Tammany Hall

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Tammany Hall
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“I don’t care who does the
electing, so long as I get to do
the nominating.”
-William M. “Boss” Tweed
Letter from the Director
Hello Esteemed Delegates,
Welcome to Tammany Hall! My name is Sam Klein and I am very excited to be
your director for this committee at WUMUNS 2015.
Tammany Hall was the Democratic political machine that dominated New York
City politics for 100 years in the 19th and 20th centuries. In its prime, the
institution reliably churned out results, advancing the Democratic agenda while
moving its members into positions of wealth and power. But here in 1911, the
machine is in need of a reboot. Everyone in the room will be working together to
expand Democratic influence in the Big Apple. But at the same time, polarizing
predicaments surrounding the city government, public works funding, and
under-the-table negotiations will leave the heterogeneous assembly with some
tough choices to consider.
For any Model UN committee to be successful, its delegates must embody the
roles they are fulfilling; using your historical figure’s background and character to
your advantage will both provide your peers with a more enriching experience
and be received favorably by the powers that be. Whether this is your first
conference ever or you are a seasoned veteran, keep in mind that you will get out
of this experience what you put in to it, so be sure to know the background
information! It’s always more fun when everyone is engaged in debate.
Before I sign off, let me tell you a little about myself. I hail from Bethesda,
Maryland, a charmingly overdeveloped suburb of our nation’s capital. Here at
Washington University I study Political Science, and if all goes according to plan
I’ll be graduating in 2018. I’ve been doing Model UN since my sophomore year of
high school, and I staffed the Partition of Antarctica committee at WUMUNS
2014. Besides being a member of the Wash U International Relations Council, I
write for the Washington University Political Review, run with the running club,
and coordinate comedy events on the WUSTL Social Programming Board. If you
have any concerns or questions as we approach the conference, please don’t
hesitate to shoot me an email at klein.s@wustl.edu. I’m looking forward to a fun
and memorable three days!
Regards,
Sam Klein
Contents
Committee Background…………....…………………..………..…. 1
A Political Machine…………………………………………………………. 1
“Boss” Tweed………………………………………………………………….. 1
Succession……………………………………………………………………… 2
Five Boroughs, One City………………………………………………….. 2
Committee Mandate….......………………………………..…….…. 3
Topic A: The Mayorship...…….........……………...………..….… 3
Topic B: The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire…………. 5
Topic C: Negative Publicity………………………………………… 6
Topic D: Prohibition…………………………………………………… 8
Delegate Positions………………………………………………….…. 9
Bibliography…….…….…….…….….…….……………………………. 15
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Committee Background
Image Credit:
Wikimedia Commons
A Political
Machine
Tammany Hall was the Democratic alliance in New York City that saw
great success in controlling local affairs for over one hundred years. Established
as a social group just ten years after the United States declared independence
from Great Britain, Tammany Hall rose to prominence in the New York political
scene many decades later.1 The society built its influence by helping immigrants
and underrepresented groups in the city, whose left-leaning ideals were already
aligned with those of Tammany Hall.2 Its members helped these individuals find
jobs and facilitated their attempts to gain US citizenship.3 Tammany Hall grew to
become the archetypal “political machine”—a partisan organization engineered to
effect change, garner popular support, and keep its members in positions of
power by any means necessary. Of course, all of those elements were linked; the
members relied on the public to elect them to office so they could advance the
Democratic agenda.
To many on the outside, Tammany Hall was an evil. It represented a
“spoils system” of nepotism and self-reward. But to many others, the ends
justified the means. After all, Tammany Hall promoted and effected policies that
served underrepresented communities in New York. Even within the society,
certain members were concerned more with helping the general public than with
the power of holding office. In any case, everyone in Tammany Hall had a similar
political ideology; any rifts between members were generally over how to
approach certain issues. For decades, Tammany was just a political faction,
exercising the influence it had and getting its members re-elected. But in the
1860s, one man changed the game.
“Boss” Tweed
Tammany Hall rose to unprecedented power under the leadership of the
ruthless Boss Tweed. He instigated many public projects and social services, all
while he and his Tammany colleagues received kickbacks under the table. Tweed
managed to have a disturbingly high number of his friends elected or appointed
to public office, further increasing the influence of the Democratic regime and of
his own personal agenda. A state senator and legislator himself, Tweed knew
firsthand the power of dominating public office, and he used it to control New
York’s budget, policies, and even courts.
