Projections from the Top in Yoruba Art Author(s): Margaret
Transcription
Projections from the Top in Yoruba Art Author(s): Margaret
Projections from the Top in Yoruba Art Author(s): Margaret Thompson Drewal Source: African Arts, Vol. 11, No. 1, (Oct., 1977), pp. 43-92 Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3335223 Accessed: 22/07/2008 14:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=jscasc. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. http://www.jstor.org PROJECTIONS Yoruba art is well known to the readers of AfricanArts, andthe corpusof scholarship on this subject is expanding rapidly. Recent studies tend to be particularistic, focusing on forms associated with specific cults or ritual contexts. This essay takes an alternate and complementary approach, analyzing the significance of a motif often mentionedin the literaturebut almost totally unexplored. I will refer to this motif very broadly as a "projection from the top": the projectionmust be attachedto the head or the top of a construction.1This motif appearsin hairstyles, headgear, wood masks, cloth masquerade costumes, sculpture, and architecture.Despite greatvariationin formand mediumanddespite multipleshadesof meaning, these projectionsshare a basic principle of Yorubareligious thought. The Yorubaview all organicmatteras possessing a vital force (ase) thatcan be manipulated to regulate the quality of man's life. Herbalists,native doctors, priests, and diviners prepareaccordingto formulasuch natural elements as leaves, stones, water, earth, and partsof animals.2As medicinalpreparations, they may be carriedin a container,rubbedon the skin, ingested, or entered into the bloodstream through incisions. Particularly relevantto this discussion is the fact thatpreparationsconstitutingase are placed inside incisions madeon the craniaof priestsandpries- FROM THE TOP IN tesses who then become mediums for the gods. The priest is possessed on ritualoccasions by the spirit of the god. The Yoruba say the god "mounts" (gun) the inside head (ori inun) of his priest, and the head swells (wu), taking on the personalityof the god. A possession priest is known as adosu-literally, "one who receives osu." Osu as defined by Pierre Verger is "a ball of the size of a knot made of the elements consitituting the ashe [vital force] of the gods, reduced to powder and amalgams" (1954b:324). In a Yorubaderived cult house in Bahia, Brazil, I saw an adosu with an osu recentlyembeddedin incisions madeon the top of the head(Fig. 1). The termalso refersto hairthatis allowed to grow over the spot of the incision. In Figure 2 the osu is a squarepatchof hair. The hairstylesof Oshunpriestsfrom Oshogbo are more prominent; the patch has developed into a pronouncedtuft or conical shape projectingfrom the cranium(Fig. 4). Relatedto the hairstylesof these priestsare those of royal messengers, ilari (Fig. 3). In the pastilari servedas intermediariesbetween YORUBA ART the king and his officials and the various cult groups (Morton-Williams 1964:253). They and their distinctive hairdos were known as far west as Porto-Novo in Republique Populairedu Benin (Dahomey). Accordingto A. Akindele and C. Aguessy, in the kingdom of Porto-Novo the head of a new "lari" is shaved "taking care to leave a cone of hairat the summit of his cranium" (1953:60). This hairdo marksilari as consecrated to the service of the king andinvests themwith some of the king's powers. The roles of adosu and ilari are similarin thatboth are intermediaries endowed with certain powers of their associates. Ilari literallymeans "incision on the head," ila ori. Samuel Johnson reports medicines placed in the headwere "supposed to be a charm capable of giving effect to whateverthe name given to the individual at the same time signifies" (1921:61). So striking is the role and image of ilari thatthey have been depicted in Gelede masks (see Drewal, 1974, fig. 8), identifiableby their distinctive stem-shaped hairdos.3 Like the intersecting lines painted on the head of the Brazilian initiate (Fig. 1), the hairline of the ilari, ABOVE: 1 CANDOMBLE INITIATEWITH PAINTED INTERSECTINGLINES AND OSU ON TOP OF SHAVEN HEAD. BAHIA, BRAZIL, 1974. LEFT: 2. AN ADOSU WITH A SMALL SQUARE PATCH OF HAIR (OSU) MARKING THE PLACE WHERE MEDICINEHAS BEEN RUBBED INTO HER HEAD. EGBADO, 1975. 43 separatingthe rightfromthe left side, is intersected by the vertical line of the tuft which marks the place of the incision. Anotherexampleof the projectionfromthe top of the head is found in the most sacred mask of the Gelede society, called Iyanla or Ososomu, the Great Mother (Fig. 8).4 The projectionis again called osu, representinga tuft of hair, and it reflects one of the Great Mother'spraisenames:Apokodosu(a pa oko di osu), "The One Who Killed Her Husband in orderto Receive Osu." The osu here, like those on the heads of priests and royal messengers, signifies thatthe mask has been preparedwith powerful substances. So potent is the preparationthatgazing uponthe maskwill cause baddreamsandtemporaryinsanity,and women of child-bearingage risk amenorrhea and infertility.In anothermaskfrom the same generalarea, the osu was replacedby a single bird perched on top, reflecting the power of the Great Motherto transformherself into a bird in the night. The Yoruba refer to the Mother as Oloju Meji-"One with Two Faces"-and AbaaraMeji-"The One Who Possesses Two Bodies." As one informant explains, "You see her one way in the day, and at midnightshe turnsto anotherthing." The projectionon the top of her head, then, also hintsat the vital force, representedby the bird, inside the head. The idea that projections from the head may characterizevital force is apparentin the form and context of Yoruba oshe Shango (Figs. 5, 6). These dance staffs are carried generallyby one possessed by Shango, god of thunder.The double celts projectingfrom the head representvital force (Verger 1964:17) and reflect the god's power to hurl thundercelts to earth in the form of lightning, a power believed to be shared by priests of Shango (Wescott and Morton-Williams 3. ROYAL MESSENGER (ILARI)OF THE KING (ALAAFIN) OF OYO. AFTERA PHOTOGRAPHBY VERGER,ca. 1950 IN THE ARCHIVES, I.R.A.D., PORTO-NOVO, R.P. DU BENIN (DAHOMEY). 4. OSHUN PRIESTAT OSHOGBO, NIGERIA. AFTERVERGER(1954a: pl. 110). 44 6. A PRIESTESS POSSESSED BY SHANGO DANCES WITH AN OSHE. OHORI, 1975. 