(Summer- Autumn 2011) [Great Depression]

Transcription

Volume 4, Numbers 2-3
Stanislaus
Historical
Quarterly
Summer and Fall 2011
Double Issue
Stanislaus County
Founded 1854
An Independent Publication of Stanislaus County History
Stanislaus County and the Great Depression: Hoover Years
Clashing of American Cultures
Midwest Migrants in California During the Great Depression
T
he Dust Bowl migrant settlement in California had a
profound impact on the state. The migrants were different from
those that came to California in the early years. Those initial
pioneers were primarily from the upper Midwest, having their own
unique cultural base. For one, their economics were different, as
seen in their progressive farming methods and industrious urban
centers. The Dust Bowl migrant’s economics were tied to a cruder
industry, less machine-connected and more manual-labor-intensive.
Their roots came from a slower southern economy, where the
environment was less conducive to efficient agricultural practice.
Communities had already formed in California with upper
Midwestern traditions in local government, education, religion,
and social welfare. A different kind of American ebbed forth in the
Dust Bowl migration tide, different in everything, from speech to
religion. The migrants brought poverty and the look of poverty
with them. These two American subcultures collided. One might
say, California was a cultural battleground, centering on economics,
much like the American Civil War.
It is important to have an overview of this cultural
interaction, because it transformed our state and county.
Individually, we are from one group or the other, or maybe a mixture
of the two. Regardless who we are, we have witnessed the two
cultures interfacing in some fashion in our lifetime, maybe at
schools, stores, churches, or at community events. Let’s turn the
pages of history and go back to that period of history, the Great
Depression of the 1930s, and the Dust Bowl migration to California,
and see what transpired.
encampment, splashing through the mud puddles in the roadway.
Among the hundreds residing at the camp, she singled out Florence
sitting in front of her tent. Fashionably-dressed, Dorothea
approached Florence and explained who she was, and her FSA
assignment, promising Florence that the photo would not be
published. Florence gave her permission to be photographed, if it
would help the migrants. The photograph was published, causing a
national furor. Within days, trucks appeared at the camp, loaded
with food, clothing, and even automobile mechanics, but Florence
and her family had already moved on; nevertheless, her image had
reached millions of Americans across the nation who were now
aware of the plight of the Dust Bowl migrants in California.
Drought, Wind, and Shifting Soil
The migrants came from Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri,
but only six-percent were from the geographical area classified as
the “Dust Bowl.” It was American journalists who connected the
Dust Bowl with the California migration. Instead, most families came
Dorothea Lange’s Photographs
When the Dust Bowl and its California migrants are
mentioned, most assuredly the award-winning photograph of
“Migrant Mother” Florence Owens, taken by Dorothea Lange,
comes to mind. It’s Florence’s haunting look of despair that is so
striking. Her children’s faces are turned away from the camera,
portraying shame, while her baby is cradled in her arms. It is Biblical,
featuring the Madonna of the manger scene, with an Exodus
connection, all wrapped into one memorable photo. Like many
legendary photographs, this too happened by chance.
The year was 1936, and the place was a migrant labor
camp near Nipomo, just south of San Luis Obispo. Florence’s family
had car trouble, and her husband went to seek help. In the meantime,
she moved their tent from one site to another, just a short distance,
out of the mud and mire that had accumulated because of recent
rain. Her husband was unaware that she had done this, so she sits
at the opening of their tent, watching for him.
Dorothea Lange was nearby, driving on Highway 101, in
a hurry to get home and out of the February downpour. Peering
through the rain, she spotted a makeshift sign, reading: “Pea-Pickers
Camp.” At the time, she was employed by the Farm Security
Administration (FSA) and was documenting the plight of the Dust
Bowl migrants. She drove her late model car into the temporary
Abandoned Texas Farm Buildings
Rothstein Photo
from south Oklahoma, northeast Texas (known as the “southern
plains cotton belt”), the Ozark Plateau of northern Arkansas, and
southwest Missouri. In this region, agricultural economics were
based on manual labor, mules, and tenant farming. It was basically
subsistence agriculture on poor soil, with little access to outside
markets. Drought had brought failed crops and lower cotton prices.
When the federal government encouraged farmers in this region
not to farm, wanting price stability, tenant farmers were evicted,
joining the ranks of the already massive horde of the unemployed.
This verse written by a Dust Bowl migrant captures the futility of
the times:
Seven cent cotton, forty cent meat,
How in the hell can a poor man eat?
Corncrib empty, well gone dry,
How in the hell can a man git by?
Drought was everywhere in the region. Beginning in 1933,
(Continued on page 310)
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Great Depression Across the Nation
Hoover Years, 1929-1933
As Read by Stanislaus County Residents in the Modesto News-Herald
F
or the past few weeks, there had been signs of trouble at
the New York Stock Exchange and other U.S. stock exchanges. By
mid-October 1920, residents of Stanislaus County were reading
disturbing national news in their newspapers, especially the
countywide Modesto News-Herald that featured national and
international articles. The selling of stock at Wall Street had been
frenetic, and yet investors felt that the chaos would right itself and
the market would stabilize. But that was not to be, because too
much senseless damaged had been rendered to what was thought
to be a strong, active market that became shaky and then fragile.
the stock market crash was caused by inflated stocks from “a
speculative orgy that spurred the supernormal prosperity” of the
past few years. He remarked that business was strong, with finance
and industry tenaciously entrenched in the nation’s economic fibers.
It crashed, he continued, only because businessmen had a
“temporary diversion” and now would place their undivided efforts
Stock Market Crash
On October 20, 1929, the New York Stock Exchange spent
two frantic hours of massive selling, with values of major corporate
stocks tumbling downward, some declining 25 points for the day.
There was heavy bank support to bolster the fierce trading, but
that effort soon withered, leaving the exchange shaken. A few days
later, on Thursday, October 24th, brokers began selling early, with
major stocks plunging thirty points. The downward spiral continued
through the afternoon, costing investors between $2 to $3 billion in
losses. On Friday and a half day on Saturday, trading was more
composed, but on Monday, chaos broke out again, with 9.9 million
shares being traded, causing investors $14 billion in total losses.
Even so, business-savvy President Herbert Hoover told Americans
that business was solid, production of commodities strong, and
consumer purchasing power intact; however, he elected not to speak
to the stock market tumult. On Tuesday, October 29th, the New York
Stock Exchange derailed completely, with 16.4 shares of stock being
traded to the tune of $15 billion in losses. For October, Wall Street
investors had relinquished $50 billion in losses, with leading
industrials decreasing by 40 percent. The New York Stock Exchange
was a shambles, and the nation in deep trouble.
A.P. Giannini, President of Transamerica, declared that
now was the time for “clear heads and bold hearts” to take charge,
especially those having the necessary capital to fix the current
stock market damage. On November 8th, stocks at the New York
Stock Exchange tumbled early, with 7.8 million shares being traded
in three hours, but after landing on what many thought was rock
bottom, it recovered but only temporarily. Boston statistician Roger
W. Babson claimed the plunge was caused by progressive
Democrats not passing a strong tariff bill to protect American
products and trade. Heavy tariffs were at the core of conservative
Republican thinking. The editor of the Modesto News-Herald
disagreed by insisting that hefty tariffs had been at the root of the
crash, and that any stiffer tariffs would ruin American agriculture
and benefit just the industrialists and the wealthy. He stated, “The
nation cannot endure half prosperous and half poverty-stricken. In
that way lies the real menace, the most dangerous economic
dynamite.” He vehemently urged a fair tariff bill to right the country’s
economic woes.
On December 1, 1929, Henry Ford, highly-regarded
automobile magnate and industrial philosopher, commented that
Wall Street, New York Stock Exchange, October 29, 1929
UPI Photo
in curing the problem. In December, the stock market was
dangerously fragile, with December 21st being a distressful day,
when the selling of shares swelled and stocks dropped 12 points.
General Motors and General Electric each lost $50 million that day,
with United Carbide losing $36 million and American Telephone $80
million.
The slumping financial condition affected manufacturing
centers, with production declining and workers being discharged.
By February 1930, labor unrest was a common occurrence in major
cities. According to B.M. Squires, Economics Professor at University
of Chicago, business and industry were trying to divert the rising
unemployment from the eyes of the public, as they did successfully
in 1920-21. He declared left wing radicals had influenced the labor
disturbances in Chicago, Cleveland, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, and
New York. His colleague at the university, August Vollmer, Professor
of Public Administration, blamed the labor unrest on communists
who preyed on the hungry unemployed. Vollmer labeled the leaders
as “psychopathic and queerly-twisted individuals.” He asserted
that peaceful protest was entirely acceptable, recommending that
path.
Tough Tariffs
In April 1930, Hoover prophesied a surplus of $47 million
in the U.S. treasury based on tax returns received by the Internal
Revenue Service, but he declared U.S. Congress had already spent
$30 million of the surplus in current legislation and was considering
the spending of another $300 million in other legislation. Hoover
wanted tough tariffs to protect American commodities and to pawn
off manufacturing and agricultural surpluses to other nations. Two
News-Herald editorials in May 1930 refuted the need of the Smoot-
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Stanislaus Historical Quarterly
—————————————
Hawley tariff bill before Congress, commenting that more than 2,000
American economists signed a petition condemning it as too extreme.
The editor remarked that if Congress passes it, the President should
veto it, calling the tariff “the biggest and most bare-faced robbery
of the American consumer yet on record.” He declared it wouldn’t
help the farmers, but would enrich the privileged industries, and
damage U.S. relations with trading nations. Many goods would
increase in consumer prices, such as these: blankets, bricks, carpets,
cement, chinaware, clothing, glassware, hardwoods, kitchenware,
linoleum, and window glass, besides standard foods, such as butter,
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economic downturn, commenting that unemployment would
suffocate the nation. He urged the formulation of procedures to
meet the forthcoming economic problems, such as the creation of a
revolving fund, having some $3 billion, contributed by federal, state,
and local governments. This revenue, Brewster continued, could
be used in public work projects to employ the jobless.
Dr. Ryan noted that the National Employment League
asked Hoover for a national public building program, which the
President declined outright. His conservative position and the
mantra of the Republican Party was “no dole, no welfare, no aid”
from the federal government. Traditionally unemployment and
welfare issues had been the responsibility of charities and state
and local governments. The only assistance coming from the federal
government had been loans to industries to strengthen them, which
bolstered employment and markets. Hoover, Dr. Ryan stated, has
called upon his administrative agencies to cut costs that really will
only add to joblessness, something that is not needed.
Hoover and Banks
Chicago Soup Line, October 1930
National Archives Photo
cereal, eggs, fruit, milk, and sugar. On June 18th, Hoover signed the
Smoot-Hawley legislation, being convinced that it would stabilize
business by increasing tariff rates for 887 commodities, while
decreasing rates for another 235.
In June, Henry Ford informed the nation that business
was good, with Ford Company opening plants in China, Germany,
and South America. He remarked that the current upward trend in
business is offsetting the earlier setback, with stock speculators,
who got stung, now working conservatively to re-strengthen the
stock market. During the 1920s, farm prices had deteriorated,
primarily because of overproduction, causing warehouses to be
filled and in some instances crops being destroyed. This problem,
coupled with drought in the Midwest and the South, had crippled
farmers substantially. It was reported that farms had lost a total of
$1 billion, because of the extensive drought. To impact difficulties
even further, unemployed industrial workers were now turning to
farm employment, glutting the hiring pool. A federal questionnaire
was sent to impacted farmers seeking information on the condition
of agriculture in those regions.
On September 1930, Dr. John Ryan, Director of the National
Catholic Welfare Council, proclaimed, “President Hoover fumbled
the situation from the day the stock market crash first occurred.”
Ryan asserted that Hoover failed to recognize the seriousness of
the crash, rising unemployment, and the coming economic
depression. Instead, he pandered optimistic statements “as though
mere words could work a magic cure.” In March, Hoover proclaimed
the Depression would end in 60 days, and in August, he said he
would stop making such statements. Dr. Ryan claimed that in
December 1928, Governor Brewster of Maine predicted the drastic
U.S. Commerce Secretary Lamont reported in September
that retail sales were up, primarily because of low prices. He predicted
there would be increased manufacturing, which would stimulate
the production of raw materials. In October, Hoover addressed the
American Banking Association (ABA) convention in Cleveland,
prompting bankers to instill confidence in their patrons to spur
stability and economic recovery. He remarked that he was an
“unquenchable believer in the resistless dynamic power of American
enterprise. This is no time and place to talk of any surrender.” He
noted that he favored public works funded by state and local
governments and the expansion of construction by utilities,
railways, and heavy industry.
A News-Herald editorial spoke to Hoover’s message at
the ABA convention. The editor stated that Hoover admitted to the
bankers that stock speculation was the cause of the October stock
market crash. The editor asked, why then didn’t the Federal Reserve
Bank fail take proper action to control the rampant speculation?
And why did the U.S. Treasury Secretary continued to issue
glowing reports? Hoover told the ABA audience that he was doing
everything he could concerning unemployment. The editor asked,
why then was he not doing anything to spur his congressional
supporters to pass desperately needed jobless legislation? He
criticized the President for simply washing his hands of the
Depression, taking the attitude that he had done all he could. Hoover
spoke a few days later at a governors’ conference and was asked
by the states’ leadership to do something about unemployment
that was severely crippling the nation. In October, U.S. Labor
Secretary Davis told a convention of the American Federation of
Labor (AFL) that the nation would soon enter an era of prosperity
that would provide workers with a higher standard of living. He
blamed the Depression, with its growing unemployment, on the
increased efficiency of machinery, better working methods, and
“dull periods in industry.”
On October 10, 1930, the News-Herald editor criticized
reckless consumer purchasing to solve Depression problems,
recommending instead selective purchasing. He pointed out that
the hefty Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act would cause a shortage in gold,
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which would induce the public to hoard gold along with currency.
The hoarding of currency would cause shortage at banks, leading
to panic withdrawals of savings. After conferring with Hoover and
his cabinet, National Relief Director Arthur Woods told reporters
that he was going to call upon business to create as many jobs as
possible. Also, he was appointing a group of key economists to
study the unemployment problem and to recommend reforms.
Edward E. Hunt was appointed by Woods to head an agency to
create state committees to pinpoint job availability.
Woods reported that he received encouraging feedback
on unemployment conditions, learning that charitable organizations
and state and local governments were busy assisting the jobless.
He was informed that there were $450 million total in bonds of low
interest to be voted upon by state and local residents for public
works to relieve unemployment. On November 7, 1930, Woods
announced that he contacted all 48 governors, asking them to do
all they could to alleviate unemployment. He informed them his
relief agency would serve as a clearinghouse of jobless data, but
he made no promises of direct federal aid. On November 12th, NewsHerald editor wrote about U.S. foreign trade, which had fallen off
substantially since the implementation of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff
Act, with exports decreasing by 23 percent and imports by 28.5
percent. He declared, clearly America’s trade partners were turning
elsewhere. He remarked that trade for 1930 was the lowest since
1922, and yet tariff lobbyists are advocating still more tariffs!
In November 1930, 16 banks closed in five days, with
another 20 closing on November 21st alone. It was reported that 60
Arkansas banks had shut its doors momentarily but were scheduled
to reopen. The states most impacted by the rash of bank closings
were Arkansas, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Missouri, North
Carolina, and Tennessee. The News-Herald’s editor remarked on
November 26th that since Democrats now had control of Congress
after the recent election then reformed tariff legislation would be
expected to bring trade back to normality. He declared, if they don’t,
then the nation will “drag along for a number of weary years under
the burden of this law, which the ‘great economist’ in the White
House could have spared us.”
In his State of the Union message on December 3, 1930,
Hoover declared, “Economic problems can only be resolved by the
producers and consumers, and recovery can be expedited through
cooperation.” He proclaimed worldwide economic depression had
passed through its worst stage, having a business decline of 29
percent since 1928. He asked that “everyone search for methods of
improving his business or service, and that the vast majority whose
income is impaired, not to hoard out of fear, but should pursue their
normal living and recreation and that each should seek to assist his
neighbors who may be less fortunate.” He called on Congress to
pass legislation of $100 to $150 million to loan to state and local
governments for public works projects to ease unemployment.
Federal Dole
In the midst of winter, January 1931, Depression-stricken
people were starving in drought impacted areas. In England,
Arkansas, some 500 farmers stormed town stores shouting, “We
want food!” and “Give us food for our starving families!”
Unfortunately, the stores were just as poor as the hungry farmers,
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with their inventories being nearly depleted. A month later, Hoover
declared at his semi-weekly press conference that he had
unswerving confidence in the American Red Cross and local aid
groups to meet the problems of unemployment and short food
supplies. He remarked that he hadn’t seen reports of starvation in
the nation or Americans sleeping in the cold, but he had read
numerous messages that local relief groups were busy aiding the
needy. Once
again he told
reporters that a
federal “dole”
f
o
r
unemployment
and
welfare
assistance
would strike at
the “roots of the
system of selfhelp, which was
a major principle
of this county.”
Americans, he
warm-heartedly
Bank Run
stated, will take
AnonymousWeb Photo
care of each other
in this present era of distress. He reminded the press of what former
President Grover Cleveland once stated: “while the people support
the government, the government should not support the people.”
Cleveland was a Democrat.
Hoover’s comments at the press conference were primarily
a response to legislation before Congress that would provide the
American Red Cross with $25 million to assist in nationwide relief.
Strangely enough, the organization wasn’t interested in the federal
funds, but instead asked Americans to personally contribute $10
million to it for the ongoing relief program; nevertheless, the
legislation passed, with Hoover vetoing it, but Congress overrode
his veto by a vote of 56 to 27. U.S. Senator Borah exclaimed that he
voted for the measure, because the Red Cross needed the money to
assist Americans, but he was unsure the organization could do the
job required of the nation. Commenting on Hoover’s veto, W.H.
Kittrelle from Modesto wrote to the News-Herald stating that he
was baffled by the President’s stance, because there were 21
drought-stricken states and millions unemployed who needed
emergency aid.
On February 10, 1931, Wall Street had a sudden change of
direction with 4.1 million stocks being exchanged, increasing their
valuation by $2 billion. The “bears” at the stock exchange were
making an effort to boost the value of the lower-priced stocks to
bolster the market. In the meantime, efforts were being taken by
Congress to assist the struggling farmers in drought-stricken areas
by appropriating $20 million to the U.S. Department of Interior. It
was a bipartisan bill that was signed by Hoover on February 15th to
offer loans at low interest to farmers for anything, including food
and clothing. Another agricultural act was implemented that
provided $45 million in loans to farmers to purchase feed, seed, and
fertilizer. It was soon discovered that qualifying for these loans was
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nearly impossible, because of the stringent requirements imposed
by the Hoover administration.
A February 19th News-Herald editorial spoke to the crux of
the Depression problem. The editor wrote, “The question before
Americans is to whom does the government belong?” Was it the
people’s government or those of the privileged few, who receive
governmental subsidies, services, exemptions, and immunities? The
editor declared, they receive billions, because of unequal tariffs,
Hooverville, Seattle, Washington, 1930
University of Washington Library Photo
and point to American traditions, rugged individualism, spirit of
voluntary aid, and when that isn’t enough, they rattle socialism
and communism as threats to them and the public. The editor
reminded readers that Hoover was once proclaimed internationally
as the “Great Humanitarian” for his work as U.S. director of war
relief in Europe. He spent $235 million of U.S. funds in aid to feed,
clothe, and shelter the needy in Austria, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania,
Russia, Turkey, and Yugoslavia. But the editor wanted to remind
Hoover that he provided American money to feed starved Russians,
but Russians don’t vote in America, only starved Americans do. He
declared that when “Americans cry for help, Hoover says today as
he said last year, ‘Find it elsewhere.’”
Mob Psychology
On March 3, 1931, a U.S. Senate committee investigating
food prices reported that the nation’s food was being controlled by
a small group of powerful corporations and combinations of
corporations, calling the matter a monopoly issue. The committee
recommended that the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) perform an
investigation immediately, and if controls on pricing wasn’t
implemented, and the combining of corporations wasn’t stopped
by FTC, then Congress needed to pass laws. In April, the U.S.
Commerce Department announced that there were an estimated six
million Americans unemployed, a gain of 1.3 percent since January.
A letter to the editor in the News-Herald on April 2nd repeated what
most Americans already knew, but the editor thought it important
for all to see it in print. The letter writer explained that unemployment
was due to technology that replaced the worker, because it was
much more efficient and cost-effective. The correspondence noted
that the increased population through immigration had also stifled
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American employment.
Defeated presidential candidate, former New York
Governor Alfred E. Smith, wrote an essay about the Depression,
commenting that it began early in 1929, when unemployment was
becoming widespread, which triggered the crash at the stock
market. He commented that the nation has not seen a recovery,
with the economy just limping along for the past two years. He
declared the country was indeed in a shambles and going through
a period of “mob psychology.” This mindset, Smith observed, has
slowed commercial and industrial activity, producing the growing
joblessness, starvation, and lack of relief supplies. He blamed the
high tariffs, surpluses, and declining prices for much of the
continued economic problem. He stated that “Buy Now!” attempts
are met with deaf ears, but fortunately, most Americans have enough
to cope for awhile. He declared laconically that Americans “have
learned the lesson that depressions or prosperity, whichever it
may be, is governed by economic law and man can have no control
over it. He can prepare, but he cannot have his choice. He must
take it as it comes.” Thus, Smith had no answers, being just as
baffled and flustered as his fellow Americans, and to think he may
have been President.
On April 24, 1931, Raymond Clapper, economic analyst
for United Press, wrote that controls were needed to stop economic
depressions. He declared that there must be controls on production,
prices, debts, stock speculation, and wages. During prosperity, he
remarked, public works projects and their funding should be
shelved until there is a downturn and then released to bolster the
job market. Joseph F. Smith wrote in May to the News-Herald
editor suggesting that Hoover use other words like “assistance”
or “unemployment insurance,” since he shuttered at he words
“dole” or “welfare.” In June, Carl A. Muxfeldt expressed optimism
in his letter to the newspaper, saying the Depression generates a
new era and a further stage in the moral progress of humanity. It
provides us with the opportunity to confront our problems, look to
the future with “a spirit of forwardness, and gratitude for our
existence.”
On June 25, 1931, Hoover adjusted tariff duties on seven
commodities, not major ones, an action that didn’t need
congressional approval. Wall Street was active on this date, having
net gains on a broad range of stocks of $2 to $12 a share, the
largest activity since February. In the wings, Hoover’s presidential
adversary, Franklin D. Roosevelt was looming in New York, putting
on a show with his active involvement concerning the state’s
Depression problems. In August, Governor Roosevelt appointed a
relief committee and provided it with $20 million to employ the
jobless on public works projects. The relief committee loaned money
to counties and cities in low interest bonds to complete needed
construction. He provided $548,000 in bonus money to the state’s
military veterans as compensation for their service during the World
War, which was similar to funding the federal government was now
considering.
Hoover and Big Business
Hoover’s bias towards big business was the topic of a
News-Herald letter on October 19, 1931. The writer declared that
American big business was destroying small business, because it
———————— 274 ————————
—————————————
controlled prices, production, and distribution. He warned that the
overwhelming dominance by big business will crush individual
freedoms and liberties that if continued might destroy our type of
government. On New Year’s Day 1932, an article written by United
Press reporter Richard I. Gridley posted projections by big business
executives concerning the future of the American economy. W.V.
Storey, President of Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe, predicted
there would be no radical change in the economic picture; Alfred P.
Sloan, Jr., President of General Motors Corporation, remarked that
in due course the economy will be repaired and strengthened; Gerard
Swope, President of General Electric Company, predicted that 1932
should not change much from 1931; and H.F. Parson, President of
F.W. Woolworth Company, said there were signs of improvement,
and he was naturally hoping that it will continue in 1932. The
comments were thus sterile, non-committal, and unremarkable, and
to think that these captains of industry and business hadn’t a clue
about the future of the stuck economy.
In January 1932, Hoover presented his Depression relief
plan to Congress, with his motivation being the forthcoming
November presidential election. Hoover called for legislation to
create the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) and to provide
it with $500 million for loans primarily to big industry to spur the
economy. He asked Congress to pass bills providing home loans,
creating a federal land bank system, revising interstate commerce
laws, and protections for bank depositors. He declared that “We
can and must replace the unjustifiable fear in the country by
confidence.” Hoover was criticized across the nation for reserving
RFC loans for banks, railroads, and other corporations. RFC was
appropriated $500 million, plus an additional $2 billion if and when
needed. Critics fumed, calling it a “dole to big business.” Even the
Republican Chicago Tribune pointed out the hypocrisy of assisting
big business through taxpayers’ money, when the taxpayers needed
relief desperately themselves. The editor of the Tribune commented
that when asked about helping ordinary Americans, Hoover gives
us his “icy stare,” only prodding his critics to ask, “Why”?
After signing the RFC legislation on January 23, 1932,
Hoover commented, “It brings into being a powerful organization
with adequate resources, able to strengthen weaknesses that may
develop in our credit, banking and railway structure, in order to
permit business and industry to carry on normal activity free from
the fear of unexpected shock and retarding influences.” As was
expected, the list of RFC board members to be appointed by Hoover
were all Republicans. An editorial in the News-Herald declared that
big business was “given the key to the treasury of the nation and
told to help themselves!” The editor further commented that this
was the first time in American history where big business, in the
form of RFC, was part of the federal government. He wrote that the
use of “corporation” in the agency’s name told it all. He
characterized it as a “big business governmental agency,” with the
funding to loan to big business – a corporate dole for the rich. In a
later editorial, the newspaper called it plain socialism, a dole of
taxpayers’ money that the conservatives so detested, strangely
dichotomist. The editor raged that the American tradition of
individualism, of which Hoover was the great apostle, was struck a
cruel blow, because individuals received nothing from RFC. Instead
the individual taxpayer pours his money into private business. The
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editor concluded, “One wonders how long it will be possible to use
the forms of state socialism without giving the people any of its
substance.” By March 30th, $234 million had been distributed to
banks and railroads, reported RFC.
