1 - Publicaciones - Banco de la República
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1 - Publicaciones - Banco de la República
DISTURBED AREA GREAT PLAZA ;'~-:• · '~-:• · ,, ~--:• -.-.:.~_- , ' :- ', '-, ·- -''- ', '-, ._ ., - ', '-, ·- ~ ~ '~,~-:., WESTTOMB EXCAVATED ~ . .... _- 1991 l¡ , NORTH PLATFORM IN• :~ ~< · ~1~~~ 6 . 1 1 ~ ~}i0.f~ ~1,- ~:·~l l l ~'~ ~~~~~ rr >R~i ,-:.)~>~~ = !N ~N~ -.....,¡ M HUACA LORO . ... ..~.\;w\~;:~,·,;tw~':n;: EASTTOMB EXCAVATED ~ 1~~§ INFERRED TOMB [1997] '. -: ' 1 RAMP Sican metallurgy and its cross-craft relationships [ ZUMI SHIMADA DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOWGY SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNTVERSITY Figure 3 . Reconstruction dr3wing of the Huaca Loro truncated pyramid with locations of the East and West tombs. Drawing by l. Shimada. Acknowledgemenu: 1am mdcbtcd to members of the Sicán Archaeolog.cal Pro1cct as the papcr draws u pon the rcsults of many years' teamwork. l am grateful for thc useful comments of Jo Ann Gnffin, Prudcnce Rice, and Mclody Shimada. My t.hanks also to César Sanullán and Yutaka Yoshn, thc illustrator and photographer of the prOICCt, respcctively. Lastly, much of the work relevant to th1s paper was conducted Wlth the suppon of twO grants from the Sh1busawa Ethnological Foundauon, Thkyo. Abstrae!: Metal artifacts are studied most commonly in isolation from other craft goods. Holistic examination of grave goods from three Middle Sicán elite shafttombs recently excavated at the site of Sicán on the northern coast of Peru shows that the production of precious metal items is best understood as one component of an integrated, sumptuary goods production system that also included pottery making, lapidary and weaving. This paper illustrates how these different crafts were closely intertwined from design and manufacture to use·of products and that current approaches to ancient crafts that focus on a single medium do not properly illuminate such relationships. Additional workshop excavations and a more flexible interpretive framework are needed as well as further exploration of the conditions under which different inter- or multi-craft production takes place. Resumen: Es común que los artefactos de metal se estudien separados de otros bienes. El examen holístico del ajuar funerario de tres tumbas de tiro de la élíte de Sicán Medio, recientemente excavadas en el sitio Sicán de la costa norte peruana, muestra que la producción de objetos de metales preciosos se entiende mejor como un componente de un sistema integrado de producción de bienes suntuarios, que también incluyó elaboración de cerámica, textiles y lapidaria. Este artículo ilustra cómo estos objetos estuvieron intimamente relacionados en cuanto al diseño, manufactura y uso, y cómo las aproximaciones usuales a la orfebrería, que ls consideran como un medio singular, no aclaran propiamente tales interrelaciones. Otras excavaciones en sitios de trabajo y esquemas interpretativos más flexibles son necesarios, como también futuras exploraciones sobre las condiciones bajo las que la producción inter o multi manufacturas tuvo lugar. SJCAN METALLURCY ANO ITS CROSS·CRAFf RELATIONSHIPS Succession of Major Pre-Hispanic Cultures of the North Coast of Peru 1 PERUVIAN 1LAMBAYEQUE- BATAN REFERENT CHRONOLOGY 1 GRANDE REGION MOCHE VALLEY ~- LATE HORIZON (A.D.1460-1532) 1 ~ ~:....:..::..:::==z-,..,--~ ~ ¡¡;- 1 : ~ LATE INTERMEDIATE PERlO O (A.D. 90G-1460) 1 ~ ~ !~ .,";" .¡ q Ñ" :::;:c:i---~---------------~ --~ ------~ <: ~g ~ MIDO LE HORIZON (A.D. 550-900) g :::;: 1 1 1 1 ...,.. u al o o 1~ .... 1~ 6o 1(3 1 INITIAL PERIOD 1 (180G-1400 B.C.) 28 ~ ai "' ~ 1 ª o o . o "'"' c:i i!! o N 1- ~------------~~--~ :e EARLY HORIZON (1400-400 B.C.) ~ ii ¡; <.Í ai ~ (!l ai ~------;.-¡ ~ ~-----~; :e 1 g 1 :::;: 1 1 1 1 1 1 M! 1 1 1 :J 1" O" u ai o I "C: "'"' :J "' "' 1·a. IU g ~ 1 ~ 1 8oUTIN MUSEO DEL ÜRO No•l . IUUO-DlClL\18Rf 11196 g ~------------~ c:i 1ZUMI SHJMADA ome 10 years ago, 1 discovered a series of 3000 to 2700-year old ceramic kilns in the Poma Archaeological and Ecological Reserve in the mid-La Leche Valley on the Peruvian north coast. 1was struck by the overall similarity of their design and form tola ter Middle Sicán lA. D. 900-11 00; see Table 1) arsenical bronze smelting furnaces IShimada et al. 1990, 1994, in pressj. Although there were differences in size and construction material, both had a carefully lined, simple bowl-shaped chamber formed by arching si de walls anda prominent "chi.mney" that created thennal convection and increased updraft, respectively. Their similarities should not surprise us as both were intended to attain and sustain hi.gh temperatures and certain atmospheric conditions to effect the desired physical and chemical tra.nsformation of the contents. 1 wondered if the technological understanding gained in earlier ceramic firing could ha ve contributed to the development of early smelting in the Andes during the first millennium B.C. S This paper is, in essence, an outgrowth of the above inference that there was important interplay among crafts that were practiced concurrently and perhaps in close proximity. Over the past few decades the scope of archaeological studies of craft production and technology has expanded under the banner of the "social construction of technology" (e.g., Bijker et al. 1987; Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Lemorutier 1986, 1992, 1993; Pfaffenberger 1992; seeearlier thoughts in Bergs0e 1937; Lechtman 1977, 1984a,b; Smith 1965, 1970, 1975). Traditional technological studies have been challenged as being overly influenced by modem westem economic thinking that emphasizes a functionalist, efficiency-minded solution and production aimed toward consumption and material abunda11ce. lnstead, these studies ha ve focused on the social and ideological foundations of technological innovation, use and spread. An expanded version of a paper presented at the Symposium, .. La Metalur· gia Prehispánica de América .. organized by Clemencia Plazas and Roberto Lleras, Intemationa1 Congress of Americanists, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador, Quito, Ecuador, )uly 7th- 11th, 1997. Do not cite without permission of the author. La sigu iente es la dirección del auror: Department of Anthropology Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, !L. 62901 USA Concurrently, there has been a notable increase in smdies concerned witl1 the orgattization of production, i11cluding the associated teci-mology and procurement and utilization of raw materials le.g., Clark and Party 1990; Costin 1991, 1996; Costin a11d Hagstrum 1995; Feinman 1985; D'Altroy and Bishop 1990; Nelson 1991; Peacock 1981 ; Rice 1981, 1987). However, proposed organizational models have been predontinantly based 011 ceramics a11d insights from eth11oarchaeological studies. Studies based 011 excavations of