5. OSHE SHANGO WITH THE DOUBLE CELT MOTIF SPRINGING FROM THE DEVOTEE S HEAD. PROBABLY EGBADO. CLEVELANDSTATE UNIVERSITY. 1962:27). In Figure 6, a priestess possessed by Shango dances with an oshe, which in essence mirrorsthe stateof the priestesscarrying it: herhead is swelled with the presenceof Shango, and the thunderceltsemerging from the head of the kneeling priestessdepictedon the sculpture convey the nature of the vital force in her head. Other images of the head radiatinginner power are depicted in chalk drawings on an adosu's compoundwall (Fig. 11). The priestess says thatthese images arespiritsandthey have many things projectingfrom theirheads that cannot be seen with "the naked eyes." The lidded pot on the head of one image has substances inside that "we cannot know." Like the hairstylesof priestesses, royal messengers and the Great Mother, and like the doublethunderceltsdepictedon oshe Shango, these projectionsfrom the head are visualizations of the vital force that resides inside. Nowhere is the concept of inner power more apparentthanin Egunguniconography. Egungunmasqueradersrepresentspiritsfrom the realm of the ancestors. Performancesof Egungunaffirmthe Yorubabelief in the intercession of ancestors in the affairs of their descendantswhile precautionsto preventthe audience from touching the performersreinforce the separationof the two realms. Three types of Egungun from the Egbado area of Yorubalandillustrateprojectionsfrom the top of the head (Figs. 9, 10, 12). The first is Alabala(Fig. 10), probablythe most common type of Egungunin this areasince it is the first costume a cult member acquires. Each Alabala has an osu in the form of a tuft made of yarn. An Egungun tailor commenting on the tuft said, "When that osu is there, it means that the cloth of that Egungunis complete. So it can be takenout. But if thatosu is not there, you will never see them carryit out and say that Egungun is coming." The osu tells us that the Egungun has been prepared with the proper ingredients for efficacy. TOP LEFT: 7. EGUN ELEGBA WITH AN ANIMAL HORN ? PROJECTING FROM HIS HEAD. OHORI, 1975. BOTTOM LEFT: 8. MASK OF THE GREAT MOTHER IYANLA/ OSOSOMU WITHA PROMINENTOSU. OHORI, 1975. TOP RIGHT:9. EGUN ELEGBAWITHA YARN OSY JUST ABOVE THE FACE NETTINGAND A CARVED HEADDRESS (ERE) DEPICTING THE GOD ELEGBA WITH TAILED HAIRSTYLE CURVING TO THE LEFT SIDE. EGBADO, 1975. BOTTOM RIGHT: 10. ALABALAMASQUERADEROF THE EGUNGUN CULT WITHAN OSU MADE OF YARN AT THE TOP OF THE HEAD. EGBADO, 1975. 7 Medicines are placed inside a calabash concealed in the garments,sometimesmakingthe cloth bulge. This practice has been documented in myth by Joel Adedeji (1970:75). The first Alabala was reportedto be a hunchback,and before he died he willed that whoever of his children had the hump should be given the mantle of Egungun and made the leaderof the society. However, an impersonatortook the garmentsand carrieda calabash under his costume to simulate the hump. The myth states, "Oturu (the impersonator) has carried a gourd! Ifa was consulted for Oturu who carried a gourd and called it a hump!" The ruse was exposed by the drummers, but since the impersonator danced with great flourish, the Alaafin (king of Oyo) officially presented him with the mantle and made him the rightful heir to Egungun. The contents of the concealed calabash constitute the essence of Egungun. The osu is merely the outward sign of the presence of inner power and the authenticity of cloth. A second type of Egungunis the powerful Onidan(Owner of Miracles) (Fig. 12). Like Alabala, Onidanis preparedwith efficacious ingredientsconcealedwithinthe garment.His osu, also made of yarn, runs horizontally along the upperborderof the face netting. A third type of Egungun is Egun Elegba, who functions primarily as a crowd controller (Fig. 9).5 Carryinga whip he keeps the audience from approachingthe spiritworld of the Egungun. 6 He also serves Onidan, being the only type of the three Egungun discussed whose arms are free to handle equipment. Egun Elegba is also called Egun Eleere because he may carry a carved image (ere) on top of his head. Like Onidan,the projectionof Egun Elegba is arrangedhorizontally along the upperborderof the face neeting. In addithe upperborderof the face netting. In addithe Yorubagod Elegba with a tailed hairstyle curving to the left side (Fig. 9). Among the Ohori Yoruba, Egun Elegba is depicted with an animal horn projecting upward from the masquerader'shead and slightly toward the left (Fig. 7). The hornitself is a containerand is one of many ingredients with which the Egungunis prepared.The subtle bulge in the cloth indicates where medicine that endows the masqueraderwith power is concealed. The projection depicted on the head of sculpturesof Eshu-Elegbahas received much attention in the literature (Wescott 1962; Thompson 1971:Ch. 4; Pemberton 1975) (Fig. 13). Referringto Elegba's tuft of hair, one praise poem states, "Elegba Esu of the road;Esu Adaradoes not have a headto carry loads; this pointed-headedLaroye does not have a head to carry loads" (Verger 1957:136). RobertThompsonnotes that"this violates traditionaldecorum, for everyone in Yorubalandis expected to carry his share, depending upon age, on his head," and, based on a myth collected from a priest of Elegba, suggests the tufton the topof his head is a symbol of his friendship with Ifa, the Yoruba deity of divination (1971: Ch 4/3).7 OhoriYorubapriestssay thatElegbamustnot be given loads to carrybecause he will steal them and refuse to share with the gods; the hairstyle prevents this possibility. His share of sacrifices is offered separately from the othergods andplaced at the crossroadswhere he is believed to reside. Eshu is always given his offerings first, a reflection of his role as guardianof the crossroads, as one stationed between the realmsof man andthe gods. This perhapsexplains the tuft motif culminatingin another face (Fig. 13). Eshu sees into both realms and acts as the link between man and the spirit world. This is indeed his role in Egungun. Like the osu of priests and royal messengers, Eshu-Elegba's osu identifies him as a characterinvested with certain authority and responsibility. The tuft of hair denies the mundanefunctionof carryingloads and implies a head preparedwith medicine. There is evidence