The city grew safer as its real estate and infrastructure was developed as a
result of Tweed’s vision. Orphanages, schools, and hospitals were beneficiaries of
Tammany-backed budget schemes. But for all the good he did for the city, Boss
Tweed always put himself first. In effectively concealing the budget from the
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Wikisource. “1911 Encyclopedia Britannica/Tammany Hall.” Accessed February 1, 2015
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclopædia_Britannica/Tammany_Hall.
2 Tenement. “Tammany Hall and Irish Participation.” Accessed February 2, 2015.
http://www.tenement.org/encyclopedia/irish_tammany.htm
3 George Washington University. “The Eleanor Roosevelt Project – Tammany Hall.” Accessed February 2, 2015.
http://www.gwu.edu/~erpapers/teachinger/glossary/tammany-hall.cfm
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public eye, Tweed was able to pay himself, fellow Tammany members, and their
friends in the private sector millions of dollars at the expense of the taxpayers.
Though his went on for a long time, the system was unsustainable. The New York
Times managed to gain access to the books and determined just how criminally
wasteful Tweed’s regime was. Tweed was imprisoned, but he escaped and fled to
Spain. But due to his likeness having international recognition because of
cartoonists like Thomas Nast, he was recognized abroad and extradited back to
the US.
Succession
As Tweed lived out his remaining years in prison, subsequent Tammany
Hall bosses struggled to recover the Hall’s reputation and regain the faith of the
public. Richard Croker served the organization for over a decade, but his inability
to help 1900 Democratic Presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan carry
the state of New York led to Croker’s expulsion from the group. During Tweed’s
tenure, Charles Francis Murphy, a son of two immigrants, was attending school
on the Lower East Side.4 When Tweed landed in prison, Murphy was out of
school, and he created his own social club with a stark resemblance to Tammany
Hall in its early years. He became a community leader, backing fellow Democrats’
political campaigns. This drew the attention of Tammany, which was in need of a
respectable and unshakable leader. In 1902, following Croker’s expulsion, Lewis
Nixon temporarily filled the seat until Murphy was selected to take over.5 By 1911,
Murphy’s command of the organization was secure. He was selected to run the
Hall largely because of his self-discipline and reticence, traits visibly absent in
Croker and Tweed. On the over hand, however, Murphy had limited grit and
ambition in contrast to bosses before him; Tammany looked cleaner and more
upstanding to the public, which was a major advantage, but it had less of a
command over the politics of the city. While this rebuilding was important, in a
time of prosperity, political influence was vital to Tammany’s future.
Five Boroughs,
One City
Outside the walls of Tammany Hall, New York was developing fast. In
1898, the five boroughs united to create the city of New York that exists today.
Bridges popped up connecting Manhattan and Brooklyn, with Tammany
Members involved in the politics of their construction. The Subway opened in
1904, a project that Croker fought against on behalf of the streetcar industry.6
European immigrants came in the millions through Ellis Island, many choosing
to stay in the city, which reinforced Democratic support in the public.7 The
population was exploding, the city was building up, and cities across the country
looked to New York as a model for city development. To control New York was to
control urban America, and every member of Tammany Hall had their own vision
for the future. Now, in this time of great change in the city and within the
organization, the members must determine what to do—and at what cost.
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Encyclopedia of World Biography. “Charles Francis Murphy.” Accessed February 3, 2015.
http://biography.yourdictionary.com/charles-francis-murphy
5 Los Angeles Herald. “Lewis Nixon Leader No More” May 15, 1902. http://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgibin/cdnc?a=d&d=LAH19020515.2.14
6 NYC Subway. “The Subway Deal (1905).” Accessed February 3, 2015.
http://www.nycsubway.org/wiki/The_Subway_Deal_(1905)
7 History. “Ellis Island.” Accessed February 3, 2015. http://www.history.com/topics/ellis-island
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Committee Mandate
You are the vanguard. The catalysts. The agents of change. Yes, the mayor,
City Hall, state legislature, governor, and robber barons may control New York
City—but you control them. You are the quintessential political machine,
advancing the causes of the Democratic Party well beyond the scope of the law.
