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THE CHANGING ROlES Of MAlAY WOMEN IN NOVElS
BY KHADIlAH HASHIM
By: Wan Roselezam Wan Yabya
Alice Buiong
Biodata
WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA (PhD) is a senior
lecturer of English Literature in the Faculty of Modern
Languages and Communication, Universiti Putra Malaysia.
Her recent research interests include Comparative Study
of Malaysian Literature in English and British Literature;
Indian Diaspora; Literature in ESL Context; Hope and Pessimism in Victorian Literature;
and Ecocritical Reading of Novels by Malaysian and RoamntiNictorian Writers.
ALICE BUJONG was born in Kuching, Sarawak. Upon completing her HSC, she joined
Batu Lintang Teachers', Traning College (the present IPBL) in Kuching where she obtained
her Teaching Certificate. She did her Bachelor of Arts in English Language and Literature
Studies at USM, Penang. She has over 25 years of teaching experience. She is currently
attached to a secondary school in Kuching. Her areas of interest are literature and social
issues concerning women, children, education and the natives of her homeland.
Introduction
This paper is an attempt to explore the changing roles of women,
specifically the changing roles of Malay women as they emerge in the
female discourse of five selected novels: Badai Sema/am (Storms of
Yesterday, 1968), A/un Hidup (The Wave of tire, 1996) Meneari Azizah
(The Journey, 1998), Senator Adila (1999) and Melawan Arus (1999)
by Khadijah Hashim. She represents a small number of veteran Malay
female novelists who are still actively producing literary work. Her five
novels have been specifically selected as they reflect her concern
for women, specifically in the Ma!ay society and Malaysian society in
general. An overview of the general historical background of the Malays
is given. This is followed by a discussion on the roles of Malay women
in traditional society as well as contemporary time. Next is a discussion
on Malay women's roles as governed by adat or customary law and
Islam. Knowledge of these two factors and how they affect Malay
women's lives seem appropriate as they are regarded as the basis 'for
appropriate behaviour' that must be followed by all Malays, regardless
of sex (Roziah Omar, Ma/ay Woman 16). This study echoes a claim
made by a cultural feminist, Elaine Showalter, on studies of women's
literature across cultures that women may have different experiences
as their experiences are shaped by the socioeconomic status, ethnicity,
culture, sexual orientation and age of their respective cultures, however
despite their differences, women have much in common - they still
share basic living conditions, are based upon their biology and most of
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MALAY LITERATURE
them live in patriarchal societies. The analyses on the changing roles of
Malay women as depicted in the novels are based on the premise that
female experiences and issues forwarded are within the parameters of
Malaysian scenario, hence 'non-Western' by nature.
Brief Historical Background of the Malays
The Malays are said to be descendents of migrants from Indo-China
or Yunnan in China who came to the Malay Peninsula between 2500
BC and 1500 BC (Dancz ,4; Datar, 1). It is commonly stated that the
Malays belong to a community which is culturally homogeneous, based
on a few facts, which are: firstly, Malays are Muslims; secondly, they
speak the Malay language and thirdly, they have their own customs
and beliefs which set them apart from the other people of the Malay
Peninsula (Wan A. Hamid, 180). However, upon closer examination,
the Malays are made of people "of diverse racial origin, among whom
cultural, social and economic distinctions are becoming more evident,
to such an extent, indeed, as to validate the statement that they [the
Malays] belong to a community which is culturally homogeneous" (Wan
A. Hamid, 181).
The present M91ay population come from many sources. For centuries
the Malay Peninsula was subjected to constant migrations of people
and ideas from other parts of the Malay archipelago, Siam (Thailand)
and mainland China as well as other parts of the world like India and
the Middle East, either for trade purposes or as people moved in search
of greener pastures. These people mingled and intermarried with the
local Malays, resulting in much of the ideologies such as Buddhism,
Hinduism and, most significantly, Islam brought by these migrants being
adapted and absorbed into the Malay way of life as is evident today.
The Malay population has also been much influenced by the large-scale
migration of Indonesians in recent decades.
Malay Women in Traditional Society
The traditional Malay society is stratified by classes. During the rules
of the Sultans and Rajas, Malay communities were divided into two
distinct classes, the ruling class and the commoner and the roles
of women were likewise defined by the classes to which they were
born into namely the aristocrats and the peasants (Jamilah Ariffin, 2).
Aristocratic Malay women did not involve themselves with economic
activities such as agriculture and business however they were known
to have played their roles in fostering better political connections with
other kingdoms through marriages. Likewise they were also known to
have participated in political dealings namely in the absence of male
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WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
rulers and heirs such as the famous Cik Siti Wan Kembang who ruled
Kelantan in the seventeenth century. Today however, the traditional
upper class in Malay communities has lost its former pre-eminence in
the Malay society except for the rulers themselves (Swift, 284).