to suggest a directrelationship between Eshu and certain of the king's ilari.8 Verger reportsthat it was the function of the leaderof the ilari to make sacrifices to Elegba (1957:115). The power in Eshu-Elegba'shead can best be understoodin the context of anotherclass of art object that also frequently displays a head projection: paired figures joined by a leatherthong at theirbases, which must hang upside down either on shrines or aroundthe necks of priests, who wear them on market days (Fig. 14). The priests say if the head is uprightthere will be confusion and possibly bloodshed. Before the objects may be carried outside, offerings of corn and gin must be placed beneath them. Upon encountering a priestwearingthese invertedfigures, a person must pay alms. Giving small amounts of money to a dormantEshu (one whose head is down) insuresthose tradingin the marketof a successful day. Eshu with an uprighthead is a tricksterwho brings chaos and trouble.9 In the foregoing examples of head projections, theroleof mediatorhas appeared.If a divination, the central mediating system of the Yoruba, is performedby trained priests and serves to orderthe universeby revealing 11. CHALK DRAWINGS OF THE ORISA ONDO AND ARE ON A PRIESTESS COMPOUND WALL EGBADO, 1975. 12. ONIDAN, OWNER-OF-MIRACLES, WHOSE OSU OF YARN RUNS HORIZONTALLYALONG THE UPPER BORDER OF THE FACE NETTING.EGBADO, 1975. 46 13. ESHU-ELEGBA DANCE WAND. WOOD, COWRIES, 37.5cm. GIFT OF RALPH B. LLOYD FOUNDATION. MUSEUM OF CULTURALHISTORY,UCLA. 9).13 14. ELEGBA PRIEST WEARING PAIRED FIGURES AROUND HIS NECK AND A KONKOSO (HAT WORN BY POSSESSION PRIESTS) WITH FEATHERS AND PROJECTION AT THE TOP. OHORI, 1975. the thoughts and actions of gods and ancestors, who are believed to influence man's existence. 0 Before a priest begins the divining process, he places his equipmentso that he faces the doorway, or if diviningin a grove he orientshimself towardthe pathleadinginto the clearing. Precautionsaretakento clearthe path or doorway, for they are the road on which the spiritstravel to the ceremony, and priestsof Ifa say it is dangerousfor people to come down the pathduringinvocations.They divine on a wood trayknown as opon Ifa. The borderof the tray is dominatedby the face of Eshu-Elegba,which always faces towardthe diviner so that it is directly between the road of the spiritsandthe priest.HereagainEshu is intermediary. He is Elegba Eshu ona, "Elegba Eshu of the road" (Verger 1957:136). By tapping the tip of an instrumentcalled iro Ifa (Fig. 15) against the center of the divinationtray, the divinergains the attention of the gods. This tapper usually depicts a human figure with a pointed projection at either the head or the base. At the handle of the instrumentis usuallya cavity for the insertion of efficacious ingredients, but it is the pointof the tapperthatmakescontactwith the divinationtray and, thus, the spiritworld.1l Anotherprojectionfrom the top appearson headgear.In certainAnago and Ohoritowns, priests, before entering possession trance, must place tall conical hats on their heads (Fig. 16).12 These hats, surmountedby a stem (Fig. 18), sharecertainelements with Yoruba beadedcrowns (Fig. 17). Thompsoncalls the projection on beaded crowns a "stem-oncone" and notes that it is also found in brass ceremonial crowns (1970:14-15, figs. 8, The hats worn by the possession priests are called konkoso, referringto the sieve- or sifter-like form made of dried grasses; Thompson illustratesthe structureof a partially completed beaded crown that is also conical (1970, fig. 2). Whitechicken feathers are attachedto the largebeadedbirdshown in Figure 17 during annual sacrifices to the crown. Similarly, birdsarerepresentedon the possession hats by feathers, which in one town were said to be symbolsof extraordinary power. In another,the featherswere actually pluckedfrom the firstbirdsacrificesmadefor the priests upon acquiringtheir positions as mediums. To avoid exposing efficacious medicines, the very sight of which can be dangerous,thereis a prohibitionagainstlooking inside the hat, not unlike that preventing the king fromgazing inside his beadedcrown (Thompson1970:10). More importantly,just as the priestis the closest link with the god, so is the "divine king" the link to the royal forefathers.He representsthe royal dynasty, the ancestralforce, which is incarnatedin his beaded crown (Thompson 1970:8; Asiwaju 1976:114). A. I. Asiwaju confirms the significance of the crown: "The ade [crown], as an emblemof the royalancestralspirit,constitutes an object in the palace shrine;and even when the Oba [king] was not presentin person, theade (more often the originalone) was publicly displayed, usually by being placed on the throne. Before it, the Yoruba were obliged to observethe same protocolof reverence and deference in the real presenceof the monarch." Modified projectionsoccur even among a king's everyday headgear (Fig. Another object featuringthe projectionat the top is the ile ori, "house of the head" (Fig. 21), which contains a "head" made of 41 cowries strung together in the shape of a crown (Johnson 1921:27). Little is available in the literatureabout this object's use. More research on the spiritual concepts of ori (head), ori ode (outside head), and ori inun (inside head) and their relation to a person's destiny, individuality, intellect, personal power, and possession trance will undoubtedly add furthersignificance to projections from the top.15 The final example of this motif is architectural. In a large grove in Pobe, Republique Populairedu Benin, threeshrinesare devoted to three Anago Yoruba gods (M. T. Drewal 1975). Only the shrine for Elegba has a projection from the top of the roof that is approximately one meter in height (Fig. 19). The constructionhere is non-functionaland visually recalls the praise phrase, "This pointed-headLaroye does not have a head to 20).14 15. TWO FIGURATED IFA TAPPERS (IRO IFA). IVORY. LEFT. 32.4cm GIFT OF W. THOMAS DAVIS. RIGHT. 25.4cm. GIFT OF RALPH B. LLOYD FOUNDATION. MUSEUM OF CULTURALHISTORY,UCLA. 16. PRIEST POSSESSED BY THE ORISA ONDO WEARING A KONKOSO (POSSESSION HAT MADE OF A SIEVE WITH A PROJECTIONAT THE TOP). ANAGO, 1973. 47 s- 1 *.'^ . .X ' R - ''" *: tX^ . i^-^j---'' a ; _= Z __ ?? - '?~ 3i * iV ;t-.. ^^ . .- ! I . sV* .!s > - _, *...A. :* 9V ;,,, >~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~: ,m~~~m m?