The Evolution of Social Power and Ceremonial Space in Prehistoric

Transcription

CONTESTEDPLACESAND PLACESOF CONTEST:
1HE EVOLUTIONOF SOCIALPOWERAND CEREMONIALSPACEIN
PREHISTORICPUERTORICO
Peter E. Siegel
The evolution of social power during the ceramic age of Puerto Rico is investigated.Archaeological site plans, ethnohistoric
and ethnographicaccounts, and size/spatial distributions of ball courts and ceremonialplazas are investigated as they relate
to political organization and leadership roles in prehistoric Puerto Rico. One of the strands linking 14 centuries of ceramicage culture in Puerto Rico is the emphasis on ceremonial space as an overtly integrativearenafor the group. As the definition
of the "group"evolvedfrom a village-bound entity to a multivillagepolity, the importanceand elaboration of ceremonial space
increased accordingly. The central argumentin this paper is that politically motivated individuals accrued power by controlling the rituals and ceremonies that were offundamental importancefor maintainingand reproducingsociety. Rituals and ceremonies wereperformedin specially designatedareas of communities.As access to power narrowedto specific lineages,families,
or individuals, the designated communityspaces became moreformal in construction and location. These ceremonial spaces,
referredto as ball courts and ceremonial plazas in the ethnohistoric accounts, ultimately became contested places as well as
places of contest.
Se investigala evoluciondel poder social durantela era ceramica de Puerto Rico. Se analizan los planos arqueologicosdel sitio,
los relatosetnohistoricosy etnograficos,las distribucionesdel tamano/espaciode los bateyesy las plazas ceremonialescon respecto
a la organizacionpolftica y posicion de mando en el Puerto Rico prehistorico. Una de las conexiones que une 14 siglos de culturade la era ceramica en PuertoRico es el e'nfasispuesto en el espacio ceremonialcomo unpunto de reuniondel grupo.A medida
que la definicionde "grupo" evolucionaba,desde una entidadde aldea hasta una comunidadintegradapor varias aldeas, la elaboracion del espacio ceremonialy su importanciaiban aumentando.El tema centralde este informees que las personas con motivacionpolftica acumulabanpoder controlandolos ritos y las ceremoniasque resultabanfundamentalespara el mantenimientoy
la reproduccionde la sociedad. Los ritosy las ceremoniaseran realizadosen areas especiales de la comunidad.Cuandoel acceso
al poder se limitoa linajes,familias, o personasparticulares, los espacios designados de la comunidadse convirtieronen lugares
masformales en te'rminosde construcciony de localizacion. Estos espacios ceremoniales,denominadosbateyes y plazas ceremoniales en los relatos etnohistoricos,eventualmentese convirtieronen lugares contestablesy lugares de contienda.
Columbusandhis colChristopher
leaguesarrivedin the New World,they
documentedNativeAmericancultures
inteorganizedalongseverallinesof sociocultural
by difmadeindependently
gration.Observations
ferentrecordersat varioustimes andin separate
locationsrevealculturesin HispaniolaandPuerto
well-develstatusdistinctions,
Ricowithhereditary
and
relations,ceremonial
opedsystemsof tributary
politicalcenters,andpeoplewhoweregreatlyconcernedwith mattersof worldviewand ideology
When
(Colon 1947;Las Casas 1951;Oviedo 1950).These
weretheTainoIndiansandallevidenceindicatesthat
theywereorganizedintocomplexchiefdoms(Rouse
1992; Siegel l991a, 1992; Wilson 1990a, 1990b).
Archaeologicaldata derived from ceramic styles,
iconography,settlementorganization,anddistinctive
artifactsreflect linkagesbetween the Saladoidcultures,who dispersedintotheWestIndiesby approximately 500 B.C., and the Tainos, who were well
establishedin thefifteenthcentuIyA.D.(Rouse1986,
1992; Siegel 1992, 1996;WaLker1993).
Peter E. Siegel * John MilnerAssociates, 535 North ChurchStreet, West Chester,PA 19380 and Departmentof Anthropology,
Field Museum of NaturalHistory, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, IL 60605
LatinAmericanAntiquity,10(3), 1999, pp. 209-238
CopyrightC) 1999 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
209
210
LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY
A majorresearchemphasisin Caribbeanprehistoric archaeology has centered around the geographicaloriginsof the TainoIndians(Rouse 1986,
1992), which is not surprisinggiven the archipelago
setting.Wheredid the forebearsof the Tainoscome
from, when did they arrive,andwhy did they leave
the mainlandof South America? In recent years,
somearchaeologistshaveinitiatedresearchprograms
addressing the development of Taino chiefdoms
(Curet 1996; Moscoso 1981; Siegel 1992; Wilson
1990a). Models for the developmentof a complex
society in the Caribbeanhave generallyfocused on
demographicor ecologicalfactors(see Curet1992).
Currentevidence,however,is equivocalfor populationpressureorresourcelimitationsat anytime during the ceramic age. Curet's (1992) survey in the
MaunaboValley,locatedin southeastern
PuertoRico,
indicatespopulationlevels well below the local carrying capacity. However, population density was
increasingthroughthepost-Saladoidoccupations.In
his surveyof the Loiza Valley locatedin northeasternPuertoRico, Rodriguez(1990) documenteddramaticallyincreasednumbersof sites and site types
during post-Saladoidtimes, correspondingto the
developmentof ball courts and Taino chiefdoms.
Subsistence, demography,and the environmental
contextmay havebeen importantfactorsfor culture
changein prehistoricPuertoRico, but researchto
datehas notclarifiedthe linkagesbetweenthesefactors and ideology and social organizationfor the
Caribbeanin general.
Contraryto materialistperspectives,I have constucted an argumentfor theimportanceof ideology
inthe developmentof Tainocomplex society.ElsewhereI havefocusedon thelinksbetweensettlement
stuctureand ideology as a basis for discussingthe
developmentof social complexityin theWestIndies
(Siegel1989,1992,1996). Those studiesemphasize
specificaspects of the archaeologicalrecord that
revealthe consolidation of power. In the present
paper,
I explorethe social andpoliticalroles andthe
behavioral
strategiesof theactorswho wereinvolved
inthe institutionalizationof social inequality.By
doingso, I investigatethe motives of individualsin
thespecificsocialandculturalcontextof WestIndian
ceramic-age
prehistory,andthe archaeologicalcorrelatesof such behavior.
The chronologicalframeworkfor this study is
represented
by the Saladoid(ca.200 B.C.-A.D.600)
and
Ostionoidseries (A.D.60() 1500).These series
tVol. 10, No. 3, 1999
aresubdividedinto complexesor periods:Hacienda
Grande(ca.200 B.C.-A.D.400; PeriodIIa),Cuevas
(A.D. 400-600; Period IIb), Monserrate (A.D.
600 900; Periodma), SantaElena(A.D.90() 1200;
PeriodEb),andEsperanza(A.D.1200 1500;Period
IV) (Rouse 1952a:330-333, 1992:Figs.14 and 15).
Institutionalized Social Inequality
Social inequalityis definedgenerallyas unequalor
asymmetricalrelationsof powerbetweenmembers
or groups of a society. In its broadestapplication,
socialinequalityappliesto anyhumansocialsystem;
powerdifferentialsarepresentandfrequentlycodified in gender and age relationsand interpersonal
characteristics (Cashdan 1980; Flanagan 1989).
However,it is the institutionalization(heritability)
of inequalitythatis of interestin the contextof complex society (Priceand Feinman1995). Institutionalizedinequalitymaybe investigatedatvariouslevels
of socialorganization,includingfamiliesandhouseholds, communities,villages, andmultivillagepolities (Blanton 1995; Earle 1997; Johnsonand Earle
1987).The sourcesof powerandhow poweris harnessed in social contexts is of fundamentalimportance in describing and explaining specific
trajectoriesof social change and complexity(Earle
1997). Earleandothershave addressedthe military,
economic,political,andideologicalsourcesof power
in variouscontexts (Earle 1991; also Mann 1986).
Blanton et al. (1996:2-3) suggest that sources of
powermaybe dividedinto "objective"versus"symbolic"realms. Objectivesources of power include
desirable,valuable, and necessary componentsof
materialculture.In contrast,symbolic sources are
characterized
by ideological,informational,andreligious spheresof society (Blantonet al. 1996:Table
1).Thereis considerableoverlapbetween,andinteractionamong,the sourcesof power.
Earle (1997:13, 208-211), following Steward's
(1955) concept of multilinearevolution,and Feinman(1995:263-268) recentlyhave concludedthat
thereare"multipleroutes"or"alternative
pathways"
inthe developmentof complex society.In so doing,
emphasishas shifted from a focus on such primemoverexplanationsas agriculturalimperativesor
population
pressure,to aninvestigationof the social,
political,military,economic,andideologicalfactors
underlying
observedorganizationalchanges.
Institutionalizedsocial inequalitydeveloped in
somecontextsdespitelevelingmechanismsthatmin-
Slegel]
SOCIALPOWERAND CEREMONIALSPACE IN PREHISTORICPUERTORICO
imizedthepotentialforthemonopolizationof power
andcriticalresources(Feinman1995:262).Thechallenge is to understandthe specific underlyingconditions that resulted in the rupture of leveling
mechanisms. As Feinman (1995:262) notes, we
"mustrecognizethe historicalnatureof these social
transitions."
In recent years, there has been an explosion of
researchdevotedto thefactorsinvolvedin the developmentof complexsociety (e.g., DrennanandUribe
1987;Earle1991;McGuire1983;PattersonandGailey 1987; Price and Feinman1995; Upham 1990).
Some of the same issues characterizingearlytwentieth-centurydiscussionsare still debated:e.g., unilinealversusmultilinealevolutionandgradualversus
1997;Feinman1995;
transformationalchange(Earle
1977;SandersandWebster
FriedmanandRowlands
1978; Spencer1987, 1993).
Debatesin the developmentof social complexity
arefrequentlycharacterizedby conflict versuscontracttheories(Cohen1981:5-10;Haas1982:80;Service 1985:173-199; Wrong 1988:89-92). Conflict
theoristsarguethatcomplex society developed"as
a coercive mechanismto resolve internalconflict
that arises between economically stratifiedclasses
withina society"(Haas1982:80).Differentialaccess
to critical resourcesis of fundamentalimportance
fromthe conflict perspective.Criticalresourcesare
not only technoeconomicbut also ideological and
social. Individuals,or sectors of society, who control the disbursementof these criticalresourcesare
in positions of great power. The strengthof their
poweris determinedby thedegreeto whichtheytruly
controlthe circulationof resources.Thus,if a small
segmentof the total populationis capableof withholdingor sequesteringany,or all, criticalresources
fromothermembersof society,thentheirpower-base
is ensured (Carneiro 1981 :58-63; Earle
1977:225-227; Haas 1982:95;Hams 1979:92-93).
AbnerCohendifferentiatesthe conflictandcontract
theories:
According to . . . conflict theory,the power mystique is a subtle, particularisticideology developed by a privileged elite to validate and
perpetuatetheir domination and thereby to support their own materialinterests.... The elitist,
or consensus [contract],theory of stratification,
by contrast,maintainsthatall social orderis necessarily hierarchical,andthatleadershipis a specialization necessitated by the division of labor
in all societies . . . men entered into a contract
211
agreeing to surrendertheir freedom to a sovereign, who representstheir general will and who
maintains social order in their own interest, if
necessary against their individual wills [Cohen
1981:54].
Cohen proceeds to make an importantpoint:
"Thesetwo schools of thought,thoughopposed in
manyrespectsandstill the sourceof hot debates. . .
arein factfocusing on the two extremesof one continuum. . . theelitistswouldconcedethat,while serving the general interestsof society, elites develop
mechanismsto advancetheirsectional
organi7.ational
interests.The conflict theorists,on the otherhand,
wouldconcedethat,whileservingtheirownsectional
interests,dominantgroupsdevelop ideologies purportingto articulatethe generalinterestsof society"
(Cohen 1981:7-8).
Archaeologistsrecentlyhave discussedthe lack
of polarizationbetween the functionalist(contract)
and political (conflict) perspectivesin connection
with institutionalized inequality (e.g., Feinman
1995:262-263; Spencer 1993:48). The specific
"route"or "pathway"in the developmentof institutionalizedinequalitydependson the historicalcircumstancesof the setting.It is importantto address
the specific historical and cultural context when
attemptingto explain the natureof change. It may
not be possible to predictspecific evolutionarytrajectories, but it is reasonableto classify groups of
similar, observed trajectories (Trigger 1978:
143-144).
of
Attentionto contextin the institutionalization
inequalityhas resultedin close examinationof leadersandtheirmethodsof accumulatingpowerandfollowers (Clark and Blake 1994; Hayden 1995;
Lightfootand Feinman1982; Spencer1993). Most
recently,Blanton,Feinman,and othershave introduced"twogeneralpolitical-economicstrategiesor
modes [that] represent dual pathways toward
inequality"(Feinman1995:264;also Blantonet al.
1996).
In brief,the networkmode of politicaleconomy
is based on the acquisitionof wealth throughintergroupexchangesthatarecontrolledby aspiringleaders(Feinman1995:265).Individualsincontrolofthe
tradenetworksuse accumulatedwealthto attractfollowers.Thenetworkmodemaybe comparedto other
includingRenmodelsof sociopoliticalorgani7ation,
frew's (1974) individualizingchiefdom, Johnson's
(1982) simultaneoushierarchy,andGilman's(1987)
S
a't'
5
)0
212
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
-
4 rt,9Qt
0
500
=_
kilometers
ch>'ts
PUERTORICO
g
VIEQUES
JAMAICA
S
t
Cy
@
G
M
Z
%
_
b
.
P
:s
O
g
oX
{. g
* C)
s
G
c)/t
,>
*
#
_
J
S
_
m
oOR4Q
Figure 1. Map of the Caribbean basin.
wealth distribution(Blantonet al. 1996; Feinman
1995). Valuableresourcesand thus power are narrowedto andmonopolizedby a distinctsubsetof the
groupor specificindividuals.In contrast,the corporate mode of political economy is based on group
solidarity,throughintegrativeceremoniesand rituals "thatcrosscut. . .descent-basedsocial segments"
(Feinman1995:266).Comparisonsto theothersocial
models include Renfrew's (1974) group-oriented
polities,Johnson's(1982)sequential-ritual
hierarchy,
and Gilman's(1987) staplefinance (Blantonet al.
1996;Feinman1995).1=hecorporatemodepromotes
publicconstructionandcommunalrituals.
Feinman(1995), Blantonet al. (1996), and several commentatorsemphasizethatthe networkand
corporatemodes representorganizationalstrategies
that are partof a continuum,and, in fact, are frequentlymixedwithina singleregion,culture,or cultural trajectory (Cowgill 1996:53; Demarest
1996:56; Kolb 1996:59): "In any one instance or
case theremay be a dominanceof eitherthe exclusionary[network]orthecorporatepoliticaleconomy