On April 12, 1932, Richard Whitney, President of the New
York Stock Exchange, addressed the U.S. Senate Banking Committee
at a hearing, proclaiming, “Hoover and Republican leaders who
boasted that a ‘permanent era of prosperity’ had arrived were partly
responsible for the tremendous inflation, which led to the crash
that wiped out hundreds of thousands of investors.” Whitney stated
that their remarks about prosperity encouraged investors to increase
their stock purchases, inflating prices to an artificial value,
World War I Veterans in Washington, D.C. , the Bonus
Army, Appealing to President Hoover and Congress, June
8, 1932
Library of Congress Photo
provoking fearful selling when business and industry failed to match
the growth, causing the market crash in 1929.
World War I Veterans
In April 1932, much of the nation’s attention was centered
on American veterans’ demand for cash bonuses for their World
War service. Back in 1924 a thankful nation provided its World War
veterans with the Veterans Bonus Act, passed by Congress and
signed by President Calvin Coolidge, a Republican. The law granted
a revenue bond to each veteran that would accumulate interest
until 1945. Veterans were required to wait until that year to cash the
bond, but the Depression had wreaked such hardship on them that
veterans wanted their bonus money now. Being sympathetic to
veterans’ needs, Congress passed legislation in 1931 that granted
veterans 50 percent of the revenue in each individual bond. Hoover
vetoed the bill, calling it bad economics, but Congress overrode his
veto. As the Depression lingered on, destitute veterans wanted the
other 50 percent of their bonds. At the time, there were an estimated
1.5 million veterans needing immediate assistance.
Commander A.C. Walsh of Modesto’s Thomas Enright
Post No. 97 of the American Legion stated that American industry
was subsidized for its war manufacturing, making huge profits, but
military personnel who served, received nothing until 1931. It seemed
right, Walsh commented, “that a million and a half unemployed
veterans be given the balance of the adjusted compensation to tide
———————— 275 ————————
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them over the present period of stress.” To bring public attention
to their cause, in June 1932, 15,000 World War veterans marched in
Washington, D.C., called the “Bonus Expeditionary Force” or the
“Bonus Army.” There were public speeches and meetings with
congressmen, calling for support of the “Bonus Bill” before
Congress. The Senate didn’t approve the measure, disappointing
thousands of teeming veterans at the nation’s capital. The marchers’
civility began deteriorating, causing Hoover to send in American
troops, under the command of General Douglas MacArthur and his
aide, Major Dwight Eisenhower, to evict them.
Creeping Socialism
The primary election was near, with the editor of the NewsHerald urging Democrats to vote for Roosevelt instead of Alfred E.
Smith. The editor liked Roosevelt’s demeanor, spirit, and openness,
plus his candid remarks on the major issues of the day. Smith, the
editor wrote, vacillated like someone from Wall Street, with his old
sensitivity for the common American gone. Roosevelt stood for the
repeal of prohibition and the repaying of U.S. loans by client nations.
A May 6th editorial spoke to the issue of communism in the
U.S., claiming that “America is not fertile field for communism.” The
writer conclusively condemned Russian communism when
compared to American democracy, stating that communists “greatly
underrate the average American intelligence.” He asserted that
communism was about class warfare and dictatorship, something
that Americans reject innately. The editor remarked that Americans
know they don’t have complete freedom, some are hungry and
miserable, but when compared to Russia where the standard of
living is disgusting and there is no Bill of Rights, Americans will
remain with democracy. He stated, Americans understand that when
Russia advances economically, it was because of some form of
capitalism. The editor concluded, “In short, the average American,
while he can see plainly that capitalism is far from perfect, can see
with equal plainness that communism is a great deal worse. It was
one thing to impose communism upon the ignorant peasantry of
Russia; it would be quite another to persuade the American people
to impose it upon themselves.”
On May 26, 1932, federal sales tax legislation, sponsored
by Hoover, failed to get the votes needed in the House, but advocates
stated the measure might be attached to another bill. In the meantime,
Democrats were busy in the House’s Ways and Means Committee,
piecing together a $2.3 billion bill providing direct relief to ease the
suffering and stop starvation. House Speaker and chairman of the
committee, Democrat John Garner of Texas, declared it was the duty
of the American people to assist in any way to relieve the suffering
of their fellow citizens. He remarked that the legislation would provide
direct aid to help eight million jobless and was being supported by
labor unions. W.C. Hushing of the American Federation of Labor
reminded Congress that he had told them two years before that the
country would lose $1 billion year in purchasing power if rising
unemployment wasn’t curbed.
In New York, Governor Roosevelt signed a revolutionary
law that funded a system of subsistence farms for the unemployed
and impoverished. The Governor declared the drastic project was
needed, because the Depression was simply devastating helpless
Americans. The farms were located in thinly populated areas, where
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families could raise much of their food supply. He called it a bold
step, but “to restore the great mass of the unemployed to a selfsupporting basis, we need much more than first aid.”
With talk of socialism and communism resounding in the
nation, nervous American conservatives heard of these actions by
a governor, who could be the next U.S. President. Roosevelt was
from the wealthy ruling class, and his politics always sent shutters
up the spines of those in his own socio-economic group. He was a
progressive liberal, who felt he must serve fellow Americans,
especially those who work hard to support their families. These
were the people who were harnessed to the machinery that supplied
the nation with material goods. He stated, “The Democratic Party
by tradition and by the continuing logic of history, past and present,
is the bearer of progress and liberalism and at the same time bearers
of safety to our institutions. . . . Ours is a party of liberal thought,
planned action, of enlightened international outlook, and desire
the greatest good to the greatest number of our citizens.”
In a June 9th News-Herald editorial, the writer spoke to the
lessons learned from the Depression, so that history might not
repeat itself, and if so, on a much lesser scale. Some of the lessons
learned: easy money should not come at the expense of others;
material success is not admirable; paper profits are not wealth;
higher the up, the more injurious the fall; and excesses will lead to
slumps. The editor declared that sound balance sheets are better
than promises of stockbrokers and investment bankers. He
summarized the causes of the Depression this way: “rogue investors
gambled heavily on substantial industrial and agricultural gains,
encouraging others to follow, inflating the market, and when
production failed, employment stalled, stocks crumbled, and the
depression began.” He ended with, “nothing dodges consequence
forever.”
A July 26, 1932 News-Herald editorial spoke to the women’s
revolution that was occurring in America. The writer recounted that
during the World War, women found increased employment in
business offices and retail stores, which led to women being enrolled
in business programs at high schools, junior colleges, and colleges.
These institutions expanded their training programs and modernized
their curriculum to comply with modern business practice, while
opening their doors to more women. The 1920s brought significant
interest in economics and business, and with it, trained women to
work in the business arena. Men had changed as well, being trained
more at trade schools and junior colleges, instead by traditional
apprenticeship programs.
1932 Election
During the summer of 1932, American business, the stock market,
and commodity prices took an upturn in anticipation of a change in
presidential administrations. Democrats representing 19 states met
on August 10th to plan election strategy. Later in the month, Hoover
was planning his reelection campaign, with the introduction of a
“six-point program” to stimulate business and employment. He
would appoint a Republican committee of business leaders, who
would appoint a series of subcommittees to implement his program.
The intent of the effort was to increase employment, extend credit,
and aid homeowners. To do this credit would be extended to vital
points of business, and workers would work lesser hours and in a
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wider variation of jobs.
$110 million for unemployment and welfare relief for the coming
On September 8, 1932, the News-Herald reprinted an winter for those 14 cities, because the Depression was broadening
editorial that originally appeared in a Springfield, Massachusetts’ and joblessness was expanding.
newspaper, the Springfield Republican. In it, the writer chronicles
The RFC’s report of October 8, 1932 contained positive
the mistakes made by Hoover when he was U.S. Commerce Secretary news concerning the nation’s banks. RFC loans to banks had
in Republican presidential cabinets. While a cabinet member, Hoover strengthened them, causing a decline in bank suspensions. In July,
supported the economic policies of fellow cabinet member U.S. there were 131 suspensions in the nation; in August, 85; and in
Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon. Mellon’s policy was to provide September, 63. Now banks were advertising that they were recipients
heavy loans to foreign countries and implement tough tariffs to of RFC loans, which meant they were strong and stable, because
restrict foreign purchases of certain American products. But the RFC loan requirements were rigorous. In the RFC report, Stanislaus
tariffs were so prohibitive that normal U.S. trading countries turned County was not listed as receiving bank loans, which could mean
elsewhere for business. Soon this
either county banks didn’t need
led to a serious decline in U.S.
loans or they had failed loan
industrial employment. Also, the
requirements.
newspaper editor noted that U.S.
Democratic nominee for
foreign loans lost 50 percent of their
the U.S. Senate, William Gibbs
value, because the economies in the
McAdoo, stopped in Turlock on
trading nations were failing. When
October 10, 1932, speaking at
Hoover became President, he kept
Central Park in the evening, before
Mellon as Treasury Secretary,
a crowd of 2,000. The next day, he
signifying that he agreed with
addressed groups at Hotel
Mellon’s economic philosophy.
Modesto and Strand Theater in
When the market crashed in 1929
Modesto. He told the audiences
and the economy was in a spiral,
that Roosevelt’s New Deal would
Mellon, and hence Hoover,
recharge the nation and fix
responded by having Congress
Hoover’s damage. He declared that
pass a stronger tariff act to protect
Republican economics had caused
Riding the Rails for Free, Looking for Work and
American manufacturing and to rid
17,000 mortgage foreclosures in
Prosperity.
Anonymous Web Photo
surplus commodities. Disregarding
1931 in the nation, costing $72
the advice of some 2,000 American economists, the Smoot-Hawley million. He fumed that farmers were destitute from the high tariffs,
Tariff Act was implemented that compounded the problems and which was wrong because agriculture was the basic provider for
pushed the world into a deeper Depression. The Republican editor the country. He promised legislative reforms that would stop the
ended by advising, “Hoover and all he stands for must go.”
doles to big business, which would “radiate good times to the
On October 6, 1932, Modesto attorney, Thomas F. Griffin masses, common Americans.” He proclaimed that unemployment
spoke at a Modesto veteran’s meeting, explaining that the U.S. in and the farmer would have first priority in new congressional
its history had 26 major tariff laws, with none being honest and legislation.
none advantageous to the general public. Instead, he told the group,
In an October 14th editorial in the News-Herald, the writer
such tariffs “empowers the employer to capitalize on the generosity examined the loan policy of RFC, to which Congress had appropriated
of the people of this nation,” as does the current Smoot-Hawley $2.1 billion. RFC was to provide loans to state and local governments
Tariff Act. Concerning Stanislaus County farmers, he noted that and agencies for public works projects. The reason for the loans
farmers can barely earn a living and are taxed for their properties. was to stimulate business and help the jobless. The editor declared
Corporations, on the other hand, are taxed five percent on their the agency had approved just two loans worth a total of $51.1
gross income, while their real property is tax exempt. To ease current million, one to the Los Angeles Water District for construction and
unemployment, he urged the reduction of working hours per the other for a Mississippi bridge. The San Francisco Bay Bridge
RFC loan of $62 million was on hold, because RFC needed a
employee.
Writing for United Press, Lyle C. Wilson discussed a recent California law to be amended to permit the loan. The editor criticized
survey on unemployment in which it was stated that 75 percent of the legal department of RFC for its sluggishness and bias, noting
jobless aid was paid by charities and state and local governments. that there had been 243 applications for RFC loans, totaling $800
The sad fact, Wilson declared, funds from those sources are nearly million, but just two met its qualifications. He added that this was
depleted. Since the Depression began, he recounted, New York not Congress’ intent at all. Congress wanted the loans to be issued
City has spent $84 million on unemployment relief, with $30 million quickly to provide work for the unemployed in the forthcoming
being derived from private sources, namely charities. Chicago has winter. The editor commented that U.S. Treasury Secretary Ogden
spent $43.5 million on unemployment, with 25 percent of that funding Mills strongly supported RFC’s carefulness in approving loan
coming from private sources. Fourteen major U.S. cities have spent applications. While campaigning for Hoover’s reelection, Mills told
a total of $284 million to aid the needy, with $70 million coming from crowds that it was “not only their duty but a patriotic necessity of
private sources. He continued, it was estimated that it would take keeping the present administration in office.”
———————— 277 ————————
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It was reported on October 25, 1932 by A.A. Fields,
Chairman of the Democratic Central Committee of Stanislaus County,
that Republicans accounted for 35 percent of the county’s RooseveltGarner clubs. On their applications for membership many
Republicans wrote such comments as “I’m sick of Hoover,” “Enroll
me for Roosevelt,” and “I’ve been a life-long Republican but now
I’m going to switch.” Fields commented, “We find great numbers of
Republicans coming right out into the open and telling the world of
their intentions.” On October 30th, he announced that he had reports
from responsible sources that some employers in the county were
“demanding” that their employees vote for the employers’
presidential candidate. Fields condemned the rumored hypocrisy
in the strongest of words, calling it un-American and acts of treason.
He promised investigations and reminded the public that the ballot
was secret to vote their conscious without fear of reprisal.
On November 2, 1932, California Peach and Fig Association
President C.A. Hawkins, a former San Francisco banker, revealed
that he had been approached by six executives from Modesto fruit
A Seemingly Befuddled President Hoover, Observing
10-Cent Specials, While the White-Hatted Secret Service Agents Protect Him
United Press International Photo
packing plants to sign a letter endorsing Hoover for President.
Their intent was to publish it publicly to encourage San Joaquin
Valley farmers to vote for Hoover. Hawkins refused to sign the
letter issuing this statement: “My best judgment of what is best for
the country has convinced me that even though I am a Republican
I should vote for and support Franklin Roosevelt at this election.”
He added that he had the highest regard for Hoover, but he had
fallen vastly short in easing or ending the Depression.
Later in November, Stanislaus County Clerk C.C. Eastin
released the final county vote in which Roosevelt received 12,325
votes to Hoover’s 7,612. He disclosed that 87.4 percent of the
county’s 24,734 registered voters, Democrats outnumbering
Republicans, voted in the election. Democrats swept the vote in
the county with McAdoo elected to the Senate and Denver S.
Church to the House. Since Hoover was not elected to another term
as President, he became a lame-duck President. Because of this,
Democratic legislative leaders met with President-Elect Roosevelt
to plan legislation for his New Deal program. At the top of their
agenda was the legalization of beer, which would provide needed
jobs and a big boost to agriculture.
In December 1932, chief American economists met at a
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convention where papers were read and discussed. Those present
couldn’t concur on the causes of depressions and remedies to cure
them. One paper propounded that the Depression could be solved
by bringing debt and tax levels even with price levels, while another
suggested that the nation needed to withdraw gold from reserves
and issue new currency. This would put more money in circulation,
jump-starting spending, and hence production, ending
unemployment. The writer claimed that “Money doesn’t flow like
water. It jumps like a grasshopper. It hops and stops. The question
is how long does it stop in the checking accounts.”
Lame Duck President
On January 3, 1933, Hoover met with the press for the first
time since September 13th, denouncing Democratic legislators for
not supporting his recent plan to reorganize the federal government.
He had submitted to them an agenda regrouping more than 50
federal agencies and commissions into nine divisions, while
abolishing some. Democratic leaders replied that any change in
government would wait until Roosevelt was inaugurated. The
National Economy League, a national anti-tax group, lobbied state
legislatures and Congress to reduce wages and salaries for all
governmental employees and reduce compensations given to World
War veterans by state and federal governments. This action they
advocated would reduce taxes. Stanislaus County Central Labor
Council, representing organized labor, opposed the league’s
program, saying that more spending is needed to end the Depression,
not less. In a press conference on January 14th, Roosevelt stated
that “quicker we get people back to work the better.” To the question
of ending the Depression he responded, “Of course you realize
that it is a stupendous task and one that cannot be accomplished
overnight.”
On February 2, 1933, in an interview by United Press’ Leslie
Harrop, Henry Ford spoke to the philosophy of “technocracy,” a
theory developed by a number of college professors at major
institutions. The basic premise was machines over-produced,
displaced workers, and created commodity surpluses and price
increases; therefore machines must be controlled. Ford repudiated
the concept calling it nonsense, being created by nontechnologists, who had no sense of industry and economics, and
were misleading the nation. He declared man didn’t want to return
to the “bad old times” of manual labor, when “machinery was the
friend of all men. It enabled him to earn more in less time and to
have more at less cost than anything the world has ever known. It
multiplied employment and income many times over.” C.F. Perrott,
Principal of Turlock High School, addressed the Hughson PTA
concerning technocracy, telling them that the creed of “selfish
individualistic motive,” commonly called “greed,” caused the
economic downturn. He remarked that industry ran wild, having no
self-control, which produced the present calamity. He maintained
that the nation’s economy will only improve if the purchasing power
of the public became firm and constant.
Home life had changed during the Depression, according
to Miss B. Edna Gavin of Safeway Stores, Homemakers Bureau,
who was in Modesto to conduct a three-day free cooking school
for women, beginning on February 26th. She told those present that
the “Women of today are becoming homemakers in the truest sense
———————— 278 ————————
—————————————
of the word.” She exposited that hard times have made home life
central to the family, because lack of money has kept Americans at
home, causing them to care for their households better and to be
more creative in cooking and home decoration. She disclosed that
the Homemakers Bureau had been inundated with requests for
recipes, causing it to publish a cookbook entitled Recipes You’ll
Enjoy, which was being distributed at the cooking school.
FDR Takes Over
On March 5, 1933, the newly inaugurated President
Roosevelt addressed a crowd of 100,000, declaring that if Congress
through normal
urgent measures
can’t resolve the
issues of the
Depression, he
would call upon
w a r t i m e
presidential
powers provided
by the U.S.
Constitution to
combat
the
economic enemy
facing the nation.
He spoke to the
fear
that
suppressed the Passing on the Great Depression - Hoover
nation.
He and Roosevelt on Their Way to FDR’s
commented that Presidential Inauguration, March 5, 1933
Library of Congress Photo
exchange
of
goods
has
floundered, because of the “unscrupulous money changers,” who
now have been “rejected by the hearts and minds of men. . . . The
money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.”
He promised direct federal involvement in defeating unemployment
by balancing farm production and industrial production, so prices
are comparable. He stated that he will put the jobless to work on a
multitude of public works projects to stimulate markets, a top priority.
He declared speculating on other people’s money would stop. On
March 7th, an editorial appeared in the News-Herald commenting
on Roosevelt’s inaugural address. The writer stated that it was a
direct message, non-partisan, that provided no lofty promises. He
felt that Roosevelt’s leadership would inspire national confidence
and a belief that times would get better. The editor commented that
most of all his words revealed his commitment to the best interests
of all Americans.
At this time, governors in various states were declaring
bank holidays to close banks, evaluate them, implement changes,
and reopen with stability. On March 6, 1933, Roosevelt closed all
American banks for eight days, while Congress passed the
Emergency Banking Act to stabilize banks across the country. On
March 8th, banks reopened on a restricted basis to meet urgent
community needs and basic necessities of life. Then on March 14th,
Roosevelt announced that all banks could reopen immediately. The
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primary problem had been the hoarding of currency, causing
shortages at banks and crippling normal business. He directed the
U.S. Bureau of Engraving and Printing to print new currency, which
was deposited hurriedly in the various Federal Reserve Banks across
the nation. The new currency was then distributed to state and
local banks to recharge the flow of money to normalize business.
He guaranteed that the new currency had “abundant security.” He
told Americans that “It is up to you to support and make it work.
The banks will take care of all needs. . . . Confidence and courage
are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. You people
must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses.
Let us unite in banishing fear. It is your problem no less than it is
mine. Together we cannot fail.”
Written by Robert LeRoy Santos
Popular New Words
Coined During the Hoover Years
as Found in 1929-33 Literary Works
Air-Conditioning (1930)
American Dream (1931)
Astronaut (1929)
Aryan or Arian (1929)
Benzedrine (1933)
Black Market (1931)
Body Odor (1933)
Cool (laidback - 1933)
Documentary (1932)
Electric Blanket (1930)
Electron Microscope (1932)
Family Planning (1931)
Gay (homosexual – 1933)
Green Belt (parkland – 1932)
Greenhouse Effect (1929)
Groove (with it – 1932)
Hood (criminal – (1930)
Ice Cube (1929)
Interceptor (fast aircraft – 1930)
Iron Lung (1932)
Jingle (advertisement – 1930)
Lock Ness Monster (1933)
Long-Playing Rec. (1929)
Nazi (1930)
New Deal (1932)
Newscaster (1930)
Penicillin (1929)
Platinum Blonde (1931)
Polio (1931)
Polyester (1929)
Racist (1932)
Recession (1929)
Science Fiction (1929)
Service Charge (1929)
Skid Row (1931)
Social Services (1931)
Soundtrack (1929)
Spacesuit (1929)
Sunbather (1929)
Supermarket (1933)
Tape Recorder (1932)
Traffic Light (1929)
Unilateral Disarm. (1929)
V.I.P. (1933)
Source: John Ayto’s Oxford New Words
Front Cover Photos: top left, Turlock Commercial Bank; top
right, District Irrigation Ditch; bottom right, Hume Cannery;
bottom left, Stanislaus County postal distribution center.
CSU Stanislaus Library Photos
———————— 279 ————————
Great Depression in California: Hoover Years
As Read by Stanislaus County Residents in the Modesto News-Herald
T
he effect of the New York Stock Market crash in October
1929 was felt immediately in Los Angeles and San Francisco, the
financial, banking, and business centers of California. Within a few
short months, manufacturing would tumble, followed by
unemployment, suffering trade, and bank closings. Those in state
agriculture did not feel the impact of the economic downturn as
sharply, because California’s agricultural economy had languorous
for years from low prices and immense surpluses, a byproduct of
overproduction, and from prohibition. California had nearly perfect
farming conditions, with its weather, soil, and water, where crop
production was off the charts. Even though the state had arid climate,
it was fortunate in recent years not to suffer at the hands of the
lingering drought that wrecked Midwestern and the Southern
agriculture.
Entering the Great Depression
On October 20, 1929, San Francisco Stock Exchange
reported a paralyzing drop in stock valuations, with Pacific Gas and
Electric Company leading the way and Bank of California losing15
points that day. In November, the state’s new Bank Tax Act had
been called unfair and unsound economics by Dixwell L. Pierce,
Secretary of California’s Board Equalization, because it lowered
bank taxes. A month later, he had statistics to support his claim, in
that the state lost $5.2 million in bank taxes. He questioned how
state government could operate with such a loss. The burden of
tax, he stated, will now be placed on the shoulders of local
manufacturers and merchants, but their income tax had been reduced
by 30 percent already, because of the slumping economy. President
of the Bank of Italy (later changed to Bank of America), Arnold J.
Mount, reported on January 15, 1930 that 1929 had been the best
year in the institution’s history, with a profit of $24.3 million. It
received $188 million in deposits, with the bank’s stock rising to
$12.14 per share.
California banking appeared to be prosperous but not so
with manufacturing. The effect of the Depression in California could
be seen by the ebbing tide of unemployment, especially at the
manufacturing centers, causing moodiness among the jobless. On
February 1930, 500 idle men fought police in front of the state’s
employment agency. The police arrested five including the chief
agitator. California Chamber of Commerce announced on April 29th
that the state had 7.3 percent less employees in the manufacturing
industry and a decreasing payroll by 8 percent. Building permits in
the state’s larger cities had declined by 33.5 percent; petroleum
production was down 8.2 percent; bank debits dropped 12.5 percent;
and retail trade slumped 3.5 percent.
Two months later, Dr. John G. Shaffer, Secretary of the San
Francisco Stock Exchange, informed the public that only six of the
listed exchange stocks and bonds were without dividend earnings
during the past six months. He remarked that the exchange carried
150 million shares of stock worth $6.5 billion for banks, industries,
insurance companies, investment companies, oil companies, stores,
and utilities. He was very optimistic that business conditions in the
state would continue to improve. Harry S. Wanzer, Secretary of
California Loan League, reported the building loan business
increased by 5 percent the past quarter, or $24 million, in an industry
that had over $500 million assets. Speaking at the California Bankers
Association convention in
Del Monte on June 10, 1930,
Ceres farmer Arthur L. Harris
argued that bank loans to
farmers should be based on
the ability of an individual
farmer to produce and not
on farmers in general. He
declared that crop loans
should go first to those
farmers
who
were
knowledgeable
about
farming methods and had Governor James Rolf, June 7,
better
business 1931
Sacramento Bee Photo
management, because loans
to them were secure and would benefit both the banks and
agriculture. He cautioned that if banks did not support farmers
more, the Depression would only continue.
On July 2, 1930, California Lieutenant Governor H.L.
Carnahan, a Republican, informed the public that the state was in
the best financial condition ever, having a substantial surplus in its
treasury. He also expressed pride in the state’s new 10-year public
works program, which was developed in response to President
Hoover’s call for state construction. Carnahan noted that state gas
tax was funding road construction throughout California, in an
enhanced program, significantly better than previous efforts.
Indeed, he proclaimed, the state was solid financially for the new
fiscal year. On July 7th, the Modesto News-Herald reported the first
bank closing in the San Joaquin Valley, which was the First National
Bank of Fresno. It had $50,000 on hand, with assets of $3.8 million.
The emergency closing was caused by the bankruptcy of Hollywood
Dry Corporation, one of its major accounts. The bank reopened
after the state audited it and formulated plans to keep it solvent.
Laboring Conditions
The August 1930 issue of California Labor Market
Bulletin reported a 17 percent decrease in overall employment from
August 1929, with the weekly payroll being 21.3 percent lower or
$29.89 less per worker. It declared though that seasonal employment
in the agricultural industries was still strong. The U.S. Department
of Labor, Employment Service, conducted a study of the employment
needs in San Joaquin Valley agriculture and in the valley’s
municipalities. Its purpose was to pinpoint labor fluctuations and
then report its findings to local employment agencies. Paul N. Boggs,
Chairman of California’s Oil Curtailment Committee, announced that
oil production would be decreased by 10 percent to 550,000 barrels
———————— 280 ————————
—————————————
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daily, because of a decline in gasoline sales, caused by the economic only the unemployed who want to work and at what jobs.
downturn.
