sumar - Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie

Transcription

SUMAR
Doru RADOSAV – Editorial ……………….……………………….… 5
Repere metodologice
Petre ILUŢ - Valenţele Interviului de grup în studierea socio-umanului /
The Group Interview’s Valences When Studying The SocioHuman…………………………………………………………
Sidonia NEDEIANU GRAMA - Cum putem analiza fenomenul
“Revoluţia română din decembrie 1989” / How Can We Analyze
the December 1989’s Romanian Revolution as a Social
Phenomenon…………………..
Biografie şi memorie
Iulia POP - Lucreţia Jurj-destinul unei vieţi / Lucreţia Jurj - A Life
Destiny ………
Viaţă socială – Viaţă privată
Mariana PINTILIE - Copilăria şi adolescenţa în Dăbâca la sfârşitul
secolului al XIX-lea şi prima jumătate a secolului al XX-lea /
Childhood and Adolescence in Dăbâca, in the Late 19th Century
through the First Half of the 20th Century ……………………….
Florin STAN - Aspecte privind viaţa socială din Turda interbelică/
Social Life in Turda during the Inter-war Period ……………
Mihaela SITARIU - Identităţi feminine în perioada interbelică. Modele
educative şi strategii matrimoniale feminine / Identities during
the Interwar Period. Educational Patterns and Matrimonial
Strategies…….
Maria ALDEA - Traces of Collective Memory. A Case Study: the Slovak
Community of the Negreşti Oaş Area (Maramureş) …………
Ionuţ ŢENE - Discurs oficial şi discurs oral privind înfiinţarea
Universităţii “Babeş-Bolyai” la 1959 / Official and Oral Speech
Regarding “Babeş-Bolyai” University Setting Up in 1959 ……
Monica VLASE - Viaţa şi practica religioasă a comunităţii creştin
penticostale din Cluj-Napoca în perioada dictaturii comuniste /
3
The Pentecostal Christian Community in Cluj-Napoca:Its Life
and Religious Practice during the Communist Dictatorship……
Rezistenţă anticomunistă ……... Comunism şi anticomunism
Andrea FÜRTÖS - Amintiri ţi reflecţii despre primii ani ai “democraţiei
populare” în România / Memoirs and Reflections on the First
Years of “Popular Democracy” in Romania………..
Cornel JURJU - Mitul “venirii americanilor”. Studiu de caz: rezistenţa
anticomunistă de la Huedin / “Americans’ Arrival” Myth. A
Case Study: The Anticommunist Resistance in Huedin …………
Marius CRISTEA - Rezistenţa anticomunistă în zona Aiud. “Grupul
Spaniol” / The Anticommunist Resistance in Aiud Area. “The
Spaniol Group”……………………..
Cosmin BUDEANCĂ, Cornel JURJU - Rezistenţa armată anticomunistă
în zona Huedinului. Grupul “Şuşman” / Rezistence Against
Communism in Huedin Region. “Şuşman” Group…..
Valentin ORGA - The Woman’s Attitudes during the Anticommunist
Resistance Movement …………………
Carmen ONEŢ - Colectivizarea agriculturii. Studiu comparativ
localităţile Bedeciu şi Mănăstireni / Agriculture’s
Collectivisation. A Comparative Study: Bedeciu and Mănăstireni
Localities …...
Ion XENOFONTOV - Războiul din Afghanistan (1979-1989) în
memoria combatanţilor. Cazul participanţilor din comuna
Echimăuţi, jud. Orhei, Republica Moldova / The Afghanistan
War (1979-1989) to the Combatants’ Memory. The Case of the
Participants from Echimăuţ Village, in Orhei County, Moldavia
Republic ………
Petre DIN - Zilele revoluţiei din decembrie 1989 în Slatina / December
1989’s Revolution Days, in Slatina ……………………………
Recenzii şi note de lectură ………………………………………………
Autori …………………………………………………………………….
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Anuarul de Istorie Orală
opinie, Iaşi, Ed. Polirom.
7. Simon, S.B., 1972, Values Clarification, New York, Hart
Publishing Company, Inc.
THE GROUP INTERVIEW’S VALENCES WHEN STUDYING
THE SOCIO-HUMAN
The article “The Group Interview’s Valences when Studying
the Socio-Human” presents the advantages and limitations of the group
interview, referring to the classical type (the unstructured one) as well
as to the focus group type (the structured one), with it’s implications
within oral history studies. In the article’s final part there are some
considerations approaching the methodological relationship between
the group interview and the survey, where the author outlines the
interview’s role during the pre-survey, co-survey, and post-survey.
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sistematic de echipă pe care îl reclamă şi-ar găsi prea puţini adepţi. În
ciuda tradiţiei şcolii gustiene care a consacrat la noi cecetările
pluridisciplinare şi munca în echipă, tinerii cercetători români manifestă
o anume rezistenţă la astfel de demersuri, explicabilă într-o oarecare
măsură. Tehnic vorbind, sunt necesare, dar nu şi suficiente, resurse
financiare importante şi o mare capacitate de coordonare. Presupunând,
totuşi, că aceste condiţii ar fi îndeplinite, aşteptăm reacţii critice,
sugestii şi chiar intenţii de colaborare.
HOW CAN WE ANALYZE THE DECEMBER 1989’S
ROMANIAN REVOLUTION AS A SOCIAL PHENOMENON
This presentation proposes the opening of a workfield on 1989’s
Romanian Revolution in that will stand at the junction of certain socialhuman branches of knowledge. This study has as a starting point our
need to truly understand a major phenomenon that we witnessed and …
deeply changed our lives; the need we are talking about represents a
condition to the human identity’s development as well as to the health
of the society we are living in. On the other side, scientifically
speaking, such an attempt represents a real challenge to researchers.
There are some theoretical and empirical directions outlined by the
author for possible analysis; she puts forward some paradigms
belonging to social sciences as oral history, cultural anthropology,
social psychology and mass communication sociology. By using these
branches of knowledge, the 1989’s Romanian Revolution complex
phenomenon could be deeply explained and interpreted.
Thus, epistemologically speaking, the above-mentioned events are
disassembled and issued following these directions:
1. Being a recent historical event, the phenomenon fits to the oral
history approach, implying a campaign to collect the participants’
testimonies.
2. By considering the outlook of history and of the revolutions’
sociology, diachronically and synchronically approaching them, the
December events are situated within the context of the changes that
occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. In these respects, the events in
Romania differ because of their bloody violence and the hesitating
rhythm of the society’s reform.
3. Within the symbolic paradigm, the December revolution is
considered a founding event that set up a new world; in this case the
analysis’ point would target the area of symbols and political myths, of
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the meanings and reasons that have been given to these witnessed
events.
4. Being a media event, there should be analyzed the crucial role that
mass media had during the events, especially of what we called the telerevolution.
5. The Romanian revolution within collective memory offers us the
opportunity to reflect upon the memory’s wounds, uses and abuses,
upon public attitudes towards the December events, and upon the need
for justice.
As a conclusion, this study is meant to be an invitation to a critical
reflection and to a possible collaboration within a multidisciplinary
research project focused on this theme.
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faptul că marea istorie a unui popor trebuie scrisă nu numai din şi prin
documente, ci şi prin adevărurile unor oameni mărunţi, din nefericire
uitaţi sau nici măcar cunoscuţi. Obiectivitatea şi credibilitatea se
realizează şi prin subiectivitate: aceea a unor participanţi direcţi la
facerea de istorie. Iar Lucreţia Jurj este, incontestabil, unul dintre
aceştia.
LUCREŢIA JURJ - A LIFE DESTINY
Lucreţia Jurj is one of the women who made history. Her memories
underlined that the “big history” contains also “little lives”.
She was born in Scărişoara Nouă on October 2, 1928. The history
of her life is filled up with a poor childhood, the refuge in Oltenia and
Moldavia, four years in the mountains, prison and the beginning of the new
life. Her first marriage, to Mihai Jurj, was the symbol of her happiness. She
always referrs to Mihai Jurj as to a “very good man”. Even after her second
marriage, to Grigorie Costescu, she returned to her soul-mate, Mihai.
The interviews to Lucreţia Jurj underlines once again - if necessary the importance of Oral History. “Big history” has to be related not only to the
documents, but also to the truths told by “little men and women”. It is a fact
that Lucreţia Jurj is one of those.
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CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE IN DĂBÂCA,
IN THE LATE 19TH CENTURY THROUGH THE FIRST HALF
OF THE 20TH CENTURY
In Romanian traditional village there was a special interest
shown upon childhood and adolescence, by the community, because
during this period of time youngsters were being accustomed to the
main elements that were to prepare them to face the adult life. Having
these considerations as a starting point, this study is a complex analysis
of what childhood and adolescence meant in the Transylvanian
Romanian village, in the late 19th century through the first half of the
20th century.
A few elements of local geography and history are presented at
the beginning of the study, elements that create a background to a better
understanding of Dăbâca’s community. Following this short
introduction, there comes an analysis on childhood starting with the
first years of life. There are presented the children’s clothes, the
holidays’ traditional local customs, the stories that parents used to tell
to the little ones, the disenchantment used on those who had been
bewitched by the evil eye, the childhood’s games and toys, the school
years. In the context of the institution’s evolution during the abovementioned period of time, there is also presented the school’s
importance within a child’s life.
Adolescence is analyzed considering the national costume and
nourishment, the traditional local customs at certain feasts, and the prewedding local customs. The evening sitting of village women and the
different feast local customs are detailedly analyzed. Besides analyzing
childhood and adolescence this study also presents numerous aspects of
Dăbâca’s community traditional life style, accomplishing a true real
image of a Transylvanian Romanian village, in the late 19th century
through the first half of the 20th century.
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6. Sever Mureşan: născut în 1922, în Turda. Român greco-catolic. A
urmat liceul în Turda şi Facultatea de Drept la Cluj. Avocat,
membru PNŢCD.
7. Iuliu Rusu: născut în 1915. Român greco-catolic. Absolvent al
Liceului “Regele Ferdinand” din Turda şi al Facultăţii de Medicină
Veterinară din Cluj. Pensionar, membru PNŢCD.
SOCIAL LIFE IN TURDA
DURING THE INTER-WAR PERIOD
During the inter-war period, the small Transylvanian towns
represented a special world, a paradoxical one; a Romanian Christianoriented world, where the majority was represented by non-Romanians
of Western Christian religions. The inter-war Turda’s case fully
illustrates this state of facts, since there existed a significant ethnic,
social, religious, and cultural diversity.
While studying the subject we also used collective memory,
besides the conventional historical sources, in order to be able to
observe the images, projections and value judgements that each group
(ethnic, religious etc.) had created in comparison with their own and the
others’ identities.
This study presents Turda’s image during the inter-war period,
where people had lived fully aware of and imprinted quite exactly
within their minds the evolution of the relationships among ethnic
groups and religions. It can also be noticed that during the inter-war
period there was a normal inter-ethnic and inter-religious cohabitation;
it got deteriorated towards the end of the above-mentioned period, as a
result of the interventions determined by the authorities’ political
interests.
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racordată la cotidian. O aparenţă fragilă, dublată, însă, de o agilitate şi o
vioiciune remarcabile. Acest fel de a trăi în prezent se datorează, fără
îndoială, şi prezenţei nepotului, student, care se constituie în motivaţia
zilnică a alergăturii la piaţă, a pregătirii mesei, treburi casnice care, desigur,
nu îi lasă timp pentru o meditaţie nostalgică în ce priveşte trecutul. Ironia şi
detaşarea cu care pomeneşte de propriile-i “vechituri” (fotografii din
tinereţe pe care le va căuta, dacă mă interesează atât de mult) sau de bunica
ei, care zicea: “Ooo, pe vremea mea mergeam cu cinci creiţari la piaţă şi
mai aduceam şi rest şi cumpăram şi o găină şi nu ştiu ce”, privindu-mă
amuzată, îmi confirmă că nu are de gând să se lase pradă nostalgiilor în
privinţa unui timp care a trecut, dar şi o ulterioară negare a unor valori care
i-au fost impuse în tinereţe. În felul în care îţi povesteşte viaţa, ghiceşti atât
scenaristul, care cunoaşte textul, cât şi regizorul, care găseşte modalităţile
prin care să îţi stârnească uimirea, creând, totodată, cadrul detaşat al
bucuriei şi ironiei în repunerea în scenă a spectacolului vieţii.
FEMININE IDENTITIES DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD.
EDUCATIONAL PATTERNS AND MATRIMONIAL STRATEGIES.
This study, having as a basis the interviews with two women that
were born in the autumn of the same year - 1918 - presents an image of the
woman during the interwar period. The testimonies of Maria Anderwald
and Silvia Ivan offer two perspectives for us to refer to the values of that
time’s family and society and identify certain values and norms existing in
a bourgeoisie society; these values have been perpetuated and transmitted
from generation to generation.
The two interviewed women came from different urban areas a little town in Salaj County, called Jibou (the case of Silvia Ivan) and a
cosmopolite city, called Timisoara (the case of Maria Anderwald) - but
both their destinies had been touched by the socio-political events that
had taken place during the interwar period. This study insists on the
educational patterns applied at that time to girls, also offering
interesting information about the matrimonial strategies that often
decisively intervened, especially on women.
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Maria ALDEA
TRACES OF COLLECTIVE MEMORY. A CASE STUDY: THE SLOVAK
COMMUNITY OF THE NEGREŞTI OAŞ AREA (MARAMUREŞ) *
Motto: Children, only animals live entirely in the Here
and Now. Only nature knows neither memory nor history.
Man, man -- let me offer you a definition -- is the storytelling animal. Wherever he goes he wants to leave
behind not a chaotic wake, not an empty space, but the
comforting marker-buoys and trail-signs of stories. He
has to go on telling stories. He has to keep on making
them up. As long as there's a story, it's all right.
Graham Swift – “Waterland”
As long as there is a story, as long as there is history, there is also
identity, seem to assert the modern philosophers and artists. Memory
articulates one’s identity by making up an organic biography out of
disparate events, a story which defines one’s self. All the contemporary
attacks against a new way of doing and writing history attempt to
reconfigure memory and provoke a crisis of identity. It can be noticed on a
personal level in the first place and moreover in the ambiguities of social,
ethnical, religious identity. Maybe the only way of facing globalization,
the contemporary model of the melting pot and preserving one’s identity
and culture is to trace back in time the story of one’s origins. It is a way of
fighting against amnesia, dispersal of the self and against external attempts
of manipulation. On the other hand, the fragile balance between tradition
and innovation must be achieved, because proper isolationism equals to
the death of the community in question.
This study is an attempt to rebuild the story of the Slovak
community from the Negreşti Oaş area, (consisting of seven villages),
unique of its kind in Romania, as it represents a small ethnic group
which does not belong to the neighbouring peoples. Although
*
The paper was lectured at the international conference “Europe’s Rediscovered
Wealth – What the Accession Candidates in Eastern and Central Europe Have to Offer.
Cultural Exchange between East and West”, Vienna, 15-16 October 2001.
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nowadays assimilated with the local population, the Slovaks of Boineşti
and Huta Certeze, where we took interviews to people of different age
and social statue, still keep some of their traditions without losing their
national peculiarities, nor stirring conflicts with the Romanians and
other nationalities. The conclusions resulted from a more detailed study
of the problem could become extremely relevant because the life and
history of this small community presents the dynamics of cultural
change and also the conflict between tradition and innovation which
could be followed in any given larger social groups.
Differing from the stories of immigrants who arrived in certain
areas in search for money, work and survival, the story of the origins of
the Slovak community of Maramureş has very profound religious
implications. The land where the Slovak families coming from the Spis
area in Slovakia settled at the end of the nineteenth century is located in
the Northern region of Transylvania, Maramureş, which was at the time
of their arrival covered with woods and poorly habitated by Romanians
and Hungarians (Transylvania as well as Slovakia belonged to the
Austro-Hungarian Empire back then). The only activity practiced at the
time was mining and wood industry. In the Negreşti Oaş area, the
arrival of the Slovaks was connected to the name of the priest Pasztory,
who “colonized Slovaks coming from Spis on his family inheritance,
the land situated in the Oaş area” (Dancu 1997: 90). “According to the
acts that we carry around, these four families, Zvaleny Ianoş,
Slobodnik, Gramosky and Zvaleny Ştefan came called by Pasztory,
who was a basilican monk” (interview of Zvaleny Janiku). Unlike their
neighbours which came in Maramureş to work in the mining industry,
the people of Huta Certeze hadn’t had a hard time back in Slovakia,
because their relatives used to go to work in America, and to invest the
money gained there in land and agriculture. These families came not to
work, but to follow their priest, after they sold their land from Slovakia
and came to buy new land near that of the priest. Not anyone was
allowed to come, only those chosen by the priest, so that their families
must have had a special moral standard. The elder persons which were
interviewed insisted upon the idea that their arrival was justified by
faith and religion, the central figure being a priest. A parallel can be
drawn to the founding myth of the American colonies, where the
Puritans dreamed to establish the promised “new heaven and new
earth”. It is not known for sure how much the Western American
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mentality influenced the relatives of the Slovaks who decided to repeat
the symbolic exodus of the colonizers, this time going East. The story
of their origin contains many ambiguities and some contradictions, a
fact that is regretted now by the members of the third generation of the
settlers. “Back then – says Clara Olariu, one of the oldest women – I
wasn’t smart enough to ask my grandparents about it. We were children
then, and only my father-in-law told me about this.(…) They bought
land, they planted trees and cultivated potatoes.” Anyway it defines the
basis on which the collective memory reconstructs history configuring a
common identity to all those sharing it.
It is well known the fact that when talking about ethnic, social
or generally speaking, peripheral groups, the discussions are held in an
atmosphere of tension and overreactions. A minor community is
defined by culture. The right to have a cultural identity, be it ethnic,
linguistic or religious, expresses the cultural diversity of the world, the
right to be different.
Accepting the definition of the term community as “any group of
people who share a common identity, whether based on location, racial or
ethnic group, religious identity, organizational affiliation or occupation”
(Ritchie 1995: 186), we start from the premises that there is no society
without a system of values, and that differences between communities are
marked by differences in values. We believe that only in this way the
diversity of cultural forms in distinct civilizations and its several branches
often associated to socio-cultural groups can be explained.
Transylvania has always been a multiethnic and multiconfessional
area where specific national identities developed. In this common space,
each ethnic or social group made efforts to preserve its identity, its
specific characteristics, defining itself only from a positive perspective,
projecting all the negative images upon the other. Also, in particular,
each individual elaborates an image about himself or about the other,
preserves and rearticulates its memories: “ The geographic space is a
specific horizon of knowledge and reflexion of the collective
consciousness in which imaginary constructions populated reality…
That space, only known by living and feeling, where collective attitudes
of friendship, neutrality or rejection are born, and also an unknown,
unperceptable, inciting and dangerous space…” (Nicoară 1996: 207)
The relationship established from the very beginning between
the new settlers and the local population implied ambivalent feelings.
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On the one hand, the interviewed persons offer a reconstructed image
of the initial contact between the two ethnic groups. They recall the fact
that the Oaşans populated the area only after the Slovaks bought and
cultivated the land hiring Oaşans to work for them: “The Oaşans were
poor, so that they worked on our lands” (interview with Kotuno Ana).