production si tes remain rare le.g., Sltimada led.j 1994, in pressj ar1d even data from those sntdies tend to be interpreted in terms of models built on analysis of finished products and ethnoarchaeology, rather tl1ar1 those result:ing from interna! analysis. In addition, comn1on conceptions of and approaches to a11cient technology and craft production are compartmentalized ar1d mediurn-based; i.e., studies are conducted within confines of a specific medium such as ceramics, metallurgy oran even more specific domain (e.g., blackware or base metal). These studies often do not consider the relationship of the craft under smdy to other crafts tllat were being practiced concurrently at local or regional level(Shi.mada in press). BoUTIN MU&EO DEL ÜR.O No4l IUUO·DlCllMBRf 1996 29 SICAN METALLURCY ANO ITS CROSS-CRAFT RELATJONSHIPS Figure l. Map ol the Batán Grande region in tbe rnid-La Leche valley on the nortb coast ol Peru. The site ol Sicán is situated near the intake of the Túcume canal off the La Leche river. Drawing by l. Shimada. Cross-crah interaction, the general term that subsumes multi- and intercrah interplay, as well as their material and organizational consequences, has received little attention in archaeology. Investigation has been hampered by the merlium-specific approach and conception that pervade current craft production studies. This situation is understandable given the complexity and quantity of infomution to be learned and sought, our academic fo=tion, and scarcity of research where multiple crahs are investigated in parallel and sufficient depth. An important additional factor is that, more often than not, examples of composite artifacts have been looted from graves and thus lack con textual data and the confidence that the exisiting components are complete or original(Carcedo and Shimada 1985; Shimada 1994b). Yet, material culture is replete with examples of what are in reality composites of products, knowledge and!or techniques derived from what are analytically treated as distinct crafts, such as ceramics, woodworking. lapidaty, metallurgy, and weaving. Andean examples include objects commonly subsumed under the rubric of ritual paraphernalia or status items, such as Sicán and Chimú ponchos with gold plaques sewn on, and Mochica metal masks with inlaid shell eyes, ears and teeth. P. Lyon (1991) suggests that the practice of demarcating each colored area of Pukara polychrome ceramics with broad 30 BoLETIN MusEo ou ORo No.-41, ¡uuo.mc!EMRRE 11'96 lZUMI SHIMADA incisions may have been adopted from the incision and/or champlevé techniques extensively used in Pukara's well-developed stone carving tradition. The latter produced rectangular stone slabs with flat relief carvings that, in turn, may well have influenced or been stimulated by textiles. In this paper, 1am concerned with issues of cross-craft interaction; i.e., how a given product integrated materials, knowledge and/or techniques from va:rious crafts to ach.ieve desired effects and properties, and what such investigation reveals about craft production and its products in general. Data base The relevant data for this paper derive from the ongoing Sicán Archaeological Project, wltich, since 1978, has explored the historical trajectory and material, organizational, and ideological characteristics of the Sicán culture within its regional context le.g., Shimada 1980, 1990, 1995). The "Sicán" ialso lmown as Lambayequej culture, a ltighly distinct and influential entiry centered in the Lambayeque region of the northem North Coast, emerged around Figure 2. Major architecture at the si te of Sicán. Drawing by l. Shimada. SICAN RELIGIOUS FUNéRARY PRE:CINC .....• BATAN GRANDE. PERU ARCHITE:CTURAL MAP Á :" ~' ·-·-·----· ------·- .+ ~- - ¡--:----.. . . \ r 8oUTIN M USEO DEL Úll.O No.•l , JUUO·DICru.tBRE 111% 31 SICAN METALLURG Y ANO ITS C ROSS-CRAFT RELATIONSHIPS AD. 750 foUowing the demise of the nonhem Mochica (or Moche; Shimada 1990, 1994a). During the middleor "classic" phase dating to A.D. 900-1100, its polity, centered at the site of Sicán in the mid-La Leche valley (Figs. 1, 2), established political and religious dominance over a 400-km stretch of the Peruvian coast, from atleastlhe Chira vaUey in the north tluough tl1e Clúcama in the south. In fact, the Middle Sicán style as represented by mold-made, black, single-spout bottles bearirlg the diagnostic icon of the Sicán Deity, spread rapidly and extensively over a much larger area, constituting tl1e ortly coastal "horizon style" known to date. The Late Sicán polity with its new capita l at El Purgatorio (or Túcume Viejo) remained viable until ca. AD. 1375-1400when it was conquered by theexpanding Chimú Kingdom (Table 1). Holistic understandirlg of Sicán ceranúc and metaUurgical production tluough sustained, irlterdisciplirlary investigation has been a basic, long-term aim of the Sicán Archaeological Project; i.e., reconstruction of the teclmology and organization of tl1ese crafts at all stages of production and to define the meanirlg and roles of their products (e.g., Cleland and Shimada 1994, ir1 press; Merkel et al. 1994; Shimada 1985, 1994b; Shir11ada et al. 1982; Shir11ada and Griffin 1994; Shimada and Merkell991). Much ofthe relevantdata have been derived from surveys and!or excavations of various Sicán metallurgical (both arsenical copper and gold alloy) and ceramic production sites. Our investigation of other crafts such as weaving and lapidary has lagged behind largely due the paucity of relevant materials and si tes. However, ongoing investigations following the recent discoveries of cotton cloth and massive quantities of diverse beads in Middle Sicán elite tombs (e.g., Slúmada et al. 1997) should redress the latter. Excavations of three Middle Sicán elite tombs at or near the monumental adobe-and-fill truncated pyramids of Huaca Loro and Huaca Las Ventanas (Fig. 2) in 1991-2 and 1995 yielded specific examples of ero -craft interplay considered in this paper. These excavations are pan of an interdisciplinary study of Middle Sicán funerary practice and grave goods aimed at the clarification of Sicán social organization that began in 1990 (e.g. , Shimada 1995). To date, tombs of varied size, shape and contexts have been sampled at the si te of Sicán. Two deep shafttombs, designated here as the East (excavated in 1991-2) and West (excavated in 1995) tombs, bad been syrnmetricaUy placed at the jw1cture of the Huaca Loro temple body and its auxi liary 150-m longplaúorm (Fig. 3). The East Tomb is a good example of a shafttomb with niches or lateral chambers (also known as a boot-shaped shafttomb), a type widespread in the nonhem Andes and westem Mexico (e.g., Chaves and Puerta 1980; Dissellioff 1971; Long 1966, 1967; Meighan 1969; Meighan and Nichulwn 1989; Mcyers et al. 1975; Uhle 1922). The 3 x 3m vertical shaft descends sorne 10m below surface to a burial chamber with seven