The Director of Agricultural Extension at the University of
On October 11, 1930, Will J. French, Director of California California, H.H. Cocheron, addressed the topic “Depression and
Industrial Relations Agency, reported on a special study his agency the farmer.” He wrote that those in agriculture, who say the
had undertaken, concerning the impact of Mexicans living in the Depression was unforeseen, are completely wrong. In 1919, Hunt,
state. The study was performed by a committee appointed by who was the Director of Agricultural Extension, traveled the length
Governor C.C. Young, a Republican, with its members being Will J. of the Central Valley, warning farmers not to overproduce, because
French, Chairman; Director of Social Welfare Mrs. Anna L. Saylor; farms prices would decline and surpluses would build. Still, farmers
and Director of Agriculture G.H. Hecke. The committee’s research expanded their acreages. In 1925, Cocheron and others from the
found that there were 250,000 people of Mexican decent living in Extension Service repeated the campaign, this time speaking to
the state, of which 200,000 were in
valley farmers in over 200 venues, again
California illegally. This ethnicity
not to overproduce and to diversify
contributed the most to California
their crops. The Extension Service
immigration since 1910. The
published a special bulletin with the
committee found that Mexican
same advice and still very few listened
immigrants had “gained a strong
to the advice. Those that did were
foothold in California industries,
solvent and profitable, but those that
undoubtedly supplanting other
didn’t, had failed farms. Cocheron
immigrant races and Native
asked what should farmers do now with
Americans.” The committee surveyed
their crop surpluses and low prices?
904 farm operators in the state,
Encourage the public to eat more?
finding that 35.7 percent preferred
Lower crop prices further? Destroy the
Mexican workers, 20.5 whites, and
surplus? He declared those decisions
14.8 Japanese. Mexican laborers were
had been taken out of the farmers’
used primarily in the care and
hands and given to the Federal Farm
production of orchards, truck farms,
Board that had “unlimited power to
Unemployment Line in San Francisco
California State Library Photo
and field ranches. The study revealed
force the issue.” The board was calling
that the ethnicity constituted the largest patient population in county for the destruction of farm surpluses and was offering loans for
and city hospitals and used charitable organizations more than any crop diversification, both necessary actions. The Extension Service,
other group. From 1908 to 1929, it was recorded that Mexicans Cocheron continued, offered a program to educate farmers about
averaged 8 percent of the state’s prison population.
agricultural economics, especially instruction on marketing crops.
In November 1930, Republican candidate for Lieutenant
Governor, Martin I. Walsh of Sacramento, blamed prohibition for
Population Surge
the state’s economic woes and the chief cause of the Depression.
The 1930 U.S. Census revealed that California had led all
He declared that California farmers who grew barley, hops, and states with a population increase of 65.7 percent, now having 5.6
grapes were decimated by prohibition, with thousands of productive million residents. Florida had 51.6 percent increase in population,
fields now filled with weeds. He remarked that it ruined profitable Michigan 32 percent, and Arizona 30.8 percent, being the leading
markets that drove agricultural prices down. He was a progressive, states in population growth for the decade. U.S. population was
who demanded that prohibition be repealed, and an avid labor 122 million, up from 105 million in 1920. On January 3, 1931, the
supporter and advocate of humanitarian causes, a liberal newly inaugurated California Governor James Rolph, a Republican,
Republican.
called upon Californians to cooperate with governmental methods
On November 7, 1930, California Department of Public being implemented to end the Depression. He felt the country would
Works announced a program to employ 2,000 jobless on State return to prosperity as quickly as it did after the World War.
Highway Commission projects for the winter, at a cost of $1 million. Marching towards Sacramento at the time to see the Governor was
The department was to install four labor camps as part of the project, an army of 10,000 jobless that would join 1,000 from labor unions at
with two being located in northern California (Plumas and Monterey the state capital to plea their case. They wanted Rolph to provide
counties) and two in Los Angeles County. A November 11th editorial jobs and unemployment relief at $25 a week to each jobless person,
in the News-Herald examined the problem of finding workers for with an extra $5 per dependent. On January 17th, Rolph signed 20
farm labor. The writer remarked that San Joaquin Valley normally new laws, one that appropriated $20 million for new highway
employs 25,000 seasonal workers a year that were directed to jobs construction and maintenance to employ the state’s swelling jobless.
by offices of the State Labor Bureau. During the recent summer, the
On April 24, 1931, the California Supreme Court upheld a
agency sent employment notices to Los Angeles requesting 4,000 1929 state law that allowed funding of public works projects by the
workers to pick cotton. Four trucks were dispatched to Los Angeles revenue bond method. Such bonds needed the approval of the
to transport workers to the valley. The trucks collected just a family affected constituents, who would be paying for the bonds through
of four, a father, mother, and two children. “No one wants to pick taxes. The case the Court heard concerned public toll bridges. In
cotton!” declared the writer, with him suggesting that the state list July, California Treasurer Charles G. Johnson predicted the state
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—————————————
would be bankrupt in two years, because of rampant overspending.
He laid the blame at the feet of California Finance Director Rolland
A. Vandergrift, who had approved a $235 million state budget for
the new fiscal year, the largest budget in state history. Johnson
estimated the state would overspend by $30 million before June
1933. Deficit spending, he stated, would deepen the Depression.
First Bank Holiday
In early September 1931, Governor Rolph proclaimed a
bank holiday, closing California banks for six days, September 4th
through the 9 th. He was concerned about banks suspending
operations abruptly, because of the lack currency, caused by
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owners can’t afford to pay the tax levies. Many were already
abandoning homes and farms and joining the rapidly rising army of
the unemployed. The only method to cure the problem, Johnson
offered, was for government to trim its costs deeply and to reduce
taxes. He said political favoritism must stop and public school
education must be funded only on actual needs.
For two years, thousands of unemployed marched to
Sacramento appealing the governor, legislature, and government
officials for more jobs and unemployment benefits. Once again, the
Hunger Marchers came through the Central Valley on their way to
the state’s capital. Governor Rolph was asked by State Senator
George Rochester of Los Angeles to call a special session of the
state legislature to resolve the unemployment crisis. Rochester was
the chairman of the California Conference on Unemployment, the
sponsoring organization of the Hunger Marches. Rolph told
Rochester that a special legislative session would not accomplish
much, and therefore, not worth the time and cost and involved.
Taxes and Employment
Times Were Dificult for Everyone
Anonymous Web Photo
hoarders who were afraid that they might lose their money. In reality,
it meant only a mere day and a half closing, because of the holidays
of Labor Day and California’s Admission Day, and a weekend. The
proclamation asked only for temporary and voluntary closing of
banks. Business leaders objected to the measure, but it seemed to
stave off panic withdrawals.
On October 17th, California Unemployment Commission
reported that there was an estimated 500,000 jobless in the state,
with most of their needs being met by state and local relief. In
November, the Mayors and Councilmen Association of Northern
California recommended the opening of soup kitchens for the coming
winter. It also approved a proposal that would create camps and
shelters for the jobless in various counties.
On December 17, 1931, the state legislative Agriculture
Committee requested all California chambers of commerce and state
promoters to cease their advertising programs encouraging new
farm settlers. Concurring with the Agriculture Committee was
California Secretary of Agriculture Arthur M. Hyde, who explained
that population growth was not a priority at this time. It was more
important to maintain the number of farmers in the state now and
encourage them to limit their crop production. Overproduction was
killing the state’s economy, by causing surpluses and driving prices
downward.
Foreclosures
State Treasurer Johnson, looking more like a contender
for governor, continued his public discussion of the state’s
economic problems. He declared California was going broke, and
taxpayers could not afford more taxes to stop it. He claimed that in
the next two years 600,000 pieces of property will foreclose, because
On April 1, 1932, the Research Department of the California
Chamber of Commerce released comparative tax statistics for fiscal
years 1914-15 and 1929-30. The average total tax per Californian in
1915 was $37.55, while in 1930 it was $105.90, a 182 percent increase.
The below table was published by the chamber, which provided tax
totals by categories:
1914-1915
1929-1930
Federal taxes
13,129,000
149,288,000
State taxes
20,400,000
104,500,000
Local taxes
77,589,000
343,400,000
Total taxes
111,118,000
597,188,000
In June 1932, the state’s Veterans Welfare Board announced
that veterans were generally behind in making payments on 3,200
special veteran loans for houses and farms. The total delinquency
amounted to $582,665 or $124 per each loan. The problem illustrated
the poor financial status of the World War veterans, who would
now be in their thirties. In July, representatives of California’s 17,000
state employees voted to reduce wages from 1 to 19.45 percent,
depending upon the employee’s current wage. Those earning $50
or less a month, would take a 1 percent cut, while those earning
more than $850 a month, would take a 19.45 percent cut. Eighty-four
percent of the state employees made $200 or less. This action was
expected to save state government $1.8 million. California Attorney
General U.S. Webb criticized the state employees’ recommended
wage schedule, calling it “the worst example in the U.S. of salary
fixing.” He called upon the state legislature to investigate the matter.
Governor Rolph advocated a plan of selling farm food
surplus to welfare agencies to distribute to the needy. Setting fair
prices for both farmers and welfare agencies would take some
negotiation. With that in mind, he appointed Agriculture Department
Director Dudley Moulton to serve as California’s Food
Administrator and to coordinate the project. Moulton liked the
plan, because the surplus food was going to rot anyway in
warehouses. He began the process of formulating the details.
On July 26, 1932, Rolph approved the borrowing of $2
million at 3 percent interest from the Federal Reconstruction
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—————————————
Corporation (RFC) to finance minor highway construction and
maintenance, which would employ 6,000 of the state’s unemployed
during the winter months. The governor also planned to double the
state’s labor camps that operated from October 15th to June 1st. The
previous year’s labor-camp program had been successful,
employing 3,000 jobless, who worked for the California Division of
Forestry in developing firebreaks and trails. He notified other state
governors of the project’s success, encouraging them to implement
a similar program.
End Hoover’s Depression!
During the week of September 21, 1932, the California State
Federation of Labor held its 33rd annual convention at the Merry
Garden in Modesto. William G. McAdoo, Democratic candidate for
the U.S. Senate from California, spoke, endorsing New York
Governor Franklin Roosevelt for U.S. President and Speaker of the
House John Garner for vice president. McAdoo told the audience
that he would represent both parties in an effort to end Hoover’s
Depression. The President had carried the nation from disaster to
disaster. He believed that big business ruined the country by
mismanaging the nation’s economics. That fiasco resulted in severe
national unemployment. McAdoo declared it was time to treat the
workers humanely and with fairness. The next day, U.S. Employment
Director for California and former California Labor Commissioner,
Walter G. Mathewson, addressed the convention, explaining the
public works projects funded by loans from the RFC. He told the
convention that it was time to put the unemployed to work doing
menial tasks. Machines had replaced manual labor, causing the
Depression, he declared, but we need to replace those machines
with working people to bolster the economy, even to the extent of
having 20 laborers digging a ditch with shovels.
When the 1933 California legislature convened, there were
two major issues facing them, taxation and the economy. Most
legislators were determined to avoid new taxes by cutting the cost
of government. Other major issues were unemployment relief, liquor
regulation, gasoline tax distributions, water conservation, abolition
of capital punishment, and the budget. On January 3rd, Governor
Rolph delivered his “State of the State” address, declaring he had
inherited a $31 million surplus, but he was not to blame for the
spiraling reduction of revenues that would now result in a treasury
debt of $9.5 million by June. He remarked that the only method for
solvency was to cut governmental expenses and not raise taxes. He
then provided the details of his program, with these being the
highlights: reduce the amount distributed to elementary and high
schools from $30 per student to $24; sell off federal school land
grants given to the state that have a value totaling $10 million;
reduce tuberculosis subsidies from $4 to $2 per bed per week; raise
old age pension entitlement from 70 years of age to 75; reduce 25
percent of vocational education funding, saving $156,000; and
reduce highway bonds, saving $4.3 million. In his estimation the
world is “in the midst of the most momentous economic prostration
that has afflicted mankind since commencement of the age of
machinery.” He declared that he was very proud of his
administration’s efforts to ease the impact of the Depression in
California.
On January 24, 1933, the News-Herald reported that five
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banks had closed in Sacramento Valley, with total assets of $3.5
million. Their suspensions were due to heavy withdrawals by
depositors. The banks were closed as a protective measure to
safeguard deposits and would reopen shortly once the banks had
assessed their condition and had guaranteed security from the
state. For the next month, the state legislature debated several
banking bills
aimed at securing
deposits and
strengthen
b a n k i n g
infrastructure.
The legislature
was
also
considering four
bills and a
constitutional
amendment
concerning
unemployment
relief. One piece
Trying to Keep Clean, Migrants Utilize a
of legislation was
San Joaquin Valley Irrigation Ditch
a $20 million
Anonymous Web Photo
bond to provide
state loans to counties and cities for emergency public works
projects to employ their jobless. Another was to raise taxes to furnish
direct individual unemployment relief.
California schools were suffering, because of the steep
decline in the collection of real and personal property taxes from
taxpayers and from the decrease in state funding. There was a total
of $48.5 million reduction in combined school budgets in the state;
many schools were facing closure if funding didn’t improve.
Bank Holiday
On March 2, 1933, Governor Rolph proclaimed a state bank
holiday, closing all state banks for three days, labeling them legal
holidays. The action was provoked by depositors, who panicked
and withdrew their deposits, leaving banks weakened and without
currency. After discussing the escalating problem with leading state
bankers and the California Banking Commission, Rolph felt that
banks needed to be closed for the “preservation of the public welfare,
peace, health, and safety.” Six southern states and six western states
administered bank holidays as well. Legislators in the various states
were considering major restrictions when the banks reopened, such
as allowing only 10 percent withdrawals per day. California
Superintendent of Banks Edward Rainey proclaimed that state banks
were in “good condition” and continued to assess their productivity
and security. Rolph called for immediate legislative action to provide
an emergency law to replace his proclamation, because legally he
could only call for voluntary closures. California Director of Finance
Rolland Vandegrift announced that state government would still
operate but would not interact with banks during the holiday.
California Controller Ray L. Riley and California Treasurer Charles
G. Johnson asked the public not to panic, stating that California
was unique in that its banks were “sound and responsible.”
On March 5, 1933, Governor Rolph signed emergency
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legislation to extend the bank holiday three more days. Also,
legislation was forthcoming to limit the amount depositors could
withdraw each day once banks reopened. There was legislation to
restructure the state’s banking system, placing banks under the
control of the California’s Bank Superintendent. President Roosevelt
having just been inaugurated, proclaimed on March 6th a bank
holiday across the nation, which lasted through March 14th.
On March 17, 1933, Governor Rolph announced that he
had created the Emergency Relief Division, appointing R.C. Bronson
to head it. The new agency would be part of the California
Department of Social Welfare. Rolph took the action to relieve his
office of the management of RFC loans to California, now totaling
$7 million. On March 26th, E.J. Krueger, Chairman of the Unemployed
Cooperative Relief Council, spoke to Modesto residents at
Roosevelt School’s auditorium concerning the work of the private
agency. He informed the audience that the council began in March
1932 and had 300,000 members, with chapters throughout California.
Its purpose was to provide the jobless with food, clothing, and
shelter. The council gave menial employment to the heads of the
households or single persons, with wages being paid in material
items. Krueger declared that the council condemns public bonds,
because “they always run into graft and patronage, and pile up
more taxes. We don’t need that kind of help.” California was deep
into the Depression, with no signs of its abatement. Now with the
federal government headed by Democratic President Roosevelt,
there were at least high expectations that something might be done
to alleviate some of the pain and maybe even to right the national
foundering ship.
Bigfoot and Mate Sighted in 1870
Crow Canyon and Orestimba Creek
In the last SHQ issue (Winter 2010-11 and Spring 2011),
many of the events noted in its contents took place in the area of
Crow Canyon and Orestimba Creek, 1849-1871. By chance, a Bigfoot
may have been wandering among the woods, brush, and hills that
dotted the region. One hunter in 1870, wrote that he spotted two
strange creatures there, which might have been the first sighting of
a Bigfoot (Sasquatch or Yeti) in California. It was documented in
the Antioch (CA) Ledger by the hunter, who wrote of it
anonymously, and then somehow his account was read by the
editor of the Titusville (PA) Morning Herald, who commented in
the Herald that the Crow Canyon Bigfoot was simply an escaped
gorilla. The insulted hunter read the article and replied to the Herald
editor with the following letter, which was reprinted in the New
York Times, Petersburg (VA) Index, and other newspapers. The
editor entitled the letter “The Wild Men of California,” and remarked:
“A correspondent of the Antioch Ledger, writing from Grayson,
California, under date of October 16, says:”
I saw in your paper, a short time since, an item concerning
the ‘gorilla’ which is said to have been seen in Crow Canyon and
shortly after in the mountains at Orestimba Creek. You sneered at
the idea of there being any such ‘critters’ in these hills, and were I
not better informed I should sneer too, or else conclude that one of
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your recent prospecting parties had got lost in the wilderness, and
didn’t have sense enough to find his way back to Terry’s. I positively
assure you that this gorilla, or wild man as you choose to call it, is
no myth. I know that it exists, and that there are at least two of them,
having seen them both at once not a year ago. Their existence has
been reported at times for the past twenty years, and I have heard
“I could easily have put a bullet through his head, but why
should I kill him?”
Anonymous Web Photo
it said that in early days an orangutan escaped from a ship on the
southern coast; but the creature I have seen is not that animal, and
if it is, where did he get his mate? Import her as the Webfoot did
their wives?
Last Fall I was hunting in the mountains about twenty
miles south of here, and camped five or six days in one place, as I
have done every season for the past fifteen years. Several times I
returned to my camp, after a hunt, and saw that the ashes and
charred sticks from the fireplace had been scattered about. An old
hunter notices such things, and very soon gets curious to know
the cause. Although my beddings and traps and little stores were
not disturbed as I could see, I was anxious to learn who or what it
was that so regularly visited my camp, for clearly the half-burnt
sticks and cinders could not scatter themselves about. I saw no
track near the camp, as the hard ground, covered with dry leaves,
would show none. So I started on a circle around the place, and 300
yards off, in damp sand, I struck the track of a man’s feet, as I
supposed – bare, and immense size. Now I was curious sure, and
rein in my inquiring mind, and finally, what possessed him to be
prowling about there with no shoes on. The fireplace was on my
right, and the spot where I saw the track was on my left, hid by the
bushes. It was in the direction that my attention was mostly-directed,
thinking the visitor would appear there, and, besides, it was easier
to sit and face that way.
Suddenly I was startled by a shrill whistle, such as boys
produce with two fingers under their tongue, and turning quickly, I
ejaculated, “Good God!” as I saw the object of my solicitude,
standing beside my fire, erect and looking suspiciously around. It
was the image of man, but, it could not have been human. I was
never so benumbed with astonishment before. The creature,
whatever it was, stood full five foot high, and disproportionately
broad and square at the shoulders, with arms of great length. The
legs were very short, and the body long. The head was small
compared with the rest of the creature, and appeared to be set upon
(Continued on page 293)
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Great Depression in Stanislaus County: Hoover Years
Part 1: Government, Schools, and Public Utilities
T
his section chronicles the activities of county and city
government in Stanislaus County as reported in the Modesto NewsHerald, October 1929 through March 1933. It registers the serious
decrease in county and municipal revenue, while examining the
issues surrounding the downturn, especially taxation and
governmental operation. According to the 1930 Census, Stanislaus
County population was 56,000, being primarily an agricultural
society, with the county seat of Modesto being the center of
countywide government.
Prosperity
In December 1929, President Herbert Hoover asked the
nation’s states and municipalities to develop public works programs
to ease unemployment and generate spending to combat the recent
economic slump. In response, Modesto City Engineer Frank J. Rossi
informed the public that the city’s public works program for 1930
included $80,000 for the construction and maintenance of roadways,
$7,000 for public buildings, $50,000 for utility projects, and $20,000
for sewer construction. On July 17, 1930, Modesto Mayor Sol P.
Elias disclosed to residents that there was a $38,605 surplus in
Modesto’s treasury, with the city’s net worth being $1 million,
compared to $712,553 in 1929. He remarked that it took $25,000 a
month to operate the city. Also, he explained to Modestans that the
city had debts worth $129,750 in low interest bonds. In sum though,
he declared that not only Modesto, but the entire county was
solvent and prosperous.
On November 11, 1930, Modesto Irrigation District (MID)
reported that its October gross income was $52,064, while expenses,
including bond interest, were $23,954. The Electric Power Division
was responsible for $28,110 of the utility’s earnings. In January
1931, California’s state budget appropriated $7.8 million for roadway
construction in the San Joaquin Valley, with Stanislaus County
receiving $408,233. The state also provided $105,300 for the
construction of a new highway bridge over the Tuolumne River at
Modesto’s 9th Street.
On January 30, 1931, MID announced that its gross
revenue for 1930 was $594,920, a historical record for the utility,
compared to $547,495 for 1929. Maintenance and operational costs
for 1930 were $132,819 compared to $125,051 in 1929. The Electric
Power Division had a net profit of $311,451 for 1930, with earnings
in August being the highest.
Changing Times
In February 1931, Turlock City Council approved a payoff
of the city’s water and sewer bonds of $15,000, to be taken from the
city treasury’s surplus of $24,000. Stanislaus County reported that
its jail had reached full capacity, because of an unprecedented crime
wave in the county. Its maximum capacity was 52 prisoners but it
was housing 71. Jailer Zach Drake stated it was like wading through
a mob just to feed them. He noted that the prisoners were not the
normal allotment of vagrants or drunks, but it currently was filled
with bank robbers, burglars, safe-crackers, thugs, and homicide
suspects. Conclusion: desperate times cause some to take desperate
measures.
In March 1931, county war veterans filed nearly 700
applications with local banks for new federal veteran loans, having
4½ percent interest. More blank forms were requested from the
Veterans’ Bureau in San Francisco, because the supply was nearly
depleted. Throughout the nation, there had been runs on banks by
panicked depositors withdrawing their money, many times just
because of rumors. In May, local U.S. District Attorney George J.
Hatfield reminded the public that anyone spreading false
propaganda against banks and financial institutions were subject
to arrest and prosecution. It was called the “whispering campaign,”
which caused the arrest of a San Joaquin County farmer for making
defaming remarks about a local bank. He was charged with spreading
“malicious and untrue statements.” For restitution, he agreed to
sign a public statement that his remarks were without foundation.
On June 12, 1931, the Stanislaus County Board of
Supervisors approved a $10,000 appropriation for the county’s
Development Board, which was an advocacy agency, similar to a
chamber of commerce, to boost county business. Supervisor E.K.
Finney voted against the measure, because he felt it was time to cut
back due to the Depression. The other supervisors disagreed,
wanting to advertise the county to attract new businesses, thereby
bolstering its economic infrastructure. On June 13th, Modesto City
Council met and heard an appeal from local attorney W.C. LeHane,
representing a delegation of city taxpayers, to reduce property
assessment and cut city water rates. He declared that by decreasing
private property assessment, city taxpayers would save $51,000 a
year. The mayor and the city council, except Councilman Harold L.
Rogers, disapproved the tax-saving measure, commenting that it
would severely cripple city services.
In June 1931, George M. Stodt, Secretary of California
Veterans Welfare Board, reported that veterans in Stanislaus County
received veteran loans for homes and farms totaling $374,114. Of
that amount 63 homes were purchased, costing a total of $292,450
and 16 farms for $81,664. State totals were $39.4 million for 7,965
homes and 360 farms, which averaged $4,736 per home and $5,506
per farm.
Taxes, Taxes, Taxes!
On August 8, 1931, Stanislaus County Board of
Supervisors announced that property taxes would be increasing,
because of decreased property values, decreased surplus in the
treasury, increased county budget by $48,380, and increased nonpayment of taxes. The increase in property tax was from $1.85 per
$100 of assessed property valuation to $2.20 in incorporated cities
and from $2.15 to $2.20 in rural areas. A ten-day period was set for
the public to respond. Oakdale’s City Clerk C.E. informed the public
that the city had a surplus of $21,871 in its treasury, because of cuts
in city operations.
County supervisors proposed a plan to open a “pay ward”
at the county hospital for those patients who could pay for their
hospital care. Drs. E.R. McPheeters and R.E. Maxwell informed the
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supervisors at a mid-August meeting that they could not recommend
such a program, because the current county hospital facilities had
neither the room nor the equipment to accommodate it. The
supervisors abandoned their proposal, but approved charging $1 a
hospital patient to evaluate his or her financial status. If it was clear
that the patient was poor, then the $1 would be refunded. Because
of the Depression, there was anticipation that there would be an
increase of impoverished patients at the county hospital. Drs.
McPheeters and Maxwell reminded the supervisors that the local
private hospitals were available for any overflow of patients if the
county would reimburse the costs at a reasonable fee. The
physicians stated that last winter, local doctors provided over
$150,000 in free medical care to needy residents.
The California Board of Equalization disclosed in
September 1931 that the taxable wealth in the state had declined 7.3
percent from 1930. Real estate suffered a slight decrease in value at
a half percent, but stocks and bonds dropped 34 percent, while
personal property declined by 20 percent. Real estate valuation in
Stanislaus County decreased by $3.8 million to a total of $65 million
for fiscal year 1930-31. State and local governments were staying
afloat only because taxed properties were retaining their present
valuation.
In September 1931, Stanislaus County School
Superintendent A.G. Elmore reported on the distribution of state
funds to county schools. He stated the county received $284,199
from the state’s school fund, with $226,569 being allocated to
elementary schools, $23,780 to high schools, and $33,850 to Modesto
Junior College. From those amounts, Modesto elementary schools
received $56,000 and Turlock $23,800. Modesto High School and
Turlock High School received $4,000 each. On October 30th, a
disappointed Modesto City Council passed a resolution that
reminded city employees to pay their bills, because there were
reports that some had fallen behind. The council remarked that
their poor performance reflected on city government. The council
approved another resolution, which stated the city would hire only
those who were the sole support of their families. This measure
would reduce area unemployment and welfare costs.
In January 1932, the city of Turlock announced tax
reductions that would save taxpayers $116,817. It decreased
property tax for schools 10 cents per $100 of assessed property
valuation and municipal tax by 25 cents per $100. The Turlock
Irrigation District (TID) reduced its tax from $4 to $3.50 per $100 of
assessed property valuation, providing taxpayer savings of $70,000.
California Board of Equalization reported that Stanislaus County
was ranked fifth from the bottom in county tax rates. County
taxpayers were paying 30 cents less on $100 assessed property
valuation than the state’s average. In February, the Oakdale Chamber
of Commerce disclosed that property assessment amounts had
decreased, saving property owners 25 percent in taxes. The city’s
tax rate was the lowest in the county.