The year is 1911, and with Boss Charles Francis Murphy at the helm, Tammany
Hall is at a crossroads. Your influence is shrinking—your newly elected mayor has
betrayed you, the public is growing wary of “corruption” (which we prefer to call
“friends taking care of friends”), and a catastrophic fire may be catalyzing a
divergence of interests in the Democratic Party. Your handling of these situations
and others will define the fate of Tammany Hall, the fate of New York City, the
fate of your careers, and perhaps even the fate of your lives.
The institution that is Tammany Hall is not directly affiliated with the
Democratic Party, the government of New York, or any other agency or
organization. It is simply a group of likeminded, predominantly New York-based
politicians. Its power as a body consists of the combined clout of its members;
you are statesmen, corporate attorneys, high-level judges, and industrialists.
Your collective influence undeniably transcends the sum of your individual
powers, reaching even the furthest corners of New York politics. Use it wisely.
You will not agree on everything. Your alliances, both outside and inside
Tammany Hall, will be tested. You will need to respond to happenings occurring
both in committee and in the outside world, as a unit and as individuals with the
crisis staff as your liaison.
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Topic A: The Mayorship
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The office of the mayor in New York City is an extremely powerful
position, and thus was always aggressively targeted by Tammany Hall. A mayor
faithful to Tammany meant more social reforms, more projects with Tammanyaffiliated contractors, more Democratic appointed officials, and more personal
favors for members of the Hall. But in 1901, Republican favorite Seth Low was
elected mayor, the first Republican in 25 years to hold the office (although there
had been anti-Tammany Democrats more recently than that).8 Two years later,
he was replaced by Democrat George B. McClellan, Jr.
Then, as the 1910 elections came around, Charles Francis Murphy (the
Tammany boss at the time) decided to sponsor William Jay Gaynor, a generally
Democratic but often unpredictable judge. Gaynor won the election, likely
because of the weak field he was competing against. To the shock and ire of
Tammany Hall members, however, Gaynor quickly turned against them and
many of the policies they supported; for example, he appointed experts from both
parties, rather than the Tammany Hall members who helped him win the
election, to positions in city government.9 This is where the committee begins,
just one year into Gaynor’s tenure as mayor. Many delegates in this committee,
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Wikipedia. “List of Mayors of New York City.” Accessed February 4, 2015.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_mayors_of_New_York_City
9 NY Press. “Mayor William J. Gaynor, Primitive American” Last Modified February 16, 2015.
http://nypress.com/mayor-william-j-gaynor-primitive-american/
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industrialists and career politicians alike, lost huge amounts of money because of
the new mayor’s curbing of kickbacks and pet projects. For many elected officials,
their campaign funds are on the line—and for the businessmen, their empires will
be threatened if Gaynor’s policies continue.""
Mayor Gaynor
strolls across the
Brooklyn Bridge
Image Credit:
nytimes.com
What should be done about this situation? Tammany Hall is nothing
without patronage of its members. Republicanism is rising in New York—the
board of Aldermen (analogous to the House of Representatives of NYC if the
mayor is the President) is controlled by Republicans. Gaynor himself tends to
adhere to libertarian values, and there are some popular rising stars in the New
York City GOP.10
There are many factors at play here, and many options to consider.
Should Tammany Hall try to buy their influence with Gaynor back? Or maybe the
members of the body could convince their donors to not fund his next
campaign—he, like you all, is a Democrat, so you have many of the same
benefactors. Perhaps the issue could simply resolve itself overnight in a tragic,
entirely serendipitous freak accident. While there are many avenues to
approaching this issue, what is certain is that the only option not on table is
passive inaction.
Questions to consider:
•! What can Tammany do now to curb Gaynor’s detrimental activities
and restore its own influence?
•! Who should be the next mayor? Could a member of Tammany Hall
win the election, or should the body look outward?
•! What can be done to ensure a backstabbing such as Gaynor’s does
not happen again from a Tammany-sponsored candidate?
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Wikipedia. “New York City Council.” Accessed April 17, 2015. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_York_City_Council
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Topic B: The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory
Fire
In the early 1900s, shirtwaists were at the height of fashion. The
decorative blouses were manufactured in sweatshop facilities such as the urban
Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in Greenwich Village, generally by young female
immigrants. These laborers worked all day for very little pay in unsafe and
inhumane conditions.11 From the outside, the Triangle factory resembled an
office building—but inside, it was overcrowded, filled with dangerous exposed
machinery, and certainly not air-conditioned. At night, the workers would return
to their dorms in the grimy and extremely overpopulated tenements of the Lower
East Side.