wall niches. Two niches and the burial chamberwere packed with ca. 1.2 tons of diverse grave goods and four individuals (two adult females, a juvenile andan infant) around a centraUy 32 BounN M usEO DEL Ü RO No 41. IUU0-01ClL\\8 RE 1996 Figure-4. Reconstruction drawing of the organization and content of the East Tomb. The superimposed grave goods were compacted to a thickness of less than a meter. Drawing by l. Shimada and C. Samillán. placed male personage about 40-45 years old (Shimada 1995; Shimada and Merkel 1993; Shimada and Montenegro 1993; Fig. 4). Placement of grave goods and accompanying individuals was carefully orchestrated: the invened body of the principal personage was underlain by a mantle with sorne 2000 small gold foil squares sewn on. It either held or was covered by a pair of large tumbaga (u sed here to mean gold-silver-copper alloys that are less than 10-karat [less than 40%] gold) ceremonial gloves, one ofwhich held a goldsilver rattle-beaker and the other a wooden staH with gold and tumbaga ornamentation, a pair of gold shin guards, a tumi (knife with a semi-circular blade), a series of gold headdresses, a standard with various gold trimrnings, and six pairs of large gold ear spools, among other items. The individual' S face was covered by a large gold face mask and three pairs of gold ear ornaments. His chest was covered with an amber pectoral and at least four layers of beads of Spondylus, amethyst, sodalite, turquoise, and other minerals. Above and apart from the principal personage were other items, including a disassembled litter, 179 whole Spondylus princeps and 141 Conus fergusoni shells, four large clusters of diverse beads (ca. 75 kg), 489 cast arsenical copper in1plements bundled into 13 groups (ca. 200 kg), five piles of tumbaga scraps (ca. 500 kg), and an estinlated 1500 bundles of naipes (arsenical bronze sheet objects thougllt to ha ve been used as primitive currency; Shimada BoLETJN Musro Df.L ORO No 4\ , JUU O-DICIEMBRE 1996 33 IZUMJ SHIMADA Photograpb 1: Panoramic view of the West Tomb showing its two ti e r construction Antecham· ber and Central Cham- ber ). Photograph by l. Shimada. 1985; Fig. 4). At the northwest comer of the chamber was a box containing sorne 60 majar high-karat gold objects of ritual and personal nature je.g., rattles, crowns, head bands, head omamems in the form of gold feathers and tumis; Gordus et al. 1995; Gordus and Shimada 1994; Shimada and Grillinl994). The West Tomb had a rectangular plan and nested, two-tier construction, consisting of a 10 x 6 m Antechan1ber with 10 niches and 3 x 3m Central Chamber with its own pair of niches at ca. 12 and 15 m below surface, respectively IPhotograph ! ). TheAntechambercontained 21 bodies, mostly of young adultfemales, 3 in niches and the rest packed tightly in 12 rectangular floor pits. The Central Chamber was organized around a centrally situated, maJe personage lea. 30-35 years old; K. Mine 1997, personal cornmunication) and each of the two niches contained one adult female. Diverse grave goods such as tropical shells, cerarnics, and wooden scepters, covered ilie floor around the personage. Overlying the female body in the Figu re 5. Grave goods found on the Central Chamber floor surrounding the seated body of the principal personage, Huaca Loro West Thmb. Drawing by l. Shimada and C. Samillán. CLOTH STRIPS CONUS "CRISOLES " GLOVE TUMBAGA - SHEET WRAPPEO JAR LLAMA SONES PAINTED CLOTH SPONDYLUS WOODEN PLAN K C E NTRAL CHAMBER FLOOR WEST TOMB, HUACA LORO BoUTIN M USEO DEL ÜII.O No41 , JUUO-DICIEMBR.E 1996 o ¡¡;;¡¡ 50 35 SJCAN METALWRGY ANO ITS CROSS-CRAFT REl.ATIONSHIPS nonh ruche was a cache of shell beads, tumbaga and gold personal omaments and ritual paraphemalia. The range and quantity of metal objects in th.is tomb paJe in comparison with those of the East Tomb; an estimated 3.5 kg of arsertical bronze (i.e., naipes, J and tumbaga objects, and only a handful of small high-karat gold omaments. At the same time, the Central Chamber of the West Tomb contained traces of rtine rolls of cloth as well as eight heads and limbs of camelids representing at least 25 individuals, whHe the Antechamber floor had at least three large painted cloths with tumbaga sheet backing and two complete camelid skeletons (Shirnada and Shirnada 1997). The th.ird tomb was situated south of the Las Ventanas temple. In form, the tomb was an invened step-pyrarnid with its square base (i.e., "mouth"J measuring ca. 15 m toa side and depth reaching ca. 12.5 m below surface. Its eastern hall had been looted but the intact western side revealed a series of mud-coated ledges (from ca. 8 m below surface to the bottom of the tomb) carved out of the compacted sand matrix on which offerings and burials were placed. We did not find a central personage as in the case of the Huaca Loro tombs. Three complete and six parrial bodies, all relatively young adult females, were found near the bottom of the tomb. In addition, we found caches of diverse ceramic vessels, a large cluster of shell beads, nurnerous packages of naipes, the heads and articulated lower limbs of llamas, tumbaga bells, arsertical copper implements, amber beads, and numerous bundles of naipes at or near the tomb bottom (Fig. 5). High-karat gold objects were conspicuously absent. Probably the most striking feature of the tomb was the way much of its interior surface had been lined with multiple layers (in sorne spots over 20 distinct layers) of painted cotton cloth carefully pasted on tumbaga sheets (Shirnada 1995). Overall, the diverse array and abundant quantities of crafr goods from securely docurnented contexts, together with background information accumulated since 1978, form the data base of th.is paper. Cross-craft relationships : midd.le sican examples Metal-Lapidary Linkage Several examples of gold alloy objects with shell ancl/or mineral "insets" were found in the Huaca Loro East and West Tombs, including nose clips, ear spools, a large mask, anda forehead omament with sculptural bat-head (Photographs 2, 3) . The term inset is used here as these examples are not, strictly speaking, inlay, which implies pieces of mineral or other materials set into a surface to crea te a design that is leve] with that surface; in these examples, mineral pieces are set into small areas with repousséed edges, creating a new, raised surface (J. Griffin, 1997 personal commurtication). 