The MID’s Electrical Department registered a profit in 1931
of $162,121 from its electrical power sales. Its total electric sales to
Modestans was $359,360 and to the outlying areas $221.913. On
March 13, 1932, California Department of Education released
statistics on state school costs. Stanislaus County’s yearly cost
per elementary school student was $77.05, with the state’s average
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being $101.69. The county’s yearly cost per high school student
was $184.27, while the state’s average was $192.13. Seventy percent
of the county’s revenue for elementary schools was derived from
local property taxes and for high schools 87 percent.
On April 10, 1932, the state’s Veterans Bureau released
statistics concerning veteran loans. Over a ten year period,
California veterans received $54 million in loans for homes and
farms of which Stanislaus County was provided with $383,775 for
house loans and $109,014 for
farm loans. Since January 1931,
the bureau loaned nearly $18
million to veterans for houses
and farms in the state, of
which county vets received
$144,825. On April 14 th ,
Modesto Board of Education
met with the Stanislaus
County Board of Supervisors
asking for its $42,000 in state
funds that should have been
distributed to it by the
supervisors, according to state
law. The supervisors retained
the money to balance the
county’s budget and to control
Modesto Mayor L.L. Dennett
school costs. The Modesto
Tinkham Photo
board wanted the funds
immediately, so it could distribute them according to its budget. It
was revealed later that the supervisors actually retained a total of
$106,000 that should have gone to county school districts. The
state law was enacted to ensure that each school district could
formulate its own budget, without county supervisors’ interference.
In April 1932, Modesto Mayor L.L. Dennett wrote three
serialized articles for the News-Herald, discussing the city’s fiscal
condition. The following is a summation of the key points he made:
the cost to maintain city streets, parks, and library was well-justified;
future city bonds should be short-term to save on interest; $50,000
in bonds were needed for city improvements to employ city jobless;
the city desperately needed a corporation yard; and the city needed
its own jail facility, a new firehouse, and more water wells.
Surplus In the Treasury
In May 1932, Stanislaus County Tax Collector Ed
Whitmore informed citizens that tax delinquency for 1931-32 was
8.2 percent, compared to 5.2 percent for 1930-31 and 3.8 percent for
1929-30. Currently, county taxpayers owed a total of $95,967 in
back taxes. In June, Stanislaus County Grand Jury reported the
county had an average surplus of between $500,000 and $1.5 million
in its treasury. Stanislaus County District Attorney E.R. Fowler
claimed it was $472,000. In answer to these remarkable findings,
Whitmore declared that in truth the county only had a surplus or
reserve of $9,300. He explained that the figures suggested by the
grand jury and district attorney were “the difference between the
high and low cash balance in the treasury, instead of surplus.”
On June 5, 1932, President Hoover signed into law 3
percent federal tax on all commercial and residential electricity sales.
———————— 286 ————————
—————————————
This meant that consumers for MID would pay about $17,500 total
in new taxes and TID consumers $11,600. U.S. postal rates increased
from 2 cents per letter to 3 cents, which would provide $16,000 more
revenue at the Modesto Post Office, according to Postmaster D.W.
Morris. On July 2nd, R.B. MacBride, Chairman of the Modesto School
Board, announced the city’s school taxes were cut nearly 50 percent,
from $1.20 per $100 of assessed property valuation to 65 cents.
This would reduce the total tax amount to $102,000 for fiscal year
1932-33, where in fiscal year 1931-32, $213,030 had been received.
In order to balance the Modesto City Schools’ budget, because of
the tax reduction, there were massive voluntary decreases in
teachers’ salaries, reduction of school personnel, increased class
size, and reductions in district maintenance. On July 10, 1932, County
Hospital Medical Director Dr. F.R. DeLappe reported that the county
hospital had treated 4,182 patients for fiscal year 1931-32, of that
number, 1,893 were admitted for hospitalization, an increase of 11
percent from the previous fiscal year.
Tax cuts continued across the county. In August 1932,
Ceres City Council reduced city property tax by 5 cents to $1.60 per
$100 of assessed property valuation. City employees’ salaries were
reduced from 10 to 20 percent depending upon the employee’s
salary. Turlock City Council reduced its city property tax by 15
cents to $1.30 per $100 of assessed property valuation. Because
the county supervisors couldn’t legally withhold state school funds
from school districts to balance the county budget, it was forced to
increase property tax by 30 cents to $2.20 per $100 of assessed
property valuation. It was estimated that the county lost $2.6 million
from non-payment of taxes and reduced property assessments.
In September 1932, the MID board lowered tax rates by
$1.30 to $3.10 per $100 of assessed property valuation. This would
save taxpayers a total of $96,590. The cut was possible because of
the profit from the district’s Electric Department’s electrical power
sales. TID cut its tax rate by 50 cents to $3 per $100 of assessed
property valuation, the lowest since 1913. At this lower rate, it was
estimated that the district would receive $403,100 in taxes. TID
board President John R. Chance explained the cut was made by
eliminating all major construction and concrete ditch lining work
for the year. Payroll reductions also saved $5,000.
In October 1932, California State Controller Ray I. Riley
reported the state received $9.8 million in gasoline taxes for the
July-September quarter, of which $6.5 was allocated to the State
Highway Division for state highway construction and maintenance.
Of this Stanislaus County was allocated $41,353 for state roadways,
which was 7 percent more than the April-June quarter but 10 percent
less than July-September 1931. Los Angeles County received the
most gasoline tax revenue with $1.3 million, while Merced County
received $22,517 and San Joaquin County $63,838.
On October 26, 1932, the Stanislaus County Medical
Society, a local doctors’ organization, created a payment plan for
those patients who could afford to pay for some of their medical
treatment. If the doctor had such a patient, then the patient would
be referred to the county hospital for treatment. The county hospital
would establish the patient’s financial status and charge for medical
care according to the patient’s ability to pay. This way the patient
avoided the embarrassment of seeking full charity; the county
hospital is partially paid for services rendered; and the patient gets
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the care he or she needs.
On October 30, 1932, some 150 local farmers gathered at
Gratton School, to discuss their tax burden. It was determined that
those present couldn’t meet their tax obligations, because of low
crop prices. They decided to petition for a year-moratorium on
paying taxes and to seek other county groups to join them. T.H.
Kewin of Modesto, who was representing the Stanislaus County
Tax Council, a taxpayers’ organization, told the Gratton group that
it was “impossible for farmers to carry on under existing conditions.”
In January 1933, Modesto City Council was considering
the relocation of the city’s closed airport as a possible public works
project. An air strip near Waterford Road was being discussed.
Also a public works project, county supervisors were planning to
construct a Dry Creek bridge at the end of Modesto’s 19th Street.
Local State Assemblyman E.H. Zion introduced legislation in the
State Assembly to incorporate the Stanislaus County Grand Jury’s
recommendations for salary reductions of locally elected officials
and to consolidate the county offices of recorder and auditor.
Though a very specialized piece of legislation, it was required by
state law, which commonly passed.
County Hospital Issues
To relieve congestion at the county hospital, county
supervisors authorized private physicians to perform house calls,
costing the county no more than $15 a visit. This procedure would
cut the overflow at the county hospital, caused by the Depression.
On January 25, 1933, Turlock Taxpayers Protective Association
sent a telegram to local State Senator David E. Bush recommending
a decrease in state school funding. The association stated that it
“demanded a 50 percent cut, and for the love of California and our
nation, don’t be stampeded by a lot of misguided school teachers
and their causes.” Turlock High School Principal C.F. Perrott
opposed the recommendation, as did a number of local groups,
teachers, and other educators.
On January 26, 1933, Dixwell Pierce, Secretary of the
California Board of Equalization, issued a report concerning county
taxes. Stanislaus County had one of the smallest increases in taxes
for state counties from 1919 through 1931, with 32.5 percent rise,
compared to the state’s average of 159.5 percent. Stanislaus
County’s salaries also had one of the smallest increases in the state
with $116,111 spent for county employee salaries in 1919, increasing
to $135,482 by 1931.
County supervisors assigned Stanislaus County Surveyor
George Macomber to draft designs and estimate costs for the Dry
Creek bridge project. He informed the supervisors that a concrete
structure would cost $9,000, a redwood structure $6,000, and a
timber structure $2,800. The county would be responsible for
building the bridge, while Modesto would pay for the bridge
entrances at 19th Street. The construction was part of a plan to
employee local jobless. On February 26, 1933, Mrs. A.G. Elmore,
Superintendent of Stanislaus County Schools, informed the public
that the school board had cut the current budget by 26.8 percent to
$477,585 for the balance of the school year. The average county
school budget decreases had averaged 27.4 percent across the
state. The need for the serious decrease was due to unpaid property
tax. She noted that the school board had cut the cost per student
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—————————————
for the year, from $102.50 to $72.87. She noted the last installment of
state school funds for fiscal year 1932-33 was just received at a
total of $452,119. Of that total, $282,800 was distributed to each
elementary school, $99,169 for the high schools, and $70,349 to
MJC.
The News-Herald for March 2, 1933 contained a pie diagram
that illustrated where every Modesto property tax dollar was spent
for the fiscal year. Modesto City Schools Superintendent J.H.
Bradley was
responsible for
the graphic. The
pie
diagram
showed that 32
percent of the
property tax was
for Modesto city
operation; 15.7
percent to the
Modesto School
District;
14
percent
to
Stanislaus
County schools
as required by
law; 18.4 percent
Bradley’s Pie Diagram, Illustrating the Dis- to Stanislaus
tribution of Modesto Property Taxes, C o u n t y
Printed in the Modesto News-Herald, g o v e r n m e n t ,
March, 2, 1933
excluding
schools, as required by law; and 19.9 percent to MID as required by
law. Bond payments constituted the greatest expenditure of the
five groups, registering collectively 29.1 percent. Bradley
recommended that all public boards in the county not fund
construction through public bonds, but used the old “pay-as-yougo method.”
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Bradley detailed Modesto’s tax rates from 1928 through 1932 that
saved taxpayers $600,000. In 1928 and 1929 the tax rate was $1.55 on
$100 of assessed property valuation; 1930, $1.60; 1931, $1.65, and
1932, $1.07. In a
pie diagram, he
illustrated where
every rural tax
dollar of the
county
was
distributed:
Stanislaus County
government
received 22.85
percent; county
schools, 17.37
percent; Modesto
city schools, 19.56
percent; and MID,
40.21 percent. It
showed
that
nearly 37 percent Bradley’s Pie Diagram, Illustrating the Diswas allocated to tribution of Rural County Property Taxes,
schools in the Printed in the Modesto News-Herald, March,
county. During 21, 1933
the first three to
four years of the Depression in the county, the battle was over
taxes, salaries, public education, and government costs. Money
had to come from somewhere to pay governmental and school
expenses, with certain groups not wanting the monetary
responsibility; thus, schools and government limped along, as well
as taxpayers as the Depression deepened. The federal government
under a Democratic President, Franklin Roosevelt, would try its
hand in stirring the revenue pot.
Anti-Tax Promoters
Stanislaus County Tax Council, anti-tax organization,
informed the public that it had gathered 6,000 signatures on a petition
to present to the county supervisors, requesting serious budget
cuts. The Tax Council felt not enough was cut from the county
budget by the county supervisors, and the County Grand Jury
didn’t go far enough it its recommended budget reductions. The
Tax Council was worried about the county completely collapsing. It
declared that it did not want to disrupt any particular elementary
school or high school or to make teachers or public employees
suffer unduly, but it only wanted to bring the county expense in
concordance with existing depression economics. Tax Council
Chairman T.H. Kewin, who was a member of the Common Property
Taxpayers Association of California, reported the association had
adopted a resolution to send to the state legislature on state
gasoline tax distribution. It recommended that the state keep 50
percent of the tax for state highways and the other 50 percent be
allocated to the state’s counties and cities directly. If this was done,
Stanislaus County would receive $50,000 instead of $20,000 it now
receives.
In the News-Herald, Modesto School Superintendent
Notable Literature
Published During the Hoover Years
Farewell to Arms (1929), by Ernest Hemingway
Look Homeward Angel (1929), by Thomas Wolfe
Sartoris (1929); Sound and the Fury (1929); As I Lay Dying
(1930; Sanctuary (1931), by William Faulkner
The Good Earth (1930), by Pearl Buck
Young Lonigan (1931), by James T. Farrell
Sources for the Article, “Clashing American
Cultures,” Appearing on Pages 270, 310-312:
American Exodus: The Dust Bowl Migration and the Okie
Culture in California, R. Douglas Hurt; Dust Bowl Migrants
in the American Imagination, Charles J. Shindo; Children
of the Dust Bowl, Jerry Stanley; and The Dust Bowl
Migration and the Emergence of an Okie Subculture in
California, 1930-1950, James Noble Gregory.
———————— 288 ————————
Part 2: Business and Banking
T
he Modesto News-Herald from October 1929 through
March 1930 reported no peculiarities in business conditions in
Stanislaus County, during this the opening months of the Great
Depression. From all indications, business appeared to be normal
and prosperous in the county, with the only exception being low
prices for agricultural products, which had been languorous anyway
through the 1920s. On November 9, 1929, Modesto Clearing House
Association reported that Modesto bank clearings for the week
were $3.7 million, a gain of $706,834 from the previous week. On
March 26, 1930, Modesto Schools Superintendent J.H. Bradley
spoke to a dinner club in Riverbank, telling the members that
Stanislaus County was solid economically. He noted that that the
county shipped 181 agricultural products, and new industry, related
to agriculture, was increasing its presence, a positive sign for the
local economy.
Good Conditions
On April 2, 1930, the Modesto Clearing House Association
disclosed that Modesto bank clearings for March totaled $9.3
million, a gain of nearly $600,000 over February. Later in April,
Stanislaus County Census Supervisor H.H. Briggs reported the
findings of the 1930 Census, concerning the county’s cities.
Modesto had grown by 49 percent from 1920, having a 1930
population of 13,847. Turlock’s population increased by 25 percent,
having a 1930 population of 4,246. Oakdale increased from 1,745 in
1920 to 2,110 in 1930; Newman from 1,201 to 1,267; and Ceres from
637 to 951.
The News-Herald issue for June 29, 1930 contained
business news that was encouraging. A.S. Bomberger, President of
the Modesto Real Estate Board, reported that local financial
investors were buying real estate, because of the stock market
problems. G.H. Bertram, President of People’s Finance and Thrift
Company, locally owned and operated, informed the public that his
bank had a successful business year, and felt conditions should
not change. The bank provided loans for business and industrial
needs. Jerry Brut, Secretary of El Portal Loan Company, declared
business was fruitful for the past 20 months, with assets growing
from $50,000 to $500,000. It was a locally owned and operated
business that provided loans for real estate improvements. Modesto
banks had deposits of $6.5 million for the past six months. One
banker commented, “With the speculation mania apparently having
passed, more money is being diverted into business and into saving
accounts.” Even the local stock brokers predicted a better future.
Warren Giddings, manager of the local office of Grimes and Swift,
stock brokers and bond dealers, declared that investors were
switching to bonds, but there were good stocks to purchase as
well.
On July 9, 1930, a national survey disclosed that Modesto
was one of the 15 bright cities in the U.S., showing a 5 percent gain
in business. Modesto bank clearings for September gained $1 million
from August, with total bank clearings for the month being $10.9
million as reported by C.R. Peterson of the Modesto Clearing House
Association. A News-Herald editorial of November 16th spoke to
the need for business advertising. The writer proclaimed that now
was not the time to pull back on advertising, when the economy
was sluggish. Instead, businesses should increase their advertising
to encourage purchasing. The best policy was to keep advertising
spending constant through all business environments.
The first ripple in consumer purchasing in the county was
revealed in a November 18, 1930 News-Herald article that disclosed
the lowering of bread prices. San Joaquin Baking Company in
Modesto reduced its bread prices to conform with the present
business conditions. Its large bread loaf now sold for 10 cents each
instead of two loafs for 25 cents. Its small loaf was reduced to 9
cents, while its specialty loaf sold for 13 cents. W.M. Brown,
Postmaster of Turlock Post Office, reported on December 24th that
the post office had sent out 23,000 pieces of first class mail in one
day, breaking Turlock’s old record of 17,000. The post office
employed 26 clerks and carriers, while hiring an extra eight employees
for the holiday rush.
Sound Business
On January 2, 1931, Robert L. Kimmel, Secretary of the
Modesto Chamber of Commerce, issued a report that city business
was sound, even though there were elements of the Depression
showing itself. He admitted that there were a few business failings,
but those were offset by new business openings. There were no
layoffs, instead payrolls have expanded. Most Modesto businesses
reported increased activity, and post office receipts continued to
break Modesto records. School registration increased by 15 percent,
and there was a need for new housing, even though building permits
were slightly less than the year before. There were over 10,000
vehicles moving through Modesto on the state highway each day,
with local highway construction and maintenance contracts signed
and hiring begun. In sum, Kimmel stated the economic picture for
Modesto was steadfast.
In another January 2nd report, Hugh P. Donnelly, Secretary
of the Stanislaus County Development Board, notified residents
that his office received some 9,000 inquiries in 1930 concerning the
county, from people wanting to relocate in the area. Information
pamphlets that provided pictures and facts about the county were
sent out. The development board provided exhibits at the State Fair
and at a land show in Los Angeles. The Modesto bank news for
1930 was encouraging, with depositors earning $243,578 in interest,
the largest by a substantial margin in Modesto’s banking history.
Net bank clearings for 1930 were $53.4 million compared to $53.5
million in 1929, a picture of stability.
On January 29, 1931, the 1930 Census data for retail
business was released by the U.S. Bureau of Census. In 1930,
Modesto had $19 million in retail sales, from 388 retail stores, having
a combined payroll of $2 million for 1,197 fulltime employees and
numerous part-time workers. Of the 388 stores, 334 were one-store
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—————————————
businesses, while other businesses had two to three stores, and
there were ten stores that were part of national chains. Independent
stores in Modesto accounted for 67 percent of Modesto’s total
business, having total sales of $12.7 million in 1930. Automobile
outlets had sales totaling $4.8 million. From a census study of 47
California cities in 1930, Modestans purchased more per capita
than any city in the state, with $1,373 per resident, while the state
average was $716. The next five cities in the ranking were Santa
Rosa, Ventura, Fresno, Salinas, and Palo Alto. Los Angeles was
$778 and San Francisco $786. Store inventories at the time of the
study found that Modesto had $2.8 million in stock, with inventory
turnovers occurring an average of seven times a year. These figures
fully indicated the success and stability of local business during
the first full year of the Depression.
In March 1931, Tidewater Southern Railway, with its
railroad line running from Stockton to Hilmar, through Modesto,
announced planned improvements of $170,000. Its major projects
included the construction of a depot in Turlock and the placing of
heavier rails on the Tuolumne River trestle. Western Pacific Railroad,
Tidewater’s parent, proclaimed it had its most lucrative year in
Stanislaus County, reaping profits from shipping area agricultural
products.
On April 11, 1931, Modesto Clearing House Association
announced that bank clearings for the week were $1.7 million, which
was $200,000 more than the previous week but a decline of $650,000
from the same week in 1930. In May, W.W. Giddings, President of
Modesto Trust and Savings Bank, founded in 1873 and one of the
leading banks in the valley, informed residence that his bank had
purchased First National Bank of Salida. He commented that the
buyout was in accord with current business practice of consolidating
banks for greater efficiency and better service. The Salida bank was
founded in 1920 and had $150,000 in assets. He remarked,
“Stanislaus County and Modesto are in a strong economic position,
about the strongest in California.”
On June 19, 1931, the gas war ended in the region, with
prices increasing from 10 cents a gallon to 17.5. It was the result of
Standard Oil of California increasing its prices by 5.5 cents. Standard,
Richfield, and Western gas stations had boosted their prices, with
Texas and Union to follow soon. Modesto Postmaster D.W. Morris
reported in July that Modesto Post Office receipts totaled $54,158
for the first six months of 1931, an increase of $1,127 for 1930. He
commented that it was a good indicator of general business
conditions in the community.
82 Foreclosures
In August 1931, Stanislaus County Recorder R.G. Waring
disclosed that there were 82 foreclosures in county real estate in
the first seven months of 1931. For 1929, there had been 74
foreclosures for the year, and for 1930, there were 73. He commented
that there were rumors that four or five farms foreclosed each day,
which was simply not correct. Bank clearings in Modesto for the
week of October 10, 1931 were $2.2 million, an increase of $500,000
from the previous week and only slightly less from the same week
in 1930.
On November 4, 1931, Modesto City Clerk Hiram Gragg
announced that building permits in October totaled $52,168 for
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construction projects, which was $20,000 more than in October
1930. The largest construction project was MJC’s gymnasium, a
cost of $11,750. Other construction that had received permits earlier
was the new Modesto Post Office building, costing $195,000;
rerouting of the state highway on 9th Street, $220,000; and widening
9th Street, $15,000. In January 1932, Turlock reported that though
there was a decrease generally in building, construction of new
residential structures were normal for 1931. Some of Turlock’s major
construction was: new
depot for Tidewater
Southern
Railway;
remodeled facilities for
Security Bank, costing
$10,000; and a new
building for the National
Guard, costing $25,000.
Also in January 1932,
Modesto City Clerk Gragg
informed citizens that
building permits for 1931
totaled $415,118 in
construction,
plus
another $100,000 for
residential tracts just
outside the city limits.
City Engineer Frank J.
Rossi reported that S.H.
Kress Company store was
completed at a cost of
$60,000; San Joaquin Foreclosure Advertisement, ApBaking Company built a pearing in the Modesto News-Herfacility for $20,000; ald, March 20, 1932
Methodist
Episcopal
Church erected a church structure for $45,000; sewer line extensions
for $40,000, which provided jobs for the city’s unemployed; and
Modesto High School and Modesto Junior College had extensive
construction work.
Modesto Chamber of Commerce Secretary Kimmel declared
that business for 1931 was stable, and he was pleased with the
ability of local charities, along with county and state relief agencies,
to assist the needy. He thought the county began feeling the effects
of the Depression in the spring. Even so, county dairy and poultry
industries held their own, and local industrial payroll was normal.
Pacific Gas and Electric Company laid a new pipeline in the area,
employing 200 men with families. They found housing in the area,
with families buying from local stores. Kimmel remarked that four
small industrial businesses opened shop during the year and were
doing well. Eight new stores opened their doors, including the
Kress Store.
Comparative statistics were released by the Modesto
Chamber of Commerce for 1929 and 1931, which revealed a slight
downturn in manufacturing. In 1929, Modesto had 39 manufacturers
with a total production worth $12.5 million, while in 1931 there were
44 manufacturers with a production of $9.4 million. Total number of
manufacturing employees in 1929 was 837 with wage earnings of
$951,632, while in 1931 there 960 who earned a total of $863,441.
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These figures excluded management employees and included parttime workers.
On June 3, 1932, Modesto Clearing House Association
reported that Modesto bank clearings for May were $4.3 million,
compared to $5.3 million in April and $7 million for May 1931.
Modesto City Clerk Gragg informed residents that the city approved
building permits for $301,390 worth of construction for fiscal year
1931-32, compared to $408,152 for 1930-31.
Promoting Spending
A full-page advertisement appeared in the September 6,
1932 issue of the News-Herald that contained a picture of a
workingman, with his arms folded, and contained the following text
in large print: “He’s ready. When he works he spends. But when
you lay off spending then he is forced to lay off working. Money
spent makes work. The goods you buy, plus those your neighbor
buys, quickly empty shelves in the stores and starts orders for
more goods; for more buildings, for more machinery, opens up
factories, mills, and foundries, puts more men to work. It’s not
wealth that makes prosperity, its wages, and we cannot have
maximum wage earnings until we have free spending, money in
active circulation. Let’s resolve today to spend more, buy more,
consume more. [Signed by] C.H. Williams Welding Works, Firestone
Service Stations, H.A. Trublood – Plumbers, J.C. Penney Company,
Kinnear ’s Machine Shop, Milk Producers Association,
Montgomery Wards and Company, National Dollar Store, Stephen’s
Tire Service, and Turner Hardware and Implements.”
At the meeting of the Modesto City Council on September
15, 1932, Kimmel from the Modesto Chamber of Commerce and
Charles Wherry, representing Modesto Retail Merchants
Association, asked the city council when it was going to enforce
the new ordinance to control unlicensed peddling. The ordinance
had been passed to halt outsiders from selling merchandise in
Modesto without a business license. Local farmers who sold their
products in Modesto were exempt from the law. Kimmel told the
city council that merchants were upset with having their pictures
taken and being fingerprinted by city police as required by the nopeddling ordinance. Mayor L.L. Dennett explained that the picturetaking and fingerprinting were necessary to enforce the no-peddling
ordinance and was a common practice in other cities. He informed
them though that he would see that the ordinance was enforced.
In October 1932, Modesto Clearing House Association
announced that interest rate on saving deposits would be lowered
from 4 percent to 3½ percent, conforming the standard now in
California. Stanislaus County banks were the last ones in the state
to lower this interest rate. Banks were investing only in high security
investments that yielded low interest. On October 5th, Howard
Whipple, Executive Vice President of Bank of America in San
Francisco, addressed 65 members of the Turlock Chamber of
Commerce telling them, “We cannot prophesy the termination of
the Depression, but from all sources encouraging reports are
heard.” He commented that the panic was certainly over, which
was evidenced by fresh bank deposits made from hoarded money.
He informed the chamber members that Turlock and Stanislaus
County was by far one of the most fortunate regions in the state
thus far in the Depression.
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On October 25, 1932, the News-Herald contained a fullpage advertisement praising women for being knowledgeable
consumers and an asset to the local economy: “Women Buy!! They
are actually the major spenders of the country’s money. Their likes
and their dislikes must be considered in every merchandising
problem, even the designing of men’s shirts. And while women are
notoriously bargain hunters, quality and style are after all their
major consideration. And they like to think about a thing before
they buy it. That’s why they so assiduously read the ads as a
prelude to a shopping tour. Behind the women is the family, and her
buying is fundamentally based on her desire to fill their needs and
meet their desires. Her buying of foods and the hundred and one
Consumer Advertisement, Appearing in the Modesto NewsHerald, March 7, 1933
other daily necessities is based on her knowledge of her family’s
wants. And when it comes to purchases, which involves a major
investment, there is a family conference. The woman buys, but
behind the woman is the family.”