. . ., butall societies containelementsof both,anda
particularsocietymaycyclebetweenthetwo"(Blanton et al. 1996:66).
In this paper,a theoreticalmodel for the evolution of politicalcentralizationin prehistoricPuerto
Ricois developed.Thecorporateandnetworkmodes
of politicaleconomy areviewed withinthe context
of institutionalizedinequality;the formalizationof
leadershiproles; and the accrualand centralization
of ideological,political,andeconomicpower.Inthis
context, power becomes centralizedas politically
motivatedindividualsrecognizeandtakeadvantage
of the manipulativeaspectsof religionand cosmologicalbeliefs.Thedevelopmentof institutionalized
inequalityin the GreaterAntilles centeredaround
cosmologicalconcepts,which becameraw materials for ideological beliefs (Curetand Oliver 1998;
Siegel 1996, 1997).
In thisWestIndianexample,shamanswere specialists in control of beliefs that revolved around
ancestorvenerationandof communicationchannels
between the communityand the numinous.These
individualsdirectedthe actions of people at communityevents and in ceremonialcontexts.Thereis
>
Siegel]
>
!_
___
A
n
SOCIALPOWERAND CEREMONIAL
SPACE IN PREHISTORICPUERTORICO
213
ATLANTlC
OCEAN
'
n
Convento Puerta de Tierra
Hacienda Grande
Monserrate
>
>
VIEQUES
zuntaCandelero i
CARIBBEAN SEA
i
;v
o
r
kilometers
z
20
Coastal plains -
E
Hillyregion
g
Mountainous region
Figure 2. Map of Puerto Rico showing the locations of the known early Saladoid sites.
anexpectedcorrespondencebetweentheexpanding
politicalpower of shamansand increasinglymore
formal materializationsof their power base. We
shouldobserve,therefore,ceremonialspacesbecoming more elaborateand regionally centralizedas
politicallymotivatedshamansrecognizedandforged
links between ideology, cosmology, and political
power.
Background
The Saladoidpeoples who dispersedinto the West
Indies from northeasternSouth America approximately2,500 yearsago (Figure1) were horticulturalists, who relied extensively on fishing and the
collectingof marineandterrestrialfaunalresources
(DeFrance1988, 1989; DeFranceet al. 1996; Keegan 1985;Newsom 1993;Siegel l991b; Wattersand
Rouse1989;Wmg1989).Theyproducedthin-walled
elaboratelypainted,incised, and modeled ceramic
vessels andfigurines;fine groundstonecelts, adzes,
beads,and amulets;carvedandgroundshell, bone,
andcoralobjects;in additionto manyeverydayitems
fabricatedfromstone,bone, shell,clay,coral,wood,
cloth, and feathers.Similaritiesin materialculture
across sites and throughtime providethe basis for
assigningthe groupsto a single series of Saladoid
cultures,namedaftertheSaladerotypesiteexcavated
by IrvingRouse andJose Cruxent(1963). It is generally agreed that the Saladoidpeoples displaced
pre-existingArchaicgroupswho werealreadyoccupying the Caribbeanarchipelago. However, the
extentandnatureof interactionsbetweentheceramic
and lithic-age groups in the Caribbeanare poorly
understood(Siegel 1989).
Evidencefrom site distributionsandtypologies,
burials,and internalsettlementstructureindicates
that Saladoidgroupswere relativelyegalitarianin
social organization(Rodriguez1990; Siegel 1989,
1992;Versteeg1989). Gravegoods associatedwith
excavatedburialsarenot elaborate(ChanlatteBaik
1979, 1983;Rodriguez1991;Siegel 1992). Human
bone chemistriesdo not revealdifferentialaccess to
better-quality foods by some individuals (van
Klinken1991). Sizes andlocationsof Saladoidsettlements do not reflect asymmetricalrelations of
power(Figure2; Siegel 1996:Figure3).
There are materialculturalelements associated
withTaino-period
ritualsthatappearalsoin Saladoid
contexts.Thesearemostclearlyrepresented
by threepointedobjectsvariouslycarvedfrom stone, bone,
shell, andcoral,andwhich area subsetof the larger
class of religiousitems called zemis (Fewkes 1891,
1907; McGinnis 1997; Rouse 1992;Walker1993).
Saladoid-periodthree-pointerswere small and ele-
S
-
S
214
a
_
[Vol. 10, No. 3,1999
b
0
5
:=_
]
centimeters
Figure3. Two three-pointers from Puerto Rico: (a)
Saladoid shell three-pointer collected from Mounded
Maisabelsite (Catalog No. 1.149.84, collection of the
Midden 1 in the
Centro de Investigaciones Indigenas de Puerto
Rico). The artifact is
shownin profile (upper) and in plan view (lower).
(b) Taino stone three-pointer shown in profile.
Photograph of the Taino
three-pointeris by Bruce Schwarz and courtesy of El
Museo del Barrio, New York. Artifact is from the
Museode Historia, Antropologia, y Arte de la
collections of the
Universidad de Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras (Accession No.
15,339).
gant
in their simplicity.In contrast,three-pointers
manufactured
by the Tainosrangedfrom largeand
ponderously
baroquein symbolismandimageryto
small
and undecorated(Figure 3). Three-pointers
produced
by groups chronologicallyintermediate
between
Saladoidand the Tainoswere stylistically
diverse,
butthe generaltrendfromsmallto largeand
simple
to complexis apparent(WaLker
1993:4345).
Other
materializations
of Tainoritualsthatappearin
earlier
time periodsinclude snuff-spouts,probably
for
inhalingcohoba (Piptadeniaperegrina);elbow
stones;
andstonecollars(Alegria1986;Rouse 1986,
1992;
Rouse and Alegrla 1990; Walker 1993),
although
the three-pointeris the only artifactclass
to
unequivocally
link ceremonialismof the earliest
Saladoid
culturalcomplex (HaciendaGrande)with
rituals
documentedby the conquistadores(WaLker
1993).
Finally,specific ceremonialcomponentsof
Saladoid,
Ostionoid,andTainovillages were functionally
the same, even as they changed in form
(Siegel
1996).Artifactualandarchitectural
elements
suggest
thatritualandcosmology,subsumedby the
religious
sphereof society,were partof an enduring
tradition
throughoutthe ceramicage of PuertoRico
(Rouse
1992; Siegel 1989; Walker1993). Specific
aspects
of this traditionwere manipulatedby strategically
placed individuals,and reflect changes in
sociopolitical
organization.The remainderof this
paper
addressesthe linksbetweenreligiousandcosmological
beliefs, ideology, the formalizationof
leadership
roles, andpoliticalcentralizationin prehistoric
PuertoRico.
Talno Religion
Father
RamonPane, a Catalanpriest,is considered
to
havemadethemostaccurateanddetailedaccount
of
Tainoreligion duringthe Contactperiod. Pane
accompanied
Columbuson his secondvoyageto the
New
Worldin 1493. He was assignedby Columbus
to
livewitha groupof TainoIndiansin northernHispaniola,
learnthelanguage,andrecordtheircustoms
and
lifeways (Pane1974).Pane'sworkmaybe considered
to be the firstanthropologicalresearchconducted
in the New World(Bourne1906).
Pane'sobservationssuggestthatshamanismwas
an
integral
componentof Tainoculture(Arrom1975;
Siegel]
Colon1947;Deive 1978;FernandezMendez 1972;
Rouse1948;Stevens-AIroyo1988).Shamansserved
asintermediariesbetweenthe groupat largeandthe
spiritworld. Cross-culturallyshamanismis widespreadamong societies of varying organizational
rangingfromsimplebandsto states(Elicomplexity,
ade1964; Helms 1988; Langdon and Baer 1992;
Thomasand Humphrey 1994; Velasquez 1987;
1992).ShamansandotherreligiousoffiWinkelman
cials,such as priests,may coexist (Eliade 1964:4).
Shamanismand its techniquesof ecstasy are frequentlyif not always intricatelyconnected to the
politicalrealmof society (Helms 1988).
Ancestor worship typically is associated with
shamanism,andthe venerationof deified ancestors
wasa strongintegrativecomponentof Tainochiefdoms.It was the basisfor theircosmologicalsystem
calledzemiism.Zemis, as a group, refer "to gods,
symbolsof deities,idols,bonesorskullsof thedead,"
or anything presumed to have magical power
(Fewkes 1907:54). The cosmological orderof the
Tainosclearly was hierarchicaldepending on the
magnitudeof authorityor specificitya deity had.At
the apex of the structureresided the two creator
zemis:the earthgoddess andthe sky god. The union
of these two deities resulted in the minor gods,
humanity,andanimals(Arrom1975;Fewkes 1907).
Secondaryzemis functionedas protectordeities
and representedclan or lineage ancestors (Colon
1947;FernandezMendez1972;Fewkes1907;Rouse
1948). These protectordeities were the focal point
for most of the rites actually enacted: "Ponen un
nombrea dicha estatua[zemi];yo creo que sera el
del padre,del abueloo de los dos, porquetienenmas
de una, y otros mas de diez, en memoria,como ya
he dicho, de alguno de sus antecesores" (Colon
1947:184).The Tainoshad numerousphysicalrepresentations,or icons, of theirzemis fabricatedout
of differentmaterialsincludingstone, wood, bone,
shell,clay,coral,andcotton(ChezCheco 1979;Garcia Arevalo 1977; Saundersand Gray 1996; Vega
1971-1972). The ethnohistoricliteratureindicates
thatzemiswereemployedin ecstatictrances,seances,
and curingceremoniesperformedby a select few.
There appearsto have been a partitioningof these
activities by at least two subsets of individuals,
referredto as shamans(behiques,buhuitihus,boitii)
and principalmen (hombresprincipales) or chiefs
(caciques) (Arrom 1974, 1975; Colon 1947; Las
Casas 1951; Martire1885; Oviedo 1950). Further,
215
therearereferencesto counselorsor advisorsto the
caciques,who assistedthe chief in negotiationsand
rituals(e.g., Dunn and Kelley 1989:243). In terms
ofreligiousorceremonialactivitiesthesecounselors
maybe consideredas priests,distinctfromshamans,
thisdegreeof occupationalspecificityis not
although
explicitin the ethnohistoricaccounts.It is difficult
tounravelthe positions (shaman,priest, cacique)
fromthe actorsin the ethnohistoricaccounts.Chiefs
frequentlyare referencedby name. Shamans and
priestsarenot.
Rouse observedthat "chiefs and priestsderived
politicalpower and social statusfrom their zemis"
andthat the "deitieswere also worshippedin temples"(Rouse 1986:115).This connotesa publicrole
for these individuals,in contrastto shamanswho
dealtmorein the realmof private,household-based
curing ceremonies (Colon 1947:193-195; Rouse
1948:537-538).A continuumof authoritymay have
existedbetweenshamansandpriests,suchthatthere
were no distinct spheres of jurisdiction. Glazier
(1980) arguedfor such a scenario among the socalled island-Canbsof the LesserAntilles.
It is clear from the accountsthat all individuals
of power in Taino society employed shamanistic
techniquesof ecstasy to enterthe spiritworld. It is
less clear that within this segment of society there
was a divisionof individualsby occupationandstatus. Certainindividualsmay have occupied two or
morepositions (shaman,priest,chief). Tainochiefdoms were complexly organized,with greaterand
lessercaciques,in additionto nobles(nitalnos),commoners (naborias), and possibly slaves (Moscoso
1981; Rouse 1948;Wilson l990a). Given the complexity of the politicalorganization,it is reasonable
to assume that the roles of shaman, priest, and
cacique were occupiedby distinctindividualswith
generallyseparatespheresof authority,which nevertheless appearto have had a certain amount of
overlap. Indeed, Walker (1993:42) observes that
"behiquesareoften mentionedin the samebreathas
caciques,suggestingthattheyclosely interactedwith
the socio-politicalleaders."It may or may not be the
case thatanindividualwho achieveda greatamount
of overlap in the three roles accruedmore power
thanthose individualswho did not.
Taino chiefs were deified upon death. Special
structures, or temples, were maintained by the
caciques,in whichtheirzemiswerekept.Thesezemis
were assigned names of ancestorsof the cacique
216
(Colon 1947:184; Las Casas 1951:II:279;Oviedo
1950:130-131). After death, a chief's body was
opened and preservedthroughdrying over a fire
(Colon 1947:185;Las Casas 1951:II:279).lFurther,
hollow wooden images of dead chiefs were made,
in whichhis fetisheswere stored(Rouse 1948:535).
Aspectsof ethnographically
andethnohistorically
documentedAmazoniangroupsmaybe investigated
for insights into West Indian prehistoriccultures.
Archaeologists and ethnographershave focused
specificallyon cosmologies andbelief systems,village organization,shamanism,andsubsistencepractices in making comparisons to and drawing
inferences from lowland South America (Alegria
1986;HeckenbergerandPetersen1999;Lopez-Baralt 1985; Oliver1992; Siegel 1996; Stevens-Arroyo
1988; Versteeg and Schinkel 1992; Wilbert 1981,
1987).Studiesof shamanismin lowlandSouthAmerica in particularare instructive.Native American
groups in various portions of Amazonia display
forms of magico-religious organizationthat have
beenreferredto as horizontalversusverticalshamanism. Hugh-Jones (1994) indicates that vertical
shamansare rarlkedby degreeof training,methods
and locations of curingceremonies,and social status within the community.Esoteric knowledge is
maintainedwithin a small exclusive groupof individuals,who transmittheirknowledgepatrilineally
(Hugh-Jones1994:33, Table 1). He notes, too, that
horizontalshamanismoccursin egalitanansocieties,
where the ecstatic experienceis "opento all adult
males"(Hugh-Jones1994:33).Hugh-Jonesequates
highly rankedvertical shamans with priests, who
earntheir"credentialsthroughspecializedtraining"
(Hugh-Jones1994:35).Thischaracterization
of ranking among shamansmay be consistentwith ethnohistoricdescriptionsof caciquesas shamans,versus
otherreligious specialistswho dealt with everyday
illnesses and problemsof all communitymembers
(Colon 1947; Las Casas 1951; Oviedo 1950).
Tainocaciquesemployedshamanistictechniques
to interpret myths communicate with ancestor
deities,andprovidedirectionto membersof thecommunity on how to proceed in numerousactivities.
Pane (1974:42) documented rituals, whereby
caciques embarkedon hallucinogenicjourneys to
communewiththespiritworldwhenmattersof communityimportancerequiredaddressing.
The ethnohistoricdocumentsindicate that cosmology, shamanism,and the conceptof axis mundi
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
providedan organizationalframeworkfor how individuals interactedwith each otherand the universe
(Alegria 1986; Arrom 1974, 1975; Lopez-Baralt
1985;Siegel 1996;WaLker
1993). Iconographicand
architecturalevidenceindicatesthatthis framework
was rootedin the Saladoidvision of the world.However, Saladoid social and cosmological order was
basedon an egalitarianethic. Undercertaincircumstances,cosmological organizationmay be manipulatedto the advantageof a select few. The shaman
is positionedto employhis cosmologicalconnections
to furthera political agenda.Esotericaand strange
behaviormay be used judiciously and skillfullyby
politicallymotivatedindividualsto accruepower.
Saladoid and Ostionoid Burial Patterns:
Continuity or Change?
ElsewhereI have discussed the structureand organizationof documentedSaladoidsites in the West
Indies(Siegel 1996). Drawingon ethnographicdata
from lowland South America and ethnohistoric
observationsfromtheWestIndies,I haveinterpreted
Saladoid site plans to be physical models of the
NativeAmericancosmos (Siegel 1992, 1996). The
village occupantsview theircommunityliterallyas