They also remember the fact that some agriculture tools were unknown
by the local peasants before their arrival; in this respect, they resemble
the traditional image of the colonizer. By the time, the Slovaks who
went to work in America returned to their lands and families, investing
all their money. Still, their business was not prosperous, so that they
didn’t have any longer an extra financial support. The initial
discrepancy between the social status and financial condition of the two
ethnic groups dissapeared. At this moment, the real contact between
the two communities began.
An older woman tells the story of her wedding, a traditional
Slovak one, where the Romanians were not invited but they still played
and danced some of the Romanian traditional songs used for such
occasions. It is a sign of initial assimilation of the other form of culture,
but we have to mention the fact that all the meals served were specific
to Slovaks. The permanent contact to the Western civilization was a
constant reason of pride for the Slovaks inside and outside of the
community, especially because the Romanians didn’t have so many
links with the Occidental countries. The evidence of Kotuno Ana who
wanted to underline the fact that her parents were the only one in the
area who were able to waltz, is also a prove of their eager to assimilate
western customs and also to show off with a presumptive cultural
superiority.
Political and administrative factors also contributed to narrow the
distance between the two communities, in the first part of the twentieth
century, but mostly, in the second part, during the communist regime,
when they had to face the same economical and spiritual restrictions. In
this context, the image of the Other was no longer projected inside the
community on the other ethnic group, but outside, on the promoters of
bolshevism, initially, the Russians, and lately the party active members in
charge with communist propaganda. Although there was no possibility of
expressing alterity of any kind in the communist regime, they managed to
stick to their own way of life, when confronted with external impediments,
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as for instance, those imposed by the political regime. Later,
modernization brought a real threaten of losing the traditions.
Nowadays, after the revolution of December 1989, the freedom
of expressing their own cultural identity is no longer a problem, but the
community is menaced now by a more subtle enemy: cultural amnesia.
We assist to a more or less balanced mixture of different habits and
traditions, which reopens the question of spreading and preserving
tradition, on the one hand, of accepting innovations and borrowings, on
the other hand.
In our case family assures the inheritance of traditional values
and has the duty to keep it: goods, skills, food, clothing, every day
activities. In what regards family, after finalizing the interviews, we
noticed that parents advice their children to marry Slovaks, so that
disputes and points of dissension should not appear in the new formed
family. Receiving new members in the family implies continuity and
discontinuity. Therefore, the proves presented reveal a very traditional
concept of family, a very united one with a strong need for identity and
intimate space, preoccupied by the destinies of its members, and, by
extrapolation, of those who belong to the same community. A stable
and fixed family structure means implicitly a solid and fixed structure
of the group. In any society, marriage contracts between consaguin
groups governed by a filiation rule is the minimal fundament of a stable
society. There are also situations when the young do not follow their
parents’ advice and choose the mixed marriages. Some of these mixed
marriages are successful, but in other cases, when the mother speaks to
her children in Slovak, the son-in-law or the daughter-in-law who are
not Slovaks believe that they are ill-spoken and a quarrel is started.
Mothers have a very important role in the family. They nurture
and raise the children. Shortly, all the domestic responsibilities belong to
women, while men must bring the money. Still, husbands have a minor
part in the domestic activities, also. At home, they always speak
Slovakian, but at school, at work, they have to speak Romanian, without
feeling frustrated for it. On the contrary, they believe that, living in
Romania, they must know Romanian, to be able to communicate. At the
beginning, outside families, the emotional and social communication were
limited to a circle composed of relatives, friends, neighbours belonging to
the same community. Today things have changed, the circle being
extended even to those who do not belong to the Slovak community.
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Another element in spreading traditional values is preserving
clothing and types of food. These are important, dominant proofs for a
certain style of living in the history of any community. The interviewed
persons consider that the Slovak clothing is distinctly different from the
Oaşan one, because it is simpler, using usually only two colours, white
and black (the Oaşan one is more complicated and more colored in red
and green). We noticed a certain revolt of the older persons who
criticize the young for not preserving the traditional clothing and
wearing modern clothes, as seen at TV, instead. It is for them a sign of
moral decay. In what regards food, Slovak women have preserved from
their forefathers certain specific recipies. If, at the beginning, they were
used only by the Slovak women, today, they change recipies with the
Oaşans. Also, on holidays, (Christmas, Easter) they pay visits to one
another and offer one another different types of food (painted eggs,
cookies, sponge cake). They pay visits not only to those belonging to
the community but also to persons of different nationalities.
Religion is another important element in uniting the community
and spreading its values. The initial religious fervor was maintained
because of the fact that the group settled in a rural area. Slovaks are
Catholics and they venerate Virgin Mary. Although banned to have their
own church, the Slovaks fought for building one; a fact that stirred a very
violent reaction of the communist regime, leading to the death of a few
convinced believers. Praising Virgin Mary for protecting the ill, the
pilgrimage to Maria Radna, that to the Nicula Monastery – an ortodox
monastery - (where one of the interviewed women declares to have
miraculously regained health after surrounding three times on her knees
the monastery, praying faithfully to the Virgin to be healed), realised by
means of enormous sacrifices (without money or means of transport, they
walked all the way) offer a new dimension to the religious feeling. Cult
objects – statues, iconographic representations – also offer very many
interesting pieces of information for reconfiguring the religious piety, the
collective sensibility (described by the religious fervor, the pilgrimages).
It is also interesting the way in which, the individual
representing a certain culture reactualizes the image describing himself
and the other. This image of himself and that of the other creates the socalled ethnic consciousness respectively the national consciousness,
which reveal the relationships established inside the community,
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between neighbouring groups and the moments of crisis appeared in
their history.
It can be noticed the fact that each person who was interviewed
presented a positive image of himself. For instance, they consider that
Slovaks are more hardworking and industrious than the Oaşans. Still,
there is also a negative perception of themselves as a community,
issuing from the fact that Slovakian is not taught in their curricula, a
fact leading to the creation of the “cultural regression” image. Some
Slovaks consider that they speak the Slovakian spoken at the beginning
of the twentieth century because during the communist regime they
could not contact their relatives from Slovakia and that they didn’t have
courses taught in Slovakian. Today, the community leaders have
obtained the official permission to have classes taught in Slovakian.
Also, the impact of modernization (television, internet), leading
to the dissolution of some traditional values as clothing, popular
culture, dancing is strongly felt by the community elders, who build a
negative image of themselves as well as of the others. The members of
the Slovak community are trying to preserve their traditional values,
considering modernization as something hostile, malignant. The young
are urged to preserve tradition but the world’s temptations are
enormous.
Religion, clothing, language, traditions, way of living have
strongly united this community offering them the individuality and the
ethnic specificity which they preserved, writing their memory and their
story.
Therefore, it is important to understand that there are several
cultural levels and forms of manifestation, and that, before rejecting a
certain culture, that of a minority or that of a nation (labeled as “minor”
or “major” culture) it is vital to assess its fundamental value or lack of
value. There are circumstances in which certain cultural models,
belonging to a major culture proved to be scarcely represented. We
cannot stick to only one culture, rejecting the others. It is known that
any society presents a symbiosis between several cultures, which are a
mixture between a “major” one, belonging to the dominant group and a
“minor” one, representing an ethnic or a social group. Any culture
represents unity in diversity. It is risky to assert the fact that a certain
culture detains everything, that it controls everything. The Other must
be respected. Each individual or each community must preserve its
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specific characteristics. Each nation should preserve its identity, but on
the other hand it is important to be constantly aware of the fact that
there are several universal values, common to all humans. If one
belongs to a community he or she should have the courage to affirm
ones own identity without fearing of being labeled. There should be no
constrictions for the human being, on the contrary, the human being
must live by expressing itself: “Only what is wholly individual can be
universalized, because culture is not quarreling”, according to the
Romanian linguist Eugenio Coseriu.
Bibliography:
1. Dancu, Paul, 1997, Colonizarea slovacilor din comitatele Satu
Mare, Ugogea şi Maramureş în secolul XVIII şi începutul secolului
XIX, în “Oglinzi Paralele”, II/2, p.90-104.
2. Nicoară, Simona; Nicoară Toader, 1997, Mentalităţi colective şi
imaginar social, Cluj-Napoca, Clujean Universitary Press.
3. Ritchie, Donald A., 1994, Doing Oral History, New York, Twayne
Publishers.
Interviewees:
1. Olariu Clara, n. Şimon, 20 octombrie 1922, naţionalitatea română,
religia romano-catolică, localitatea Huta Certeze, Maramureş.
2. Mihai Şnep, 8 septembrie 1953, naţionalitatea română, religia
romano-catolică, localitatea Huta Certeze, Maramureş.
3. Zvaleny Ianiku, 8 septembrie 1953, naţionalitatea română, religia
romano-catolică, localitatea Boineşti, com. Bixad, Maramureş.
4. Kotuno Ana, (Catană), născută Şlebotnic, naţionalitatea română,
localitatea Boineşti, com. Bixad, Maramureş.
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Acest demers istoriografic a dorit să prezinte importanţa
discursului oral faţă de cel oficial, în perioada unui regim de dictatură,
aşa cum a fost cel comunist la noi. Documentul oral extras din regimul
totalitar răzbate tensionat şi “subteran” spre adevărul istoric, faţă de
mărturia scrisă oficială îmbibată de ideologie şi deturnare de la realitate.
Reconstrucţia orală a evenimentelor din epoca comunistă se impune cu
necesitate în instrumentarul istoricului, pentru ca istoria să fie o copie cât
mai fidelă a faptului istoric.
OFFICIAL AND ORAL SPEECH REGARDING
“BABEŞ-BOLYAI” UNIVERSITY SETTING UP IN 1959
After dr. Petru Groza’s pro-communist government was installed
on 6th March 1945, Romanian communists, following the international
proletarian ideology, agreed with “Babeş-Bolyai” University setting up
in Cluj; it was an institution where the Hungarian minority in
Transylvania was to study.
This university had functioned without interruption till 1959,
when the communist authorities in Bucharest proposed its dissolution,
fearing certain anticommunist movements; this decision came as a
response to the 1956’s revolution in Hungary whose echo was also felt
among the Hungarian intellectuals in Cluj.
Romanian communism’s nationalization allowed the young
party leader Nicolae Ceauşescu to distinguish himself; his actions lead to
the Hungarian University’s assimilation within the Romanian University
“Victor Babeş”.
In 1959’s summer, Camil Mureşan, Dumitru Salade, and Aurel
Negucioiu that were young professors at that time, witnessed the two
universities’ joinder.
The new joint university, named “Babeş-Bolyai”, raised lot of
problems that concerned especially the organizing aspects and
encountered some negative reactions coming from certain Hungarian
professors.
By using oral testimonies, this study attempts to clarify some of
the “mysterious” aspects of this joinder, which are perceptible in the
official written speech of the leaders and the communist press.
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penticostală, convertit de la greco-catolicism; studii: 7 clase;
tratamentist termic; pastor. Data realizării interviului: mai 2001.
Bibliografie:
1. Bonte, P., Izard, M., Dicţionar de etnologie şi antropologie,
Polirom, Iaşi, 1999.
2. Portelli, Alessandro, The Battle of Valle Giulia. Oral History and
the Art of Dialogue, Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press,
1997.
3. Radosav, Doru, Istoria orală. Concept şi istoriografie.
Metodologie, curs ţinut în cadrul programului de Studii
Aprofundate a Facultăţii de Istorie-Filosofie, 2000-2001.
4. Ritchie, Donald A., Doing Oral History, New York, Twayne
Publishers, 1995.
5. Şandru, Trandafir, Biserica Penticostală în istoria Creştinismului,
Editura Bisericii lui Dumnezeu Apostolice Penticostale din
România, Bucureşti, 1992.
THE PENTECOSTAL CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY
IN CLUJ-NAPOCA: ITS LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICE
DURING THE COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP
Inside communist propaganda of Romania, whose target was
convincing people that it was bringer of freedom and democracy,
religion represented a very difficult wall to break, although apparently
it seemed easy to eliminate. In our study we tried to capture and present
the life and practice of a Pentecostal Christian community (the
conversion motivation, the baptism, the religious programme),
underlining the way in which communism tried to create an impression
of freedom imposing at the same time its Marxist-Leninist doctrine
concerning religion. In fact, its purpose was that of atheising the
masses, and eliminating religious cults.
This study is concentrated upon the Pentecostal Christian
Community of Cluj-Napoca, Someşeni, becoming a life history, since it
allows us to follow individual and collective evolution through different
geographical areas and different social categories. Thus, we used oral
investigation, interviewing subjects that had directly experienced these
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events, our resort to specialized literature being burdened by the lack of
studies in this area. As for the witnesses we interviewed, they are
members of the Pentecostal Christian Community, people that are able
to present the past of a “long time ago world”. More than “past
memoirs” they bring out to light moments that would have been either
misknown or truly ignored by the society. “The lived history” brings
the past out front, together with its truths expressed by the
interviewees’ subjective points of view. Only enumerating events is not
enough in order to understand the way the Pentecostal Christian
community behaves. More than that, these events have to be connected
to their spiritual significance since world has a certain order and hides a
certain sense in the Pentecostal Christian point of view; all these with
God representing “the place” where sense happens.
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5. Mărgineanu Liviu, născut la 25.10.1925 în Ismail, Basarabia, de
profesie biolog. A fost condamnat 15 ani muncă silnică. A trecut pe
la Iaşi, Jilava, Caransebeş, Aiud, Gherla, Stâmba, Salcia.
6. Nedelea Victor, născut la 20.09.1924, la Rebra, Bistriţa Năsăud, de
profesie maistru. A fost arestat în 1945 şi condamnat la un an, iar în
1946 a fost condamnat pentru încă cinci ani. A trecut pe la Gherla,
Canal, Cernavodă, Peninsula, Constanţa.
7. Oargă Ioan, născut la 09.03.1926 la Scusa, de profesie contabil. A
fost arestat în 1949 fiind condamnat la 10 ani de închisoare. A
trecut pe la Piteşti, Aiud, Canal.
8. Pepene Grigore, născut la 10.05.1925, în Vrancea, muncitor. A fost
arestat în 1951 şi condamnat la 10 ani. A trecut pe la Galaţi, Gherla,
Baia Sprie, Aiud, Balta Brăilei.
9. Suciu Popovici Ileana, născută la 16.07.1932 la Vârciorog, Bihor,
profesor. A fost arestată în 1952 şi condamnată la 3 ani pentru
uneltire şi omisiune de denunţ. A trecut pe la Ghencea, Văcăreşti şi
Mislea.
MEMOIRS AND REFLECTIONS ON THE FIRST YEARS OF
“POPULAR DEMOCRACY” IN ROMANIA
This study tries to present the variety of political, economical,
social or moral aspects that marked the three stages of the “communist
revolution” in Romania, during the first years that followed the Second
World War. The research has been carried out using oral history’s
specific methods, its main purpose being that of obtaining the
testimonies of those who belong to the generation that experienced the
communism setting up process. We appealed to those witnesses that
could remember the pre-war period as well as those years when
communism institutionalisation actually occurred. This study is not
limited at covering only a certain area / region, and by using
testimonies offered by subjects all over the country we tried to present
an image that covers the beginning years of the “popular democracy”
all over Romania.
The oral testimonies we used in this study offer information
about the first years of communist regime in Romania, and most of all
about the following events: the Communist Party’s gradual taking over
power, the population’s living standard during the first
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post-Second World War years, the Soviet troupes’ behaviour after 23rd
of August 1944 and it’s impact over population, the Transylvanian
Saxon’s deportation to the Soviet Union in 1945, the problems of those
who didn’t have a “clean” file or were not in the new regime’s consent,
the November 1946 falsified elections, the political parties’ dissolution
during the following year, King Michael’s abdication, the massive
people deportations from Banat to Bărăgan in June 1951, and other
facts.
By using oral history we tried to underline some less known
aspects connected to the after-war years. They represented
transformations that had touched Romania’s evolution for almost 50
years.
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eliberatorului”, dar într-o formulă răsturnată, funcţia ”eliberării” fiind
atribuită Uniunii Sovietice.
Apărut şi elaborat încă din anii de început ai comunizării
României, într-un mediu social adecvat, “mitul americanilor
eliberatori” a îndeplinit un rol fundamental, cu deosebire în a doua
parte a anilor ’40 şi apoi pe parcursul anilor ’50, în susţinerea unei
atitudini de rezistenţă, fie ea tacită sau deschisă, faţă de regimul
comunist. Pentru comunităţile rurale din regiunea Vlădesei, speranţa
“venirii americanilor” a reprezentat un argument psihologic esenţial în
temeiul căruia s-a produs plecarea pe munte, sau susţinerea partizanilor,
cu riscuri foarte mari, timp de mai bine de un deceniu. Această credinţă
a favorizat decizia de asumare a condiţiei de luptător anticomunist, a
fost suportul moral care a asigurat supravieţuirea pe munte în condiţii
extrem de grele, timp de un deceniu, după cum a făcut posibilă
supravieţuirea în atmosfera închisorilor comuniste a celor care au fost
arestaţi.
“AMERICANS’ ARRIVAL” MYTH.
A CASE STUDY: THE ANTICOMMUNIST RESISTANCE IN
HUEDIN
When Communism’s instauration occurred not every
Romanian was humbly prepared to simply accept it. More than that
there were communities – living in the Romanian mountain areas – that
set up some armed groups, activating against communism. Related to
this, Huedin area had great importance because there activated three
anticommunist groups: “Şuşman” group, “Capota-Dejeu” group, and
“Cross and Sword” group. Being rather different as far as their setting
up, organizing and activity processes are concerned, the three groups
had a connecting element: their hope that someday the Romanian
communist regime would be dissolved through the American
intervention.
This belief had determined the fighter’s condition to be
assumed as a grounded decision, representing the moral support that
provided them strength to be able to survive in the mountains, under
extremely hard weather conditions, for a decade. It also made possible
to those that were arrested without ever being executed, to survive
inside the communist prisons. Having this reality as a
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starting point, we tried to present through our study the expression
shapes the “Americans’ arrival” myth had generated at this level –
which is the anticommunist resistance groups in Hudein -, the action
strategies against the regime – that were decided by deeply connecting
them to the hypothesis of the USA military intervention in Romania.
For this phenomenon to be better understood we also
uncovered some of those elements that in our opinion had led to this
“Americans’ arrival” myth: the Romanian emigration in the USA in the
early 20th century, which generated especially in Transylvania an
extremely positive image about the American civilization; the
opposition press’ campaign during 1945-1947 that had created the
acknowledgement of the American interest towards Romania; the
occidental radio broadcastings in Romanian (The Free Europe, The
Voice of America) that sustained the belief that the Occident had been
willing to intervene to suppress the communist regime in Bucharest etc.
As main documentation source we used the oral testimonies
given by those who had actually been members or by those who had
collaborated with the anticommunist groups in Huedin, and survived
communism. The Oral History Institute in Cluj-Napoca acquired these
oral testimonies that were recorded on audiotapes during several
research campaigns in Huedin area in the late ‘90s.