The peasant Malay women besides playing important roles within
the domestic domain however were not confined to the house (Roziah
Omar, Malay Women 12). Instead, together with their men took part
in economic activities outside the home. According to Jamilah Ariffin,
Malay women laboured in the fields together with the men to produce
agricultural products. Similarly in the fishing sector, the men would go out
to sea while the women dried and processed the fish (3). Nevertheless
despite their contributions to the economic sphere the peasant Malay
women were not allowed to participate in the public sphere as traditional
Malay society maintained that a woman's place is in the home.
In a traditional Malay society, women lived a closed circumscribed
life. They married young and had practically no say in the selection of
their life partners. As husbands and wives the division of labour and
responsibility between them was definite as in men were breadwinners
while the women looked after the homes and were confined to the
kitchen and the children. Advice may be sought from women but they
had "no power whatsoever over matters affecting the family as a whole"
(Hashimah Roose, 290). In traditional times Malay women did not, as
a rule, need to have or acquire money as everything was gotten for
them. Thus, they did not indulge in shopping sprees which the present
day Malay women enjoy that, as Hashimah Roose commented, many
husbands get annoyed (290).
Malay Women of Contemporary Time
According to Jamilah Ariffin, the real change to the lives of the local
community and to the role and status of women only began with British
colonial rule (5) when formal education was introduced to the Malay
States. However, The process of emancipation of Malay women only
came into motion when the educated Malays relaxed their strict application
of traditions and customary laws and allowed their daughters to be
educated, beginning in very small numbers and in Malay schools only
(Hashimah Roose, 291). No doubt this process was very slow. Unlike
that of today when many young Malay ladies study in tertiary institutions
which augur well for the future roles of Malay women as a whole. It was
only during the forties that the change in the status of women towards
equality and greater freedom of movement was accelerated because
of political awakening among the Malay community (Hashimah Roose,
293).
In the course of history Malay women were also not spared from
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MALAY LITERATURE
the changes brought about by the Second World War (1939-1945).
During that period, women learned to be self-sufficient by fending for
them and because of what they experienced, they began to question
many of the traditions which had once inhibited them from participating
in public life. After the War, as women became more aware of their
status and position, many of them "especially Malay women, who were
once bound by traditions became actively involved in politics which was
once a field monopolized by men" (Jamilah Ariffin, 8). As observed by
Christine Campbell, "".in the period between 1945 and 1957, women's
politics emerged 'out of the kitchen'"." (147)
The political awakening gave the educated elite the chance to play
their roles in the public domain (Jamilah Ariffin 8). These women began
to form voluntary associations. Their objectives were simply to upgrade
the lives of women. The first Malay women organization, formed in 1929,
was the Malay Women Teachers Union. It was founded by Hajah Zain
Suleiman, also known as Ibu Zain, daughter of an English-educated
schoolteacher, (Dancz, 1987; Jamilah Ariffin, 1992). As the sense of
nationalism began to grow, another important association, the Persatuan
Kaum Ibu was set up in 1969 (Dancz, 153), to give support to the political
party (United Malay National Organization or UMNO) formed by men
from the Malay educated group (Jamilah Ariffin, 8). Later, in 1971, The
Persatuan Kaum Ibu UMNO was renamed Wanita UMNO.
After Malaysia (then Malaya) gained its independence in 1957, Malay
women, spearheaded by Fatimah Hashim, began to make headway into
the local political arena. After getting herself involved in the Persatuan
Kaum Ibu and becoming its leader in 1956, Fatimah created history by
becoming the first Malaysian woman as well as the first Malay woman
to become a cabinet minister when she was appointed as the Minister
of Welfare in 1969 by the first prime minister of the country, Tunku
Abdul Rahman. Fatimah was also the first woman to be honoured with
the title 'Tan Sri' (Dancz, 171). Following in Fatimah's footsteps was
Aishah Ghani, who after defeating Fatimah in 1972, rose to prominence
in the local political arena.
Despite new developments that have taken place in the lives of
Malay women, M~lay society generally "precludes the participation of
them [women] in public affairs, even though it assigned them important
roles within the family and economy" (Dancz 23). This is reflective of
Malaysian society where the proportion of women ministers or deputies
compared to men in the Cabinet is still negligible, even though the
number has increased, it is still small. Thus, giving the impression that
"gender bias is still strong among the Malaysian society" (Raihanah
Abdullah, 152). Up to the present, the only woman who has been given
a senior ministerial post is Rafidah Aziz, who was appointed Minister
of Trade and Industry in 1987.
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WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
The Role of Adat and Islam in Malay Women's Lives
The adat or customary laws and Islam are the two strong forces that
govern a Malay man's, as well as a Malay woman's, way of life (Noraini
Abdu!lah, 1984; Dancz, 1987; Jamilah Ariffin, 1992; Roziah Omar, 1994;
Roziah Omar, 2003). Both are powerfully influential, though the latter is
often used to overrule the former as in the case with, to borrow Roziah
Omar's term, 'peripheral adat' ("Negotiating" 123). As connotes by the
adjective 'peripheral' this adat can be changed and modified; a case in
point is the the bersanding ceremony during the wedding celebration
which, with the passage of time, is getting more and more expensive
and time consuming that this ceremony is sometimes disregarded by
some Malays. Moreover, it is believed to be of Hindu origin.
