The plague of Justinian and other scourges : an analysis of

The plague of Justinian and other scourges : an analysis of

The plague of Justinian and other scourges : an analysis of the anomalies
in the development of the iron age population in Finland
Seger, Tapio
Fornvännen 77, 184-197
http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/1982_184
Ingår i: samla.raa.se
The Plague of Justinian and Other
Scourges
An analysis of the Anomalies in the Development of
the Iron Age population in Finland
By Tapio Seger
Seger, T. 1982. T h e Plague of Justinian and Olher Scourges. An Analysis of
the Anomalies in the Development of the Iron Age Population in Finland. (Den
justinianska pesten och andra hcmsökelscr. En analys av anomalierna i befolkningstillväxt under järnåldern i Finland.) Fornvännen 77, Stockholm.
In this paper the corpus of excavated and dated Iron Age burial grounds in
Finland is quantitatively analyzed with various statislical methods in order
to isolate and define the anomalies of burial ground development which
probably reflect actual disturbanccs in population growth. Various potential
explanations thereof are discussed, and epidemics recorded in historical
sources from other parts of Europé — especially the great pandemic of bubonic
plague known from the reigns of Justinian I and his surcessors — suggested
as probable causes of some of the anomalies.
Tapio Seger, Department of Archaeology, University of Helsinki, P.O. Box 913,
SF-OOIOI, Helsinki 10, Finland.
Mors a n a avidos oris hiatus
pandit et omnes explicat ålas;
quique capaci turbida cumba
flumina servat durus senio
navita crudo, vix assiduo
bracchia conto lassata refert,
fessus turbana vectare novam.
Scncca, Oidipus.
T h e present paper is partly based on an
earlier study, where the corpus of excavated
and dated Iron Age burial grounds in Finland was quantitatively analyzed
(Seger
1982). Burial grounds were choscn as indicators of Iron Age population development,
because only very few dwelling sites of the
period are so far known in Finland (MeinanFornvännen 77 (1982)
der 1980 pp. 7—8).The material, its limitations and results of the statistical calculations
were presented in detail in the previous study.
It suffices here to state that the numbers of
burial grounds are not absolute, but are
highlv representative of the known total. The
most severc limitation is the fact that the
different burial grounds of various types and
The plague of Justinian
periods are not directly comparable quantitatively, and to create a system of weighting
them is all but impossible due to tbc vaguc
character of the cremation burial grounds, the
restrictcd scope of most excavations and the
consequent difficulties in cstablishing or even
cstirnating the numbers of graves (cf. Meinander 1977 pp. 35—36). However, these limitations are taken into account in the discussion,
and no attempt is made to cstimate absolute
population size. T h e main aim of the present
paper is to locate the most obvious anomalies
by period and province in the quantitative
development of numbers of burial grounds, to
make them comparable to some degree and
to suggest probable explanations for them.
By and large the methods used here
rcsemble those applied by Renfrew (1972,
Chapter 14) to the Neolithie and Bronze Age
dwelling sites in the Acgean in order to
detect various patterns of population growth.
T h e convcntional period division of the
Iron Age in Finland is followed here for
convenience (for discussion on various period
transitions see Meinander 1969 p. 66; Sarvas
1972 pp. 49—53; Cleve 1978 pp. 194—195,
239; Seger 1979); the Pre-Roman Iron Age is
omitted from the analysis because of the lack
of burial grounds due to burial customs at
that time (cf. Meinander 1969):
Pre-Roman Iron Age
Early Roman Period
Late Roman Period
Migration Period
Merovingian Period
Viking Period
Period of the Crusade
c. 500 B.C. —
0)
c.
0
— 200 A.D.
c. 200 A.D.— 400 A.D.
c. 400 A.D.— 550 A.D.
c. 550 A.D.— 800 A.D.
c. 800 A.D.—1050 A.D.
c. 1050 A.D.—1150 A.D./
300 A.D. in eastern Finland.
T h e spatial division (Fig. 1) follows the old
provincial {maakunta) division which seems
to be somewhat better corrdated with the
Iron Age settlement pattern as rcflectcd in
burial grounds (cf. Kivikoski 1959) than the
modern division into provinces (lääni).
Åland is omitted here, as being best described
as an extension of Central Sweden in the Iron
Age (Meinander 1980 p. 7 ) , as is eastern
Finland, where burial grounds only began to
cmergc in the Viking Period.
