By Matthew Rothschild
Transcription
By Matthew Rothschild
June 2010 Cover (UPC - A):November 2005 Cover (UPC) 5/6/10 2:04 PM Page 1 TERRY TEMPEST WILLIAMS VISITS THE WHITE HOUSE JIM HIGHTOWER ON KING COAL June 2010 Chomsky’s Nightmare: Is Fascism Coming to America? By Matthew Rothschild www.progressive.org $3.95 $3.95 US www.progressive.org SAKO SHAHINIAN Larkspur-Barhm Ad_6.2010:Layout 1 5/4/10 8:16 PM Page 2 5/5/10 3:56 PM Page 3 COVER BY SAKO SHAHINIAN TOC 6.2010:TOC 12.2005x June Volume , Number 14 Cover 4 Editor’s Note 5 No Comment 6 Letters 8 Comment Boycott Arizona 10 On the Line 22 Cover 14 Chomsky’s Nightmare Matthew Rothschild Is fascism coming to America? Features 22 The Man with the White Hat Terry Tempest Williams Call me cranky, but as a Westerner, wilderness is not an abstraction. 29 Patently Unjust Kari Lydersen Filmmaker Joanna Rudnick did not like the idea that a company owned the rights to the breast cancer gene. 29 Interview 33 Elinor Ostrom Amitabh Pal “I’ve been interested in democratic governance at the very base,” says the first woman to get the Nobel Prize in Economics. Culture 36 Overconsumption Goes Viral Jason Mark Annie Leonard’s The Story of Stuff has become an online phenomenon. 39 Poem David Moolten 40 Dave Zirin won’t be rooting for the Diamondbacks. 41 Will Durst unveils the Dems’ secret weapon. 36 42 Books Ruth Conniff reviews ECONned: How Unenlightened Self Interest Undermined Democracy and Corrupted Capitalism, by Yves Smith. 46 Jim Hightower questions the “deep concern” of coal mining execs. 42 Editors Note 6.2010:Editors Note 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:20 PM Page 4 Editor’s Note Matthew Rothschild EDITOR Matthew Rothschild POLITICAL EDITOR Ruth Conniff MANAGING EDITOR Amitabh Pal CULTURE EDITOR Elizabeth DiNovella EDITORIAL COORDINATOR Ben Lembrich CONTRIBUTING WRITERS David Barsamian, Kate Clinton, Anne-Marie Cusac, Edwidge Danticat, Susan J. Douglas, Will Durst, Barbara Ehrenreich, Eduardo Galeano, Jim Hightower, Fred McKissack Jr., John Nichols, Adolph Reed Jr., Luis J. Rodríguez, Dave Zirin PROOFREADERS Diana Cook, Jodi Vander Molen EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Ben H. Bagdikian, Barbara Ehrenreich, Martín Espada, Richard Falk, Colman McCarthy, Robert W. McChesney, Daniel Schorr, Jane Slaughter, Urvashi Vaid, Roger Wilkins ART DIRECTOR Nick Jehlen ART ASSOCIATE Phuong Luu PUBLISHER Matthew Rothschild CIRCULATION DIRECTOR Maribeth Batcha CIRCULATION MANAGER Erin Grunze CONTROLLER Carolyn Eschmeyer MEMBERSHIP DIRECTOR Jodi Vander Molen ADVERTISING DIRECTOR Erika Baer WEB MASTER Tamara Tsurkan WEB ADMINISTRATOR Scot Vee Gamble WEB CONSULTANT Sheldon Rampton PROGRESSIVE MEDIA PROJECT Matthew Rothschild and Amitabh Pal, Co-editors Andrea Potter, Development Director BOARD OF DIRECTORS Matthew Rothschild, Chairman. Gina Carter, Ruth Conniff, James Friedman, Stacey Herzing, Barb Kneer This issue of The Progressive, Volume 74, Number 6, went to press on May 4. Editorial correspondence should be addressed to The Progressive, 409 East Main Street, Madison, WI 53703, or to editorial@progressive.org. Unsolicited manuscripts will be returned only if accompanied by sufficient postage. Subscription rates: U.S.- One year $32; Two years $52; Canadian- One year $42; Two years $72; Foreign- One year $47,Two years $82; Students- $21 a year. Libraries and institutions- One year (Domestic) $50; (Canadian) $60; (Foreign) $65. Send all subscription orders and correspondence to: The Progressive, P.O. Box 421, Mt. Morris, IL 61054-0421. For problems with subscriptions, call toll-free 1-800-827-0555. The Progressive is published monthly. Copyright ©2010 by The Progressive, Inc., 409 East Main Street, Madison, WI 53703. Telephone: (608) 257-4626. Publication number (ISSN 0033-0736). Periodicals postage paid at Madison, WI, and additional mailing offices. Printed in U.S.A. The Progressive is indexed in the Readers’ Guide to Periodical Literature, Magazine Index, Alternative Press Index, Book Review Index, Environmental Periodicals Bibliography, Media Review Index, Academic Abstracts, Magazine Article Summaries, and Social Science Source. The Progressive is available on microfilm from University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106, and on compact discs and other optical, magnetic, or electronic media from the H.W. Wilson Company, 950 University Avenue, Bronx, NY 10452. For permission to photocopy material from The Progressive, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Customer Service, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923; (978) 750-8400. Donations: The Progressive survives on donations from readers. Contributions are tax-exempt when you itemize. Mail checks to The Progressive, 409 E. Main St., Madison, WI 53703. Postmaster: Send address changes to: The Progressive, 409 E. Main St., Madison, WI 53703. www.progressive.org 4 ◆ June 2010 A Prayer Victory G ore Vidal once said, “Whenever a friend succeeds, something inside me dies.” But I’m not dying, I’m cheering, because a couple of friends of mine, Annie Laurie Gaylor and Dan Barker, recently scored a tremendous victory. They run the Freedom From Religion Foundation, one of the leading groups of atheists, agnostics, and freethinkers in the country. They happen to be based right here in Madison, Wisconsin. We shop at the same neighborhood co-op, and I even coached their daughter in soccer for a year or two. (Fuller disclosure: They also advertise with us.) Fearless and cheery, they go to court whenever they see government, at any level, violating the separation of church and state. So I wasn’t surprised they sued over the National Day of Prayer. But I was a little surprised, and very pleased, that they won, thanks to a courageous federal judge, also of Madison, whom I see occasionally on the tennis courts. I’m referring to U.S. district judge Barbara Crabb, who ruled in April that the National Day of Prayer violates the first ten words of the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” The National Day of Prayer is unconstitutional, she ruled, “because its sole purpose is to encourage all citizens to engage in prayer, an inherently religious exercise that serves no secular function in this context.” She added: “In this instance, the government has taken sides on a matter that must be left to individual conscience. . . . The government may not use its authority to try to influence an individual’s decision whether and when to pray.” This decision lets those who want to foist their religion upon us know that this is not what the founders believed and this is not what the Constitution requires. L ast month, we ran an in-depth article by Virginia Sole-Smith on the exploitative conditions in Mexico’s squid shops. Regrettably, we neglected to credit the Nation Institute’s Investigative Fund, which helped underwrite Sole-Smith’s excellent piece. Our apologies to the Nation Institute. A fter I heard Noam Chomsky talk twice in one week about the risk of fascism in America, I knew I had to write about it. The first time was at Howard Zinn’s memorial in Boston, which was a sad but uplifting affair. Howard’s daughter, Myla, spoke beautifully. Marian Wright Edelman thanked Howard for his guidance at Spelman in the early days of the civil rights movement. Matt Damon and his mom, longtime neighbors of Howard’s, were poignant. Marge Piercy and Martín Espada read powerful poems. Bernice Johnson Reagon led the audience in a rousing rendition of “Down by the Riverside.” And Chomsky told a lovely story of how he and his wife would occasionally sail with Howard and his wife, Roz, on Cape Cod and enjoy a glass of wine at sunset. But Chomsky wouldn’t leave us with that idyllic image. Instead, he warned us of the “clouds of fascism” heading our way, and urged us to be resisters like Zinn. A few days later in Madison, Chomsky fleshed out his argument in much more detail when he spoke to an overflow crowd at the Orpheum Theatre. I present and assess his argument this month. I look forward to your reaction to this serious question of fascism. We’ll print a sampling of the letters we ◆ receive in an upcoming issue. No Comment 6.2010:No Comment 12.2005 5/4/10 8:21 PM Page 5 No Comment Immigrant Implants A Woman’s Place At a GOP forum for congressional hopefuls in Tama County, Iowa, one candidate seeking the nomination called for new measures to stem illegal immigration. “I actually support micro-chipping them,” said Pat Bertroche, an Urbandale physician, according to the Cedar Rapids Gazette. “I can micro-chip my dog so I can find it. Why can’t I micro-chip an illegal?” Representative Betty Sutton, Democrat of Ohio, was incensed to find a campaign mailing from her opponent that said, “Let’s take Betty Sutton out of the House and send her back to the kitchen.” Bill Heck, chair of the Medina County Republican Party, said he saw the mailing, “but I didn’t think there was anything particularly wrong with it.” Stimulating Disclosure “New England construction companies that have received millions of dollars in federal stimulus contracts failed to disclose to Massachusetts officials, as the state requires, serious pollution or workplace safety penalties levied against them in recent years,” reports The Boston Globe. “Thirteen companies that have been awarded nearly $54 million in contracts this year have a history of environmental or workplace safety penalties, state and federal records show. Nine of those companies did not disclose those violations as required.” Can Loyalty Test Be Far Behind? Representative Steve King, Republican from Iowa, told Fox News that Arizona Congressional District 7, represented by Democrat Raul Grijalva, may have been “already ceded” to Mexico, reports Talking Points Memo. King also suggested that Grijalva is “advocating for Mexico rather than the United States.” Grijalva has called for a boycott on his state for its new immigration law. Marlboro Man From AP: “The Adams County Courthouse meeting room will soon be getting an official portrait of President Barack Obama nearly eighteen months after Obama was elected. The portrait will hang in a spot that had held a framed black-and-white image depicting the President with a cigarette hanging from his mouth. That photo—a notorious fake—drew a complaint from a county official who found it disrespectful. County Supervisor Eldon Orthmann, a Republican, told the Nebraska Hastings Tribune that he had the smoking photo matted and framed at his own expense . . . as a joke.” Readers are invited to submit No Comment items. Please send original clippings or photocopies and give name and date of publication. Submissions cannot be acknowledged or returned. Obama, the Wrath of God At a conservative rally in Tyler, Texas, state representative Leo Berman told the crowd, “I believe that Barack Obama is God’s punishment on us today,” reports the Tyler Morning Telegraph. Civic Duty Tea party members in Oklahoma are working with conservative legislators to introduce a bill creating a volunteer state militia to defend against the federal government, reports AP. “[The Founding Fathers] were not referring to a turkey shoot or a quail hunt,” said state senator Randy Brogdon. Banned in Portland The archbishop of Portland canceled his subscription to The Oregonian and asked Catholic pastoral ministers to do the same, reports Harper’s. “The editors,” the Most Reverend John G. Vlazny wrote, “arrogantly scolded the church for its past failures in handling this matter of child abuse and, in an insulting and unfair attack, chose this most holy time of the year, during our church’s Year of the Priest, to connect the practice of celibacy among our clergy with the problem of child sexual abuse, when everyone knows that most abusers by far are married persons!” Now We Know During the first Republican gubernatorial debate, South Carolina lieutenant governor Andre Bauer blamed “flat-out lazy” people for allowing illegal immigrants to thrive in his state, reports Huffington Post. Explained Bauer: “The problem is we have a giveaway system that is so strong that people would rather sit home and do nothing than do these jobs.” The Progressive 5 STUART GOLDENBERG ◆ Letter 6.2010:Letter 12.2005 5/4/10 8:26 PM Page 6 Letters to the Editor On Obama-bashing Ruth Conniff was absolutely right in her editorial decrying President Obama’s lack of meaningful political leadership, but the problem is that she didn’t go far enough (“A Deficit of Leadership,” March issue). Since the harmful Presidency of Ronald Reagan, we have had two Democratic Presidents, both of them elected solely on the basis of having more pleasing personalities than their Republican opponents. Both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama campaigned largely (although not entirely) as progressives, and then governed like warmed-over Republicans. In Obama’s case, the situation is dire; he seems to be doing nothing more than wring his hands, while occasionally remarking that he certainly does wish that the Republicans would somehow come together with the Democrats to get something done. Meanwhile, the chances that the party of Tom DeLay and Newt Gingrich will suddenly be going along with Barack Obama, or with anyone else slightly to the left of Attila the Hun, are exactly nil, but Obama doesn’t seem to believe that. This is naive on his part. As a lifelong (nearly seven decades) liberal Democrat, I call upon all progressives to come out of their terrible case of denial, and recognize the truth: The Democratic Party is dead. It has sold out to the same lobbyists to which the Republicans have been willing and eager slaves for more than a century. The people currently in government and calling themselves Democrats are traitors to a heritage that includes FDR and LBJ. The latter was a man who got Vietnam all wrong, but who was such a virtuoso of domestic policy that his civil rights achievements may never be equaled, let alone surpassed. We may as well recognize that the Obama Administration is already a failed one, and begin to come up 6 ◆ June 2010 with some sort of Progressive Populist Party to take the place of the horrible two-party system under which we currently suffer. David Pino Wimberley, Texas I am very disappointed at The Progressive’s lack of engagement on the health care debate. Progressive physicians have fought for years not only to expand coverage and for single payer financing, but also for systemic reform of health care. Ruth Conniff suggests that cuts to Medicare should be a negative development, yet reasonable reform is the progressive position. When more than one-third of all health care dollars are spent in the last six to twelve months of life, while a mere 3 to 5 percent is spent in pediatrics, the system is broken. While health care is important, it is not the primary determinant of health. Instead of spending 20 percent of our money on mostly fruitless interventions, we could be using our resources for education, job programs, nutrition, and other efforts that actually improve the health of our population. Reuven Bromberg, M.D. Palo Alto, California I love The Progressive and would never dream of asking you to cancel my subscription. However, along with others, I’m getting tired of the Obama-bashing. If you’re going to compare Obama to FDR, please recall that when FDR was President, there was a strong socialist movement in this country to act as a counterweight to the right. Where is that socialist movement today and how much does its absence handicap Obama? To paraphrase Shakespeare, the fault, dear Progressive, lies not in the President but in ourselves. Morris D. Fried Richardson, Texas I have no scorched-earth plan to cancel my subscription, but please consider reducing the negative energy towards the President. I hover between the center and left and am satisfied that this is the best we can expect for the time being. Don’t shoot the messenger who is trying his best to get us that oftpromised change. Hell, it’s only been a year. They gave the New Deal eight to ten years, depending on who’s doing the counting. Dan Nichols via e-mail A Token Green Effort I appreciated Jason Mark’s article, “Beyond the Green Niche,” in the February issue, but feel there is another important angle to the issue of local sustainability. As national security has lately become the main impetus (or excuse) for any and all government action, it would seem logical that local access to energy and food should be made a priority. Whether the disruption of power or transportation to deliver our food supply from thousands of miles away were caused by a terrorist act, severe weather, or infrastructure failure, our actual national security would be greatly enhanced if communities had local access to those basic necessities. The immediate isolation we would experience in the face of most any kind of disaster would be greatly mitigated by the ability to locally provide energy and food. Cynthia McCulloh Dillon, Montana In any of the bazillion articles I have now read about the green economy, there is no mention about how profoundly ecologically ignorant Americans are. When the government passed environmental regulations such as the Endangered Species Act, the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, to name a Letter 6.2010:Letter 12.2005 5/4/10 8:26 PM Page 7 these students as a resource. Why not make a national effort to create classes that teach Spanish to native English speakers and English to Spanish speakers, using a paired “buddy” system and small group discussions to practice the new language learned in classrooms? Both sides would benefit. Lesley Woodward Cleveland Heights, Ohio few, there should have been a public education