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fraţilor Spaniol, necunoscută de Securitate datorită tăriei lor de caracter
şi a inteligenţei cu care a fost creată, a supravieţuit arestării acestora,
dar nu a mai activat în lipsa unui for conducător. Aşadar, grupul
Spaniol poate fi înscris printre grupurile şi organizaţiile care au
reprezentat rezistenţa armată anticomunistă din România. Teama
autorităţilor de consecinţele pe care le-ar fi avut existenţa a încă unui
grup de partizani în zonă a făcut ca demersurile în vederea eliminării
acestuia să fie foarte insistente. Într-un context nefavorabil, deşi era
foarte bine organizat, în final, grupul Spaniol a sfârşit prin arestarea
membrilor reprezentativi, fapt ce a însemnat şi desfiinţarea sa. “N-am
divulgat la anchetă pe nimeni, nici un secret, cu toate că am fost fugari,
alimentaţi şi găzduiţi doi ani, şi ne-a prins cu arme şi cu acte false date
celor urmăriţi de Securitate. Noi am avut mai mulţi duşmani politici
decât prieteni...”. 46
Lista de martori:
1. Emilia Spaniol, soţia lui Vasile Spaniol, născută la 15 mai 1926. În
anul 1948 se căsătoreşte cu Vasile Spaniol şi are doi copii: Letiţia,
în anul 1948 şi Vasile, în anul 1956. Este alături de soţul ei în
domiciliul obligatoriu din Satul Nou, judeţul Brăila; actualmente
locuieşte în Aiud şi este pensionară.
2. Spaniol Rusu, născut la 13 mai 1908, în satul Măgina, oraşul Aiud,
este un martor al evenimentelor anilor 1949-1951, în această
perioadă fiind paznic de câmp în satul natal.
3. Aron Spaniol, fratele lui Vasile Spaniol, implicat în constituirea
organizaţiei secrete; nu participă la episodul rezistenţei armate,
fiind arestat înainte. A lăsat în urmă o serie de memorii privind
aceste evenimente, care se găsesc în prezent în fotocopii xerox la
Institutul de Istorie Orală din Cluj-Napoca.
THE ANTICOMMUNIST RESISTANCE IN AIUD AREA.
“THE SPANIOL GROUP”
During the first years, when the communism was installing in
Romania, there were an important number of anticommunist groups,
activating in Alba area, due to the relief’s structure that came in favor
46
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to this type of actions. “The Spaniol Group”, such named by the
Security, was indeed an active part within the anticommunist resistance
phenomenon by creating a subversive-oriented organization whose
members’ number was pretty large. This organization, that had been
organized following a legionary-structured type, was not discovered by
the Security; its members were arrested for other reasons. Another
characteristics of the Spaniol family’s dissidence also involved an
armed resistance episode that was caused by the Militia’s brutal
intervention and took place in Aiud’s surrounding areas. During these
actions Iuliu Spaniol was shot by the Security, Aurelia Spaniol had a
nervous breakdown caused by the inhumane treatment she had to
undergo during the inquiries done by the Security in Alba-Iulia, Sibiu
and Cluj. After that Ştefan Spaniol died inside the prison in Aiud, due
to the hard detention conditions and repeated beatings. Other family
members spent years in prisons or working camps: Spaniol Aron was
arrested in 1949 and imprisoned for 5 years; Spaniol Vasile was
arrested in 1950 and imprisoned for 14 years though he was convicted
to 7 years.
Getting to know “The Spaniol Group” is important to
Romanian contemporary history, even though its actions had no
success, due to the combinations of circumstances that favored
communisms’ ascension, and it had been a taboo topic till 1989.
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întrebat …cărui fapt se datorează gospodăria aceea mai deosebită şi
atunci mi [s]-a spus că îi casa lui Şuşman, dar că la acea dată funcţiona
acolo o casă de naşteri. Şi atuncia mi [s]-a spus despre Şuşman şi
rezistenţa grupului organizat sub conducerea lui. [Era] o casă construită
în genul caselor de munte, acoperită cu şindrilă, îngrădită şi avea pomi
fructiferi, ceea ce în zonă, eu n-am văzut să mai aibă cineva…”
Asociată cu o anumită încărcătură simbolică, gospodăria lui Şuşman
trebuia, la rândul său, să dispară, motiv pentru care a fost distrusă.
După 1990, Traian Şuşman a revenit în Răchiţele. A mai regăsit din
imaginile pe care le luase cu el în 1948 doar un nuc: “Când am plecat
de-acasă aveam un nuc cât mine de mare. Acuma până-n cer era…
Casele le-o distrus…”
Şi totuşi, pe lângă nucul lui Şuşman, a mai rămas memoria
celor care i-au cunoscut pe partizani şi au suferit alături de ei: “[Teodor
Şuşman] a fost într-adevăr un om mare. I se zicea Tatăl Munţilor şi
Tatăl Moţilor… Pentru că numai Şuşman bătrânul a câştigat drepturile
moţilor. A bătut cu pumnul în masa Regelui de a căpăta drepturi pentru
moţi: să exploateze pădurile şi să aibă libertatea să pască marginile
drumurilor când plecau cu carele prin ţară până spre Dobrogea…”
REZISTENCE AGAINST COMMUNISM IN HUEDIN REGION.
“ŞUŞMAN” GROUP
There was more than one partisans group involved in the
Romanian anticommunist armed resistance after 1944, groups that
activated mostly in the country’s mountain areas. Among these groups
there was this one leaded by Teodor Şuşman from Răchiţele, a locality
in the Apuseni Mountains.
The study begins by presenting the Romanian realities during
the communist regime instauration and the new regime representatives’
actions, which were the main factors that determined those who
opposed communism to gather themselves into organized groups.
“Şuşman” group had been set up in 1948, functioning till 1958
when its last two members died. Teodor Şuşman senior, the group’s
leader, had been a local personality, one of the reasons that the
communist authorities tried to put him aside for. After his leaving in the
mountains, together with three of his sons, he
successfully pursued others to join him. His followers
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were neighboring villages’ inhabitants, their decision to leave being
determined by their anticommunist attitude and certain actions taken by
the authorities.
During the years that “Şuşman” group had activated it
repeatedly modified its composition, due to Militia’s and Security’s
actions (some of the members had been arrested others murdered) or
due to some members’ personal decisions (Teodor Şuşman senior had
committed suicide).
There were used archive documents to make this study, but
most of the information was obtained by using oral history from direct
or indirect witnesses to those events - villagers that had helped for ten
years by providing food, shelter or information. In order to reconstitute
the group’s activity during 1950-1954 a special importance is attributed
to Lucreţia Jurj’s testimony that together with her husband, Mihai Jurj,
acted within this group.
As the authorities actions increased after 1950, the group
gradually lost its members so that in 1958 there were only Şuşman
Teodor Jr. and his brother Visalon not imprisoned yet; Lucreţia Jurj and
Teodor Suciu had already been arrested and convicted.
Most of that area villagers’ solidarity shown towards the
“Şuşman” group had as an effect the arrest and conviction of a large
number of people that had supported the partisans. The great amount of
actions taken by the authorities in order to annihilate the group also
underlines the importance this anticommunist resistance group had.
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Valentin ORGA
THE WOMAN’S ATTITUDES
DURING THE ANTICOMMUNIST RESISTANCE MOVEMENT
If perception on women and their role within a society has
evolved during ages, the ever lasting feminine has stand among myths
and got confused with artistic works. Reality, which is permanently
changing gives the woman more different and dynamic roles that are
placed on a value scale, which slides from the housewife or extremely
religious to the political feminine character, even the one that has
power of decision (queens, prime-ministers etc.)
We are trying, as follows, to grasp a few clichés of women’s
presence within the anticommunist resistance movement and their
attitudes during those troubled times in Romania’s history. The material
we used is constituted mostly of interviews taken by the researchers of
the Oral History Institute in Cluj-Napoca, during research campaigns in
Rodnei Mountains (1997 – “The White Guard” group), in Banatului
Mountains (1998 – that groups leaded by Col. Uţă, commander
Domăşneanu, S. Blănaru), in Huedin area (1997-1999 – the groups
Capota-Dejeu, Potra-Gheorghiu, and The Susmans’ group). The
existing rich material would allow us to make a complex psychosociologically oriented analysis on women’s behavior, separately, for
each area. At this point we will only point out some aspects regarding
this matter, as mentioned above.
There was an impressive number of upheavals among
population after Romania had been military occupied by the Soviet
Army and due to the gradual imposing of the Soviet control (combined
with robbery) also within economy, as well as to the antisocial
measures that had been taken; this upheavals ended in dramatic actions
that materialized into the armed fighting in the mountains. 1 Though,
there were set up resistance groups in Făgăraş Mountains area (“The
Carpathians’ Eagles” – where activated I. Mogoş, I. Gavrilă, N. Mazilu;
“Muscel’s Outlaws” – where activated Gh. Arsenescu and Arnăuţoiu
1
Gh. Ionescu, Comunismul în Romania, Bucureşti, 1994, p. 135.
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brothers) 2, in Banat area (the groups leaded by Col. Uţă, commander
Domăşneanu, and S. Blănaru) 3, in Oltenia area (where activated
Carlaonţ brothers, D. Totir, N. Trocan, major L. Dimitriu’s group, Tr.
Marinescu’s group, captain Gr. Brăneşti’s group etc.) 4, in Bucovina
(Macoveiciuc, Cenuşă, Vatamaniuc, Motrescu, Arnăutu etc.) 5, and a lot
of other groups.
Nevertheless, their number is larger, and the ones mentioned
above are only the exponents of a national resistance movement against
the new authorities’ abuses. This phenomenon involved a large number
of Romanians that belonged to all social classes, no matter their
political or religious views. The direct or indirect resistance’s result
represented besides thousands of victims, hundreds of thousands of
people that filled the prisons, or people that were deported or compelled
to a forced residence away from their homes.
The activity of the mountain groups went on for a period of 12
years (1946-1958). Those that were haunted by the Security’s troupes
as well as those that supported them by offering food and shelter, no
matter the risks, they were all stubbornly hoping that the American
salvation was to come.
Social conflicts determine or intensify psychological disorders,
which react differently if the environment is an urban or a rural one, or
if the person involved is an intellectual or one of the crowds. In the
same manner, the woman goes through strong inner struggles, reacting
differently, either with resignation or burying herself into religious
belief, either with determined decisions to face the restrictions and
prejudices or even accepting death. Thus, during such a period of
transformations that puts the woman’s integrity and peace at risk, that
endangers the existence of the family itself or the one’s own safety, the
woman gains more and more individuality, becoming an active part.
Subdued to harassments, assuming herself the head of the family’s role
(when the husband is away or arrested) she is no longer concerned with
her won position but with the problems of the community she is living
in. The manifestation area, that no long ago was limited to domestic
2
C. Ioniţoiu, Rezistenţa armată anticomunistă în Munţii României, Bucureşti, Gândirea
Românească, p. 44.
3
Ibidem, p. 23.
4
C. Ioniţoiu, Rezistenţa armată anticomunistă în Munţii României, Bucureşti, p. 6.
5
I. Gavrilă Ogoranu, Rezistenţa armată anticomunistă, în Analele Sighetului, I, 1995,
p. 101.
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matters, is now becoming larger, implying a bigger responsibility.
Through her actions and attitudes, during dramatic situations – dramatic
to the entire society – we may state that the woman broke the curse that
had been upon her for ages, that of not being allowed to participate in
war expeditions 6, defeating through her attitude the superiority of the
man’s role.
M. Niel considered that moral safety is guaranteed to the
woman that sacrifices herself on the sanctuary of the “family” values,
while her consciousness is at peace since she is doing “her duty”, as
told to her by the civil, religious or other type of authorities 7.
Thus, new created situations compelled the woman to assume
the defending of any possibilities to do her duties, even if it would have
meant rebelling.
Due to its main activity, which is agriculture, and having a
majority social class (the peasants) the village is associated with a place
where traditions are preserved, where progress fits in with great
difficulty, an idyllic, harmonious place. Within this traditional space the
woman had always been eclipsed by the man, always depending on him
and on their working together on the fields.
We stopped upon the village world mostly because its
solidarities last more and can be expressed in a way that is more liberal
and lacking in prejudices. The peasant is easier to be persuaded by the
human suffering and to be impressed by the acts of courage, even when
all these belong to strangers. The resistance phenomenon can present a
huge number of such solidarity, human manifestations, some of them
implying casualties or long year of imprisonment. On the other side, the
village was actually the wood’s “neighbor”.
Aggression upon the Romanian village produced essential
transformations within the inter-human relationships and comings out
of such attitudes from women that under the circumstances of a normal
life would have been difficult to anticipate.
A first case that we present is that of an old woman from
Brăişor, named Oniţa Cătaş, born in 1904. Her house was neighboring
the one where the veterinary Iosif Capota 8 was hiding, and her
Simone de Beauvoir, Al doilea sex, Bucureşti, 1998, p. 111
Margaret Niel, Drama eliberării femeii, Bucureşti, 1974, p. 86
8
Iosif Capota was a doctor in Huedin and leader of the local organization of the
National Peasant Party (P.N.Ţ). He was to be arrested because he openly declared
himself as being against the communists, after the measures that the new authorities had
6
7
AIO
relationships with his hostess (Iustina Chiului and her mother Irina)
were very good ones. Learning about his being there and the situation
he was in - that of a fugitive -, having known him for a long time as a
very good person, Oniţa went to visit them more and more often,
bringing food for their guest. Although Capota was a modest man,
“You should give me only bread and potatoes”, the peasant’s
hospitality during those harsh times remained as important as before,
because Oniţa brought him food as she remembers “when I sacrificed
hens. I had a cow and I brought him milk.” 9
The help this woman provided didn’t stop here. Though she
was aware of the risk she subdued herself by seeing an “outlaw”, since
the veterinary had already been searched by the Security in their village
and not following her husband’s example who had refused to go and
talk to him, she goes even further on and accepts to spread leaflets that
had been multiplied by Capota. “He determined me, too to go and
spread leaflets (…). I was once to Fechetău 10 (…). When nobody saw
me, I doped one down”. Each part involved was content, especially the
veterinary: “He was so happy when I came and told him: <<People read
it and they were happy that the regime (the communist one) would
change.>>” 11
Her trust in what Capota did was not limited to a mere
complicity but more: assuming the responsibilities involved. As a proof
there stands her attempt in convincing her son that was working in
Oradea and came to visit, to meet the veterinary and talk to him. So, she
became an intermediary for the doctor’s attempt in recruiting new
followers to his ideas. It is more than sure that the idea was not hers,
but it is a fact that she insisted to make that meeting happen. “My
Gheorghe wouldn’t go, he thought he could be caught, too together
with Capota”. There might as well be her interest as a mother to see her
son higher on the social hierarchy, if we consider Capota’s promise:
“He will be placed on an important position if the regime changes.” 12
taken against the local leaders of the democratic parties. Warned on time, he run in the
area of the Vlădeasa Mountains. Enjoying a large appreciation and a special prestige
from the peasants in the area, he reached Brăişor village where he lived for a long
period of time.
9
Oniţa Cătaş’ testimony.
10
The Market in Negreni, that took place every November.
11
Oniţa Cătaş’ testimony.
12
Ibidem.
AIO
Now, at the age of 94, Cătaş Oniţa has remorse that her son has
suffered because of her. Her son’s reproach is suggestive, as told by
her: “You made me go to him!” It was not that kind of reproach that
would bring hatred between them, their mother to son relationship
remaining a normal one. Facing her own consciousness Cătaş Oniţa
justified herself: “I thought I was doing the right thing.” She doesn’t
regret what happened to her, but she does regret that her son was
imprisoned. She has no other regrets because she considers she helped a
man that “intended good for everybody”. To her, Capota “was a good
man” and “he knew lots of things”, and she remembers that “he was
very happy that the regime would change”. 13
The pain her life conviction caused was stressed by the pain
caused the fact that her son and her two brothers were imprisoned, too:
“I was so upset. My son in prison, me in prison, my two brothers in
prison, too. I cried all the time.” 14 Her being a woman made her cry not
only for herself or only for her son, but also for the entire family that
was now passing through difficult times.
All those women that remained at home after their husbands
had been arrested – as consequences for their complicity or
participation in resistance acts against communism – found their refuge
by crying. Though they were interrogated and most of the times beaten
and intimidated through grotesque threatening, they have never cried
out only their physical pain or fear, but also the faith their husbands and
families had. The despair of the situation comes to a point when they
are brought out of that faith-accepting state and refuge found by crying
and praying. These women, “imprisoned” within their routine universe,
having as guidance the cult for duty, they become aggressive when not
only their own existence is put at danger but the very existence of their
families and homes. Floarea Mititeanu, from Rebra, before becoming
aggressive, she had to pass through the desperate gesture of suicide; “I
have nothing else to do but take my children and go on a railway and let
myself and the kids be run over by a train. I can no longer provide all
by myself for my children, husband, to pay for the plough and for the
mowing.” 15
13
Ibidem.
One of them, having a good relationship with Capota, brought him in the village to
host him.
15
Floarea Mititeanu’s testimony
14
AIO
Having been repeatedly interrogated because of her husband’s
departure to the mountains together with captain Leonida Bodiu 16, she
became more frightened also due to the fact that there had been rumors
in the village that after the men in the mountains have been arrested,
their wives would be arrested too: “Now that we have finished with the
men, women are the next.” 17 Haunted by the civil authorities and
deeply concerned at the thought “that they will arrest me and my
children will be homeless”, Floarea Mititeanu experienced a moment of
revolt. Disturbed by a local activist, named Emil Mureşan, “a gipsy”,
that had been threatening her that he would take her house or the things
she has, she burst out: “He wouldn’t leave me alone! Then, I became
angry and I said to him: <<So what! Get out or else I will hit you in the
head, for I am in my house!>> I made myself courage <<and if you
dare to come again, I will burn you with boiling water.” Let them put
me away, but at least I know you won’t be a man ever again!” 18 Such a
threatening against an activist, was a real act of courage, since only by
turning her in or testifying - often by lying – against her, he could have
had her on the Security’s hands.
An identical attitude had Saveta Rus from Rebra that had been
harassed by the same man. Having remained alone, after her husband
had been arrested for the same reason, and having been interrogated
because she had met Leonida Bodiu – who was a relative of hers – she
bursts out in front of the prosecutor: “He who again dares to enter my
house to take anything, because they have been threatening me they
will come and take my house to transform it into a kindergarten, I
swear I will face them with the hatchet in my hands.” 19 She shown an
identical attitude towards the city hall’s communist secretary who
announced she would go in the autumn to collect the harvest from
Saveta’s garden: “Miss, do yourself a favor and go with God, because I
sworn that whoever would come to enter my garden and my house I
would cut him or her up with the hatchet. I was the one who worked the
16
Leonida Bodiu, officer in the Royal Palace Guard, after having been involved in a
trail, he flees in the Rodnei Mountatins area, where he was born. Knowing the
transformations that had occurred in the Romanian society, but also the attempts of
setting up an armed resistance, he began to come into contact with some of his
acquaintances to form a resistance nucleus that he called “White Guard”.
17
Floarea Mititeanu’s testimony.