On the other hand, what is regarded as the 'fundamental adat' often
does not change with space or time ("Negotiating" 123). This adat, which
is of two kinds as in Adat Temenggong and Adat Perpatih, is related
to certain kinship structures of descent and inheritance. In accordance
with these adat, Malay women are vested with customary property
which comprises a share of the land and a customary Ilouse (Dancz,
6). The Adat Temenggong, which is practised by Malay patriarchal
communities, accords women access to land as men; whereas, the
Adat Perpatih, which is practised in the Malay matrilineal communities
like those in Negeri Sembilan, accords women exclusive right to land
(Jamilah Ariffin, 3). Seen in this light, a Malay woman is personally
identified with the land.
Both the adat and Islam are used to determine the characteristics
of an ideal Malay woman. From a very young age the Malay woman
is inculcated with important underlying principles of adat such as
cooperation, understanding and respect, which are embodied in the
concept of budi as well as to be courteous, gracious and gentle (Roziah
Omar, "Negotiating" 123). She is also taught to follow the teachings of
Islam closely which among others are the Malay woman's fulfilment of
her duties to God, good behaviour and modesty, able to bear and raise
children and is well-groomed, graceful, modest and soft spoken, and if
possible be a working woman. (Roziah Ornar, 28-29).
Within the Malay family structure as dictated by the adat, the man
is the head of the household and one step above the woman. Both
husband and wife are expected to perform their fixed roles which are,
men are expected to provide for their families and to treat their wives
and children well and accordingly, women are expected to run the
tlolisehold efficiently and raise the children. The teachings of Islam
further places Malay men above that of Malay women as Islam dictates
that the husband be the head of the household and that he be dominant
over the wife and children (Dancz 10). As such, Malay women are not to
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MALAY LITERATURE
dominate the family even though the running of the household and the
conduct of social relations within the family are seen as predominantly
that of the women's roles. Through their Islamic upbringing, Malay
women have accepted the fact that Allah created women and men in
this world with different physical attributes, roles and responsibilities.
Indeed within the Malay social structure, as observed by Roziah Omar,
"women and domesticity as often viewed as one, and interrelated"
(Malay Woman 10). Undoubtedly, this view has not changed very much
to the present day.
Unlike their western counterparts the Malay women do not necessarily
regard their position as gender subordination rather as "gender differences
are seen as complementary" (Roziah Omar, Malay Woman 83). Malay
women "are not burdened with labels like the 'second sex'" (Roziah Omar,
Malay Woman 87) as they are aware that they have different culture,
history. religion and value system. This religious acceptance together
with the practice of adat has enabled Malay women to debunk Western
thought tl:lat they are victims of their culture and also to enjoy a greater
freedom th.an their Muslim counterparts elsewhere in the world.
The recent revival of Islam among the Malays has stimulated
contradicting opinions on the position of women in Islam in Malaysia
(Roziah Omar, Malay Woman 14). This has created anxiety among Malay
women especially the educated urban Malay women with regards to
their role as professional career women and their role as dutiful mothers
and obedient wives. The dakwah movement with its traditional view on
women not only stresses the superiority of men over women but also
contends that women should be protected and kept at home while the
more liberal groups are of the opinion that there is equality in Islam
and, that in fact, women in the Muslim community enjoy a higher status
(Roziah Omar, Malay Woman 14-15). Another area of anxiety among
Malay women specifically those who are married is polygamy. By and
large, the majority of Malay women oppose polygamy for the simple
reason that husbands cannot equally divide in terms of love, affection,
and material endowments for two, three or four wives simultaneously
,Roziah Omar, Malay Woman 15). Even though, polygamous marriages
are still considered a small number nevertheless they cause much of
tension and conflict among those involved.
The adat and Islam, thus, are of great significance to the Malays.
Even though Islam is very influential, adat is also taken seriously as
exemplified by the proverbs: Biar mati anak, jangan mati adat (Let the
child perish, but not adat), and Hidup dikandung adat, mati dikandung
tanah (One's life is governed by adat, one's death is buried in earth),
both carrying the meaning that adat holds importance in the eyes of the
Malays. Therefore, under the influence of the adat and Islam, it could
be concluded that no matter how professional, educated and financially
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independent a Malay woman is, she still has to abide by her roles at
home, to her husband and to her children.