component to them so people could have understood the science. If a strong public education component would have been implemented, the “average citizen” would have learned what an endangered species is and why endangered species need to be protected. There should also be a science and environmental education department in our government to tackle the phenomenal level of ecological ignorance in this country. In the end, it will be ecological ignorance that kills us or, more aptly, what is killing us now. Environmentally caused cancer is only one example of the price we pay for ecological ignorance. Until the green economy includes education in the very green it claims to care about so much, it will continue to be what it has always been—a token effort. Virginia Moran Grass Valley, California Missed Opportunity It’s appalling that Spanish-speaking students are still ostracized simply because they speak their own language in school (“Slurring Spanish,” by Luis J. Rodríguez, March issue). I taught English in many overseas countries and know how difficult it is to function in a culture where I didn’t speak the language. Unlike students in other countries, most American students graduate from high school speaking only English, and many are proud of their ethnocentric ignorance. As a nation that is rapidly becoming bilingual, we are missing a wonderful opportunity to create language programs that use Striving for Civility Terry Tempest Williams’s February column stresses the importance of cultivating greater civility in our personal, social, and political realms (“Dinner Party Diplomacy,” February issue). It was a fine essay: comforting, warm, hopeful. But with all due respect, now in my old age, I disagree. Life on Earth appears teetering on the brink. Our species, with all its good intentions and wondrous wisdom, is completely overrunning and overwhelming this planet and its biological systems. I believe striving for civility is no longer effective in today’s world. If anything, only firm, focused, and committed stands might be able to preserve enough of the natural world to allow for possible survival. Mary McBee Tama, Iowa Thank you, thank you, thank you for taking on Terry Tempest Williams as a monthly columnist. Eloise Heimann Milwaukee, Wisconsin The editors welcome correspondence from readers on all topics, but prefer to publish letters that comment directly on material previously published in The Progressive. All letters may be edited for clarity and conciseness, and may appear either in the magazine or on its web page. Letters may be e-mailed to: editorial@progressive.org. Please include your city and state. The Progressive ◆ 7 Comment 6.2010:Comment 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:27 PM Page 8 Comment Boycott Arizona T he cowardly decision by Arizona Governor Jan Brewer to sign the racist anti-immigrant bill on April 23 cannot be allowed to stand. This isn’t America when police can stop you and demand your papers because they have a “suspicion” that you may not be here legally. The Fourth Amendment prevents this kind of police state behavior. It states that people have a right to be “secure in their persons,” and that the state must have a warrant and probable cause to search someone. But the Constitution doesn’t seem to apply in Arizona. This law empowers local law enforcement to share information about a person who is suspected of being in the U.S. illegally with all levels of government, far and wide. It empowers local law enforcement officers to transport the suspect outside of their jurisdiction. And it lets any local citizen sue the police or local government agencies if that citizen perceives that they are not enforcing federal immigration laws to the fullest extent. The law also criminalizes almost any kind of aid to someone without proper documentation if the person providing the aid is “in violation of a criminal offense.” This may include efforts to transport an undocumented immigrant “if the person knows or recklessly disregards the fact that the alien has come to, has entered, or remains in the United States in violation of law.” Providing sanctuary is also verboten: It is forbidden to “Every Latino in “attempt to conceal, harbor, or shield Arizona will be in an alien from detection in any place in harm’s way with this state, including any building or any this law.” means of transportation, if the person —The Reverend knows or recklessly disregards the fact Miguel Rivera, that the alien has come to, has entered, founder of the or remains in the United States in violaNational tion of law.” Coalition of The new law goes out of its way to Latino Clergy & enshrine harassment of poor Latinos in Christian Leaders Arizona. It makes it illegal to attempt to 8 ◆ June 2010 hire or pick up day laborers if the driver is impeding the normal flow of traffic, or if the worker getting into the car is impeding traffic. This outrageous law has fortunately sparked a firestorm of condemnation. Sheriff Clarence Dupnik of Pima County, Arizona, denounced it as “disgusting,” “unwise,” “stupid,” and “racist.” “Governor Brewer and the Arizona legislature have set Arizona apart in their willingness to sacrifice our liberties and the economy of this state,” says Alessandra Soler Meetze, executive director of the ACLU of Arizona. “By signing this bill into law, Brewer has just authorized violating the rights of millions of people living and working here. She has just given every police agency in Arizona a mandate to harass anyone who looks or sounds foreign, while doing nothing to address the real problems we’re facing.” The religious community has also been outspoken. Jim Wallis, president of Sojourners, says, “This law would force us to violate our Christian conscience, which we simply will not do. It makes it illegal to love your neighbor in Arizona.” Cardinal Roger Mahony of Los Angeles calls it “the country’s most retrogressive, meanspirited, and useless” immigration measure in the land. John McCullough of the National Council of Churches deems it “reactionary and hateful.” Democrats, including President Obama, harshly criticized the law. And even some Republicans did, such as Jeb Bush and Karl Rove, who had made an effort at winning over Latinos to the Republican side. Investigative reporter Greg Palast believes that Brewer actually signed the law to suppress Latino turnout in upcoming elections. “What moved GOP Governor Jan Brewer to sign the Soviet-style show-me-your-papers law is the exploding number of legal Hispanics, U.S. citizens all, who are daring to vote—and daring to vote Democratic by more than two-to-one,” says Palast, who notes that Brewer, as secretary of state, tried to disenfranchise voters. “Unless this demographic loco- Comment 6.2010:Comment 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:27 PM Page 9 motive is halted, Arizona Republicans know their party will soon be electoral toast.” Brewer, a rightwinger to start with, is facing a tough primary challenge for reelection. She may not have wanted to enrage the rightwing base. But whatever her motives, this heinous law is now on the books. I t’s time to turn up the heat on Arizona, just as we did when that state was an embarrassing holdout over the Martin Luther King holiday. More than words are required. Protests, lawsuits, and boycotts are needed. And they are happening. The protests began in Arizona even before the governor signed off on the law, and they have continued ever since. On May 1, hundreds of thousands of people in cities around the country rallied for immigration rights, with a focus on Arizona. The lawsuits have also started. Tucson police officer Martin Escobar filed one of the first suits, saying that the law violates the Constitution and interferes with police work. The National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Christian Leaders also went to court to seek an injunction on the basis that it violates people’s due process rights. The ACLU and other groups also are considering court challenges, as is the Obama Justice Department. But putting all of our hopes on the courts would be a mistake. Lawsuits can take a long time. And we can’t sit around and wait for the Supreme Court to rule on its obvious unconstitutionality—especially this current Court. Who knows how the conservative majority would rule? Better to take nonviolent action and press our case with a boycott. San Francisco is leading the way. Mayor Gavin Newsom issued an executive order that prevents city officials from traveling on official business to Arizona. The American Immigration Lawyers Association understandably yanked their fall conference out of Arizona. And you, as a consumer, should boycott, too. So if you were planning on taking a vacation to the Grand Canyon in Arizona this summer, please cancel it, and send a note to the Arizona Office of Tourism at azot.gov telling them why you did so. If you were planning on going golfing there this winter, please cancel and contact the Arizona Golf Association at azgolf.org. If you were planning on going white-water rafting in Arizona, there are plenty of other states with excellent rides available. So please go somewhere else, but JOY KOLITSKY first notify raftarizona.com of your reasons. If you were planning on attending a business conference there, please decline, tell the conference organizers why, and send a copy to the Arizona Chamber of Commerce at azchamber.com. If you were planning on rejuvenating yourself at an Arizona spa, try one in New Mexico instead. And be sure to notify the Arizona Spa Association at azspaassociation.com. Or if you’re like me and you were planning on going birdwatching in southeastern Arizona to find the elusive Elegant Trogon, postpone your trip, and notify the Arizona Audubon Society at az.audubon.org. T he Arizona law is just the latest manifestation of the ugliness that is marring America right now. Virulent anti-immigrant rhetoric can be heard at almost any tea party rally, and it is a feature of many a Republican candidacy. We’ve seen before in history what happens when a society starts to scapegoat a minority and then codifies this prejudice with laws aimed to humiliate that minority. The scapegoating of Latino immi- “Mexican Americans are not grants has got to stop. And the place to stop it is in Arizona. going to take this ◆ lying down.” And the time to stop it is now. —Matthew Rothschild —Linda Ronstadt The Progressive ◆ 9 OTL 6.2010:OTL 12.2005 5/4/10 8:29 PM Page 10 On the Line Artless in Atlanta? PHOTOS © MIKE GERMON Atlanta n April 19, musicians, actors, and puppeteers gathered at the Georgia state capitol to protest funding cuts for the arts. The budget passed by the Georgia House would eliminate the Georgia Council for the Arts. Officials of the National Endowment for the Arts say federal arts funding could be jeopardized if the arts council is completely cut. AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS/THE JOURNAL & CONSTITUTION/VINO WONG O X Marks the Spot Transit workers put giant X’s on the Atlanta area buses that could be cut. Public transportation is taking a hit across the country. More than 80 percent of transit systems are resorting to layoffs, fare hikes, and service cuts. Transportation Equity Network organized a national day of action to resurrect mass transit on April 20. Rallies were held in Atlanta, New York, Detroit, Washington, D.C., and elsewhere. For more information, go to transportationequity.org. PAULA CHRIN DIBLEY/TRANSPORTATION FOR AMERICA 10 ◆ June 2010 OTL 6.2010:OTL 12.2005 5/4/10 8:34 PM Page 11 On the Line AFP PHOTO/UPI/ART FOXALL Phoenix Phoenix AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS/THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC/MATT PAVELEK Standing Up for Immigrants I AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS/ ROSS D. FRANKLIN n mid-April, protesters held a candlelight vigil outside the Arizona governor’s house calling on her to veto new immigration legislation. After Governor Jan Brewer signed the bill, people demonstrated at the state capitol. Earlier in April, the Service Employees International Union protested the Obama Administration’s immigration enforcement policies outside the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement offices around the country, including in Los Angeles, Boston, and Minneapolis. For more information, go to presente.org. Phoenix San Jose © 2010 NORBERT VON DER GROEBEN Dearborn, Michigan AFP PHOTO Boston © 2010 AARON DONOVAN The Progressive ◆ 11 OTL 6.2010:OTL 12.2005 5/4/10 8:35 PM Page 12 On the Line FRITZ MYER M FRITZ MYER FRITZ MYER Pressuring Publix ore than 1,000 farmworkers and fair food activists rallied in Lakeland, Florida, on April 18, wrapping up a three-day march designed to put pressure on Publix Super Markets. The Coalition of Immokalee Workers is asking Publix to pay tomato pickers one penny more for every pound of tomatoes they pick and to sign on to a code of conduct that would prevent the supermarket chain from buying tomatoes from growers that do not meet basic working conditions. For more information, go to ciw-online.org. © OMAR DE LA RIVA © OMAR DE LA RIVA FRITZ MYER 12 ◆ June 2010 OTL 6.2010:OTL 12.2005 5/4/10 8:36 PM Page 13 On the Line Clean Up Sodexo SEIU/DAVID SACHS SEIU/DAVID SACHS Gaithersburg, Maryland Police arrested actor Danny Glover and eleven others during SEIU’s protest at the Maryland head- SEIU/KATE THOMAS quarters of Sodexo, an international food service company. The arrests capped a week of actions at Sodexo workplaces across the country. Members of the French and British unions representing Sodexo workers in their countries also joined the protest in Maryland. The Service Employees International Union was protesting what it calls Sodexo’s unfair and illegal treatment of workers. Sodexo says the union is spreading misinformation. For more information, go to cleanupsodexo.com. Six U.S. military veterans chained themselves to the White House fence on April 20 demanding a repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy. More than 13,000 members of the military have been discharged since the law was enacted in 1993. End the Ban For more information, go to getequal.org. AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS/PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS/PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS The Progressive ◆ 13 Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 3:56 PM Page 14 By Matthew Rothschild Illustration by Sako Shahinian Chomsky’s Nightmare: Is Fascism Coming to America? O n April 8, Noam Chomsky came to Madison, Wisconsin, to receive the University of Wisconsin’s A. E. Havens Center’s award for lifetime contribution to critical scholarship. He spoke at the Orpheum Theatre to more than 1,000 people, and he used the occasion to warn about the risk of fascism coming to the United States. “I’m just old enough to have heard a number of Hitler’s speeches on the radio,” he said, “and I have a memory of the texture and the tone of the cheering mobs, and I have the dread sense of the dark clouds of fascism gathering” here at home. “The level of anger and fear is like nothing I can compare in my lifetime,” he said. He cited a statistic from a recent poll showing that half the unaffiliated voters say the average tea party member is closer to them than anyone else. “Ridiculing the tea party shenanigans is a serious error,” Chomsky said. Matthew Rothschild is the editor of The Progressive. 14 ◆ June 2010 Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 The attitudes of the tea party people “are understandable,” he said. “For over thirty years, real incomes have stagnated or declined. This is in large part the consequence of the decision in the 1970s to financialize the economy.” There is class resentment, he noted. “The bankers, who are primarily responsible for the crisis, are now reveling in record bonuses while official unemployment is around 10 percent and unemployment in the manufacturing sector is at Depression-era levels,” he said. Obama is linked to the bankers, Chomsky explained. “The financial industry preferred Obama to McCain,” he said. “They expected to be rewarded and they were. Then Obama began to criticize greedy bankers and proposed measures to regulate them. And the punishment for this was very swift: They were going to shift their money to the Republicans. So Obama said bankers are fine guys and assured the business world: ‘I, like most of the American people, don’t begrudge people success or wealth. That is part of the free market system.’ People see that and are not happy about it.” He said “the colossal toll of the institutional crimes of state capitalism” is what is fueling “the indignation and rage of those cast aside.” “People want some answers,” Chomsky said. “They are hearing answers from only one place: Fox, talk radio, and Sarah Palin.” Chomsky invoked Germany during the Weimar Republic, and drew a parallel between it and the United States. “The Weimar Republic was the peak of Western civilization and was regarded as a model of democracy,” he said. And he stressed how quickly things deteriorated there. “In 1928, the Nazis had 2 percent of the vote,” he said. “Two years later, millions supported them. The public got tired of the incessant wrangling, and the service to the powerful, and the failure of those in power to deal 3:56 PM Page 15 with their grievances.” He said the German people were susceptible to appeals about “the greatness of the nation, and defending it against threats, and carrying out the will of eternal providence.” When farmers, the petite bourgeoisie, and Christian organizations joined forces with the Nazis, “the center very quickly collapsed,” Chomsky said. No analogy is perfect, he said, but “People want some answers,” Chomsky said. “They are hearing answers from only one place: Fox, talk radio, and Sarah Palin.” the echoes of fascism are “reverberating” today, he said. “These are lessons to keep in mind.” W hat to make of Chomsky’s dire warning? “He’s exactly right. It’s time for a conversation about it,” says Chip Berlet, senior analyst at Political Research Associates and an expert on the rightwing in America. “It’s starting to smell pretty bad. There is real danger here.” “Rightwing populist movements seldom become full-blown fascist movements or take power,” he says. “But none of that has to happen to have harmful or even deadly consequences.” Berlet says we can already see “scapegoating of immigrants, the poor, and other targets,” and he worries that some on the far right will engage in “mob violence, terrorism, or even selected assassinations.” Here’s how he sees things playing out. “The mentally unstable people act first,” he says. “They fly a plane into an IRS building in Texas or they shoot police officers in Pittsburgh,” referring to Andrew Joseph Stack and to Richard Poplawski. “What happens next? Some underground cells, whether out of a militia or white supremacist movement, do a ‘propaganda of the deed’ [a dramatic violent act] to move the tea party into armed revolt.” Berlet says such an action wouldn’t necessarily discredit the far right. “After Timothy McVeigh, the militia movement continued to grow for two years,” he says, and mainstream politics moved to the right. Berlet is particularly concerned about the social base of the current rightwing movement. “A very large rightwing populist middle class revolt is extremely volatile,” he says. “It’s like a tornado. It has all this energy. It’s unpredictable. It can blow away in ten seconds, or it can blow society up.” W hat about the “F” word? Many scholars discount the possibility of fascism, per se, taking hold in the United States. They tend to define fascism as a mass-based, racist, ultranationalist movement, often centered in the lower middle class, which extols the nation over the individual and relies on the use of paramilitary violence to transport the country to a mythic place. Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany are the classic cases. “I don’t think there’s any chance of fascism coming to America,” says The Progressive ◆ 15 Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 UCLA sociologist Michael Mann, author of a 2004 book entitled Fascists. “Nowadays, fascism is really dead. The word has become just a term of abuse to throw at anyone we don’t like.” In an e-mail, Mann draws what he considers to be a crucial distinction between the current rightwing movement in America and traditional fascists. “The extreme right in the U.S. is anti-government, whereas fascists were very pro-government, believing that government coercion can solve all problems,” he says. Columbia University emeritus professor of European history Fritz Stern agrees. “There’s a great deal to worry about, but it’s not a question of fascism,” he says. “As I look at the scene, at the organized discontent, organized rage almost, I see a radical rightwing swing, which is indeed frightening. But that has nothing in common with fascism because fascists believed in an acknowledged dictatorship and in grandiose ideas about foreign policy and military might.” University of Wisconsin professor Stanley Payne, in his landmark work, A History of Fascism, 1914-1945, deemed the possibility “very slight.” He wrote in 1995: “The enormous cultural, social, and economic changes [since 1945], together with the lengthy development of democratic systems, makes anything genuinely resembling a historic fascism almost impossible.” Reached by phone recently, he said, “We’re in for some difficulties, but not fascism as it is used historically with its concrete characteristics. Major historical events don’t repeat themselves. They have different morphologies.” C ertainly, using the term “fascist” to describe all or even most of the tea party participants would be a mistake. It’s a movement that encompasses a variety of rightwing conservatives, and it does have a strong libertarian streak, which seems so antithetical to tradi16 ◆ June 2010 3:56 PM Page 16 tional fascism. I went to the tea party rally in Madison, Wisconsin, on April 15, attended by about 4,000 people. “Don’t Tread on Me” signs were common. “The federal government is only designed for forming a militia and signing treaties,” said Don Cochart, seventy-eight. The anti-tax and anti-spending sentiment was widespread, though the crowd was on the tame side. John Berry, an engineer in his forties holding a huge “Don’t Tread on What about the “F” word? Many scholars discount the possibility of fascism, per se, taking hold in the United States. Me” flag, said he was “disappointed at how our politicians are making decisions that are unconstitutional and spending my money recklessly.” He called Obama’s health care law an “unconstitutional usurpation of power.” And he was upset about taxes. “I pay a lot of taxes, and the money gets squandered.” Ron Bott, a fifty-one-year-old printer, had a sign that read: “Stop spending like my ex-wife. Cut up the credit card.” Jake B. of Milwaukee, forty, had a sign that said, on one side: “Socialism: My Tax Dollars at Work for Those Who Won’t,” and on the other, “I Will Not Grab My Ankles.” “I want my freedom back,” he said. “They’re taking it little by little.” As an example, he said, “Why should I pay taxes for people who won’t? Why should I pay taxes for illegal immigrants?” Some were there, in part, because they have suffered during the recession. Jennifer Wilkins, thirty-seven, of Wauwatosa, is a realtor. “I’ve seen my workweek go down from forty-five hours a week to twenty-four hours a week,” she said, and she blames Obama for that. She voted for John McCain, as did every one of the more than two dozen people I interviewed. Almost all of them said they did so reluctantly because he wasn’t conservative enough for them. “I sure do love Sarah Palin,” Wilkins said. “I think she’s great. She tells it like it is. She’s hardworking. She takes care of her husband and family. She likes small business.” A man standing next to her nodded and said, “She’s the all-American woman.” Dennis Barthenheier, sixty, a general contractor from Milwaukee, is also feeling the pinch. “Just prior to the great Barack Obama being elected, I had sixteen employees. Now I’m down to four,” he said. “Obama’s spend, spend, spend agenda has done nothing for jobs.” Some were concerned about civil liberties. Pat Lewis, forty-six, of Menomonee Falls, held a sign quoting Jefferson: “When Injustice Becomes Law, Resistance Becomes Duty.” “Our freedoms are eroding,” he said. “They’re taking away the free rights of citizens.” But he acknowledged “a lot of that goes back to Bush and the Patriot Act.” Dawn Holecek, a forty-five-yearold accountant from Pewaukee, carried a sign with quotes from Jefferson and this one from Reagan: “Man is not free unless government is limited.” She said she opposes Obama’s health care plan because “I don’t want Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 3:56 PM Page 17 IS YOUR PHONE COMPANY GOING ROGUE? Join the only phone company that supports progressive causes with every call. SWITCH TO CREDO MOBILE AND GET A CONTRACT BUYOUT CREDIT + 10% OFF YOUR MONTHLY SERVICE FEE FOR 2 YEARS* 888.331.1683 mention special offer code: 500537 credomobile.com/theprogressive offer expires July 1, 2010 *All with two-year CREDO Mobile service agreement. Offer subject to credit qualification. Offer only available to new CREDO Mobile customers. Contract Buyout: We will credit your CREDO Mobile account (up to $200 for each line, up to 3 lines) 30 days after we receive a copy of your prior carrier’s termination fee charges; details to follow by mail. BlackBerry®, RIM®, Research In Motion®, SureType®, SurePress™ and related trademarks, names and logos are the property of Research In Motion Limited and are registered and/or used in the U.S. and countries around the world. © 2010 CREDO Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 my doctor taken away, and I don’t want to stand in line for my health care.” She added: “I’m for the free market. I’m a capitalist.” She wanted me to know: “We’re nice people.” And she sure seemed like one, as did her friend Mary Guthrie, forty-two, who was holding a sign that said: “Obama: Robbin’ Us, Not Robin Hood.” Then there were those who mixed their love of capitalism with Christianity. A middle-aged man who would identify himself only as Tom carried a ADVERTISEMENT Nobel Peace Prize Winners and the Consistent Life Ethic Signatories to the following statement include winners: Máiread Corrigan-Maguire (1976), Adolfo Pérez Esquivel (1980), and the Dalai Lama (1989): “We are committed to the protection of life, which is threatened in today’s world by war, abortion, poverty, racism, capital punishment, and euthanasia. We believe that these issues are linked under a ‘consistent ethic of life.’ We challenge those working on all or some of these issues to maintain a cooperative spirit of peace, reconciliation, and respect in protecting the unprotected.” Wangari Maathai, 2004: “When we allow abortion, we are punishing the women—who must abort their children because their men have run away - and we are punishing the children whose lives are terminated . . . I want us to step back a little bit and say: Why is this woman and this child threatened? Why is this woman threatening to terminate this life? What do we need to do as a society?” Consistent Life: an International Network for Peace, Justice and Life P.O. Box 9295, Silver Spring, MD 20916 www.consistent-life.org 18 ◆ June 2010 3:56 PM Page 18 sign that said, “On the 8th Day, God Created Capitalism.” A homeremodeler for the past thirty years, Tom said that capitalism is “the most honorable practice in the history of the planet.” When I mentioned the bankers on Wall Street, he said, “That’s not capitalism. That’s greed.” Tom Borgstrom, fifty-three, of Antioch, Illinois, held a sign that said “Serve Jesus, Not Government,” on one side and “Keep Out of My Pocket” on the other. “Ultimately everything will take care of itself if we give Him the glory.” Shortly after I talked with Borgstrom, the Reverend David King, head of a group calling itself the Milwaukee God Squad, took the podium and led the crowd, asking “Who’s our leader?” and answering, “Jesus!” He also referred to Obama as “Judas.” The next person I spoke to was a man from Madison who would only give his name as Mark. He runs a commercial printing and carpetcleaning business. “It is my Christian duty to fight back against tyranny wherever I see it,” he said. A fter attending the rally, I got to wondering about the notion of limited government that many tea party people espouse, a notion that is very serviceable to the big business community, which wants less regulation. Is the anti-government sentiment a trope? After all, the rally was draped in patriotic symbols, with American flags everywhere and the Pledge of Allegiance recited en masse at the beginning. After all, there wasn’t a middle class rebellion over the government’s trampling on our rights when Bush approved the widespread illegal spying on Americans, or when he passed the Patriot Act, or when he pushed through the Military Commissions Act. So is it “government” most of them don’t like? Or is it “liberal” government? Or is it Obama? One person in the crowd held a red, white, and blue sign that said “Why, Mr. Obama, do you hate my America?” A recent New York Times/CBS News poll of tea party people showed an extremely high level of animosity toward the President. Only 7 percent of tea party members had a favorable opinion of him, compared with 43 percent of the American public and 14 percent of Republicans. More than 90 percent of tea party supporters believe Obama “is moving the country toward socialism” (more than half the public surprisingly shares that belief ). And 52 percent of tea party members said that “in recent years too much has been made of problems facing black people,” whereas only 41 percent of Republicans share that view. According to a Harris poll, 24 percent of all Republicans believe that Obama may be the real live Antichrist. If many of the tea party people, as I suspect, actually despise not big government but “liberal” government, especially one that is led by a black man, then there is false comfort in the claim that this resurgent rightwing movement is largely libertarian. For it’s conceivable that a segment of this constituency might readily abandon its surface libertarianism and march behind an ultranationalist leader who promises to restore America’s mythic honor. S everal Republicans seem to be vying for that spot. Back in 2008, Representative Michele Bachmann of Minnesota told Chris Matthews of MSNBC: “I wish the American media would take a great look at the views of the people in Congress and find out, are they proAmerica or anti-America?” In March 2009, she said: “I want people in Minnesota armed and dangerous” over the issue of cap and trade. At the Southern Republican Leadership Conference on April 8, Liz Cheney denounced Obama because he “surrendered” our nuclear deterrent and adopted “policies of Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 appeasement” toward Iran. He has sowed “weakness” and “confusion,” she said, with his “self-serving lectures that put down America.” His rhetoric, she said, “dishonors this nation and the brave men and women who died for our freedom. President Obama, stop apologizing for this nation and start defending it.” Sarah Palin also criticized Obama’s nuclear strategy and compared him to a weakling on the school playground who says, “Go ahead, punch me in the face and I’m not going to retaliate. Go ahead and do what you want to with me.” And Palin berated Obama on April 17 for saying America is a military superpower, “whether we like it or not.” She retorted: “I would hope that our leaders in Washington, D.C., understand we like to be a dominant superpower. I don’t understand a world-view where we have to question whether we like it or not that America is powerful.” O ne element of traditional fascism is a virulent assault on all things “liberal” or “leftwing.” This assault is under way every day, courtesy of Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, Glenn Beck, and Bill O’Reilly. On January 8, as Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting has noted, Beck linked progressives to the Holocaust. “This was a progressive idea,” he said. “Not the extermination camps, but eugenics, which led to the camps. You see, the progressives in America always thought they were superior. And it was the stupid people that were just slowing us down. Hitler just took that to the next level, as did Stalin. The progressive tactics haven’t changed much since then.” On January 20, Beck said that progressives “will cheat. They will lie. They will steal. And they have, in the past, blown things up if it helps them win.” “There is a disease in the Republic, and it is the progressive movement,” Beck said February 19. He 3:56 PM Page 19 has referred to progressivism as a “cancer” several times, as recently as February 26 on The O’Reilly Factor, where the host agreed with him. Beck said progressivism is a “disease” that is “set up to eat our Constitution,” a theme he echoed at his speech before the Conservative Political Action Conference. Sean Hannity, who wrote a book entitled Let Freedom Ring: Winning the War of Liberty Over Liberalism, even went so far as to praise tea party people for wanting to be like Timothy McVeigh, who blew up the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City in 1995, killing 168 people. On March 30, on his Fox program, Hannity did a show from the Reagan Library, claiming that the rightwing actually won the health care debate. Here was his evidence: “When you think about the vast majorities that they have in Congress and they had to bribe, backroom deals, corruption, that’s all because the tea party movement, the people—all these Tim McVeigh wannabes here.” And at that, the crowd broke out into applause. W e have yet to see one telltale sign of fascism, which is widespread paramilitary violence, with all the trappings of uniforms and insignia. But the threats of violence are at unusual levels. Hate groups have more than tripled since 2008, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. And members of Congress received an extraordinary number of death threats surrounding the passage of the health care bill. As Newsweek reported, “Senate Sergeant at Arms Terrance W. Gainer said . . . that serious threats to members of Congress had nearly tripled, from fifteen in the last three months of 2009 to forty-two in the first quarter of 2010, with most of them coming in March during the height of the health care debate. Some of the calls and e-mails were ‘very vicious’ and included threats to members’ homes and families. You had people saying, The Progressive ◆ 19 Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 3:56 PM ‘I’m going to get your kids, I’m going to get your wife,’ ” says Gainer. “It was very disturbing to members.” One person who got a death threat was Senator Patty Murray, Democrat of Washington. Charles Alan Wilson, who appears to have attended at least one tea party rally, repeatedly sent her voice mail messages filled with hate over her vote for health care reform. “Somebody’s gonna get to you one way or another and blow your fucking brains out,” he allegedly said in one voice mail message, according