During the year, Modesto banks carried Christmas Club
accounts for depositors. These were special accounts set aside so
customers would have revenue to pay for gifts, decorations, and
food for Christmas. The Christmas Club accounts totaled $25,615
in deposits and interest. Also, Modesto bank depositors earned
over $70,000 total in interest on their savings accounts for 1932.
On December 27, 1932, the News-Herald contained a letter
concerning a man’s change of heart and outlook during the third
year of the Depression: “I’m Through with Being Depressed – For
the past three years, I have lived a horrible life. There has been
nothing the matter with me except that I have been scared stiff.
After three years of fright, during which none of the things I was
afraid of happened, it is high time I changed and began to live like
a normal human being once more. My salary was cut, yes, but it
really wasn’t very serious, and I can certainly still live pretty well,
and a lot better than I have been living lately. I propose to start
living here and now – today! In my closet, there are two business
suits. One is too badly worn for any man in my position to wear at
all. It will go to some one who really needs it. The other I can wear
when I do odd jobs around the house. I’m going to buy two new
suits and wear them on alternate days, for that’s the way to get the
best wear out of them. I’m going to buy an overcoat and a hat, too.
My shirts have fringes on the cuffs. My underwear is patched, and
———————— 291 ————————
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my darned socks are ugly and uncomfortable. My shoes have been
half-soled, and the uppers are cracked. I am buying an entire new
outfit, and my old things are going where they will do some real
good. I’m going to stop being ashamed of my appearance. My wife
needs dresses, underclothes, shoes, hats, and gloves. I’ve given
her the cash to buy them with. “Get everything you need,” I told
her, “nothing more and nothing less.” The living room rug is a
sight. Out it goes and in comes a new one. The sofa needs repair
and recovering. It’s going to be done. We need new curtains, new
napkins, new towels, even new sheets. Did you ever sleep on
patched sheets? Never again! My old automobile has 56,000 miles
on it, and the best you can say for it is it still runs. The paint is dull
and chipped, the nickel is rusty, the upholstery stained and worn
threadbare, and there are enough rattles and squeaks to amuse all
the babies from now to kingdom come. Every few hundred miles
some annoying little repair costs be from 50 cents to $5. It nearly
burnt up one night, because the insulation had worn off a wire,
causing a short circuit. I’m going to buy a new car, because I need
it and want it and because I can afford it. My old radio still works,
but I know that during the past three years there have been big
improvements. The new radios sound a lot better, look better, are
easier to work, and they give you more stations. There’s a new
radio coming to our house. I’m going to buy the books I have been
wanting to read. I’m going to see the shows I want to see. I’m going
to buy everything I need and can really afford. I’m going to contribute
to the unemployed, because like most Americans, I want to help
people in distress. It all comes down to this – I am going to live the
kind of life I am entitled to lead. In living that life I am aiding others,
directly and indirectly to live their own lives by helping to provide
them with the money and work they need. I’m through with being
depressed in body and soul. From now on, see my smile and watch
my dust! [Signed] John W.S.”
Bank Holiday
On January 4, 1933, Modesto Postmaster Morris reported
that Modesto Post Office receipts for 1932 totaled $112,332, a slight
increase from 1931; however, December 1932 receipts were $850
lower than in 1931. Ray Plummer, Secretary for the Modesto Clearing
House Association, disclosed that Modesto bank clearings for 1932
were $61.8 million, while in 1931 it was $92 million, or a decrease of
$30.2 million. In January, Modesto Trust and Savings Bank
purchased Waterford Commercial and Savings Bank, being
announced by President Giddings of the Modesto bank. This was
a similar transaction for Modesto Trust and Savings when it
purchased the First National Bank of Salida in April 1931. The
Waterford bank was nearly a year old and had $120,000 in assets
and $80,000 in deposits. The buyout was to strengthen banking in
the county by combining assets and deposits.
On March 2, 1933, California Governor James Rolph
proclaimed a bank holiday of three days, designed to halt panic
withdrawals and to regain the loss of currency that had been
hoarded. The bank closing was voluntary, with the county banks
cooperating. Modesto Chamber of Commerce declared that it was
“business as usual” in the city though. Checks written at stores
had to be for the purchase price, because currency was short.
Government employees and teachers were paid on the first day of
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the holiday, requiring them to retain their checks until the holiday
was over. State’s Attorney General U.S. Webb ruled that public
schools were to close for the holiday. County courts and the county
auditor’s and recorder’s offices were closed for business.
One March 4, 1933, Edward C. Davis, Secretary of the
Modesto Merchants Association, reported that Modestans were
cooperating during the bank holiday with business flowing as usual.
Most stores were allowing responsible customers credit or checks
written for exact
amounts. Modesto
City Clerk Gragg
paid
city
employees’ wages
and salaries in cash,
while keeping his
office
open
throughout the
holiday
to
accommodate local
residents. A roving
reporter for the
News-Herald
gathered a number
of stories about
incidents in the city.
One storeowner
told him that
someone wrote a
check for a pack of Post-Bank Holiday Advertisement Intended
gum, costing 5 to Spur Consumer Spending, Appearing in
cents, because he the Modesto News-Herald, March 16,
didn’t have the 1933
change. The transaction would ultimately cost the check writer six
more cents, because of a bank charge and government tax. The
roving reporter concluded that people were actually happy with
the bank holiday, as it seemed to lift the burden of the Depression
from their shoulders. They felt secure in knowing something was
being done to halt the erratic economic times.
On March 5, 1933, Governor Rolph signed emergency
legislation, allowing the bank holiday to continue. This was followed
the next day by newly inaugurated U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt
signing the Emergency Banking Act, closing all banks in the U.S.
through March 14th. For Stanislaus County, this would mean bank
closures for nearly ten days. Stanislaus County Treasurer honored
money warrants while the currency lasted. There were some
emergencies that led to banks establishing guidelines to help
customers: coin and currency deposits were accepted and were
kept separate from the customer’s other deposits, allowing the
customer to withdraw the money if needed; payments on loan notes
in coin and currency were allowed; checks up to $10 in cases of
“dire necessity” were accepted from regular bank customers; and
cashing of checks was limited, because of the lack of currency.
Some banks were considering using scrip temporarily in place of
official U.S. currency.
Many county residents, like other Americans, were
hoarders of currency and gold for a brief time, waiting to see what
———————— 292 ————————
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would happen with the Depression. This caused Congress to enact
an emergency law against hoarding, with the deadline set for March
17th, when residents had to return gold and currency to banks or be
subject to arrest. It was the responsibility of the banks to report
any known hoarders. Banks reopened on March 15th, with Modesto
banks reporting significant deposits of currency and gold, much of
it coming from the safe deposit boxes. Heirlooms, old trinkets, and
jewelry were exempt from the hoarding law. With the return of
currency from customers, the local banks now had enough cash to
transact normal business. Still withdrawals on saving accounts
were limited to 10 percent a day. On March 16th, Modesto banks
shipped $30,000 in gold and gold certificates to the Federal Reserve
Bank in San Francisco. In return, they received new currency printed
by the U.S. Bureau of Engraving and Printing.
On March 16, 1933, Carl Shannon, President of Modesto
Chamber of Commerce informed the public that business conditions
in the area had improved since the bank holiday ended. He
commented that local banks really didn’t need to close, because
they could have weathered the crisis, but bank holiday was needed
as a national effort to stop panic withdrawals, hoarding of currency,
and to ease minds concerning the Depression. Shannon thanked
the local businesses for cooperating and enduring the emergency
as well as they did. He expected that business would be back to
normal very soon, and “We have replaced our old fears and
uncertainty with a determination to do something to bring about
better conditions.”
First National Bank of Crows Landing reported that it
received $10,000 in deposits when it reopened. Gold was deposited
as required by the government, with one depositor cashing in an
1853 gold coin, because he wanted to be sure the government had
all the gold it needed to weather the storm. One customer deposited
five $1,000 bills that he had hoarded. One reason for the bank holiday
was to allow governmental officials to audit banks and clear them
for opening. The Bank of Newman had problems with its assets,
but it reopened with the approval of the California Bank
Superintendent. The bank was placed in receivership to allow it to
reorganize and assert its financial footing. E.S. Wangenheim of San
Francisco was the bank’s president, who told newspapers that
significant depreciation in the value of irrigation and reclamation
bonds hurt the bank. Rather than closing it and liquidate the
corporation, the depositors decided to buy a percentage of the
bank’s stock and have the bank reorganized. The bank’s assets at
the time were $1.7 million. On March 25, 1933, Modesto Clearing
House Association reported that bank clearings for the week were
$1.3 million, which was higher than for the same week in 1932. This
was good news and demonstrated the public’s response to the
banking system. Stanislaus County banks were just as solvent in
1933 as they were at the beginning of the Depression in October
1929. This was because county businessmen and farmers were
both conservative in finances and business practices. These
conventions were observed by the community, causing Stanislaus
County citizens to feel confident and non-fearing about their bank
deposits, other banking investments and transactions. This was
unlike most sections of the U.S. in 1933.
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(Continued from page 284)
his shoulders without a neck. The whole was covered with dark
brown and cinnamon-colored hair, quite long on some parts, that
on the head standing a shock and growing close down to the eyes,
like, a Digger Indian’s. As I looked, he threw his back and whistled
again, and then stooped and grasped a stick from the fire. This he
swung round and round, until the fire on the end had gone out,
when he repeated the maneuver. I was dumb, almost, and could
only look. Fifteen minutes I sat and watched him, as he whistled
and scattered my fire about. I could easily have put a bullet through
his head, but why should I kill him?
Having amused himself, apparently all he desired, with my
fire, he started to go, and having gone a short distance, he returned,
and was joined by another – a female, unmistakably – when they
both turned and walked past me, within twenty yards of where I sat,
and disappeared. I could not have had a better opportunity for
observing them, as they were unconscious of my presence. Their
only object in visiting my camp seemed to be to amuse themselves
with swinging lighted sticks around. I have told this story more
times since then, and it was often raised an incredulous smile, but I
have met one person who has seen the mysterious creatures, and a
dozen who have come across their tracks at various places between
here and Pacheco Pass.
RLS
From the Modesto News-Herald, October 10, 1929:
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Part 3: Labor, Wages, and Unemployment
T
he first impact of the Great Depression on Stanislaus
County was felt in the local arena of employment. The county was
vastly agriculture, having seasonal laborers, which normally meant
transient workers would inhabit the county for three to four months,
staying from June to October. Their presence was important, because
they supplied manpower to do the jobs that county citizens normally
wouldn’t partake, either because of their higher socio-economic
status, or because the work was not particularly attractive. As the
Depression deepened, the seasonal workers began to remain in the
county through the winter months, becoming liabilities to the local
economy. As the economic slump continued, those who were private
or public employees began receiving termination notices, filling the
growing ranks of the local jobless. These unfortunate workers
turned to seasonal agricultural employment, or to public works
projects, or to odd-jobs offered by relief agencies.
Local Labor Activity
The first articles in the Modesto News-Herald concerning
Stanislaus County labor issues and the Great Depression, began
appearing in April 1930. On April 26th, employees of the Modesto
plant of the Milk Producers Association of Central California (MPA)
went on strike for higher wages. The 130 plant employees were
asking from 5 to 20 percent wage increases, depending upon the
employee’s salary. The strike backed up 35 trucks that were
delivering milk at the plant, causing MPA to hire temporary
employees. Many dairymen brought their filled milk cans by trucks
or cars. J.C. Jensen, President of MPA, declared the association’s
2,000 members could not afford the wage increases being requested
by the union employees. He called it unreasonable and would cause
MPA members to lose significant revenue. American Federation of
Labor (AFL) refused to compromise, requesting MPA to accept the
wage schedule it presented. Police were guarding the plant and the
MPA milk trucks, while the union promised no violence.
On April 30, 1930, 2,000 dairymen of the MPA met with the
plant’s employees at Stanislaus Hall to resolve strike issues. Local
dairyman, Charles W. Hogue, spoke to the mixed crowd, expressing
MPA’s position and concerns in regard to wages and the strike. It
was a passionate address that only heightened the disparity in the
hall. Union representative, J.M. Casey, approached the podium to
present the employees’ stance in the labor dispute, but as he began,
all 2,000 MPA members marched out, not willing to hear his
presentation. Even so, Casey addressed the issues at hand. He
declared that the public were provided with misinformation, in that
the MPA employees weren’t being paid 50 cents an hour but 38
cents and now were asking for 45 cents, which was “nothing more
than decent American living wages.” He asserted that most workers
were receiving $90 a month, with a few earning $120. He told the
remaining audience that MPA employees weren’t requesting a
change in working hours or conditions, though improvements were
needed. Casey ended by stating, the union did not encourage the
workers to strike, that it came from within, because of growing
restless over the unfair wages. He reiterated that the union was
willing to compromise to end the dispute right now!
In July 1930, three grain fires broke out in the county, one
near Hickman and the other two in the Eugene area. Such fires had
occurred in the county and state the past three years, with the
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) being accused as the arsons.
Stanislaus County Sheriff Grat Hogin was incensed by the fires,
declaring the county to be peaceful and having decent citizens. He
promised the culprits would be caught and fully prosecuted. Arson
investigator, W.A. Kennedy, representing the National Board of
Fire Underwriters, studied the fires, finding that the usual methods
were used to start them. It required a magnifying glass or flashlight
lens and a book of matches. The glass or lens would focus the
sun’s light on the book of matches, igniting it, and setting the grain
on fire. It took some 50 firefighters to squelch the Eugene fires at
the ranches owned by William Rhodes and the Moffat Cattle
Company.
The public was informed on July 18, 1930 that Modestan
Mark Thompson opened an office of the Federal-State Bureau of
Employment to assist local employers in hiring community jobless.
The office was located at 9th and I streets, offering services for two
months. At the end of the two months, if the assistance had been
productive then it could remain open longer. Two weeks later,
Thompson reported that the bureau had placed 73 unemployed
persons, with 21 being women, in agriculturally-connected jobs.
Unemployment Problem
In December 1930, Sheriff Hogin called upon all public
employees to contribute one day’s wages to assist in local
unemployment relief. It wasn’t much, he commented, but this
charitable act would help taxpayers and the jobless. His office, he
disclosed, would be contributing $65 to the cause from its wages.
The money donated would go to the Modesto Council of Social
and Health Agencies for distribution. Hogin called for a meeting of
all public employees in the city at the courthouse to discuss the
proposal. It was traditional for local residents to help neighbors
during difficult times. Charities, volunteers, civic organizations, and
community governmental agencies all pitched in.
Modesto Mayor Sol P. Elias asked that those concerned
about unemployment to attend an evening meeting on December
12, 1930 at the city hall. Seventy-five attended, with C.C. Nunnally,
Secretary of the Stanislaus County Central Labor Council,
officiating. Mayor Elias was given authority to appoint a 15 to 20
member committee to study the unemployment problem in the
county. Reports were delivered by various local employment leaders.
W.H. Ramont, representing the County Welfare Department,
informed the audience that the number of applicants applying for
assistance was three times greater than in the previous year. H.T.
Pitman, representing labor, informed the audience that
unemployment had doubled in the county. Mrs. D.E. Wellman,
Secretary of the Stanislaus Chapter of the American Red Cross,
———————— 294 ————————
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disclosed that aid to the county’s needy was at its highest peak
since the World War and six times more than in August. Elias
commented that he had never seen such a flourish of job applications
for municipal work, and “The city will have an acute unemployment
problem this winter, and it will become worse before it becomes
better.” He remarked that times have changed, where we must take
care of our community and forget the selfishness of the past. He
suggested that a public fund be created to assist the unemployed,
stating, “I shall favor any means to relieve distress in anyway.” He
declared the city’s Engineering Department was making every effort
to create jobs to hire local unemployed. He had recommended a
public works project of $16,000 to complete an auxiliary sanitary
sewer in the industrial area. Elias reminded the crowd that some 300
would be employed on the construction of the Tuolumne River
bridge. He ended by offering to institute a public fund to assist the
local jobless.
Public Works Provides a Solution
On December 25, 1930, Modesto City Council approved
the sewer project sponsored by Elias, which would provide jobs for
local needy men. Modesto Engineer Frank Rossi reported that he
had hired 18 additional men to work on public works projects.
Ramont of the County Welfare Department stated he was very
pleased with the response from the community to provide work for
those in need. At the moment, he commented there were 11 men
employed doing odd-jobs, and eight were pruning trees and
vineyards for local farmers. He announced that he had a list of
unemployed that contained their skills, with some having dairy
experience. He urged all employers with jobs to telephone him at
his home. In February 1931, it was announced that Turlock had
employed 30 Turlock jobless, with wages at 25 to 30 cents an hour
under a plan developed by the Turlock Relief Committee and the
American Red Cross of Turlock.
On February 22, 1931, Ramont informed the public that
since November 1930, some 250 local unemployed had found jobs
through his office and other local agencies. The Civic Employment
Committee was instrumental in locating odd-jobs for 85 workers.
Ramont prodded the community to locate odd-jobs for the
unemployed and contact the committee. Every worker employed
through the local welfare program was given a card for their employer
to fill out. It asked the employer to rate the worker’s job performance.
Ramont declared that most cards were being returned with the
ratings of “very satisfactory” or “exceptionally good.” In April,
Modesto Mayor Elias reported that local unemployment had been
“entirely met,” because of the supreme efforts of city and county
governments, civic and commercial organizations, and private
citizens. He declared that hundreds had been hired from the jobless
ranks for farm work, construction, and odd-jobs. Elias said it all
began with the Civic Employment Committee creating the program,
with the enormous assistance of Ramont. The mayor asserted that
the city had spent $12,895 on wages for the local jobless.
In May 1931, Modesto Board of Education curtailed the
yearly automatic salary increases for teachers, because of the
economic slump. The action saved city schools $6,000 and was
approved by the Modesto Teachers Association. In July, the
Stanislaus County Board of Supervisors approved a resolution
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requiring construction contractors, working for the county, to hire
80 percent of their workforce from bona fide Stanislaus County
residents. Supervisor E.K. Finney stated, “This ordinance means
that residents of Stanislaus County will be assured of work on
county jobs.”
In August 1931, the county supervisors appointed
members to the Stanislaus County Employment Committee. The
committee’s prime purpose was to local employment for the jobless
in the coming winter. The committee was to serve as a clearinghouse
for employment, coordinating the work of county unemployment
agencies to reduce duplication of efforts. Ramont was appointed
executive secretary of the committee. He declared that much of the
county’s unemployment was due to transient laborers, taking jobs
from county residents. He reiterated that his work and that of the
committee was aimed specifically to employing county jobless first
and then others next.
Modesto City Council voted to approve reductions in
wages and salaries of city employees from $5 to $20 a month,
depending upon the salary. It also approved paying all city
employees monthly salaries rather than hourly wages. The city
council established a monthly salary of $140 for all major department
heads and firefighters. County supervisors were cutting wages as
well. They reduced all wages of county government laborers by 50
cents a day, from $4 a day to $3.50. These wage and salary reductions
saved money, allowing local governmental budgets to be balanced.
On August 27, 1931, county employment chairman Ramont
asked that each city and town appoint their own employment
committee and report to him on its activities. William J. Silva served
as chairman of the Modesto committee, who explained that the
effort of the various employment committees was not charity work
but to create jobs and locate employment for the jobless to stimulate
the economy. It was announced that Thomas Crawford was
appointed chairman of the Turlock Employment Committee.
In August 1931, a new California law required that anyone
applying for state aid had to be a resident of the county for one
year and a resident of the state for three years. In September, new
Modesto Mayor, L.L. Dennett, proposed spending $100,000 from
the city’s reserves to employ local jobless during the forthcoming
winter. These would be public works jobs, particularly the
construction of water and sewer lines. Adjunct McKinley H.
Thompson of Modesto Post No. 74 of the American Legion notified
the public that he was surveying the employment and living needs
of local veterans. The Legion would see that any impoverished
veterans and families received proper relief from its resources.
Now that unemployment was mounting, attention focused
on immigrants, who many thought took jobs away from Americans.
In October 1931, Ramont, with the consent of the county
supervisors, located between 50 and 60 Mexican citizens in
Stanislaus County, who agreed to return to Mexico. It was a
voluntary program, with the county agreeing to pay their
transportation to the border. Railroads reduced tickets by two-thirds
to assist in the effort. The Mexican government wanted their citizens
to return, offering them inducements, such as land grants, farming
implements, plantings, and seeds. Ramont termed the action
“repatriation” rather than “deportation,” which was little of both.
The repatriated Mexicans had to agree not to return to the U.S.
———————— 295 ————————
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Other California counties developed similar repatriation programs.
On October 24th, those Mexican citizens in the county departed by
Santa Fe train from Riverbank and Empire. Before going, they bought
American products, with their savings to take to their new homes.
Creating Local Jobs
In November 1931, Ramont informed the public that the
Stanislaus County Employment Committee, now chaired by Silva
from Modesto, had a listing of an estimated 1,500 county jobless
who needed work. Twenty men were just employed sawing wood at
the county’s corporate yards. It was a standard attitude that no one
wanted charity. Silva declared that everyone wanted to work for the
aid they received. The real concern though was to find winter work
for the jobless. Modesto City Council passed a resolution that
restricted hiring to only those who were sole supporters of their
families. Councilman E.J. Boundey explained that the resolution
was not against married women but a practical step needed during
the difficult economic times. He remarked that if the husband and
wife were both working in government jobs then they were earning
too much money for their basic needs. It makes sense, he commented,
to have only one, either husband or wife, be employed as the sole
source of income for the family. This would allow another
unemployed head of household to work to meet his or her family
needs. If the wife is working and earning very little money, then that
was not an issue, or if her husband was unable to work, then she
needs to work.
Vaughn Whitmore, Chairman of the Stanislaus County
Board of Supervisors, informed the public that there were county
jobs that just opened to employ 20 men to remove trees, stumps,
and weeds along county roadways. The supervisors were hoping
that the project would be expanded to employing 20 more. Only
men with dependents were being hired. County Horticultural
Commissioner E.T. Hamlin coordinated the project, while Fred
Hogue, President of the Stanislaus County Farm Bureau, offered
assistance from his organization. On December 17, 1931, Thomas
Crawford, Chairman of the Turlock Unemployment and Relief
Committee, was appropriated $500 by Turlock City Council to
employee local jobless men who had dependents. The workers
would repair streets and sidewalks, trim trees, and assist with the
sanitation system. They were to be paid in scrip, redeemable only
at Turlock stores.
Modesto and Turlock city councils were contacted in
December by the Unemployed Council of California asking them to
feed and house travelers from the “Hunger March” scheduled to
pass through those municipalities on January 9, 1932. The marchers
were headed towards Sacramento to petition Governor James Rolph
to do something for the state’s unemployed. It was similar to other
hunger marches taking place throughout the nation. Both city
councils replied negatively to the request, informing the organization
that its priority was caring for its own unemployed. A disturbed
Modesto Councilman William Fager commented, “Why should they
stop here? We are in no position to give anything to outsiders. Our
chief concern is with caring for our own home folks in need.” Turlock
Mayor J.W. Guy concurred with those sentiments.
In January 1932, R.L. Kimmel, Secretary of Modesto
Chamber of Commerce, predicted improved conditions in the coming
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year for the county. County supervisors sponsored a training
program at Modesto Junior College (MJC) to instruct local women
in community service and home economics. The students were
taught general housework, sewing, child care, basic laundering,
practical nursing, and hostess skills. The purpose of the program
was to prepare local women to be better homemakers and to have
skills for part-time employment. Miss Alice Pelly maintained a list of
the women who completed the program, asking the community to
contact her to hire any of them. To help with the unemployment
problem, Pacific Gas and Electric Company employed 200 local men,
who had dependents, constructing a new pipeline in Modesto.
In late afternoon on a cold January 9th, the Hunger Marchers
reached Modesto, where its leadership addressed a sizeable crowd
from the courthouse steps. It was a peaceful event, with local
residents greeting them enthusiastically. Mrs. Ella C. Maze of
Modesto took upon herself to feed and house the 61 marchers.
They dined at a local restaurant that was paid by spontaneous
donations. They slept for free at Rogers Hall on H Street, which
was owned by Mrs. Maze. The marchers ate breakfast the next
morning and began their trek to Tracy, their next stop.
On January 18, 1932, Modesto resident Samuel De Yoe
spoke to county supervisors concerning the employment of those
who weren’t heads of household. He referred specifically to five
county officials, who employed their wives or married women. Four
of the officials were elected, and the other appointed by the
supervisors. De Yoe informed the supervisors that one county
official has a monthly salary of $250, while his wife, a county
employee, earned $160 a month. He declared that he had nothing
against women employees, but because of the difficult economic
times, he questioned the ethics of having two fulltime incomes in a
household paid with taxpayers’ money. He commented that the
women employees, especially wives, were taking the place of a
jobless family provider. Supervisor Chairman Whitmore replied that
the supervisors had no control over elected officials who were
department heads. Those officials had the latitude to hire anyone
they chose.
Local Relief Countywide
In January 1932, County Welfare Department official
Ramont informed county residents that he was troubled by the
recent influx of outsiders, who were complicating the unemployment
situation. In March, he called upon every worker to find odd-jobs
for others, especially during the forthcoming spring and summer
months. He remarked that there should be plenty of odd-jobs in
yards, gardens, and houses. He warned of a possible deepening
Depression, in which everyone must be active helping everyone
else. Employment committee chairman Silva announced that the
county now had 2,500 unemployed men. He reminded the public
that he kept a file of comments by employers concerning the
unemployed who were hired through the county’s odd-jobs program.
He declared there were glowing reports on nearly every worker, and
these workers were available for employment, to call him immediately.
In February 1932, W.T. Kerr, Chairman of the Oakdale
Unemployment Relief Committee, informed residents that Oakdale
city employees were asked to contribute 2 percent of their monthly
earnings to unemployment relief. He stated that $400 a month was
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the approximate amount needed to met the jobless problem. Kerr
reported that the benefit football game had provided the relief
committee with $605, which was used employing some 44 men for
230 days at $2 per day, cleaning city streets, lots, cemeteries, and
other odd-jobs. The hiring priority was given to jobless family
providers and destitute single men.