18
Ibidem .
19
Saveta Rus’ testimony.
AIO
land so I am the one who collects the harvest.” Her lack of indulgence
and forgiveness towards the secretary is very suggestive regarding the
way she has been treated: “If she had been living now, I would have
beaten her so hard that she would have left my house with the
ambulance” 20 She had the same attitude towards the president E.
Mureşan, whom she had warned about his mistaken intention to
confiscate her house: “My husband was the court, regarding the
personal assessments confiscation, assessments that were registered (his
property) on his name. He didn’t have anything, except the clothes on
him. What belongs to the woman and to the children is not to be
confiscated.” Finally, the profiteers backed up: “I cropped my harvest
and no one came any longer.” 21
Saveta Rus cannot forget and forgive the treatment she was
subdued by the lady investigator that was in charge with her: “If I saw
that woman (lady) that beat me, I would beat her too, even if it would
mean me going to prison.” She remembers that another woman, named
Raveica Cârcu, was so severely beaten that she went crazy; they tided
her up by the beam and maltreated her. 22
As a note we also want to present the faith of a young woman
named Domnica Burdeţ who was in high school in Năsăud. Her father
was one of the people close to Bodiu. He used to come to their house
often. As the captain was a handsome man the girl might have felt
attracted to him, as well as vice-versa. More testimonies let us believe
that there might have been a romance story. Arrested and blamed to
having been Bodiu’s lover, Domnica was imprisoned for many years,
while her father was shot during the trial. All those that we have been
interviewed have said that after she was medically examined it was
proved that their affair was no more than a mere flirt. Thus, Domnica
was imprisoned for 7 years only because Bodiu liked her or only
because her father had been part of the “conspiracy”. In 1949 she was
only 16 years old so that type of relationship implied by the
communists would have been almost impossible. The sentence given by
the Court in Cluj, stated that she was guilty of having met Bodiu in
1946 and corresponded with him till the autumn of 1948. 23
20
Saveta Rus’ testimony.
Ibidem.
22
Ibidem.
23
The copy of the sentence is in the Archive of the Oral Institute in Cluj.
21
AIO
Other women’s courage went even further. There had been
cases when women went together with their fathers, husbands or lovers
in the mountains.
This was the case of Anişoara Horescu, who was the legionary
Spiru Blănaru’s sister in law and Nicolae Horescu’s daughter. She
followed her father in Banatului Mountains. She was a second year
student at the University in Cluj, studying history and geography, and
she got involved in the students’ protest movements. Furthermore, she
was the guide for a group of the regime’s opponents. Wanted by the
Security she succeeds to run away joining the group that was leaded by
her brother in law S. Blănaru. 24 She remained in the mountains till the
group was caught. To her departure was the only solution to escape the
Security. When she ran away, she did it bare-footed, wearing her
sleeping clothes: “I can picture right now myself making my way to the
shelter. There were thorns all over. My father and Spiru wrapped my
feet in handkerchiefs. The villagers brought us clothes for the night. It
was cold. They were protecting me as if I were a child. I was the only
woman there. I used to stay behind them, especially when
confrontations between them and the militaries took place.” 25 Even
under these circumstances the risk was high. Danger was present in
every moment since during the conflicts the purpose was that of
capturing the fugitives but not necessarily alive. Here it is how
Anişoara Horescu describes one of the most critical episodes: “in the
woods of Teregova we built up some boats, on the Timiş shore. We
covered them with leaves. Then, Spiru went to Teregova and we split
up in two. Those from Teregova went down towards their village, and
we turned back and left towards Rusca. Then was the most difficult
moment when we confronted with the army. Many of us died.
Mariţescu was shot in the leg. There it had been snowing a lot. And it
was frost. We spent the night in a wood hovel. The next day Spiru
decided to go with Borzescu to meet with the others. I remained there
with my father and with Petre Berzescu. During that confrontation with
the army Caraiman was murdered and Spiru wounded at one leg. There
was snowing like hell. We were almost swimming our way through the
snow. Close to Cornereva, inside the Woods District in Teregova, we
24
Rezistenţa anticomunistă din Munţii Banatului, coordinator M. Milin, p. 6-7, 12; D.
Magheţi, Spiru Blănaru. Portret din fragmente salvate, Timişoara, 1998, p. 20.
25
D. Magheţi, Spiru Blănaru. Portret din fragmente salvate, Timişoara, 1998, p. 20.
AIO
stopped scared to death after learning that Spiru had been taken and
Caraiman murdered. Terrible premonitions got over us. Our end was
near. We got apart from those of Teregova and made our way back to
Domaşnea. The village was surrounded. The army was everywhere. We
went hauling through the snow till we reached the end of the village
(…) Not much later after Spiru had been sentenced to death and all of
ours had been arrested during one night, my father and I gave ourselves
in. What was the point of tormenting the other people in the village?” 26
Anişoara was sentenced to 7 years of imprisonment, most of
the period being done in Mislea, inside the secret area 27. She was 22
years old. When she was freed she was 29.
A similar case was the one of Lucreţia Jurj 28, who followed her
husband that had run in the mountains. She joins the Şuşmans’ group 29.
Mihai Jurj was a forester in Răchiţele. This two had got married in
1947. Suspected of helping the fugitives, he was pursued and almost
got arrested. He succeeds in escaping, but the authorities arrest his wife
and his wife’s father, subduing them to an investigation. Lucreţia had
been providing food for them and together with Jenica, Teodor Tătaru’s
daughter, let them know about the Security men’s presence using the
alphorn. 30 She was set free on the idea that she might lead the security
to the place where the fugitives had been hiding. She took advantage of
the situation and succeeds in reaching the group without being
followed. She remained with the group till they were caught.
The autumn of 1950 represented the starting point for the
outlawing; a permanently running away and harassing, that were to last
till 1954. During these four years, the human endurance was pushed
much over its limits. We refer here to the entire month spent sleeping in
the snow, on fir trees branches using the Bible for a pillow, or the
endless moments of terror caused by each rustle that any time could
26
Ibidem.
Maria Blănaru’ testimony.
28
In 1992 is issued in the newspaper “NU” from Cluj an article entitled: Singura mea
crimă e că mi-am urmat soţul (English: “My only crime was that of having followed
my husband”), written by Dan Cureanu. This article was based upon Lucreţia Jurj
testimonies.
29
Teodor Şuşman used to be a mayor in Răchiţele (Huedin area). He openly declares
himself against the communism, but most of all against the new local representatives of
the communist power. He was arrested and then released; to avoid other troubles he
runs in the mountains, being followed by his sons, not long after that.
30
Lucreţia Jurj’ testimony.
27
AIO
have meant the death. In spite of all these, during the 4 years nobody
got sick, not even suffering for a catarrh.
If we didn’t succeed to settle in a certain place, that was to be
safe for the few next days, we rummaged the snow or the ground so that
each of us should fit in there alone. We called those holes “catacombs”.
Till the danger would pass away we were at safe. We could only afford
to make the fire during the night, because at daylight (during the day)
we were at risk of being seen/discovered. Not that during the night we
were at safe but we were already so used to it that we could make the
fire in such manner that there was almost no smoke at all. I used to
spend the day reading the Bible and waiting for my husband to return,
for he was keeping in touch with the other fugitives. Though we were
living among the wood’s wild creatures we were not afraid of them. We
were afraid of the people. When the places we have chosen were safe
we had chosen were safe we had no problems with the food; the people
we trusted would give us all they could, and we were in impossibility of
moving, we went haunting.” 31
Lucreţia Jurj’ testimony is a document that describes the
outlaws’ everyday life not only hers. The description of the feelings she
experienced during those moments is illustrative/representative to any
other outlaw’s experiences. There are 3 situations when being
surrounded succeeded to escape that she considers as miraculous: in
’51, close to Feriu village, in ’52 when they walked through an area
without knowing it was being watched over, and when they were
caught in a pothole. In the last case the soldiers that were following
them were very close. They were being closed into a circle that became
smaller and smaller. The soldiers were so many that in spite of the
distance between them that wasn’t bigger than 5 or 10 meters – they
succeeded in forming a chain of people that covered a distance of a few
kilometers. Under these circumstances, it seemed impossible for them
to escape. But their desperate attempt was successful, although its price
was loosing two of their comrades. There remained four of them: the
two spouses / the married couple and the Şuşman brothers. He hid
inside a cavern where they were expecting for the soldiers to come. At
a certain point the commander sent a soldier to do the search. Here it is
how Lucreţia Jurj describes those interminable moments: “I shall never
forget him, I could see his blue eyes and I could feel his breath, because
31
Lucreţia Jurj’ testimony; see also “NU”, nr. 73/1992.
AIO
he reached the distance of only a half meter from me. It was obvious
that he saw us, though there was semi-darkness. During those moments,
that seemed like years to me – though there had passed only a few
seconds – we were waiting with the finger on the trigger for him to
shoot first. We were no longer breathing and our hearts had stopped
beating. He didn’t shoot, maybe fearing that he might die too, maybe
out of some humanitarian feeling. He reported to the commander that
there was no one there. The commander ordered him to empty his gun
where was no visibility. He followed the order but he was careful not to
shoot at us. That’s how we escaped alive.” 32
After some time, because of certain misunderstandings between
Mihai Jurj and the two brothers – misunderstandings that were partly
caused by Lucreţia’s presence there – they split. 33 The autumn of 1953
found the married couple 34 in the area of the village called Dealul Botii,
where they were receiving information and help from Oneţ Roman
Jurju from Răchiţele village (he was Mihai’s brother). Oneţ, after being
betrayed, was used by the Security to lead them to the fugitives.
Nevertheless they succeeded to escape. They were finally caught in
August 1954 close to Sudrigiu village. She remembers she was hit with
the gun butt in the head, and then she woke up at the Militia’s
headquarters in Beiuş. Her husband was hurt at the head. Last time they
were ever together was at the Militia. Mihai Jurj was taken to the
hospital and then he died. Lucreţia Jurj and Oneţ were judged. She was
sentenced to life imprisonment and hard labor, while her brother-in-law
was to be executed at Beiuş in 1955. When she was invited to say her
last words, she said: “Shame on you! My only crime was that of
following my husband. You’d better sentence me to death, too!” 35
Imprisoned, she did the hunger strike to find out whether her husband
was still alive. But it was useless.
What she did was an act of courage as well as an act of
faithfulness towards her husband. After the first interrogation she chose
to run to her husband, thus was becoming a fugitive, too, driven by the
belief that the situation was to change into better and she would not be
Lucreţia Jurj’ testimony.
This information was obtained by interviewing more people regarding the Şuşmans’
activity. Mina Ilieş’ testimony is to be considered since she had known them very
closely.
34
The two brothers die in 1958.
35
Lucreţia Jurju’ testimony.
32
33
AIO
compelled to stand the pain of another interrogation. “We were all
certain that the situation we were in could not last for a long time,
waiting for the Western countries to free us…” 36 This solidarity was
positively perceived also by the other members of the community. The
testimonies we have collected from different witnesses (most of them
indirect witnesses) bring out the idea that the two spouses had agreed
that if no-way-out situations were to come they would take each other’s
lives. So, the woman was supposed the first, and then, since the man is
stronger than the woman, he was to do the same. Finding themselves in
this situation, it seems that only she got to shoot the fire, without
wounding him lethal because they were caught immediately after the
shot.
The only thing we know for sure is that the couple only lived
seven years of marriage together; seven years during which they were
almost all the time being haunted.
A special situation is that of Mina Ilieş (born Neag) from
Răchiţele, who was involved in a certain way in the case of the
“Şuşman group”. She grew up as a child knowing Teodor Şuşman, the
eldest son of the former mayor, with whom she remembers she used to
“take the cows to pasture”. When they reached the adolescence years
they experience the beginning of a love story that is stopped by his
decision to follow his father in exile. Because of their story that the
entire community had learned about, Mina was interrogated. After her
first experience of this kind she left the village together with a
girlfriend of hers, ending up in Reşiţa on a construction site. In order to
for the people to lose her track she settled in Văilug and then in
Semenic Mountain. After more than a year and a half she returned
home. The two youngsters met again, with no great difficulty: “I used
to go to pick up raspberry and so I would meet them”. Being
courageous by nature, disposed to adventure, mina went on seeing
Teodor Şuşman periodically. Her testimony is relevant: “I knew what
was going on with them till they died”. Even after she got married to a
militiaman, she went on meeting Teodor. 37 When she was questioned
about certain moments in the group’s history, her answers were
36
Ibidem.
In 1954 she married senior sergeant Ilieş, who had come to Răchiţlele in 1953 as a
militiaman. In 1955 he was sent to Reghin. Mina would not follow him, but would visit
him often.
37
AIO
buttressed up by the revealing of her source “from the group/band”;
“the way I am telling you now is the way they told me then”. 38 The
intimacy she shared with some of the group members (the two brothers)
made her become involved in this adventure. She was always very well
informed of the group’s deeds. For instance, about their attacking the
cashiers at Stâna de Vale, she told us this: “I knew about Bortoş, the
one that led them when they made the hit at the cashiers at Stâna de
Vale, but nothing about it came out of my mouth, though later on
Bortoş came to work as a veterinary in our village.” 39 Even though she
was repeatedly interrogated - “My hair on my head is lesser than the
number of the times I was taken to be interrogated” - she told them that
so that she wouldn’t indict herself or for the people not to consider her
a traitor. Very interesting are the circumstances under which her brother
got sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment for non-denouncing; she
only found about her brother’s involvement at the trial. The fact that
none of them knew about the other’s involvement stands as a proof of
the way the conspiracy worked in that village.
Her position was a reliable one within the netting of the trusting
people, because it was here that Mihai Jurju’s brother - Roman (Oneţ)
Jurju – found shelter for a longer period of time. More than that
Theodor Şuşman would show her the spots where they had been hiding
“the plunder” after having robbed some co-operative farms in the area.
The fact that she was a consistent presence during the events is also
proved by the confrontation she was subdued after Lucreţia Jurj had
been captured. 40
Her nonprejudiced nature helped her to escape troubles many
times. Being interrogated by an officer in Huedin, Mina relates how she
managed to get rid of him: “He said to me: <<You, shameless woman
with fear for nothing, was Şuşman your lover or not?!>> He was – I
said to him. <<And the boys?>> Them, too! <<And you gave yourself
to them all?>> I did and there is still have plenty to give!” This type of
answer discouraged the inquirer. Taking advantage of a moment when
the officer was distracted, Mina ran out the office to Col. Nedelcu –
whom she had met some time before – and she told him what type of
questions she had been asked. “Colonel, you gave me to this man to
Mina Ilieş’ testimony.
Ibidem.
40
Ibidem.
38
39
AIO
inquire me, and look at what he’s asking me.” Discontented by the turn
of the interrogation, he ended it there. She finds herself in a similar
situation during another interrogation. It took place inside the boys’
boarding school in Huedin. There the inquirer officer (named Gaşpar)
“instead of asking me what he wanted to find out – Mina Ilieş
remembers - he started to chase me inside the room. I said to him:
<<Can you see that window? I am going to pass through it!>> He gave
up.” 41
After all those episodes she experienced, Mina got away by
only being subdued to these interrogations and never got convicted.
After having listened to the story of her life, the next statement is not
surprisingly at all: “On one hand I don’t regret the fact they
interrogated me so many times, because the good thing that came out of
all that is that it opened my eyes and made me “attend” the school of
life, since I have spent all my life among cows and sheep.” 42
Naturally, there have been cases when the departure to the
mountains was determined by other circumstances such as personal
reasons. But finally these exceptions also got integrated within the more
or less complex resistance system in that area. This was the case of
Dumitru Mutaşcu (nicknamed Fus) from Veredin. 43 Though he was
married and had a family (had was older than 45) he came into conflict
with the new mayor (who was supported by the communists) because
of an adulterine woman in the village. Her husband, taking advantage
of the mayors’ lack of popularity – because of his intransigency – and
also encouraged by the mayor, he tried to revenge his wife’s infidelity.
In the end the latter is shoot-wounded by Fus. Arrested and imprisoned
in Lugoj, Mutaşcu escaped together with another notorious character Gheorghe Şerengău, convicted for murder. 44 The two found refuge in
the mountains, where organizations of outlaws had already been living
there. They became member of the group leaded by colonel Uţă. 45 Not
long after that the woman we mentioned above was to follow them, too;
she was nicknamed by the villagers Boboanţa.
Mina Ilieş’ testimony.
Ibidem.
43
Dumitru Mutaşcu was an agricultural agent and army instructor for the village.
44
The testimonies of Petru Popescu and Ioan Gaiţă from Veredin village.
45
Colonel Uţă was a royal prefect of Caraş County. He goes in the mountains to set up
the armed resistance against the new authorities.
41
42
AIO
Though she was a married woman she chose to follow her
lover: “She was married to a good man, she had a good life, but she
wanted Fus” 46 She had been a member of the group till Uţă was
captured. Her role was that of cooking for the outlaws. It seems that
there were conflicts because of her between some of the group’s
members and Fus. Probably it was because of her reputation as a loose
woman that she gained in the village, and because of the abstinence that
men were subdued, too 47.
After Uţă was captured and the other outlaws killed, the group
falls apart. Fus, Şerăngău, and Boboanţa stuck together, continuing to
hide. After a few years, during which few people knew how they were
doing, the forester from Woods District in Teregova told the Security
that the woman had come to him and asked him to call the authorities to
catch Fus. This woman was Boboanţa. When the Security troupes came
where called they found Fus stabbed. Considering Boboanţa’s and other
testimonies’ declarations, Şerăngău “hit Fus with the hatchet because of
some arguments they had”. She cut a deal with the forester to hand him
over 48.
She, as some people told, also generated the conflicts the two
men had 49. Ioan Gaiţă from Veredin village said that he had learned
from a gendarme he met in the hospital later on, whom witnessed Fus’
arresting, that the latter’s belly was cut out but he wasn’t dead. He said
that Fus had told him they could have lived in that hiding place for
another five or six years, without ever being caught 50. Eventually they
were caught in 1954 at Cleatu Popei in Semenic 51.
No matter her gesture, Boboanţa was sentenced to 15 years
imprisonment. After she got out she came back to the village living
almost completely isolated. Opinions about her looks differ: the men 52
have described her as a “tall, pretty woman. She was alright, thin and
Ana Mutaşcu’ testimony.
Petru Popescu’ testimony.
48
49
The testimonies of Petru Popescu, M. Şerengău, I. Busuioc etc.
50
Ioan Gaiţă’ testimony.
51
Rezistenţa anticomunistă din Munţii Banatului, coordinator M. Milin, p. 189
52
Trying to locate as many witnesses as possible, to tell us about those events, I had the
opportunity to talk with more old people from Veredin, who remembered Boboanţa, but
their image of her differed.
46
47
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open-minded 53”; on the contrary, the women described her as a thin,
tall woman, always looking over men. She wore peasant dresses.” The
difference between the way women perceived her and the way men did
can be explained by the fact that she had other lovers, too – a reason for
the villagers, especially women, to judge and not approve.