to the Seattle paper The Stranger. “If I have the chance, I would do it.” In a separate call, he allegedly said: “Fuck you, you fucking slut, you fucking cunt. . . . We are coming after you, bitch.” Police arrested Wilson on April 6. Far right groups connected to the military also are an ominous sign. One is called the Armed Forces Tea Party Patriots. Founded by an active duty Marine Corps sergeant, the group vows to “defend our Constitu- Page 20 tion that is threatened by a tyrannical government.” Another is the Oath Keepers, which defines itself as a coalition of “currently serving military, reserves, National Guard, veterans, peace officers, and fire fighters.” The group’s founder says its mission is “to stop a and they brought their guns. I We have yet to see one telltale sign of fascism, which is widespread paramilitary violence. dictatorship from ever happening here.” On April 19, the Oath Keepers held a “Restore the Constitution” rally in a national park in Virginia, ’ve always been cautious about using the “F” word. America is not a fascist country today. If it were, the Democratic Party would be abolished. If it were, the government would be rounding up dissidents. If it were, trade unions would be illegal. To call the United States a fascist country today does a disservice to the millions of people who’ve suffered under genuinely fascist rule. We’re not there now. Not yet. And fascism may never take root. “Institutionalized liberal democracy is proof against fascism,” writes Professor Mann. But is it? British political scientist Roger Griffin, author of The Nature of Fascism, writes that while it may never seize power again, “there is every indication that it will remain a permanent component of the ultra-right in democratized or democratizing societies, providing an inexhaustible The Empire Within Challenge for Change N E W I N PA P E R Postcolonial Thought and Political Activism in Sixties Montreal Sean Mills Activist Documentary at the National Film Board of Canada Edited by Thomas Waugh, Michael Brendan Baker, and Ezra Winton Foreword Naomi Klein The World and Darfur “Challenge for Change is amongst the most exciting, bold, and innovative moments in the history of film. Now we are fortunate to have the perfect chronicle of this distinguished series through a stunning collection of documentation and critique. Bravo!” “A genuinely original and important book about how people in the West see Darfur.” –Gerard Prunier, author of The “By revealing the extent to which global decolonization theory informed radical Montreal activists of the time, Sean Mills takes us beyond the scene’s usual Anglophone-Francophone divide. This book is a refreshing change and will prove to be a compelling read for all. Activists, take note!” –Steven High, history, Concordia University International Response to Crimes Against Humanity in Western Sudan Second Edition Edited by Amanda F. Grzyb Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide and Darfur: An Ambiguous Genocide –Toby Miller, author of Global Hollywood 2 Radical Reading 20 ◆ June 2010 M c G I L L - Q U E E N ’S U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S | w w w. m q u p . c a Rothschild 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/5/10 well of organized xenophobia and ultra-nationalism.” Professor Robert O. Paxton, author of The Anatomy of Fascism, asks the following questions in his book: “Is fascism over? Is a Fourth Reich or some equivalent in the offing? More modestly, are there conditions under which some kind of neofascism might become a sufficiently powerful player in a political system to influence policy?” To the latter question, he seems to answer yes. And he warns: “An authentically popular American fascism would be pious, anti-black, and, since September 11, 2001, antiIslamic as well. . . . New fascisms would probably prefer the mainstream patriotic dress of their own place. . . . No swastikas in an American fascism, but Stars and Stripes (or Stars and Bars) and Christian crosses. No fascist salute, but mass recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance.” Paxton writes that if there would be a big “setback to national pres- 3:56 PM Page 21 tige,” that could also incite Americans to support a fascist enterprise. S o how close are we? As of yet, we don’t have a full-blown neofascist movement in America. What we have are protofascist or Here are some things to watch out for: more armed rallies, mob violence, the assassination of a liberal elected official or media star, the celebration of that violence. cryptofascist manifestations that could transform themselves into something more menacing. The anti-immigrant law in Ari- I I I I I I zona could be a precursor. And the repressive statutes and executive orders that Bush and Cheney put in place could make it easier for fascists if they ever seized power. Here are some things to watch out for: more armed rallies, mob violence, the assassination of a liberal elected official or media star, the celebration of that violence by members of the rightwing mass movement and by one or two of their cheerleaders on Fox or talk radio, the accommodation of some elected officials with supporters of that violence, a failure of the mainstream political system to redress the genuine economic grievances of the populace, and some national humiliation to seize upon. While it’s unlikely that an out-andout fascist party will develop, and while it’s even more unlikely that any such party would actually gain power here in the United States, the problem is, the unlikely sometimes happens— especially, as Noam Chomsky reminds ◆ us, in turbulent times. 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Ken Salazar, secretary of the interior, welcomes the 500 participants. “One hundred and two years ago, Teddy Roosevelt held the first conference on conservation in 1908,” Salazar says. “One hundred and two years later, we are hosting the first conference on conservation in the twenty-first century. . . . Fifty million people are represented here today: hunters, ranchers, farmers, anglers, local, state, and tribal governments, cultural preservationists, the National Rifle Association, Ducks Unlimited, Natural Resources Defense Council, the Sierra Club. . . . We have called you all here to find a unity agenda for conservation.” Secretary Salazar, a gentle and genuine presence in an oftentimes contentious arena, shares his story of watching the sun rise over the Sangre de Cristo Mountains in southern Colorado, where he and his Latino family have ranched for generations. “Farmers and ranchers are the greatest stewards the land has,” he says. “I want you to know I understand this. Terry Tempest Williams is the author of “The Open Space of Democracy” and, most recently, “Finding Beauty in a Broken World.” She is the Annie Clark Tanner Scholar in Environmental Humanities at the University of Utah. 22 ◆ June 2010 Williams 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 . . . We are here to start a collective conversation about how to address these conservation challenges. To connect wildlife corridors. To work with habitat fragmentation. We need to identify the significant landscapes in America, to identify great urban parks, to protect and enhance waterways in America, to support farmers and ranchers, to preserve their lands.” I listen. I have been skeptical of Ken Salazar, finding him too moderate for my tastes as a hard-core public lands advocate working on behalf of Utah wilderness for the past thirty years. But I am open, and I understand the secretary of the interior’s desire for a unified conversation on private, public, and working landscapes. We all want a more humane dialogue. We also hear from Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack, Administrator Lisa Jackson from the Environmental Protection Agency, and Nancy Sutley from the White House Council on Environmental Quality. We are given a wash of rhetoric, as bland as possible, rarely if ever hearing the word “wildness” or “biodiversity” or “climate change.” What we do hear is that 80 percent of Americans live in urban landscapes, that “the iconic weekend camping trips give us an opportunity to reconnect with our family in outdoor places and open spaces.” Vilsack says, “Nature is God’s art.” He tells us, “Our farm fields and forests are the source of our food and our water, fuel, energy, and wood . . . a place of intrinsic values such as relaxation and recreation.” I begin to feel my blood pressure rise and I wonder how long we will have to endure this government infomercial and listen to language destined to bore third graders, let alone an audience that understands the hard edges of conservation work within their own communities. Administrator Jackson stands and says, “America’s Great Outdoors have shaped our history and driven our progress from artists to pioneers.” 8:47 PM Page 23 She talks about the importance of “signature laws” from the Clean Water Act to the Clean Air Act. And just when I think finally we are going to be given some substantive ideas, she says, “The Great Outdoors bring people together.” I want to leap to my feet and shout to this Administration, “What are you afraid of? Speak to us as if we have a brain. Give us something real to think about and discuss. Help us find our way to the true conversations about conservation so we can sit in the center of our disagreements and arrive at alternative solutions born out of deep listening.” But like everybody else in the room, I just sit there, polite, bored to death, waiting for robust language, wondering why I traveled halfway across the country to listen to bloodless language that must have polled well between the extremes of tea partiers and those activists still spiking trees. Just then, we were asked to watch a video on “The Great Outdoors” that speaks of “a shared heritage” and tells us in a booming male voice, “Innovation and collaboration will be required with innovative partnerships.” I hear my own voice whispering “blah, blah, blah,” in my neighbor Bill Hedden’s ear. Bill, who like me, lives in Castle Valley, Utah, is the executive director of the Grand Canyon Trust, responsible for one of the largest ranches in the Colorado Plateau, the 850,000-acre Kane Ranch on the border of the Grand Canyon. He smiles, shakes his head, and says nothing as the trumpets crescendo and we are told again, “The Great Outdoors is for everyone.” I am not by nature a cynical person, but on this day, it is hard not to think back to the Bush-Cheney Administration, which had no hesitation about laying out its oil and gas agenda in bold terms. Secretary of the Interior Gale Norton spoke unabashedly about America’s need for energy independence and argued unapologetically that the natural resources held within public lands must be extracted by whatever means possible, from Wyoming to the Dakotas to Colorado and Utah to the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Norton’s public mantra may not have been “Drill, Baby, Drill,” but every employee who worked for the Bureau of Land Management knew that the Bush-Cheney priority for public lands was to accommodate, support, and supply private access on public lands to coal companies, oil and gas companies, and those extracting coal bed methane gas from family farms and ranches in the interior West, regardless of how it used and fouled precious groundwater. One only had to visit the once wild country at the base of the Wind River Mountains in Sweetwater County, Wyoming, to witness the oil drilling that utilized the chemical fracking process that later left close to 100 wells contaminated with benzene. Their language was neither lame nor limp, but confident and aggressive in their right to exploit, extract, and export our natural resources for the common good in the face of terror. Wildlands took a hit while oil companies got richer. Both Bush and Cheney spoke with the zealotry of patriots dressed in their own black suits tailor-made from the oil that brought them into power. The video on the Great Outdoors ends. President Obama emerges on stage. The atmosphere is electric. We stand. We clap. I am taking pictures of our President with my Blackberry held high above my head. He raises his hands for us to stop. We obey and sit down. President Obama speaks of a commitment to America’s Treasured Landscapes. Unlike Teddy Roosevelt, who was a legendary conservationist and hunter, he says, “I will probably never shoot a bear, that’s a fair bet, but I do intend to enhance this legacy, a legacy passed down one generation to the next.” He pauses. “I signed a Public Lands Act, The Progressive ◆ 23 Williams 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:47 PM Page 24 PAID ADVERT Pioneering audiologist invents “reading glasses” for your ears. 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Thanks to a state-of-the-art manufacturing process and superior design. Date Easy to use? Invisible? Affordable? 17th Century No Hardly Maybe Wearable Hearing Aid 1935 weighed 2.5 pounds No No Digital Hearing Aid 1984 No No No Neutronic Ear 2010 Yes Yes Yes Sound Amplification Product? We’re so sure you’ll be absolutely thrilled with the quality and effectiveness of this product that we are offering it to the public at a low introductory price with our exclusive trial offer. If, for any reason, you are not completely amazed by how this It works… but don’t take our word for it. Why pay thousands to make everything sound louder when what you really need is a Personal NeutronicEar The Sound D ec ision ™ ™ product improves your life, simply return it for a “No Questions Asked” refund of the product purchase price within 30 days. Call now. Visit us on the web at www.neutronicear.com Call now for the lowest price ever. Please mention promotional code 39883. 1-877-505-4271 Neutronic Ear is not a hearing aid. If you believe you need a hearing aid, please consult a physician Parties Restaurants Church Lectures Book Groups Bird-watching Movies And almost any daily activity 80097 Just think of the places you’ll enjoy Neutronic Ear Williams 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:47 PM whereby two million acres of wilderness and 1,000 miles of scenic rivers and three national parks were protected.” He pauses again. “But we must also adapt our strategies to meet the challenges of our time: climate change and pollution.” The President comments on how there are 1,600 land trusts in America that have protected ten million acres of private lands and working landscapes. How the Farm Service Agency has protected another thirty million acres of lands. “This collaborative spirit is at the heart of the Great Outdoors Initiative,” he says. Then he rolls out Salazar’s Great Outdoors Listening Tour, which, the President tells us, will “collect the best ideas that come out of our communities.” He outlines his Administration’s main points of focus that would build on what has already been done: 1) We are committed to reconnecting Americans to rivers and waterways and other outdoor landscapes. 2) We will help build upon successful local conservation approaches and determine how the federal government can best support them. We will listen to local, state, and tribal governments. We will work with farmers and ranchers who care about taking care of their lands as stewards. 3) We will use science-based management to restore and protect lands and waters. 4) We are committed to fostering a new generation of parks in urban landscapes. 