . 376. 17 R a m a d a n (note 11 above), p p . 2 5 - 2 6 . Sobhy (note 7 above), p p . 3 8 0 - 8 1 . Mountolive, Quartet: Clea Justine, (London 1991), p. 17. 36 M . Saad E l - D i n a n d J. C r o m e r , Under Spell: 18 Cairo 10.6 (1989): 65. (Paris 1992), p. 22. 16 Magazine The Influence of Egypt on Writers Egypt's in G h onei m English from the Eighteenth Century (London 1991), p. 197. 37 M . Anis, "The W o r k i n g of Imperialist Ideology i n t h e Alexandria Quartet" ( P h . D . diss., Essex University, 1976). 38 R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 62-63. 39 R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 6 3 . 40 R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 41 R o d e n b e c k ( n o t e 33 a b o v e ) : 6 4 . 42 E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p. 2 9 8 . 43 E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p . 3 0 2 . 44 E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p p . 299-303. 45 E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p p . 299-303. 46 M . M . El-Sourougy, " M o g t a m a a A l - I s k a n - 63-64. c c dareyya W a A l - H a r a k a A l - W a t a n e y y a , " i n Mogta'maa Al-Iskandareyya Abr Al Ousour J (Alexandria 1973), pp. 4ioff. 47 M . Z a y i d , " T h e O r i g i n s o f the L i b e r a l C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P a r t y i n E g y p t , " i n P. M . H o l t , e d . , Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt (London 1968), p. 338, quoted from ElH a m a m s y (note 1 above). 48 E l - H a m a m s y (note 1 above), p. 289. 49 M . Z . E l - A s h m a w y , Al-Adab Hayat 50 Wa Keyam Al- (Beirut 1980), p. 140. Al-Mo'asera N . Youssef, Aalam Mina Al-'lskandareyya (Alexandria 1969), pp. 2 3 6 - 4 1 . 51 E l - A s h m a w y (note 49 above), p . 143. 52 M . Saad E l - D i n , " C u l t u r a l A l e x a n d r i a " ( u n p u b lished paper, 1990), p p . 3 6 - 3 7 . 53 M . M i t w a l l y , " A l - M o u s i k a r A l - S h e i k h Sayed D a r w i s h W a A l H a r a k a A l - W a t a n e y y a , " i n Al- 54 55 Zikra Al-Mi'awayya Sayed Darwish, Al-Mousikar ( C a i r o 1 9 9 2 ) , p . 7. Youssef ( n o t e 5 0 a b o v e ) , p p . 3 3 7 - 4 0 . K . Saad, Bairam Al-Misreyya 56 Li-Milad 1892-1992 Al-Tunsy: A sifa E . E l - D i n N a g u i b , The Dawn ern Painting min c (Cairo 1993), pp. Al-'Hara 5-6. of Egyptian (Cairo 1992), p. 82. Mod 301 302 Reigns of the Ptolemies P t o l e m y I Soter 305-282 B.C. 285-282 B.C. P t o l e m y n Philadelphos 282-246 B.C. P t o l e m y i n Euergetes i 246-222 B.C. Ptolemy i v Philopator 222-205 P t o l e m y v Epiphanes 205-180 Ptolemy v i Philometor 180-164 a n d P t o l e m y n Philadelphos 163-145 Ptolemy v n Neos Philopator 1 4 5 B.C. P t o l e m y v i n Euergetes n 170-163 - - B c B.C. B.C. B.C. 145-116 B.C. P t o l e m y i x Soter n I 1 6 - I O 7 B.C. Ptolemy x Alexander I IO7-88 P t o l e m y i x Soter n 8 8 - 8 0 Ptolemy x i Alexander n 8 0 B.C. Ptolemy x n Neos Dionysos 80-55 B.C. 5 5 - 5 1 B.C. 5I-3O B.C. and Ptolemy x i n 51-47 B.C. and Ptolemy x i v 4 7 - 4 4 B.C. a n d P t o l e m y Caesarion 4 4 - 3 0 B.C. Cleopatra v n and B.C. and B.C. B.C. and