185
Fig. 1 The spatial division of the area under study,
following the old division into provinces {maakunta). FP = Finland Proper, S = Satakunta, T =
Tavastia, O = Ostrobothnia, N = Nyland. — Den
geografiska fördelningen enligt de gamla provinserna (maakunta). FP = Egentliga Finland, S =
Satakunta, T = Tavastland, O = Österbotten, N =
Nyland.
The Analysis
First, the number of burial grounds byperiod in the whole country (excepting the
omissions mentioned above), the percentages
by period of the total number and the
coefficients of growth between periods are
presented in Table 1.
T h e number of burial grounds increases
stceply during the earlier Iron Age. After
the Merovingian Period growth is retarded,
and there is a sharp dedine from tbc Viking
Age to the Period of the Grusades. T h e peak
of growth consequently clearly falls in the
Merovingian Period.
Second, the periodical distribution of the
numbers of burial grounds by province (percentages according to period of the total
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
186
T. Seger
Table 1. Numbers of burial grounds in use by period; percentages of the total number according to
period and coefficients of growth between periods in the whole country. — Antalet gravfält i användning per period, procenttalen per period av det totala antalet och tillväxtkocfficienter mellan perioder
i hela landet.
Total number of burial grounds = 323
Period
Burial grounds
in use
% of total
Early Roman
Late Roman
Migration
Merovingian
Viking
Crusade
26
55
119
151
133
47
8.0
17.0
36.8
46.8
41.2
14.6
Coefficients
of growth
2.1
2.2
1.3
0.9
0.4
Table 2. Coefficients of growth in the numbers of burial grounds according to province from the Early
Roman to the Merovingian Period and from the Merovingian to the Period of the Grusades. — Tillväxtkoefficienter av antalet gravfält per provins från den äldre romerska järnåldern till merovingertiden och från merovingertiden till korstågstiden.
Province
Eearly Roman —* Merovingian
Merovin gian —* Crusade
3.5
13.3
22.0
5.5
2.3
0.4
0.3
0.6
—.
—
Finland Pftjper
Satakunta
Tavastia
Ostrobothnia
Nyland
Table 3. The provinces arranged in rang order by period according to density of burial grounds (burial
grounds/1000 km 2 , the numbers of burial grounds by period being compared to the total area of parishes
with known Iron Age burial grounds in a province). — Provinserna arrangerade i rangordning per period
enligt gravfältsfrekvensen (antalet gravfält/1000 km 2 , då antalet gravfält jämförs med den totala arealen av socknar med kända järnäldersgravfält i en provins).
Period
1
2
3
4
5
ER
Finland
Proper
Finland
Proper
Finland
Proper
Finland
Proper
Nyland
Ostrobothnia
Ostrobothnia
Satakunta
Ostrobothnia
Tavastia
Satakunta
Satakunta
Nyland
Tavastia
Nyland
Tavastia
Nyland
Ostrobothnia
LR
Mi
Me
V
C
Finland
Proper
Finland
Proper
Nyland
Ostrobothnia
Satakunta
Satakunta
Satakunta
Tavastia
— •
Tavastia
Tavastia
—
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
^k^k^mm
The plague of Justinian
187
the Viking Period in Tavastia (Tavastland,
H ä m e ) . T h e development in Nyland (Uusimaa) is clearly anomalous with the peak
already in the Late Roman Period, a sharp
temporary decrease in the Migration Period
and a further increase in Merovingian times.
Judging by evidence from lhe burial grounds,
settlement in Ostrobothnia and Nyland seems
to have ceased in the course of the Viking
Period.
Third, the development according to province from the Early Roman to the Merovingian Period on the one hand, and from
the Merovingian to the Period of the Grusades on the other, is presented graphically in
Fig. 3. T h e method is liable clearly to show
both the long-term trends and the relative
order of the provinces in the beginning, the
middle and the end of tbc period under
study. T h e corresponding coefficients of
growth are collectcd in Table 2.
Fig. 2. The periodical distribution of the burial
grounds according to province (percentages by
period of the total number in a province). ER =
Early Roman Period, LR = Late Roman Period,
Mi = Migration Period, Me = Merovingian Period,
V = Viking Period, C = Crusade Period. The scale
on the y axis is logarithmic. — Fördelningen per
period av antalet gravfält i de olika provinserna
(procenttalen per period av det totala antalet i en
provins). ER = äldre romersk järnälder, LR =
yngre romersk järnålder, Mi = folkvandringstid,
Me - merovingertid, V = vikingatid, C • kortågstid.
Y-axcln har logaritmisk skala.
number of burial grounds in a province) is
presented as graphic curves in Fig. 2.