Teachers Doing Their Part
In April, Ralph Giddings, President of the Turlock
Taxpayers’ Protective Association, having 511 members,
recommended that teachers’ salaries be reduced by 5 to 25 percent
depending upon the salary. Those receiving $1,200 a year, he
remarked, should have a 5 percent decrease, while those earning
$3,500 should have a 25 percent cut. He claimed that teachers’
salaries were not in concurrence with current business and industrial
wages. He called upon other county taxpayer groups to ask for
similar reductions in their section. County Tax Collector Ed
Whitmore remarked that teachers’ salaries can only be lowered by
state law, which would be too late to prevent the budgetary problems
for coming fiscal year. But Whitmore asked for voluntary reduction
of salaries by governmental employees, including teachers, of 10
percent, which would save the county $50,000. He declared that the
only way the county budget can be balanced is through higher
property taxes and no one wants that. In May, Modesto Teachers
Association presented a wage schedule in which teachers
voluntarily cut salaries from 2 to 10 percent, with some positions
being eliminated and combined with others, providing a total
savings of $25,000.
The next day, Whitmore and county supervisors heatedly
labeled the voluntary wage reductions by Modesto teachers as
“inadequate” and “unfair.” They stated county officials volunteered
bigger salary cuts of 5 to 20 percent. Whitmore declared Modesto
teachers were saving just $15,000 a year, not $25,000. Patterson
School District informed the public that it had voluntary salary cuts
totaling $8,000. This incensed Whitmore further, who remarked that
Patterson outshined Modesto by far, and it’s much smaller.
On May 26, 1932, Modesto Employment Committee
Chairman Silva suggested to the city council that it meet with city
department heads and employees to listen to their suggestions for
reduced salaries. Then, he said, formulate a wage schedule that
was “intelligent and sane.” He recommended the hiring of only
local residents, requiring city contractors to do the same. He
encouraged the city council to begin developing plans for winter
employment, such as public works projects that could be financed
by low interest bonds or paid from reserves in the city’s treasury.
On the human side, Silva remarked there were a number of city
employees who were very concerned about their future. This
attitude has caused a deep reticence towards spending money,
slowing local purchasing of goods and cash flow. He prompted
councilmen to act sanely and positively. Any drastic cuts will only
heightened fears and ripple through the local economy; thus, he
stated, slow business will slow production of goods, with the end
results being rising unemployment and more trouble.
In May, Modesto Mayor Dennett asked the city council
to consider borrowing $50,000 in bonds at low interest to employ
the jobless. The bonds could be paid off at $7,000 a year, which
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allows the retention of the current tax rate of $1.40 per $100 of
assessed property valuation. He declared, “We cannot ignore those
who through no fault of their own are in want. I don’t think the
average person really appreciates how serious things are.”
In answer to the irate complaints by Whitmore and the
county supervisors concerning Modesto teachers’ voluntary salary
reductions, Modesto Teachers Association (MTA) replied,
“Modesto city teachers are sincerely interested in the welfare of
the community. The teachers feel that they should share a reasonable
part of the burden of the present depression.” Alberta Bassett,
representing MTA, informed citizens that the average cuts that
MTA promised amounted to 20 percent reduction in salary for
elementary school teachers, 10 percent for high school teachers,
and 5 percent for MJC teachers. She said the cost of educating our
city students is very low for a city, while the student enrollment is
significant. By California law the state allocates money to each
county specifically for teachers’ salaries to insure that they are
paid properly. This frees the districts from paying teachers salaries,
saving them money and allowing them to concentrate on other
budget issues. Bassett remarked that Modesto teachers as were
other teacher groups in the county were cooperating as sensibly
and fairly as possible. For the current fiscal year, the state provided
the county with $446,240 for teachers’ salaries and state required
educational programs, all to help the counties.
Bassett continued her remarks stating, the county
supervisors have been retaining state education funds to balance
their budget and to control school district budgets. By law the
supervisors receive the state educational funding for the entire
county, but by law they must distribute that money, all of it, to the
districts. They couldn’t keep any for their own budget. It was
education money, but there was state legislation pending to change
the procedure. Instead of the county supervisors receiving the
state educational funds, each school district in the county would
receive the state funds directly, without supervisors involvement.
On July 2, 1932, California Attorney General U.S. Webb
ruled on both teachers’ salaries and elected officials’ salaries. He
declared that both are controlled by the state legislature and must
be approved by that body, and this included all voluntary salary
cuts made by teachers and elected officials. Stanislaus County
Attorney General Fowler announced that the county and cities in
the county must abide by the ruling. The voluntary salary cuts
were submitted to the local state legislators to submit as a bill for
approval.
Modesto Mayor Dennett informed residents that the new
city budget was without surplus. Last winter, he commented, there
was surplus money to contribute to the hiring of city jobless on
public works projects. Also, local charities were able to assist
families. He wanted to go forth with the request asking the city
council to borrow $50,000 in employment bonds at low interest. He
asked for citizens to respond to the proposal. He noted that City
Engineer Frank Rossi was ready with a list of public works projects
to spend the $50,000, employing city jobless.
Cutbacks Are Needed
In July 1932, Modesto Postmaster Morris alerted the public
that the Modesto Post Office was required to cut its operation
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costs by $5,000. Also, he stated, postmasters and postal supervisors
were receiving an 8.5 percent decrease in salary and a reduction in
their yearly vacation time from 30 days to 15 days. All mail carriers
and postal clerks were now required to take a 30-day furlough each
year without pay. Morris informed the community that he had
designed post office work schedules, so postal services would
remain the same. He added that he might hire some part-time help
during busy seasons.
On July 16th, Modesto City Council approved two-week
unpaid furloughs for city employees instead of a wage cut, thereby
maintaining the same wage schedule. On July 27th, Stanislaus County
Tax Council, a taxpayers’ organization, recommended to the county
supervisors a 5 to 20 percent decrease in salaries for county workers,
plus the elimination of certain positions.
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counties already had such camps. The state provided the funding,
shelter, and supervision of the labor camp, while the counties furnish
transportation to and from work, medical care, and some job
supervision. The major work planned for the laborers was insect
pest control and the removal of noxious weeds on irrigation ditches.
The main objective of the state labor camps was to provide work for
California’s jobless for a period of five months each year. County
representatives were told that 20 percent of the camp’s 100 member
workforce would come from Stanislaus County unemployed.
The labor camp received approval and now county
officials had to find a proper site. The community of Claus became
the top candidate, which was located between Riverbank and Empire,
along the Santa Fe Railroad line. The site had an empty warehouse
that would be suitable to house workers. Another site being
considered was west of Ceres at the Tidewater Southern Railway
Putting People to Work
Sun Garden Cannery in Modesto opened its peach canning
operations on August 5, 1932. Some were fearful that the cannery
might not open for the season. It employed an estimated 500 men
and women, working two shifts, earning 20 to 25 cents an hour. The
Modesto branch of California Cooperative Canneries was operating,
employing 450 men and women for the peach season. On August
18th, Riverbank Tomato Cannery announced that it would begin its
canning season, hiring 200 men and women.
On August 27, 1932, California Highway Commission
approved the $350,000 construction of a state highway bridge over
the Tuolumne River in Modesto. The state highway would be routed
through Modesto on 9th Street. The funding came from the federal
government for public works projects as an unemployment relief
measure, with the project needing completion by June 30, 1933.
W.C. LaHane, a Modesto attorney, representing the West Modesto
Improvement Club, spoke to the highway commission asking for a
delay in the construction until a study was made on the possibility
of the state highway being routed through Maze Road. This would
change the site of the bridge. The commission told LaHane that
such a study would delay the project for at least three years and
that members of his community, especially Modesto Mayor Sol P.
Elias, had spent years to study and prepare the present proposal.
LaHane was reminded that the funding was to put local jobless to
work immediately. The commission disapproved his proposal,
keeping the Tuolumne River bridge project on track.
Gilman Labor Camp
In September 1932, Ramont notified the public that the
county now had 2,000 men who were unemployed, of which 900
lived in Modesto. He expected the number to jump by 60 to 75
percent when grape and bean harvesting halted in October. County
supervisors once again appointed Silva as chairman of the Stanislaus
County Employment Committee. L.J. Nevraumont became the head
of Modesto’s relief committee. In November 1932, county
supervisors and officials from the local irrigation districts met with
the California Department of Agriculture in Sacramento to discuss
the possibility of locating a state labor camp in Stanislaus County.
County supervisors E.K. Kinney and W.H. Brink, along with County
Agricultural Commissioner E.T. Hamlin presented their case for
locating a $30,000 camp in the county. San Joaquin and Fresno
Women Employees at Hume Cannery in Turlock, 1930
CSU Stanislaus, Library Photo
stop of Gilman. After an investigation, county officials chose Gilman,
renting its warehouse for $20 a month. Alterations were made inside
to house the workers, with kitchen and dining facilities added. W.D.
Winters served as the camp’s superintendent, having had a similar
position at the Madera labor camp. Workers were given medical
examinations by Stanislaus County Health Officer Dr. E.F. Reamer.
County welfare and employment officials, Silva and Ramont, were
put in charge of the hiring. Silva asked the public to donate reading
material and toilet articles for the 100 men.
Local Public Works
On November 4, 1932, the public was informed that
contractor George H. Murch of St. Louis was awarded a $109,000
contract to build Modesto’s new post office. Also, J.F. Knapp of
Oakland received a $229,960 contract to erect the Tuolumne River
bridge. Both contractors informed local officials that they would
hire local labor and buy material through local businesses. Hiring
priority was to be given to local jobless who had families. An
employment office for bridge employees was located at 606 10th
Street in Modesto. On November 18th, it reported that nearly 1,000
men had already applied for work, with 700 being Modestans.
Request for bids were asked for the construction work of the
bridge’s entrances.
County employment official Silva met with county
supervisors to present his 1933 hiring plan for county jobless. Hiring
would be based on need, with those having dependents, being
given first priority. They would be paid 20 cents per hour, which
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was not more than paid to farm laborers. This wage met the approval
of the Stanislaus County Tax Council. Silva remarked that workers
would be paid in scrip that was redeemable at any store in the
county and at the county commissaries. Modesto City Council
informed the public that a number of jobless were hired by the city
to construct the city’s Christmas decorations. This year the workers
cut plywood shapes and painted them to be placed throughout the
city. The men were paid from a $500 fund, especially budgeted for
the project.
On December 14, 1932, County Agricultural Commissioner
Hamlin announced that there were 40 local men now working at the
state labor camp in Gilman. He urged more to apply, because in a
few days those from outside the county would be hired to fill the
other 60 positions. He remarked that hundreds have applied for the
Modesto Post Office and Tuolumne River bridge construction
projects. Some may not be hired. Hamlin declared that he offered
jobs that were available right now and urged local jobless to apply
immediately.
In January, Modesto Engineer Rossi notified citizens that
he had a list of 2,200 applicants who were looking for any kind of
work. He commented that just a few were hired thus far for the
Tuolumne River bridge project. Modesto City Council was deciding
if it should go forth with a $17,000 storm sewer extension in the
Capital Heights addition. The city had only $5,500 that could go
towards the project.
On January 8, 1933, the Hunger March visited Modesto
once again. This time there were 114 members riding in cars and
trucks. As they drove through the business section, they received
donations from Modesto supporters for lodging and meals. The
leaders spoke at the courthouse steps, prepared meals at the
Veterans Club, and stayed at lodging houses. There was no
disturbance, and they headed for Sacramento the next morning to
petition the governor and legislators to do something about
unemployment.
Modesto City Council approved the construction of sewer
lines in the Capital Heights addition. The city planned to contribute
$5,200 to the project, with Capital Heights’ property owners paying
the balance of the $17,000. Red tape was cut to put the city’s jobless
to work on the project immediately. At the city council meeting of
January 13th, county employment official Silva and Dr. J.B. Simms,
President of the Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies,
reported unemployment was still increasing, with Modesto now
having 1,117 families with jobless heads of household, compared
to 100 in 1929. Charities were providing food and assistance, but
the men want to work instead of receiving charity. Modesto attorney
LaHane was once again before the city council imploring it to provide
work for the unemployed. Mayor Dennett replied telling him that
the city council was doing all it could with its limited financial
resources and doing much more than LaHane thought. He told
Dennett sarcastically, “If you want more work, why don’t you give
some of your money to the taxpayers.” The emotional mayor also
remarked, “There is actual starvation here, and this cannot and will
not be tolerated!”
On January 14, 1933, E.J. Jarvis, contractor of the new
post office building, reported that he had hired 50 local men to lay
the structure’s foundation. They were split into two shifts, with
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one shift working six hours in the morning, and the other, six hours
in the afternoon. Speaking to Modesto Engineers Club, Modesto
architect G.N. Hilburn, told the group that because contractors are
obligated to submit low bids for public works’ construction, the
wages they pay were lower to meet the cost of the bid. On January
18th, the Stanislaus County Grand Jury issued its recommendation
that county officers and their deputies must have their salaries
Construction of the Tuolumne River Bridge, a State Highway
Project, Modesto News-Herald, December 13, 1932
reduced up to 28 percent, with some positions being eliminated.
Their report was forwarded to the area’s State Senator David F.
Bush and State Assemblyman E.H. Zion to introduce legislation for
the reductions as required by California law.
On January 25, 1933, Silva and Ramont informed county
supervisors of the status of construction work on Del Puerto
Canyon Road. At the time there were 60 men employed, with some
of the county’s unemployed doing the preliminary road
construction. Recent rains had halted work temporarily. On January
26th, eradication of squirrels in the county began, employing county
jobless 20 cents a day. Local farmers couldn’t afford to spend $50 a
year to keep the squirrel problem under control, and this resulted in
rodents damaging more and more crops. At the suggestion of
Agricultural Commissioner Hamlin, the project was studied and
found it would take very little funding and would employ some of
the local jobless. Also, it would help the farmers.
Across the county, everyone was involved in helping the
jobless. County supervisors were moving forth to employ more
jobless by constructing a Dry Creek bridge at the end of 19th Street
in Modesto. County Surveyor George Macomber reported that it
would cost $2,800 to $9,000, depending upon the type of
construction. The Waterford Welfare Committee reported on
February 3, 1933, that it was employing 20 unemployed men, who
were family providers, to cut wood at county wood camps, for
which they were paid $1 per tier. Ramont reported that single men at
the Gilman labor camp were receiving food and shelter for six hours
of work each day.
Anti-Tax Groups
On February 8, 1933, Stanislaus County Central Labor
Council, a labor organization, lashed out at anti-tax groups, saying
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that they were really front operations for local bankers. The council
said anti-tax groups have already had many of their ruthless demands
answered with “major cuts in teachers’ salaries, decrease in
curriculum offerings, reduction of supervisory officials, decreased
class size, and in some localities, schools have closed.” The council
declared it would resist any further rash decreases in educational
costs, because they would seriously damage the future of the
county, state, and nation. The council declared education of our
children assures that the nation’s system of democracy continues.
Adults caused the depression, not the children. Why punish them?
asked the council. The children need to learn about the country’s
socio-economic problems and democratic government. The council
asserted that it was the American laboring class that was the prime
force to implement public school education, and now labor must
defend it before it would be ruin by bankers and anti-tax groups.
Rock Bottom
Unemployment was becoming more and more of an issue.
On February 28, 1933, Henry Bedros, representing the Unemployed
Council of Modesto, an organization of local jobless, presented the
council’s relief petition to the county supervisors. Bedros was
accompanied by a number of men and women from the council.
Their agenda contained these items: (1) Provide each jobless person
with a benefit of $50 in cash each week and not in food. (2) Stop the
shutting off of gas, electricity, and water, because of non-payment
of utility bills. (3) No evictions for non-payment of rent. (4) Free
distribution of the wood cut at the county camps by unemployed.
(5) No discrimination in relief assistance. (6) Relief administrators
be elected by the unemployed, part-time workers, and poor farmers.
After listening to the council’s want list, the supervisors
answered each item. It couldn’t meet the unemployment cash
benefit, because it would cost $132,000 monthly, which the county
didn’t have. The supervisors had no control over the shutting off
of utilities. The wood cut by county-paid jobless workers already
went to the needy. The supervisors declared that there had not
been discrimination in distributing relief. Those managing relief
were from community relief organizations, citizen employment
committees, and a countywide committee that evaluate the needs
and provide according to necessity. It was a state law that relief
funds be managed by county government. One of the Unemployed
Council members present remarked that assignment of work by
unemployment committees was done with favoritism. Countywide
employment officer Silva wanted the specifics, so he could
investigate the matter. Another Unemployment Council member
complained that the food at county commissaries was unfit to eat.
The supervisors stated the food was regularly inspected by
organized employment committees. Bedros, who referred to the
supervisors as “comrades,” asked that the board reply to those
items in writing.
On March 2, 1933, W.H. Brink, Chairman of the Stanislaus
County Board of Supervisors, informed Bedros that the claim of
commissary food being unfit to eat was investigated. Brinks stated
that countywide citizens committees and private individuals
inspected all the commissaries and found the food of good quality
and in substantial amounts. He further stated that all food at the
commissaries were routinely inspected and have been found “good,
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solid, and pure.” He declared that various agencies have praised
the commissary food as healthy and ample. He remarked, “The
chief trouble is that this small group wants the choicest of the
choice and is not satisfied with ordinary good and substantial food.”
Camp News
The Gilman labor camp printed its own newspaper, Gilman
News, in limited numbers to inform the camp’s workers and
supervisors of camp news. It also contained some entertaining
articles and advertisements. The newspaper was a mimeographed
four-page publication that was handwritten by camp workers. It
appeared to be the only such newspaper in all 40 or so state labor
camps in California. It contained real news about the camp,
editorials, jokes, fake want ads, and contrived business
announcements. For example, one ad concerned “The Gilman, the
leading café of the city, with cart service,” and the “Hotel Gilman,
the city’s leading hotel.” Editors of the March 1933 issue, Lee Hicks
and J.P. McGuire, wrote an editorial answering outside left wing
radicals who labeled the labor camp as a “slave camp.” The editors
wrote: “In the beginning, may we say that this information comes
to you direct from the men of the camp themselves. The men at
Gilman, realizing the fate of our country at this time, are striving
hard to make this camp possible; to make this great movement a
success to all and are happy in receiving their food, shelter, and
clothing in exchange for their labor until they are able to find a
place on the payrolls of industry. And may we say ‘O.K. California,
you lead them all!’”
Another Gilman News editorial read: “What we have and
get for our labor: clothing, pants, shirts, underwear, socks, shoes,
sweaters, hats, towels, plenty of soap, first aid, hospital and dental
services, A-1 good food, warm beds, tobacco, cigarette papers,
pipes, matches, good reading material, games, cards, baseball, and
above all wonderful treatment!” One Gilman News article defined
the slang used at the camp: “Gunboat means a one-gallon can; the
sticks and jungles meant rural areas; banjo means frying pan; belly
grease means bacon; weeping willow means onions; long horns
means carrots; punk means bread; toppings means cakes or pastries;
smear means butter; alfalfa means spinach or any greens; flop means
a place to sleep; balloon means a bedroll; keister means a suitcase;
and lid means a hat or cap.”
During the Hoover years, Stanislaus County governmental
agencies, private organizations, and volunteer groups took a serious
look at wages, labor conditions, employment possibilities, relief
pathways, and unemployment in the county. It was an amazing
combination of human effort to help those that were impoverished
and without work. But by 1933, the county community was running
short of resources and the joblessness kept building. It now looked
for some emergency assistance from a new presidential
administration, with Democrat Franklin Roosevelt at the helm. It
was the sense that the federal government must come to the rescue
directly and with significant resources. Was it too late? Would it be
enough? The fear continued, with unemployment leading the way.
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Part 4: Relief Aid
I
t had been the practice of the nation that the dispensing
of welfare assistance to the impoverished and unemployed was the
responsibility of charities and state and local governments. The aid
the federal government provided was in the form of loans to state
governments. In Stanislaus County during the Hoover years, the
county and its cities were the sole bearers of compassionate work,
through the distribution of food and clothing, providing shelter,
and sometimes direct monetary assistance.
Growing Need
Very little aid was dispensed in Stanislaus County the first
year of the Great Depression, because the county was not in need.
There was prosperity, stability, and unemployment was not an issue.
Just two articles were found in the Modesto News-Herald from
October 1929 through November 1930 that were about helping the
impoverished. The first one was on October 7, 1929, three weeks
before the stock market crash at the New York Stock Exchange.
Mrs. David Well, Secretary of Modesto’s Chapter of the American
Red Cross, declared, “Children in at least five families in Stanislaus
County are unable to sleep through the cold nights, because there
are no blankets on their beds.” She asked the public to donate
blankets at the Red Cross’ distribution center in Modesto. No other
articles appeared on public assistance until August 15, 1930, when
it was reported that Oakdale had formed a relief committee, with its
membership being: E.T. Gobin, Earl Haslam, Clay Dorroh, and Dr.
C.C. Wood. The charge of the committee was to assess welfare
needs in the city for the forthcoming winter and provide assistance
to those who were in need.
In December 1930, the News-Herald launched its first
annual Tin Can Pile Drive to provide food for the impoverished in
Modesto and surrounding areas. It was estimated that there were
500 families who desperately needed aid. Those managing the drive
stationed hampers at grocery stores to collect the canned foods.
When the goods were collected, they were stored at the May
Transfer and Storage Company’s warehouse, packaged by
volunteers and delivered to families before Christmas. The supply
normally contained enough food for two or so weeks, coming at a
crucial time when there would be holiday celebrations and the
beginning of a cold Central California winter.
Turlock reported on December 24, 1930 that 200 residents
were given clothing and food by the Relief Committee of the Turlock
Chamber of Commerce. Mrs. R.G. Thompson headed the effort,
stating, “There is no reason why any person in the Turlock district
should be without food or clothing.” She asked the community to
continue to contribute goods towards the emergency effort. On
December 25th, the Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies
reported that busy volunteer workers had sorted, sacked, and
delivered food from the tin can pile to the area’s 500 needy families.
Stanislaus County Welfare Department official C.H. Ramont declared,
“No family in Stanislaus County need go hungry.”
In January 1931, 28 Modestans canvassed the city for the
local chapter of the American Red Cross asking for money or beans
that went to the Bean Pile Drive. The donations were gathered to
provide help for the drought-stricken sections of the nation,
primarily the Midwest and the South. By January 29th, $149 and 15
sacks of beans had been collected, with the sacks being stored in
the Stanislaus Implement and Hardware Company’s warehouse.
On February 5th, Turlock City Council approved a donation of $300
to the Red Cross. It also passed a city relief measure to provide jobs
to the unemployed at 24 cents an hour, cleaning the city’s streets
and lots. It also appointed a city relief committee to coordinate all
benevolent assistance to community members.
Bundle Drives
On October 23, 1931, Modesto Mayor L.L. Dennett
announced the launching of the city’s Bundle Drive to collect used
clothing and shoes for families in need. It was sponsored by
Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies, with headquarters
at the Community Market Building at 11th and J streets. The garments
and shoes would be cleaned, repaired, and given to the local Red
Cross, Modesto City Schools’
Parent-Teachers Association
(PTA), and the local chapter of
the Salvation Army for
distribution. In November, a
number of county cities
informed the public that they
were
instituting
relief
committees. Rev. H.H. Wolford
of the Congregational Church of
Ceres was elected chairman of
the Ceres Welfare Association,
with members from Ceres
churches,
schools,
organizations, and private
residents. The association was
busy assessing the needs of the
impoverished, selecting sites to
collect the donations of food and
clothing, and also finding
warehouses to store them. Mrs. Many Communities SponA. Sayre, President of the Empire sored Fund-Raisers to Aid
PTA, requested the community Needy Neighbors, Such as
to contribute second-hand This Notice, Appearing in the
clothing to the Bundle Drive, Modesto News-Herald, Dewhich would be cleaned, cember 19, 1931
repaired, and distributed. Hughson Merchants Association formed
an unemployment committee, headed by J.V. Date, to assess
unemployment and other needs of the local destitute families.
In November 1931, Mrs. Thompson notified the Turlock
community that the chamber of commerce’s relief committee had
distributed 250 garments, 170 loaves of bread, and 55 packages of
foodstuffs, along with shoes and bedding. A meeting was held in
Modesto on November 15th, presided by William J. Silva, Chairman
of the Stanislaus County Employment Committee, to discuss and
implement a charity football game, with the proceeds going to relief
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groups to aid the unemployed and impoverished. It was decided to
schedule two games at Modesto Junior College (MJC) stadium on
December 4th. The first game would feature Patterson and Ceres
high school football teams, with the second contest pitting Oakdale
High School against Modesto High School. There were 50 in
attendance at the planning meeting, representing unemployment
and relief committees from various county communities, who would
now head ticket sales for their section of the county. Warren
Giddings of Modesto Rotary was appointed coordinator of ticket
sales, with tickets being sold for a dollar each. He declared there
were 100 Oakdale businesses planning to campaign for the charity
event.
In Turlock on November 20th and 21st, the stage play
“Shavings” was performed at the Turlock High School auditorium
to provide relief aid to the city’s needy. A.A. Caldwell of the Turlock
Finance Committee headed the project, who reported on November
15th that ticket sales of $2,500 had already been collected, with more
checks arriving daily. Lura Critser, Turlock High School drama
teacher, directed the play, with J.W. Guy playing the main character.
Dr. J.B. Simms of the Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies
reported that the Modesto Bundle Drive had ended, but donated
clothing and shoes were still being accepted at the Community
Market Building. County welfare official Ramont informed the public
that there were 1,500 jobless in the county, with the possibility of
600 to 900 more that were unreported, totaling an estimated 2,100 to
2,400. He commented that there were over 300 automobile loads of
migrants entering California daily, which would eventually impact
Stanislaus County.
On November 25, 1931, Evelyn Oliver of the Ceres Welfare
Association notified citizens that collection containers had been
placed in the city’s stores to collect food, clothing, and canned
goods for the city’s impoverished. Supplies had already been
delivered to the growing population of poor families. The Hughson
community announced that it had purchased $200 of charity football
game tickets, with Hughson High School boys canvassing
neighbors to sell more. J.L. MacNamara of Hughson Market notified
the city’s unemployed to contact him for work, because his business
was serving as a monitoring center
Modesto Welfare Committee Chairman Louis J.