~t:~e _____ ?:;' * I es'A'<. 'S' _____I r-_. . :?: ;?:4 C"I: a ,-rX ii "I? carryloads" (Verger 1957:136). Cult officials say that Elegba is the god one finds first upon entering the sacred grove. His shrinelies across what is believed to be the originalroad taken to settle the town. It is here that the first sacrifices are made. These are crucial in opening successful communicationwith the gods. As the shrine is the dwelling of the "guardianof the road," the projection, in essence, is like a crossroads, where man establishes contact with the gods. The most direct expression of the vertical projection as crossroads and its conceptualizationin architectureoccurs in the New World, primarily in Haiti in the concept of poteau mitan. The poteau mitan is the center post of the Voodoo ceremonial enclosure, and like the projection from Elegba's shrine, it is architecturallynon-functional.16More striking is that thepoteau mitan is also known as poteau Legba (Maximilien 1945:34;Marcelin1949:16;Deren 1972:97;Brown 1976). Numerous researchers report that the gods use the post to descend at a ceremony (Bastide 1958: 67-68; Courlander 1944:44; Deren 1972:36, 97; Metraux 1959:77). HaroldCourlander gives a good description(1944:44): "This center pole, called a po'teau (or po'teau mitan)is a significant 'prop' in the dramaand meaningof Haitiandancing. Down this pole the loa (spirits) come when they enter the gathering. Down this pole comes the drum-spirit,too, to enter into the head and sticks of the drums. At the foot of the po'teau sacrifices are laid out, and maize flour paintings made. In the topmost parts of the pole, protective household gardes, or fetiches, may be suspended, and in its branchesmay be hidden stone celts sacred to certain loa. Aroundthis pole the dance characteristicallytakes place." Alfred Metraux (1959:77) calls the poteau "the passage for be chaotic. The lines that divide the head (the intersectinglines on the Brazilian initiate's head, the sagittal line of the shaved hairof royal messengers, and the black-and-whitecap of Eshu) suggest the separation of realms. The vertical axis conveys their interpenetration.17Only those persons or objects "prepared" for mediating roles can operate in both. As we have seen, the projection from the top is usually associated with divine presence. Those who don it either in the form of a hairstyle (osu) or headgear function as intermediaries. They include priests, royal messengers, Egungun masqueraders,and the sacredking. And the projectionappears in mediating objects such as the Great Mother mask, the Ifa tapper,oshe Shango, and sculpturefor Eshu-Elegba. In certain contexts the projectionmay also be observed in architecture. The heads or tops of these mediatingfigures literallyoperatein two realms-realms accessible only throughthose persons and objects that have been specially endowed for transcendence. Projectionsfrom the top, then, are a dominant symbol of the vital force of a divine associate; and in their various forms and contexts they may characterize the particularnature of that force. D Notes, page 91 spirits . . . the ladder by which spirits come down into the peristyle when they are invoked." Maya Deren (1972:97) relates the poteau mitan more specifically to the crossroads: the link between the visible, mortal world "Legba-life-is and the invisible, immortal realms . . . Since he is god of the poles of the axis, of the axis itself, he is God of the Cross-roads,of the vital intersectionbetween the two worlds. The poteau mitan, the center post of the peristyle, through which the loa arriveat the ceremony, is also called the poteau Legba." Verticalprojectionsin these variouscontexts and forms may be said to act as a poteau mitan, an avenue of the divine, with vital ingredientsembedded at their bases to facilitate spiritual presence. This idea can be most clearly illustrated by the Brazilian medium's head (Fig. 1) recently endowed with ase. Painted lines cross where the medicine was inserted;a raised nodule forms the vertical projection. In the West African context, certain royal messengers' hairdos demonstratethis concept (see H. J. Drewal 1974, fig. 8). The head is divided into rightand left sides, intersectedby a verticalstem. There is a famous tale about Eshu wearing a cap that is white on one side and black on the other. Eshu caused a fight between two friendswho saw his hat from two differentperspectives. While the two men were settling their dispute about whetherthe cap was white or black, Eshu went about burning the town. The story defines Eshu as a trickster,but it also warns that the two worlds that he mediates must remainseparateor existence will TOP LEFT. 17. BEADED CROWN WITHVEIL.WHITECHICKENFEATHERSARE ATTACHED TO THE BEADED BIRD ON TOP DURING ANNUAL SACRIFICESTO THE CROWN. SAID TO HAVE BEEN MADE AT IJEBU-ODE, ca. 1948. AWORI, 1975. TOP RIGHT: 18. KONKOSO (POSSESSION HAT) DECORATED WITH COLORFUL CLOTH, CALABASHES, BIRDS FEATHERS,AND A PROJECTION AT THE TOP. WORN BY A PRIEST OF ESHU-ELEGBA. ANAGO, 1973. BOTTOMLEFT:19. SHRINE FOR ESHU-ELEBGAWITHROOF SURMOUNTED BY A METER-HIGHNON-FUNCTIONALPROJECTION.ANAGO, 1973. BOTTOM RIGHT: 20. ROYAL HEADGEAR FOR EVERYDAY USE WITH MODIFIED PROJECTION ON THE TOP. AWORI, 1975. 21. HOUSE OF THE HEAD (ILEORI). WOOD, COWRIES, FABRIC, 36.2cm GIFT OF W THOMAS DAVIS. MUSEUM OF CULTURALHISTORY,UCLA. 49 31. According to Kyerematen,eight Asantehenesare represented by twelve swords, with only four chiefs having the customarytwo swords (1961: 11-14). The swords of destooled chiefs are not retained in the state regalia. 32. Linguiststaffs also served this function. Significantly, manyof the Asante paramountchief's staffs date to the 1920s and 1930s. ASANTE SWORD ORNAMENTS,Bibliography Anonymous. 1977. Durbar in Honour of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, Kumasi. Barbot,John. 1744. A Description of the Coasts of Northand South Guinea, in A. Churchhill,Collection of Voyagesand Travels, v. 5, London. Bassing, Allen andA. A. Y. Kyerematen,1972. "The Enstoolment of an Asantehene." African Arts 5, 3: 28-31, 62-63. Bosman, William. 1907. A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, London. First published 1704. Bowdich, Thomas Edward. 