36 8ot.E11N MUSlO DEL ÜRO No•l , JUUO-OICI.EMBAE: 1996 lzUMJ SHIMADA Certain important cornmonalities crosscut variation in size, complexity and inferred usage of these examples. One is that the insets were clearly integral to the original design of these objects. Anotber shared feature is that most of the insets had been drilled. The large gold mask that covered the face of the principal personage of the East Tomb (Photograph 3) is a good exarnple of what may be described as "integrated" metalworking and lapidary. The striking, upturned eyes were made to resemble human eyes by combining an alloy and gemstone beads (Shimada and Griffin 1994). A silver-copper alloy represented the "white" of each eye, a large, semi-spherical, drilled arnber bead the brownish iris, anda drilled green emerald bead set atop the arnber the pupil. The two amber beads were carefully shaped and polished; they were nearly identical in size and shape and perfectly fit their repoussé circular settings. Photograph 2: A pair of nose clips with perforated turquoise bead insets. They were found on and near the nose of the principal personage of the Huaca Loro East Thmb. Photograph by Y. Yoshii. BoLETIN M usEo oa ORo No41, IUIJO·DICIEMBRE 1m 37 Photograph 3: The restored large gold-alloy mask that covered the lace of the principal personage of the Huaca Loro East Thmb. Note the elaborately made eyes and earspools. Photograph by Y. Yoshii. Elsewhere, I have described a pair of ear spools made specifically to be used for this mask (Shimada and Griffin 1994). The back flanges of the earspools were placed on each earlobe and three boles punched through simulraneously. Then, the earspools were fully assembled in situ and the round calcareous insets placed at the fronral center of the earspools. Microscopic examination of fragmented, corroded materials on the ears revealed the fine imprinted parallel striations of perished cloth. Thus, it is likely that cloth pieces were srapled onto the stylized "ears" (symmetrically situated recrangular areas on the sides of the mask), perhaps so that small feathers could be stitched on. The clear in1prints of small, trimmed bird feathers that were pasted on (see Figs. 53, 90, 113 in Shinlada 1995) are found on other high-karatgold alloy objects recovered from this tomb, including a srandard and scepter omarnents. In addition, small white bird feathers were found mixed in one of the aforementioned tumbaga sheet scrap piles found inside the East Tomb burial charnber. Scraps are essentially the recyclable byproducts that result from any sheet metalworking (e.g., trimmings that still retain the oudine of the cutout pieces) as well as rejects from mishaps in manufacturing. They were most likely collected from workbenches and floors around them. 38 BouTIN M USEO DEL ÜRO No 41 , JULIO·OICIEM!RE 1996 lzuMI SHIMADA Overall, it appears that the manufacture of the mask required careful planning, advance procurement and/or concurrent preparation of component parts such as earspools, beads, cloth, and feathers, and participation ofvaried craftsmen. At the same time, this elaborate mask is lar from being a rypical cross-craft example. In fact, the degree of variation in color and/or lit found in matched pairs of aniiacts with insets (e.g., ear spools) in general does not suggest lapidary work tailored to specific objects. The Sicán goldsmithing-lapidary relationship will be considered again later. Metal-Cerarnic Relationship There are various other cross-craft examples in Middle Sicán material culture. J. Muelle (1943) and J. Rondón (1965/6) earlier noted a ridge or fine groove around the circurnference near the median point of the spherical body of Middle Sicán single-spout bottles with pedestal bases. This ridge or groove was not related to the manufacture of these vessels, which were largely buil t with two-piece vertical molds. Rondón (1965/6) argued that this feature was an imitation of the "ridges" and lines formed in the manufacture of metal bottles when the two sheetmetal halves forming the the body were mechanically joined on tl1e exterior and interior, respectively (Photograph 4). Given that k.nown Middle Sicá.n metal objects were fashioned out of gold alloy sheets, the above ceramic im.itations are interpreted as reflecting the higller prestigelstatus value of the gold alloy. The popular low-relief press-mold decorations on Middle Sicán blackware vessels may have been modeled alter identical or more detailed repoussé desigr1s on gold alloy sheet objects such as beakers and plaques. One example is tl1e frontal view standing Sicán Deity with or without accompanyirlg mythical, seated felines or bicephalous serpent with serrated back (Fig. 6). Further insights into Sicán metal-ceramic relations may be gained by examining funerary context ceramic vessels completely wrapped in tumbaga sheetmetal about 0.01 mm in thickness. Electron pro be microanalysis of the corroded sheetmetal sample indica tes a composition of 1 7-26% gold, 1516% silver, 16-43% copper andO. 7% arsenic (the rest is assumed to be corrosion product; Merkel etal. 1995:121). Copper had been depleted from the surface !ayer sorne l m.icron thick. This limited depletion is suspected to have resulted from a repeated coldworkirlg-am1ealing-pickling cycle, and not from intentional depletion (Merkel etal. 1995: 121). All black double-spout and bridge ceramic bottles from the three elite shafttombs excavated thus lar at Huaca Las Ventanas and Huaca Loro have had the corroded remains of tumbaga sheetmetal still covering the vessels (Fig. 7). In sorne cases, the organic resin that was used to anchor the sheets is still preserved. Using infrared micro-spectroscopy, Eugene Farrell (1992, personal communication), conservator at the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard Bou:nN M USEO DEL ÜRO No 41, IUUO.DICIEM BRE 1996 39 SJCAN METALWRC Y ANO ITS CROSS-CRAFT RElATIONSHIPS University, identified the adhesive as a mixture of locally abundant algarrobo {Prosopis pallida) res in with perhaps sorne fish-bone-based glue added. In comparison with ceramic bottles excavated from more than 50 Middle Sicán tombs at sorne 20 si tes of different character in and outside of the Lambayeque region (e.g., Guffroy et al. 1989; Shimada 1995), these metal-covered double-spout vessels were well-made, often elaborately decorated, and restricted to the elite shafttombs. While we earlier thought that sheetrnetal covering was restricted to fine, double-spout bottles, two large, off-white, slipped, shortneck jars subsequently found in the Huaca Loro West Tomb were also covered with sheetrnetal. One jar was plain, while the other was decorated with modeled crean1res (believed to be Pacific crocodiles [Crocodylus acutus]) on its shoulder and simple red lines near the base of the neck. In aJI the e cases, the sheetmetal cover effectively obscured the surface finish and decoration. Metal-Textile Interplay Another dimension of the complex relationship between metallurgy and other crafts is seen in painted cotton cloth with gilded sheetmetal backing. Excavated Sicán textiles are rare and documented cases are overwhelmingly plain or painted cotton (Shimada 1995:135-139, his Figs. 119-121; also see Flores 1984). Many of the textiles described by Reid (1989) as pertaining to the "Lambayeque style" are woolen (camelid fiber) , but when and where they were woven remain uncertain as all of his examples were looted specimens with no provenience information. Photograph 4: Middle Sicám hlackware bottle witb median "join" line. Phmtograph by l. Shimada. 