In March of 1911, a blaze erupted from within the teeming factory. Fire
engine ladders could not reach the high windows, and the factory owners had
illegally locked many of the exits to prevent their employees from taking breaks.
The workers were trapped. In the panic, 146 of them died. Some perished directly
from the fire and smoke, and many others jumped out of the windows or down
the elevator shafts. A rusty, uninspected fire escape broke as well, sending
terrified young men and women plummeting to the sidewalk.1213
The scene was horrifying, and hundreds of New Yorkers on the street and
in nearby buildings bore witness to the tragedy. In addition to the newspaper
articles about the incident, firsthand accounts from Triangle workers, such as
that of sleeve setter Rose Indursky, were proliferated through books, magazines,
and newspapers:
“Girls were lying on the floor, fainted, and people were stepping on them.
Some of the other girls were trying to climb over the machines. I remember
the machinist ran to the window and he smashed it to let the smoke that
was choking us go out. Instead, the flames rushed in. I stood at the window;
across the street people were hollering "don't jump, don't jump." I turned
around and ran to the hall staircase door. My hair was smoldering -- my
clothes were torn. I put my two hands on my smoldering hair and ran up
the stairs.”14
The public was outraged at the fire, and demanded that the owners (who
escaped) be held accountable. The manslaughter trial is coming up, and with
Tammany Hall member Max Steuer representing the defendants, the public may
feel uneasy or angry.
Tammany Hall under bosses past had catered to the interests of
industrialists who ran exploitative factories like Triangle. After all, the poor
immigrants working the bobbins would already turn to the sympathetic
Democratic candidates backed by Tammany, so they did not need to be won over.
But now, in the immediate aftermath of the fire, things are not looking so clear
for the institution. This tragedy brought the abuses of urban industrialism to the
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Tenement. “Garment Industry.” Accessed February 3, 2015. http://www.tenement.org/encyclopedia/garment_sweat.htm
California State University Northridge. “Leap for Life, Leap of Death.” Accessed February 3rd, 2015.
https://www.csun.edu/~ghy7463/mw2.html
13 Wikipedia. “Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire.” Accessed February 3, 2015.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triangle_Shirtwaist_Factory_fire
14 Cornell University. “Leon Stein Interviews.” Accessed February 15, 2015.
http://trianglefire.ilr.cornell.edu/primary/survivorInterviews/RoseIndursky.html
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limelight. Can Tammany Hall afford to continue backing the exploitative moguls?
There are rumors that workers may begin to unionize, and Tammany Hall will
need to pick a side—but with some members strongly tied to the manufacturing
industry, this may prove contentious. Will Tammany advocate for the workers,
whose faith in the institution is teetering? Or will the body reinforce its alliance
with the bosses, hoping that the proletariat continue to recognize Tammany’s
support of Democratic Party values? The Triangle Fire threw this situation into
limbo, and Tammany must react.
Questions to consider:
•! Is the Democratic Party at risk of losing its working-class base, and should
it expend valuable resources (and potentially the trust of its donors) on
regaining their trust?
•! What can Tammany Hall as an institution do to address the negative
public opinion surrounding Steuer’s role as defense attorney?
Aftermath
Image Credit:
pbs.org
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Topic C: Negative Publicity
Tammany Hall relied on quid pro quo agreements and secretive
negotiations to conduct business and manipulate city politics. Many sought to
bring the organization’s shady actions to the public eye. One such individual was
the hailed cartoonist Thomas Nast, who depicted Tammany bosses as corrupt
and motivated by pure avarice.15 Tweed and Croker were frequent victims of these
illustrations, with one famous example from the Puck satire publication showing
a system of New York politicians revolving around the “sun,” Boss Croker’s face.16
But these cartoons didn’t just make Tammany Hall look bad—they
uprooted its structure. It is widely recognized that Nast’s expository cartoons led
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Encylopaedia Britannica Online. “Thomas Nast.” Accessed April 17, 2015.