From Housewives to Communityl National Leaders
Khadijah Hashim's A/un Hidup, published in 1996, depicts life of the
Malays in the 1930's and 1940's through the portrayal of a family headed
by Awang and his wife Milah with their five children Asmah, Zainab, Yusuf,
Adam and Husin, in a village near Sungai Berembang, Malacca. This
novel depicts cooperation within a rural Malay community, particularly
women, who are shown as willing to help or share workload with each
other especially when husbands are away on 'businesses'. This is set
during a period when population was sparse, when tracts of land were
made available to small-holders, when transport was mainly by rivers and
when it took a few days to go to Singapore. Khadijah narrates the trials
and tribulations which are faced by Milah as she performs her traditional
roles as well as new ones alongside her husband. Christine Campbell
in her translated version of the book The Wave of Life mentions that
this novel is Khadijah's favourite and is loosely based on her family's
[Khadijah's] life (iv).
Badai Serna/am, published in 1968, depicts how a Malay woman,
Mazni, goes through life in the 60's and early 70's. Mazni, as an icon
of faithfulness, is portrayed in the role such of the devoted wife, the
good daughter-in-law and the obedient daughter. This is one of the first
women's novels to depict the educational success of an underprivileged
girl. Despite being forced into an early marriage and becoming a widow
at young age, Mazni succeeds in accomplishing her dream of studying
medicine.
The last three novels of this analysis depict Malay women's lives in
the 90's. This was the era which saw the beginning of great changes
in Malay women's roles. Malay women began to experience social,
cultural and economic mobility. These women are portrayed as shifting
away from domestic and private spheres towards public and economic
spheres. They are now no longer satisfied with their roles as deemed
appropriate by their patriarchal societies. Azizah, 'the protagonist in
Mencari Azizah, is a devoted wife to Zamri until she discovers her husband
secret marriage to Anita. Departing from the path that a Malay woman
would normally take back then, Azizah, a single parent by that time,
faithfully entrusts her two daughters to her moth~r while she embarks
on a journey in search of her real father and her true self.
Senator Adila and Me/awan Arus depict Malay women crossing over
into politics, an area which was then and still is dominated by men. In
the Malay community, women politicians often come from those with
either a political or business background. The women in these two novels
are from the elite educated Malay groups of the 90's and as such are
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MALAY LITERATURE
able to be involved in the public and economic spheres while they are
simultaneously able to treasure their private spheres by not forsaking
their domestic roles. In Adi/a, the female protagonist Adila, is married
to Lokman who is not only unsupportive but also unfaithful. Through
her determination and perseverance she is able to look at adversity in
the eye where her political career is concerned. Unlike Adila, Sakinah
in Me/awan Arus, has the support she needs to advance her career in
politics. Of course involvement in politics has its ups and downs, more
so if one is female.
All five female protagonists in the selected novels (Badai Serna/am
(Storms of Yesterday), A/un Hidup (The Wave of Life), Meneari Azizah
(The Journey), Senator Adila and Melawan Arus are married. As married
Malay women, in line with their Islamic upbringing, all are depicted as
dutiful obedient wives, putting their husbands' interests above themselves.
All are blessed with children except Mazni, whose husband was not
interested in having children. As a woman, it is natural for Mazni to
want children. Four of the five women have formal education. However,
Milah's education, as it was with most l\.I1alay women of her time, is
through her life experiences.
It could be said ihat Milah outshone the other women in the selected
novels in terms of the traditional roles she played. She is everything a
Malay woman in the conventional sense could wish to emulate. She is
very attached to her mother: "tied to her mother's apron strings" and
living "under [the] one roof in her mother's house" (The Wave of Life 3),
as well as being very close to her siblings until her husband, Awang,
decides to move out to start a new life in Sungai Berembang. Even
though, she is reluctant to leave her mother and the place which she
has known all her life, she willingly sacrifices her own interest to follow
her husband, as is customary for a Malay wife. Though life is difficult
and uncertain in the new land, Milah stands by Awang supporting him all
the way - putting his interest and Olat of the children's above hers. She
would at times long for her mother and siblings in Kesang, especially
during difficult times when she has to cope with the children alone and
when she feels forlorn as there is no one for her to turn to in order to
confide. Her roles as a wife and a mother demand that she be patient
and take consolation in that "her fate was there, with the children" (66)
and having gone thus far with her husband "They must not look back
again" (66) for her legitimate "place is with her husband" (6).
Milah's roles complemented her husband's and are well illustrated
when she has confidence in her husband and trusts him whoieheartedly.
When she is anxious about their uncertain future, "Awang had succeeded
in calming her fears, impressing on her that they could live anywhere
where people are hard working" (The Wave of Life 4). Once in the new
land Milah learns fast and quickly joins forces with her husband. Living
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WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
in a land with plenty of food but faced with a shortage of rice, she learns
new ways of cooking, planting vegetables and making fish traps. When
men come to help Awang to clear the land, Milah cooks for Awang and
his friends. She learns to make prawn powder and dried fish for Awang
to sell in Singapore and she later learns how to run a small shop. Milah
also grows wise in what Maznah Mohammad referred to as the system
of male privileging, in that she learns to make her own decisions but
discovers that government officials do not regard her as possessing
the necessary authority to act as the head of the household.