40 BoL.ETIN M USEO Df.L Ü RO No •1. IUUO·OIClEM!RE 1996 IZUMI SHIMADA Figure 6: Middle Sicán double-spout bottle still largely covered by tumbaga sheets. It was excavated from a large tomb south of the Huaca Las Ventanas temple. Drawing by C. Samillán. TOIIIB 1 SOUTH SECTOR HUACA lAS VENTANAS 10 Figure 7: : Middle Sicán canteen-slhaped jar with CM low relieff press-molded decoratilon resembling repoussé cdecorations on precious3 metal objects. The jar WlaS among the grave goods of a"cormmoner" buria1 excavate(d near the east base of the Hu a ca Las Vemtanas temple. Drawing b'Y C. Samillán. BoLETtN MUSE.O DEL ÜRO No... l, JUU{)-DICIE.MBR11996 41 S!CAN METALLURCY ANO ITS CROSS-CRAFT RELATIONSHIPS There is no excavated example showing the more complex "structwral weaving" pervasive in the southem highlands of Peru (Emery 1966; Lechtmtan 1984a,b). Stcán painted cloth might be as simple as black line drawing om a white background muchas in the tradition of earlier Mochica fineline drawimg. Most of the excavated pieces from the si te of Sicán have polychrome religimus scenes painted on a thin white plaster coating on plain cotton cloth. The latter examples essentially duplicare murals in rendering, color, arnd perhaps even themes. They are distinguished from murals by the gildled sheetrnetal backing and their relative portability. For example, two nerurly identical painted cloths with polychrome rendering of a marine theme htad been placed symrnetrically in the northeast and northwest comers of tthe Antechatnber floor of the Huaca Loro West Thmb (Photograph 1). The bettter preserved piece measured 1.15 m by at least 2.55 mandan estirnated ori¡ginallength of more than 4 m. A cane lattice support provided rigidity amd assured that the cloth was properly stretched. In siru examination by texttile conservators, Nobuko Kajitani and Beatriz Miyashiro (1996, persomal communication), revealed that the painted surface had been placed face-do'wn Photograph 5: Painted cloth carefully laid horizontally on a ledge at the somthwest comer of the Huaca Las Ventanas tomb ca. 4 meters below surface. Photograph by l. Shimada . 42 BoLETIN MusEo on Oao No.41, ruuo-oECIEMBRE 11996 lzUMJ SHIMADA Pbotograpb 6: Close-up view of tbe clotb illustrated in Pbotograph S. Note the edges of standardized tumbaga sheets underlying tbe cloth. Photograph by l. Shimada. on the floor and that the back had three thin superirnposed layers of a black coating, a soft, brown organic substance, and gilded tumbaga sheets. Microscopic examination by Kajitani indicated that the brown substance was composed of carefully selected, fine cotton filament. The tumbaga, though patchy and fragile, still glittered in the sun when it was excavated. Scattered remnants suggest that much, if not the entire back, of the cloth had been covered with tumbaga sheets. Leaning against the walls of the Central Chamber of the West Tomb were addiúonal painted cloths measuring roughly 3 x 1 m with similar sheetmetal backing. In addition to gridded or diagonal supporting cane frameworks, these cloths also had a substantial verúcal wooden pole 15-7 cm in dian1eter) at each end. Overall, there were at least 8 large painted cloths with sheetmetal backing placed flat on the floor or nearly vertically against the wall faces of the West Thmb. Better preserved examples of painted cloth with sheetmetal backing come from a shafttomb excavated at Huaca Las Ventanas. A good example was found carefully laid face up on the middle of a ledge at the southwest comer of the tomb about 4 m below the tomb mouth. lt was accompanied by a double-spout ceramic bottle wrapped in sheetmetal and an intentionally broken jar. Onlythecenter lea. 140 x 20 cm) of the cloth (250 x 150 cm) was plastered and painted (Photograph 5), although the entire cloth had been pasted to a sheetmetal backing. The backing consisted of standardized 25 x 12.5 cm metal sheets carefully laid edge to edge (Photograph 6). 8oLETIN MUSEO DEL ORO No41, IUUO·DIC!EMBRE 1996 43 S!CAN METALLURC Y ANO ITS CROSS-CRAFT RELATIONSHIPS The painting showed the Sicán Deity with a tumi-knife and trophy head at the center flanked by a red, round "sun" on the right (east) and paJe, crescent "moon" on the Jeft (west) - representing what may be called the Sicán "cosmovision" (Photograph S). An identical painting was found ca. 8 m below surface a long with another large (ca. 2.3 x 0.9 m) painting of the Sicán Deiry under the arching body of the double-head Sley Serpent flanked on both si des by an opposing pair of seated, mythical felines. Nearly all preserved painted cloths with sheetrnetal backing show Sicán religious scenes. Electron probe microanalysis of four spots on the copper-depleted surface on a corroded sample of tumbaga sheet backing of the last cloth gave a range of 22-38% gold, 13-39% silver, and 6-7% copper (Merkel et al. 1995:111). Normalized compositional range is 32-54% gold, 18-58% silver, and 10-27% copper. Metallographic and electron probe rnicroanalysis (McLoughlin 1996; Merkel et al. 1995) reveal that these sheets are similar in composition and manufacture to both the tumbaga sheets that wrapped ceramic vessels and the ca. 500 kg of tumbaga scrap deposited in the Huaca Loro East Tomb (see Fig. 4; Shimada 1995:93-95; Shirnada and Grilfin 1994; Shirnada and Merkel 1993). For example, wavelength dispersive x-ray spectrometric analysis of a tumbaga scrap piece indica tes that its surface composition is ca. 28% gold, 25% silver, and 41% copper (the rest assumed to be corrosion products; McLough.lin 1996:70; also see Gordus and Shimada 1994) and that it had been depletion-gilded (McLoughlin 1996:44). The inner portian had been more extensively corroded and compositional data are not available, though, it is most likely that copper was substantially higher in its weight percent than in the outer portian . The quantity of tumbaga sheetmetal scraps documented in the East Tomb not on.ly represents an enormous investrnent of valued precious meta.ls and manpower, but also reflects the intensity of sheetrnetal production and its diverse uses. The intensity of production is also seen in the Huaca Las Ventanas tomb where the total estimated surface area of cloth with tumbaga sheet backing used to line its interior alone exceeded IDO m' Additional.ly, various rypes of objects in the Huaca Loro East Thmb were sheetrnetalwrapped. Discussion This paper presented specific Middle Sicán examples of combined materials, knowledge, ancl/or techniques of various crafts in the production a.ncl/or use of sumptuary goods. The examples also illustrated d1e divergent ways in which multiple crafts related to each other a.nd the dilierent organizational irnplications they