This feminine character had a rather negative type because of
her behavior. Her presence within the resistance movement is due to
some human weakness. It is notable that her role was one of tearing
apart, fist inside the community she had been living in then inside the
outlaws group; finally she was to become a dispute subject between the
two comrades. More than that, during the last period of the adventure
the three had and after colonel Uţă had been arrested, their activity was
a strict one only aiming the preservation of their freedom that had
already been limited.
A rather controversial character, present within the resistance
movement in Huedin area, was Raluca Ripan. Working, during those
years, as a teacher in Săcuieni village she lived as a tenant at the Potra
family. Between her and Aurel Potra began – according to some
testimonies – a concubinage relationship 54. Aurel came into contact
with a group of legionnaires that had come from Bucharest to set up a
resistance organization in the area. The group’s leader was the navy
captain Gheorghe Gheorghiu Mărăşti 55. Due to her relationship with
Aurel, Raluca Ripan joined this clandestine movement showing much
interest in the group’s activities. It is said that it was she who sewed the
organization’s flag – organization called “Faith, Cross and Sword” 56.
After the rebels group’s few actions, the Security got alerted
and began the surveillance. All members were arrested except Raluca
Ripan. This made people involved – those arrested or their families –
question her integrity. The same suspicion also hung over the priest
Mereu, who had been arrested as a suspect not such a long time before.
We won’t go into details, trying to elucidate the betrayal’s case, but
53
Ioan Gordan’ testimony (from Bologa village).
55
He set up here the group named “Faith, Cross and Sword” (or others called it “Cross
and Sword”). Receiving support from A. Potra, who knew the area very well, they built
an important number of shelters. They also won on their side some villagers from
Săcuieni.
56
Ioan Gordan’ testimony (from Bologa village) and Traian Paşca’s testimony (from
Săcuieu village).
54
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mention the testimonies of some direct participants in those vents57.
The unanimous opinion is that she was the traitor, since she was
married or the relative of some prosecutor in Cluj. Thus, people
supposed that she had been contacted by the Security 58. The fact that
she wasn’t arrested too was motivated by one of the villagers. His
explanation to it implied two possibilities: one was that Potra would
have feigned his departure in the mountains with the group as if it had
been a kidnapping, in order to protect his family and lover; the other
one was that he would have declared that Raluca had not been involved
in the conspiracy thus not knowing anything 59. Many of those who had
been imprisoned were surprised when after being released found out
that the feminine character that had been involved in the subversive
activity occupied now a very important positions within the university
hierarchy (it is mentioned a rector position at the University in Cluj).
For many of them her career as a worldwide known scholar and her
academic title had as a starting point “the Săcuieu moment”. It was hard
to accept, in a society where women had to fight first of all the
preconceptions about their status, that a woman could reach such
performances.
It was difficult to decide the truth under such circumstances
where we needed to consider the subjectivism of the peasants’ oral
testimonies as well as the high-officials’ fabricated biographies during
the communist period. We note only the participation in events, though
a passive one, on the background of a love affair with one of the group
leaders. In the name of this affair each of the two risked: she through
her involvement in the action (rather limited), he through his statement
in her favor.
After reviewing some examples of feminine participations in
events during those troubled years of Romanian history, we won’t jump
into conclusions that would result in verdicts, but we will limit to
express a personal opinion, as a starting point for a deeper study of the
subject. The women that left in the mountains didn’t do it to emancipate
themselves by adopting a masculine behavior but attempting to make
57
In the “NU” newspaper. Issued in Cluj, there is an article that incriminates Raluca
Ripan of being both a member of a legionnaire organization and a traitor. Her final act
being considered the starting point in her future career.
58
The testimonies of Gh. Paşcalău, Tr. Paşca (both from Săcuieu village) and Ioan
Gordat (from Bologa village).
59
Tr. Paşca’ testimony.
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common cause with the husband, father or lover and also out of the
need of own salvation. Their gesture, contradicting what Mathilde Niel
called “the virile protest” of women, trying to come closer to the
masculine values 60, was an attempt of solidarity with the man following
the collocation “for better or for worse”. Women acted in a way that
brought them on the same level with the masculine behavior because
they were part of a traditional society that through its mores and social
structure excluded women from the professional and the political life
limiting her promotion. They were to become the heads of their
families for longer or shorter periods of time, compelled to do
housekeeping, to raise the children and take care of the old. They were
to follow their men in the mountains learning to use a gun, enduring the
bestiality of the interrogations and then the communist prisons harsh
conditions.
We may state that for more than a decade there had been a
defeminizing of the woman: on one hand imposed by the repression
policy, on the other hand self-accepted. The first case is about the
common woman that has her area of manifestation limited – prison or
work on the field, housekeeping and taking care of the children or the
parents, waiting (sometimes in vain) for her imprisoned husband to
come home. This represents in fact a double enslavement of the
woman: her work on the field and her everyday struggle for her
family’s survival 61. The second case is about the women devoted to the
principles of the Stalinist communism – as Ana Pauker or Suzana
Pârvulescu. Their short haircuts and their clothes that were so much
alike the masculine ones represented a rejection of the feminism. The
manly party women-comrade were not at all a fiction: their portraits
used to be hung ostentatiously on all walls, their heroic and asexual
biographies were shown as examples; their militant solidarity that
acknowledged only one family - the communist party – was supposed
to arouse both sexes’ rivalry: the rivalry of men, challenging them, and
that of the women, offering them a model. In this respect, communist
propaganda also brought some other worth following examples: the
women that sacrificed themselves for the Marxist-Leninist ideals when
facing the firing squad (Donca Simo, Tereza Ocsko, Ada Marinescu,
Margaret Niel, Drama eliberării femeii, Bucureşti, 1974, p. 172.
Z. Petre, Promovarea femeii sau despre destructurarea sexului feminin, în “Miturile
comunismului românesc” (editor L. Boia), Bucureşti, 1995, p. 32.
60
61
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Lili Paneth, Elisabeta Nagy) 62 or the women that were enrolled in the
“Tudor Vladimirescu” Division 63. The pattern of a mechanical equality
between sexes – claimed for women not by women – is already present
within the “mobilizing” speech of the ‘50s where women are presented
as heroes when having traditional masculine professions, starting with
metallurgy and mining work till surgery and experimental sciences 64.
In spite of the principles of the communist ideology presents
when talking about equality between sexes the woman’s defeminizing
was to go on also during the years when the socialist multilateral
developed society was being built.
See vol. Luptătorii pentru pace, socialism şi fericirea poporului, Bucureşti, 1955,
vol.I.
63
C. Ucrain, În numele patriei, Bucureşti, 1957, p. 15.
64
Z. Petre, Promovarea femeii sau despre destructurarea sexului feminin, în “Miturile
comunismului românesc” (editor L. Boia), Bucureşti, 1995, p. 26.
62
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un număr sporit de martori şi un eşantion mai reprezentativ ar fi adus
detalii şi percepţii noi, care ar fi sporit calitatea demersului de faţă.
Nu s-a reuşit, deocamdată, să se realizeze o lucrare sintetică
despre procesul colectivizării agriculturii în România comunistă. După
1990 au început să apară studii istorice oneste ce şi-au propus să
reconstituie, din păcate doar fragmentar, acest complex proces. Noi am
realizat acest demers în speranţa că va putea face lumină asupra unor
evenimente legate de instaurarea comunismului şi colectivizare, chiar
dacă este doar un studiu comparativ ce ia în discuţie două localităţi din
judeţul Cluj.
AGRICULTURE’S COLLECTIVISATION. A COMPARATIVE
STUDY: BEDECIU AND MĂNĂSTIRENI LOCALITIES
Romanian agriculture’s constrained collectivisation is an
extremely complex and ample phenomenon so that in our opinion it can
be studied thoroughly only by using as many case studies as possible.
This is because besides general elements there were a lot of local
touches that had particularized the “socialist transformation” process of
the agrarian economy in Romania. This is the reason for us attempting
to elucidate the collectivisation process in Mănăstireni village, Cluj
County, using the testimonies of nine direct participants to those events,
accomplishing a comparative analysis between Mănăstireni and
Bedeciu villages. This type of comparative study finds its justification
within the distinct evolutions that collectivisation had in this two
neighbouring localities. In Mănăstireni the collective had been set up in
1952 and had lasted till 1989, deeply touching the community’s life; in
Bedeciu the path to collectivisation had been stopped by a native,
during early ‘60s – his name was Petru Copaciu, a pretty influent
person within PMR’s county organization.
In Mănăstireni the collectivist form of landed property that had
lasted for 37 years touched all individuals’ destinies. There were few
families that hadn’t entered the collectives, and those who had were
compelled to give away their cattle and the entire inventory. With
almost 900 ha of arable land and 700 ha of hayfield the CAP
(Agricultural Collective of Production) in Mănăstireni owned 3 stables
(built in 1962) sheltering approximately 300 cattle, a room where carts
were tested, two trucks, a watering place and the
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headquarters inside a nationalized house. Witnesses admitted that
hardships had existed and the production, though pretty substantial had
been almost entirely handed to the state.
In Bedeciu, to make all the difference, private property over
land and animals, that was re-established when the agricultural
association was dissolved, exists even nowadays. Petru Copaciu is
perceived as a liberator and the agricultural association suppression is
considered a very important moment. “Each of us became owners
again, together with our field team leaders, without disputes; it was the
same as in 1921 when the agrarian reform had occurred. And they
started to share and we all got our share of land. Nothing bad happened
and each of us went to our plot situated on the same spot where it had
been before the agricultural association…”. Sometimes perceived as a
miracle, land sharing represented a re-entering the usual and an act of
collective courage: “so our situation has remained the same till today,
and agricultural association was dissolved, we haven’t had a collective
community and we were spared of lots of hardships”, “and God knows
that every village around here are in, and we fought it!” Surrounded by
collectivised villages Bedeciu represented an oasis of private property.
The natives’ content was not based upon their yield but upon the idea of
freedom and private property.
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cuplul dictator Nicolae şi Elena Ceauşescu au fost judecaţi şi
condamnaţi la moarte. Executarea sentinţei a produs la nivelul
mentalului colectiv uşurare, entuziasm şi speranţă într-o îmbunătăţire
radicală a condiţiei existenţiale.
Se poate afirma, aşadar, că evenimentele din decembrie 1989
din Slatina au fost similare cu cele petrecute în majoritatea oraşelor
ţării, excepţie făcând cele în care intervenţia violentă a autorităţilor a
dus la morţi şi răniţi. Entuziasmul, teama, bucuria şi speranţa au fost
stările de spirit care i-au caracterizat pe locuitorii din Slatina în acele
zile fierbinţi în urma cărora România a devenit din nou liberă, după
aproape o jumătate de secol de regim comunist.
Prăbuşirea comunismului în decembrie 1989 a favorizat
poporului român accesul spre democraţie şi economia de piaţă care în
mod normal ar fi trebuit să aducă dreptatea în relaţiile sociale şi în cele
de proprietate materială. Ceea ce a urmat se ştie: “aproape toate
sectoarele de activitate s-au aflat în aceşti ani sub semnul celor două
plăgi, abătute asupra societăţi româneşti de cel puţin trei sute de ani,
bacşiş şi hatâr. Corupţia şi hoţia au ajuns la un nivel fără precedent în
istoria naţională. Libertatea atât de râvnită în anii dictaturii comuniste a
fost înţeleasă ca libertatea de a face orice sau de a nu face nimic”. 19
Deocamdată este de domeniul evidenţei că România este o ţară
nebănuit de dezamăgită, un spaţiu al dezamăgirilor şi al frustrărilor.
Singura soluţie este rămânerea în spiritul libertăţii care conferă propria
capacitate de luptă fiecăruia dintre noi, după cât se consideră de înţelept cu
provocările istoriei. Să nu ne ferim de opinii, oricare ar fi conţinutul lor,
căci nu sunt decât expresia diversităţii umane. Indivizii, într-o lume a
libertăţii, trebuie să vegheze singuri, permanent, asupra misiunii lor în
universul societăţii, să încerce să descopere frica, credinţa şi iubirea. Ne
întrebăm şi noi precum Emil Cioran: “va rămâne România un spaţiu al
ratării???”
DECEMBER 1989’S REVOLUTION DAYS, IN SLATINA
By reconstituting and analysing December 1989’s events,
historians cannot offer an entire real image of what happened because
19
Fl. Constantin, O istorie sinceră a poporului român, Bucureşti, 1999, p. 509.
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of certain documents’ inaccessibility. The attempt to reveal those
events led to using oral history.
These events against the communist regime started in Timişoara, on
the 16th of December 1989. Among the facts that determined people to start
an anticommunist revolt there was also the lack of food, and power
breakings; all these also increased people hatred towards the dictatorial
couple.
Finding itself in this situation, the communist system – that was
structurally corrupted – had to remove the leading couple and change
the political system. The wind of change was more and more
perceptible, even in Slatina where collective consciousness was getting
transformed to communism’s detriment.
This study is meant not to be a reconstitution of December
1989’s events, but to bring out to light some aspects that could be
thoroughly studied in the future.
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militară în armata sovietică: şofer. Data interviului: 13 aprilie 2001.
6. Talpă, Vasile (fratele lui Feodr Talpă) – născut în anul 1969 în
com. Echimăuţi, jud. Orhei. Naţionalitatea: român. Studii: şcoală
profesională tehnică (mecanic). A efectuat serviciul militar în anii:
1987-1989. Funcţia militară în armata sovietică: şofer. Data interviului:
3 noiembrie 2001.
THE AFGHANISTAN WAR (1979-1989) TO THE
COMBATANTS’ MEMORY. THE CASE OF THE
PARTICIPANTS FROM ECHIMĂUŢ VILLAGE, IN ORHEI
COUNTY, MOLDAVIA
The post-war world’s history has been touched by a series of
factors: the technical-scientific revolution, the new world’s political
configuration, and the Cold War. By globalizing issues and carrying out
certain projects at an international level, a basis to interstate relations
has been built. Moreover, there has been created, at the same time, a
world bipolarity based on antagonist criteria. In the late ‘70s, mankind
was confronting a complex scale of contrasts: peace-war, capitalismcommunism, bourgeoisie–proletariat. The political aspect was deeply
implied within all these, sometimes throughout rough methods, and
military force seemed to be one of the solutions that could solve the
disputes. During the second half of the ‘70s, tension between USA and
USSR increased; the Great Powers’ interests in the Third World
increased also, so that certain conflicts arose, such as the one generated
by the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Due to its close vicinity to
USSR and being an important geo-political area, Afghanistan was all
the time situated within Kremlin’s interest area. Nevertheless, the latter
didn’t use force till the end of the ‘70s. In 1979 Kremlin applied a
military plan that had absolutely nothing to do with the political reality.
The military intervention in Afghanistan generated a major
international crisis and a substantial decay of the Soviet Union prestige.
The Soviet Union was now considered an aggressor state. The financial
efforts that this war consumed deepened more and more the socialeconomical crisis that the Soviet Union was passing through, finally
leading to its dissolution.
The War in Afghanistan mobilised an important section of the
Soviet army. If during the first war phase (the late ‘70s – the early ‘80s)
the basis contingent consisted in soldiers from the Asian ex-republics
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(Tajiks, Uzbeks) during the second one the role of the USSR’s
occidental-area soldiers (Romanians from Bessarabia, Russians,
Byelorussians, Ukrainians) increased. The Bessarabian combatants
encountered an absolutely unknown world to them, on a foreign state’s
territory that had particular geographical conditions, all these affecting
them deeply. The tragedy of the Soviet combatants in Afghanistan may
be resumed by quoting Victor Botnari – a Bessarabian veteran – who
concluded: “Those who served in Afghanistan should be proud of it,
those who didn’t should consider themselves happy…”
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Smaranda Vultur (coord.), Lumi în destine. Memoria generaţiilor de
început de secol din Banat, Editura Nemira, 2000, 368 p. +56 cu
fotografii.
După două remarcabile demersuri anterioare, materializate în
volumele Istorie trăită, istorie povestită. Deportarea în Bărăgan 19511956, (Timişoara, Editura Amarcord, 1997) şi Germanii din Banat prin
povestirile lor, (Bucureşti, Editura Paideia, 2000) care contribuie
substanţial la impunerea, la noi, a naraţiunilor de viaţă ca sursă de
documentare antropologică şi de istorie orală, doamna Smaranda Vultur
revine cu o nouă lucrare, realizată împreună cu un colectiv de tineri
cercetători, încadraţi în Grupul de Istorie Orală şi Antropologie
Culturală al Fundaţiei “A Treia Europă”, din Timişoara.
Noul volum însumează 15 asemenea naraţiuni şi interviuri,
prefaţate şi postfaţate de coordonatoarea cercetărilor, care este totodată
şi autoarea a patru dintre cele mai incitante şi mai dinamice interviuri:
cu Petru Maghiaru, cu Teodor Beceneagă, cu Oscar Schwartz şi cu
Valentina Gombosiu, celorlaţi zece colaboratori la volum revenindu-le,
de regulă, prezentarea câte unui singur “destin”, cu excepţia Ramonei
Magheţ, prezentă cu două.
Procedând după reguli bine stabilite în antropologie/ etnologie/
sociologie, dar şi în folcloristică şi, mai recent, în istoria orală, aceste
preţioase mărturii narative cu caracter autobiografic au fost adunate, ca
şi la Cluj, unde activează grupul condus de profesorul Doru Radosav,
într-o Arhivă de Istorie Orală, de unde autorii le-au transcris şi le-au
pregătit pentru tipărire, însoţind fiecare text de un portret în mişcare
scris de cercetătorii care au realizat interviul, ce se implică direct, cum
spune Smaranda Vultur, “în reconstruirea memoriei prin
disponibilitatea de a-i întreba sau asculta pe cei ce au traversat o
experienţă de viaţă diferită, întrebându-se şi ascultându-se, în acelaşi
timp, pe ei înşişi”. (p. 8)
Aceste “portrete” introductive nu sunt atât prezentări seci ale
unor rânduieli teoretico-metodologice, definitiv stabilite, ci încercări cât
se poate de fireşti de a lumina “intercaţiunea aceasta, colocvială”
dintre observatorul social şi naratorul sau realizatorul principal al unei
lumi narate în propriu-i destin existenţial, de a înfăţişa succint
întâlnirea dintre producătorul şi coproducătorul de realitate socioculturală întrupată în textul unei narative. Pentru studenţii antropologi
şi istorici lectura acestora este deosebit de utilă şi fecundă.
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Ca şi în naraţiunile de viaţă din primele cărţi, aceste inedite
“lumi în destine” din cea la care ne referim aduc nu numai mărturii
impresionante şi revelatoare pentru întorsăturile dramatice şi tragice ale
biografiilor unora dintre “personaje”, ci şi aspecte de viaţă socială
exemplar edificatoare pentru “lumea pe dos” ivită o dată cu
comunismul: relatări zguduitoare despre resorturile şi mecanismele
aparatului represiv, absurdul actelor “justiţiei” populare, care
instaurează teroarea în tot Banatul, înveninează raporturi ce păreau
normale, iscă reacţii extremiste în raporturile interetnice, dar fac
totodată posibile gesturi de solidarizare umană, identificabile cu acte de
eroism cotidian, atitudini semnificative pentru modelele culturale
regionale, acte comportamentale şi proiecţii biografice încărcate de
disponibilităţi de fraternizare cu celălalt, dar şi de autoevaluări morale,
reconsiderări explicative, reflecţii retrospective etc.