When Awang decides to go to Singapore, he again calms Milah's
fears and anxieties over him being away for an unspecified number
of days and leaving her to shoulder the responsibility of running the
household alone. This absence "whereby a [Malay] man leaves his
family and travels in search of a livelihood", according to Campbell is
an honourable custom (193). Initially, Milah is sceptical but after being
left behind with the children several times, she gets used to Awang's
absence as head of the family and grows to love it, for with Awang
away in Singapore Milah can exercise her leadership abilities as she
has absolute freedom to decide for the well-being of the family. With
the cooperation of her children she manages to run the household well.
So much so that when her brother, Melan, comes for a visit during one
of Awang's absence, Milah and the children refuse to be lured into
going back to Kesang. She sees that it is her obligation to support her
husband in this matter because according to her religion "it was lawful
that Awang had gone to seek a livelihood for his wife and children" (The
Wave of Life: 78). Milah also finds that in Islam, she must first obtain
her husband's permission in order to go home with her brother:
"It's a great sin if you refuse to obey your husband's orders.You will never
taste the joy of Paradise," affirmed f<ak JOYElh, twisting her mouth up in a
frightening grimace. (The Wave of Life: 90)
As a woman Milah is at ber best as a mother. By foregoing her own
interest she only has her children's interest at heart. Since Awang had
prepared accommodations for thern in the new place and had she not
followed him her children would have been deprived of their father's
attention. As a mother Milah is very protective of her children. For
example Milah wants her eldest daughter Asmah, whom Kak Joyah
wants Jalal to marry, to have an education. Milah may be illiterate but
she knows the benefits of education and she does not want her children
to be caught in the same cycie of life like herself. Milah looks after and
trains her children we!1. During their father's absence Milah allocates
certain duties to Asmah and Zainab. They are always ready to help
their mother either in the kitchen, vegetable garden or by setting the
fish traps. They help in looking after their younger brothers v"hile their
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MALAY LITERATURE
mother goes upstream tending to the coconut trees. During Eid u/-Fitr
her children put on new clothes while she is contented with her "baju
Melayu which had been bought when she was newly married, with an
old batik "kain" (The Wave of Life: 136). She does not mind looking after
the children alone because she believes that Awang needs to earn a
livelihood for the sake of the children. Milah's role as a mother is put to
the test when her son Husin passes away shortly after moving to their
new house upstream. Even though Milah is heart broken but life has
to go on for she envisions a better future for her children.
In Mazni, Khadijah Hashim portrays the stereotypical Malay woman
who succumbs to the whims of her imposing mother-in-law. Mazni is a
realistic character which is endowed with strengths and weaknesses as
she is responsible, courageous, independent, self-supporting, ambitious
and determined, yet at the same time she gives in to a man and considers
whatever comes her way as that of fate. Malay women of this period
had yet to realise their rights to pursue their dreams. During this time
also, the mentality of a materialistic and unkind mother-in-law was the
norm and was usually portrayed in Malay movies and literature. Mazni
plays the docile wife who is blindly devoted to her husband, Karim.
Surprisingly for a woman who has a certain level of education, she
is vulnerable to the injustices inflicted upon her and she is seen as a
helpless victim until fate decides to intervene and change her life.
During the time the novel was written, few Malay women received
tertiary education. In a way the novel urges young Malay women then to
seek higher education regardless of their situation. For example, Mazni's
decision to stop studying and to get a job in order to look after her sick
mother is indeed commendable. This does not mean that she is going
up to give up her ambition to study medicine. Her plan is to pursue her
studies after her mother has regained her health. Her mother is against
this because to her ''The only inheritance that I leave you when I am
gone is knowledge. I don't have anything else; nor land nor houses or
money in the bank. I have nothing, Maz" (Storms of Yesterday: 25).
Mazni is strong-willed and determined. As an only child, she wants to
execute her responsibility to her ailing mother and in order to pacify her
mother she promises "I will resume my studies when things improve for
us" (25). Besides that, as Mazni is independent and self-supporting, she
does not want to have to depend on others to provide for her mother,
"We cannot always expect help from others .... We must stand on our
own, try to sort out our own problem" (26). Her sense of pride and her
self-reliant character prevent her from seeking help from others - not
even from the family which her mother works for. Life for Mazni and her
mother is difficult and a~ such she does not want to be accused as being
selfish or as an ingrate, "If I put my own ambitions above everything
else it would mean that I think only of myself, without any regard of my
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responsibility towards my mother" (33). However, before Mazni could
fulfil her responsibility towards her mother she gets married and has
to devote her time to her new undertaking. After marriage, Mazni turns
from being a determined person to one who is powerless.