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/404083/Thomas-Nast
16 Wikipedia. “Richard Croker.” Accessed April 17, 2015. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Croker
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to the downfall of Boss Tweed.17 Even after his incarceration, when Tweed
escaped from prison and fled to Spain, someone who had seen a Nast caricature
of the man recognized him, leading to Tweed’s arrest.18
A Thomas Nast
depiction of
“Boss” Tweed
Image Credit:
Newyorknatives.com
Nast died in 1902, but the success of the visual medium as a mechanism
for unveiling corruption was recognized and emulated. A widening gap between
New York’s rich and poor is galvanizing a new generation of muckrakers and
cartoonists to bring the affairs of the Democratic Party to light and to expose
corruption wherever they see it. Boss Murphy is working to improve Tammany’s
image in this new century, and the press is keen on undermining his efforts.
Most notably, there are rumors that the Wall Street Journal is planning to
launch a full-scale investigation into the past and present dealings of Tammany
Hall. There are a number of documents from the past and current business
arrangements that, if exposed, would immediately render Tammany Hall
powerless in the public eye. The Williamsburg Bridge construction project, for
one, cost twice what it should have due to earmarked and siphoned funds by
Tammany members. That information cannot leak. And while there are many
power players in the City not in Tammany Hall—politicians, businessmen, public
figures—everyone in the Hall knows not to underestimate the public. Without
popular support, votes disappear, and along with them the Tammany Hall
members holding public office.
It would be wise for the members of Tammany to consider not only how
to manage a media crisis, but also how to leverage the press to their advantage.
(Journalism is not the most lucrative profession, and in its biggest city, a rising
reporter may be willing to sacrifice his integrity to break a big story. Money
speaks.) The threat of exposure is only going to get worse in an age of burgeoning
communication technology. In any event, corruption can only be effective if it’s
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Enyclopaedia Britannica Online. “Thomas Nast”
Ohio State University. “Thomas Nast Biography.” Accessed April 17, 2015.
http://cartoons.osu.edu/digital_albums/thomasnast/bio.htm
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kept under wraps. The media is the primary agent seeking to expose illicit
activities, so stay vigilant.
Questions to consider:
•! How can Tammany preserve its reputation and status given the
looming investigation?
•! Does Tammany need to modify its historic status as a closed and
secretive organization to appease the public?
•! Is it possible for Tammany to increase its transparency and honesty
while simultaneously maintaining its influence?
•! How can Tammany Hall use media to influence public opinion?
Topic D: Prohibition
Support for the once-fringe temperance movement is gaining ground in
the Big Apple. The issue of maintaining the legality of alcohol is dividing
Democrats around the country; many believe prohibiting alcohol will improve the
welfare of the labor force or restore American values, while others enjoy a night
at the pub and feel that prohibition would harm a large industry and spark a
negative ripple in the economy. Within Tammany Hall, the issue is equally
divisive. Some members have ties to brewing, and the meetings themselves are
frequently held in saloons. On an individual level, many members of Tammany
simply enjoy alcohol. Others, including Boss Murphy, hold alcoholic beverages in
low regard; many simply don’t enjoy them, or think that they degrade society and
public safety. This issue is as personal as it is political within Tammany.
In the sprawling metropolis of New York, the prohibition of alcohol is a
relatively unpopular initiative. But nationwide, that is not necessarily the case,
and it is very possible that a federal law could prohibit alcohol everywhere. If
such an event were to occur, there would be strong incentives to continue
operations in a covert manner, and Tammany may want to help or hinder those
production and distribution efforts. For now, though, there are still questions to
consider. What policy is in the best interest of the Party and of Tammany? The
society will need to take a unified position eventually to present a strong front to
the general public. The working-class base of the New York City Democratic Party
is generally in favor of keeping alcohol legal. Many members of the committee
have ties to the US Congress as well—perhaps they can work to ensure that the
legislation does or does not pass. In the end, Tammany Hall may or may not be
able to stop the tide of Prohibition, but in the event it occurs, the body should be
ready to react.
Questions to consider:
•! How can Tammany Hall influence federal policy? Is it enough to whip
votes using the few members who sit in the U.S. Congress, or would
lobbying be a better route?
•! Can members of Tammany Hall undermine their Boss? What are the
potential consequences of such a move in an already less-than-stable
organization?
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•! Would the risk of conducting or sponsoring covert alcohol operations
in the event of a restriction worth the undoubtedly vast potential
economic reward?