Atât în Prefaţă şi Postfaţă, cât şi în notele introductive la
materialele publicate se contureză problematica esenţială a întregului
demers investigator materializat în Arhiva Grupului de Istorie Orală şi
Antropologie Culturală: cunoaşterea modelului cultural pe care-l
reprezintă spaţiul plurietnic bănăţean şi mai ales înţelegerea proceselor
de comunicare interculturală, cu construcţiile şi reconstrucţiile
identitare ale tuturor grupurilor etnice, confesionale, de generaţie,
profesionale, condiţionate social, după sex etc.
Deşi coordonatoarea volumului afirmă că lucrarea aceasta “nu
îşi propune să ilustreze ceva anume, ci să ofere o secţiune transversală
în memoria Banatului de azi, prin lupa mai puţin sau mai mult
deformatoare a căruia se vede Banatul de altădată, o istorie trăită sau
cunoscută prin povestirile altora, modelată de formele simbolice ale
povestirii prin care ne e spusă, împărtăşită” (p. 7), noi considerăm că sa ambiţionat la mai mult şi s-a atins o ţintă mai înaltă, atât sub raport
documentar, cât şi teoretic.
Ceea ce a realizat până acum Grupul de Istorie Orală şi
Antropologie Culturală ne arată limpede cât de neputincioase rămân
vechile metodologii şi strategii investigatorice, de tip discursivistorizant sau sociologic-statistic, când e vorba de aprofundări cu
privire la modele culturale şi fenomene legate de memoria colectivă şi
cât de importante devin aceste studii interdisciplinare pe care le
promovează antropologia şi noua etnologie europeană. Meritele
doamnei Smaranda Vultur sunt deosebite şi în această privinţă, iar
Arhiva pe care o clădeşte împreună cu grupul său va deveni, în timp,
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marea sa realizare. De altfel, în procesul lent de instituţionalizare a noii
etnologii şi antropologiei culturale în România, doamna Vultur a
coordonat, împreună cu Radu Răutu, traducerea Dicţionarului de
etnologie şi antropologie a lui Pierre Bonte şi Michel Izard, o lucrare cu
impact decisiv în promovarea acestor ştiinţe.
Postfaţa, întitulată Memorie şi identitate, subliniază
însemnătatea naraţiunilor de viaţă în cercetările antropologice şi
istorice, în studiile culturale, constituindu-se într-o veritabilă
introducere teoretică în problematica abordată. Autoarea precizează
accepţiunile conceptelor opratorii de memorie (culturală), identitate,
poveste de viaţă (prefer termenul naraţiune!) considerate pe baza unei
bibliografii relativ recente, franceze, urmărindu-le eficacitatea în
investigarea fenomenelor şi proceselor dinamice, socio-culturale,
simbolice, a destinelor unor familii, în elaborarea, configurarea şi
receptarea discursurilor narative individuale, în operaţiunile de
prelevare a acestora ca documente de oralitate.
Într-o perspectivă de o remarcabilă noutate, arhiva
antropologică şi de istorie orală pe care o edifică “nu e atât un loc de
depozitare a memoriei, cât o posibilitate oferită celorlalţi de a dialoga
cu ea”, întrucât realitatea socio-culturală supusă observaţiei “e una
mişcătoare, pentru că suntem înclinaţi cu toţii, povestitori sau
ascultători, să dăm sens, să producem sens – chiar şi acolo unde
temeiul e slab – într-o tentativă eroică de a ne defini orizontul
existenţial, de a-l apăra şi a-i da consistenţă”. (p. 334)
În consonanţă cu această perspectivă, ce vizează dimensiunea
dialogică a naraţiunilor de viaţă, înseşi construcţiile identitare nu sunt
văzute ca nuclee dure, ca realităţi de atins şi imortalizat, cum spune
Smaranda Vultur, ci ca nişte realităţi dinamice, fluide, demersul
investigator al antropologului ţintind dezvăluirea “unui sistem de relaţii
întemeietoare, cadre de ancorare ale unui subiect ce-şi caută
consistenţa. Ele pot fi de ordinul instituţiilor, al valorilor, al
proiectărilor simbolice, al identificărilor magice sau mitologice, al
întâlnirilor reper”. (p. 335)
Teoriile substanţialiste cu privire la identităţile etnice au fost de
mult abandonate, în favoarea altora mai suple, mai nuanţate, “în care
identitatea grupurilor etnice e o chestiune de redefinire periodică a
frontierelor care le despart, dar şi a zonelor de articulare pe care ele
interacţionează”. (p. 335-336)
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Toate documentele narative înmănunchiate în volum, ca,
desigur, întreaga arhivă de naraţiuni de viaţă şi interviuri
nestandardizate, prezintă interes major nu numai pentru studiile de
istorie orală, ci şi (poate, mai ales) pentru cercetările din domeniul
sociologiei culturii, psihosociologiei, etnologiei, antropologiei, istoriei
mentalităţilor şi ritualurilor, imagologiei, antropologiei cotidianului,
naratologiei etc.
Grupul de Antropologie Culturală şi Istorie Orală din
Timişoara aduce, cu fiecare nouă apariţie editorială, surpriza
descoperirii unei instituţii vii şi dinamice, adaptate la noile imperative
ale cercetărilor socio-umane, un veritabil model pentru celelalte grupuri
de antropologi din cadrul Societăţii de Antropologie Culturală din
România.
Ion CUCEU
Dimitrie Bejan, Oranki - Amintiri din captivitate, Ed. Tehnică,
Bucureşti, 1995, 308 p.
După 1989, în istoriografia din România, s-a dezvoltat interesul
pentru istoria perioadei comuniste, iar pentru a se găsi răspunsuri la
unele întrebări s-a făcut apel la memorialistică. Dintre subiectele
considerate “tabu” înainte de Revoluţie, şi care se încearcă să fie
elucidate, se numără şi perioada în care mai mulţi români au fost
prizonieri în Uniunea Sovietică.
Volumul Oranki - Amintiri din captivitate al preotului Dimitrie
Bejan conţine mărturisiri despre viaţa din lagărele din URSS prin care a
trecut autorul de-a lungul a şase ani: Astrahan, Oranki, Karaganda,
Kiev, Sverdlovsk, Arhanghelsk, Moscova. Sunt reconstituiri
memorialistice dramatice despre viaţa prizonierilor români, amintiri
relatate ca o confesiune în faţa posterităţii.
După cum mărturiseşte autorul, aceste amintiri au fost notate în
1975. Din perspectiva sa, sunt o mărturie despre o lume guvernată de
stereotipuri ideologice, de interese imperialiste cu un total dispreţ faţă
de oameni, omenie, iubire şi divinitate.
În capitolul I, “În lungul anilor care au trecut” este descrisă
starea sufletească a autorului atunci când şi-a aşternut amintirile pe
hârtie. Aceasta este specifică creştinilor martirizaţi, dar care se
consideră împăcaţi cu providenţa şi “biruitori”. În capitolele II şi III,
“Oranki” şi “Mănăstârca” este descrisă cu lux de amănunte istoria celor
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două mănăstiri, cu conotaţii romantice şi sfârşind cu descrierea vieţii
prizonierilor şi a stării lor sufleteşti.
În capitolul IV este descrisă viaţa din lagărul de la Karaganda,
în contextul istoric în care se desfăşoară acţiunea, mai exact bătălia de
la 5 iulie 1943 din regiunea Kursk, Bielgrad, Orel. Este descrisă starea
sufletească a prizonierilor, relaţiile cu autorităţile ruse şi tratamentul
aplicat prizonierilor în lagăr.
Capitolele V-XI rezumă viaţa din lagărul de la Mănăstârca,
descriind munca efectivă, condiţiile climatice, tratamentul la care erau
supuşi prizonierii, inclusiv paza cu câini lupi, relaţiile cu localnicii,
modul de viaţă din colhozuri, relaţiile dintre prizonieri, sentimentele şi
nostalgia faţă de locurile natale, corespondenţa cu rudele rămase acasă.
Interesante sunt interogatoriile la care ofiţerii ruşi l-au supus pe preotul
Bejan, şi care relevă două perspective şi două ideologii diferite:
perspectiva materialistă, atee, pornită să schimbe lumea pe calea
revoluţionară şi să desfiinţeze acel “opium” al popoarelor care este
religia, şi cea de-a doua, total opusă, conform căreia, în final, victoria
va reveni tot divinităţii, aceasta concentrându-se asupra unui al treilea
pol de putere pământesc, reprezentat de America. Dialogurile poartă şi
amprenta disputelor istorice privind Basarabia şi Bucovina, fiecare
aducând propriile argumente în sprijinul propriilor opinii.
În capitolul XII este descris sentimentul religios existent în
unele lagăre. Iese în evidenţă “setea” de religie a omului atunci când se
află în detenţie, care a caracterizat pe toată lumea, chiar dacă, la
început, a existat o diferenţa între confesiuni, între catolici, ortodocşi şi
protestanţi. Dar pe lângă nevoia unei vieţi spirituale, s-a simţit, mai ales
printre preoţii diferitelor confesiuni şi nevoia unităţii creştine. Practic în
acest capitol sunt prezentate eforturile făcute pentru înfăptuirea
ecumenicităţii, la care se va ajunge printr-un adevărat sinod, denumit
Sinodul 8 Ecumenic, care avea drept scop salvarea culturii şi civilizaţiei
creştine. În ceea ce priveşte partea adversă, reprezentată de comunişti,
aceasta nu a avut intelectuali capabili să li se opună preoţilor şi să-şi
impună punctul de vedere.
Capitolele XIII-XVI revin cu o relatare a vieţii de la Oranki.
Autorul descrie relaţia de prietenie cu ceilalţi prizonieri, precum şi
relaţiile cu etnici germani. Reiese de aici o discriminare faţă de români,
venită din partea prizonierilor nemţi. Din perspectiva autorului există şi
un conflict venit dinspre religie, pentru că germanii erau lutherani, iar
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românii ortodocşi. În acest capitol mai sunt descrise ceremonialele
religioase, care se asemănau cu cele creştine din primele secole.
Capitolul XVII are o puternică notă de romantism. Între
prizonieri se vorbeşte despre trecut, punându-se accent pe “gloria
strămoşilor noştri romani”, pe tendinţele imperialiste din trecut ale
Rusiei, reactualizate în anii ’40 mai mult ca niciodată cu noua sa
ideologie. În acest context, Dimitrie Cantemir apare ca un personaj
negativ, datorită poziţiilor sale filo-ruse.
Capitolul XVIII descrie starea sufletească a prizonierilor în
timpul alegerilor din România, conflictul ideologic dintre prizonierii
români şi ruşi, grevele şi răzmeriţele declanşate de prizonieri şi
tratamentul aplicat în urma înăbuşirii acestora.
În capitolul XIX, în lagărul de la Mănăstârca, preotul Bejan
este chemat să oficieze botezul unui copil bolnav. Acesta este un
compromis, întrucât părinţii copilului sunt ofiţeri sovietici. Este un risc
şi al celor doi, dar şi al preotului, ceea ce face ca între aceştia să se
stabilească, în final, o relaţie de prietenie.
Capitolele ce urmează sunt axate pe descrierea vieţii din lagăr,
a tratamentului aplicat prizonierilor şi diferite impresii ale acestora
despre situaţia în care se afla lumea.
În capitolul XXV este prezentat un tip de credincios rus numit
Volodea, un tânăr agronom dintr-un sat aflat la 300 de km de Moscova.
Acesta descrie efervescenţa creştinească din comuna sa natală, în care
era implicat şi tatăl său, care mergea anual la Moscova şi aducea
anafură pentru tot satul.
Capitolul XXX, intitulat “Cei care au murit”, este o mărturie
scrisă direct sub dicteul amintirilor, în care se vorbeşte despre
sacrificiul oamenilor pe altarul marxism-leninismului şi despre cei care
au înfruntat gerurile cumplite din Rusia. Capitolul XXXV este un
episod cu “Diplomaţii spanioli”, care aduce informaţii inedite despre
soarta comuniştilor spanioli refugiaţi în Franţa după biruinţa lui Franco,
şi de aici transferaţi în Germania şi Rusia. Era aproape de necrezut că
luptătorii pentru biruinţa comunismului ar putea avea o soartă identică
cu a luptătorilor anticomunişti.
Ultimele capitole descriu grevele din 1946-1947, având ca
punct final semnarea declaraţiei din februarie 1948 în urma cărora
prizonierii au fost repatriaţi. Calvarul acestora însă nu s-a încheiat aici,
pentru că, odată întorşi în ţară, au ajuns să cunoască şi temniţele
româneşti.
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Volumul, în ansamblu, reprezintă o mărturie despre o lume a
stereotipurilor ideologice, în care se manifestă un total dispreţ faţă de
oameni şi tot ceea ce este omenesc. Aparţinând în totalitate genului
memorialistic, cartea este marcată de emoţia autorului, participant
direct la evenimente, şi are ca leit-motiv gerul, foamea şi puterea
credinţei. Oranki - Amintiri din captivitate este o carte document, în
care se îmbină perspectiva istorică cu cea moral-religioasă, dat fiind
formaţia autorului de preot şi istoric.
Sorin BULARCĂ
Constantin Ionaşcu, Rezistenţa anticomunistă din Dobrogea, Ed. Ex
Ponto, Constanţa, 2000, 594 p.
După 1989, istoricilor li s-a oferit posibilitatea de a încerca să
facă lumină asupra perioadei comuniste din istoria României. Unul
dintre subiectele care au atras atenţia, şi care a dovedit şi o anume
spectaculozitate, a fost rezistenţa anticomunistă. Problemele pe care leau întâmpinat istoricii în reconstituirea acestui fenomen au fost majore
şi ele se datorează, pe de o parte, accesului dificil la principala sursă de
informaţie, documentul, iar pe de altă parte unei lipse de obiectivitate
din partea acestuia, care, în mod firesc, induce o anumită distorsiune
asupra realităţilor trecute. În acest context, ca o alternativă la
documentele scrise, care lipsesc sau prezintă anumite lacune
informaţionale, s-a apelat, prin intermediul istoriei orale la mărturiile
celor care au trăit anumite evenimente, şi care este necesar a fi
consemnate.
Volumul realizat de Constantin Ionaşcu, Rezistenţa
anticomunistă din Dobrogea, se plasează între demersurile de
recuperare a istoriei, aşa cum reiese ea din documente, fără pretenţia
unor judecăţi de valoare exhaustive, constituindu-se, totodată, într-o
carte document, o veritabilă sursă de informaţii pentru cei care vor dori
să scrie istoria românilor în a doua jumătate a secolului al XX-lea. De
altfel, datorită faptului că autorul a avut acces la anumite fonduri de
arhivă, este uşurată munca istoricilor care ar dori să realizeze sinteze cu
privire la situaţia postbelică a României, cel puţin pentru zona
Dobrogei, putând să găsească în acest volum o cantitate apreciabilă de
informaţii.
În prima parte a cărţii se află, pentru prima dată strânse la un
loc, copii ale sentinţelor pronunţate în simulacre de procese intentate
opozanţilor comunismului din sud-estul ţării în perioada 1948-1971.
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Ţinutul dobrogean, la fel ca întreaga ţară, a fost supus aceloraşi tragice
şi dureroase transformări sociale, care au determinat şi aici apariţia unor
nuclee de opoziţie faţă de regimul impus prin forţă de ocupantul
sovietic. Datorită reliefului specific Dobrogei, care nu era propice
grupurilor de partizani anticomunişti care se constituiseră, acestea au
fost relativ repede anihilate, membrilor grupurilor fiindu-le intentate
procese în urma cărora au primit pedepse aspre. Alături de cei care au
luat atitudine deschisă faţă de regim, au mai fost condamnaţi şi
numeroşi oameni nevinovaţi, sub acuzaţii de “spionaj” sau pentru
“nesupunere” faţă de autoritatea comunistă, însă, în cele mai multe
dintre cazuri, enunţul sentinţei conţinea sintagmele: “crimă de uneltire
contra securităţii statului” sau “crimă de uneltire contra ordinii sociale”.
Tot aici sunt reproduse fotografii ale celor condamnaţi, unele
recuperate de la familiile acestora, iar altele, cu o certă valoare istorică,
din dosarele aflate în arhive, şi care fotografii, realizate de către
Securitate, îi reprezintă pe cei condamnaţi având arme în mâini şi
muniţie la picioare.
O altă caracteristică a acestei prime părţi a volumului este
aceea că se fac cunoscute numele unora dintre cei care au format
completele de judecată, au condus anchete, sau au provocat moartea
prin schingiuire unora dintre cei care fiind arestaţi au ajuns “la
discreţia” lor. Se adaugă astfel o nouă filă “lexiconului negru”, care îi
conţine pe cei ce s-au pus în slujba unei ideologii străine şi au acceptat
să fie unelte împotriva neamului românesc.
Partea a doua a volumului reprezintă un istoric al rezistenţei
armate anticomuniste din Dobrogea, care, în decursul unui singur an
(1949), a cuprins peste 30 de comune. Se oferă aici informaţii despre
grupurile care au activat în zonă şi despre conducătorii lor (Gogu Puiu,
I. Arghiropol, S. Pricop, N. Fundulea, I. Negulescu, I. Muşat, Jipa). În
ceea ce priveşte modalităţile de manifestare ale opozanţilor comunişti,
acestea au variat de la lupta armată deschisă, la intimidarea organelor
represive, sau la ascunderea, timp de ani de zile, în gropi, poduri sau
alte locuri tainice.
Ultima parte a volumului, “Deportaţi – domiciliu obligatoriu al
dobrogenilor” prezintă fenomenul strămutărilor oamenilor şi al
impunerii de domicilii obligatorii, cu toate greutăţile şi necazurile care
au decurs de aici.
Rezistenţa anticomunistă din Dobrogea reprezintă, aşa cum am
mai afirmat, o carte-document, un instrument util şi mai ales necesar
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pentru cei care vor să cunoască sau să scrie istoria comunismului
românesc. Constantin Ionaşcu, el însuşi victimă a sistemului comunist,
şi-a făcut o datorie de onoare din recuperarea cât mai multor fragmente
din trecut, astfel încât oamenii care au fost şi mai ales faptele lor să nu
fie date uitării.
Cosmin BUDEANCĂ
Dumitru Nimigeanu, Însemnările unui ţăran deportat din Bucovina,
Ed. de Vest, Timişoara, 1993, 174 p.
Însemnările lui Dumitru Nimigeanu din Tereblecea, sat din
Bucovina de Nord, au fost editate pentru prima dată la Paris, în 1958, la
zece ani după ce autorul a reuşit, după o adevărată odisee, să se
refugieze în Australia.
Însemnările, deşi au o notă personalizată, povestesc nu numai
suferinţele autorului, ci reprezintă o mărturie despre pătimirea a
milioane de fiinţe omeneşti smulse de la vetrele lor şi deportate, pentru
a fi distruse, departe de ochii lumii civilizate, “în gheţurile Siberiei, în
pustiurile Mongoliei, în pădurile sălbatice ale Uralilor, sau în minele
nopţilor eterne de moarte înceată din bazinul Donului”.