a cosmogram.As such,the village layoutrepresents
an organizingprinciple for the communitymembers. In brief, I arguethatthe circularaspect of the
cosmosis reproducedon thegroundby a circulardistributionof middendepositsarrangedin the central
portionof the village. These middensring a communalvillage spaceor plaza,oftencontaininga burial ground, which is situated precisely in the
settlementcenter.I havearguedthattheplaza/cemetery representsan axis mundi,connectingtogether
the variouslayersof the cosmos (Siegel 1989,1996,
1997). Based on comparisonsto ethnographically
documentedshamanistcultures,we mayassumethat
a shamanpresidedoverritualsandceremoniesassociatedwiththe burialgroundandmoundedmiddens
(Deive 1978;Eliade 1964;LangdonandBaer 1992;
Winkelman1992). The centralizedcommunalarea
of Saladoidvillages functionedas a plaza, serving
as a focal pointfor communitylife in general(Siegel
1989, l991c; Siegel and Bernstein 1991). These
observationsseem to havebeenacceptedby a majority of researchersin Saladoid archaeology(Curet
andOliver1998;Oliver1992;Petersen1996;Rouse
1992;Watters1994).
The ceremonialspacesin Saladoidvillages func-
Siegel]
217
tionedas portalsto the variouslayersof the cosmos. shiftin thelocationsof burialsfromcommunalplazas
Theseportalswereusedonlyby the shamansin mak- in the early (Saladoid)periodsto domesticcontexts
ing cosmic journeys. The public rituals that took in later(Ostionoid)periodsof occupationin Puerto
placein thecentrallypositionedvillageplazaswould Rico. It may be more appropriateto specify nonhave been orchestratedand presided over by the plazaratherthandomesticcontextsforpost-Saladoid
shamans.As anextensionof thismodel,I haveargued buriallocationswithregardto ball court/ceremonial
thatthe Saladoidvillageplaza/cemetery,andthecos- plaza complexes. Ethnohistoricand archaeological
mologicalorganizationthatit represented,also was datarevealconsiderablevariabilityin post-Saladoid
a focalpointaroundwhichceremonialspacewasfor- buriallocations,includingcaves,mounds,andhouse
malized and political change transpired,ultimately floors (Aitken 1918; Alegria 1983; Colon 1947;
resultingin the developmentof ball courtsand cer- Fewkes 1907;Joyce 1916;Las Casas 1951;Martire
emonialplazasin thepost-Saladoidperiodsof Puerto 1885; Oviedo 1950;Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1976).
The mortuaryevidence from Maisabel reveals
Rico (Siegel l991a, 1992, 1996). To this discussion
Curetand Oliver(1998) recentlyhave addeda con- continuity in use of the central communal burial
siderationof shiftingmortuarypracticeswithregard groundthroughouttheprehistoricoccupationsof the
to kinship and the emergence of institutionalized site. As such, smallerhamletswithin the post-Saladoid settlementsystems continuedthe burialproinequality.
of the previous periods. Indeed, this burial
gram
and
Curet
researchers,
other
with
Consistent
andthe cosmologicalconceptsassociated
program,
and
economic,
political,
that
observe
(1998)
Oliver
the nexusaroundwhichpoliticalchange
was
it,
with
or
lineages
families
specific
to
narrowed
socialpower
Other settlementswithin the post-Saltranspired.
(Alegria
periods
Contact
and
Ostionoid
late
by the
displayeddifferentburialprachierarchies
site
adoid
In
1990a).
Wilson
1992;
Siegel
1992;
Rouse
1983;
in the ball courts and
evident
most
is
This
tices.
howdata,
mortuary
post-Saladoid
any
for
searching
dead were interredin
the
where
plazas
ceremonial
varfrom
sites
conflate
(1998)
Oliver
and
ever,Curet
plaza grounds.
of
the
outside
locations
other
a
single
into
hierarchy
settlement
a
of
levels
ious
Maisabel(23 from
from
recovered
burials
33
The
these
so,
doing
In
program.
burial
homogeneous
of the site termed
a
portion
from
10
cemetery,
the
economic
and
social,
political,
the
authorsobscure
of occupations
range
full
the
span
area")
"house
the
hierarsettlement
post-Saladoid
the
of
implications
artifacts,and
associated
dates,
l4C
Using
site.
the
in
is,
1992).1^hat
l991a,
Siegel
1990;
chy (Rodriguez
SalSaladoid,4
10
I
tallied
associations,
contextual
becomwere
settlements
IIIa)
by A.D. 600 (Period
Ostionoid-period
9
and
transitional,
previous
adoid/Ostionoid
in
than
specialized
ing more functionally
periods.With this specialization,there is evidence gravesfrom the cemetery.This distributionreflects
of integratedsettlementhierarchiesthatincludeham- the recognitionof the cemeteryas a burialground
lets,largervillages,andpoliticalandceremonialcen- throughoutthe prehistoricoccupationsof the site.
I^heMaisabel skeletons were 14C dated by the
ters (Goodwin and WaLker1975; Rodriguez 1990;
Mass Spectrometry(AMS) groupatthe
Accelerator
intethe
Within
l991a).
Siegel
Rouse 1952a,1952b;
Arizona.AMS-datingresearchershave
of
not
polity,
University
emergent
or
system,
grated settlement
reliabilitymeasuresfor determinvarious
proposed
contained
necessarily
village
small
or
every hamlet
degradationandthus the
collagen
of
degree
the
ing
practices
Burial
elite.
institutional
membersof the
age estimate(Long et
l4C
resulting
of
the
therefore,
accuracy
expected,
be
might
hamlets
within these
1992). The Arizona
1987b,
1987a,
Taylor
1989;
egalitarian
al.
the
as
in
manner
same
the
in
continue
to
of the constituent
one
glycine,
that
found
Maisgroup
periods.
Saladoid
previous
of
the
communities
index for collaa
good
is
collagen,
in
acids
Salthe
amino
throughout
occupied
hamlet,
such
abelis one
adoid and duringat least two of the post-Saladoid gen preservation.The glycinedepletionratio(GDR)
periods(NlonserrateandSantaElenacomplexes).In is a valuethatrepresentsthe amountof glycine preattemptingto fit Maisabelinto theirmodel of shift- sent in an archaeologicalbone specimenrelativeto
ing mortuarypracticesandchangesin sociopolitical a modernbone (Long et al. 1989:23>235).
Radiocarbondatesderivedfromhumanbonethat
organization,Curetand Oliver (1998) misinterpret
are associatedwith GDRs of approximately10 or
importantaspectsof the burialdatafrom this site.
CuretandOliver(1998) indicatethattherewas a less areconsideredto be reliable.Radiocarbondates
Table 1. Dating of Burials Recovered from the Maisabel Cemetery.
Lab
Burial Sample Uncorrected Calibrated14C
No.
No.
'4CAge(B.P.) Age(2sigmas)
9
AA-5030 1145 + 75
A.D. 680-1020
9
14
AA-7029
AA-6809
1280 + 50
1600 + 55
A.D.650-871
A.D.262-580
28
1
6
10
AA-6805
AA-4098
AA-4100
1525 + 55
1505 + 65
1515 + 50
A.D.410-640
A.D.410-650
A.D.420-640
15
AA-4102
1420 + 100
A.D.420-799
l9A
l9B
l9C
l9C
AA-4105
2
5
16
AA-503 1
AA-7030
995 + 80
580 + 50
Beta-15886 1325 + 100
AA-4097 1330 + 45
AA-4103 1335 +45
Glycine
Depletion
Ratio ArtifactAssociation
86.5
Prehistoricpottery; chertflakes;unmodifiedraw local stone; shell; complete
bottle with two keels, two D-shaped handles, and flat base
*°
17.0
Prehistoricpottery, calcite pendent, unmodified raw local stone, shell, verteb
crab carapace
Ceramic vessel
16.0
Cuevas-style pottery,chert flakes, coral
90.9
Prehistoricpottery
2.3
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, groundstoneand chert hammerstones,grani
unmodified raw local stone, shell, coral
208.9
Carefully shaped and polished black fine-grained siliceous sedimentaryrock
(ceramic vessel pebble polisher?)
430.0
A.D. 890-1220
199.0
A.D. 1280-1430 9677.0,
1761.0
A.D. 540-942
A.D. 613-797
1.8
A.D. 609-796
1.2
21
AA-4107
1360 + 50
A.D. 583-770
2.5
17
AA-6810
1295 + 60
A.D. 640-1072
18.0
3
4
AA-4096
AA-6806
1140 + 45
1145 + 55
A.D. 770-1000
A.D. 693-1000
3.9
22.1
7
AA-6807
1188 + 55
A.D. 680-980
11.21
22
AA-6811
1180 + 85
A.D. 660-1018
22.0
11
12
20
13
AA-6808
750 + 60
A.D. 1161-1386
AA-4106
AA-4101
1045 + 45
A.D. 891-1148
.0
3.2
668.0
Cuevas-style open concave bowl
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone, coral, shell
Prehistoricpottery,chertflakes, two disc-shaped shell bead preforms,
two calcite fragments, unmodified raw local stone, shell, coral, vertebratebo
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone, perforatedshell
coral, shell
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone, shell, chert
hammerstone,calcite, ochre, coral abrader
Prehistoricpottery,unmodified raw local stone, shell, chert flakes, coral
Prehistoricpottery (some with red slip), unmodified raw local stone, coral, p
stone celt/adze, ochre, shell bead, shell, chert flakes
Ovoid Monserrate-styleceramic vessel, polished stone celt/adze, chert flakes
unmodified raw local stone, coral, shell, biconvex celt, carved shell plaque
Prehistoricpottery, unmodified raw local stone, coral, shell, perforatedshell
chert flakes
Prehistoricpottery, chert flake, unmodified raw local stone, shell
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone, shell
Prehistoricpottery, chert flakes, unmodified raw local stone
Large Ostionoid ceramic bowl with restricted opening
m
o
oO 4
-
t
ovn
N d
t
t
N
-
oo
N
t
;
cr
n
Y
oo
t
£ o
o
O
N 'e O
n
i)n
N^
tN
POWERAND CEREMONIAL
SOCIAL
Siegel]
219
'e
'e
co
>
-
.C
O
O
O
'e
'e
g
g
'e
c
t
t
c
W:
O
O
O
o
o
W: W: W:
'e
'e
Y
GQ GQ v)
'e
H
O
'e
o
cT
:
o
;
:
co
'e
c)
o
F
-
F
-
o
4
c Y t
3
t
r
o
O
Q
.S
=
o
o
n
E
z
Y
<
o
co
n
'e
^
<
cT
>8 t z z
C
a
>
= <4
S
o
, =
u >t
3
=
o
c)
e
'e
E
*-
o
-
'e
o
o
o
o
6
co
E
C#:)
Q
-
,:
o
,:
=
*
z
r
,
e
t.C
m
Q
<
=
C
Ct
ra
a cOP
sCuD
,
:
°
m
O
=
o
O
Py
C)
r
o
O
o
o
o
n
E
Y
-
r Qo r
r n
Ct
.C
o
m
.Y
o
aD
X o t wo
,C D
o 3 o
O
_
Q
coo
W:
=
r
o
>
o
t
d
^
t
t
t
t
O
r
O
;
O
C)
°
C)
r
O
Ct
C)
O
g
°
O
C)
;
r
O
r
O
^
C)
Ct
C)
C)
r
r
°
r
.=
*
(3
v
o
b
oo
vn
n
.
.
cr
t
o
n
.
.
Ct
Ct
Ct
.;
O
O
C)
O
C)
O
C)
O
C)
r
O
O
W: =
=
=
O
N
£
£
v)
.
N
n
.
o
v)
.
.
X
o
o
oo
cxs
tZ
Q
O
.-
'e
colv)
oo
cr
cr
cr
o
l
v)
oo
o
oo
o
cr
t
m
v)
oo
t
o
oo
l
1
l
cr
oo
cr
oo
cr
oo
.
O
.-
.
t&
'e
¢
;
o
v)
v)
+l
v)
o
o4o
+l
v)
v)
+l
v)
o
v)
+l
o
v)
v)
+l
o
oo
o
o
cr
o
V)
CX
*C
m z
o
oo
Y
Ct
,
.t
¢
Ct
O
r
-
n
-
Ev
O
m
I
z
z
O
e)
r
O
r
n
=
co
¢
o
F
8 t t = =
t
° r n
3
>
O
Cu
CN
O
r
n4
n4
_
W
C)
Cxs
F
F
, , ;:
r
O .t
O
t
;
Q
,)
O
-
O r
m
o
v)
+l
v)
t
+l
v)
v)
+l
v)
t
+l
v)
v)
v)
o
o
o
o
o
n
cr
cr
Oo
o
N
=
O
associatedwith extremelyhigh GDRs (greaterthan
100)mustbe viewed with caution;datingsof these
shouldplacemoreemphasison artifactassoburials
ciationsand generalcontext.
Table 1 lists the Maisabel cemetery burialsin
orderby culturalaffiliation.Uncorrected14Cages,
calibrated14Cdates (2 sigmas), GDRs, and artifact
associationsare presentedfor each burial,as available.For the 10 burialsattributedto the Saladoid
series(HaciendaGrandeand Cuevas complexes),
threeare associatedwith unacceptablyhigh GDRs
(Burials15,19A,19C). Theseburialswere assigned
tothe Saladoidseries based on associatedartifacts
orcontextorboth.CuretandOliver(1998) discount
thepost-Saladoiddatingof cemeteryburialsowing
to unspecifiedproblems with the dating analysis.
Burials5, 16, and 21 producedlow glycine depletion ratios providing confidence that the Saltransitionaldatesareaccurate.Bone
adoid/Ostionoid
from Burial 2, conventionallydated by Beta Analytic, does not havea GDR value.Nine burialswere
assigned to the Ostionoid series (Monserrateand
Santa Elena). UnacceptableGDRs are associated
withBurials11 and 13;assignmenttothe Ostionoid
seriesis basedon good artifactassociationsandcontext. The remainingsix Ostionoidburialsdatedby
AMS producedGDRsrangingfrom3.2 to 22.1, thus
providingconfidencein the associateddates.
Based on cemeterysize andburialrecoveryrate,
theMaisabelcemeterymaycontainas manyas 2,500
interments(Siegel 1995:64). If the chronological
distributionof burialsoutlinedaboveis at all representativeof the cemeterypopulationthen thereare
approximately 1,086 Saladoid, 434 Saladoid/
Ostionoidtransitional,and 978 Ostionoidburials.2
Mostof theburialsrecoveredfromthehousearea
date to the Ostionoidperiods (Table2), thus supportingCuret and Oliver's (1998) contentionthat
post-Saladoidburialsmay be located in domestic
areas.However,the largenumberof Ostionoidburials situatedin the cemeteryindicatesthatthe communaltprivate-domesticspheres are not mutually
exclusive or temporallypartitionedburialzones.
Insum,thereis continuityandchangein post-Saladoidburialpatterns.Denizensof small-scalesettlementsin thepost-Saladoidsociallandscapecontinued
to use centralportionsof theirvillages as cemeteries. Inaddition,however,someof theOstionoiddead
were depositedinto the floors of houses that were
locatedoutsideof the village center.
220
Context of the Saladoid-Ostionoid Transition
Saladoid cosmological concepts were expressed
vividly in the structureandorganizationof theirvillages.Thecommunalplazaandcentralburialground
was the aucismundior sacredpillarthatheld the cosmos together.The shamanwho presidedover this
sacredspacewieldedconsiderablepowerin his role
as intermediarybetweenthenuminousandthe communityat large.
In PuertoRico, the transitionfrom the Saladoid
to the Ostionoidperiodsoccurredby approximately
A.D. 600. This transition is marked by distinct
changes in ceramic styles, shifts in settlementand
subsistencepatterns,and the developmentof obvious ballcourtsandceremonialplazas(Alegria1983;
Curet 1996; DeFrance1988, 1989; DeFranceet al.
1996;Rainey 1940;Rodriguez1990;Rouse 1952a,
1952b). Elsewherein the LesserAntilles, Saladoid
materialculture,and presumablylifeways, continued for muchlonger,in some areasto as late as A.D.
1200 (Hofman1993, 1995; Hofmanand Hoogland
1991). Post-Saladoidculturesin the LesserAntilles
neverdisplayedthe degree of social complexityas
thatof the Tainochiefdomsin PuertoRico andHispaniola.Based on the size and spatialdistributions
of ball courtsandceremonialplazasemployedduring the fifteenth century A.D., Puerto Rico was
dividedinto a numberof polities,eachof whichwas
headedby a chief and a handfulof sub-chiefs.Ethnohistoricdocumentsdepict a considerabledegree
of competitionbetween paramountchiefs (Colon
1947;Joyce 1916;RedmondandSpencer1994;Wilson 1990a).Therearereferencesto greaterandlesser
caciques, suggestingthat a political hierarchywas
in place within polities (Colon 1947:181; Joyce
1916:161; Rouse 1948:528-529). Ethnohistoric
descriptionsof Hispaniolasuggest the existence of
chiefdomson thatisland,withatleastfour
paramount
to six "principalmen"(Colon 1947:181;Las Casas
1951:I:275;Vega 1980).
In recentyears,some debate(unpublished,to my
knowledge)has developedregardingthe appropriatenessof comparisonsof Tainosociopoliticalorganization between Hispaniolaand Puerto Rico. As
Wilsondemonstrates,the averagesize of knownball
courtson Hispaniolais considerablylargerthanthose
in PuertoRico, althoughmanymoreball courtsare
known for the latterisland (Wilson 1990a:2>26).
Individuals,includingmyself, have arguedthatthe
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
Caribbeanballcourtsandceremonialplazasareintimately connected to the political realm of society
(Alegria1983;Morse 1990,1991; Siegel 1996;Wilson 1990a).It is very likely thatthe political,social,