5) We believe this Great Outdoors Initative will spur economic growth, creating green jobs as was done in the Depression through the CCC, be it in forest restoration or recreation. “Even in times of crisis,” the President says, “we are compelled to take the long view on behalf of our natural heritage.” He signs a memorandum on the Great Outdoors Initiative, shakes 26 ◆ June 2010 Page 26 hands with the government officials present, gives Salazar a hug, and then exits the stage. F or the next two hours, we listen to two panels, one on working landscapes, moderated by Vilsack, and the other panel on public lands, moderated by Salazar. All participants are thoughtful and polite. Some are even visionary, such as Mayor Cory Booker of Newark, New Jersey, who speaks of “the powerful disconnect” between his constituents and the environment, the challenge The conservation of public lands is not a priority with President Obama. His environmental focus is on passing an energy bill. of showing ways a connection to the land will significantly change and enhance their lives. When Jaime Pinkham, a member of the Nez Perce tribe and vice president of the Archibald Bush Foundation, mentions the fourteen million hunters in America, Mayor Booker says, “Hmmm, maybe if I can introduce wildlife into my city parks in Newark, perhaps I can get people to shoot the animals instead of each other.” It feels good to laugh, a release from all the good behavior. And then, Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico stands up and acts like a coyote that has been caged and then suddenly released. He speaks passionately about the hard issues, the issues no one has dared to touch. It is a brave and, at times, shocking speech. “We need to expand our wilderness systems and national parks and monuments,” he says. “We need to protect wildlife by expanding wildlife corridors and connect to the larger lands to avoid habitat fragmentation.” He asks for full funding of the Land and Water Conservation Fund. And he takes on the advocates of growth. “We must stop the building of new roads and unbridled development,” he says. “We have to develop strategies of resilience to protect the wildest lands from degradation.” Above all, he stresses the urgency of the moment. “This is not a decade-long project,” he says. “It has to happen now. . . . I propose an Omnibus Wilderness Bill that moves ahead on the expanded national parks and monuments plan.” Finally, someone dares to speak the truth. Salazar stands up in the midst of roaring applause and says, “Well, Governor, I agree with most everything you said, but then, you’ve never been shy to say what’s on your mind.” A well-known powerbroker within the environmental movement, sitting behind me, leans forward and says, “Well, there’s some red meat for you faithful.” I answer: “It’s not about red meat for the faithful, it’s about speaking in specific terms with a call for bold action with a long-term vision.” C all me cranky, but as a Westerner, these issues are not abstractions; they are at the very heart of our lives as we watch pronghorn antelope unable to migrate from Pinedale, Wyoming, to Jackson Hole because their ancestral routes, open for 6,000 years, are now blocked by oil and gas extraction and development. Wilderness is not an idea but a place, and we Williams 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 know these places by name. Meanwhile, off-road vehicles are ripping into fragile desert terrain that then creates red dirt tornados as erosion deepens in the face of drought and climate change. Just look down on the mountain peaks when flying from Denver to Grand Junction and notice the dirt blown in on glaciers that accelerates snowmelt. Water in the West is scarce, but that doesn’t concern the oil and gas companies as they continue to use millions of gallons of water in the fracking processes flushed with chemicals that eventually find their way into local wells at the expense of residents’ health. At lunch, I thank Secretary Salazar for withdrawing seventy-seven leases from the oil and gas sales set in place by the Bush-Cheney Administration in October 2008. Most of these leases were parcels of land adjacent to Arches and Canyonlands National Parks, with other parcels located near Desolation Canyon, Dinosaur National Monument, and wilderness study areas inside Nine Mile Canyon, where miles of galleries of ancient rock art appear on canyon walls. By withdrawing the leases, Salazar made a crucial gesture to protect hundreds of thousands of acres of wild lands with wilderness character against development. Salazar seems serious in his desire and commitment to creating a diverse constituency for “the treasured landscapes” of America. He seems to want to leave a legacy of protected wildlands because he carries a love and longing for what they bring to the human spirit. He seems to have a good and generous heart. He seems to hold a deep regard for the land that is rooted in his own agrarian background. But is he strong enough to fight for the big changes Richardson outlined, especially as this White House advises him to slow down on his conservation agenda? This Administration doesn’t want any more controversy from the radical 8:48 PM Page 27 right. The conservation of public lands is not a priority with President Obama, who is facing two wars and a sick economy with millions of Americans out of work. His environmental focus is on passing an energy bill. And here is the irony for the White House. Without the protection of America’s public lands, especially the last large remaining ecosystems in the Colorado Plateau and Rocky Mountains, we won’t have the carbon sinks needed to offset climate change. Water storage alone in our alpine watersheds needs protection, as do animals like beavers, which, through their dam building, slow the water down, cool it, and allow it to seep into and saturate the soils below. If we can’t come up with the collaborative spirit and hard thinking to figure out the best uses of our public lands, we won’t be able to move toward a sustainable green future. O n Monday, April 26, ten days after the White House Conference on America’s Great Outdoors, Salazar, sans his white cowboy hat, came to Utah, making Salt Lake City his first stop on his national listening tour. The first question to be asked is: Who is he listening to? He met with Governor Gary Herbert and his Balanced Resource Council at the state capitol. This council is anything but balanced, with no environmentalist sitting at the table. The secretary announced that he is listening to Utahns’ complaints and “eager to work out compromises on roads, national monuments, endangered species,” and other contentious issues. Secondly, Salazar stated to Governor Herbert that President Obama would not use his authority under the Antiquities Act to establish any national monuments without local permission (which means there will not be any). Two wild areas void of protection in Utah are under consideration: the San Rafael Swell and Cedar Mesa. This means that basical- ly Salazar gave Utah’s governor veto power over the President of the United States’ discretion to create new national monuments, discretion that almost every President has used since passage of the Antiquities Act in 1906. Nobody looking back through the lens of history has ever said making a national monument was a bad idea, including those who organized a cattle run through Grand Teton National Monument to protest its expansion into a national park. Former governor Cliff Hansen of Wyoming, who led the brigade, admitted years later that he had been wrong. Governor Herbert just signed legislation declaring that Utah can take control of federal lands under eminent domain now, even though the lands are the domain of the Department of the Interior. This is craziness. These are public lands, America’s commons, now given over to the right fringe, the loud-mouth tea partiers who have managed to intimidate a man who wears a white cowboy hat with an ear open toward unity. And that’s not all. The Obama Administration under the leadership of Ken Salazar has defended and implemented the atrocious Bush land management plans affecting eleven million acres that opened vast portions of southern Utah to off-road vehicles and energy development. Obama and Salazar have refused to accept their legal authority to establish and protect new wilderness study areas, authority that had been recognized and utilized by Republican and Democratic Administrations until George Bush and Dick Cheney’s regime. Salazar has also refused to overturn the “No Wild Settlement” policy set in motion by former Utah governor Michael O. Leavitt and Gale Norton in 2003, behind closed doors. By accepting this policy, Salazar now supports undercutting the authority of the Department of the Interior’s ability to reassess and reinventory those wildlands with wilderness charThe Progressive ◆ 27 Williams 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:48 PM acter to be placed under interim protection until a wilderness designation can be made. Salazar had the opportunity to change this policy. Instead, he has chosen to let this anti-wilderness policy stand. Lastly, on day one of his national listening tour to create The Great Outdoors Initiative, Salazar disavowed America’s Red Rock Wilderness Act that would protect more than nine million acres of Utah’s wildlands. This Act before Congress now has more than 100 sponsors in both the House and the Senate led by Representative Maurice Hinchey and Senator Richard Durbin. Salazar said, “I do not plan on making any wilderness or monument without local support. . . . America’s Red Rock Wilderness Act is the wrong way to go. . . . I prefer the county by county approach.” In a few short hours in Salt Lake City, Salazar blew new life into the Page 28 Sagebrush Rebellion of the 1970s. Why now would county commissioners in the reddest state in the Union even think about coming to the table to talk to conservationists about a collaborative approach to wilderness? The power has just been handed over to them. With local control, there will be no wilderness bills or monument designations. Salazar may have forgotten that while local support is important, these are not just Utah lands, these are America’s lands. One of the environmental activists at the gathering with Salazar said, “I was spoken at, not spoken to. So much for a listening tour.” This saddens me. I want to support Secretary Salazar. I want to believe in his intentions to create a broad-based constituency for America’s Treasured Landscapes. But listening to only the radical right and compromising the core values inherent in public lands is a sign not of strength Philip Smucker but of weakness when it comes to visionary leadership. It is a shortterm hand-off to a vocal few at the expense of both the land and its rightful stewards, all American citizens for whom wilderness is a deeply held value, as we heard at the first conservation gathering at the White House in the twenty-first century. I want to stand with Salazar. But as of this moment, I cannot. How sad that what the conservation community in this country managed to fight off—bad public lands policies initiated within George W. Bush’s Administration—Salazar gave away all by himself. If this is the kind of public lands policy that is being established by our own “progressive” Administration, friendly to environmental concerns, we are in trouble. If I were a grizzly bear or coyote or a Utah prairie dog, I would take cover. The only unity I see in Salazar’s vision of community is retreat from ◆ protection of our public lands. D. R. Burgess My Brother, My Enemy The World for Ransom America and the Battle of Ideas across the Islamic World Piracy Is Terrorism, Terrorism is Piracy 240 pp / HC / $25.98 ISBN 978-1-59102-704-1 345 pp (Photos) / HC / $26.00 ISBN 978-1-61614-184-4 “My Brother, My Enemy is a riveting, firsthand account of the war on terror—and what has gone wrong with it—since 9/11. Philip Smucker has met, talked to, and even lived with Jihadists from Yemen to Iraq, Timbuktu to Waziristan. He tells the story of what happens when America goes abroad ‘in search of monsters to destroy.’” —Paul Wood, BBC Mideast Correspondent, Jerusalem “With a writer’s passion and a historian’s precision, D.R. Burgess has written about piracy in a way that illuminates how deeply it has always intersected with American history, and how relevant it remains as Americans continue to explore the frightening world that lies just offshore.” —Ted Widmer, Beatrice and Julio Mario Santo Domingo director and librarian, John Carter Brown Library World Perspectives from Prometheus Books Prometheus Books 28 ◆ June 2010 Toll Free: 800-421-0351 / www.prometheusbooks.com Lydersen 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:52 PM Page 29 By Kari Lydersen Illustration by Edward Kinsella Patently Unjust: No Company Should Own the Breast Cancer Gene J OANNA RUDNICK WANTED to be a health reporter. When she began a master’s program in science ......journalism at New York University in 2000, her goal was to explore how medical advances affect patients and policy. Little did Rudnick know how personal this mission would soon become. Shortly after returning from a trip to India in 2001, she got a call from her older sister, Lisa, asking nonchalantly, “Have you heard about the test?” Lisa is a mammographer who spends her days diagnosing breast cancer. Their mother, Cookie, was diagnosed with ovarian cancer at age forty-three, and survived the often-deadly disease. There is an extensive history of ovarian cancer on Cookie’s father’s side of the family and of breast cancer on Cookie’s mother’s side. The test Lisa was referring to is for a mutation on the genes known as BRCA1 and BRCA2 (named simply for BReast CAncer). Women with harmful mutations on these genes are five times more likely to develop breast cancer than a woman who does not have such a mutation and ten to thirty times more likely to develop ovarian cancer. The Rudnicks are Ashkenazi Jews (of European descent)—a group at particularly high risk for the mutation and hence the cancers. Doctors told Joanna that she might have as high as an 80 or 90 percent risk of breast cancer. Rudnick’s mother found a genetic counselor in Kari Lydersen is a freelance writer in Chicago. The Progressive ◆ 29 Lydersen 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:52 PM New York to do the test for Joanna, and flew out to be with her when she got the results. At dinner the night before, a waiter remarked on how similar Joanna and her mother looked, and Joanna got the sinking feeling that she did indeed have the gene mutation. The next day, her fears were confirmed. She collapsed crying in the arms of her mother, who was wracked with guilt at having passed on the mutation. That afternoon, Joanna went back to work and tried to act as if nothing had happened. But she had to start considering her options. Many women with the gene mutation opt to have their breasts and/or ovaries removed preemptively to greatly reduce their cancer risk. She wanted to have kids but was not in a serious relationship at the time and hadn’t felt any big rush. Suddenly it seemed the clock was ticking. After finishing her master’s, Rudnick moved to Chicago and began working for the acclaimed independent documentary film production company Kartemquin Films. Kartemquin’s mission is to “examine and critique society through the stories of real people,” taking on topics including disability, PTSD, immigration, and the death penalty, its website states. (Its best-known work may be Hoop Dreams, the 1994 documentary about two Chicago inner-city teens with their eyes on the NBA.) As Rudnick began to navigate the world of living with a serious genetic mutation and the looming decisions it entailed, she naturally turned the lens on herself. She embarked on making the documentary In the Family, which eventually was nominated for an Emmy. She filmed the most intimate parts of her life: the promising beginning and sad deterioration of a relationship, moments of fear and loneliness, the torturous process of deciding whether to have preemptive surgery, frank discussions about how that would affect her sex life. The project soon took on a much 30 ◆ June 2010 Page 30 more political and socially conscious focus. In the course of her research, Rudnick learned that a Utah-based company called Myriad Genetics held several patents on the BRCA genes and any scientific use of them. The more Rudnick met uninsured or underinsured women having trouble affording the $3,000-plus BRCA mutation test, the more concerned she became about the patents and their When filmmaker Joanna Rudnik discovered she had the breast cancer gene, she naturally turned the lens on herself. ethical and practical implications. Rudnick was also disturbed that women could not typically get a second opinion, since only Myriad offers the test in the United States. “Women are actually making lifelong decisions about removing body parts, and they can’t get a second opinion,” she tells me. And in the bigger picture, she did not like the idea that a company essentially owned the rights to her genes. “That’s like patenting thumbs,” she says in her documentary. M yriad is far from the only patent holder on human genes; about 20 percent of the human genome is patented. This basically means that only the patentholder can offer testing and other services related to a specific gene. Patents currently cover genes related to other diseases, including Alzheimer’s, asthma, colon cancer, muscular dystrophy, and spinal muscular atrophy, a hereditary disease that kills children at a young age. But a recent court victory may change all that. The ACLU and the nonprofit Public Patent Foundation sued Myriad and the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office on behalf of individual plaintiffs with the gene mutation, leading geneticists, and such organizations as the American Society for Clinical Pathology and American College of Medical Genetics. The ACLU had for some time been planning a lawsuit to challenge the ethical and constitutional issues raised by gene patents. It chose the BRCA genes because breast cancer impacts so many Americans and because Myriad has been aggressive in guarding its intellectual property—filing several patent infringement lawsuits and sending cease and desist letters to universities. It is illegal to patent a product of nature, but the patent office’s policy was that genes can be patented if they are “isolated from their natural state and purified.” The ACLU and the plaintiffs argued that genes—even removed from the body and “purified”—are clearly products of nature and hence shouldn’t be patented. Dr. Mark H. Stoler, president of the American Society for Clinical Pathology, termed “specious” Myriad’s argument about isolated genetic sequences being different from “natural” genes. “They didn’t change the sequence,” he said. “You can’t patent gold, even though you purify and isolate it. It’s not an argument that holds water. They did a lot of work, but it wasn’t all their work—they didn’t invent sequencing, they didn’t invent DNA isolation procedures. The people who invented those procedures don’t have patents on them.” Stoler and Rudnick point out that Lydersen 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 significant federal dollars have gone toward the BRCA research, which made the test possible. “That’s taxpayer money,” says Rudnick. The ACLU was also concerned that since only Myriad offers the test commercially, it controls the repository of demographic and other data revealed by the test that, if widely analyzed, could provide more insight into the genes and cancers. “When one company controls that kind of information, it really downstream negatively affects the patients because they don’t benefit from the research that would have been done