Delegate Positions
Year: Starting in 1911 | Leader: Charles Francis Murphy
John Francis
Ahearn
A former United States Senator from New York, Ahearn is the borough president
of Manhattan in City Hall. Chairman of the J. F. Ahearn Association, he has never
let his hubris and ambition erode at his power. Despite revelations of corruption
and inefficiency, there is no thread Ahearn will not aggressively pull to ensure he
retains his seat. One of his closest friends is the president of Pfizer, the
pharmaceutical giant headquartered in the city. Ahearn has been lobbying on
behalf of the company in exchange for massive campaign funds since his days in
the US Senate.
George Gordon
Battle
This renowned lawyer has been one of New York’s delegates to the Democratic
National Convention for decades. Battle has campaigned for Al Smith on multiple
election cycles. He is a longtime friend and confidante of many in the
meatpacking industry, and a relatively respected voice in the New York
Democratic Party, his lobbying within the party for their business interests can be
quite effective. Others in the party don’t seem to mind the personal financial
stake Battle holds in meatpacking. Battle also has a long-standing professional
alliance with James O’Gorman.
J. Sidney
Bernstein
A justice on the New York State Supreme Court, Bernstein was previously a
private lawyer and state assemblyman. He is of the firm position that alcohol is a
danger to society, but figures that imbibing for religious purposes is a right that
should never be infringed upon. As a lawyer, Bernstein’s clients tended to be the
upper crust who could afford his appropriately high rates, and given his
connections to the justice system, they very frequently left court with nothing but
their Rolexes around their wrists.
John J. Boylan
A member of Congress representing New York’s 15th district, Boylan rose to the
position from that of state senator. His business acumen and expertise in the real
estate business makes him a valuable voice at the table for public works projects,
and his influence in the federal government makes him valuable for most other
issues as well. He has served similar electorates since his state legislature days,
and his constituency is not the most well-off, to say the least. Despite his own
not-so-humble upbringing, Boylan genuinely sympathizes with his constituents
and supports their interests for reasons that transcend politics.
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William A.
Chanler
This storied explorer and Spanish-American War veteran has seen it all. Now a
member of the United States Congress, Chanler will not be fazed by petty
intimidation tactics. In his speeches, books, and newspaper columns, Chanler
claims to hold the interests of immigrants in high regard. But his experience in
the war only amplified his pre-existing xenophobia, a fact known by most of the
other members of Tammany Hall. Chanler’s ability to influence national policy,
including federal immigration quotas, could have a substantial impact on the
political climate of the entire country. But as a Democrat, the party commonly
supported by immigrants, Chanler will have to decide whether he should put
aside his prejudices for the sake of his colleagues and himself.
John T. Dooling
This man wears many hats. Dooling is a statesman, representing small and large
communities in New York legislative bodies and at the Democratic National
Convention. He moonlights as director of the Staten Island Midway Railway
Company. As a first-generation American—his parents are both Irish—Dooling
sympathizes with the immigrant experience. With his ties to the railway industry,
Dooling has vested interest in developing that mode of public and industrial
transportation while limiting the proliferation of ports and roads. His family
overseas also has ties to Irish brewing, and the import of beer would of course be
prohibited in the event of a nationwide alcohol ban.
James Farley
The chairman of the Rockland County Democratic Party, Farley is a very close
ally of Boss Murphy and Al Smith. Against Prohibition and a union advocate,
Farley is a brilliant Democratic strategist with a bright future. He has a knack for
finding talent in the party, and subsequently aligning himself with the power
players to help them rise to prominence. His friends at the unions want him to
step up himself and seek public office, but Farley would prefer that stories of his
past not surface—specifically, stories in which he bribed other politicians to not
run so that his candidates would win. For the sake of his career and legacy, Farley
must ensure that those politicians take those bribes to the grave.
John Murphy
Farley
Despite serving as both cardinal and Archbishop of New York, Farley is a new
face in the room. His predecessor Michael Corrigan was a tremendous influence
in Tammany Hall and in turn extended its influence to the religious sphere.
Farley is continuing the legacy, advocating for workers and subjugated minority
groups while remaining an amicable public figure. But like Corrigan, Farley is
also quite inclined to engage in conniving political schemes, so long as they
advance the influence of the Church.
Samuel Fassler
An Austro-Hungarian immigrant, Fassler made his fortune in the iron industry.