carry. Cerarnic or metal objects with stone or shell insets are "multi-craft" products that sirnply utilized fi.nished products from one or more crafts in the final assembly of items being ma.nufactured. In many cases it is doubtful the 44 8 0l.ITIN M USEO DEL ÜR.O No• l . IVUO.DIOEMBIU 1996 lzuMJ SHIMADA inset pieces were specifically made for the metal objects in question. On the other hand, the high-karat gold mask from the Huaca Loro East Tomb constitutes our strongest case for 11 inter·crafe' interaction, a continuous and creative interplay, whereby "hardware" (e.g., raw materials and tools) and "sofrware" (e.g., technical knowledge) both played an active role from designing and manufacture. The amber pieces, for example, were matched in color and carefully shaped to be a part of the complex eye construction. Cross-craft products may be more common than imagined. For example, examination of Middle Sicán double-spout blackware bottles in the Brüning Museum (Lambayeque) and the National Museum of Anthropology, Archaeology and History (Lima) by Kate Cleland (1994, personal communication) and I revealed sorne vessels with traces of twnbaga sheet wrapping intentionally or unintentionally removed during cleaning. It is worth reiterating here the finding from the Huaca Loro West Tomb that twnbaga sheetmetal wrapping was not restricted to fine blackware vessels but includes utilitarian jars. In addition, sorne effects of cross-craft interaction may not be readily recognizable or even have been intended or foreseen (Shimada n.d.). The press-molded relief decorations on ceramic vessels that rapidly spread throughout the northem Peruvian coast during late Middle Horizon (e.g., Menzell977; Schaedell979) may have started asan effective way to reproduce the chasing-repoussé effects found on the more prestigious, precious metal objects. Similarly, sorne graphitized Cupisnique vessels may well ha ve resulted from an effort to reproduce the jet-black metallic sheen of rare, carved Cupisnique anthracite cups. A thin !ayer of graphite results when carbon deposited on cerarnic vessels being fired under a reducing atrnosphere is heated sufficiently high to crystallize (U. Wagner, personal communication, 1997). In these rwo examples, efforts to reproduce the appearance of highstatus items in one medium may have brought about important (albeit unintentional) technical and technological developments in another medium. What do the cases described earlier tell us of the organization of relevant crafts? For example, did lapidarists and goldsmiths work in close coordination in a single workshop in manufacturing gold-alloy objects with mineral or sheU insets? What can be said about their functional interdependence? We will address these questions in the process of answering another question: Why are the sheU and mineral insets found in Sicán metal objects lor, for that matter, in those of other prehispanic Andean cultures) so often drilled! In the case of the eye of the Sicán mask, a gold wire passed through both the amber and emerald. However, there is no apparent reason for perforations in the amber eyes of the twnbaga mask covering the face of the principal personage of the Huaca Loro West Tomb (Photograph 7) or the turquoise inlay of a nose ornament from tl1e East Tomb (Photograph 2). BoLETJN MUSEO DEL ÜRO No •1 , IUUO.DIOEMfiRE 1996 45 SICAN METALLURGY ANO ITS CROSS·CRAFT REl.ATIONSHIPS The widespread use of drilled beads as insets illuminates the Sicán goldsmithing-lapidary relationship. Exarnination of four large bead clusters found in the East Tomb of Huaca Loro, together weighing ca . 75 kg and composed of hundreds of thousand of beads (Photograph 8), provides important insights. These clusters differ in the identity of the most abundant or prominent bead - either shell (Spondylus), sodalite, or turquoise. Other beads were fashioned out of agate (redd.ish brown), amber, calcareous minerals including cal cite, and fluorite (white and paJe green). The largest amethyst, quartz ccystal, and sodalite beads are roughly the size and shape of small chicken eggs (ca. 3 x S cm). Many large turquoise pieces are irregular in shape and though perforated and polished, appear to be pre-forms. At the same time, numerous sodalite and turquoise beads are relatively small and tabular (ca. 1-2 cm toa side and 1.5 to 3 mm in thickness), well suited to be used as insets. Shell beads are invariably d.isks having a thickness and d.iameter of ca. 0.3 to 2 mm and 1.3 to 20 mm, respectively. Photograph 7: Thmbaga mask that covered the face of the principal personage of the Huaca Loro West Tomb. Note the differences in the eyes and overall construction in comparison with the mask shown in photograph 3. Photograph by l. Shimada. 46 8oLETIN MUSEO DEL ÜP.O No.41 , /UUO-OlClfMJIRE 1996 Photograph 8. A bead cluster found in Niche 1 in the Huaca Loro East Tomb that shows how sodalite, shell, amber and quartz beads were strung and grouped together by size, shape and material. Photograph by Y. Yoshii. Constituent beads were placed in an orderly manner to form a coherent cluster. For example, the largest cluster featuring predominantly shell and amethyst beads shows a concentric ring layout.The adjacent cluster has rows of sodalite and quartz beads forming cross-sectional loops 1Photograph8). In fact, shon segrnents of the cotton string that linked these beads were found in the latter. In other words, these clusters consist of carefully piled strings of beads soned by material and toa lesser degree by size and shape. In the modern jewelry trade, these sorts of strung beads are called "falls" IJ. Griffin, 1997, personal conunurucation). 1t is how beads are sorted and transponed. We suggest that the shell and mineral beads used in goldsmithing were imponed on strings pre-formed, polished, and drilled; beads of appropriate size and shape were then selected from large caches of beads, and perhaps given sorne minar subsequ ent modifications. Insets such as shell, turquoise IMohs' scale of 5-6) and sodalite (5.5-6) are all relatively soft and would have been much easier to reshape to lit the setting than the converse. To date, we have not found any Sicán lapidary workshops in or outside of the site of Sicán. In fact, no definite mineral bead workshops have been identified BoLETlN MusEo DEL ORo No-tt, JUUO-DICIIMIIRE 1996 47 SJCAN METALLURGY ANO ITS CROSS-CRAIT RELATIONSHlPS in Peru. The two known Spondylus bead worshops are situated clase to shell harvesting locations on the Ecuadorian central coast and Peruvian far north coast ITumbez) !Marcos and Norton 1981 ; Hocquenghem and Peña 1994). Alongwith other materials je.g., gold nuggets and tropical bird feathers) for sumptuary goods production at Sicán, diverse beads may have been exchanged for local agricultura! produce and utilitarian items of arsenical copper bronze IShirnada 1985). Overall, limited