andsymbolicsignificanceof theball courtsandceremonialplazaswas the sameforthetwo islands.The
politieson HispaniolaandPuertoRico mayhavevaried in size, butthey were presenton bothislands.In
my opinion, placing too much of a distinction
between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico in Taino
sociopolitics inappropriately imposes modern
geopoliticsonto the prehistoriccontext.3
Tainochiefdomshaddevelopedintostronglyterritorial,andin factspatiallyexpansive,politicalentities
(Las Casas 1967:II:317;MartyrD'Anghera 1970
[1912]; Moscoso 1981:310;Redmondand Spencer
1994:205).Vlthinpolities,an"ideolog7Ofdomination"
competition
by ensuringthatterritorial
wasmaintained
was fierceandthatlesserchiefs andcommonersrecoized theseboundaries(Vescelius1977).
On Hispaniola,wherethe most detailedaccounts
of the Tainochiefdoms were made, it appearsthat
majordrainagedividesformedpoliticalandterritorial boundaries between polities (Las Casas
1967:II:308;Manyr D'Anghera 1970:118 [1912];
Redmondand Spencer 1994; Wilson 1990a). Several reconstructionsof Tainopolitical organization
on Hispaniola,includingsize and numberof chiefdoms, have proposedfive to six polities in slightly
different locations (Redmond and Spencer 1994;
Rouse 1948;Sauer1966;Vega1980;Wilson1990a).
Wilson notes that
The characterizationof the Tafnochiefdoms that
emerges from the ethnohistorical sources . . .is
not one of political entities that can be neatly
bounded on a map. The conquistadoressaw the
Taino. . .in terms of Europeanfeudal kingdoms
whose boundaries (at any point in time) were
known.Forthe Taino,if therewere such rigidcategories, they were not recoveredin the historical
documents . . .The kinds of geographicalboundaries of the Taino chiefdoms that can be drawn
on a map areinappropriateto the transientnature
of the political structures"(Wilson l990a: 109).
The competitivejostling associatedwith the relatively unstablepolitical structuresof Tainochiefdoms resulted in shifting polity boundaries.The
chiefly ideology was fueledby venerationof deified
chiefly ancestors,who were the focal point of rituals thattook place in increasinglycomplexceremonial structures.
Siegel]
The developmentand complexityof ceremonial
space in prehistoricPuerto Rico is a process that
beganin the Saladoidperiod.Thisprocess,spanning
some 14 centuries,reflects a continuumin the use
and change in the form of sacredspace, beginning
with the Saladoidvillage plaza and endingwith the
Taino ball court. These architecturalchanges are
of power
physicalmanifestationsormaterializations
consolidationinto increasinglynarrowersocial segments.Intrackingthispowerconsolidationfromthe
Saladoidplaza to the Tainoball court,we now shift
the scale of analysisto the spatialandchronological
distributionof ball courtsandceremonialplazas.
Ball Courts and Ceremonial Plazas in
Prehistoric Puerto Rico
Ball courtsand ceremonialplazas are architectural
featuresdocumentedformanycultureareasthroughout theAmericas(Alegria1983;Moore 1996; Scarboroughand Wilcox 1991; Stern 1949). They are
associated generally with ritual competitions of
groupswithin andacrosspolities andwith communal gatherings ranging from sacred to everyday
events.On PuertoRico andHispaniolathe development and use of ball courtsappearto be associated
with increasinglymore complex societies, ones in
which statushierarchieswere emplacedandcontrol
overlaborandtributewerewell established(Alegria
1983; GarciaArevalo1991;Wilson 1990a).
Thereis no consensusas to whetherthe institution of the ball game was independentlyinventedin
differentregionsof the New Worldor whetherit diffusedfromone or morecenters.In PuertoRico, ball
courts appearin the archaeologicalrecord by ca.
A.D.700, coincidingapproximatelywith the transition from the Saladoidto Ostionoidperiods.Elsewhere, I have arguedthat large centrally located
cemeteriesin Saladoidvillages servedas plazas,like
thosedocumentedin lowlandcommunitiesof South
America (Siegel 1989, 1992, 1996). There is evidencethatthe earliestball courtsin PuertoRico also
functioned as cemeteries (Gonzalez Colon 1984;
Robinsonet al. 1985). Ethnohistoricaccountsindicatethattheballcourtsandceremonialplazasserved
as forumsorpublicstageswhereritualswereenacted
andmythsrecited,andwhich were presidedoverby
the cacique and his retinue (Arrom 1975:162;
Fewkes 1907:84; Joyce 1916:206; Las Casas
1951:I:441, III:328; Oviedo 1950:132-134). Ball
courtswere importantelementsin the politicalcon-
221
solidation that occurred at this time (Alegria
1983:5-6; Wilson l990a). Withthe Classic Tainos,
who resided on eastern Cuba, Hispaniola,Puerto
Rico, Vieques,and St. Croix,ceremonialspace was
specializedand spatiallyfragmented,reflectingdifferentiationofauthority(Morse1990:57-58, 1991;
Siegel 1989). I arguethat the emergentchiefs are
usingthe ancestorcult as a symbolizingmechanism
to legitimize their power consolidation. We Elnd
chiefs taking on, or preempting, some of the
shaman's authorityby partakingin drug-induced
trancesduringrituals(Deive 1978:191-192).
Earthenplazasandcemeteries(of Saladoidsites)
were replaced, in some places, by formally constructedball courtsand ceremonialplazas. Control
overthe ntuals associatedwith these placesbecame
more visible and impressivethan ceremoniesconplazas.Thatis, theenergyinvested
ductedin "natural"
in constructingceremonialplazasreflectedthepower
of theindividual(andhis orherfamily)who presided
overthem.Relativesizesof thecourtsorplazasshould
reflect,too, relativedecision-makingauthority(e.g.,
Santleyet al. 1991:21;Spencer1987:372-373).
Vescelius(1977) noteda correlationbetweenball
courtconcentrationsand surmisedpolitical territories.He suggestedthatmajordrainagesdividedchiefdoms (Vescelius 1977:2). Vescelius bolsteredthis
observationby assertingthatthe locationsof ethnohistoricallydocumentedchiefdomscorrelatedwell
with ball courtconcentrations.Vescelius'shypothesis is intuitivelyappealing.He makesanexplicitconnectionbetweenballcourtclustersandpolities:"The
distributionof ball courts in ancient Puerto Rico
wouldappearto havebeenclosely relatedto the way
in which the island was divided politically"
(Vescelius 1977:1).
Vescelius's (1977) brief observationsforeshadowed currentinterestin the developmentand formalizationof ceremonialspacein PuertoRico.Power
consolidationmaybe reflectedby increasinglymore
centralizeddistributionsof ball courtsand ceremonialplazas(Alegria1983;Wilsonl990a).As aresult,
there should be increasing levels of competition
betweenemergentcentralized'polities."Interpolity
(Alefeudinghasbeendocumentedethnohistorically
gria 1983:155; Colon 1947:181-184; Las Casas
1951:I:259-264, 441; Wilson l990a:24). Following
Vescelius,competitionwill be reflectedby largerand
more numerousceremonialplaces within circumscribedareas.
z
222
Coastal
plains
lVol. 10, No. 3, 1999
ATLANTIC OCEAN
w;r
=once
-
VlEQUES
F-3
A;
A
Ca
Esperanz
CARIBBEAN SEA
0
20
kilometers
m
Hilly region
-
Mountainous region
Figure4. Locationsof all knownsites containingball courtsor ceremonialplazasthat couldbe plottedon the map of
Ballcourt/plazasitesareexaminedforeachof the
majorceramic-ageperiodsof PuertoRico. I assume
thatthe developmentand elaborationof ball courts
andplazasreflecta concomitantpoliticalevolutionary process,thus allowing us to addresssocial and
politicalchangeon aregionallevel (Vescelius1977).
The Sample
Sites containingball courtsandplazasconstitutean
aspect of PuertoRican archaeologythat has been
reportedon extensively(Aitken1918;Alegria1983;
Gonzalez Colon 1984; Haeberlin 1917; Lothrop
1934; Mason 1941; Rainey 1940; Rouse 1952a,
1952b).Mostof theballcourtsandceremonialplazas
knownin PuertoRicowerereviewedby kving Rouse
(1952a, 1952b) in his two-volume survey of the
island.He systematicallyvisited each municipality
searchingfor sites. Alegria's(1983) review of ball
courtsandceremonialplazas
intheWestIndiesadded
severalmoresites to the list. Finally,therehas been
a handfulof additionalfindings,throughavocational
archaeologyandculturalresourcemanagementsurveys (e.g., Davila 1979;McNuttand Garrow1990;
OrtizAguilu 1991; RiveraFontanand Silva Pagan
1997;Robinsonet al.1985; RodriguezLopez 1985,
1995;RodriguezandRivera1983a, 1983b).
Althoughsystematicsamplingandfull-coverage
surveysarelimitedin PuertoRico, the entireisland
hasbeencoveredatleastby reconnaissancesurveys.
The resultingdatabaseis likely to be fairlyaccurate
withregardto largerandmoreobvioussurfacefinds
(Ammerman 1981; Fish and Kowalewski 1990;
Mueller 1974;Nance 1983; Plog et al. 1978). Sites
withsuchsurfacearchitectural
remainsas ballcourts
and ceremonialplazas will be reportedmore frequentlythanotherless obvioussites (proportional
to
the totalnumberof each categoryof site).No Teotihuacanswill be missed. Sites with ceremonialfeaturesthathavelittleorno surfacemanifestationswill
be underrepresented
throughreconnaissancein the
tropics.This may or may not be importantdepending on what questionsare asked. For this study it
would be useful, but not necessaxy,to have the full
rangeof sites thatcontainceremonialfeatures.The
currentfindingsshouldbe treatedas predictionsor
hypothesesto be testedwithsystematicfieldsurveys.
Effortshavebeen madeto obtainandanalyzeall
extant reportsdealing with ball courtlplazasites.
Three categoriesof informationwere recorded:1)
site location,2) timeperiod,and3) dimensionaldata
on ball courts/plazas.However,none of these categories is entirelyfree of problems.
Siegel]
223
Withregardto location,notall siteswereprecisely
mapped,althoughin some cases site locationswere
describedreasonablywell. In the latterinstances,it
is usually possible to estimate the site's position
based on such informationas riveror valley names,
municipio or barno names, elevations,road numbers, or otherinformation.Those sites whose locationscouldbe detenninedexactly,orwithreasonable
accuracy,areplottedon Figure4.
Recent agriculturalpractices in Puerto Rico,
specificallythe large-scalecultivationof sugarcane
duringthe nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,
may have destroyed obvious signs of courts and
plazasin areaslocatednearthe coast.This situation
may resultin an apparentbias towarduplandlocationsof siteswithballcourts.However,thereis some
evidence that sugarcanecultivationmay not have
been as destructiveto sites as commonlybelieved.
Rouse (1952b:474)observedthatCaguana,a large
ballcourtcomplexlocatedin thehighlandsnearUtuado, was a sugarcanefield in the late 1930s. (Alegria [1983:78] indicates that the use of heavy
equipmentat this site has caused"somedestruction
Robinsonet al. (1985:i)reportthat
of thestructures.")
the E1Bronce site, which containeda small stonelined plaza, was "locatedin a repetitively-plowed
cane field on a low terracejust to the east of the
Bucanariver,nearPonceon the southcoastof Puerto
Rico." Modern agriculturehas not unequivocally
destroyedmajorportionsof theballcourt/plazadatabase on the island,so the spatialpatterningof these
sites is not necessarilybiased as a result.
A seriousproblem,relevantfordistributionanalysis in general, is the contemporaneityof the sites
underinvestigation.If no informationis available
concerningthe periodof occupationof a site, thenit
cannotbe includedin this diachronicstudy of ball
courts.Severalsites were deletedfromthe distributional analysis owing to the lack of chronological
control(Table3). Manyof the sites yielded artifacts
from more than one phase or occupation.In these
cases, it was necessary to read carefully the site
reportsof theoriginalexcavatorsto determinewhich
of the occupationswere morelikely associatedwith
the courtsor plazas.It is likely thata certainamount
of errorhasbeenintenectedintothediscussionowing
to imprecisionin the chronologicalcontrolfor some
sites. Any such errorwill have resultedin a slight
over-estimateof earlierball court/plazasites. The
overallpatternsuggestsa markedincreasein the use
Table 3. Documented Ball Courts Lacking
Chronological Information.
Site name
Santa Isabela b
Sumideroa
TorresCortesa
Cortes-Cayucoa
Casa Viejaa
Veguitasa
Jaucaa
Ball Court/PlazaArea (m2)
512.5
297.5
87.8
80.3
450.0
399.0
109.9
a Data from Alegria (1983).
b Data from Mason (1941).
of these ceremonialplaces throughtime, thus if we
were to subtractany erroneouslyplaced early ball
court sites from the analysis this resultingpattern
would be even morepronounced.
In multi-occupationalball court sites, it is difficult to monitor constructional and use changes
throughtime (Alegria1983:117). This is not a problem unique to Puerto Rican archaeology,but has
continuouslyplaguedthe investigationsof architectural development elsewhere, for example in
Mesoamerica(e.g.,Bergeretal.1967;Coe andDiehl
1980:294-295; Drennan 1976). In such cases, the
assessmentsof the excavatorswere used to guide
chronologicalassignmentsof the PuertoRicanball
courts.
Dimensionaldataarecriticalto thisstudy,andthe
most reliablereportscontainsite maps with scales.
Some reports present written descriptions from
whichcourtorplazasizes couldbe obtained.If a site
reportcontainstemporalinformationbutno dimensional data on the ceremonial space, then it is
includedin the spatialanalysisbuthasto be excluded
from the studyof courtlplazarelativesizes.
Analysis
For the analysis of ball courtlplazasizes and locations, I havepreparedthreemapsof PuertoRico, by
themajorperiodsdefinedby Rouse(1952a:330-333,
1982:46-48): (a) PeriodIIIa,A.D.600-900 (Figure
5), (b) Period IIIb,A.D. 900-1200 (Figure6), and
(c) PeriodIV,A.D. 120() 1500 (Figure7). Nearestneighbor and k- means cluster analysis were performedin an earlierstudyof site locations.Potential
polities were defined and investigatedin terms of
rank-sizedistributions(Siegel 1992:402-475).Inthe
presentstudy,I focus more closely on the dataand
less on statisticalanalysis.This may be appropriate
giventhelackof full-coveragesurveysfortheregion.
224
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
ATLANTIC OCEAN
'
_
w
VIEQUES
4 Ei Bro
XCARIBBEAN SEA
;1i
0
Coastal plains
z
20
kilometers
1
Hillyregion
X
Mountainous region
Figure5. Distributionof PeriodIIIa ball courts/plazas.Dots are plottedfor sites with courts/plazasbut whereno size
informationis available.Numbers(1-5) indicatethe relativesizes (highto low) of the courtsor plazas.
ATLANTIC OCEAN
w
u ElBronce
F-35
zr
s
V HOIIES
n
*
za c
Esperanz
CARIBBEAN SEA
Coastal plains
;ffi
0
20
kilometsrs
K
Hillyregion
X
Mountainous region
Figure 6. Distribution of Period IIIb ball courtslplazas. As in Figure 5, the numbers (now 1-16) denote relative sizes of
courtslplazas at this time. Notice that the three sites with the greatest amount of court space are equidistant from each
other. This may reflect the development of distinct polities.
-
Siegel]
225
ATLANTIC OCEAN
'
-
of
VIEQ(IES
'
Ca
Esperanz
CARIBBEAN SEA
K
0
20
kilometerei
v
Coastalplains
S
Hillyregion