Mazni knows that " ... she was forced and pressured out of a sense
of obligation and gratitude" (Storms of Yesterday :98) when she finally
consents to marry Karim. There is little doubt that her decision is also
influenced by her mother's advice that she should not show disrespect
to her employer's son, "Respect for the master and the family comes
first..." (94). Ideally a Malay girl should not show disrespect for her
mother's employer and neither should she go back on a promise to
marry for she and her rejected partner's family would suffer social
humiliation (Campbell: 249). Mazni is obliged to marry-knowing full well
that her mother-in-law dislikes her even if she were to be a good wife.
In the eyes of Cik Rohana, Mazni's mother-in-law, her son is marrying
someone below his dignity, " ... she [Cik Rohana] was one who guarded
jealously the good name of the family, a family that was well-known and
distinguished" (92). Mazni regards her marriage to Karim as a sacrifice
for she is "prepared to suffer so long as Karim is happy" (123). To prove
it, Mazni gives up her job and stays at home upon Karim's request.
At the expense of her own happiness, Mazni endures Cik Rohana's
insinuations and sarcasm with regard to her status and heritage.
According to Rosnah Baharudin, in her article "Women Writers in
Malaysian Literature", "Mazni is a victim of the traditional sacrifices
women make to please their parents and that the logic and moral of the
story requires that Mazni conform, whilst still achieving her ambition"
(qtd. in Campbell 249). Mazni, is stereotypically depicted as conforming
to the image of an ideal Malay woman, one who is obedient, compliant,
conforming to husband and mother-in-law, remains faithful up to the
death of her husband and is an altogether admirable woman (Campbell:
251). For that she is rewarded at the end of the story.
Azizah, the female protagonist in The Journey, depicts a role that
is quite different from the other two women mentioned earlier. She
embarks on a journey of self-discovery - physically, a journey to find
her biological father and psychologically, a journey in search of her
direction in life. In this novel, the role of a Malay woman starts to evolve
from focusing primarily on her traditional roles and being a vulnerable
woman as she is of the 'weaker sex' to a woman who is not afraid to
voice her opinions, to pursue her dreams and not be intimidated by her
husband or her mother-in-law. Yet, in making decisions where her life
is concerned, seldom does a Malay woman go beyond the dictates of
adat and Islam.
Prior to her journey, Azizah is the ideal Malay woman, one who is
a faithful wife, a loving mother and a near perfect daughter-in-law who
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MALAY LITERATURE
gives way to her mother's-in-Iaw, Datin Mariah's, demands such as
waiting on her mother-in-law at meals. Azizah, who was once a person
who was free to speak her mind is silenced when she becomes part
of Zamri's household. Datin Mariah forbids her to take part in family
discussions and Azizah is not treated as part of the family.
As a wife, Azizah submits to her husband's will as she tries to be
"a good Muslim woman like the wives of the Prophet" (The Journey 42)
but she somehow fails. As exemplified by Azizah, Malay women try to
achieve the status of an ideal wife as accorded by adat and Islam. In
the early part of her marriage, Azizah puts aside her ambitions for the
sake of love and her family but in Zamri's eyes her sacrifice does not
mean anything. He looks upon her as a woman whose sole duty is to
perform domestic roles as stated by his reminder, "Your place is at
home, Zah. Looking after your husband and children. What more do
you want?" (104) After finding out about Zamri's second marriage, she
feels bitter towards him but nevertheless for the sake of her children
she tolerates him but for only for a span of three years. She questions
herself, "Was it my fault that Zamri considered Anita to be a better wife
than I am?" (42) Like most women who suffer the same fate Azizah
initially accepts the situation but when she finally comes to her senses
she resolves, "Why must she be such a fool to weep over a man who
was happily married to another woman" (42). As Zamri no longer cares
for the children and they both could no longer see eye to eye, she finally
takes the bold step and files for a divorce.
Obviously Zamri and his mother underestimated Azizah's power of
resilience. In their eyes Azizah is "gentle and docile" (The Journey 256)
but they are proven wrong. Azizah takes her divorce as a blessing. After
her divorce she acts fast to rectify whatever she had given up upon
her marriage to the ambitious Zamri. She admits that she had "acted
stupidly before [her divorce] but now let not anyone step on my [Azizah]
toes. This is a 'new' Azizah, who is happy with compliments but at the
same time takes criticism calmly" (163). From a woman who keeps
her opinions to herself, Azizah comes out of her shell. She goes to Los
Angeles not only to pursue her Masters but also to search for her real
father. A chaotic and confused person at the beginning of her journey,
the end of the novel sees Azizah as having discovered herself.
Adila and Sakinah, the female protagonists in Senator Adila and
Me/awan Arus respectively, complete the roles that Malay women
undertake; from the domestic and private spheres to the public and
economic spheres. The changes may be slow but they are dramatic,
indicating that Malay women despite their adherence to adat and Islam
are still capable of making a difference in a man's world. Adila and
Sakinah show that Malay women in spite of their subordinate roles
in the patriarchal dominant households can presently venture into a
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WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
field which was once the exclusive domain of man. If in the past the
chance for public decision-making involvement was limited only to
the aristocratic Malay women but now, with the proper education and
exposure, it is possible for Malay women in general to be involved. In
Adila and Sakinah, Khadijah Hashim portrays the opposite side of Malay
women to that of Milah and Mazni.