modification of drilled beads as insets is seen as a relatively minar task conducted at ceramic and metal workshops. The 1995 excavation of a walled-in area along the east si de of the Huaca Loro North Plaúorm IFig. 3) yielded fragmentary gold foil, polished hammerstone, tuyeres jcerarnic blowtube tips). and molds, as well as heat-discolored areas, pointing to the presence of a Middle Sicán goldsrnithing workshop there, but no indications of lapidary work. We expect that workshops involved in sumptury goods production were situated near the pyrarnidal mounds at Sicán. Unfortunately, decades of in tense looting that even employed heavy earth-moving machines has extensively disturbed the suspected areas, severely hampering our search for craft workshops. An inferred area of craft production was found in 1986 between Huaca Las Ventanas and Huaca La Botija mounds. Excavation revealed the remains of well-built room complexes with narrow benches and scorched spots on plastered floors as well as small clusters of prills ltiny metal droplets) anda few broken tuyeres. Excavations of craft workshops at pre- and post-Middle Sicán sites offer important comparative data and insights. At the Moche V urban capital of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque valley le.g., Shirnada 1978, 1994a) craft workshops wereclosely situated and accessible to each othervia walled streets. In Sector H, copper working, weaving, chicha lfermented maize drink) and food preparation areas were found clustered and interconnected . In Sector D, an inferred ceramic workshop producing reduced ware vessels and figurines was justa lew doors down from a metal workshop with chisels, discarded needles and ingot mold fragments . Both sectors were contiguous to the the political and religious seat of the Moche V poliry, the centrally situated, walled compound that contained the the enormous uuncated pyramid of Huaca Fortaleza. Ongoing excavations at the base of Huaca de la Luna at Moche !Moche IV contexts) also suggest a similar pattem of clustered craft activities such as pottery making and metalworking IChapdelaine 1997). In addition, at the Chirnú capital of Chan Chan !Moche valley). Tapie 11990) documented an aggregation of craft workshops and cross-craft interaction prirnarily in two areas called "barrios" lcommoner residence-workshops) and "retainer areas." In the barrios, Tapie 11990: 156) observed that "Workshops were specialized spaces but did not necessarily specialize in one product." One workshop south of Ciudadela Laberinto lone of 11 named, gigantic, rectangular enclosures believed to have served as royal administrative, residential, and burial centers) appears to have been prirnarily involved in woodworking but there was also evidence of spinning, weaving, and 48 BoLETJN M usEo DEL ORO No•t, fUUO.DICJEMBRE. 1996 lZUMJ SH!MADA metalworking !Tapie 1990:158). He suggests that it "specialized in i.nlay," and that metal and woodworkers as well as weavers "plied their trades u.nder a common roof." Tapie 11990: 164) concludes that "distinct specialties" were associated within individual shops, blocks, and barrios. A general iropression of the craft production in the retainer areas that are contiguous to the Ciudadelas, better built and more formally arranged, is that they were involved in finishing work by higher status craftsmen. Yet, they also revealed "the same mixture of weavi.ng and metalworki.ng activity" jThpic 1990: 158-159). Overall, Tapie 1!990: 164-165) and 1have reached the same conclusion regarding cross-craft interaction or what he calls "horizontal integration": such organization of "specialists allows for more irnmediate cooperation between them to produce compou.nd products such as the copper-inlaid carved-wood hand ... and pieces of clothing that combine feathers, metal, and cloth. Additionally, horizontal integration allowed for direct contact between woodworkers, who probably made many weavi.ng and spin.ning tools, and the weavers and spinners who used them." 1 concur with hls assessment that "Horizontal integration is, in fact, the most logical man.ner of orga.nizing craft production ... to produce complex elite products" !Tapie 1990: 165). 1 am less certain that such organization characterized "large-scale production of utilitarian products" !Tapie 1990: 165). To what extent the san1e individuals served multiple roles as specialists of different crafts remains unclear. The intensity of production in the barrios and retainer areas also needs to be clarilied. 1lunbaga sheet-wrapped ceramics and painted cloth with tumbaga sheet backing raise the important issue of the social and symbolic sig.nificance of cross-craft products. Whlle both classes of artifacts to date have been found only in elite tombs, various lines of evidence point to their use in nonfunerary contexts. In the Huaca Loro East Tomb, the wooden shafts of scepters, a litter, and otherwooden objects in elite tombs were wrapped in heetmetal. A rniniature representation of elabora te ritual activity on the back of a Middle Sicán wooden litter in the Gold of Peru Museum in Lima ICarcedo 1989) clearly includes scepters covered in gilded sheetmetal. In this sense, it would not surprise us to learn that wrapped ceramic vessels were utilized in non-fu.nerary contexts. In general, it seems that what was critica! in the wrapping of objects with gilded sheetmetal was a symbolic transformation that inlparted its symbolic value to products of other media. But, were ceramic vessel forms and even ideologically charged iconography subordinate to the shi.ny metallic cover? The symbolic value of gold is taken for granted in the Andes je.g., Hosler 1994; Lechtman 1984a,b). Other project person.nel and I le.g., Cleland a.nd Shlmada 1992, 1994, in press) ha ve argued that high-karat gold alloy objects constituted the Middle Sicán "aesthetic locus," what ). Maquet 11979) defines as a category of object or medium of artistic expression that is subject to the highest performance sta.ndards for the highest co.nsumer expectations of BoLETIN M USEO DEL ÜRO No.41 , JUUO.DICIEM BRE 1996 49 SiCAN METALLURGY ANO ITS CROSS·CRAIT RELATIONSHIPS WALL 1, EAST SECTOR, HUACA LAS VENTANAS o 100 l"'a**;(**iiíl Figure 8: Cane impressions found on the lace of a crenellated wall at the east base of the Huaca Las Ventanas truncated pyramid. Drawing by lzumi Shimada. a given culture. This "aesthetic locus" often beco mes the technical and stylistic "pace-setter" and may be actively emulated by other classes or media of expression or remain quite exclusive through control of raw materials, skilled artisans andlor imageries. Compare the masks that covered the faces of the principal personages of the Huaca Loro East and West tombs with that associated with a seated adult maJe excavated in a pit (ca. 1.5 x 0.8 m and 3 m deep) between Huaca La Botija and Huaca El Corte. The first two were