1819. Missionfrom Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, London. Bravmann,Rene. 1968. "The State Sword-A Pre-AshantiTradition." Ghana Notes and Queries 10: 1-4. Busia, Kofi A. 1951. The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti, London. Claridge, W. Walton. 1915. A Historv of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, London, 2 vols. Cole, HerbertM. and DoranH. Ross. 1977. TheArtsof Ghana, Los Angeles. de Marees, Pieter, 1905. "A descriptionand historicalldeclaration in Samuel Purchas, of the golden Kingdome of Guinea ...." Purchas His Pilgrimes, v. 6, Glasgow. First published 1602. Donne, John B. 1977. "West African Goldwork," Connoisseur 194. 780: 100-106. Ehrlich, M. J. 1976. "Ashanti State Swords and Sword Ornaments." Unpublishedpaper. Ellis, A. B. 1883. The Land of Fetish, London. Fagg, William. 1974. "Ashanti Gold." Connoisseur 185, 743: 41-48. Fagg, William and MargaretPlass. 1964. AfricanSculpture, London. Fischer, Eberhardand Hans Himmelheber. 1975. Das Gold in der Kunst Westafrikas,Zurich. Fraser,Douglas. 1972. "The Symbols of AshantiKingship." African Art and Leadership, eds. D. Fraserand H. Cole. Madison, pp. 137-152. Freeman, Thomas Birch. 1844. Journal of Various Visits to the Kingdomsof Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi, London. Fynn, John Kofi. 1971. Asante and Its Neighbors 1700-1807, London. Kyerematen, A. A. Y. 1961. Regalia for an Ashanti Durbar, Kumasi. Kyerematen,A. A. Y. 1964. Panoply of Ghana, London. Kyerematen,A.A.Y. 1969/70. Kingshipand Ceremonyin Ashanti. Menzel, Brigette. 1968. Goldgewichte aus Ghana, Berlin. Meyerowitz,Eva L. R. 1951. TheSacredStateoftheAkan,London. Muller, Wilhelm Johann. 1673. Die Africanischeauf der Guineischen Gold-Cust Gelegene LandschafftFetu, Hamburg. Quarcoo, A. K. 1975. LeadershipArt, Legon, Ghana. Ramseyer, Frederickand J. Kuhne. 1878. Four Yearsin Ashantee, London. Rattray,R. S. 1927. Religion and Art in Ashanti, London. Rattray,R. S. 1929. Ashanti Law and Constitution, London. Reindorf,Carl Christian. 1966. The History of the Gold Coast and Asante, Accra. First published ca. 1889. Tordoff, William. 1960. "The Exile and Repatriationof Nana Prempeh I of Ashanti (1896-1924)." Transactionsof the Historical Society of Ghana 4, pt. 2: 33-58. van Dantzig, A. 1970. "A Note on 'The State Sword-A PreAshanti Tradition." Ghana Notes and Queries 11: 47-48. Wilks, Ivor. 1975. Asante in the NineteenthCentury, London. PROJECTIONS,Notes, from page 49 An earlierversionof this paperwas presentedat the AfricanStudies AssociationConferencein Boston, November4, 1976. It is basedon field researchamong the Yorubain 1970-71, 1973, and 1975 (supportedin partby grantsfrom the Institutefor InterculturalStudies, Inc.) and in Brazil among the members of the Yoruba-derived Candomblecult, Bahia, in 1974. I am gratefulto HenryJohnDrewal for editorialcomments and Raimi Akaki Taiwo for researchassistance. Most of all I wish to acknowledgethe wisdom of the Yoruba elders whose words and actions first suggested the import of the motif. I. The projectionfrom the top might be called what Victor Turner termsa "dominant"symbol (1967:31): "Dominantsymbols appear in many different ritual contexts, sometimes presiding over the whole procedure,sometimes over particularphases. The meaningcontent of certain dominant symbols possesses a high degree of constancyandconsistencythroughoutthe totalsymbolic system . . Such symbols also possess considerableautonomywith regardto the aims of the rituals in which they appear." 2. See Warren,Buckley and Ayandokun(1973) and Verger(1967) for examples of medicinal formulas. 3. For a discussion and illustrationof a Gelede mask depicting an ilari, see H. J. Drewal (1974:14-15). Apparentlyosu was worn by the Are-Ona-Kakanfo,the commander-in-chiefof the Oyo army. Johnstonwrites(1921:74): ''Like theIlaris, at the time of his taking office, he is first to shave his headcompletely, and201 incisions are made on his occiput, with 201 different lancets and specially preparedingredientsfrom 201 viols [sic] are rubbedinto the cuts, one for each. This is supposed to renderhim fearless and courageous. They arealways shaved, butthe hairon the inoculatedpartis allowed to grow long, and when plaited, forms a tuft or sort of pigtail . . . They [Kakanfo]have all been more or less troublesome, due it is supposedto the effect of the ingredientsthey wereinoculatedwith.'" 4. For a detailed analysis of lyanla/Ososomu, see H. J. Drewal (forthcoming). 5. EgunElegbais simplyone manifestationof the god Eshu/Elegba. 6. Pemberton'sinformants(1975:27) explain that "Eshu goes out like the king's messenger, blowing his whistle to say that a great person is coming. 'He clears the way.' " 7. The myth relates how Ifa, to test the sincerity of his friends, spreadthe rumorthat he had died. Most of them ignoredthe rumor, butEshu, who was in the processof shavinghis head, ranto Ifa upon hearingthe news, tearsstreamingdown his cheeks. Ifa said, "I have seen you arrivewith your hairunfinished,Henceforth,this tuft will remain on your head as a sign of friendship which is genuine" (Thompson 1971:Ch. 4/3). 8. Pemberton informs me that "there is certainly a relationship between Eshu and certain of the king's ilari in Ila [Orangun]" (Personalcommunication,January12, 1977). 9. For Eshu as trickster/agentprovocateur see Wescott (1962). 10. For a review of the literatureon Ifa, see Bascom (1969:13-25). 11. It is perhapssignificant to note that Walker(1976:24) records the use of the tapperby women as a musical instrumentin honorof Eshu. The pointed end of the tapper may therefore be a direct referenceto the same configurationon Eshu sculpture. 12. Possession hatsof this type are wornto my knowledgethroughout Anago andOhoriareasby priestsof Ogun, Sango, Odua, Elegba, Ondo, Are, and Sopannon.Fora detaileddescriptionof a ceremony where these hats are used, see M. T. Drewal (1975). 