Adila is a popular politician, an established corporate figure and
a successful housewife. Characteristics of which were never dreamt
of being accomplished in that period. Before her marriage she was a
successful actress and theatre director. She is the envy of women as
well as men. This does not mean that her successes came easily. Her
life is besieged with problems which intrude both her personal and
professional lives, thus making Adila a realistic character. To top that
off Adila's husband, Lokman, is not supportive of her. Lokman acts like
the stereotypical Malay man who does not agree to being a supportive
husband to a successful wife. He sees his wife as being second best.
It is quite acceptable for a man to be jealous of his wife's success but
not to the extent of putting her down. Lokman's egoism and jealousy
blind him of his wife's successes as he accept that his wife is more
successful than him.
Adila is able to achieve many successes because she is fortunate as
she has the looks, comes from a wealthy family, has the proper education
and her involvement in politics is made possible by her supporters
especially her family and friends. As a career woman, Adila's strength
lies in her capability of being a wife and a mother while being actively
involved in her political, corporate and social activities:
Oi sinilah kelebihan Adila. Oia bukan sahaja mampu menjadi isteri dan ibu,
malah boleh aktif dalam politik dan kebudayaan (Senator Adila 333)
This is whereAdila's strength lies. She not only is capable of being a wife and
mother but is active in politics and cultural activities
For a Malay woman to achieve such calibre as Adila, she would
need to be firm and not let her life be dictated by the people around
her as exemplified by Adila. She is not intimidated by what people say
as long as she believes in what she is doing. She is quite accurate to
think this as in order to be successful one must be firm in one's decision
and not let others influence one:
Adila tidak hirau apa orang lain kala, pokoknya dia bahagia dengan cara
hidupnya (Senator Adila :307).
Adila could not be bothered by what others say as long as she is happy with
the way she lives
However, in spite of her successes, like all Malay women who
adhere to adat and Islam, Adila respects her husband though at times
she does think that her husband interferes too much in her affairs. Upon
49
MALAY LITERATURE
discovering Lokman's infidelity Adila rationalises with herself as to what
she ought to do. She keeps her views on her husband's polygamous
marriage to herself. She rises above the occasion and is determined
not to let it take over her life or her political career:
Aku bukan anak-anak belasan tahun yang mesti mengikut seratus peratus
kehendak keluarga ... Sampailah masanya aku membuat keputusan sendiri.
(Senator Adila :393).
I am not a teenager who has to follow exactly what her family wants ... The
time has come for me to make my own decisions
As a result she applies for a divorce even though it is not an easy
decision for her to execute. Adila is a woman of principles and is not
the type who would fight with another woman over a man: bukan wanda
tidak berpe/ajaran hendak pergi bergaduh tarik tarik rambut (it's not
as though she's uneducated that she'd want to have an all out brawl)
(Senator Adila 403); or to bear a grudge against her husband or his new
wife: Dia tidak mahu bermusuh kerana merebut kasih seorang lelaki
(She didn't want to make enemies over a man) (Senator Adila 418).
A new factor that exists in Malay politics which enabled Adila to
be elected is the introduction of 'a women's quota' in the Malays'lan
parliament. Rightly, Adila admits that it is the women's quota that placed
her where she is but this does prevent her from performing her duties
well. Adila sees herself as having potential to succeed in politics. Datuk
Nazrin, the head of Adila's political party, is aware of this and therefore
patronizes Adila because she is only filling the women's quota in the
Dewan Negara (Senate):
"Inilah untungnya wanita. Tidak sampai sepuluh tahun aktif politik sudah jadi
senator," kata Datuk Nazrin yang sudah lama berangan-angan untuk jadi
senator. (Senator Adila :301)
"This is why women are lucky. Not ten years of being active in politics and
already a senator," said Datuk Nazrin who had for years aspired to be a
senator.
Unlike Adila, Sakinah has a supportive husband behind her success
in the public sphere. Sakinah is aptly seen as what young women would
like to emulate, successful in her career as well as her marriage. She is
ambitious, hard-working, independent and optimistic. She harbours high
hopes not only for herself but also for the people in her village which
she would like to represent in future. Sakinah thinks that one should not
forget one's roots due to success and should in fact make life better for
others. Sakinah wants to help raise the villagers' standard of living:
{Sakinah} Ada hasrat untuk membaiki keadaan ekonomi orang kampong
sebab asal usul datuknya ada/ah pekebun ke/apa (Melawan Arus 250).
[Sakinah] Wishes to improve the villagers' economic situation because her
grandfather once owned a coconut plantation.
She envisions herself as doing something useful for the people of
50
WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
her village:
Kampung Parit Kelapa akan riuh semula apabila kilang kelapa aku terdiri
nanti. Anak anak lepasan sekolah tidak perlu berhijrah ke Kuala Lumpur
untuk mencari kerja ... ( Melawan Arus 262}.