Experienţa concentraţionară a autorului este una deosebită şi la
ea se adaugă informaţii primite de la alţi martori ai unor evenimente
petrecute în anii celui de-al doilea război mondial şi în perioada de
după încheierea acestuia. Dumitru Nimigeanu a cunoscut bucuria de a
locui în România şi a fost profund afectat de ocuparea Bucovinei şi
Basarabiei de către Uniunea Sovietică în iunie 1940. De altfel, frontiera
artificial trasată, “graniţa care desparte două lumi”, îi împărţea
proprietatea în două. “Graniţa trecea chiar peste un ogor al meu, care
jumătate era de partea României şi jumătate de partea Rusiei”.(p. 27)
Prima parte a însemnărilor prezintă situaţia satului Tereblecea
până în 13 iunie 1941, când, împreună cu soţia şi fetiţa, au fost arestaţi
şi deportaţi. A urmat şase ani de peregrinări în diverse lagăre de muncă
din Uniunea Sovietică, de unde reuşeşte cu greu să evadeze împreună
cu familia. Însemnările despre această perioadă prezintă experienţele
prin care a trecut autorul, în contextul mai larg al evenimentelor vremii.
Întors în satul natal, este nevoit să fugă din nou pentru a nu se
afla că evadase din Siberia. Ajunge în România, unde, timp de câteva
luni, trăieşte în continuare cu teama că va fi prins şi trimis înapoi în
Uniunea Sovietică. În contextul neînţelegerilor intervenite între Tito şi
Stalin, Dumitru Nimigeanu ia decizia de a se refugia în Iugoslavia.
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Aici, în lagăre şi pe şantiere de muncă forţată, trăieşte experienţe
similare celor din Siberia. În final, reuşeşte să cunoască adevărata
libertate, după ce trece graniţa în Italia, de unde, împreună cu familia,
emigrează în Australia.
Fragmentele din scrisorile unor români refugiaţi în Iugoslavia,
publicate în anexă, vin să completeze imaginea dramatică a unor
oameni care, cu riscul de a-şi pierde viaţa, încercau să ajungă în lumea
liberă.
Însemnările lui Dumitru Nimigeanu sunt marcate de suferinţa
îndurată timp de zece ani în interiorul lagărului socialist. Foamea,
mizeria şi frica sunt elemente care se întâlnesc permanent în volum şi
caracterizează perioada prezentată de autor. Acesta, unul dintre cei care
au reuşit să evadeze, la propriu şi la figurat, din spatele “cortinei de
fier”, s-a simţit obligat să aştearnă pe hârtie experienţa sa, în felul
acesta dorind, pe de o parte, să atragă atenţia occidentului asupra a ceea
ce se întâmplă în estul Europei, iar pe de altă parte, să-şi achite o
datorie de onoare faţă de confraţii lui care au rămas în continuare în
interiorul sistemului. De altfel, autorul a rămas în permanenţă cu gândul
la ţara sa pe care a fost nevoit să o părăsească. “Pe zi ce trecea, mă
depărtam de acele locuri neuitate, neştiind prin ce lume voi ajunge,
când şi dacă mă voi mai întoarce vreodată pe ogorul părintesc. Nici nu
ajunsesem bine la locul sorocit, şi doream să mă întorc, înfiorându-mă
de depărtarea la care mă aruncase soarta”.
Cosmin BUDEANCĂ
Triunghiul morţii. Baia Sprie 1950-1954, volum îngrijit de ing.
Aurel Ciolte şi prof. dr. Valeriu Achim, Baia Mare, 2000, 127 p.
Volumul Triunghiul morţii, apărut sub îngrijirea inginerului
Aurel Ciolte şi a prof. dr. Valeriu Achim, reprezintă în principal
memoriile inginerului Emanuil Florean, fost şef de mină la Baia Sprie,
care a lăsat posterităţii un manuscris nefinisat, însă de mare valoare
documentară, privind munca în subteran alături de deţinuţii politici din
anii 1950-1954, cărora le-a fost în preajmă, “le-a simţit tot timpul
pulsul şi mai ales le-a înţeles suferinţele”. Acest specialist minier avizat
a primit atunci gradul de maior, potrivit pregătirii sale profesionale, dar
era umilit şi subordonat şefului coloniei de muncă, locotenent-major
Szabo Zoltan, un individ fără pregătirea necesară, recrutat şi numit în
funcţie de organele comuniste de represiune.
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Potrivit celor doi care s-au ocupat de editarea volumului
Triunghiul morţii, ideea scrierii cărţii s-a născut în urma vizionărilor
emisiunilor TV despre “Triunghiul Morţii”, reprezentat de minele de la
Baia Sprie, Cavnic şi Nistru. În cadrul acestor emisiuni, fostul deţinut
politic ing. Ioan Goga - pe care autorul l-a cunoscut personal - şi-a
amintit de ing. Ioan Isaicu, fostul director, şef de exploatare Benedek
Paul, ing. şef Emanuil Florean, etc. De aceea, acesta din urmă a
consemnat în manuscris următoarele: “…M-aş bucura mult dacă
vreodată aceste rânduri vor ajunge în mâinile domnului inginer Goga,
care a vorbit atât de obiectiv şi sugestiv despre activitatea noastră,
despre, “Moara dracilor” şi “Golgota”, (locuri de muncă din mina Baia
Sprie de pe orizontul XI vest) şi despre panoul “Ritterstein” de pe
filonul principal, cu condiţii infernale de lucru şi grad de periculozitate
foarte ridicat”.
Încadrată în genul memorialistic, lucrarea se prezintă ca o
“sfântă datorie”, faţă de cei care pe nedrept şi-au petrecut cei mai
frumoşi ani din viaţă în închisorile comuniste. Născută din nevoia de
dialog, comunicare şi refuz al tăcerii, cartea are o structură care se
derulează pe parcursul a patru capitole, în care inginerul Emanuil
Florean încearcă să zugrăvească prin intermediul memoriilor sale un
tablou foarte preţios pentru cunoaşterea ororilor pe care deţinuţii
politici, acele “braţe speciale” numite de M.A.I., au trebuit să le
înfrunte, datorită măsurilor represive ale regimului comunist în primii
anii de după instaurarea acestuia în România.
Din punct de vedere cronologic, subiectul cărţii se limitează la
perioada 1950-1954, iar din punct de vedere geografic cartea se rezumă
la colonia de muncă Baia Sprie, situată în judeţul Maramureş, la 17 km
de Baia Mare.
Textul manuscrisului care a stat la baza realizării acestui volum
a fost respectat întrutotul, păstrându-se limbajul autorului, numele
adevărate sau poreclele celor pomeniţi, chiar dacă mulţi dintre ei nu
mai sunt în viaţă.
Subiectul volumului este unul deosebit de interesant,
proiectând o imagine detaliată a ceea ce a însemnat soarta “deţinutului
politic”, într-o perioadă în care comunismul avea să-şi anunţe primele
simptome. Deţinuţii politici, acele “braţe speciale”, aflaţi prin
închisorile comuniste, în speranţa îmbunătăţirilor condiţiilor de viaţă şi
asigurarea unui trai mai decent, au preferat să renunţe la viaţa de
închisoare, pentru a accepta, în necunoştinţă de cauză, o realitate şi mai
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dură - munca în subteran, în acele colonii de muncă. În ceea ce-i
priveşte pe deţinuţii politici care au fost în colonia de muncă de la Baia
Sprie, aceştia proveneau în cea mai mare parte din închisoarea de la
Aiud.
Cartea aduce unele mărturii inedite cu privire la suferinţele
fizice şi morale provocate deţinuţilor, realităţi şi adevăruri pe care
autorul le-a aşternut pe hârtie, fiind trăite de el personal, ori aflate de la
colegii de detenţie. Sunt descrise metodele de lucru şi de expoatare
minieră în subteran, condiţiile tehnice, organizatorice şi de lucru. Este
consemnat aportul deţinuţilor politici în ceea ce priveşte realizarea unor
lucrări miniere de mare anvergură care s-au efectuat în perioada
amintită, generalizarea perforajului mecanic umed, introducerea unor
noi maşini de încărcat în subteran, date despre adâncirea minei şi
despre sporirea capacităţii de producţie a minei, ceea ce regimul
totalitar a fost trecut sub tăcere. În manuscris se mai aminteşte de
condiţiile inumane în care au trăit şi în care au lucrat aceşti “martiri ai
poporului român”, care, în afara muncii fizice istovitoare şi la
temperaturi ridicate, au înghiţit mult praf silicogen, acesta provocândule maladii pulmonare. Această situaţie s-a datorat atât condiţiilor de
lucru, cât mai ales faptului că în toţi anii cât a durat munca în subteran,
deţinuţilor politici nu li s-a efectuat nici un control radioscopic pentru a
li se determina starea sănătăţii, iar normele de tehnică a securităţii
muncii erau necunoscute.
Cartea mai cuprinde unele declaraţii recente şi aprecieri ale
unor foşti deţinuţi politici aflaţi în viaţă, după desfiinţarea coloniilor de
muncă, ori ale unora care au făcut parte din aparatul de supraveghere,
precum şi extrase din lucrarea lui Ion Pantazi, Am trecut prin iad, o
lucrare documentară de excepţională valoare privind viaţa şi activitatea
deţinuţior politici din coloniile de muncă de la Baia Sprie şi Cavnic,
căreia îi este rezervat capitolul al treilea în întregime şi care vin să
completeze “în mod necesar şi obiectiv, unele aspecte relatate de
autor”.
Concluzionând, putem spune că parcurgând paginile acestei
cărţi, cititorului i se oferă o lectură interesantă, descoperind adevăruri şi
realităţi cutremurătoare, pe care, după cum afirmă îngrijitorii acestei
preţioase lucrări, lumea de azi “nu şi le aminteşte atât de des cum ar
trebui, fie din necunoaştere, fie din nepăsare”.
Marius BORZAN
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Gheorghe Andreica, Târgşorul nou. Închisoarea minorilor. 19481950, Editura Printeuro, Ploieşti, 2000, 218 p.
Din literatura ce se referă la memoriile privind închisorile
comuniste, Târgşorul nou. Închisoarea minorilor. 1948-1950 se
remarcă printr-un aer aparte. Este vorba de acelaşi sistem represiv
comunist, care foloseşte aceleaşi concepte şi metode, care vrea să
impună acelaşi sistem.
Însă închisoarea Târgşorul Nou găzduieşte în perioada 19481950, cu foarte puţine excepţii, tineri cu vârste cuprinse între 16 şi 20
de ani; vârsta medie a celor închişi aici a fost, după spusele lui
Gheorghe Andreica, de 17-18 ani. Până în toamna anului 1950 regimul
închisorii a fost unul relativ blând. Asta nu pentru că un spirit generos
ar fi “menajat” copii a căror vină nu avea cum să fie prea mare, ci pur şi
simplu deoarece pentru regimul comunist tinerii nu reprezentau un
pericol imediat, iar puşcăriile şi lagărele, create în mare grabă după
modelul sovietic, erau insuficente, ca şi personalul necesar scopului
noilor autorităţi. “La ora înfiinţării acestei închisori cu destinaţia pentru
minori, comuniştii […] încă mai alergau cu limba scoasă căutând
proletari din cei ce dormeau pe marginea şanţurilor, vagabonzi, oameni
fără căpătâi, copii din flori, slugi, şi atâţia alţii pe care soarta şi norocul
i-a ocolit.”
Închisoarea Târgşorul Nou a fost populată începând din 1948.
Fără a fi o închisoare construită propriu-zis pentru acest scop, ci doar
clădiri mai vechi şi care au devenit apoi depozite, aceasta şi-a primit
“oaspeţii” care veneau, majoritatea, pe jos, străbătând cei 15-20 de km.
de la închisoarea din Ploieşti. Autorul a venit la Târgşor de la
închisoarea Jilava şi, prin comparaţie, noua locaţie i se părea “o pată de
civilizaţie în mijlocul unei lumi barbare”.
Această binecuvântare se datora în primul rând cadrelor
închisorii, vechi militari sau gardieni care practicau un angajament la
regimul comunist mai mult formal, şi numai în contextul în care
conjunctura le impunea acest lucru. Directorul Spirea Dumitrescu, sau
Moş Dumitrache, gardianul care “pentru noi, copiii a fost cea mai
luminoasă figură” erau o urmă a unei epoci trecute care în curând va
dispărea. Omagiul pe care Gheorghe Andreica îl aduce unor astfel de
personaje se explică prin comparaţia cu restul torţionarilor comunişti,
rezultând portrete ale unor oameni în mijocul unor fiare dezumanizate.
Între amintirile autorului, accentul cade, însă, pe portretele
copiilor-deţinuţi. El face o trecere în revistă a tuturor pe care şi-i
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aminteşte, grupaţi în diferite grupuri: al maramureşenilor, al nobililor,
al unor organizaţii, sau din diferite localităţi, grupul distinct al
reeducaţilor şi turnătorilor. Fiecare dintre ei este reprezentat printr-o
succintă imagine: numele, vârsta, de unde provenea, cum arăta, prin ce
trăsături s-a remarcat, care a fost destinul său, destin asupra căruia
aparatul comunist şi-a lăsat aproape în fiecare caz, în mod tragic,
amprenta. Autorul înfăţişează apoi condiţiile de viaţă din închisoare:
cum erau organizaţi deţinuţii, regimul alimentar, asistenţa medicală,
munca, sportul etc.
Din punct de vedere metodologic, Gheorghe Andreica
precizează că încearcă să scrie această carte înfăţişând faptele aşa cum
le-a văzut atunci, când abia împlinea vârsta de 18 ani, şi nu din punctul
de vedere al omului matur, care îşi aminteşte aceste lucruri după 50 de
ani. În mod firesc, mereu sunt presărate printre amintirile din închisoare
năzbâtii şi peripeţii hazlii care nu puteau să îi ocolească pe copiii de
acolo, chiar dacă situaţia lor, aceea de copii-deţinuţi, nu era cea mai
fericită. Totuşi, nu puteau trece cu vederea bâlbâielile şi discursurile
pocite ale reeducatorilor. Alte întâmplări ar putea fi încadrate într-un
volum de amintiri din copilărie, a cărui atmosferă se apropie mai
degrabă de atmosfera luminoasă şi nevinovată a “Amintirilor” lui
Creangă, decât de aceea a memoriilor din închisorilor comuniste. Poate
fi vorba despre episodul în care un elev care “rezista la curentul electric
fără să se sinchisească” reuşeşte să îl păcălească pe gardian că a intrat
dracul în lacătul de la uşă şi de aceea curentează, sau când plantonul
face o păpuşă care să îi ţină locul, dar şi multe alte episoade similare.
Tragi-comicul situaţiilor este redat de autor dintr-o perspectivă
apropiată vârstei tinereţii. De altfel, nu poate fi altfel decât hilare
situaţii ca aceea a celor doi ţigani aflaţi în detenţie la Târgşor, probabil
pentru că îşi botezaseră măgarii Lenin şi Stalin.
Probabil cele mai frumoase amintiri din închisoare sunt pentru
autor acelea din decembrie 1949, când, în noaptea de Sf. Nicolae, dar
mai ales în seara şi dimineaţa de Crăciun, cântecele şi voia bună au
pătruns zidurile închisorii. Pe tinerii deţinuţi i-a bucurat atât atmosfera
de sărbătoare pe care autorităţile penitenciarului au permis-o atunci, dar
mai ales oportunitatea de a sărbători în conformitate cu tradiţia creştină.
Această manifestare a credinţei în Dumnezeu a fost, după cum îşi
aminteşte Gheorghe Andreica, una dintre cele mai mari binecuvântări
pentru tinerii deţinuţi, iar pentru majoritatea a reprezentat chiar
principalul punct de sprijin în lungul şir al supliciilor comuniste.
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Şi pentru aproape toţi cei închişi la Târgşor, şirul acestor
suplicii nu se va termina în curând, aşa cum sperau. În ciuda
condamnărilor iniţiale (în general puţini ani de închisoare), libertatea se
va lăsa mult aşteptată. Spre sfârşitul anului 1950 şi începutul lui 1951,
toţi deţinuţii au părăsit în mai multe grupuri închisoarea. Până la
libertate mai aveau, însă, un drum lung de făcut...
Cătălin DAN
Gheorghe Andreica, Mărturii… Mărturii… din iadul temniţelor
comuniste, Editura 2000, Bucureşti, 2000, 221 p.
Volumul cuprinde o serie de mărturii ale câtorva dintre cei care
au supravieţuit detenţiei politice comuniste: Aurel Obreja, Puiu
Atanasiu, Gh. Suroiu, Gh. Măruţă, Tache Rodas, Vasilie Mocanu, Ion
Pangrate, Nicu Crăcea, Dimcica Sima, Ilie Ţintă.
Majoritatea acestora erau tineri legionari şi aveau între 17 si 23
de ani când au fost prinşi în sistemul “corecţional” al închisorilor
comuniste. Aceasta le-a pecetluit soarta, la fel ca şi în cazul atâtor alţi
“neagreaţi” ai socialismului românesc. Deosebirea principală este că cei
mai sus menţionati sunt printre puţinii care au supravieţuit şi care pot
depune mărturie asupra acelor ani atât de întunecaţi ai istoriei
româneşti.
Sunt ani întunecaţi din două puncte de vedere: pe de o parte
datorită tragismului evenimentelor deosebit de violente care au marcat
acea perioadă, iar pe de altă parte datorită naturii izvoarelor prin care
cercetarea istorică poate descoperi urmele acelor vremuri.
Gheorghe Andreica consideră că, pentru reconstituirea istoriei
comunismului românesc documetele oficiale, “clasice” sunt cu totul
inutile, pentru că ele înfăţişează doar adevărurile ticluite de Securitate.
Oculta comunistă se baza pe faptul că aceste valuri de minciuni vor
rezista, adevărul fiind îngropat o dată cu cei care îl cunoşteau din
experienţa lor directă. “Dar socoteala de acasă nu s-a potrivit cu cea din
târg”. Din aceste motive, autorul realizează acest volum ca o colecţie de
mărturii-documente, ca un rechizitoriu într-un dosar care încă nu se lasă
deplin lămurit şi pe care doar istoria îl va putea rezolva.
Cartea este structurată în mai multe capitole în care sunt
selectate mărturiile martorilor grupate în funcţie de diferite locuri şi
perioade: închisoarea Jilava în anii 1948-1953, înscenările judiciare din
anul 1958 (referitor la martiriul lui Radu Gyr), închisoarea Piteşti (legat
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de care se remarcă numele lui Eugen Ţurcanu şi reeducarea condusă de
acesta), canalul, închisoarea Gherla, închisoarea Aiud.