Nevraumont informed city residents that the city council allocated
$500 to repair clothing and shoes that were collected in the Bundle
Drive. He commented that most used items were in very good
condition, and they were cleaned without charge by city laundering
establishments. The city hired locally unemployed residents to repair
the used clothing. Nevraumont noted that a winter relief program
for Modesto was now active and serving. On December 2, 1931,
county employment official Silva notified citizens that the charity
football games scheduled at MJC stadium for December 4th would
now begin in the afternoon at 2 and 3:30, because of the very cold
weather and fog.
Tin Can Pile Drive
Rev. Derfelt reported on December 3, 1931 that 49 residents
were provided with food and clothing in November by the Ceres
Welfare Association. Oakdale PTA announced that it was collecting
canned food and dried fruit. Citizens were requested to deposit
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donations in barrels found along the city’s streets. Mrs. Edwin Eby
of the Salida PTA notified the community that it was sponsoring a
free daily hot lunch program at the school cafeteria. Modesto firemen
and the Lions Club collected used toys, repaired them, and
distributed them to impoverished children. W.W. Hopkins of the
Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies disclosed that
2,747 pieces of clothing from the city’s Bundle Drive had been
cleaned, repaired, and distributed. This amounted to 380 pairs of
shoes, 379 pieces of underwear, 152 girl’s dresses, 100 sweaters,
and 268 pairs of stockings. Hopkins asked for further donations of
shoes, blankets, coats, pants, overcoats, shirts, and underwear.
Miners from Coulterville delivered eight boxes of clothing to help
with the drive, while significant amounts of clothing was received
from the First Christian Church and B’nai B’rith of Modesto.
On December 22, 1931, Ramont informed citizens that the
News-Herald’s Tin Can Pile Drive was a huge success, receiving a
Local Boy Scouts Loading Food Collected in the Modesto NewsHerald Tin Can Pile Drive, As Seen in This News-Herald
Photo of December 26, 1930
much larger donation that in 1930 and of better quality. City
employees and Stanislaus County Sheriff Department members
volunteered their time to collect and distribute eight large truckloads
of canned food to families. Another truck distributed cold storage
items that included meats, milk, and eggs. On December 26th, Rev.
Derflet announced that Ceres Welfare Association had provided
canned goods and groceries to 50 Ceres families. Local school
employees and charity organizations were involved in the
distribution. J. Anderson donated unsold Christmas toys from his
store to needy children. Ella Johnson of the Oakdale PTA informed
the community that baskets of canned food were given to local
families that would last two weeks. Clothing and toys were also
included in the distribution.
On January 22, 1932, Modesto Council of Social and Health
Agencies reported that a total of 4,000 articles of clothing had been
distributed by 35 local organizations thus far. Union Shoe Shop
repaired more than 200 pairs of shoes, charging 50 cents per pair.
Hopkins at the Social and Health Agencies urged the community to
continue to donate clothing and shoes. It was estimated that the
Tin Can Pile Drive and Bundle Drives saved $10,000 in taxes. Ramont
declared that this was the peak of community need, January 20 to
March 20 and urged everyone to contribute what they could to the
collection center at the Community Market Building.
On February 13, 1932, W.T. Kerr of Oakdale’s
Unemployment Relief Finance Committee, asked all employees from
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town businesses, stores, schools, government offices, and industrial
shops to contribute 2 percent of their earnings every month towards
city’s unemployment relief program. This way, he explained, men
with dependents and some single men will be able to work for $2 per
day, being paid wages from those contributions. He felt the 2 percent
donation would be enough to provide work for 44 jobless men for
230 days a year in city projects. Riverbank’s American Legion Post
reported that it had distributed 563 articles of clothing to 75 children
and 40 adults. It planned to hold four charity card parties, with the
proceeds going towards the purchase of food and clothing for
local residents.
In April, W.O. Oliver, Chairman of the Ceres Unemployment
Bureau, asked local farmers to hire Ceres jobless to ease the
community’s unemployment. He reported there were 35 Ceres
families receiving aid and 20 more heads of households on the
city’s unemployment list. The city didn’t want to expand its
campgrounds, as other communities had, because it could not afford
it, especially with the influx of recent migrants.
On April 12, 1932, a program of free flour distribution was
formulated by the Stanislaus Chapter of the American Red Cross
and the Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies. They
assessed the amount of flour needed in the county and reported to
the federal government. The flour was milled from surplus grains
and dispensed by the Federal Farm Board to subsidize worthy
families. Local relief organizations contacted the Stanislaus Red
Cross Chapter requesting free flour, with the chapter supplying it.
Principal J.H. Bradley of Modesto City Schools implemented a
program of inspecting school children’s feet, being administered
by local Drs. Albert Maze and E.D. Van Valin. There were a number
of migrant families, whose children went barefooted as did most
county children. The program was a preventative measure to stop
disease and prevent damage to foot structure. The doctors also
held clinics to teach parents, teachers, and others about personal
health care.
Ramont
On April 15, 1932, C.L. Garner of Modesto circulated 21
copies of a petition, calling for an investigation of county welfare
official C.H. Ramont and his wife on the charges of “inefficiency in
office.” Garner claimed Ramont “delayed pension funds” and
“caused lower cannery wage scales by offering to supply labor at
cheaper” wages. Ramont declined to comment. He was employed
as a Stanislaus County probation officer and was a volunteer of the
Stanislaus County Welfare Department, serving as its executive
secretary. The canneries denied Garner’s charge about wage scales,
and Stanislaus County supervisors, to whom Garner submitted his
petition, spoke to the issue. They explained that Ramont had been
appointed probation officer by Stanislaus County Superior Court
judges, so Garner needed to contact them. As for the welfare
department position, the supervisors acknowledged they did
appoint Ramont, but it was solely voluntary on his part, for which
he receives no salary. It was at this time that Ramont asked the
supervisors for a “full and complete” Stanislaus County Grand
Jury investigation of the charges, to which the supervisors agreed.
Two weeks later, Edward A. Johnson, Foreman of the
Stanislaus County Grand Jury, reported the jury’s findings. It
characterized Garner’s charges concerning Mr. and Mrs. Ramont as
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“unwarranted criticism and untruthful [and] heartily commends Mr.
and Mrs. Ramont for their faithful and untiring efforts in behalf of
the needy and unfortunate of the county.” The jury admonished
those who promoted the petition as “persons who for selfish
reasons have circulated said petitions and seek to discredit loyal
and trustworthy public servants.” It asked the public “to give their
undivided support to Mr. and Mrs. Ramont in the conduct of the
departments in their charge, and further that the citizens be not
influenced by the unwarranted and untruthful reports that was
circulated against them.”
On May 11, 1932, Modesto played host to the state
convention of the California Department of Disabled American
Veterans of the World War. Over 1,000 delegates and visitors
attended, meeting at the Merry Garden Ballroom, while Hotel
Modesto served as the convention’s headquarters. Modesto Post
No. 26 Commander Dr. J.K. Ransom opened the convention with an
address, being succeeded by a number of scheduled speakers. It
was a three-day convention, with federal aid to veterans being the
hot topic.
Aged Assistance
A report was issued by the California Department of Social
Welfare on May 17, 1932 that contained statistics concerning state
aid to the aged. It disclosed that the department provided Stanislaus
County with $9,953 for the aged in fiscal year1930-31, $19,226 in
1931-32, and $23,629 for 1932-33. In order to receive state aid, the
recipient had to be 70 years of age and older, a U.S. citizen, a resident
of California for 15 years, and was without aid from relatives. In
1932, there were 143 in the county who were 70 years and older, to
which the state provided a maximum of $30 per month per individual.
If the recipient received other monetary aid, it was deducted from
the $30. In 1932, there were 10,239 aged in California and a fund of
$1.3 million to distribute. That was an increase of $258,000 from the
previous fiscal year. If more than $30 a month was needed, then the
counties had the responsibility to provide extended coverage in
cash or in material aid.
Welfare Assistance
In August 1932, the Ceres Welfare Association announced
that its warehouse containing food was nearly empty, for the
community to respond with donations to refill it. Rev. Derfelt
informed the public that the association received two tons of free
flour from the Modesto Chapter of the Red Cross, with another ton
having just arrived. Thus far, 55 Ceres families had received flour
and would continue to receive more through the forthcoming winter.
A number of county organizations and local agencies responsible
for feeding the impoverished met with the county supervisors to
discuss plans for a county commissary system. The plan was to
have food available at several sites in the county for those who
worked under the county’s employment program. Instead of paying
the workers monetarily, they would be paid in food from the
commissaries. This program met with satisfaction not only with the
supervisors but with the workers as well, because no one wanted
welfare. The commissary system received the approval of the
Stanislaus County Farm Bureau, Modesto Chamber of Commerce,
Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies, and Stanislaus
County Employment Committee.
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In October 1932, Ceres Welfare Association continued its
plea for donations for the coming winter. It was reported that the
organization provided Ceres families last winter with $100 worth of
groceries, 200 pieces of women’s clothing, 50 pieces of baby clothing,
150 pieces of children’s clothing, 23 pieces of men’s clothing, and
104 pairs of shoes. Empire PTA asked citizens to donate clothing
for the coming winter, so they could be repaired and cleaned.
On November 3, 1932, welfare official Ramont informed
citizens that his agency and California Food Administrator Dudley
Moulton had developed a food exchange program. Thus far in the
program, 100 tons of sweet potatoes; 15 tons of baby limas,
blackeyes, and split beans; and several tons of melons had been
exchanged for state surplus rice, potatoes, canned goods, and other
non-perishable food. To receive the state surplus foodstuffs, the
recipient must have been a California resident for three years and a
county resident for one year.
Veteran Assistance
On November 8, 1932, Andy Walsh, head of Modesto
Veterans Club, announced to the public the opening of the club’s
soup kitchen. The free meals were for local veterans and their
families. The kitchen was staffed with two veterans at all times to
provide meals. It received donated food from these local businesses:
Modesto Packing Company and Anker Meat Company provided
the meat; San Joaquin Baking Company, bread; Mellis Brothers,
potatoes; Jimmy’s Grocery, sugar; L. Baker and Company, beans;
People’s Cash Grocery and Ed Blaker, coffee; and Ayres Grocery,
milk.
Adjunct Alvin Harber of Modesto’s Chapter No. 26 of
Disabled American Veterans of the World War, asked the public to
give hospitalized veterans their fullest support by purchasing flowers
during the Veteran’s Day Flower Drive. He remarked that two million
Americans served in the war, and in June 1932, 193,040 veterans
were in hospitals, with 72 percent of them receiving $30 per month
in hospitalization aid. He also reminded citizens that there were
many widows and orphans of veterans who needed assistance. In
November, another charity football game was on tap, with this year’s
contest being between Modesto and Turlock high schools on
Thanksgiving Day. The cost was $1 per adult and 25 cents for
students. Sponsoring the game and canvassing the communities
were local service groups and chambers of commerce.
Dr. J.B. Simms, President of the Modesto Council of Social
and Health Agencies, informed the public that the council was
opposed to soup kitchens and breadlines, because of their
wastefulness in providing “greatly in excess of the good they
accomplished.” He asserted that most welfare workers agreed. He
commented that there were proper organizations and agencies in
the county to provide assistance to individuals and families.
Veterans needed to contact the Veterans Club, and if disabled, apply
with the American Red Cross. Transients needed to see the Salvation
Army, because they have jobs to provide meals and beds for those
willing to work. Stanislaus County residents must apply with the
Stanislaus County Welfare Department if they wanted employment.
On November 24-26, 1932, there was a three-day PTA
conference held at Modesto High School auditorium. Mrs. Robert
Pierce, Director of Education for the California Congress of Parents
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and Teachers, told the assembly that California PTA chapters spent
$1 million in the past year assisting children. She declared PTA
groups have taken on the responsibility to assure that impoverished
children had the basics of food, clothing, and shelter. Mrs. Pierce
asserted that it was
all
the
more
important
that
parents
and
teachers
join
together as the
Depression deepens
to educate families
about the tough
economic times. Hume Cannery Houses Used By Its SeaMrs. F.T. McGinnis, sonal Workers, Converted into Permanent
President
of Housing for Local Needy in Turlock, 1930
Stanislaus County
T r u s t e e s
Association, addressed the conference, telling attendees that
taxpayer organizations were not trying to ruin education by
demanding stiff cuts in school budgets. They just wanted to bring
cost more in line with other industries. They were asking for
“maximum education at a cost they can afford.” Mrs. McGinnis
informed listeners that the boards of trustees in the county were
against current teacher tenure law, believing it caused employment
problems. She declared that it would be a much better arrangement
if school districts combined, thereby reducing the number of trustee
boards and schools. This action would save taxpayers money and
bring greater efficiency in education administration.
The News-Herald launched its third annual Tin Can Pile
Drive on November 25, 1932, with the slogan “Give a Can If You
Can.” Some enthusiastic residents had already deposited cans on
the windowsills of the newspaper office. The previous two annual
drives proved to be significant relief efforts. L.J. Nevraumont of the
Modesto Council of Social and Health Agencies commented,
“There are many, many more hungry persons needing food this
year.” On November 26th, Giddings, who was the director of the
charity football game, reported that 3,200 tickets were sold, making
the event a huge success for the county’s needy.
Modesto Superintendent of Schools Bradley informed the
community that Modesto school teachers donated $939 towards
relief. The proceeds were earmarked to fund jobs for students and
adults. Modesto’s seven elementary schools contributed a total of
$302; Roosevelt School, $91; Modesto High School, $389; and MJC,
$156. The contributions were forwarded to local chapters of the
Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, Red Cross, Salvation Army, and YMCA,
as well as to the countywide employment committee and associated
charities. The News-Herald encouraged local residents to buy extra
canned food at the grocery stores for the Tin Can Pile Drive. If the
drive is successful, it means “not a single family or person will go
hungry” this winter. The December 9, 1932 issue of the News-Herald
contained a brief story of a Modesto destitute family, where the
father was seriously ill and the mother took in wash, being paid 15
cents an hour.
Children’s Health Concerns
It was announced that Mrs. D.R. Calkins of Ceres was
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appointed to head a committee to study child health and child
protection in the county. Serving with her were Dr. Fred R. Delappe,
Dr. E.F. Reamer, A.G. Elmore, and Mrs. R.R. Chumlea. The
committee’s purpose was to research and study data provided by
schools, charities, and welfare agencies and then to implement a
program to improve childhood quality. The project was hatched by
President Hoover in 1930, who recommended it to state governors,
who then forwarded it to counties for action.
On December 14, 1932, Ceres Welfare Association alerted
the community that there was a desperate need for donated food
and clothing. The relief group especially needed children’s clothing
and shoes, adult shoes, groceries of all kinds, bedding, and
mattresses. Rev. Derfelt remarked that the city’s relief operation
was “100 percent better” than in 1931, because of Mrs. E.C. Barnes’
work. He noted that “last winter many drifters from the east and
south who came here seeking work ran out of funds and had to be
helped by our organization. This year most of these people have
been sent home, and we have few outside to help. Many who gave
generously last year are themselves in need this winter, and we
have not nearly the resources to draw on we had in the past.”
Dear Santa Claus
The News-Herald prompted local citizens to continue to
contribute to the Tin Can Pile Drive, because food was desperately
needed. The drive was accepting other food besides just canned
goods. There were 800 bags of candy left from Modesto’s kiddies
parade, which were given to underprivileged children. On December
20, 1932, the newspaper reprinted a Modesto letter it had received,
which was addressed to Santa Claus. It read: “Dear Santa Claus. I
am 8 years old. My brother is 3 years old. I would be glad for Santa
Claus to bring me any kind of toys or anything to eat. My daddy
don’t have steady work and we all been sick. My mother has been
sick all the time, off and on.” [Sender’s name excluded by the
newspaper]
Local citizens were informed that Modesto Elks provided
more than 400 gift packages to Modesto families that were filled
with food, clothing, and toys. In Turlock, Mrs. Thompson,
representing the city’s chapter of the American Red Cross, informed
citizens that 167 families, consisting of 943 members, were provided
with food, clothing, and other supplies. The major food items were
beef, pork, and bread.
Graduating Students’ Attire
Modesto High School Principal C.E. Overman announced
that mid-year graduation exercises were to be held on January 27,
1933. The students of the graduate committee decided that graduates
were to wear less elaborate clothing to harmonize with the difficult
economic times. The students were to dress similarly in this fashion:
Girls dresses were to be made by the girl students themselves and
“were to be simple and inexpensive and were to have a high back
and sleeves. The material was to be of some pastel shade, and
dresses were to be of ankle length. The girls agreed not to wear
satin or velvet and not to wear flowers or ornaments in their hair.
The boys were to wear dark suits, with black shoes, light shirts and
four-in-hand ties.”
Mrs. Rheba Crawford Splivalo, California Director of Social
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Welfare, reported that in fiscal year 1931-32, Stanislaus County
received a total of $1,532 per month for its 167 persons who were 70
years and older. The average amount received by each person was
$9.17. The requirements of this program were set by the Old-Age
Security Act, implemented January 1, 1930. The law was passed to
provide some assistance to counties for its aged and to deter county
tax increases. Merced County received $660 monthly for 79
recipients, while San Joaquin County was appropriated $3,882 for
368 aged. Since January 1930, the state disseminated $5.7 million to
counties, and for fiscal year 1931-32, it provided $1.4 million for
11,061 aged.
Dr. J.B. Simms of the Modesto Council of Social and Health
Agencies reported that distribution of the News-Herald Tin Can
Pile Drive was a an enormous success, with this year’s donations
being larger in amount and more varied in types of food. There were
a total of 362 boxes of food dispatched, with 20 boxes held in reserve.
Each box contained five pounds of sugar, ten pounds of potatoes,
a loaf of bread, four or five cans of food, a dozen oranges, three
pounds of beans, three pounds of dried fruit, quarter pound of
butter, onions, and other minor foodstuffs. Of the 362 boxes, some
100 contained meat as well.
Hot School Lunches
In January, Ceres High School Principal Willard Taylor
informed residents that Ceres elementary and high school teachers
contributed a total of $165 to provide milk and hot lunches. The
revenue was forwarded to the Ceres Welfare Association to
implement the program at the schools. Nutrition specialist for the
California Dairy Council, Miss E. Constance Douglas, announced
that she was working with the Stanislaus Health Department and
local schools in evaluating the status of child nutrition. City Schools
Superintendent Bradley was actively involved in the program,
assigning appropriate school personnel to the task. Home
economics teachers evaluated the school cafeteria menus for
nutrition and recommended changes. They also instructed students
about good nutrition and the economics of purchasing food.
The Modesto Chapter of the American Red Cross reported
that from January 1930 through December 1932, it had distributed
to the Modesto area 1,124 barrels of federal government flour, 9,810
yards of cloth, 2,340 finished garments, and 552 sweaters, a total
value of $8,813. The federal government provided the wheat and
cotton from surplus to the Red Cross. The wheat was milled into
flour, and the cotton turned into fabric. The Modesto Chapter
requested the community’s continued support, because “Those in
need must be taken care of. It cannot be any other way than that the
burden must fall on those who area able to give.”
In January 1933, McHenry Librarian Miss Bessie B.
Silverthorn urged local residents to consider reading books about
gardening and to venture into the hobby, because it was an
inexpensive pastime, healthy, and provided food. The News-Herald
article provided an annotated bibliography of garden books found
at the library. These are some of the titles: Gardening in California,
Garden Maintenance, Rock Gardens, Big Crops from Little
Gardens, Everybody’s Garden, California Vegetables in Garden
and Field, and Down the Garden Path.
On January 21, 1933, Dr. W.O. Osbourne, Chairman of the
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Bundle Center Committee of the Modesto Council of Social and
Health Agencies, appealed to the community to immediately supply
clothing and shoes for very needy boys and girls, ages 6 to 10
years. After being repaired and cleaned the goods would be
expedited to the PTA, school nurses, and others for distribution.
On February 3rd, Rev. Derfelt of the Ceres Welfare Association called
for more food to assist starving families. The organization’s food
storage needed beans, potatoes, and canned foods as well as
clothing. The Waterford Welfare Committee reported that its
clothing committee made 82 garments from 188 yards of cotton,
distributing them, along with 127 repaired and cleaned garments.
Soup Kitchen
The county supervisors informed citizens on February 15,
1933 that it approved a measure to provide $15 a month for three
months to Modesto’s Veterans Club to keep its soup kitchen open.
A representative from the Veterans Club told the supervisors that
all ranks are being fed there, even army majors. The supervisors
disclosed that ten tons of potatoes were being distributed each
week from the county commissaries. The county had four branch
commissaries located in Crows Landing, La Grange, Patterson, and
Turlock, with the main store being in Modesto. The commissaries
were providing $500 worth of food a week to the jobless, who were
working on county projects. The supervisors declared the need for
relief in the county was greater than ever.
In March, the Ceres Welfare Association received three
tons of free flour from Modesto’s Red Cross to be stored and
distributed. Rev. Derfelt disclosed that the hot lunch program at
Ceres schools would cease if more donations weren’t received.
Last winter, he stated, 18 Ceres children received hot lunches, while
this winter the number was 52. Because donations had declined, 17
children were dropped, with 12 more about to be cut. Financial
assistance for the program had come from public school teachers,
the women’s club, chamber of commerce, and private individuals.
On March 30, 1933, Rev. Derfelt announced the hot lunch program
was continuing, because of money received from the women’s
auxiliary of the Ceres Fire Department and individuals. He remarked
that there would be a charity concert on April 4th that will provide
enough revenue for the hot lunch program to finish the school
year.
On March 16, 1933, Long Beach suffered a devastating
earthquake that caused 116 deaths, $60 million in damages, and
2,100 homes destroyed, with 21,000 damaged. The Stanislaus
Chapter of the American Red Cross asked county citizens to provide
$2,500 in aid. Of that amount, Modesto was responsible for $1,500.
The Oakdale Almond Blossom Festival contributed $325, while
another $1,000 was received from other communities. On March
25th, the Stanislaus Red Cross forwarded a substantial check to aid
Long Beach. This was remarkable. Even though county residents
were suffering from the Depression, they still had the benevolence
to contribute to an even greater need some 300 miles to the south.
What a proud moment in county history!
As has been shown in this article, California and Stanislaus
County really did take care of its own. When the hardship of the
Depression struck, county residents rolled up their shirtsleeves
and pitched in. They never shirked from their duty. They just got
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busy and provided for their neighbors as best as they could. When
Franklin Roosevelt took office on March 5, 1933, traditions changed,
undoubtedly because the nation’s condition was pretty darn dismal.
It was now up to the federal government to take charge of relief aid
to the nation’ impoverished. The states, counties, and cities were
just limping along and needed sizeable assistance themselves. It
had to be done, and so the federal government stepped in and did
as best as humanly possible.
Radio Advertisement, Appearing in the Modesto
News-Herald, October 9, 1930:
One Radio Station Program, Appearing in the
Modesto Herald-News, October 24, 1929:
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Part 5: Agriculture
T he number one industry in Stanislaus County was
agriculture in the form of fruit orchards, vineyards, dairies, and
fields of ground crops. While the rest of the nation experienced
heightened prosperity during much of the 1920s, American farmers
were suffering, because of low prices for their harvests and surpluses
from overproduction. Drought in the Midwest and South crippled
farmers in those regions, becoming the first casualties of the Great
Depression. As jobs in U.S. manufacturing centers began to
decrease, the unemployed migrated to the farming areas for work,
only to compete with traditional farm laborers already there. In
Stanislaus County, farmers who diversified their crops and didn’t
increase production or expand their acreage during the 1920s, were
financially stable and were able to weather the early impact of the
Depression. Others who hadn’t been so cautious would go
bankrupt, foreclose their farms, and seek employment anywhere it
could be found. But more than likely they would end up unemployed
and destitute, seeking aid and any means to feed their families. At
first, the Modesto News-Herald contained very little about any
failures in local farming, but as the Depression deepened, its effects
began to ripple through the rural areas of the county. It must be
noted that prohibition had a major impact on the county’s wine
industry, but not the grape industry that produced table grapes
and grape juice.
Record Railroad Shipping
On March 26, 1930, Modesto Schools Superintendent J.H.
Bradley spoke at a dinner club in Riverbank, telling the audience
that Stanislaus County was healthy economically. In the area of
agriculture, he remarked that per the railroads’ records, the county
shipped 181 different agricultural products to markets in the state
and the nation. He remarked that new agriculturally related industry
was blossoming locally and would add significantly to the county’s
prosperity.
In Oakdale, Golden State Milk Company announced on
November 22, 1930 that it was closing its milk plant, because there
was a milk surplus and no local markets. Most county dairymen
shipped their milk to local creameries that had condensaries to
produce canned milk. The United Milk Company of Ohio was
considering the purchase of the Golden State plant, but if that sale
didn’t materialize, Golden State would reopen its Oakdale facilities
with a condensary. There were 17 employees that were affected by
the milk plant closing, who were transferred to other company
branches.
It was reported on November 23, 1930 that railroad shipment
of San Joaquin Valley fruit was 15 percent higher than in 1929,
according to Santa Fe, Western Pacific, and Southern Pacific
railroads. Santa Fe shipped 21,071 cars of fruit in 1930, 2,500 more
than in 1929, while Southern Pacific recorded an increase of 2,000
cars for 1930 over 1929. The amount of fruit was alarming, which
only contributed to an already exhausted market and an immense
surplus. On January 2, 1931, Turlock farmers were removing orchards
and vineyards, replacing them with field crops, mostly alfalfa,
because of the depleted fruit market. In 1930, Turlock farmers planted
30,000 acres in beans, 7,000 in melons, and 3,200 in sweet potatoes.
There were 41,000 acres of alfalfa, which was 50 percent of the
county’s alfalfa acreage.
Massive Overproduction
In a News-Herald article, Robert L. Kimmel, Secretary of
the Modesto Chamber of Commerce, addressed the problem of
farm overproduction in which he stated farmers needed to diversify
much more than they had. With low prices and high yield, local
farmers that did not plan their crop rotations were failing, wrote
Kimmel. He noted the county had cheap water, good fertile land,
and low cost of production, which created a condition that all farmers
wanted, especially during the Depression. In 1930, local canneries
and fruit packers turned out the highest volume ever, causing
warehouses to overflow. This also included grains and beans. Milk
production in the county had increased to 12 million tons of milk fat
for one year. Kimmel declared that this amount of production must
end, because it was destroying the agricultural industry.