The Parit Kelapa village will be lively again once my coconut factory is built.
The village school leavers need not migrate to Kuala Lumpur in search for
jobs ...
Apabi/a berada di tengah masyarakat kampong semangatnya begitu
berkobar kobar untuk terus bergiat da/am po/itik kerana ingin membe/a
nasib orang kampong (The desire to help the villagers burns within
her and to do that she has to continue with her involvement in politics)
(Me/awan Arus:343). Politics fascinates her. She sees that kerana
perjuangan politik/ah maka negara kita ter/epas daripada penjajah
(because of politics the country gained its independence) (247). She
regards politics as something positive, as an enabler in improving the
lives of the people. Political figures such as Margaret Thatcher leave
a deep impression on her.
In Me/awan Arus, Khadijah Hashim, indicates that for a Malay woman
to be accepted as a leader in a community which is steadfast in adat she
should first fulfil her duty as a wife and have a stable family. Only then
would she be accepted by the society. The reason Sakinah loses to the
incumbent Datuk Hamzah in her first attempt is not only because of the
practice of money politics by her opponent but also because she needs
to have a stable family before she is able to lead the people: Apa kerana
aku be/um berkahwin hendak dijadikan a/asan. Tentu saja itu pendapat
kuno (They are just making an issue that I am not married. Obviously
that's an outdated look) (396). However conservative the villagers are
Sakinah thinks that they have the right to their opinions and it would be
better for her to follow the wish of the people. After all, in a democracy
what counts is 'people power'. "Barangka/i ada benarnya cakap orang
kampung. Kahwin du/u, buktikan kemampuan menguruskan rumah
tangga /epas itu baru tunjuk bakat dibidang po/itik" ("There may some
truth in what the villagers say. I get married and prove my capabilities
in running a household and only then show my talents in the political
arena") (400). Sakinah not only plays her role as a political leader amicably
but she is also a dutiful wife and a loving mother: isteri yang setia, ibu
yang bertanggungjawab, tetapi tidak bermakna aku akan me/upakan
kerjayaku, po/itikku (being a faithful wife, a responsible mother but it
does not mean I will forget my political career) (415). In the eyes of her
people, her credibility as a leader is further reinforced by the presence
of her understanding husband and her two children.
Adila and Sakinah manage to subvert a belief that Malay wives are
merely subordinates to their husbands. This however does not mean
that they reject the traditional belief that a woman's proper place is to
51
MALAY LITERATURE
be of assistance to their husbands. On the contrary, they are dutiful and
responsible wives and mothers. They have succeed in the male sphere
even if it is only because of a technicality of the women's quota in the
case of Adila. Both women are seen to hold power in the communities
they live in albeit Adila is powerless against Lokman's behaviour.
Though the involvement of Malay women such as Adila and Sakinah
has yet to have any impact in politics but they have at least, in part,
made the initial move.
Adila and Sakinah can be taken as the epitome of modern Malay
women of the new millennium. They are women existing in patriarchal
culture who dare to break unspoken rules for good causes. They are
exemplary as they are equally successful in their private as well as in
their public lives. They shattered the glass ceilings of Malay women
of that period. They show that women can liberate themselves from
traditional work associated with their sex. However, in order to do
so, women must equip themselves with the necessary tools such as
knowledge, skills and proper education, apart from being optimistic,
having self-confidence and self-esteem. For a woman, getting married
and having a family is the norm but these need not hamper her career
as having a career may prove to be a security for her as shown in the
case of Adila.
Conclusion
Malay women have come a long way from their kampong-dwelling days
several decades ago to their present role in nation-building. Suffice
to say that Malay women now are on par with Malay men. They are
no longer satisfied with the traditional roles of wives and mothers and
because their economic contribution to the household is important, the
Malay women can no longer be secluded or be easy to subordinate.
Having said that, tradition has moulded the Malay women to be involved
in her home, her husband's and children's daily lives no matter how
successful they may be and this involvement seem to be the assurance
needed by Malay men.
In spite of the changing roles of Malay women, they are still steeped
in adat and Islam. In the revival of Islam, Malay women are getting
better support than before. However, the traditional way of life may
still dominate. Other factors such as social, economic and politics have
also become important in the daily lives of Malay women. In conclusion,
Malay women are not truly 'emancipated objects' as seen in western
terms nevertheless they can be successful in the career they choose
as long as it does not conflict with their adat and Islam.
The female characters Khadijah Hashim portrays have shifted away
from domestic and private spheres towards the public and economic
spheres. This shift is in line with the changing economic movement in
52
WAN ROSELEZAM WAN YAHYA
Malaysia. The 'new' woman is one who possesses a professional career
and often concurrently juggles her role as a mother and wife. Women
grapple with the dilemma of embracing modernity while struggling to
preserve their cultural and traditional values and outlook.
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