Torturile pe care martorii şi le amintesc sunt de tipul celor bine
cunoscute, făcând parte din “tratamentul” specific aplicat de autorităţi
deţinuţilor care se opuseseră regimului comunist: alimentaţie, condiţii
de trai şi medicale aflate sub limita la care un om ar putea în mod
normal să supravieţuiască, bătăi şi alte metode deosebit de ingenioase
de distrugere fizică şi psihică a celor închişi. Nici unul dintre cei care
“se mărturisesc” în acest volum nu a fost ocolit de astfel de suplicii,
indiferent dacă era tânăr legionar luat de pe băncile şcolii sau fusese,
până chiar înaintea instaurării comunismului, o personalitate de marcă a
societăţii româneşti.
Mai mult decât chinurile fizice, diferitele metode de remodelare
a personalităţii celor închişi persistă în memoria supravieţuitorilor.
Mărturisirile, autodemascările şi mai ales reeducarea, deşi se fac
“convingătoare” prin mijloace fizice dintre cele mai violente, vor să
determine dispariţia vechilor valori şi substituirea lor cu coordonatele
morale noului regim. “Dacă Hristos ar fi trecut prin mâinile acestea, nu
mai ajungea nici El pe cruce. N-ar fi înviat. N-ar fi fost creştinism,
această mare minciună, şi toată lumea ar fi trăit în linişte! Eu sunt
adevărata evanghelie! Eu o scriu acum. Am pe ce o scrie: pe stârvurile
voastre. Ce scriu eu e lucru adevărat, nu basme de adormit copiii.”
Acestea erau cuvintele lui Ţurcanu, cel a cărui imagine rămâne, pentru
majoritatea celor ce au trecut prin mâinile sale, cea mai diabolică
imagine din întreaga “epocă de aur”.
Dincolo de stilul discursului, poate mai liniar decât ne-am
aştepta de la o colecţie de mărturii ale unor martori diferiţi, rămâne
cruda realitate a acelor ani şi efortul susţinut al lui Gheorghe Andreica
de a aduce la lumină acele fapte, şi de a întări un aspect principal:
dincolo de diferitele interpretări posibile, ele sunt de necontestat, iar
mărturiile celor ce au supravieţuit sunt principalele surse care susţin
istoriografia sistemului represiv comunist.
Cătălin DAN
Achim Mihu, Antropologie culturală, Ed. a 3-a, Editura Dacia,
Cluj-Napoca, 2002, 387 p.
Cunoscut mediului universitar şi cultural din România ca
sociolog şi filosof ce a scris numeroase şi valoroase lucrări în aceste
domenii, profesorul Achim Mihu a produs recent o sinteză într-un alt
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câmp al disciplinelor socio-umane, şi anume în antropologia culturală.
E adevărat că aceasta nu numai că e în strânsă conexiune cu sociologia,
dar în mare măsură se şi suprapune cu ea. Teme cum sunt familia,
personalitatea socială, religia, mentalitatea reprezintă arii comune de
interes, după cum aceleaşi sunt şi unele metode, cum ar fi observaţia şi
interviul. În tratarea problematicilor de interes sociocultural, există însă
marcante deosebiri de accent în antropologie şi sociologie. Astfel, în
prima domină orientarea calitativă (observaţia participativă, interviul de
adâncime, povestea vieţii), pe când, în cea de-a doua, orientarea
cantitativă (ancheta şi analiza cantitativă a documentelor).
Lucrarea Antropologie culturală - prima carte sistematică de
specialitate scrisă în limba română - a profesorului Achim Mihu
demonstrează că, pe de o parte, efortul de elaborare a unei sinteze de
antropologie culturală a fost facilitat de înalta sa pregătire sociologică,
dar, pe de altă parte, că deosebirile tematice şi de perspectivă a celor
două discipline a presupus un considerabil travaliu, o lectură profundă a
unei întinse literaturi de specialitate.
Primele părţi ale volumului tratează statutul şi evoluţia istorică
a antropologiei. În continuare (Cultura. Concept şi problematică), se
inventariază accepţiunile multiple ale conceptului de cultură (nucleul
“tare” al antropologiei culturale) şi a problematicii implicate. Se discută
pe larg apoi raportul dintre cultura universală şi cultura particulară,
cultura consumatoristă şi multiculturalism. În Zestrea biologică a
omului şi Devenirea culturii umane se face, printre altele, apel şi la
direcţii teoretice de intersecţie, cum ar fi sociobiologia şi etologia,
subliniindu-se ideea că natura (ereditatea) şi cultura (educaţia) sunt
elemente complementare ale aceluiaşi proces adaptativ căruia i se
subsumează individul. Prezentarea unor repere din arheologie (cultura
materială, economică şi artistico-simbolică) îşi propune să arate modul
în care cultura este capabilă să se adapteze la condiţiile de mediu
natural, construind astfel cadre generale ale societăţii şi civilizaţiei, în
interiorul cărora produsele materiale şi simbolice ale omului,
interacţionând şi adaptându-se reciproc, devin fapte de cultură şi capătă
autonomie funcţională. Volumul cuprinde în continuare teme centrale
ale disciplinei: Tipurile de personalităţi culturale, Limbă şi cultură,
Magia, Căsătoria, familia şi rudenia, Rasă şi etnie. Textul dobândeşte
un caracter de originalitate prin notarea, la sfârşitul unora dintre
capitole, a unor exemplificări sub forma unor scurte lecturi, scrise cu
talent eseistic şi provenind din observaţii proprii ale autorului.
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Semnalăm aici: Răzbunarea vraciului, Mitul vremii şi mărgica şarpelui
alb, Nuntă pe Valea Frumoasei, Disoluţia rudeniei tradiţionale şi
Neamul Lutsch. Acestea au capacitatea de a trezi curiozitatea şi
imaginaţia antropologică şi istorică a cititorului, iar unele, preluate din
cultura tradiţională românească, servesc drept document social:
“Cornelia îşi mai aduce aminte câteva lucruri. Moşu înainte de a muri
a zis ca nu cumva să-l îngroape de viu. A cerut ca înainte de a-l băga în
mormânt să-i bată un cui în inimă… şi-a mai adus aminte că unul
dintre fiii lui moşu, cel mai tânăr dintre ei, umblă şi el cu vrăji rele. Se
zice că ia laptele de la vaci”.(p. 267)
Bine legitimată bibliografic şi teoretic, cartea depăşeşte cu mult
pretenţiile unui simplu manual, servind ca instrument eficient şi de
calitate. Antropologia culturală se adresează, în special, celor care se
pregătesc în domeniu, ca viitori antropologi, etnografi şi folclorişti, dar
şi altor profile centrate pe investigarea realităţilor sociale, trecute sau
prezente, prin metode calitative (cum ar fi interviul de adâncime,
povestea vieţii), adică şi specialiştilor în istorie orală.
Cristina TÂRHAŞ
AUTORI
Maria Aldea – asistent universitar la Catedra de Limba Română,
Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea “Babeş-Bolyai” Cluj-Napoca;
-licenţiat în Litere (1996), specializarea Limba şi Literatura română –
Limba şi Literatura engleză, Facultatea de Litere a UBB Cluj-Napoca;
- studii aprofundate în Limba Română şi Lingvistică Integrală la
Facultatea de Litere a UBB Cluj-Napoca (1998);
- doctorand la UBB Cluj-Napoca cu tema “Monografia articolului în
limba română: perspectivă diacronică, sincronică şi stilistică”;
-domenii de interes: istoria orală, cultură şi civilizaţie, filologie,
gramatica limbii române, istoria limbii române, analiza discursului,
antropologia culturală.
Cosmin Budeancă – cercetător la Institutul de Istorie Orală, din cadrul
Universităţii “Babeş-Bolyai” din Cluj-Napoca;
- licenţiat în istorie (1997), specializarea istorie contemporană,
Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB;
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- studii aprofundate de Istorie Orală în cadrul Facultăţii de Istorie şi
Filosofie a UBB (1998);
- doctorand în Istoria mentalităţilor - Istorie orală la UBB Cluj-Napoca
cu tema “Imaginea saşilor la românii din Transilvania după 1918.
Judeţele Hunedoara, Alba şi Sibiu”;
- autor şi coautor al unor studii şi volume privind istoria contemporană
a României (Veţel – studiu monografic complex, 2002, Eurodidact,
Cluj-Napoca; “Suferinţa nu se dă la fraţi…” Mărturia Lucreţiei Jurj
despre rezistenţa anticomunistă din Apuseni 1948-1958, 2002, Dacia,
Cluj-Napoca);
- domenii de interes: istorie orală, mentalităţi colective şi relaţii
interetnice.
Marius Cristea – profesor de istorie la Şcoala generală “Ovidiu Hulea”
Aiud;
- masterand în Istorie Orală în cadrul Facultăţii de Istorie şi Filosofie a
UBB;
- domenii de interes: istorie orală, mentalităţi colective, metode şi
mijloace de instaurare şi instituţionalizare a comunismului în România
după 1944.
.
Petre Din – profesor de istorie la Colegiul Tehnic Turda;
- licenţiat în istorie (1995), specializarea istorie modernă, Facultatea de
Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB;
- licenţiat în ştiinţe politice (1997), specializarea Analiză şi
management politic, Facultatea de Ştiinţe Politice şi Administraţie
Publică a UBB;
- studii aprofundate în istorie modernă comparată (1996), Facultatea de
- doctorand în istorie modernă la UBB Cluj-Napoca, cu tema “Mitul
bunului împărat în Transilvania secolului al XVIII-lea”;
- autor şi coautor al unor studii şi volume privind istoria modernă şi
contemporană a României (Mitul lui Iosif al II-lea în sensibilitatea
colectivă a românilor ardeleni, 2001, Napoca-Star, Cluj-Napoca;
Tranziţia şi dilemele tranziţiei româneşti (1900-1996), 2001, NapocaStar, Cluj-Napoca);
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- domenii de interes: imaginar social şi mentalităţi colective în secolul
al XVIII-lea; analiza politică a societăţii româneşti postrevoluţionare.
Andrea Fürtös - cercetător în cadrul Memorialului Victimelor
Comunismului şi al Rezistenţei Sighetu Marmaţiei;
Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB, secţia istorie;
- studii aprofundate în Istorie Contemporană şi Relaţii Internaţionale în
cadrul Facultăţii de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB;
- Coautor al unui volum privind închisoarea politică de la Sighet şi a
numeroase studii privind istoria contemporană a României (Memoria
închisorii Sighet, Fundaţia Academia Civică, Bucureşti, 1999);
- domenii de interes: metode şi mijloace de instaurare şi
instituţionalizare a comunismului în România după 1944.
Petru Iluţ - prof. univ. dr., Universitatea “Babeş-Bolyai” Cluj-Napoca,
Facultatea de Sociologie şi Asistenţă Socială, Catedra de Sociologie;
- autor şi coautor a zece cărţi, precum şi a numeroase studii şi articole
în reviste de specialitate, în domeniul psihologiei sociale, sociologiei,
metodologiei în disciplinele socio-umane (Structurile axiologice din
perspectivă psiho-socială, Ed. Didactică şi Pedagogică, 1995;
Abordarea calitativă a socio-umanului, 1997, Polirom, Iaşi; Iluzia
localismului şi localizarea iluziei, 2000, Polirom, Iaşi; Sinele şi
cunoaşterea lui, 2001, Polirom, Iaşi);
- domenii de interes: familia şi problematica “gender”, sistemul de
valori şi relaţia lui cu atitudinile şi comportamentele umane, raporturile
dintre cantitativ şi calitativ în domeniul socio-umanului.
Cornel Jurju - cercetător la Institutul de Istorie Orală, din cadrul
Universităţii “Babeş-Bolyai” din Cluj-Napoca;
Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB; studii aprofundate de Istorie
Orală în cadrul Facultăţii de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB (1998);
- doctorand în Istoria contemporană a României la UBB Cluj-Napoca
cu tema “Românii pe frontul de est”;
- autor şi coautor al unor studii şi volume privind istoria contemporană
a României (“Suferinţa nu se dă la fraţi…”. Mărturia Lucreţiei Jurj
despre rezistenţa anticomunistă din Apuseni 1948-1958, 2002, Dacia,
Cluj-Napoca);
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- domenii de interes: istorie orală, mentalităţi colective.
Sidonia Nedeianu Grama - doctorand în Istoria mentalităţilor - Istorie
orală la UBB Cluj-Napoca, cu tema “Revoluţia română din decembrie
1989 în memoria colectivă şi în imaginarul social”;
- licenţiat în Sociologie (1996), specializarea Sociologia comunicării de
masă, Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB;
- studii aprofundate în Antropologie Culturală la Facultatea de Studii
Europene a UBB (1997);
-domenii de interes: istorie orală, studii culturale, antropologia
interpretativ-simbolică, metodologia ştiinţelor sociale.
Oneţ Carmen – profesor de istorie la Liceul “Octavian Goga” Huedin;
- domenii de interes: istorie orală, instaurarea comunismului în
România, colectivizarea agriculturii.
Valentin Orga - bibliotecar Biblioteca Centrală “Lucian Blaga” ClujNapoca;
- licenţiat în istorie (1994), specializarea istorie modernă, Facultatea de
- specializare în etnologie (1994), Facultatea de Litere a UBB;
- doctorand în Istoria modernă a României la UBB Cluj-Napoca cu
tema “Mişcarea naţională din Transilvania. Grupul neoactivist de la
Orăştie”;
- autor şi coautor al unor studii şi volume privind istoria modernă şi
contemporană a României (Moţa – pagini de viaţă, file de istorie, 1999,
Argonaut, Cluj-Napoca; Aurel Vlad – istorie şi destin, 2001, Argonaut,
Cluj-Napoca; Veţel – studiu monografic complex, 2002, Eurodidact,
Cluj-Napoca);
- domenii de interes: istoria modernă şi contemporană a Transilvaniei,
istorie orală, etnografie-etnologie, mentalităţi colective.
Mariana Pintilie – profesor de istorie la Liceul Octavian Stroia ClujNapoca;
AIO
- licenţiat în istorie (1994), specializarea istorie veche, Facultatea de
- licenţiat în etnologie (1994), Facultatea de Litere a UBB;
- licenţiat în ştiinţe politice (1998), specializarea Analiză şi
management politic, Facultatea de Ştiinţe Politice şi Administraţie
Publică a UBB;
- master în istorie veche (1996), Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie a
UBB;
- doctorand în arheologie la UBB Cluj-Napoca;
- autor şi coautor al unor volume de istorie (Metode moderne de
învăţare-evaluare în învăţământul preuniversitar, Ed. Facil, 1999;
Dăbâca – studiu monografic, Ed. Eurodidact, Cluj-Napoca, 2000; Veţel
– studiu monografic complex, 2002, Ed. Eurodidact, Cluj-Napoca);
- domenii de interes: arheologie, etnologie.
Iulia Pop – profesor de limba şi literatura română la Liceul Teoretic
“Mihai Eminescu” Cluj-Napoca;
- licenţiat în Litere (1994), specializarea limba şi literatura românălimba şi literatura engleză, Facultatea de Litere a UBB Cluj-Napoca;
cu tema “Autobiografie şi memorie personală ca sursă de reconstituire
istorică a rezistenţei anticomuniste din România”;
- domenii de interes: mentalităţi colective, cultură şi civilizaţie,
filologie, gramatica limbii române, analiza discursului, antropologia
culturală, didactică.
Doru Radosav – prof. univ. dr., Universitatea “Babeş-Bolyai” ClujNapoca, Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie, şeful Catedrei de Istorie
Medie şi Istoriografie, directorul Institutului de Istorie Orală din ClujNapoca;
- autor şi coautor a numeroase volume şi studii de istorie medievală şi
de istorie contemporană (Civilizaţie medievală şi modernă românească,
Ed. Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1985; Lupta românilor din jud Satu-Mare
pentru făurirea statului naţional unitar român: Documente 1848-1918,
Ed. Arhivelor Statului, Bucureşti, 1989; Carte şi Societate în sec. XVII–
XIX, Fundaţia Celor Trei Crişuri, Oradea, 1995; Catalogul cărţii vechi
româneşti din nord-vestul Transilvaniei, Ed. Philobiblon, Cluj-Napoca,
1995; 1918 în Sătmar, Presa Universitară Clujeană, Cluj-Napoca, 1996;
Donbas – o istorie deportată, Ravensburg, 1996; Und Keiner Was
AIO
Warum. Eine deportierte Geschichte, Ravensburg, 1996; Sentimentul
religios la Români. Sec. XVII–XX, Ed. Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1997; în
pregătire Cultură şi societate în pragul umanismului în secolul XVII;
Istoria din memorie).
- domenii de interes: cultură şi societate în epoca medievală şi
premodernă, istoria sentimentului religios, istorie orală.
Mihaela Sitariu – istoric – cercetător la Fundaţia a Treia Europă,
Timişoara
- licenţiat în istorie (1998), specializarea istorie, Facultatea de Litere,
Filosofie si Istorie, Universitatea Timişoara;
- Master of Arts (2000), Departamentul Istorie, Universitatea CentralEuropeană Budapesta;
- stagiu de formare “Introducere în cultura şi civilizaţia Europei
Centrale”, specializarea antropologie - istorie orală (2001), Fundaţia A
Treia Europă, Open College;
- autor şi coautor a unor studii şi volume privind istoria contemporană a
României (Rezistenţa anticomunistă. Timişoara 1956), Ed. Sophia,
Bucuresti, 1998);
- domenii de interes: mişcarea studenţească din 1956, identităţi multiple
în Banat, educaţie şi familie în perioada interbelică.
Florin Stan – profesor de istorie la Grupul Şcolar Agricol Turda.
- licenţiat în istorie (1996), specializarea istorie medievală, Facultatea
de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB;
- studii aprofundate în Studii Medievale în cadrul Facultăţii de Istorie şi
- autor al unor studii privind istoria medievală şi contemporană a
României;
- domenii de interes: viaţa cotidiană în evul mediu, instaurarea
comunismului în România, relaţii interetnice şi interconfesionale în
secolul XX.
Ionuţ Ţene – consilier referent la Primăria Municipiului Cluj-Napoca;
- masterat în Istorie contemporană şi relaţii internaţionale în cadrul
Facultăţii de Istorie şi Filosofie a UBB (1996);
AIO
cu tema “Clujul universitar 1944-1948”;
- autor al unor volume şi studii privind istoria contemporană a
României (Manifestaţii studenţeşti anticomuniste la Cluj în 1946,
Napoca Star, Cluj-Napoca, 1999; Reflecţii critice despre o Teologie,
Napoca Star, Cluj-Napoca, 2001)
- domenii de interes: instaurarea comunismului în România, mentalităţi
colective.
Monica Vlase – Profesor de teologie la Colegiul “Anghel Saligny” din
Cluj-Napoca;
- licenţiat în teologie (2000), specializarea teologie-asistenţă socială,
Facultatea de Teologie Ortodoxă a UBB;
-domenii de interes: istorie orală, teologie, asistenţă socială.
Ion Xenofontov - doctorand în Istoria mentalităţilor - Istorie orală la
UBB Cluj-Napoca cu tema “Războiul din Afghanistan (1979-1989) în
memoria participanţilor din Republica Moldova. Realitatea istorică şi
imaginarul social”;
Facultatea de Istorie a Universităţii de Stat din Republica Moldova;
- domenii de interes: istorie orală, mentalităţi colective, istoria Asiei şi
Africii.

sumar - Facultatea de Istorie şi Filosofie

Transcription

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