Mountainous
region
m
Figure7. Distributionof PeriodIV ball court/plazasites.
Itis safeto assumethatballcourtsandplazaswere
constructedprimarilyforceremonialactivities(Alegria1983;Arrom1975:162;Fewkes 1902:50>510,
1907:70, 79-85; Gomez Acevedo and Ballesteros
Baibrois 1978:162-166; Joyce 1916:203-208; Las
Casas 1951:I:441-442, II:236, III:328; Oviedo
1950:132-134), whichalsohadpoliticalsignificance
(Wilson1990a:24).The amountof spacedevotedto
ceremonialactivitiesis likely to reflect the relative
rankof the site in a politicalhierarchy.
GarciaArevalo (1991) has suggested that the
Tainoball courtsandplazasalso functionedas economiccentersforinterregionalexchange.He frames
his discussionin termsof a marketeconomy,which
I believe is misleading. Ethnohistoricdocuments
indicatethatthe Tainoswere basedon a pre-market
economy,wheretribute,barter,andreciprocitywere
the majorforms of exchange.Thereis no sense of
organizedsellersandbuyersfollowingmarketprinciplesof competitionandpricefixing(Sahlins1972).
GarciaArevalo'spoint, however,is well takenthat
thepeopleconveningfor ball gamesandotherntual
activitieswere likely to havetradedwith each other.
I do not thinkthatit is appropriateto considerone
set of activities (like economic ones) to be more
importantthanothers(like ceremonialones) in this
context.A morerealisticperspectiveis onethatviews
categoriesof activitiesas embeddedwithinothers.
Figure4 showsthe locationsof all knownsites in
PuertoRicowithballcourtsorceremonialplazasthat
could be placed on the map.Table4 presentssummaryinformationforthesitesconcerningplazalcourt
dimensions,timeperiods,andlocations.Fromthese
data,threesubsetsof siteswerecreated,one foreach
of themajortimeperiods(PeriodsIIIa,IIIb,andIV).
FigureS displaysthedistribution
of knownPeriod
IIIaball courtlplazasites.Giventhe smallsampleof
sitesavailableduringPeriodIIIa,it is difficultto discern patterns.These sites are distributed,however,
acrossa sizableportionof southernPuertoRico. Out
of the 10 PeriodIIIasites,fivehavedimensionaldata
availableon courtsor plazas.Villonhas the greatest
amountof ceremonialspace, followed by Las Flores (Figure8).4Theballcourtlplazasizes andthesite
locationsduringPeriodIIIasuggestthe existenceof
two orthreewidely spacedpolities.Thisdistribution
may reflectthe continuationof the Saladoidsettlement patternof large relativelyself-containedvillages widely dispersed aroundthe island (Siegel
1992).
By PeriodEb, thenumberof siteswithballcourts
orplazasincreasedconsiderably(Figure6). Nineout
of the 10 sites presentin PeriodIIIawere still used
in PeriodIIIb,whileanadditional13ballcourt/plaza
.
226
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
Table 4. Chronology and Areas of Documented Ball Courts and Ceremonial Plazas in Puerto Rico.
Period IIIa
Site
VillOIla' b
Las Floresa c
Tibesd
E1 Broncee
Llanos Tunaab
Period IIIa
Ball Court/
Plaza Area (m2)
1,620.0
Period IIIb Site
CaguanAa'
1,000.0
43 1.5
400.0
345.0
bs f
llnes
Palo Hincadoa b} g
Villon
La Vega
Las ^ ores
Penod IIIb
Ball CourS
}PlazaArea (m2)
5,199.69
4,434.54
4,239.00
1,620.00
1,200.00
.
ToitAa'
b
Pellejas
QuebradaGrandeab
E1 Bronce
La ToJea b
Llanos Tuna
G-15-Olh
Po-39i
Sabana Grande
F 3 01h
1,000.00
Period IV Site
Caguana
Palo Hincado
TierrasNuevai
Villon
La Zamaab k
DelfIn del Yaguezr
be I
Period IV
Ball Court/
Plaza Area (m2)
5, 199.69
4,239.00
2,472.00
1,620.00
1,340.00
1,292.00
1014.00
837.00
596.00
Callejonesa,
QuebradaGrande
595.00
595.00
Sabana
400.00
357.00
345.00
343.75
183.21
65.00
37.32
La Toje
Saltos
G-15-01
TrujilloAlton
376.00
357.00
345.00
343.75
261.68
261.30
226.00
203.52
158.97
128.80
65.00
26.00
IIa.b,f.g,m
Gerenaa
Vegas Arriba
Los Pastalesa f
E1Cordonaf
Rio Arribaa°
SabanaArribaP
Cerro Huecoa q
Data from Alegria (1983).
Data from Rouse (1952a, 1952b).
c Data from Ortiz Aguilu (1991).
d Data from Gonzalez Colon (1984).
e Data from Robinson et al. (1985).
f Data from Mason (1941),
g Data from Rainey (1940).
h Data from Rodriguez Lopez (1985).
Data from McNutt and Garrow(1990).
Data from Davila (1979),
Data from Lothrop (1934).
l The dimensions presentedby Alegna (1983:95) in the written description of this court (20 m on a side) do not correspondto
the map. I have chosen to use the dimensions taken from the map.
m. Rouse (1952b:491) presented dimensions of 90 m x 45 m in his written description of the site?but I believe that he must
have meant 90 ft. x 45 ft. Ninety feet converts to 27.43 m and 45 ft. is 13.72 m. These figures are consistent with Rainey's
(1940) description of the Sabana II court. Based on Rouse?s map of the site (Rouse 1952b:Fig. 7) it is clear that the size of
the ball court is roughly 28 m long by 14 m wide. This resolves the discrepancynoted by Alegria (1983: 115) between the two
sets of figures.
n Data from Rodriguez Lopez (1995).
° Data from Haeberlin (1917).
PData from Rodriguez Lopez and Rivera (1983a).
q Data from Aitken (1918).
r Data from Rivera Fontan and Silva Pagan (1997)
a
b
sites were occupied,9 of themin the interiormountains.Thereare now 16 sites availablewith dimensional information on court/plaza areas. An
interestingspatial, and potential political process
seems to haveoccurred.The 3 largestball courtcenters (Caguana,Tibes, and Palo Hincado) are considerably bigger than the remaining 13 courts or
plazas(Figure9). Caguana,Tibes,andPaloHincado
are equidistantfrom each other,forminga triangle
in the centralportionof the island(Figure6). Given
themountainousanddeeplydissectedtopographyof
this region,the effectivedistances(in termsof travel
time) between the 3 largest sites would have been
considerable. Difficult transportationroutes and
complex topographyfrequentlyresult in isolated
adjacentsettlementsystems (Johnson1977:498).
The Period IIIbpatternreflects some degree of
politicaljostling. DuringPeriodIIIa,Villon was the
largestcenterin the distribution.By PeriodIIIb,the
amountof ceremonialspace at Tibes had increased
considerably,catapultingffiissite into the number2
position (Figure9).5 Based on the size distribution
fO
J
Siegel]
>
g t
o
F
Rs n
o
a0
s
o
a
tU XO gU) voC tU
p
O
N U)
O
xs(D (= u)
a
-
X
0o 0tU
tUn U)O
O
Co
tU
n n
tU OO
227
PeriodIIIb,each with its own majorand secondary
centers. During Period IIIa, ball court sites were
broadly distributedin the south coastal region of
PuertoRico. DuringPeriodIIIb,a processof expanE 1500g
sion andterritoriaSpolitical
consolidationoccurred,
wherebyat least threeenclaves of settlementswere
established.
By PeriodIV,thedistribution
of ceremonialplaces
seems to have shiftedpredominantlyto an interior
montanefocus (Figure7). Seven out of the nine ball
court/plazasites thathad been used duringPeriods
IIIa and IIIb droppedout of the distribution,and a
large number were introduced in the vicinity of
Caguana(Site #1). The four sites with the greatest
amountof ceremonialspace (Figure10) arelocated
g
o
F
o
R
at considerabledistances from each other and are
,,
m
O
positionedin the centralportionof the island.However,othersectionsof the islandalso have sites with
Site
courts/plazas.At thistime,theislandof Viequesalso
Figure 8. Bar chart showing the relative sizes of the
received
a ball court(Destino site).
Period IIIa ball courts/plazas.
LaZama(Site#S) deservessomediscussion.This
site is nearlyequidistantbetweenthetwo largestball
duringPeriod IIIb, Caguana,Tibes, and Palo Hin- courtcenters,CaguanaandPaloHincado.Itis unique
cado clearly constitutea first-ordertier of ceremo- in its placementandcontent.Rouse, who excavated
nial/political centers.6 At this point, the pattern at La Zama, provides the following description:
suggests that three separatepolities had formedby "Unlike the ball courts previously described La
n
a)
C
en
en
ao
Ko
ao
ao
Q
X
L
cb
.
snnn
t7VVV
ch
5000-
4000-
5
:-
a)
ch
ch
-
3000-
a)
N
N
2000-
3
L
o
C)
1 000
it
m
u
-
;:
=
m
tl
l
l
l
l
l
l
W
tl 13
81
U
U
nl U
nl nl _l _
o
en
n
o
X
X
<u
n
.'
I
ILI
C
C
> I
Z
sn
L
ez
F
U
f
,=
eD
i
(D
<x5 n
U
()
°
O
<
g
<x5 >
>
<
<
I
n
O
O
a
-
Site
Period IIIb ball courts/plazas.
Site
Period IV ball courts/plazas.
228
Zamais situatedon a hogbackbetweentwohills.The
top of the hogbackis long, narrow,and flat, and on
eithersidethe landslopes sharplyintomountainvalleys. The Rio Zama,in the valley to the west, is 25
meters below the level of the site. Alongside this
riveris a largebouldermarkedwith a petroglyphof
a human face, which may have some connection
with the site"(Rouse 1952b:484).
Given the very low artifactfrequencyresulting
fromhis excavationsatLaZama,Rouse(1952b:484)
suggestedthatthis site mayhaveservedprimarilyas
a "placeof worship,"in contrastto othersites with
ball courtsand plazas,which also servedas habitations (Rouse 1952a:360). Based upon Rouse's
(1952b:483-484) descriptionof La Zama and its
nearlyequidistantpositioningbetweenCaguanaand
Palo Hincado,I suggestthatit mighthave servedas
a ritualinteractioncenterbetweentwo distinctpolities. This suggestionneeds to be tested with additional surveys and excavations in the intervening
valleys between the present-daytowns of Utuado
(Caguana)andBarranquitas(Palo Hincado).In this
regard,it also is importantto note Rouse's observations concerningthe ethnohistoricbasis of the two
polities: "Correlationswith the historicsourcesare
possible at Capa[referredto as Caguanain the present study] and Palo Hincado.The formeris likely
to have been the residenceof chief Guarionexand
the latterof Orocobix"(Rouse 1952b:510).
If the distributionand hierarchyof ceremonial
places in Puerto Rico are a reflection of political
processes,thenby PeriodIV theislandhas beenpartitionedinto at least fourto six polities. The quality
of the regional databaseis uneven, so the precise
numberof politiesis only impressionistic.However,
theimpressionemergingfromthisanalysissuggests
thatthroughtime concernfor territorialboundaries
becomes increasingly important.With more field
surveys,especially of the full-coveragetype (Fish
and Kowalewski1990), this image should become
more evident, allowing us, too, to establishpolity
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
1992, 1995, 1996). Based on ethnographicanalogy
to Amazoniancommunities,this central area was
interpretedalso to have functionedas a plaza (e.g.,
Crocker1985; Dumont 1972; Gregor 1977; Maybury-Lewis1979, 1989; Nimuendaju1946; Seeger
1981;Wilbert1972, 1981).
Duringpost-Saladoidtimes, ball courtsand ceremonialplazas developedas architecturalelements
in some sites. In some of these sites, we findthatthe
courts/plazasalso servedinitiallyas cemeteries.At
El Bronce,a stone-linedplazayieldedup to 13 burials. The excavatorsobservedthat "if the construction of the plaza dates to the earliestoccupationas
indicatedby the depositionaldata, then theplaza
mayalso havefunctionedas a local graveyarS'
(Robinsonet al. 1985:40;emphasisadded).
Curetand Oliver(1998:225) discountthe burial
groundnotion of the El Bronce plaza on the basis
"of the small sample size and the lack of chronological data."However,they neglect to considerthe
smallsize ofthe plaza.Robinsonet al. (1985:40)indicate thatthe plaza is approximately400 m2in area.
(Comparethis to the 6,300 m2-sizecemetery/plaza
locatedin the Maisabelsite.) They observethat8 to
11 "deliberateburialswere locatedat or within the
edges of the 20 x 20 m confines of the formallydefinedplaza"(Robinsonet al.1985:40). I am willing to accepttheexcavators'interpretation
thatthese
burialsarechronologicallyassociatedwiththeplaza.
Radiocarbondates and ceramicstyles indicatethat
the site was occupied duringPeriods IIIa and IIIb
(Robinsonet al. 1985:29-37). Thereis no evidence
for an earlier(Saladoid)occupationandthe two late
(PeriodIV) datesarediscountedon thebasisof poor
context and depositionalconsiderations(Robinson
et al. 1985:34).It is unlikelythatthe burialsdateto
the Saladoidperiod(PeriodsIIa and IIb), given the
lack of Saladoiddates and artifactsfrom the site. It
is safe to concludethereforethatthe plazaandassociatedburialsdateto at leastPeriodIIIaandperhaps
PeriodIIIb.
sizes.
None of the El Bronce graves suggestedpreferential treatment;they were devoid of gravegoods,
Discussion
bothsexes arerepresentedas areadultsandsubadults
Cosmologyandritualare seen as an enduringtradi- (Robinsonet al.1985 :40).Robinsonet al. (1985:41)
tion fromthe earlySaladoidperiodthroughto Con- furthernote that"itis most likely thatthe plazawas
tactin PuertoRico (Siegel 1992,1996). The central a multifunctionalcenter,servinga varietyof prehissacredareaof the Saladoid/OstionoidMaisabelsite toricsocialneeds notthe leastimportantof which
was used as a cemeterythroughoutthe prehistoric was commerce, in the sense of exchange of both
occupations,spanningroughly 12 centuries(Siegel informationand goods . . .Whateverfunction(s)the
Siegel]
plaza at El Bronce may have accommodated, it
assuredlyservedas the focal point for the structure
of the settlementat the site."
In supportof these interpretations,Robinsonet
referto ethnohistoricobservationslinking
(1985)
al.
to social and ceremonialactivities(de
plazas
Taino
Fewkes 1907; Oviedo 1950; Rouse
1941;
Hostos
they hypothesize, following
addition,
In
1956).
the burialsin the plaza may
that
(1907:83),
Fewkes
be linkedto the areitos, or mortuarydances,associated with Taino-periodplazas. The archaeological
correlateof a dancestepmay be difficultto discern;
however,throughthejudicioususe of ethnographic
analogy,ethnohistoricdata,andobservedsite structure,I believebroadcategoriesof use canbe inferred
in such areasof a site. Mortuaryrituals,associated
with the burials,are likely to have been enactedin
the El Bronceplaza.
In apparentagreementwith this trendin shifting
villageorganization,Oliverhasobservedthat"bythis
time (ca. A.D. 650) a few but not all of the villages
beganto changethe way in whichthecentralplaza's
boundarieswere physicallyoutlined. . . The central
plazas in those few village sites were now sharply
andunambiguouslydemarcatedby stonealignments
and/orearthworks. . .theplazaenclosure(now also
a "court")still remainedthe only availablepublic
space within the village . . . Rectangularplazas or
courts with stone aligned boundarymarkersstill
"housed"a cemetery"(Oliver1992:7-8).
In an earlierstudy,I focused on aspectsof settlement organizationthatinformedon cosmology and
ritual(Siegel 1996).By examiningthe construction,
use, and distributionof ceremonialspace through
time, it has been necessary to address social and
political maneuverings.Trackingthe historicaltrajectory of cultureduringthe ceramicage in Puerto
Rico, we find thatthe use, development,andelaborationof ceremonialspace was a focal point in the
consolidationof powerand authority.
Figure11 depictsa modelfortheevolutionof ceremonialspacein prehistoricPuertoRico. Duringthe
Saladoidperiod,the centralportionof the village is
reservedfor the cemetery.Based on ethnographic