otherwise,” says Sandra Park, staff attorney for the ACLU’s Women’s Rights Project. “And there’s also the cost—if there were no patents, certainly there would be labs offering this testing at low or no cost.” Myriad and other biotech companies countered that patents and the finite exclusivity they offer are necessary to provide the financial incentive for the expensive development of drugs and tests. Myriad said that without the patent, the company would not have had the incentive to create and refine the test and push insurance companies to cover it. For In the Family, Rudnick interviewed Myriad founder Mark Skolnick. “The facts are that women are getting tested, and their lives are being saved, and I guarantee you they would not be being tested if it weren’t for Myriad,” Skolnick said, informing Rudnick that she herself would never have been tested if it weren’t for Myriad’s work. She asked him why the test is so expensive and whether the price will come down. “In the U.S. what you charge for a test is a complex equation of what it costs you to do it and what people will pay,” he said, adding that he hoped he could lower the price soon. B ut a federal judge didn’t buy Myriad’s arguments. In his March 29 decision, Judge Robert W. Sweet concluded that 8:52 PM Page 31 actions Myriad claimed were “transforming” natural DNA into something different were actually merely “data-gathering steps.” He ruled Myriad’s patents failed the legal test necessary to categorize something derived from nature as patentable. “The patents issued by the USPTO are directed to a law of nature and therefore were improperly granted,” Sweet wrote. “DNA represents the physical embodiment In March, a judge invalidated the patents on the gene. “It’s an incredible victory,” says Rudnik. of biological information, distinct in its essential characteristics from any other chemical found in nature. . . . DNA’s existence in an ‘isolated’ form alters neither this fundamental quality of DNA as it exists in the body nor the information it encodes. Therefore, the patents at issue directed to ‘isolated DNA’ containing sequences found in nature are unsustainable as a matter of law and are deemed unpatentable subject matter.” Rudnick takes great comfort in the judge’s ruling. “It’s an incredible victory for all of the families living with BRCA, for the scientists and physicians working to improve the lives of these families, and for the advancement of personalized medicine,” she says. “I know there is a long road ahead with this case, but we are going to keep on fighting, and I believe we have the public on our side.” I n the first months after testing positive for the BRCA mutation, Rudnick felt “flawed, marked, stigmatized,” she says. There were days she wished she had never gotten the test and the burden of knowledge it entailed. But she came to feel empowered by the information, hence her insistence that all women have access to the test and related counseling and care. She has not had preemptive surgery but plans to by age forty at the latest. If she hasn’t had kids by that point, she may freeze her eggs for in vitro fertilization. Meanwhile, she maintains a strict early detection and healthy living regimen that has allowed the personal impact of the mutation to take a backseat to her filmmaking career and advocacy work. This spring, she was in Kenya and the Middle East producing a documentary about fashion photographer Rick Guidotti, who left the runway world to explore how those with genetic abnormalities are impacted by societal definitions of beauty. Rudnick and Guidotti documented the discrimination and stigma suffered by albinos in Kenya. She is also producing Prisoner of Her Past, about a Chicago Tribune reporter’s investigation of his mother’s long-lasting PTSD symptoms from her Holocaust childhood. Rudnick says knowing about her gene mutation has ultimately helped her grow in her life and work. That motivates her to make sure other women at risk have the same opportunity. “Now I think the information is a gift,” she said. “It can help me do something to prolong my life and avoid getting this disease. All women should have that right, and it shouldn’t be controlled by just one company.” ◆ The Progressive ◆ 31 Bequest Ad 6.2010:Layout 1 5/4/10 8:53 PM Page 32 Leave Something for The Progressive in Your Will Dear Prog ressive Su bscriber: Every yea r, I The Progr hear from generous essive in th eir wills. A subscribers who are ing sizes t nd every y making p hat provid rovis ear, we rec e invaluab e iv le e a few be ions for support. We’re eno quests of rmously g varyrateful to gressive in you if you your will, ’ve already or if you’r lef e consider Some who ing doing t something for Th gave bequ e Proso. ests to Th others for e Progressi just a few ve had bee years. But stand as a n subscrib they all re beacon fo ing cognized, r peace, so ity, a pres a s I hope y for decades; cial justic erved env o e, civil rig iron eign polic hts and civ u do, that we y, and a re ment, a truly indep il liberties invigorate endent m , equ edia, a no d democr We pledg acy. n-imperia ale to upho l forld y in the yea rs and dec our values and to d o our utm ades ahea d. ost to ma If you’d li ke them a ke more in reality formation please writ about leav e me direc ing a bequ tly at 409 est to The E. Main S And feel f Pr t., Madiso ree to call n, WI 537 ogressive, me any tim 0 3. e at (608) I look for 257-4626 ward to h . earing fro m you. And on be half of the entire staf considerat f of The P ion. rogressive, I thank yo u for your Sincerely, Matthew Rothschil d Publisher Interview 6.2010:Interview 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:55 PM Page 33 T H E P R O G R E S S I V E I N T E RV I E W by Amitabh Pal Elinor Ostrom E linor Ostrom is the first woman ever to win the Nobel Prize in Economics in its forty-one-year history. She made her name critiquing a concept in the social sciences called the “tragedy of the commons.” This concept assumes that common property will inevitably be overused and degraded in the absence of private ownership. Not necessarily so, Ostrom said. She studied communally owned property in places ranging from Southern California and coastal Maine to Nepal and Kenya. “Self-organizing arrangements enable people to learn more about one another’s needs and the ecology around them,” she writes in Understanding Institutional Diversity. “Learning problem-solving skills . . . enables them to reach out and more effectively examine far-reaching problems that affect all peoples living on this Earth.” It was this insight the Nobel Committee appreciated. “Elinor Ostrom has challenged the conventional wisdom that common property is poorly managed Amitabh Pal is the managing editor of The Progressive. The Progressive ◆ 33 Interview 6.2010:Interview 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:55 PM Page 34 and should be either regulated by central authorities or privatized,” it stated on awarding her the prize last fall. Ostrom received her Ph.D. in political science from UCLA, and for more than three decades has been teaching political science at Indiana University. She is a past president of the American Political Science Association, as well as a member of the National Academy of Sciences. I met Ostrom in February at the Indiana University campus in Bloomington. Her office is in a small building in a residential-looking neighborhood. The waiting area had artifacts from all over the world and was adorned with a banner congratulating Ostrom on her Nobel. At the end of the interview in a large conference room, we chatted about her visits to Nepal, where she has studied how rural communities have managed irrigation systems to the benefit of all. Q: What was your initial reaction to being awarded the Nobel? Elinor Ostrom: You don’t want me to scream now. [Laughs.] I was surprised and thrilled. It was at 6:30 in the morning. It was an unbelievably wonderful phone call. Q: How has your life changed in the months after that? Ostrom: I was teaching in the fall. In fact, I taught the day after the Nobel phone call. My students were surprised I came, but I did. Since then, I’ve been very busy. Q: Could you summarize your work? Ostrom: I’ve been interested in democratic governance at the very base. A lot of work has focused on the national level—elections and all the rest—and that’s very important. But if we keep our image of democracy as having elected national officials, this moves toward taking away the capabilities of people at the smaller scale: from schools and parks to fisheries and irrigation systems. We need to be thinking about governance at multiple scales. Q: And what are the broader implications in terms of policy-making? Ostrom: We need to give people capabilities to adapt systems to their local setting and their local norms, and not presume that every local unit has the same set of rules. Q: How does that tie into the current debate about climate change? Ostrom: I advocate a polycentric approach. If we change our life patterns, our health is better, the heating bills are less, the community doesn’t have to build a new power plant, there can be very substantial positives at a small to medium scale. As more and more people see that, we can do quite a bit. Still we need to be challenging those guys up there: “C’mon, let’s get the global agreements that we need.” But there is no single solution. Q: What’s your stance on privatization and property rights? Ostrom: I don’t equate them. So, and in the Nobel speech I state this very clearly, at an earlier juncture we thought that property rights meant one right and only one right: the right to sell. That was what I learned in graduate school, and that was the dominant thinking. As we were doing massive analysis of what people were doing out there in the field, we found many people who did not have the right to sell Please Visit Us at www.progressive.org! Here’s what you’ll find: ■ Blogs by the editors on the breaking news of the day. ■ A daily 90-second radio commentary by Matthew Rothschild. ■ Will Durst’s joke of the day. ■ A weekly half hour interview with leading writers, scholars, and activists, hosted by Rothschild. (Check out the recent interview with Margaret Atwood!) ■ A new spoken word poem every week. ■ Plus, you can access our archives from the past few years. ■ You can also renew your subscription and send the magazine as a gift to a friend, relative, colleague, or political ally. www.progressive.org. A website you can trust. 34 ◆ June 2010 Interview 6.2010:Interview 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:55 PM Page 35 but had managed well. Many groups are able—if they can have management and decide who is in and who is out—to do very well, even if they can’t sell. They still have property rights. Q: And how would that relate to your position on privatization of common resources? Ostrom: In some places, privatization has worked well. I’m not anti-it. I’m anti-it as a panacea. Q: Libertarians have tried to co-opt your work by saying it shows the unsuitability of large-scale, top-down economic arrangements. Ostrom: A question is: How do we change some of our governance arrangements so that we can have more trust? We must have a court system, and that court system needs to be reliable and trustworthy. The important thing about large-scale is the court system. For example, you would not have civil rights for people of black origin in the United States but for a federal court system and also the courage of Martin Luther King and others—people who had the courage to challenge, and a legal system where, at least in some places, the right to challenge was legitimate. We have a colleague working in Liberia. You had thugs recruiting young kids until recently. Having a legal system that does not allow thugs to capture kids, torment them, and make them use weapons is very important. Q: What are you working on now? Ostrom: I’m trying to understand that when we’re dealing with social ecological systems—and this would be large-scale forests, the oceans of the world, climate change—how do we get a better framework for analysis? Fortunately, we’d had a very major book that we had been working on for several years, and it was sent to Princeton University Press in January. Q: Your getting the Nobel Prize in Economics is significant in that you’re the first woman to win it. Ostrom: I hope it’s more for my work than my gender. I was thrilled, I was honored as a woman, having fought a lot of my life against the presumption that women would not be professionals. I think that’s changing. We now have more women graduate students in the social sciences. There were a number of women last year who received the Nobel, and so that was a good sign to the future. I don’t think it will be very long, and there’ll be another woman. Maybe ◆ even this year. Who knows? JOHANNA GOODMAN “I’ve been interested in democratic governance at the very base. We need to be thinking about governance at multiple scales.” The Progressive ◆ 35 Mark 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:58 PM Page 36 By Jason Mark Overconsumption Goes Viral Annie Leonard’s The Story of Stuff V iewers of Fox News’s Glenn Beck have heard by now that the enemies of the Republic are legion: the community group ACORN, the labor union SEIU, the Tides Foundation, former White House adviser Van Jones, Supreme Court justice Sonia Sotomayor, the Democratic Party, the liberals, the elites, Annie Leonard. . . . Annie who? You might not have heard of her, but according to Beck—who dedicated two days of his show last year to attacking her—Leonard is responsible for “propaganda going on in our schools.” She is, he said, spreading an anticapitalist message, “this indoctrination stuff ” that suggests, among other things, that our society’s consumerist frenzy and the advertising industry’s constant manufacturing of wants have contributed to a social malaise. The target of his ire is The Story of Stuff, a twenty-minute web video focused on the perils of overconsumption. Leonard developed the film—which is nothing more than a rapid-fire narration by Leonard accompanied by cartoonJason Mark is a co-author of “Building the Green Economy: Success Stories from the Grassroots.” He is the editor of Earth Island Journal and a co-manager of Alemany Farm in San Francisco. 36 ◆ June 2010 Mark 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:58 PM W hat’s all the fuss about? The Story of Stuff opens with Leonard confessing to an obsession with her iPod. From there, she launches into a whirlwind tour of the “materials economy”—the chain of extraction, production, distribution, consumption, and disposal— that explains where our stuff comes from and where it ends up. Along the way, she manages to touch upon the United States’ bloated military budget, sweatshop abuses, global migration and urbanization, toxins in breast milk, externalized costs, planned obsolescence, and child labor in the coltan mines of the Congo. The video is pithy and funny: “If it looks like the corporations are bigger than the government, it’s because the corporations are bigger than the government,” she deadpans. It’s kind of like a unified field theory of environmental destruction, exploitation, and imperialism delivered via a car- toon. An Oxford University economics professor who has used the movie in his classes says The Story of Stuff “encloses the ocean in a bowl.” Its synthesizing skill is a large part of what has made the movie so appealing. “It provides a lot of entrée points for people,” Leonard told me during a conversation in her loft office in Berkeley, California, which is fur- nished with recycled wooden desks and tables. When she speaks, her words cascade out of her. “I sort of think of it as a buffet— come nibble wherever you want,” she says. “The women like the shoe heel parts, and the kids like the ‘you suck’ part, and the geeks like the computer part. The indigenous people like the ‘these people don’t matter’ part. There’s something for everybody there.” The movie is successful because it uncovers something hiding in plain sight: the dangerous consequences of our consumption-driven economy. “I feel like we took the temperature of the world and realized that people are ready for a much deeper level of conversation than mainstream groups are putting out there,” Leonard says. “The public has this growing sense of dis-ease. People know things are wrong, in such a variety of ways, which are all so connected.” Leonard remains mystified about her film’s popularity, though. “When we first made the film, we thought that 50,000 [viewers] would be a success,” she says. “I think we got that in like four hours. We were floored. We had no idea that was going to happen.” L eonard became obsessed with the materials supply chain in college. She grew up outside of Seattle, and her frugal mother rarely threw anything out. It was a shock, then, when she arrived at Barnard College in Manhattan and, walking to and from class, passed huge piles of trash bags along the sidewalk. Where did all the garbage come from, she wondered, and where did it go? “I always told people, there’s a reason they make garbage bags black— because they don’t want you checking what’s inside,” she says. A field trip to the Fresh Kills Landfill on Staten Island was a like “a bolt of lightning.” She realized then that “we have developed this entire economy based on trashing stuff. It just felt so fundamentally wrong.” Her senior thesis was a case study on why New York City shouldn’t burn its garbage. After a brief graduate school stint, Leonard landed a position at Greenpeace. The job was perfect, as it allowed her to indulge her fascination with garbage. For the next ten years, she worked as an investigator on Greenpeace’s toxics campaign, tracking the international shipment of The Progressive ◆ 37 ILLUSTRATIONS COURTESY OF FREE RANGE STUDIOS ish line drawings—with the modest intention of getting “activists in the progressive movement” to go “a little deeper in our analysis.” To Leonard’s great surprise, her video has become an online phenomenon, picking up the kind of viral energy usually reserved for the latest Kim Kardashian gaffe. In the six months following its December 2007 debut, some three million people viewed the movie. In total, nearly eight million people have seen The Story of Stuff online. More than 10,000 DVDs have been distributed to classrooms and churches. But with popularity often comes notoriety, and its helpmate, controversy. The Competitive Enterprise Institute developed a detailed critique of the film. At least one school district, in Missoula, Montana, voted to prohibit the film from being shown in its classes. Former CNN host Lou Dobbs joined Beck in denouncing the video. After the Beck episodes, Leonard, a veteran environmental campaigner accustomed to political combat, received death threats. Page 37 Mark 6.2010:FeatureD 12.2005x 5/4/10 8:58 PM Page 38 waste and trying to organize local emotionally powerful script that communities in poorer nations to avoided jargon. Instead of starting halt the importation of the industrial with garbage and working backward, world’s cast-offs. she took the listener through a clear “I was very popular,” she says. storyline that starts by looking at “Often U.S. environmentalists will go where our stuff comes from in the to some other country and say, ‘You first place. shouldn’t cut down your forests.’ But I She then teamed up with Free was warning, ‘Hey, my country is Range Studios—a left-leaning aniabout to dump toxic waste on you.’ ” mation firm that had scored a major The fast-paced work was incredibly hit with its anti-industrial agriculture exciting. It was also risky: After expos- cartoon, The Meatrix—to make the ing a well-connected Indian business- talk into a movie. When it was comman’s involvement with the improper pleted, the Free Range producers sugdisposal of hazardous wastes, she gested to Leonard that she might received threats, and Greenpeace had want to consider forming some type to hire a bodyguard for her. of organization to channel viewers’ Leonard’s muckraking efforts and energy into political action. Leonard a global network of allies helped lead was baffled by the suggestion. “I was to the creation of the Basel Conven- like, ‘What do you mean? It’s just a tion, an international agreement to twenty-minute cartoon.’ ” reduce the transfer of hazardous But the producers were on to waste from rich countries to poorer something. During the video’s first nations. (172 nations have ratified month online, it received so many the agreement, with the United views that Leonard’s monthly fee for States and Afghanistan as notable web hosting was $8,000. She had holdouts.) budgeted $400. In the mid-nineties, Leonard left he Story of Stuff has inspired a Greenpeace to co-found GAIA—the “ lot of people, and I think a Global Anti-Incinerator Alliance. It big part of that is because was about that time that Leonard started to deliver a lecture (“much Annie is an inspiration,” says Lafcafunnier than the movie,” she says) dio Cortesi, a campaigner at Rainabout the chain of production and forest Action Network who has been disposal. The speech was popular, but a close friend and housemate or the presentation had one major neighbor of Leonard’s for more than weakness: It was all facts, and very lit- twenty years. “She is the most enthusiastic person in the world. And she tle emotion. This problem became clear to gets people excited.” “Overall, the environmental Leonard during a year-long training with the Rockwood Leadership Insti- movement has not done a good job tute, a kind of incubator for up-and- of engaging people,” says Robert coming progressives. After hearing Gass, who was one of the Rockwood her materials economy stump speech trainers while Leonard was there. during a Rockwood workshop, Eli “There has been too much of an Pariser, one of the leaders of attempt to engage people through Moveon.org, said to Leonard: “I have fear and statistics. And The Story of no idea what you just said. . . . What’s Stuff engages the hearts and minds a material? I have nothing to do with and spirit of people. It pulls people in a way that a page of facts doesn’t.” materials. I work on democracy.” At the same time, the film is “They challenged me to come down from my head to my heart,” unapologetically smart. “I think people can have a deeper Leonard told me. By the end of the Rockwood training, Leonard had conversation if we talk to them as reworked her presentation into an adults, because they’re actually adults,” T 38 ◆ June 2010 she says. “One of the goals was to turn the discourse up, and it worked.” On the eve of the climate negotiations in Copenhagen, she released a new film called The Story of Cap and Trade. (This is just one in a forthcoming series that will include The Story of Bottled Water and The Story of Electronics, along with a book published this spring by Simon & Schuster.) In the new movie, she says that using the market to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is a “carbon racket” that would lead to just another speculative bubble that “won’t just take down the stock market, it could take down everything.” Prominent environmentalists called the film a hit-job. David Roberts of the influential green web magazine Grist.org wrote, “There’s no plausible story about power here, and no real effort to tell one. . . . It’s irresponsible.” The general counsel of Environmental Defense, a major cap and trade backer, called Leonard’s office to ask for a meeting. “The reason this has been a tougher issue is because the people with different viewpoints aren’t necessarily jerks,” she told me, saying The Story of Cap and Trade was designed to shift the center of climate politics to the left, and away from a strategy that many greens privately concede is flawed. “I’ve talked to a bunch of them who don’t necessarily believe in carbon trading,” she says. “But I think that either they’ve had their sense of political possibility beaten out of them by eight years of the Bush Administration, or they’re afraid of appearing radical. They want to appear reasonable.” Leonard, in contrast, is fearless, a trait that, beyond everything else, is the source of her appeal. “I understand that in politics you have to make compromises, but at some point you compromise so much that your solution isn’t a solution anymore,” she says at the end of our conversation. “Where I am right now, I am not into making compromises. I ◆ don’t need to do it for my job.” Poem 6.2010:Poem 12.2005 5/4/10 8:59 PM Page 39 Poem Bad Crowd Scared or loyal or scheming his pilgrimage Like the day she found a gulf in her life Back to park shadows where junkies supplicate Where the TV once stood. So she translates Small bags and the purity therein, he won’t The repercussions politely listed by law clerks Yield the name like a synonym for the face Into slaps about his head, knowing it won’t work, That goes with the hand proposing them, That there’s a code of silence about despair, The only thing he owns not yet hocked or soiled Why she avoids friends and family, whispers Out of habit. The prosecutor dangles Now but with conviction about the bastards A plea bargain better than any deal Who did this to her world. She gives it In North Philly and when her son says no To him straight, he loves the wrong kind of people, It sends chills, makes her sick. Forget pushers And he confesses—with a door slam’s dumb truth, And their ilk, vampires, slavers. Forget heroin, Absence, need in human form, the fallow lot That powdered whore, what it does wholesale Where he’s found breathing, though barely—so do you. To the body. It’s him as an old snapshot Of childish innocence, her own humble dreams —David Moolten That corrupt and absolutely. Desperate, she’s tried Detox, methadone, even filched blank scripts From the clinic he could forge for clean needles. They want just one of his slow murderers, And she’d seen one, a centipede scar crawling Down his shoulder. She’d followed her son, watched them Hug-slap each other’s backs, two boys, two drafts Of the same futile effort to get it right. He puts on soft eyes, the nice shirt she bought Because none of his did him justice, conscious He’s a living fix for her moods, her sorrows All these sixteen years and she loses patience, David Moolten works for the Red Cross in Philadelphia. His first book, “Plums & Ashes,” won the 1994 Samuel French Morse Poetry Prize. A second volume, “Especially Then,” was published in 2005. His 2009 book, “Primitive Mood,” won the T. S. Eliot Prize from Truman State University Press. The Progressive ◆ 39 Zirin 6.2010:Conniff 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:05 PM Page 40 Edge of Sports Dave Zirin Boycott the Diamondbacks Gonna find a way Make the state pay Lookin’ for the day Hard as it seems This ain’t no damn dream Gotta know what I mean It’s team against team —Public Enemy, “By the Time I Get to Arizona” mode. We do, however, live in baseball cities where the Arizona Diamondbacks come to play. When they arrive in my hometown in D.C., my back will be turned, and my television will be off. This is not merely because they happen to be the team from Arizona. The D-backs organization is a primary funder of the state Republican Party, which has driven the measure T his will be the last column I write about the Arizona Diamondbacks in the foreseeable future. For me, they do not exist. They will continue to not exist in my mind as long as the horribly named “Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act” remains law in Arizona. This law has brought echoes of apartheid to the state. The law makes it a crime to walk the streets without clutching your passport, green card, visa, or state ID. It not only empowers but absolutely requires cops to demand paperwork if they so much as suspect a person of being undocumented. A citizen can, in fact, sue any police officer they see not harassing suspected immigrants. The bill would also make it a class one misdemeanor for anyone to “pick up passengers for work” if their vehicle blocks traffic. And it makes a second violation of any aspect of the law a felony. In response, Representative Raul Grijalva, who’s from Arizona itself, has called for a national boycott against the state. He got so many hateful threats during the week the bill became law that he had to close his Arizona offices at noon that Friday. Many of us aren’t in either the imminent vacation or retirement Dave Zirin is the author of “A People’s History of Sports in the United States.” 40 ◆ June 2010 Kendricks follow in the footsteps of team founder and former owner Jerry Colangelo. Colangelo, along with other baseball executives and ex-players, launched a group called Battin’ 1000: a national campaign that uses baseball memorabilia to raise funds for a Campus for Life, the largest anti-choice student network in the country. Colangelo was also deputy chair of Bush/Cheney 2004 in Arizona, and his deep pockets created what was called the Presidential Prayer Team—a private evangelical group that claims to have signed up more than one million people to drop to their knees and pray daily for Bush. Under Colangelo, John McCain’s family also owned a piece of the team. The former maverick said before the bill’s passage that he “understood” why it was popular because “the drivers of cars with illegals in it are intentionally causing accidents on the freeway.” T PATRICK MARTINEZ through the legislature. As the official Arizona Diamondbacks boycott call states, “In 2010, the National Republican Senatorial Committee’s third highest Contributor was the [executives of the] Arizona Diamondbacks, who gave $121,600; furthermore, they also contributed $129,500, which ranked as the eighteenth highest contribution to the Republican Party Committee.” The team’s big boss, Ken Kendrick, and his family members, E. G. Kendrick Sr. and Randy Kendrick, made contributions to the Republicans totaling a staggering $1,023,527. The he Diamondbacks’ owners have every right to their politics, and if we policed the political proclivities of every owner’s box there might not be anyone left to root for (except for the Green Bay Packers, who don’t have an owner’s box). But this is different. The law is an open invitation to racial profiling and harassment. The boycott call is coming from inside the state. If the owners of the Diamondbacks want to underwrite an ugly edge of bigotry, we should raise our collective sporting fists against them. A boycott is also an expression of solidarity with Diamondback players such as Juan Gutiérrez, Gerardo Parra, and Rodrigo Lopez. They shouldn’t be put in a position where they’re cheered on the playing field and then asked for their papers when ◆ the uniform comes off. Durst 6.2010:Durst 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:07 PM Page 41 Off the Map Will Durst The Democrats’ Secret Weapon I t may be the best news the Democrats have received all year. Not the passage of health care reform. Not their poll numbers climbing out of a hole deeper than the chasm inside of Dick Cheney’s heart. No, the best news the Democrats have gotten all year is that the head of the Republican National Committee is likely to keep his job. The Democrats have a secret weapon, and his name is Michael Steele. Steele is not just a major post in the GOP big tent movement, he’s the post, the flaps, the ties, and the canvas. Party leaders are not going to dismiss the first African American chairman of the RNC. During an election year. Most of the places he visits, he’s not just the only black guy in the room, he is often the only black guy admitted to the grounds without a police escort. He got hired in the wake of Barack Obama altering the rules of order because if America wanted a black guy to run things, then, by God, the Republicans were going to make sure they didn’t lag behind in the “We Got the Coolest African American in Politics Sweepstakes.” The big difference is that the nation got a superintelligent hardworking political animal, and the Republicans got somebody who too perfectly exemplified their philoso- Will Durst is a San Francisco-based political comic who often writes. This being a conspicuous example. His new CD, “Raging Moderate” from StandUp Records, is now available on both iTunes and Amazon. phy of “Me First!” Right out of the box, the new RNC chairman ruffled enough feathers to stuff a Hilton full of pillowcases. Going on D. L. Hughley’s CNN show in February, he referred to Rush Limbaugh as both “an entertainer” and “incendiary.” Rush’s fans—the vocal, visible, thick, and dense end of the Republican base—went freaking crazy, bulging the Internet like a belly explosion in a cartoon. The scorching outrage from dittoheads forced Steele to backtrack faster than a paddle ball PAUL CORIO on an elastic string. And the mea culpas followed. First he had to get down on hands and knees and beg the poster-boyfor-Oxycontin’s forgiveness. To say that Rush was less than gracious is like implying that goose fat makes for substandard bicycle spokes. Further supplication demanded by the Fox News Nation required that Steele kiss Rush’s ring. Some reports indicate Rush didn’t bother taking it out of his back pocket. Since then, Steele’s inclination to live and travel above his pay grade, and a penchant for not tempering remarks with—how do you say?— forethought, have rankled party regulars with a frequency approaching daily basis. He told The Washington Times the GOP needed to “uptick our image with everyone, including one-armed midgets,” angering all shapes and sizes. When GOP cognoscenti heard about Steele’s desire to buy a private jet with party money, many heads slowly shook. That sort of frivolity is not to be wasted on the help. When it was reported an RNC staffer was reimbursed for $2,000 spent at a Los Angeles club called Voyeur, all hell broke loose. Prospective donors demanded to know why party money was being spent at a Hollywood strip and fetish club, and they weren’t taking “excellent appetizers” as an answer. And who can blame them? Most Republican bigwigs understand paying for lap dances, just not paying for somebody else’s lap dances. Most damaging was an internal investigation finding the party’s national governing body is losing money on its major donors’ fundraising program, spending a dime more for every dollar raised. Two grand at a strip club is one thing, but not bringing in cash: Now them’s fighting words. Some party luminaries are so dismayed with Steele’s performance they’re creating new 527s as a way to funnel GOP donations outside his grasp. Karl Rove is one of those architects. In the Republican Party, when Karl Rove is not on your side, you better get used to your own company. ◆ On or off a private jet. The Progressive ◆ 41 Books 6.2010:Books 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:10 PM Page 42 Books Free Market Meltdown ECONned: How Unenlightened Self Interest Undermined Democracy and Corrupted Capitalism By Yves Smith Palgrave Macmillan. 