He is now the New York City Commissioner of Buildings, an office he does little
justice to as an opponent of strong regulations and codes. An industrialist,
Fassler is strongly anti-union. He is not afraid to get his hands dirty, and he is
willing to leverage the full powers of his office to advance his personal interests.
Fassler’s connections in the always-lucrative real estate industry are always ready
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to vouch for him, so long as he continues negotiating in a direction that is
favorable to them.
Charles J.
Goeller
A New York state politician and lawyer, Goeller is well connected in Democratic
circles to politicians elsewhere in the state, making him a valuable way for
Tammany’s eyes and influence to extend beyond the city limits. With ties to
banking and brewing industries, Goeller also has insight into the private sector,
and he likes to look after his friends in every policy he makes. Their money made
him who he is, and without their support his own career is in jeopardy.
Louis F. Haffen
A civil engineer by trade, Haffen is the disgraced former President of the Bronx.
Under threat of impeachment, he was forced to resign over fraudulent
architecture practices and siphoning allocated funds. He is pursuing a seat in the
New York state legislature. Despite his cost-cutting actions in office, he has
worked closely with construction workers in the past, and sympathizes with labor
organization efforts. To win a seat on the legislature, he must appeal to his base
of middle-class suburban voters—a tough base to capture given their divided
interests between unions and small businesses.
Henry D.
Hotchkiss
One of the oldest active members of Tammany Hall, Hotchkiss comes from a
powerful political family with holdings in retail and manufacturing. He is
profoundly anti-union, and as a former corporate lawyer (now New York
statesman), he has seen his fair share of debates over labor rights. Unlike most
Tammany members in the 1910s, Hotchkiss comes from old money, and he has
fierce financial skills; he is the acting treasurer of Tammany Hall, reporting to
Boss Murphy, and thus has access to Tammany’s financials. Due to his relatively
right-of-center ideologies, others in the Hall keep close watch on how he handles
the money.
George Landon
Ingraham
Lewis Nixon
The presiding judge of the NY Supreme Court, Ingraham is one of the most
upstanding citizens in Tammany. Anywhere else in the world, he would
command the genuine respect of all in the room—but in Tammany, he has a
reputation as an undermining influence, hardly willing to scratch others’ backs
even if they scratch his first. He is not afraid of the Tammany machine, and he
knows the leverage that his position at the helm of the state judiciary holds. He
sides not with the Democratic or Republican party, but with the people and the
rule of law—recently in New York, the Democrats as an institution have been
more aligned that way.
The former interim leader of Tammany Hall, Nixon has never held elected office.
His public service positions were all appointed, and are insignificant compared to
most others in Tammany. He is a manufacturer with ties to US Navy and
shipbuilding & shipyard industries. He directed the construction of the
Williamsburg Bridge, a major Tammany-backed project. An opponent of
corruption in general, Nixon is often at odds with Tammany as an institution (as
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evidenced by his voluntary resignation as the boss). The bridge budget was, to
Nixon’s dismay, inflated to accommodate for personal benefits of Tammany
members and their friends. His unwillingness to engage in shady practices is
perhaps why Nixon has never held a position of prestige.
James Aloysius
O’Gorman
Jeremiah F. Ryan
A former lawyer (and partner with George Gordon Battle), O’Gorman is now a
U.S. Senator. As a servant of the entire state, O’Gorman must balance his
personal and local demands with those of the entire state and the nation. As an
elder member of Tammany Hall, O’Gorman knows how to negotiate with
business interests. He has developed a longstanding relationship with textile
manufacturing and brewing industries upstate, and because Tammany works
mainly in the city, his dealings in the Hall have large implications on the market
interests of his corporate patrons.
The New York City Commissioner of Markets, Ryan has a background in
engineering, automotive dealing, and construction contracting. He was
previously also a New York state assemblyman, making him truly a jack of all
trades. He is a man of the people, although because he holds an appointed
position, he must align himself with Tammany interests. The body frequently
calls upon Ryan’s expertise in private sector dealings and economics, and his
contacts in various industries can prove useful in a variety of actions spanning
the spectrum of legality.