analogyto Amazoniangroups,it is inferredthatthis
centrallylocatedcemeteryalsofunctionedas a plaza.
thecemeteryaremoundedmiddensthat
Surrounding
elaborateartifactsfabricateddurmost
the
contain
ing the early ceramicage. Withinsome early postSaladoid villages, the cemetery was incorporated
into a simple,yet formallyconstructed,ball courtor
plaza. By the late Ostionoidperiod,ball courtsand
plazaswere relativelyelaborateandassumeda variety of shapesin additionto rectangles.At this time,
ball courts were no longer used as cemeteries;the
dead were depositedelsewhere,includingmounds
andcaves.
Cosmology,as a basis for ideology in this contextis manipulatedby caciques- cum-powerbrokers
in an effortto solidify theirpowerbase.An issue of
fundamentalimportanceconcernstheactionsof people andthe optionsavailableto them.In this regard,
it is usefulto referto elementsof cosmology thatare
ripefor manipulation.Ethnographicdatafromlowland SouthAmericasupplyus with some insights.
Inhis analysisof cosmology andritualamongthe
Barasana Indians of Colombia, Hugh-Jones
(1979:3S37) documenteda set of relationsbetween
powerfulshamans,largehouses, frequencyof ritual
dances, and inter-and intra-communityleadership
roles.Myth,ritual,andcosmology areof paramount
importance in the organizationalstability of the
Barasana.The role of shamanin this contextis critical; he "officiates,"and thus ensuresthatthe complexity of theircosmology is interpretedand acted
on properly.In termsof shamanicpower,"shamans
are.. .rankedaccordingto theirknowledgeandabilities" (Hugh-Jones1979:33).
Ranking among shamans creates competition.
Good shamansarein demandby othercommunities
besides theirown. A good shamanwho effectively
officiatesatrituals,especiallywhencommunicating
withthespiritworld,consolidates,monopolizes,and
wields considerablepower.He directsthe careerof
the community.
RegardingSouthAmericanshamanistculturesin
general,Langdonobservesthat"inhisbroadestexercise of power we find the shamanas the politicalreligious leader....he is called upon to mediate
disputes,contributeto decisionsregardingwarfare,
mobilizethegroupin communalactivities,anddirect
the economic activitiesin the procurementof food.
His ambiguityalso serves as a mechanismof social
controloverthe groupin the absenceof formalcontrolsystems.Theextentof theshaman'sroledepends
most often on the historical and culturalcircumstances in which the role expands and contracts
accordingto factorsimpinginguponthe social organizationof the group"(Langdon1992:15).
We see, too, thatpowerfulshamansexert influ-
229
230
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
Figure
11. Model charting the evolution of
ceremonial space during the ceramic age of Puerto
Rico.
Siegel]
ence on surroundingcommunities,vis-a-vis rituals
andceremonies.It is not a greatleap of speculation
to suggest that the shaman'spower over the ceremoniallandscapemaybe a "front"forhis powerover
the political landscape (see also Stahl
1984:253-254). In this context,powermay become
an inheritableaspectof the shaman'sfamily or lineage. Hugh-Jones(1979:33-38) observedthatpowerfulshamans,largehouses (or communities),large
dance plazas (or ceremonial spaces), and great
spheresof influence (within and across communities) were related.The interactionof these social
dimensionsis ripefor the formationof rankedsociety and a settlementhierarchy.
If theritualsandceremonialsphereof society are
the basis of politicalpower,thenthe relativeimportance of communitieswill be reflectedby the relative amount of space devoted to rituals.Thus, by
measuringthe sizes of ceremonialspacesacrossthe
landscapewe can reconstructthe hierarchicalorganization(if it exists) withinand acrosspolities.
It is importantto be cognizantof the social contexts of shamanismunder discussion. The ethnographically observed societies in lowland South
America are egalitariantribal-basedcommunities.
Underthese conditions,the role of shaman,as cosmologicalbroker,does notimpingeon politicalmatthese cultures
ters,at least overtly.Organizationally,
IndianSalWest
the
to
areinferredto be analogous
adoidgroups.
TheTainobuhuitihu(shamans),on theotherhand,
were in collusion with the caciques to control and
manipulatepeople, using shamanisticmethodsand
cosmology as their power base (Colon 1947; Las
Casas1951;MartyrD'Anghera1970 [1912];Oviedo
1950). From Saladoid to Ostionoidto the Classic
TainoIndians,we see a continuityin the ideological
basisof society.Bendercontrastsculturalperception
of
from ideology. The formeris an "understanding
should
things
how
how the worldis constitutedand
be done,becausethatis howtheyareandalwayshave
been done....Ideology is thatwhich is spoken,that
which offers an internallogic, which purportsto
know why. Ideology is the domainin whichjustification and legitimationare offered, the domain of
rhetoric"(Bender1990:259).
by anegalTheSaladoidtraditionis characterized
itariantribal-basedsocial organization.In death,
everybodyis relativelyequal,except for some individualswho mighthave achievedhigh statusin life
231
throughgreat skill or charisma.Thus, in Saladoid
cemeteries,we do not find greatamountsof sumptuaryfuneraryitems depositedwith any single individual.Contraryto chiefdoms,whereoftenthemost
elaborateartifactsare found in the graves of highstatusindividuals,in Saladoidsites the most elabothe
rateitems arefoundin the moundssurrounding
cemetery,orcentralportionof the settlement(ChanlatteBaik andNarganesStorde1983; Rainey 1940;
Siegel 1989, 1992).
By ca. A.D. 700, structuralball courtsandplazas
wereconstructedin PuertoRico. Mortuaryritesand
ancestorvenerationhadnow become a formalcomponentof societyatthepolitylevel, in contrastto the
previous village-oriented Saladoid pattern. This
developmentcorrespondsto the beginningstagesof
regional power consolidation. By approximately
A.D. 1200,ballcourtsandplazaswerehighlydeveloped, with elaborateceremoniesandritualsrevolving aroundthem.
Throughthe 16 centuriesof prehistorypriorto
Spanishintrusion,theSaladoidandOstionoidgroups
occupying Puerto Rico and Hispaniola displayed
elements of both corporateand networkmodes of
politicalandeconomic organization.The earlySaladoid groups,organizedinto large village communities,emphasizedintegrativeceremoniesandrituals
that promoteda corporatemode of political economy and groupsolidarity.As populationexpanded
geographicallyduring the post-Saladoid periods,
local settlementhierarchiesdevelopedandwereintegratedmost visibly throughsystems of ball courts
andceremonialplazas.Aspiringleaderstook advantage of the integrativeaspects of group rituals to
accruepower.Ultimately,late in prehistory,power
withinandamongTainochiefdomswas consolidated
and controlled through carefully calculated marriages and exchangesacross chiefly lineages (Wilson 1990b). Ball courts and plazas served as the
arenasfor formalritualslegitimizingthese transactions for all membersof society.A uniquemelding
of corporateandnetworkstrategiesof politicalorganization was representedin these complex chiefdoms.Thatis, theethicof groupsolidaritywas strong
andreinforcedthroughlargepublicdisplaysandrites
of ancestorveneration(corporatemode).At the same
time, status distinctionswere emphasizedthrough
such exclusionary tactics as elite intergroup
exchanges and privatecohobarituals,which were
limitedin attendanceto the caciqueandhis retinue.
232
Conclusions
The underlyingconditionsduringthe ceramic age
of the GreaterAntilles representeda particularmix
of social, economic, and ideological factors that
resultedin the narrowingof power to specific subsetsof society.Inthiscontext,cosmologicalconcepts
were necessarilytransformedin responseto shifting
ideological principles.Shamans,as interpretersof
cosmologicalconcepts,werestrategicallysituatedto
controlactionsof communitymembers.
In paraphrasingWebster'sDictionary,Flannery
andMarcus(1993) indicatethatcosmology andideology are not synonymous.Cosmology is a worldview employedby membersof society to describe
and explain their universe.Ideology, on the other
hand,is a systematicset of concepts,principles,theories,andvalues"bywhichhumansocietiesaregoverned"(Flanneryand Marcus1993:261).Based on
archaeologicalsite plans,ethnographicanalogy,and
ethnohistoricdocuments, the Saladoid and Taino
cosmos consisted of a multilayeredseries of concentric disks, one of which was the here-and-now
earthlyplane.Connectingthevariouslayerstogether
was the axis mundi, which was traveled by the
shaman on his/her journeys through the cosmos.
Ancestor spiritsoccupied one or more of the nonearthlyplanes,althoughoccasionallythey came for
a visit.By default,thereveredancestorsin Tainosociety wereranked,mirroringthepoliticalorganization
of theirlivingrelativesresidingon the earthlyplane.
I do not thinkthatit is a "bungeejump into the
Landof [Interpretive]
Fantasy"(FlanneryandMarcus 1993:261) to suggest that the ancestor spirits
occupyingthe Saladoidcosmos were an egalitarian
lot. Withthe shift from "natural"plazas/cemeteries
in the Saladoid-periodhamletsto the development
of formal ball courts/ceremonialplazas in some
Ostionoid-periodsettlements,therewas a concomitantshiftin the burialprogramandultimatelyin the
political organizationof the spiritworld. Shamans
as psychic communitydirectorswere strategically
positioned at the Saladoid/Ostionoidtransitionto
accrue power, resultingeventuallyin Taino chiefs
employingshamanistictechniquesof ecstasyto enter
the spiritworld.
The most visible forumfor the shaman'sdisplay
of power would have been the centrally located
plazalburialgroundin Saladoidtimes. This ritually
chargedlarge public space was a link to the other
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
layers of the cosmos. Ritualsconductedin the earliest ball courtsand ceremonialplazas duringearly
post-Saladoidtimes also would have been orchestratedby the shaman.As ball courtsbecameincreasingly associatedwith politics, in additionto rituals,
shamansweresituatedto expandtheirrealmof power
fromthe numinousexclusivelyto mattersof governance andinter-communityaffairs.
Ballcourt/plazasitedistributions
becameincreasingly centralizedat the local level throughthe late
ceramicage of PuertoRico. We see shiftingcenters
of power,initiallybroadlydispersedin the southand
graduallyconcentratedin theCordilleraCentral.The
ballcourtsandceremonialplazasbecamelargepublic symbols of the power and authoritywielded by
chiefs and their kind. At the macroregionalscale
(entireisland)politicalorganizationwas nevercentralized.By PeriodIV,threeto fourcentersof power,
of approximatelyequal size, were dispersedacross
the island. With interpolitycompetitionevident at
Contact,thesecentersof powerweretrulycontested
places andplaces of contest.
Acknowledgments.The 13 months of fieldwork and 6 years
of analysis constituting the Maisabel Archaeological Project
(1985-1992)
were supported by the Centro de
Investigaciones Indigenas de Puerto Rico (CIIPR) under the
helm of Gaspar Roca. I am grateful to Gaspar and Mike
Roca, on behalf of the CIIPR, for their constant encouragement during the project. Rosa Garcia, project laboratory
director, kept everything organized. The AMS dates presented in the paper were made possible by a Doctoral
Dissertation Research Grant (BNS88-22317) that I received
from the National Science Foundation. I thank Austin Long
for discussing with me details of glycine depletion ratios and
leading me to germane references. An early version of this
paper was presented at the 1996 Annual Meeting of the
Society for American Archaeology held in New Orleans. In
this regard, I thank symposium organizers John Hoopes and
Anna Roosevelt. The paper has profited considerably from
the thoughtful comments of Gary Feinman, Peter Stahl,
Antonio Curet, Katharina Schreiber, and six anonymous
reviewers. My colleagues StuartFiedel and Robert Kingsley
patiently listened to my numerous ramblings and offered
constructivecomments as I worked throughvarious stages of
analysis and writing. Susan Kepecs was very helpful in matters of organizationand style throughoutthe review process.
I thankMarirosaColon Zager for assistance with the Spanish
abstract.Robert Schultz did his usual wonderfuljob with the
graphics. Any shortcomings remaining in the paper do not
reflect on the above-mentionedindividuals.
References Cited
Aitken,R. T.
1918 A Porto Rican Burial Cave. AmericanAnthropologist
Siegel]
POWERAND CEREMONIAL
SOCIAL
20:29S309.
R. E.
Alegria,
1983 Ball Courtsand CeremonialPlazas in the WestIndies.
Publicationsin AnthropologyNo.79. YaleUniversity,New
Haven.
1986 Apuntesen tornoa la mitologfade los indios Tafnosde
las antillas mayoresy sus origenes suramericanos.2nd ed.
Centrode EstudiosAvanzadosde PuertoRico y el Caribe,
San Juan.
A. J.
Ammerman,
1981 Surveysand ArchaeologicalResearch.AnnualReview
of Anthropology10:63- 88.
Arrom,J. J.
1974 FrayRamonPane':"relacionacercade los antiguedades
de los indios."Siglo Veintiuno,Mexico.
1975 Mitologfay artes prehispanicasde las antillas. Siglo
Veintiuno,Mexico.
Bender,B.
Societies.In TheEvo1990 TheDynamicsof Nonhierarchical
lution of Political Systems: Sociopolitics in Small-Scale
SedentarySocieties,editedby S. Upham,pp.247-263. CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge.
Berger,R., J. A. Graham,and R. F. Heizer
1967 A ReconsiderationoftheAge ofthe LaVentaSite. Contributionsof the Universityof CaliforniaArchaeological
ResearchFacility3:1-24.
Blanton,R. E.
1995 The CulturalFoundationsof Inequalityin Households.
In Foundationsof Social Inequality,edited by T. D. Price
andG. M. Feinman,pp.105-127. PlenumPress,NewYork.
Blanton,R. E., G. M. Feinman,S. A. Kowalewski,andP.N. Peregrine
1996 A Dual-Processual Theory for the Evolution of
37:1-86.
MesoamericanCivilization.CurrentAnthropology
Bourne,E. G.
1906 Columbus,RamonPane and the Beginningsof American Anthropology.Proceedingsof theAmericanAntiquarian Society (n.s.) 17:31S348.
Carneiro,R. L.
1981 The Chiefdom:Precursorofthe State.In TheTransition
to Statehoodin the New World,edited by G. D. Jones and
R. R. Kautz,pp.37-79. CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge.
Cashdan,E. A.
1980 EgalitarianismamongHuntersandGatherers.American
Anthropologist82:11h 120.
ChanlatteBaik, L. A.
1979 Excavaciones arqueologicasen Vieques. Revista del
Museo de Antropologfa,Historiay Arte de la Universidad
de PuertoRico 1(1):55-59.
1983 Sorce-Vieques:climax culturaldel Igneriy su participacionen los procesos socioculturalesantillanos.Proceedings of the International Congressfor the Study of the
Pre-ColumbianCulturesof the Lesser Antilles 9:73-95.
Montreal.
ChanlatteBaik, L. A., andY. M. NarganesStorde
1983 Vieques-PuertoRico: asiento de una nueva cultura
aborigenantillana.Privatelyprinted,SantoDomingo.
Chez Checo, J.