of high- and low-karat gold, respectively, while the latter was a totally mineralized "copper" mask (Alva 1986). The metallic composition of this mask has not been analyzed and may well have been a copper-silver alloy. The quality of metal (i.e., proportions of precious metals) used in the excavated Sicán masks appears to vary inversely with the complexity of manufacturing techn.ique (e.g., fashioned out of a single sheet versus multiple sheets mechanically joined together), and presence or absence as well as 50 8oLETIN MuSEO DEl. ÜRO No.41 , JULIO.OICIEMBRE 1996 IWMI SHJMADA quality col shell or mineral inserts, as well as scylistic and iconographic details. In fact, it appears that prestigious high-karat gold masks were emulated using lfess noble metals. Howewer, Sicán painted cloth with gilded sheetmetal backing calls into questiom the above vision of the primacy of gold color in the prehispanic Andeam world. As sug¡gested for Early Horizon painted cotton cloth from Karwa on the South Coast ofPeru je.g., Burger 1992), we believe that Middle Sicán painted cloth a1lso served as a backdrop for outdoor rituals. The discovery of impres>Sions of a cane framework on the lace of a crenellated wall that enclosed the Hwaca Las Ventanas temple suggests they may have been used as replace:able wall decorations IFig. 8). In either case, these cloths could have been pllaced relatively easily to crea te a physical setting for rituals. Imageries and oV<erall size could be adjusted in accordance with the nature, location, and thte scale of the ceremonies to be undertaken. However, given their relative!ly large size and complex iand even fragile) constructions, it is doubtful that thtey were moved frequently or over long distances. Why deo these pai.nted cloths have sheetmetal backing? lt is doubtful that it served .any stmctural function since much of the support necessary for the displayr of the painted images was provided by cane and wooden poles. The thin la yer of fine cotton fibers between the painted cloth and sheetmetal probablly provided a flat, soft cushion on which to lay and protect the sheetm1etal. Given tthe corroded state of sheetmetal samples analyzed, we can only estima te their swbsurface composition. Intentional or not, gilding would ha ve made the sheet appear to be relatively rich in gold or gold and silver. But, to whom was thte gilded image directed, to the participants in the rituals conducted within the space enclosed by the painted cloth, or to those outside the encloswre? Were the painted imageries more important than the color of gold or silver to the ritual participa.nts or vice versa? Related to this, why did the Sic:án people wrap ceramic vessels decorated with religious motifs? ll preciows metals were symbolically so important, why didn't the Sicán artisans simply crea te religious imageries in gold and silver alloy sheetmetal, instead of paimting them? They were certainly capable of doing so and had access to sufficient supplies of such metals as attested to by the sorne 500 kg of scrap found iin the Huaca Loro East Tomb. In fact, d1e impressive range of gold-silver-copper alloys and varied degrees and kimds of surface depletion among metal objects recovered from the duee excava1ted Middle Sicán elite tombs lincluding a partially used ingot found within a scrap piJe of the Huaca Loro East Tomb) indica tes a correspondingly wide nange of golden to silvecy colors and that at least a good part of the variatiton correlated with artifact cypes and their mechanical properties IBoissmnnas 1997; Gordus et al. 1995; Gordus and Shimada 1994; BoLETtN M1.USEO DEL ÜRO No.( I, /UUO· DIC IEMBRE \1196 51 SICAN METALLURGY ANO ITS C ROSS-CRAFT RElATIONSHIPS McLoughlin 1996; Merkel et al. 1994; Perkins 1997; Shimada and Griffin 1994). It would be difficult to determine what constituted prestigious gold color to prehispanic Andean people. We are still a long way from understanding ernic perceptions of the relative importance of the multiple factors that contribute in producing g.iven colors in precious metals. Conclusion In sum, this paper demonstrated the complex complementary and supplementary relationships among metallurgy and other contemporaneous crafts using Middle Sicán cases. Many of the precious metal objects were either aggregates of the products of multiple crafts or more the unique products of continuous, creative interplay among crafts. This paper also raised various specific issues that merit our attention: 11) The nature of cross-craft examples- Were they lim.ited to luxury goods of limited production or did they include more mundane items?; 12) Organizational dimensionsHow widespread was the "horizontal integration" of crafts docurnented on the north coast of Peru, as opposed to the discrete colonies of specialists !"vertical integration") often mentioned in the case of the Inka political economy le.g., Brumfiel and Earle 198 ; D'Aitroy and Earle 1985)? To what extent were the same individuals specialists of different crafts in making these objects? What were the physical and social arrangements of the crafts persons involved - did they ply their trade under the same roof? Did they belong to the same social groups like the historically documented parciahdades on the north coast of Peru?; and 13) use and "meaning"- Were these products used only in ritual contexts? Was the significance of these "composite" objects the sum of or greater titan its parts? This paper also serves as a plea for rethinking of current medium-specific conceptions of and approaches to studying craft production. There has been a welcome trend toward the integration of data and insights from excavations of production sites, replicative experiments, ethnoarchaeology, and analysis of finished products. Yet, modeling of craft production organization remains predominantly medium specific, treating each craft a autonomous ancl/or spatially isolated. Overali, the extent and nature of cross-craft interaction and the conditions under which it occurs deserve much more attention. As we del ve ever more deeply into specialized areas of prehispanic metaliurgy, it may be useful at times to take a holistic perspective and ponder the place of metallurgy within the broader spectrum of ancient ans and crafts. 52 8oUTtN M USEO DU ÜRO No•LJUUO-DICIIMBRE 1996 IZUMI SHlMADA Bibliography AlVA, Walter. 1986. Una tumba con máscara funeraria de la Costa Norte del Perú. Beitriige zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden archiiologie 71!985): 411-421. KAVA. Bonn : DeutschenArchiiologischen Instituts. BERGS0E, Paul. 1937. The MetaJlurgy and Technology of Gold and Platinum among the Pre-Columbian Indians. Ingeniervidenskabelige Skrifter, Nr. A 44. Danmarks Naturvidenskabelige Samfund i Kommission Hos G.E.C. Gad.Kebenhavn. BIJKER, W, T. HUGHES, y T. PINCH {EDITORS). 1987. 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