In January 1931, Farm Bureau sponsored reduced farm
wages for Merced, San Joaquin, and Stanislaus counties, to assist
farmers financially. This was in reaction to falling prices for farm
crops, which had dropped by 40 percent the past two years. It
recommended that ordinary farm workers receive 25 cents an hour
and pruners 30 cents, while milkers’ wages be set at $45 to $50 a
month with board and $75 to $80 a month without board.
The News-Herald for February 8-11, 1931 carried a number
of articles concerning an “egg fight” planned by the Turlock
Chamber of Commerce. What began as a lark turned out to be an
ethical dilemma. Local egg producers met with the chamber to ask
Stanislaus County Chicken Ranch
CSU Stanislaus, Library Photo
assistance in decreasing the egg surplus to improve egg prices. A
plan was hatched by the chamber in which Turlock Exchange and
Rotary clubs would battle each other by throwing eggs, 100 cases
worth. Each side was to have 15 egg throwers, with the battle taking
place on Front Street. The winning club could then challenge other
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civic clubs to an egg battle, destroying more cases of surplus eggs.
What was a curious novel idea, brought on waves of national
criticism.
An article from the Modesto newspaper concerning the
egg combat was reprinted across the nation, causing chaos at the
Turlock telegraph office. Turlock Mayor J.W. Guy, Turlock Chamber
of Commerce, and Turlock city departments and service clubs were
Carloads of Grapes Being Shipped from Turlock
CSU Stanislaus Library Photo
inundated with telegrams from every section of the country,
condemning the wasteful stunt, declaring that hungry Americans
could eat those eggs. “Letters to the Editor” were printed in the
News-Herald about the fiasco, with M.E. Mottram suggesting that
the eggs be given to school cafeterias and needy families. He called
it criminal to destroy the food, which amounted to $400 for the 100
cases, containing 36,000 eggs or 3,000 dozen. The massive number
of complaints caused the chamber to cancel the egg fight, and
instead the two civic clubs cooked the eggs and served them to the
community’s needy. A media company had planned to film the egg
fight but disappointingly canceled.
In a dairy industry report of April 1931, Stanislaus County
was ranked second in California behind Los Angeles County in
milk fat production, having 12 million pounds for 1930. This was a
gain of 240,000 pounds over 1929. The county ranked fourth in the
state for butter production with 6.6 million pounds for 1930.
Farm Labor
In August, C.H. Ramont, County Welfare Department
official, informed citizens that his department was to pay 25 to 30
cents an hour to farm laborers, who had been county jobless. At
the same time, local railroads announced that extra men had been
hired during the harvest season through October to help ship
peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and other perishables. The
men would be attached to crews loading railroad cars and help with
train operations, such as switching cars and maintaining shipping
lines. Southern Pacific Railroad hired 50 extra men in the county,
Tidewater Railway 25, and Modesto and Empire Traction 25 for a
total of 100 extra workers chosen from the area’s unemployed.
County Farms
Stanislaus County Farm Advisor A.A. Jungerman informed
the public that county agricultural income for 1931 would be an
estimated $25 million, $5 million less than average. In 1929, the
income was $35 million and in 1920, $40 million. Of the $25 million
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for 1931, dairies had $11 million in income, field crops $8 million,
horticultural crops $4 million, and truck crops $2 million.
In November 1931, statistics revealed that agricultural
shipping from Turlock had diminished by 40 percent from the
previous year. The amount was based on the number of railroad
cars dispatched from the city. These are some comparative figures:
1,277 cars of grapes were shipped in 1930, and for 1931, there were
748; for sweet potatoes, 253 cars in 1930 and 215 for 1931; for
cantaloupes, 1,080 cars in 1930 and 791 for 1931; for honeydews,
1,198 cars in 1930 and 619 in 1931; for casabas, 111 cars for 1930 and
71 for 1931; and for watermelons, 216 cars for 1930 and 101 for 1931.
In December, the Modesto branch of the Poultry Producers
Association of Central California reported that egg production had
a record year. L.V. Turner, Modesto’s branch manager, informed the
public that Modesto had produced 79,375 cases of eggs for 1931,
an increase of 5,515 cases from 1930. Poultry feed for 1931 totaled
4,787 tons, 77 tons more than 1930. In January 1932, Stanislaus
County Agricultural Commissioner E.T. Hamlin reported that the
valuation of all county crops for 1931 was $15.6 million, with alfalfa
leading the way with $5.5 million, followed by grapes at $1.4 million,
and beans in third place with $750,000. Egg production was valued
at $520,000, and chicken meat sales was $132,000 and turkeys
$36,000.
On February 11, 1932, more than 200 dairymen met at the
Hughson High School auditorium for the 7th Annual Dairy Banquet,
sponsored by the Stanislaus County Dairy Department of the Farm
Bureau and Agricultural Extension of the University of California.
Dairy herds that averaged between 300 to 500 pounds of butterfat
for 1931 were given special honor. Butterfat produced in the county
for the year was $3.3 million in value. At the Modesto Junior College
(MJC) auditorium on February 19th, Stanislaus County’s Fruit
Marketing Conference was held, with 150 fruit growers in attendance
from Stanislaus County and surrounding counties. The conference
was directed and sponsored by Stanislaus County Agricultural
Commissioner and Agricultural Extension of the University of
California, and Stanislaus County Farm Bureau, with L.H. Bowen
serving as coordinator. Bowen and a number of marketing
specialists, organizational leaders, and individuals spoke at the
meetings. The consensus was the fruit industry was at its worst
state in the Depression, but the expectation was that it would turn
around, having a slow recovery. Fruit growers were advised to
reduce production costs, keep current acreage, assess surpluses,
and be guided by agricultural extension for price trends and
production averages. Also, fruit growers needed to concentrate on
quality production and keep prices in line with consumer demands
and purchasing power.
Farm Advisor Jungerman announced on March 12, 1932
that the Federal Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) was
offering short term crop loans to farmers who qualified. A county
board to advise and review applications was appointed, with
Jungerman serving as chairman, with the membership consisting of
a local banker and two local farmers. California was allocated $2
million for 1932 crop loans, with each individual loan having a $400
limitation. If a farmer had mortgages or was unable to receive local
bank loans, then he was automatically disqualified by RFC. A
disappointed Jungerman commented that farmers with greatest
———————— 308 ————————
—————————————
needs are being rejected RFC for crop loans, because the criteria for
approval were too stringent.
Weevils
On March 15, 1932, government entomologist C.K. Fisher
and the county’s Agricultural Commissioner E.T. Hamlin urged
county bean growers and warehouse operators to dispose of their
1930 bean crop. Weevils had been found in bean sacks in a routine
inspection and required fumigations by law. They were advised
that weevil infested sacks be removed immediately and fed to cattle,
or else the 1931 crop and the upcoming 1932 crop would be infested
as well. They recommended that weevil-less sacks for 1930 be sold
promptly for whatever price they would bring or destroy them.
Besides beans, the weevil had infected alfalfa fields in Merced, San
Joaquin, and Stanislaus counties. On May 26th, over 800 farmers,
dairymen, and agricultural commissioners attended a conference in
San Francisco to discuss quarantine regulations to control the
weevil. Farmers did not want the quarantine, because it would cause
financial losses.
The Poultry Producers Association of Central California
reported it was purchasing eggs from non-association growers for
15 cents a dozen to stabilize egg prices. The association was buying
the eggs through its subsidiary Producers Company. The nonassociation growers were receiving 12 cents a dozen from local
retailers. Purchasing the eggs for at a higher price would insure that
all egg producers would remain solvent for a time.
In April, Chairman of the Ceres Employment Bureau W.O.
Oliver informed Ceres farmers that the city had at least 55 Ceres
residents who needed work. These were heads of households, who
lived in Ceres for a year. In August, Sun Garden Cannery in Modesto
hired 500 men and women, while the Modesto branch of California
Cooperative Canneries employed 450 men and women. Riverbank
Tomato Cannery hired 250 men and women to can tomato paste and
Italian pealed tomatoes.
Something Must Change
On August 14, 1932, Roy M. Pike, who managed the giant
El Solyo Ranch in the West Side, sent correspondence to California
Director of Agriculture Dudley Moulton asking him to do something
about the ridiculous volume of peaches to be harvested, because it
would bankrupt the industry. The orchards were over-producing
and the canneries were over-packing, he wrote. In his estimation,
2.5 million cases would be the ideal amount to can, but projections
state that the number will be 6.6 million cases for 1932. This would
be devastating, he remarked, because there were 4 million cases of
surplus stored in warehouses. He wrote that growers in the peach
industry must change their thinking. Instead of thinking in terms of
how many cases can be produced, think in terms of how many
cases can be sold. He highly recommended cutting peach
production drastically, and banks should not provide loans to peach
farmers. Moulton, acting also as California Food Distributor,
responded to Pike by saying that over 3,000 boxes of cling peaches
were being marketed each week to chain grocery stores, and there
were other major bulk purchases.
In October, 1932, local attorney Thomas F. Griffin told
farmers that Stanislaus County farmers pay 35 to 50 percent of the
rental value of their acreage in taxes, while industrial corporations
Summer-Fal1 2011
pay four or five percent of their gross income and their real properties
are exempt. He stated it was currently impossible for a county farmer
to earn 5 or 6 percent on his investment. It was reported by the
Division of Marketing of the California Department of Agriculture
that there were 394,000 pounds of turkeys in storage, while the
nation had 2.5 million, 18 percent less than in 1931 and 45 percent
less than the yearly average. California Turkey Growers assured
the public that there were enough turkeys available for the
forthcoming holidays that would sell for 8 to 10 cents a pound,
which was 30 percent less than in 1931. The association warned
growers about dealers, peddlers, and independent buyers who were
claiming the turkey market wasn’t good, in hopes of persuading
growers to sell cheaper to them.
David F. Lane of Turlock, a member of a subcommittee of
the Banking and Industrial Committee of the 12th Federal Reserve
District, announced on December 9, 1932 that crop loans were
available for operators of orchards and vineyards, and for the first
time to dairymen for the purchase of feeds. These were short term
loans, with 7 percent interest, and were to be awarded to maintain
productivity and value of present investments and not to increase
them. The loans came from RFC through the Regional Agricultural
Credit Corporation of San Francisco of the Federal Reserve Board.
In February 1933, farm census from the federal government
found that for 1932, Stanislaus County was ranked 13th in the nation
for combined crops and livestock valuation of $26.2 million and
ranked 17th just for crops, having a value of $16.2 million. Farm
Advisor Jungerman announced that the RFC had $90 million for
federal crop production loans, with each loan having a $300
maximum, carrying 5½ interest. He informed citizens that more than
500 county applications had been submitted, requesting a total of
$100,000, with many having the possibility of approval. To receive
a loan the farmer was required to cut his cash crop acreage by 30
percent.
Diversified Farming
On March 18, 1933, the News-Herald carried an article
written by local businessman Amos Bomberger concerning the need
for farmers to diversify their crops. He informed citizens that in
1900 the county had 951 farms; 1910, 2,687; 1920, 4,566; and 1930,
5,742. In 1930, there were 631,000 acres under cultivation. He
declared Stanislaus County might just be the best place to farm in
the entire nation, because of its water supply, soil condition, and
climate. The county ships a great variation of agricultural products,
as it should, because crop diversification is important to stop
surpluses. He suggested this basic scenario for diversification:
plant 25 percent in perishable crops, such as fruit or grapes; 50
percent in alfalfa to support a dairy; and the 25 percent in summer
field crops.
Through the Hoover years, Stanislaus County’s
agriculture remained much the same as in the 1920s. Overproduction
was the chief culprit in creating surpluses and low prices. Farmers
who didn’t expand their acreage, had a variety of crops, and checked
overproduction were survivors during the Depression. Controls
were needed to force farmers to check their overproduction. The
new presidential administration of Franklin Roosevelt in 1933 would
begin the process of controlling farm production.
———————— 309 ————————
—————————————
(“Clashing of American Cultures,” Continued from page 270)
windstorms swept the topsoil off the land, blowing dust to the east.
Prior favorable agricultural prices had caused massive increase in
farm acreage, but when the soil gave out, the land became barren,
the soil rootless, allowing winds to play havoc on the parched
earth. “We didn’t have no way of making nothing back there,”
remarked one California migrant; another, “It jist kep a gittin’
droughtier and droughtier, and droughtier, so here I be”; and for
another, “Move or starve.” The lyrics of the song, “Why We Come
to Californy,” written and sung by a Dust Bowl migrant, Flora
Robertson, captures the moment:
Here comes the dust-storm Californy, Californy,
Watch the sky turn black. Here I come too.
You better git out quick
With coffee pot and skillet,
Or it will smother you.
I’m a-coming to you!
A study published in 1939 found that half of the Dust
Bowl migrants came from towns and cities, because of the severe
unemployment. It found that 15% were proprietors, professionals,
or white-collar workers, 25% were farmers, and 17% were from the
oil and construction industries. Virtually all of the migrants were
white, mostly in their 20s or 30s, and the vast majority brought their
Migrant Camp Near Westley
Lange Photo
families, but there were single males that joined the exodus as well.
It was estimated that 300,000-400,000 migrated to California during
the Depression. Some 96,000 settled in Los Angeles, 23,000 in the
San Francisco Bay Area, and 70,000 in the San Joaquin Valley. In a
1935 study, it was determined that 37,000 San Joaquin Valley migrants
came from Oklahoma, 14,000 from Texas, 10,000 from Arkansas, and
9,000 from Missouri.
A vital part of the migration was Route 66, a highway that
linked Oklahoma and California, over a distance of 1,200 miles. One
could be in California in days. It was said that young marrieds
would just hop in their cars and drive to California to see what was
there. It wasn’t quite that easy for others though, with their hodgepodge of vehicles, filled with personal possessions, but there was
the one strand of road to travel on, Route 66, straight to the West
Coast.
Photographer Lange and her husband Paul Taylor, an
economist, traveled the Dust Bowl region in 1938, and wrote this
description in their book, An American Exodus; A Record of Human
Erosion: “The whole region seemed to be in turmoil; people were
packing up and leaving. In Oklahoma, Texas, and Arkansas, they
abandoned farmhouses, left half-deserted towns, and highways
Summer-Fal1 2011
were crowded with families on the move. Old cars, overloaded
trailers, piled high with every sort of household possession, were a
continuous sight. So too were hitchhikers. Families and single men
lined the roadsides waiting for a ride. All were leaving, and most
were headed for California.”
Golden California
One Dust Bowl resident commented, “My neighbor, over
yonder to the south, has got two boys and a girl out there
(California), and my neighbor, over thataway, on the north section,
he’s got a son gone out there . . . half the people of this town and
around here have gone out there . . . you could take a truck down
there and damn near load it full of folks in a day, and hit out fer this
way.” But why California?
The Dust Bowl migrants were attracted to California mostly
because of testimonies from former relatives and neighbors who
had gone to California and stayed. It is estimated that between 1910
and 1930, two-and-one-half million Americans migrated to California.
Letters and conversations with vacationing relatives and neighbors
were common, telling of the good life found in California, the perfect
paradise of warm, friendly sunshine, vast natural resources, with
beautiful scenery. A Dust Bowl man recalled, “They left in an old
wreck and come back in a good car.” Another, “This kinfolk business
gits folks back home to talkin’ that work is pretty good in California,
so they decide to pull up stakes and come.” One said, “It was not
like coming to a land where you didn’t know anybody.” In a 1938
study, it was found that two-thirds of the migrants that came to
Salinas Valley already knew someone there. One Yuba City resident
noted that half of his Arkansas community was there.
As in Grapes of Wrath, there were advertisements from
California agriculturalists, and there were glowing newspaper
accounts as noted in this verse:
When I first came to California,
Was in the year of thirty-seven,
From what I read in papers,
I thought it was a poor man’s heaven.
A Dust Bowl migrant wrote this verse about California
advertisements:
They say, Come on, you Okies,
Work is easy found,
Bring along your cotton pack
You can pick the whole year round.
Between 1934 and 1937, there was a vast farm labor
shortage in California, because of the state’s expanding agricultural
industry. Cotton ranches needed workers desperately. State cotton
acreage had increased from 123,000 in 1932 to 620,000 by 1937. In
1932, a cotton-picker earned 45¢ per 100 lb. of picked cotton, and in
1936, he received 90¢. One migrant laborer remarked, “I knew if
there was cotton to pick, I wouldn’t starve to death.”
California though was wracked with problems of its own.
In 1932, unemployment was at 28%, with Los Angeles being affected
the most. But California’s per capita income was 40% over the
national average. An average worker in California could earn $635
per year, whereas someone in Texas earned $298.
———————— 310 ————————
—————————————
Who Gets Relief?
California provided relief aid like no other state, an average of $40 a
month per applicant. One migrant commented, “California is best
on relief in the world . . . I don’t bar none, the best I’ve seen in
several states,” and another, “If they have lots of work out there,
and if relief is good, then if I don’t find work, I’ll still be all right.”
Californians were in an uproar over “free state aid.” A sign along
Route 66, near Tulsa, Oklahoma, read:
NO JOBS IN CALIFORNIA
If you are out of work
KEEP OUT!
No State Relief available for Non-Residence
Between 1931 and 1933, the California state legislature
passed bills to toughen the eligibility standards for receiving relief.
In 1937, California passed the “Anti-Okie Law,” which stated: “Every
person, firm or corporation, or officer or agent thereof that brings
or assists in bringing into the State any indigent person who is not
a resident of the State, knowing him to be an indigent person, is
guilty of a misdemeanor.” Left wing author, Upton Sinclair, ran as a
Democrat for governor against Republican incumbent Frank
Merriam, and lost massively, because Californians were fearful that
if Sinclair were elected “vagrants from other states would come to
California for a handout.” Los Angeles residents were particularly
vociferous against Sinclair, because of his softness on poverty.
Usage of tax revenue was a chief concern, especially funds applied
to relief and schools. California media called for a “Bum Blockade”
at the Arizona border.
For 1937-39, a study found that the state’s relief caseload
increased by 76.6%, and in the San Joaquin Valley, it increased by
an enormous 344.4%! Prior to the 1930s, farm laborers left California
after the harvest was completed, but the Dust Bowl migrants stayed,
causing massive unemployment, along with food and shelter
shortages during the winter months. One researcher described the
scene from the eyes of a Californian: “Everywhere they looked,
they saw new and disturbing scenes: rusty old cars chugging along
the highways, ragged families living in tents along the riverbanks,
unsightly shack-towns and do-it-yourself slums looking every bit
like sprawling junk piles. The migrants had brought their poverty to
the valley and spread it out where none could help but see it”.
Complaints Begin
The influx of Dust Bowl families caused a dramatic increase
in the number of new schools. By 1939, it was found that nearly 50
new schools were opened in the San Joaquin Valley, where half the
student body consisted of “newcomers,” with California parents
claiming, “Okies run the schools.” Migrant children could be seen
walking to school barefooted, in ragged clothing, and carrying
baking powder biscuits with bean-filling for lunch. It was not easy
being a migrant child. “No one likes me, I’m an Okie,” said one such
youth, undoubtedly representing thousands of his peers. Many
migrant children were timid, reluctant, and consequently abused
by others. They were the new kids on the block, but these new kids
were drastically poor. There was concern about disease. School
nurses were in constant pursuit of body lice and other infestation
caused by poor living conditions.
Summer-Fal1 2011
Established California churches rarely made room for the
migrants. One minister commented, “Our congregation doesn’t like
them. They complain about sitting beside them on Sunday.” The
Dust Bowl migrants considered Californians unsocial and
unchristian. The migrants came from a culture where one dealt with
adversity by not complaining. They despised whiners, grumblers,
and complainers. Californians had a culture that believed that one’s
industry brought one out of poverty, but this new group of migrants
didn’t seem to have the drive to succeed. Somehow these people
seemed inferior, backward, and crude. Oklahoma humorist Will
Rogers said, “When the Okies left Oklahoma to California, they
increased the average intelligence in both the states.”
Never before had whites rejected other whites in such a
massive scale. Protestant America rejecting Protestant Americans
was not a common practice. If anything, the poor were normally
treated with kindness, because it was the American way, always
had
been,
because helping
one’s neighbor
was American
Christianity. But
this
didn’t
happen. There
was resentment.
There was anger.
There was fear.
The
social
barriers went up,
and the labels
came out: “Okie,”
“Arkie,” along
with
other
expressions. The
Washing Clothes at the Westley Camp
Lange Photo
labels
were
nothing new. For
decades, people from Oklahoma, were colloquially known as Okies,
while those from Arkansas were “Arkies,” with those from Texas,
as “Tex.” But when these labels were used in California during the
Depression, it was harsh, mean-spirited, and derogatory. One
research study described migrants as being “despised and an alien
social group.” Many migrants disliked the book and movie, Grapes
of Wrath, because of its stereotypic portrayal of them. They felt
that Grapes of Wrath produced a stigma and caused more animosity
towards them, instead of conjuring sympathy and caring.
Little Oklahomas
Being treated as aliens by Californians drove most migrants
to isolated communities, “little Oklahomas,” as they were called
disparagingly by the local populace. In these enclaves, the residents
could enjoy their own food, music, and religion that they brought
with them. They would gather at the taverns, gas stations, grocery
stores, and bulletin boards for information and camaraderie. At
times, migrant farm workers did unite in their quest for decent
employment and wages. Communist-led unionists entered the camps
to foster organization. There were strikes, and there were fights
with law enforcement. Wages actually dipped, because the employer
———————— 311 ————————
————————
Stanislaus Historical Quarterly ————————
was more powerful than the workers and their representatives. The
largest farm labor union at the time was the United Cannery,
Agricultural, Packing and Affiliated Workers of America. It was a
radical farm labor organization, affiliated with the Congress of
Industrial Organizations.
The Dust
Bowl migrants
brought
a
different type
of Christianity
to California, a
conservative
and
Bibleoriented kind
that believed in
expressing the
will of the Spirit
in their lively
w o r s h i p
services. This
was southern
Migrant Mother, Six Month Baby at a g o s p e l
Westley Camp
Lange Photo
Christianity. One
migrant at the California border was quoted as saying, “Goodbye
Lord, I’m goin’ to California.” Soon new churches were cropping
up for Southern Baptists, Nazarenes, Assemblies of God, and other
Pentecostals. Hardship normally causes more attraction to a
Supreme Being, but because of the migrant’s exhaustion and
physical deterioration, many were too weak to even care, as was
claimed by a number of farm laborers.
Dust Bowl migrants brought to California a diet of grits,
biscuits and gravy, chicken-fried steak, fried okra, beans, and
cornbread. Small cafes began to open in migrant areas, like the
“Dixie Café” or “Oklahoma Roy’s Barbeque.” This provided the
homesick Dust Bowlers with back-home cooking at public
restaurants. Taverns or bars, called “honky-tonks,” opened as well,
and along with it came hillbilly or country music. Country musician
Okie Paul Westmoreland sang:
Drink a little beer in a honky tonk,
Stomp the boards hard Saturday night,
Got to church on Sunday,
That makes everything alright.
Poor Peoples’ Blues
Music expresses the heart and soul of humankind, no
question. Country music has been said to be the “workingman’s
blues,” which is true, but on a wider scale, it is really American folk
music, a mixture of Old World ballads, Negro blues, Christian gospel,
Appalachian or blue-grass music, and cowboy or western music.
This music was important to the migrants, because it provided
them with identity and cultural solidarity. It was a common language
to them and a sacred heritage. At the time, most Californians were
dancing and listening to swing, jazz, and big band music, but this
twangy, unpolished sound, brought the Dust Bowlers to the migrant
camps from far and wide to hear. It began many times with someone
just strumming a guitar after supper, playing a harmonica, a mandolin,
or a fiddle. Soon there was a crowd and songs came bursting forth
like: “It takes a worried man to sing a worried song . . . I’m worried
now, but I won’t be worried long.” Migrant musician Woody Guthrie
commented on camp music: “It cleared your head up, that’s what it
done, caused you to fall back and let your draggy bones rest and
your muscles go limber like a cat.”
Camp dances were held under the management of the FSA,
where migrant musicians would perform. This was normally an
alcohol-free event, which often grew to hundreds of attendees,
many coming from the surrounding migrant camps to hear groups,
such as the King family or the Buckaroos. At this time, singers like
Tex Ritter, Bill Boyd, Patsy Montana, Jimmy Wakely, Texas Tyler,
and Spade Cooley were heard on radio, as well as, Jimmie Rodgers,
Carter Family, Light Crust Doughboys, and Bob Wills. On California
radio, in addition, one could hear Stuart Hamblin and the Sons of
the Pioneers. Eleven year old Rose Maddox sang with her brothers
in 1937 on Modesto’s KTRB. She was a hit, with the group going
on to country music fame as “The Maddox Brothers and Rose.”
Country music focused on moral and social issues, with
its lyrical themes of love, death, hardship, and religion. There were
moral lessons, sad songs, concerns about being rootless, and
Heaven being the final home. There was yearning for Oklahoma,
like in these songs: “Take Me Back to Tulsa,” by Bob Wills;
“Oklahoma Stomp,” by Spade Cooley; and “Oklahoma Hills,” by
Woody Guthrie.
Everything Changed
World War II changed almost everything in California. It
changed the plight of the Dust Bowl migrant, who now could work
in wartime industry next to a Californian. The farm laborer still worked
hard, but conditions were somewhat improved. The Dust Bowl
migrants slowly became Californians. Some older ones use the
“Okie” label proudly to identify themselves with the noble struggle
of the Dust Bowl migrants. How much the migrants changed
California is anyone’s guess. But in today’s California mainstream
one can find country music, lively Christian churches, chickenfried steak, and a “Y’all,” spoken by well-dressed professionals, all
remnants from that massive Exodus of the 1930s.
Stanislaus Historical Quarterly is published four times
a year, featuring freshly researched articles on Stanislaus
County history. Currently, there is no charge per subscription or individual issues, but readers must notify the
editor to be placed on the mailing list. Ideas for articles or
historical information concerning topics of county history may be sent to the editor. This is a non-profit educational publication. Stanislaus Historical Quarterly is
edited, copyrighted, and published by Robert LeRoy
Santos, Alley-Cass Publications, 2240 Nordic Way,
Turlock, CA, 95382. Tel: 209.634.8218. Email:
blsantos@csustan.edu. Ellen Ruth Wine Santos is assistant editor and proofreader.

(Summer- Autumn 2011) [Great Depression]

Transcription

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