1979 Piezas tafnasde maderadel Museo Britanico.Catalogos y MemoriasNo. 11. Museo del HombreDominicano,
SantoDomingo.
Clark,J. E., and M. Blake
1994 The Powerof Prestige:CompetitiveGenerosityandthe
Emergenceof RankSocieties in LowlandMesoamerica.In
FactionalCompetitionandPoliticalDevelopmentin theNew
233
World,editedby E. M. Brumfieland J. W. Fox, pp. 17-30.
CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge.
Coe,M. D., andR. A. Diehl
1980 In the Land of the Olmec, Volume1: TheArchaeology
of San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan.University of Texas Press,
Austin.
Cohen,A.
1981 ThePolitics of Elite Culture:Explorationsin the Dramaturgyof Power in a ModernAfricanSociety.University
of CaliforniaPress,Berkeley.
Col6n,H.
1947 Hda del almirantedon CristobalColo'nescritapor su
hijo don Hernando.Fondode CulturaEcon6mica,Mexico.
Cowgill,G. L.
37:52-53.
1996 Comment.CurrentAnthropology
Crocker,J. C.
1985 VitalSouls:BororoCosmology,NaturalSymbolism,and
Shamanism.Universityof ArizonaPress,Tuscon.
Curet,L. A.
1992 TheDevelopmentof Chiefdomsin the GreaterAntilles:
A Regional Studyof the Valleyof Maunabo,Puerto Rico.
Ph.D. dissertation,Arizona State University,Tempe. UniversityMicrofilms,Ann Arbor.
1996 Ideology, Chiefly Power, and Material Culture:An
Examplefrom the GreaterAntilles. LatinAmericanAntiquity7:114-131.
Curet,L. A., andJ. R. Oliver
1998 MortuaryPractices,Social Development,and Ideology
in PrecolumbianPuerto Rico. Latin AmericanAntiquity
9:217-239.
Davila, O.
1979 Excavacionesarqueol6gicasen Manati.Revistadel Institutode CulturaPuertorriquena85:8-16.
DeFrance,S. D.
1988 ZooarchaeologicalInvestigationsof SubsistenceStrategies at the Maisabel Site, Puerto Rico. UnpublishedMaster's thesis, Departmentof Anthropology,University of
Florida,Gainesville.
Zooar1989 SaladoidandOstionoidSubsistenceAdaptations:
chaeological Data from a Coastal Occupationon Puerto
Rico. In Early CeramicPopulationLifewaysand Adaptive
Strategiesin theCaribbean,editedby P.E. Siegel,pp.57-77.
BAR InternationalSeries No. 506. BritishArchaeological
Reports,Oxford.
DeFrance,S. D., W. F. Keegan,and L. A. Newsom
1996 The Archaeobotanical,Bone Isotope,andZooarchaeological Recordsfrom CaribbeanSites in ComparativePerspective. In Case Studies in EnvironmentalArchaeology,
editedby E. J. Reitz, L. A. Newsom, and S. J. Scudder,pp.
289-304. PlenumPress,New York.
de Hostos,A.
1941 AnthropologicalPapers, Based Principallyon Studies
andEthnologyof the Greater
of thePrehistoricArchaeology
Antilles.Office of the Historian,San Juan,PuertoRico.
Deive, C. E.
1978 El chamanismoTaino.Boletfn del Museo del Hombre
Dominicano9:189-207.
Demarest,A. A.
37:56.
1996 Comment.CurrentAnthropology
Drennan,R. D.
1976 ReligionandSocial Evolutionin FormativeMesoamerica.In TheEarlyMesoamericanVillage,editedby K.V.Flannery,pp.345-364. AcademicPress,New York.
Drennan,R. D., andC. A. Uribe (editors)
1987 Chiefdomsin theAmericas.UniversityPress of America, Lanham,Maryland.
234
Dumont,J.-P.
1972 UndertheRainbow:NatureandSupernatureamongthe
PanareIndians.Universityof TexasPress,Austin.
Dunn,O., andJ. E. Kelley,Jr.
1989 TheDiario of ChristopherColumbus'sFirst Voyageto
America1492-1493, Abstractedby FrayBartolome'de las
Casas. Universityof OklahomaPress,Norman.
Earle,T.
1977 A Reappraisalof Redistribution:Complex Hawaiian
Chiefdoms.In ExchangeSystemsin Prehistory,edited by
T. K. EarleandJ. E. Ericson,pp.213-229. AcademicPress,
New York.
1991 Chiefdoms:Power,Economyand Ideology.Cambridge
UniversityPress,Cambridge.
1997 How ChiefsCometo Power: ThePolitical Economyin
Prehistory.StanfordUniversityPress, Stanford.
Eliade,M.
1964 Shamanism:ArchaicTechniquesof Ecstasy.Translated
by W. R. Trask.Bollingen Series LXXVI. PrincetonUniversityPress,Princeton.
Feinman,G. M.
1995 TheEmergenceof Inequality:A Focuson Strategiesand
Processes. In Foundationsof Social Inequality,edited by
T. D. PriceandG. M. Feinman,pp.255-279. PlenumPress,
New York.
FernandezMendez,E.
1972 Art and Mythologyof the TafnoIndiansof the Greater
WestIndies.Ediciones"E1Cemi,"San Juan,PuertoRico.
Fewkes,J. W.
1891 On Zemis from SantoDomingo.AmericanAnthropologist 4: 167-174.
1902 PrehistoricPorto Rico. Proceedings of the American
Associationfor theAdvancementof Science LI:487-512.
1907 TheAboriginesof PortoRico and NeighboringIslands.
BulletinNo.25. Bureauof AmericanEthnology,Smithsonian Institution,Washington,D.C.
Fish, S. K., and S. A. Kowalewski(editors)
1990 TheArchaeologyof Regions:A CaseforFull-Coverage
Survey.SmithsonianInstitutionPress,Washington,D.C.
Flanagan,J. G.
1989 Hierarchyin Simple "Egalitarian"Societies. Annual
ReviewofAnthropology18:245-266.
Flannery,K. V., and J. Marcus
1993 Cognitive Archaeology. CambridgeArchaeological
Journal3:26(}270.
Friedman,J., andM. J. Rowlands
1977 Notes towardsan EpigeneticModel of the Evolutionof
In TheEvolutionof Social Systems,editedby
"Civilization."
J. FriedmanandM.J.Rowlands,pp.201-276. Universityof
PittsburghPress,Pittsburgh.
GarciaArevalo,M. A.
1977 El art taino de la RepublicaDominicana. Museo del
HombreDominicano,SantoDomingo.
1991 E1juego de pelota Taino y su importanciacomercial.
FloridaJournalof Anthropology16:91-96.
Gilman,A.
1987 Unequal Developmentin CopperAge Iberia.In Specialization,Exchange,and ComplexSociety,editedby E. M.
BrumfielandT. K. Earle,pp.22-29. CambridgeUniversity
Press,Cambridge.
Glazier,S. D.
1980 A Note on Shamanismin the LesserAntilles.Proceedings of the InternationalCongressfor the Studyof the PreColumbian Cultures of the Lesser Antilles 8:447455.
Tempe.
GomezAcevedo, L., andM. BallesterosBaibrois
1978 Culturasindigenasde Puerto Rico. EditorialCultural,
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
Rio Piedras,PuertoRico.
GonzalezColon, J.
1984 Tbes: uncentnvceremonialindigena.UnpublishedMaster'sthesis, Centrode EstudiosAvanzadosde PuertoRico y
el Caribe,San Juan,PuertoRico.
Goodwin,R. C., andJ. B. WaLker
1975 VifllaTainade Boqueron:The Excavationof an Early
TainoSite in Puerto Rico. InteramericanUniversityPress,
San Juan,PuertoRico.
Gregor,T.
1977 Mehinakli:TheDramaofDailyLifeina BrazilianIndian
Village.Universityof ChicagoPress,Chicago.
Haas,J.
1982 TheEvolutionof the PrehistoricState. ColumbiaUniversityPress,New York.
Haeberlin,H. K.
1917 Some ArchaeologicalWork in Porto Rico. American
Anthropologist19:214- 238.
Harris,M.
1979 CulturalMaterialism:TheStruggleforaScienceof Culture.VintageBooks, New York.
Hayden,B.
1995 Pathwaysto Power:Principlesfor CreatingSocioeconomic Inequalities.In Foundationsof Social Inequality,
editedby T. D. PriceandG. M. Feinman,pp.15-86. Plenum
Press,New York.
Heckenberger,M. J., andJ. B. Petersen
1999 ConcentricCircularVillage Patternsin the Caribbean:
ComparisonsfromAmazonia.Proceedingsof the Congress
of theInternationalAssociationfor CaribbeanArchaeology,
16(2):379-390. Basse Terre,Guadeloupe.
Helms, M. W.
1988 Ulysses' Sail: An Ethnographic Odyssey of Power,
Knowledge,and GeographicalDistance. PrincetonUniversity Press,Princeton.
Hofman,C. L.
1993 In Search of the Native Populationof Pre-Columbian
Saba (40S1450A. D.) Pt. 1: PotteryStylesand TheirInterpretations.Ph.D.dissertation,Universityof Leiden,Leiden,
The Netherlands.
RelationshipsfromCeramicStyle:
1995 InferringInter-Island
A View fromthe LeewardIslands.Proceedingsof the ConCaribbeanArchaegressof theInternationalAssociationfor
ology 15:233-241. San Juan,PuertoRico.
Hofman,C. L., andM. L. P. Hoogland
1991 CeramicDevelopmentson Saba,N.A. (35(}1450A.D.).
Proceedingsof the Congressof the InternationalAssociationfor CaribbeanArchaeology14:550-560. Barbados.
Hugh-Jones,S.
1979 The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiationand Cosmology
in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge Studies in Social
Anthropology24. CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge.
1994 Shamans,Prophets,Priests,andPastors.In Shamanism,
History, and the State, edited by N. Thomas and C.
Humphrey,pp. 32-75. Universityof MichiganPress,Ann
Arbor.
Johnson,A., andT. Earle
1987 The Evolution of Human Societies: From Foraging
Groupto AgrarianState. StanfordUniversityPress, Stanford.
Johnson,G. A.
1977 Aspects of RegionalAnalysis in Archaeology.Annual
Reviewof Anthropology6:479-508.
StructureandScalarStress.In Theoryand
1982 Organizational
ExplanationinArchaeology:TheSouthamptonConference,
editedby C. Renfrew,M. J. Rowlands,andB. A. Segraves,
pp. 389421. AcademicPress,New York.
SOCIALPOWERAND
CEREMONIAL
SPACE IN PREHISTORIC
PUERTORICO
235
Siegell
Joyce,
T. A.
1916 CentralAmerican
Mason,J. A.
and WestIndian
Archaeologybeing
an Introduction to the
1941 A
LargeArchaeological
Archaeology of the States of
Siteat Capa,Utuado,with
Nicaragua, CostaRica, Panama
on OtherPortoRico Sites
Notes
and the WestIndies. G. P.
Visitedin 191v1915.
Putnam'sSons, New York.
Scientific
Surveyof PortoRico andthe
VirginIslands,vol. xvm, pt.
Keegan,W. F.
2. New YorkAcademyof
Sciences, New York.
1985
Maybury-Lewis,
D.
DynamicHorticulturalists:
PrehistoricBahamas.Ph.D. PopulationExpansionin the
1979 Dialectical Societies:
dissertation,Universityof CalThe Ge and Bororo of
iforniasLos Angeles.
Central
Brazil.HarvardUniversity
University
Microfilms,Ann Arbor.
Press,Cambridge.
Kolb,M. J.
1989 Social Theory and
Social Practice:Binary
1996 Comment.
Systems in
CentralBrazil.In
TheAttractionof Opposites:Thought
37:59-60.
Langdon,E. J. M. CurrentAnthropology
and
Societyin theDualisticMode,
edited
by D. Maybury-Lewis
1992 Introduction:
andU. Almagor,
ShamanismandAnthropology.In
pp.97-116.
Universityof MichiganPress,
of Power:Shamanismin
Portals
Ann Arbor.
South
LangdonandG. Baerspp. 1-21.America,editedby E. J. M.
Moore,J. D.
Universityof New Mexico
Press,Albuquerque.
1996 TheArchaeologyof
Plazasandthe Proxemicsof
Langdon,
E. J. M., andG. Baer
Ritual:
Three Andean Traditions.
(editors)
American Anthropologist
1992 Portals of Power:
98:789-802.
Shamanismin SouthAmerica.
Universityof New Mexico Press,
Morse,B.F.
Albuquerque.
Las
Casas,B. de
1990 The Precolumbian
Ball and Dance Courtat
1951 Historia de las
Salt River,
St. Croix.Folk32:45- 60.
Indias. 3 vols. Fondo de
Cultura
Economica,Mexico.
1991 The Originand
Developmentof the CaribbeanBall
1967 Apologeticahistoria
and
Dance Court.Proceedingsof
sumaria.2 vols. Institutode
the Congressof the
Investigaciones Historicas,
International
Associationfor Caribbean
UniversidadNacionalAutonoma
Archaeology14:446-458.
de
Mexico, Mexico.
Barbados.
Lightfoot,
K. G., and G. M. Feinman
Moscoso,
F.
1982 Social Differentiation
1981 The Developmentof
and Leadership
TribalSociety in the
Developmentin
EarlyPithouseMlllages
Caribbean.
Ph.D. dissertation,State
in theMogollonRegion
Universityof New York at Bingof
ican Southwest.American
theAmerhamton.
University
Antiquit;y
Microfilms,
47:6F86.
Ann Arbor.
Long,
A., A. T. Wilson, R. D.
Mueller,
J. W.
Ernst,B. H. Gore,and P. E.
1989 AMS Radiocarbon
Hare
1974 The Use of
Datingof Bones atArizona.
Sampling in Archaeological
Radiocarbon31:231-238.
Survey.
MemoirsNo.28.
Lopez-Baralt,
M.
SocietyforAmericanArchaeology,Washington,D.C.
1985El mito tafno:
Nance,
J. D.
Levi-Straussen las antillas.
Ediciones
Huracan,Rio Piedras,Puerto
1983RegionalSamplingin
Rico.
ArchaeologicalSurvey:The StaLothrop,
S. K.
tisticalPerspective.In
Advancesin Archaeological
1934ArchaeologicalSites
and
Method
Theory,vol. 6, editedby M. B.
in PortoRico. Manuscript
on file,
Schiffer,pp. 289-356.
Departmentof Anthropology,
AcademicPress,New York.
American
Museumof Natural
History,New York.
Newsom,
L. A.
McGinnis,
S.
1993Native WestIndian
Plant Use. Ph.D. dissertation,
1997
Universityof Florida,Gainesville.
ZemiThree-Pointer
Stones.In Tafno:
UniversityMicrofilms,Ann
Pre-ColumbianArt
and Culturefrom the
Arbor.
Caribbean,edited by F. Bercht,
E.
Brodsky,J. A Farmer,and D.
Nimuendaju,
C.
Taylor,pp. 92-105. MonacelliPress andEl Museo
1946
TheEastern7imbira.
del BalTio,New York.
Translatedby R. H. Lowie. PubMcGuire,
R. H.
licationsin American
ArchaeologyandEthnology,Vol. 41.
1983
BreakingDown Cultural
Universityof CaliforniaPress,
Complexity:Inequalityand
Berkeley.
Heterogeneity.
Oliver,
In Advancesin
J. J.
Archaeological
Method
and
Theory,
vol. 6, editedby M. B.
1992
The
CaguanaCeremonialCenter:A
Schiffer,pp.91-142. AcademicPress, New York.
Cosmic Journey
ffirough
TainoSpatial& Iconographic
McNutt,
C. H. Jr.,andP. H.
Symbolism.Paperpresentedat the Tenth
Garrow
InternationalSymposiumof the
1990
Phase I DraftReport:
Latin
American
IndianLiteratures
Association,San Juan,Puerto
Locus
1 of La Iglesia de ArchaeologicalInvestigationsof
Rico.
MaraguezSite (PO-39), Ponce,
PuertoRico.
Ortiz
Garrow&Associates,Atlanta.
Aguilu,
J. J.
U.S.
Submittedtothe
ArmyCorpsof Engineers,
1991
CurrentResearch.American
Jacksonville
District.Copies
Antiquity56:145.
available
fromthe Office of the State
Oviedo,
G. F. de
HistoricPreservation
Office,
San Juan,PuertoRico.
1950
Sumariode la naturalhistoria
de las Indias.Fondo de
Mann,
M.
Cultura
Economica,Mexico.
1986
The Sources of Social
Pane,
R.
Power,
Power
from the Beginningto A.D.Volume1: A History of
1974
Relacio'nacercade las
1760. CambridgeUniversity
Press,Cambridge.
lated
by J. J. Arrom.Sigloantiguedadesde los indios.TransVeintiuno,Mexico.
Martire,
P.
Patterson,
T. C., andC. W. Gailey
(editors)
1885
The Decades of the Newe
1987
PowerRelationsandStateFormation.
Worldeor WestIndia, etc.
Translated
by RichardEden.Edward
pological
Association,Washington,D.C. AmericanAnthroArber,Birmingham.
Martyr
D'Anghera,
P.
Petersen,J. B.
1970
[1912]
De OrbeNovo: TheEight
1996
Archaeologyof Trants,Montserrat.
Decades of PeterMartyrD
Part3. Chronolog'Anghera.2 vols.Translated
ical
and Settlement Data.
by
F.
A.
MacNutt.
Annals of Carnegie Museum
and
Research
SourceWorksSeries 642. Burt
65-323-361.
Franklin,New York.
Plog,
S., andW. Wait
F.Plog,
236
1978 Decision Making in ModernSurveys.In Advances in
ArchaeologicalMethodand Theory,vol. 1, editedby M. B.
Schiffer,pp. 384421. AcademicPress,New York.
Price,T. D., and G. M. Feinman(editors)
1995 Foundationsof Social Inequality.Plenum Press, New
York.
Rainey,F. G.
1940 Porto Rican Archaeology. Scientific Survey of Porto
Rico andtheVirginIslands,
vol. xvm, pt.1. NewYorkAcademy of Sciences, New York.
Redmond,E. M., and C. S. Spencer
1994 TheCacicazgo:An IndigenousDesign.In Caciquesand
TheirPeople:A Volumein Honor of RonaldSpores,edited
by J. Marcusand J. F. Zeitlin,pp. 189-225. Anthropological PaperNo. 89. Museumof Anthropology,Universityof
Michigan,Ann Arbor.
Renfrew,C.
1974 Beyonda SubsistenceEconomy:TheEvolutionof Social
Organizationin PrehistoricEurope.InReconstructingComplex Societies:AnArchaeologicalColloquium,editedby C.
B. Moore,pp.69-95. BulletinNo.20. AmericanSchools of
OrientalResearch,Cambridge.
RiveraFontan,J. A., and D. Silva Pagan
1997 Proyectoarqueol6gicoBo. Quemado,Mayaguez(Batey