13. Thompson (1970:10) describes traditionalcrowns as "either cone-shaped (frequently with an apertureat the point of the cone where the base of a beaded bird may be inserted) or a vertical stem-on-conestructurecharacterizedby the elongationof thecone so that a kind of long narrowcylinder is created at the top of which presides a bird and the sides of which often serve as ground for subsidiarybirdsarrangedas an inward-facingcircle." Anothertype of headgearfashionedlike a crown is thebayani. Like the crownand the possession hats, thebavani has a projectionat the top. Babatunde Lawal (1971:32) reportsit is the official headgearof Shangopriests "donnedon ceremonialoccasions, especially whengoing to demand ransomat a housejust struckby lightning.'' A neolithicthundercelt, the most sacred of objects on any Shango shrine, representinghis vital force, is sewn into the bayani. Lawal (1971:101) says that the axe-headedoshe, discussed above, is groundedin the idea that by adding the celts to the top one symbolically reinforcesthe power alreadyheld to be immanentin the head, "as Sango priestsset 'live' thunderboltsin their headdress, the bayani." 14. Crowns for everyday use probablyreflect European(or more specifically British)crown conventions. It may be that non-Yoruba crowns suitedtraditionalpurposesin partbecauseof the projection. 15. There are many more examples of projectionsfrom the top in Yorubaart, including Igodo masks, Elefon masks, Eyinle pots, and Osanyin puppets. Beyond Yorubaland,projectionsfrom the top of the head appearin the King of Benin's royal headgearand bronze heads surmountedwith elephants'tusks found on ancestorshrines. PaulaBen-Amos, in commentingon this paperafterits presentation at Boston, noted that the crown of the Oba of Benin does in fact contain medicine inside the central projection. To the west of the Yorubaland among the Fon and Ewe, figures representing the Eshu/Elegba-relateddeity Legba in many cases have small projections from the center of the head. The extent and significance of these head projectionsawait furtherresearch. 16. Roger Bastide (1958:67) documents the existence of a center pole in Candomblehouses, at the foot of which is buriedtheaxe (ase) of the cult. During the summerof 1974 I only saw one cult house containingthe centerpost. Perhapssignificantlyit was in the house consideredthroughoutBahia to be the oldest and most traditional. M. and F. Herskovits(1947:191-192) documenta centerpole comparableto those in HaitiandBrazilin the Protestantcult of theTrinity in Trinidad. 17. While it may be said that vertical projections from the top suggest beings endowed with special powers of an associate, it is importantto recongize that there are also many individualswhose headshave been likewise specially endowed, but who communicate this fact in otherways thanby displayinga projection.Forexample, possession priests of Shango in Egbado area shave the front of the head and plait the back portion.This coiffure alludes to possession, andthusto a headendowedwith the force of Shango, by creatingthe illusion of an enlargedforehead.As will be remembered,in possession the head is believed to swell (wu). PROJECTIONS,Bibliography Adedeji, J. 1970. "The Originof the YorubaMasqueTheatre:The Use of Ifa DivinationCorpusas HistoricalEvidence," AfricanNotes 6,1:70-86. Akindele, A. and C. Aguessy. 1953. "Contributionsa l'Etudede L'Histoire de L'Ancien Royaume de Porto-Novo." Memoires de 1'I.F.A.N., 25. Asiwaju, A. 1. 1976. "Political Motivation and Oral Historical Traditions in Africa: The Case of Yoruba Crowns, 1900-1960," Africa 46,2:113-127. Bascom, W. R. 1969. Ifa Divination: CommunicationBetween Gods and Man in West Africa. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press. Bastide, R. 1958. Le Candomble de Bahia (Rite Nago). Paris: Mouton & Co. Brown K. M. 1976. "The Center and the Edges: A Structural Analysis of Haitian Religious Imagery." Paper for the AfroAmerican Religious History Working Group of the American Academy of Religion, October. Courlander,H. 1944. "Dance and Dance-Dramain Haiti." The Function of Dance in HumanSociety, ed. F. Boas. New York:The Boas School. Deren, M. 1972. Divine Horsemen:The VoodooGods offHaiti,New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. Drewal, H. J. 1974. "Gelede Masks:Imageryand Motif." African Arts 7,4:8-19, 62-63, 95-96. Drewal, H. J. Forthcoming."Art and the Perceptionof Women in YorubaCulture." Cahiers d'EtudesAfricaines. Drewal, M. T. 1975. "Symbols of Possession: A Study of MovementandRegaliain an Anago-YorubaCeremony.''Dance Research Journal of Cord 7,2:15-24. _ CONTRIBUTORS EZIOBASSANIis a consultantin Africanartfor the Centrodi Studi per la Museologiain Florence, and contributorto the art reviewCriticad'Arte. WALTERBATTISS, a well-knownSouth Africanartistand an authorityon rock painting,was formerlyhead of the Departmentof Fine Artat the Universityof SouthAfrica. MARGARET THOMPSONDREWALreceived her M.A.in dance fromColumbiaUniversity.The currentpaper grew out of research on possession trance and dance in West Africa1970-71, 1973 and 1975 and in Brazilin 1974. GEORGER. ELLISis Assistantto the Directorof the Museumof CulturalHistory,UCLA,and a memberof the AfricanArtsconsultingeditorialboard. IRISKAYwas formanyyears a numericalanalystand computerprogrammer.She is nowa travel consultantand devotes much of her time studing the historyand artof West Africa. KEITHNICKLINhas been workingas an Ethnographerin the NigerianFederalDepartmentof Antiquitiessince 1970. JOHN W. NUNLEYreceived a Ph.D. in art historyfromthe Universityof Washingtonand has been teaching at the Universityof Illinoissince 1974. In1977-78 he willbe studyingthe EriDevil Masqueradersof SierraLeone, Freetown,withthe supportof a Fulbright-Hayes grant. J.V. OLUFEMIRICHARDSis a Sierra Leonean born in Nigeria, and is a member of the Research Committeeof NigerianArtsCounciland on the AdvisoryBoardof the journalBlack Orpheus. He recentlytaught Africanart and architectureat the Universityof Massachusetts on a two-yearleave fromthe Universityof Lagos. JOHNADKINSRICHARDSON is currentlyProfessorof Artand Design at SouthernIllinoisUniversityat Edwardsville. DORANH. ROSS is a Ph.D.candidate in Africanarthistoryat the Universityof California,Santa Barbara.IncollaborationwithHerbertM.Cole, he has spent the past two years in research and preparationfor "TheArtsof Ghana"exhibition. JILLSALMONSis a doctoralcandidate at the Universityof Nigeria,Nsukka.She spent the past several years researchingAnnangart in Cross RiverState. 91 Herskovits, M. J. and F. Herskovits. 1947. TrinidadVillage. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Johnson, S. 1921. The History of the Yorubas. London:Routledge and Kegan Paul. Lawal, B. A. 1971. "YorubaSango Sculpturein HistoricalRetrospect." UnpublishedPh.D. dissertation, IndianaUniversity. Marcelin, M. 1949. Mythologie Vodu(Rite Arada). Port-au-Prince: Editions Haitiennes. Maximilien, L. 1945. Le VodouHaitien, Rite Radas-Canzo. Portau-Prince:Imprimeriede L'Etat. Metraux,A. 1959. Voodoo in Haiti. London:Andre Deutsch Ltd. Morton-Williams,P. 1964. "An Outlineof the Cosmology andCult Organizationof the Oyo Yoruba." Africa 34, 3:243-261. Pemberton,J. 1975. "Eshu-Elegba:The YorubaTricksterGod." African Arts 9,1:20-27, 66-70, 90-92. Thompson, R. F. 1970. "The Sign of the Divine King." African Arts 3,3:8-17, 74-80. Thompson, R. F. 1971. Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at UCLA. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Turner,V. 1967. TheForest ofSymbols: Aspects of NdembuRitual. Ithaca:Cornell University Press. Verger, P. 1954a. Dieux D'Afrique. Paris: Paul Hartmann. Verger, P. 1954b. "Role Joue par I'Etat d'Hebetude au Cours de L'lnitiationdes Novices aux Cultes des Orishaet Vodun." Bulletin de l'F.A.N. serie B 16,3-4:322-340. Verger, P. 1957. "Notes sur le Cultedes Orisaet Voduna Bahia, la Baie de Tous les Saintes au Bresil et a l'Ancienne C6te des Esclaves en Afrique." Memoires de l'I.F.A.N. 51. Verger, P. 1964. "The Yoruba High God-A Review of the Sources." Paper preparedfor the Conference on the High God in Africa, Ibadan, December 14-18. Verger, P. F. 1967. Awon Ewe Osanyin:YorubaMedicinalLeaves. Ile-Ife: Instituteof African Studies, University of Ife. Walker, R. A. African Women/AfricanArt. New York: AfricanAmerican Institute. Warren,D. M., A. D. Buckley, andJ.A. Ayandokun.1973. Yoruba Medicines. Legon: The Instituteof African Studies, University of Ghana. Wescott, J. 1962. "The Sculptureand Myths of Eshu-Elegba, the YorubaTrickster." Africa 32,4:336-353. Wescott, J. and P. Morton-Williams. 1962. "The Symbolism and Ritual Context of the YorubaLaba Shango." Journal of the Royal AnthropologicalInstitute 92,1:23-37 (January/June). KONGO DRUM, Notes, from page 37 1. Translatedfrom the Italianby the author.The person who made the list (probablythe collector himself) has madean obvious mistake in attributingthe carving to the Azande. 2. This type of ndungu was also introducedinto Latin America by Africanslaves. F. Ortizwroteaboutthis instrumentin Cuba,where it is called el dungo: "Aged colouredmen tell us thatthe black people in Loango used in Cuba a wheeled drumcalled dungo or ndungo:it consists of a large and heavy tree-trunk,emptied inside, the lower position of which rests on a boardwith wheels at both ends, so thatit may be drawn around" (vol. 3,1952:408). 3. On the Copenhagendrumstand, the passengersits with crossed legs on the leather thong-a ratherimprobableposition. 4. Relazione del reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade ricavata (as the author warns us) dalli scritti et ragionamenti de Odoardo Lopez Portoghese, published in Rome by Bartolomeo Grassi in 1591 (see De Jonghe 1938 and Filesi 1968). 5. Translatedfrom the Italianby the author. 6. Translatedfromthe Italianby the author.This manuscript,dating from the beginning of the seventeenthcentury, is a compilationof documents and informationon the Congo. The author might be Giovanni Battista Confalonieri, head of the archives of Castel Sant'Angelo in Rome. See J. Cuvelier and L. Jadin (1954:8). KONGO DRUM, Bibliography Boone, Olga. 1951. Les Tamboursdu Congo Belge et du Ruanda Urundi. Annales du Musee du Congo Belge, Sc. de l'Homme, Ethn., Tervuren. New Series 4. Brasio. A. 1953. Monumenta Missionaria Africana 2. Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar. Cavazzi, G. A. 1687. Istorica Descrizione de tre regni Congo, Matambae Angola. Bologna: Giacomo Monti. Cuvelier, J. and L. Jadin. 1954. L'ancien Congo d'apres les Archives Romains 36,2:8. Brussels: Academie Royale de Sc. Col. T. Dapper, 0. 1668. Naukeurige Beschrijvingen der afriakaensche gewesten van Egypten,Barbaryen,Lybien . . . Amsterdam:J. Van Meurs. Dapper,0. 1686. Descriptionde l'Afrique . . . Amsterdam:Boom and Somerer. de Jonghe, M. E. 1938. "Le Congo au XVI Siecle, Notes sur Lopez-Pigafetta." InstituteRoyal Col. Belge. Bulletin de Seances 9:33. Brussels. Filesi, T. 1968. "Duarte Lopez ambasciatoredel Re del Congo presso Sisto V nel 1588." Africa 23,1:44-84. Laman, K. 1936. Dictionaire kikongo-frantaise. Brussels. Ortiz, F. 1952. "Los instrumentosde la musica afrocubana."Publicaciones de la Direccion de Culturadel Ministerode Educacion3. La Havana. Pigafetta, Filippo. 1591. Relazione del Reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade. Rome. Soderberg, B. 1956. Les instrumentsde musiqueau Bas Congo et dans les regions avoisinantes. Stockholm:The EthnographicalMuseum of Sweden. MASK CARVER, Notes, from page 69 The researchon whichthis paperis basedwas carriedout in 1972 and 1973 in Sierra Leone as partof a wider study of traditionalSierra Leonean artists.The researchwas sponsoredby the School of African and Asian Studies, University of Lagos, Nigeria. 1. Today various forms of Bundu or Bondo associations exist in many parts of Sierra Leone and Liberia. The Gola and Mende in Sierra Leone and Liberiacall it Sande. The name "Sande" is also used by the Gbande and the Kpelle of Liberiato describetheirown versions of it. Among the Mende the name for the artist is sowei hawa m6 and the mask is called sowei. 2. In 1668 Dr. Olfert Dapperrecordedthe presenceof Sandeamong the Gola in the Upper Guinea Coast (in Umstdndliche und Eigentliche Beschreibungvon AfrikaAnno 1668, reprintedin Germany in 1964). Therearealso referencesto Sandeamongthe Mende in George Thompson, Thompsonin Africa . . . Mendi Mission, Cleveland, 1852. References to female initiation-societies in the Upper Guinea Coast abound in other early Europeanwritings. 3. John Peterson,Province of Freedom:A History of Sierra Leone 1787-1870, Evanston:NorthwesternUniversityPress, 1969, p. 268. 4. This informationis recordedin the official files on the collections of the Sierra Leone Museum, Freetown, 1966. No pagination. 5. Masksof the Gondeor clown dancervaryin size andformandare always intended to be ugly. Initiates of Bundu use the masks to entertainthemselves while in seclusion, enactingthe mannerismsof ugly and uninitiatedgirls. SIKILEN MASKS, Notes, from page 64 Researchfor this paperwas completed in affiliationwith the African Studies Program, University of Ghana, December 1972-August 1973. 