362 pages. $30. By Ruth Conniff W hy are so many of the best Wall Street watchdogs women? From regulator Brooksley Born, who sounded the alarm about the derivatives shell game, to lawyer and TARP overseer Elizabeth Warren, to financial journalist Bethany McLean, who exposed Enron, add the name Yves Smith, a twenty-five-year veteran of the financial services industry, including stints at Goldman Sachs and McKinsey & Co., and the creator of the finance blog Naked Capitalism. Smith, like Born, Warren, and McLean, is a brilliant financial analyst who has made a practice of pointing out when the smartest guys in the room aren’t so smart after all. One hint at a reason for women’s overrepresentation among Wall Street’s detractors appears early in Smith’s new book, ECONned: How Unenlightened Self Interest Undermined Democracy and Corrupted Capitalism. She describes Yale economist Robert Shiller recounting how, as a member of the economic advisory panel to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, he felt the need to “softpedal his concerns about the developing real estate bubble: ‘In my position on the panel, I felt the need to use restraint. While I warned about the bubbles I believed were developing in the stock and housing markets, I did so very gently, and felt vulnerable expressing such quirky views. 42 ◆ June 2010 In her first few chapters, Smith gives a powerful indictment of neoclassical economics, and the mandarin class of economists who subscribe to this “Potemkin science, all façade and no substance.” “Leaders at the U.S. Treasury and the Federal Reserve are still clinging desperately to a failed orthodoxy that in turn helped create and now serves to justify an overly powerful and selfinterested financial services industry,” she says. In Chile and Russia, Smith writes, neoliberal economics led to “a scramble by the wealthy and well-connected to seize what they could. The result was not trickle-down prosperity, but dislocation, instability, and a lower quality of life save for those at the very top.” AARON ROTH Ruth Conniff is the political editor of The Progressive. Deviating too far from consensus leaves one feeling potentially ostracized from the group, with the risk that one may be terminated.’ ” Maybe women, who don’t have such a comfortable place at the table, are more inclined to question economic group-think. That is exactly what Smith does so well in this book. Starting at the very beginning, in straightforward but not simplistic prose, she debunks everything you thought you knew about economics, from the supply-anddemand graph to the conventional wisdom that you should diversify your investments. Along the way, she also exposes mainstream economists’ naive faith in free trade, deregulation, and the self-correcting nature of markets. Books 6.2010:Books 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:10 PM In America, we are now experiencing the same process, since “regulationfree markets lead to honesty-free markets, which lead to quality-free markets, which lead to market meltdown.” The shocker is the inside poop Smith delivers on how thoroughly and outrageously corrupt the markets really are. Back in 1994 and 1995, long before the current financial crisis, Bankers Trust was sued for preying on high-profile clients, including Gibson Greetings and Procter & Gamble. These sophisticated corporations had invested in the first generation of complex derivatives. The products were so arcane only Bankers Trust could tell how they should be priced and whether their clients won or lost on their bets. There was no way to get an independent analysis. “The firms could have gotten other bids, but that might have annoyed Bankers Trust, and another bank might not have provided a very good price anyway,” Smith writes. So the clients took Bankers Trust’s word—and they got screwed. Gibson made a trade worth between $550,000 and $750,000. Bankers Trust hid the profit and gave Gibson $260,000. “The fact that Gibson had closed out an initial, fairly simple trade for much less than it was worth told BT it had a sucker ready to be fleeced,” she writes. “The bank went on to lure Gibson into increasingly complicated and risky trades, incurring a loss of $17.5 million, then advising the firm to try to recover that amount, only to report another loss of $20.7 million.” Procter took a similar battering and pursued RICO charges. Bankers Trust settled. Smith quotes from tape recordings of the bank produced in court: “We set ’em up.” “They would never know. They would never be able to know how much money was taken out of that,” says one salesman. In reply: “Never, no way, no way. . . . That’s the beau- Page 43 ty of Bankers Trust.” The objective was “to lure people into the calm and just totally fuck ’em.” The interesting thing about Bankers Trust, as Smith so elegantly explains, is the way it undercut the basic assumptions that had governed business dealings up to that point. “Bankers Trust’s actions look bizarre, beyond comprehension to a Main Street businessman,” she writes. “You don’t prey on your customers, at least if you plan on ending up with something more enduring than a fly-by-night scam. How did Wall Street come to operate with vastly different rules?” Smith shows how free market ideology led directly to the current financial crisis. The driving force of business evolved from simple, old-fashioned greed into the sociopathic culture of looting we see on Wall Street today. One overlooked factor in this evolution was the demise of the partnership at investment houses. It used to be that bankers had a personal stake in not looting their own firms, since they were personally liable. Today’s giant corporate entities no longer operate that way. Traders earn supersized salaries and bonuses, and use highly specialized skills on products their own bosses don’t understand. Add to that the pressure to turn a quick profit and the lack of value in sustaining relationships either with clients or with their own firms, and you have a recipe for fraud and looting. Firms that everyone regarded as legitimate businesses were free to behave like crazed predators, out to rape and dismember their own clients in the new, deregulated markets. It was, to say the least, not the old, white-shoe image of Wall Street. Smith quotes ex-Morgan Stanley derivatives salesman Frank Partnoy: “I began to crave the sensation of ripping someone’s face off,” Partnoy says of his job. “At First Boston, I never ripped a client’s face off, and I certainly had not blown up anyone. Now as I watched Morgan Stanley’s derivatives salesmen in action, I began to like the idea. Scarecrow [a manager] and others encouraged me. Morgan Stanley carefully cultivated the urge to blast a client to smithereens. It was no surprise I had caught that fever so soon. Everyone had caught it, particularly the most senior managing directors.” And yet the mandarins remained blissfully, willfully oblivious. Here is where Brooksley Born, the new head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), makes a cameo, having lunch with Alan Greenspan around the time Morgan Stanley was converting to “rip-yourface-off ” business practices. She wanted to talk to Greenspan about fraud. “But Greenspan refused to believe that such behavior could ever occur,” Smith writes. He told Born, “A customer would realize he had been treated badly and would find a new broker.” Born was incredulous, having seen how networks of conspirators could work. “Well, Brooksley,” Greenspan said, “I guess you and I will never agree about fraud.” While Greenspan has had to rethink that position, Robert Rubin, Larry Summers, and Tim Geithner are still drinking the Greenspan KoolAid, Smith points out. In 1997, Born started trying to regulate derivatives, including the now-infamous credit default swaps. Greenspan and Rubin went to Congress to bar her from acting until “more senior regulators” could intervene. Congress “gave the CFTC a stunning rebuke, blocking the commission’s regulatory authority for six months.” Born resigned, and the “senior regulators” saw to it that her agency’s powers were permanently gutted. Smith traces how, with the regulators’ blessing, the incentive to destroy not only clients but the very institutions the bankers work for led to the current crisis. The wheels are off the free market wagon. Businesses not only don’t act with enlightened selfinterest; they are willing to destroy their own institutions by going so far out on a limb, giant banks come The Progressive ◆ 43 Books 6.2010:Books 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:10 PM Page 44 Subscriber Services To help ensure that you receive every issue of The Progressive, we’re providing some basic information on common subscription matters. Mailing Label: Your mailing label contains valuable information about your subscription. Change of Address: To guarantee that your subscription to The Progressive is uninterrupted when you move, please notify our subscription department at least four weeks before your move and be sure to include your name and both your old address (on your mailing label) and your new address. Missed Issues: The Progressive is published monthly. If you do not receive an issue, or if you receive a damaged issue, please contact our subscription department and we’ll send you a replacement issue or, if you prefer, extend your subscription for an extra issue. Mail Preference: From time to time, we make our mailing list available to organizations and publications whose services and products may be of interest to you. If you would like your name excluded, please enclose your mailing label and initial here: ___. www.progressive.org On our website, you can peek at some of our articles before they come out in print, check out our web-exclusive content (including columns by Ruth Conniff and Amitabh Pal, “McCarthyism Watch,” and Will Durst’s joke of the day), and sign up for our Progressive Weekly e-Alerts. You can also renew your subscription and send the magazine as a gift to a friend, relative, or colleague. Contact Us: Please include either a copy of your current mailing label, or your name and complete mailing address on all correspondence. Subscription Department Mailing Address: PO Box 433033, Palm Coast FL 32143 Web: www.progressive.org/subserv.html E-mail: infoprgs@progressive.org Call toll-free: 1-800-827-0555 Editorial Offices 409 East Main Street, Madison, WI 53703 44 ◆ June 2010 crashing down. “For a host of reasons, the balance of power has shifted entirely toward the forces that encourage looting,” Smith writes. Looting 2.0, as Smith calls it, has created “doomsday machines.” There is no check on “systemically important” firms that are not allowed to fail. Without regulation, without criminal charges, these monsters continue their dangerous, fraudulent practices to this day. It’s no surprise that Smith concurs with former IMF chief economist Simon Johnson that the United States is in the hands of financial oligarchs— “a banana republic in denial.” “A common emerging economy road to ruin is that a successful cadre of businessmen becomes more and more powerful. Emboldened, they make bigger gambles, recognizing that they can likely fob off any bad outcomes on to the government,” Johnson says. In the end, they will drive our whole economy off the cliff. S mith holds out little hope for the Obama Administration, which has kept the same regulators who got us here in charge. But she does hold out hope for breaking the hammerlock of free market orthodoxy that has held the public in thrall and done so much damage for decades now. Free market ideology has served as “a Trojan horse for a three-decade long campaign to tear down the rules that constrained the financial industry.” Smith skewers both the “mathedup” pseudo-science of economics and the testosterone-fueled boys’ club on Wall Street. The result is an enlightening and tightly argued book. “Both experts and charlatans rely on intimidation, such as the use of arcane (even if useful) terminology and a dismissive attitude to deter reasonable queries,” she writes. Good on her for stepping up and asking those reasonable questions that are finally, belatedly, being heard. ◆ Classified 6.2010:Classified 12.2005 5/4/10 9:11 PM Page 45 Classified Ads B BO OO OK KS S/ /P PU UB BL L II C CA A TT II O ON NS S LOVELIFE: old testament after Montaigne; gratis from Solus, POB 111, Porthill, ID 83853. BBUUSSI INNEESSSS OOPPPP OO RR TU NN I TIITEYS TU PIANO TUNING PAYS. Learn with American School of Piano Tuning homestudy course. Tools included. Diploma granted. Free brochure. 800-497-9793. CO OM MM MU UN N II TT II E ES S C NEW, SOUTHEAST OHIO sustainable community. Homesteads, commons. Work at home and with peers. Near university. www.permaculturesynergies.com. FOR SALE UNIQUE DESIGN FOR PROGRESSIVES: www.cafepress.com/amixedbag google “amixedbag” SERVICES EXPERIENCED CHICAGO PSYCHOTHERAPIST individuals & couples, insur- ance/sliding scale. Deborah Hellerstein, Ph.D. 312-781-9566. therapyinchicago. com. W WE EB BS S II TT E ES S ThinkingCitizen.com Karl Roebling’s free secular blogs, free book chapters, papers, art. www.angelfire.com/planet/the_mother_ship. Michael Meriwether’s Free Website Book PS MUELLER CLASSIFIED ADVERTISING Word Rate: $2.00 per word for one or two insertions. $1.70 per word for three to five insertions. $1.40 per word for six to eleven insertions. $1.00 per word for 12 or more insertions. $10 minimum. Display Rate: $60 per inch for one or two insertions. $55 per inch for three to five insertions. $50 per inch for six to eleven insertions. $45 per inch for 12 or more insertions. Deadlines: Advertising copy is due on the 15th of the month, two months before the issue in which your ad will appear. (For example, January 15 deadline for the March issue.) Please indicate the desired heading for your ad copy (the first few words of your ad may appear in caps). The column width for display ads is 9 picas 9 points (or 1-5/8”). The Progressive Classifieds Ph: (608) 257-4626; Fx: (608) 257-3373; E-mail: classifieds@progressive.org Marketplace The Progressive ◆ 45 Hightower 6.2010:Durst 12.2005x 5/4/10 9:14 PM Page 46 Vox Populist Jim Hightower King Coal B y gollies, one group in our country has what it takes! One group has done more than just strut around at tea party rallies, barking loudly about nullification, secession, militias, and other big-talk threats to stop federal intrusion into our lives and businesses. This group has put the walk to the talk, acting again and again to restrain the reach of government so people can prosper. And last month, the fates delivered a fresh and forceful example of the benefits that our society receives from this group’s all-out devotion to its “live free or die” ethic. Of course, twenty-nine West Virginia coal miners did actually have to die because of the group’s success at hog-tying the feds— but hey, the freedom to prosper comes at a price. Those twenty-nine miners suffered a terrible and unnecessary death when methane gas was allowed to accumulate in the Upper Big Branch mine. “A tragedy,” wrote the media. “A horrible accident,” decried politicians. BS. The fates did not blow up these twenty-nine people. They are dead because self-serving profiteers in the coal industry have routinely used their enormous political clout to fend off commonsense safety regulations by the big bad government, thus making Jim Hightower produces The Hightower Lowdown newsletter and is the author, with Susan DeMarco, of “Swim Against the Current: Even a Dead Fish Can Go with the Flow.” 46 ◆ June 2010 these “accidents” inevitable. In the case of Upper Big Branch, the profiteer is one of America’s biggest coal corporations, Massey Energy Company, along with its rightwing, multimillionaire CEO, Don Blankenship. King Coal, as the industry is known both in Appalachia and on Capitol Hill, deploys more than 100 Washington lobbyists and doles out millions of dollars in campaign donations. All of this political firepower is JEM SULLIVAN used to sidetrack the simplest safety measures and muzzle the federal mine safety watchdog. How tight is the muzzle? Deliberate violations of safety rules that lead to deaths are treated as misdemeanors! Upper Big Branch has been cited by the feds for more than 3,000 worker safety violations since 1995, and its record of dangerous disregard has gotten worse in recent years. Last year, it had nearly 500 violations, roughly double the number in 2008, including ones that create life-threatening conditions for miners. Yet its “punishment” was $168,393 in fines, with no effective requirement to improve conditions. This is chump change to Massey, which had $104 million in profits last year. In 2003, Blankenship blithely declared that “we don’t pay much attention to violation count.” Indeed, Upper Big Branch received fifty-three fresh citations in March alone, including problems with its mine ventilation system, which is supposed to prevent methane explosions. On Monday morning, April 5, federal inspectors issued two more citations at Upper Big Branch, then left. That afternoon, the mine exploded. In a radio interview, Blankenship expressed his bottom-line compassion for the dead in these words: “Violations are unfortunately a normal part of the mining process.” Such callousness is King Coal’s calling card. After a series of mine fatalities in 2006, for example, federal regulators considered requiring better seals to keep methane from seeping from one mining area to another. The New York Times reports that at a 2007 hearing on the proposal, the president of the Kentucky Coal Association demanded that officials ignore the pleas by victims’ widows for new safety seals. “Did you know that 750 people die each year in the U.S. from eating bad or ruined potato salad?” he asked. Astonishingly, federal regulators under the Bush regime swallowed the “bad potato salad” defense, sparing this multibillion-dollar-a-year industry the minor expense of installing better safety seals. ◆ Live free or die. 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