DelfindelYaguez).In Ochotrabajosde investigacionarqueolo'gica en Puerto Rico: segundo encuentro de investigadores,editedby J. RiveraFontan,pp.5344. Publicaci6n
Ocasionalde la Divisi6n de Arqueologia.Institutode CulturaPuertorriquena,
San Juan.
Robinson,L. S., E. R. Lundberg,andJ. B. WaLker
1985 Archaeological Data Recovery at El Bronce, Puerto
Rico: Final Report,Phase 2. ArchaeologicalServices, Ft.
Myers,Florida.Submittedto the U.S. ArmyCorpsof Engineers,JacksonvilleDistrict.Copiesavailablefromthe Office
of the State HistoricPreservationOffice, San Juan,Puerto
Rico.
RodriguezL6pez, M.
1985 CulturalResourcesSurveyat CampSantiagoSalinas,
PuertoRico. Museumof TuraboUniversity,Caguas,Puerto
Rico. Submittedto the PuertoRico NationalGuard.Copies
availablefrom the Office of the StateHistoricPreservation
Office, San Juan,PuertoRico.
1990 Arqueologiadel Rio Loiza.Proceedingsof the Congress
of theInternationalAssociationfor CaribbeanArchaeology
11:287-294. San Juan,PuertoRico.
1991 Arqueologia de Punta Candelero, Puerto Rico. Proceedings of the Congressof the InternationalAssociation
for CaribbeanArchaeology13:605427. Curac,ao,NetherlandsAntilles.
1995 Los bateyes de TrujilloAlto: un nuevo centroceremonial indigenaen PuertoRico. Proceedingsof the Congress
of theInternationalAssociationfor CaribbeanArchaeology
15:2742. San Juan,PuertoRico.
RodriguezL6pez, M., andV. Rivera
1983a La plaza indigena de Sabana Arriba; un nuevo
yacimientoarqueol6gicoen la regi6neste-centralmontanosa
de PuertoRico. Revistade la Sociedadpara el Estudiode
la Arqueologfa1(2):14.
1983b Sitio "ElDestino,"Vieques,PuertoRico informepreliminar.Proceedingsof the InternationalCongressfor the
Studyof the Pre-ColumbianCulturesof the LesserAntilles
9:163-172. Montreal.
Rouse,I.
1948 The Arawak.In The Circum-CaribbeanTribes,edited
by J. H. Steward,pp. 507-546. Handbookof SouthAmerican Indians,vol. 4. Bulletin No. 143, Bureauof American
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
Ethnology,SmithsonianInstitution,Washington,D.C.
1952a Porto Rican Prehistory:Introduction;Excavationsin
the Westand North.ScientificSurveyof PortoRico andthe
VirginIslands,vol. xvm, pt.3. New YorkAcademyof Sciences, New York.
1952b Porto Rican Prehistory:Excavationsin the Interior,
South,andEast; Chronologicallmplications.ScientificSurvey of PortoRico and the VirginIslands,vol. xvm, pt. 4.
New YorkAcademyof Sciences, New York.
1956 SettlementPatternsin theCaribbeanArea.
InPrehistoric
SettlementPatternsin the New World,editedby G. R. Willey, pp. 165-172. Viking Fund Publicationsin Anthropology 23. Wenner-GrenFoundation for Anthropological
Research,New York.
1982 Ceramic and Religious Development in the Greater
Antilles.Journalof New WorldArchaeology5(2):45-55.
1986 Migrationsin Prehistory:InferringPopulationMovementfrom CulturalRemains.Yale UniversityPress, New
Haven.
1992 TheTainos:RiseandDeclineof thePeopleWhoGreeted
Columbus.Yale UniversityPress,New Haven.
Rouse, I., andR. E. Alegria
1979 RadiocarbonDates fromtheWestIndies.RevistaInteramericana8:495499.
1990 Excavationsat Mariade la Cruzand HaciendaGrande
VillageSite,Loiza,PuertoRico. Publicationsin Anthropology No. 80. Yale University,New Haven.
Rouse, I., andL. Allaire
1978 Caribbean.In Chronologiesin New WorldArchaeology,
editedby R. E. TaylorandC.W.Meighan,pp.432481. Academic Press,New York.
Rouse, I., andJ. M. Cruxent
1963 VenezuelanArchaeology.Yale University Press, New
Haven.
Sahlins,M.
1972 StoneAge Economics.Aldine, New York.
Sanders,W. T., andD. Webster
1978 Unilinealism,Multilinealism,andEvolutionof Complex
Societies. In Social Archaeology:BeyondSubsistenceand
Dating,editedby C. L. Redman,M. J. Bellllan,E. V.Curtin,
W. T. LanghorneJr.,N. M. Versaggi,andJ. C. Wanser,pp.
249-302. AcademicPress,New York.
Santley,R. S., M. J. Bennan, andR. T. Alexander
1991 The Politicizationof the MesoamericanBallgame and
Its Implicationsfor the Interpretation
of the Distributionof
Ballcourtsin CentralMexico. In The MesoamericanBallgame, edited by V. L. Scarboroughand D. R. Wilcox, pp.
3-24. Universityof ArizonaPress,Tuscon.
Sauer,C. O.
1966 TheEarlySpanishMain.Universityof CaliforniaPress,
Berkeley.
Saunders,N. J., andD. Gray
1996 Zemfs,Trees, and Symbolic Landscapes:Three Taino
CarvingsfromJamaica.Antiquity70:801-812.
Scarborough,
V. L., and D. R. Wilcox (editors)
1991 The MesoamericanBallgame. University of Arizona
Press,Tucson.
Seeger,A.
1981 Natureand Societyin CentralBrazil:TheSuyaIndians
of Mato Grasso. HarvardUniversityPress,Cambridge.
Service,E. R.
1985 A Centuryof Controversy:Ethnological Issues from
186S1960. AcademicPress, Orlando.
Siegel,P. E.
1989 Site Structure,Demography,and Social Complexityin
the EarlyCeramicAge of the Caribbean.In Early Ceramic
Siegel]
Population Lifeways and Adaptive Strategies in the
Caribbean,editedby P. E. Siegel, pp. 193-245. BAR International Series No. 506. British ArchaeologicalReports,
Oxford.
l991a PoliticalEvolutionin theCaxibbean.Proceedingsof the
Congress of the InternationalAssociationfor Caribbean
Archaeology13:232-250. Curac,ao,NetherlandsAntilles.
l991b On the Antillean Connectionfor the Introductionof
Cultigensin EasternNorthAmerica.CurrentAnthropology
32:332-334.
l991c OccupationalHistoryof the MaisabelSite:A Progress
Report.FloridoJournalof Anthropology16:65-79.
1992 Ideology,Power,and Social Complexityin Prehistoric
Puerto Rico. Ph.D. dissertation,State Universityof New
Yorkat Binghamton.UniversityMicrofilms,Ann Arbor.
1995 The Archaeology of CommunityOrganizationin the
Tropical Lowlands:A Case Study from Puerto Rico. In
Archaeologyin theLowlandAmerican
Tropics:CurrentAnalytical Methods and RecentApplications,edited by P. W.
Stahl,pp. 4245. CambridgeUniversityPress, Cambridge.
1996 IdeologyandCultureChangein PrehistoricPuertoRico:
A View fromthe Community.Journalof FieldArchaeology
23:313-333.
1997 AncestorWorshipandCosmology amongthe Taino.In
Taino:Pre-ColumbianArtand Culturefrom the Caribbean,
edited by F. Bercht,E. Brodsky,J. A. Farmer,and D. Taylor,pp.106-111. MonacelliPressandEl Museo del Barrio,
New York.
Siegel, P. E., andD. J. Bernstein
1991 Samplingfor Site StructureandSpatialOrganizationin
the Saladoid:A Case Study.Proceedingsof the Congressof
the InternationalAssociationfor CaribbeanArchaeology
12:87-107. Martinique.
Spencer,C. S
1987 Rethinkingthe Chiefdom.In Chiefdomsin the Americas, editedby R. D. DrennanandC. A. Uribe,pp.369-390.
UniversityPress of America,Lham, Maryland.
1993 HumanAgency, Biased Transmission,andthe Cultural
Evolutionof ChieflyAuthority.Journalof Anthropological
Archaeology12:41-74.
Stahl,P.W.
1984 TropicalForestCosmology:TheCulturalContextofthe
Early ValdiviaOccupationsat LomaAlta. Ph.D. dissertation, Universityof Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
University Microfilms,Ann Arbor.
Stern,T.
1949 TheRubber-BallGamesof the Americas.Monographs
of theAmericanEthnologicalSociety No. 17. Universityof
WashingtonPress, Seattle.
Stevens-Arroyo,A. M.
1988 CaveoftheJagua:TheMythologicalWorldof theTafnos.
Universityof New Mexico Press,Albuquerque.
Steward,J. H.
1955 Theoryof CultureChange:TheMethodologyof Multilinear Evolution.Universityof Illinois Press,Urbana.
Taylor,R. E.
1987a RadiocarbonDating:An ArchaeologicalPerspective.
AcademicPress,New York.
1987b AMS 14CDating of CriticalBone Samples:Proposed
Protocol and Criteriafor Evaluation.Nuclear Instruments
and MethodsB29:159-163.
1992 RadiocarbonDatingof Bone:To CollagenandBeyond.
In Radiocarbonafter Four Decades: An Interdisciplinary
Perspecave,editedby R. E. Taylor,A. Long, andR. S. Kra,
pp. 375402. Springer-Verlag,
New York.
Thomas,N., andC. Humphrey(editors)
237
1994 Shamanism,History,andtheState.Universityof Michigan Press,Ann Arbor.
Trigger,B.
1978 Eme and Traditions:Essays in ArchaeologicalInterpretation.ColumbiaUniversityPress,New York.
Upham,S. (editor)
1990 The Evolution of Political Systems: Sociopolitics in
Small-Scale Sedentary Societies. Cambridge University
Press,Cambridge.
van Klinken,G. J.
1991 Dating and Dietary Reconstructionby IsotopicAnalysis of AminoAcids in Fossil Bone Collagen-with Special
Referenceto the Caribbean.PublicationNo. 128. Foundation for ScientificResearchin the CaribbeanRegion,Amsterdam.
Vega,B.
1971-1972 Descubrimientode la actuallocalizaci6ndel unico
zemi de algod6nantillanoaunexistente.RevistaDominicana
deArquelogfayAntropologfa2(2,3):88-110.
1980 Los cacicazgos de la Hispaniola. Investigaciones
Antropol6gicasNum. 13. Museo del HombreDominicano,
SantoDomingo.
Velasquez,R.
1987 Chamanismo,mito y religion en cuatro naciones e'tnicas de Ame'ricaaborigen.Estudios,Monografiasy Ensayos
97. Bibliotecade laAcademiaNacionalde la Historia,Caracas.
Veloz Maggiolo, M., E. Ortega,M. Sanoja,andI. Vargas
1976 PreliminaryReporton ArcheologicalInvestigationsat
El Atajadizo, Dominican Republic. Proceedings of the
International Congressfor the Study of Pre-Columbian
Culturesof the Lesser Antilles 6:283-294. Pointe a Pitre,
Guadeloupe.
Versteeg,A. H.
1989 The InternalOrganizationof a PioneerSettlementin the
LesserAntilles:The SaladoidGoldenRockSite on St.Eustatius,NetherlandsAntilles.InEarlyCeramicPopulationLifeways and AdaptiveStrategiesin the Caribbean,edited by
P.E. Siegel, pp.171-192. BARInternationalSeriesNo.506.
BritishArchaeologicalReports,Oxford.
Versteeg,A. H., and K. Schinkel(editors)
1992 TheArchaeologyofSt.Eustatius:TheGoldenRockSite.
Publication131. Foundationfor Scientific Researchin the
CaribbeanRegion,Amsterdam.
Vescelius,G. S.
1977 Ball CourtsandBoundariesin the EasternAntilles.Manuscript on file, Department of Anthropology, Peabody
Museum,Yale University,New Haven.
WaLker,
J. B.
1993 StoneCollars,ElbowStonesandThree-Pointers,
andthe
Natureof TafnoRitualand Myth.Ph.D. dissertation,Washington State University,Pullman. University Microfilms,
Ann Arbor.
Watters,D. R.
1994 Archaeologyof Trants,Montserrat.Part1. Field Methods andArtifactDensity Distributions.Annalsof Carnegie
Museum63:265-295.
Watters,D. R., andI. Rouse
1989 EnvironmentalDiversity and MaritimeAdaptationsin
the CaribbeanArea.In Early CeramicPopulationLifeways
and AdoptiveStrategiesin the Caribbean,edited by P. E.
Siegel, pp. 129-144. BAR InternationalSeries No. 506.
BritishArchaeologicalReports,Oxford.
Wilbert,J.
1972 Survivorsof Eldorado:Four Indian Culturesof South
America.Praeger,New York.
238
1981 WaraoCosmology andYekuanaRoundhouseSymbolism. Journalof VtinAmerican Lore7(1):37-72.
1987 Tobaccoand Shamanismin SouthAmerica.Yale UniversityPress, New Haven.
Wilson, S. M.
l990a Hispaniola:CaribbeanChiefdomsin theAgeof Columbus. Universityof AlabamaPress,Tuscaloosa.
l990b TafnoElite IntegrationandSocial Complexityon Hispaniola.Proceedingsof the Congressof the International
Associationfor CaribbeanArchaeology 11:517-521. San
Juan,PuertoRico.
Wing, E. S.
1989 Human Exploitation of Animal Resources in the
Caribbean.In Biogeographyof the WestIndies, Past, Present and Future,editedby C. Woods,pp. 137- 152. Sandhill CranePress, Gainesville,Florida.
Winkelman,M. J.
1992 Shamans,Priests and Witches:A Cross-CulturalStudy
of Magico-Religious Practitioners. Anthropological
ResearchPapersNo. 44. ArizonaStateUniversity,Tempe.
Wrong,D. H.
1988 Power: Its Forms, Bases, and Uses. University of
ChicagoPress,Chicago.
Notes
[Vol. 10, No. 3, 1999
archaeologistexcavateda trenchwithin the cemetery,retrieving
an additional10 burials.Lackinga randomsampleof the cemetery population,the estimate for the chronologicaldistribution
of the burialsis only general.It is safe to assume howeverthat
thereare hundredsof Saladoidand Ostionoidburialslocatedin
the cemetery.
3. Ball courts and plazas had political significance. Sites that
received these featureswere importantareas of disputeadjudication, alliancebuilding,negotiation,and competition.Shifts in
political power, temporallyand geographically,may therefore
be trackedby documentingthe size, spatial,and densitydistributionsof ball courtsand ceremonialplazasacrossthe landscape.
4. On the basis of his excavations at Vill6n, Rouse
(1952b:503-507) indicates that the site was inhabitedduring
Periods Ea, Eb, and IV, constitutinga combined ceremonial
and habitationcenterduringthese periodsof occupation.
5. Based on l4C dates and ceramic styles, Gonzalez Col6n, the
originalexcavatorof the site, indicatesa sequencein the developmentalhistory of the Tibes ball court complex: "Losjuegos
de bola (B-1), (B-5) y (B-9) localizados en la periferia del
yacimientose puedenasociarcronol6gicamentecon los comienzos de la segundafase de ocupaci6n(Rouse:periodoE-A). Las
plazas (B-6), (B-7) y los juegos de Bola (B-2) y (B-8) de
acuerdoa la evidencia parecen ser mas tardiospero asociados
con las postrimeriasde la segunda fase" (Gonzalez Col6n
1984:114).
6. Based on ceramic analysis, Rouse suggested that Caguana
was occupiedduringPeriodsEb and IV (Rouse 1952b:477).A
fragment of a wood post recovered from one of the plazas
yielded a 14C date of A.D. 1270s80 (A.D. 119s1420 cal, 2 sigmas), straddling Periods Eb and IV (Rouse and Allaire
1978:Table 13.6; Rouse and Alegria 1979). Walker
(1993:174-175), too, suggests that Tibes and Caguana were
"contemporaneous
duringthe laterpartof Periodm.ssBased on
iconographyof some of the stones lining the plazas, Oliver
(1992) suggests thatCaguanadatesto PeriodIV.
1. In Columbus'passage, it is not clear whetherthe variety of
burialtreatmentshe describedwas directedto chiefs or to other
membersof society as well: "De los de otros solamentetoman
la cabeza.A otros los sepultanen una grutay ponen encima de
la cabezapan y una calabazallena de agua.A otros los queman
en la casa dondemueren;y cuandolos ven en el ultimoextremo,
antes de que mueren, los estrangulan; esto se hace con los
caciques.A otroslos echanfuerade casa, y a otros los ponenen
unahamaca,que es un lecho de red, les ponenaguay pan al lado
de la cabeza,los dejansolos y no vuelven a verlos mas" (Col6n
1947:185).
2. I distributedexcavationunits across the cemetery systematically to obtainbroadcoverageof this portionof the site. This is
not a randomsampleof the cemeteryspace or of the burialpopulation.However,every unitthatwas excavatedin the cemetery
producedat least one burialandusuallymore thanone. Further, Received December 15, 1998; accepted January 25, 1999;
upon completionof ourfieldworkat the site, a local avocational revisedMay 20, 1999.

The Evolution of Social Power and Ceremonial Space in Prehistoric

Transcription

Similar documents

Cervecera de Puerto Rico

Download: Full Company Introduction Presentation

Computer Engineering and FemProf

FIVB Technical Posters

ARNOLD SCHWARZENEGGER - Arnold Classic Australia

sohlatinnewreleasebo..

Guru Suggested Asymmetrical Layouts copy (5)

Great Ideas_2011

Free Puerto Rico - Freedom Archives

STEM and Project-Based Learning: What`s All the Excitement About?

Marriage Among Slaves in Eighteenth