1. The entry number for the National Museum mask is C-4-11. Horned masks of the same style as the la are commonly used in funeraryceremoniesof the Ko (Gourounsisubgroup)of UpperVolta (Wallace Pinfold, personal communication 1976). 2. Field photos of the fragmentedmask were taken in February 1973. 3. Field notes, February-March1973. After lengthy negotiationsit was decided thata white hen should be sacrificed to the spiritof the mask to offset any offense resulting from my investigation. 4. Two years later I learned from Eugene L. Mendonsa, who has investigated Sisala divination, that the wearerof the mask became very ill afterthis episode;his illness was blamedon my queriesabout the mask. Acknowledgments Page 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23 (bottom), 24 (top left & center; right) Photographs:Doran H. Ross 19, 23 (top), 24 (bottom left) Photographs: HerbertM. Cole 25 Photographs: Ghana Ministry of Information 26, 27 (bottom; left & right), 28 (left; top), 29, 46 (right), 47 (right) Photographs:Robert Woolard 27 (top center) Photograph: Susan Einstein 28 (bottom right), 49 Photographs: Larry duPont 30-33, Inside Back Cover Photographs: Keith Nicklin 35 Photograph:Musee Royal de l'Afrique Centrale Archives 38-42 Photographs: Otto Lundbohm 43 (right), 44 (top right), 45 (top left; bottom), 47 (center), 48 (top; bottom right) Photographs: Henry John Drewal 43 (left), 45 (top right), 46 (left & center), 47 (left),48 (bottom left) Photographs: Margaret Drewal 44 (top center) Photograph: Nathaniel Eatman 60 Photographs:John W. Nunley 71 (left) Photograph:Allen Newbourn 73 Photographs:Bob Hanson 74 Photographs:Andre Louis 75 Photographs:Jonas Dovydenas 77 Photographs:Iris Silverman 79 Photographs:Ramiro Fernandez 81 Photographs:Dean-Bradshaw 92 RARE BOOKS Rare books on the arts of Africa, Oceania, China and Japan, the pre-Columbian Americas; ethnology, history, discovery, exploration and travel. Books bought and sold Book wants searched. Write or call: James Normile/Books, ABAA. 6888 Alta Loma Terrace, Los Angeles, California 90068. (213) 874-8434. By appointment only. AKAN GOLDWEIGHTS Bought or exchanged by private collector. Box 97, African Arts, African Studies Center, UCLA, Los Angeles, California 90024. 5. According to Wallace Pinfold, masks of the Ko of Upper Volta are carvedby casted blacksmiths.This specialized role of the smiths may exist throughoutthe Voltaic area; in fact, the sikilen masks might also have been carvedby such smiths. This wouldexplainwhy the Sisala (who do not have casted smiths)cannotcarve new masks. 6. BruceT. Grindal,writtencorrespondence,1976. It is unfortunate that Grindal's original print and negative cannot be located. The dancer who appearsin the photographnow has the only available copy. 7. This is also the Bobo patternfor masqueradeshonoringthe death of blacksmiths(Rene A. Bravmann,personal communication). 8. The reportsthat the sikilen was once used to combat anti-social behavior recalls the function of Gbain anti-witchcraftmasks that Rene Bravmannhas described in west centralGhana (1974:119). SIKILEN MASKS, Bibliography Bravmann, Rene A. 1974. Islam and Tribal Art in West Africa. London:CambridgeUniversity Press. Grindal, Bruce Theodore. 1969. Education and Culture Change Among the Sisala of NorthernGhana. Ph.D. dissertation,Indiana University. Mendonsa,Eugene L. 1974. DivinationAmongthe Sisala of Northern Ghana. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge. Nunley, JohnW. 1976. Sisala Sculptureof NorthernGhana. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington. Ottenberg,Simon. 1975. MaskedRitualsof Afikpo.Seattle:University of WashingtonPress. Rattray,R. S. 1932. The Tribes of the AshantiHinterland, vol. 2. Oxford: The ClarendonPress. Thompson, RobertFarris. 1974. AfricanArt and Motion:Icon and Act. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress. DOGON ICONOGRAPHY,Notes, from page 57 I am indebtedto Floyd Coleman, an authorityon Afro-Americanart, fordirectingmy attentionto the Dogon andfor manysuggestionsand insights relative to their art. 1. This essay by GriauleandDieterlenis a highly condensedexposition of essential Dogon beliefs. For the sake of convenience and becauseit gives a simplifiedyet authoritativeview, I have reliedon it for citation here. For more comprehensive treatmentssee Marcel Griaule's Dieu d'eau: entretiens avec Ogotemmeli, a record of conversationswith a Dogon blind man who was a diviner, and his L'AfriqueNoire. 2. Forexample, the wife of a male child's maternaluncle is addressed by the child as his wife, and the nephew can take all sorts of liberties with her, up to and including sexual intercourse. 3. See MarcelGriaule(1948: 66) andMarcelGriauleandGermaine Dieterlen(1951 passim) for a moredetaileddiscussionof this aspect of Dogon thought. 4. The view thatmen areby natureactiveandwomenpassive has its origins, surely, in the biological facts of ordinarymammaliancoitus. Most human societies have, of course, extended the mechanical characteristicsof lower animalbehaviorfarbeyond nature'smodel. Forexample, althoughmale lions fightone anotherformatesandcan overpowermost of the females, what they do mostly is lie around, roar,andeat. The lionesses are the huntersof the pride;theboys roar to frighten game toward the ladies. DOGON ICONOGRAPHY,Bibliography Fernandez,James. 1966. "Principlesof Oppositionand Vitality in Fang Aesthetics." The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 25,1:59. Griaule, Marcel. 1947. L'AfriqueNoire, Paris. Griaule, Marcel. 1948. Dieu d'eau: entretiens avec Ogotemmeli, Paris. Griaule, Marcel and GermaineDieterlen. 1951. Signes graphiques soudanais, Paris. Griaule, Marcel and Germaine Dieterlen. 1954. "The Dogon." African Worlds, ed. Daryll Forde, Oxford. Guillaume, Paul and Thomas Munro. 1926. Primitive Negro Sculpture, New York. Pasztory, Esther. 1970. "Hieratic Composition in West African Art." The Art Bulletin 52,3:305. Steefel, LawrenceD. Jr. 1975. "A Neglected Shadow in Poussin's Et in Arcadia Ego." The Art Bulletin 57,1:99-101. OPPOSITE PAGE: ANANG-IBIBIO FUNERARY SHRINE ERECTED IN THE MEMORY OF A TRADITIONALCHIEF. THE SHRINE IS DECORATEDWITHA CLOTHMADEBY AN APPLIQUE TECHNIQUE: IN FRONT IS A RACK BEARING BONES FROMTHE BEASTS SACRIFICEDAT THE SECOND BURIALCEREMONYWHEN THE SHRINE WAS ERECTED.