John Godfrey
Saxe II
A state senator, Saxe II quietly (but strongly) supports a potential prohibition of
alcohol. He is also the head of NY State Bar Association and Columbia University
legal counsel. For the latter institution, Saxe helped facilitate the merging of
Barnard with the university. His grandfather was a poet of great renown, and
while he did not know him (as he was an orphan), Saxe must have inherited his
grandfather’s abilities; he is a brilliant orator and can manipulate words
beautifully to communicate messages to individuals or the general public on
Tammany’s behalf, and he serves as the de facto spokesman for the group in the
uncommon event that one is needed. His ties to higher education make him a
valuable resource in developing future New York politicians.
Al Smith
President of the New York City Board of Aldermen, Smith is filled to the brim
with political ambition. Considered the quintessential New York Democrat,
Smith is on the shortlist for governor in the future; perhaps his only shortcoming
is his youth. A populist, Smith vehemently supports labor interests, who in turn
endorse him consistently. Always friendly, Smith has historically had difficulty
working under the table to negotiate deals. And yet, due to his immense
popularity, he is still able to thrive in the political climate. And although this
works (for now) in the city, could it work on the state level?
William Sohmer
Comptroller for the state of New York, Sohmer has a background in insurance
and real estate. He is a rather shady figure, using the powers of his office (or
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rather, not using them) to ensure his colleagues in the industries he used to
command are secure in their business. After taking a cold position against
unionization, Sohmer’s resolve was tested when he witnessed firsthand the
Triangle fire from his Lower East Side apartment. On his way home from work
every day, he can still see and smell the burnt building on the corner, and he is
strongly considering switching his position for ideological reasons and enforcing
financial regulates more strictly as comptroller.
Max Steuer
A New York statesman and lawyer, Steuer is slated to defend the Triangle
Shirtwaist Factory owners. In his legal career, Steuer has developed strong
relationships with manufacturing companies. The industry is being sued more
and more in this age of growing working-class organization, and Steuer
effectively lobbies on behalf of the companies to legislative authorities in the
state. However, he generally puts that business off to the side in Tammany Hall
meetings, where he is known as a legal expert with a knack for defending crooks—
although he sometimes likes to work in policies to entice prospective clients in
the manufacturing industry.
Christopher D.
Sullivan
A former New York State senator, Sullivan is just beginning his tenure as a
member of the U.S. Congress representing New York’s 13th district. With ties to
the New York real estate industry, Sullivan is a valuable conduit for federal funds
to back Tammany-sponsored projects. But his personal philosophy is strongly
pro-labor, and he will not even attempt to appropriate money to projects that
exploit the working class. His electorate in the Bronx widely believes that alcohol
is a social problem, and as a man of the people, he strongly values their concerns.
John M. Tierney
Once legal counsel at the Union Railway Company, Tierney is now an esteemed
justice on NY Supreme Court. Unlike most in the Hall, Tierney’s life exemplifies
the American Dream success story; he grew up in abject poverty and worked his
way through the public school system to college and law school. Initially, as a
corporate lawyer for a train operator, Tierney did not support worker
unionization—but eventually, his position became more charitable to the laborers
when he had a sort of moral awakening. When the Court is out of session, Tierney
helps manage a scholarship fund for disadvantaged children in the city.
Robert Lee
Tudor
A New York state assemblyman, Tudor has a background in the railroading and
publishing industries. He is the longtime rival of publisher William Randolph
Hearst, whose publications slandered Murphy. Tudor, unlike his mentor Murphy,
is less afraid to get his hands dirty to spite his foe. However, Tudor has stirred
some controversy within Tammany Hall when his Daily Tribune newspaper ran
some editorials and news stories painting many corrupt members in a negative
light. To survive in such a competitive industry, newspapers must compete by
breaking news, and Tudor’s primary interests lie in his business holdings (where
he believes he has more influence than on the state assembly). But if he alienates
Tammany, his priorities could shift rapidly.
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Bartow Sumter
Weeks
A justice on the New York Supreme Court, Weeks is aligned with high-status New
Yorkers across the state. He was the president of a prominent athletic club that
churns out Olympic athletes and excludes females and racial and religious
minorities. Weeks strongly opposes the rising Prohibition movement, but he
doesn’t let his biases affect his judgment on the Court—or so say reporters. In
reality, Weeks is motivated not by outside interests (given the security of his 14year term), but instead he has the luxury of acting entirely selfishly. His interests
align with those of the upper crust of society, to the detriment of the working
class.
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