T h e growth is steady but fairly slow in the
province of Finland Proper (Egentliga Finland, Varsinais-Suomi), with a rather high
percentage of burial grounds already in the
Roman Iron Age and the eulmination in the
Viking Period. In the other provinces the
growth is much stronger, starting with low
percentages in the Early Roman Period and
reaching its peak in the Migration Period in
Ostrobothnia (Österbotten, Pohjanmaa), in
the Merovingian Period in Satakunta and in
Furthcrmore these methods bring out lhe
strong increase in the number of burial
grounds in Tavastia and Satakunta during
the earlier Iron Age, while in Finland Proper
the growth is much slowcr. T h e absolute
number of burial grounds in the Merovingian Period is highest in Satakunta,
while Finland Proper comes a close second,
the latter being the first in the beginning and
at the end of the period under study. T h e
development in Ostrobothnia and Nyland is
retarded by the anomalous decrease from the
Migration to the Merovingian Period, and
tbc sharp temporary dedine in the Migration
Period, respectively. T h e growth is negative
in all provinces between tbc Merovingian and
the Period of the Grusades. T h e decrease is
smallest in Tavastia, because of the stronger
growth from the Merovingian to the Viking
Period.
Fourth, lhe provinces are arranged in
chronological order according to burial
ground density in Table 3. This density here
ineans the ratio burial grounds/1000 km'-*,
when the number of burial grounds by period
is compared with the total area of the
parishes in the province with known Iron
Age burial grounds.
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
188
T. Seger
burial grounds
burial grounds
In)
90
In)
burial grounds
continuity
90
iS^fiOP
BO
70
60
new burial grounds
%
(n)
62.2
FP
'.i.t.
50
iu
M
ER-»LR-»MI-»Ml -»V - > C
LR
30
62.3
10
9
8
7
6
5
6
5
,
Mi
41,7 <."f
V
C
29.8 37.5
21.3
LR
Mi
Ml
V
C
100.0
75.0
U9
T
45.5
75.0 76.9 68.2 68.8
53.8
18.8
ER-» LR-»MI-» Me-» V-» C
LR
3
75.0 „
2
Mi
S
44 0
25.0
ER-»LR-»MI-»Mi-» V - » C
10
9
8
7
?.2
88.9
55.6
20
6
20.6
60
40
64.0 "»•3
Ml
Ml
V
C
72.7 82.5
,
0
42.5
t.5 n.Q
ER-»LR-»MI-»Ml-»V-» C
LR
Ml
22.7
—
1 0.0
Ml
V
0.0
C
1
90.0 80.0
60.0
3JU.
Fig. 3. The development of the numbers of burial
grounds according to province from the Early
Roman to the Merovingian Period, and from the
Merovingian to the Period of the Grusades. The
scale on the y axis is logarithmic. — Utvecklingen
av antalet gravfält per provins från den äldre
romerska järnåldern till merovingertiden och frän
merovingcr- till korstågstiden. Y-axeln har logaritmisk skala.
Finland Proper rctains tbc leading position throughout the period in question. T h e
province of Satakunta steadily asccnds in the
order of prcccdencc in the course of time,
and the descent of Ostrobothnia after the
Migration Period is evident, but the development in the other provinces is not as clear in
the light of this method.
Fifth, the principal figures of burial ground
continuity (ratio of burial grounds in use in
bolh of two succecding periods to those in
use in the former period) and the percentage
of new burial grounds in the latter period,
according to province, are presented as histograms in Fig. 4.
T h e most striking common feature of the
histograms is the low continuity from the
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
0.0
r 5 ^
ER-»LR-»Mi-»Mi-»V—»C
N
166.7
40.0
LR
Mi
Ml
V
0.0
C
Fig. 4. Percentages of continuity of burial grounds
between periods and percentages of new burial
grounds by period, according to province, presented as histograms. — Procenttalen av gravfältskontinuitet mellan perioder och procenttalen avnya gravfält per period, enligt provins, framställda
i form av staplar.
Viking to the Period of tbc Grusades. T h e
burial ground continuity is exceptionally low
also in Satakunta and Nyland from the Early
to the Late Roman Period, in Nyland from
the Late Roman to the Migration Period
and in Ostrobothnia from the Merovingian
to the Viking Period. T h e comparativdy low
continuity from the Migration to the Merovingian Period, pcrceptible above all in Finland Proper (a province of generally high
continuity), in Satakunta and in Ostrobothnia is another prominent feature. T h e
percentages of new burial grounds are higher
than average in both Tavastia throughout the
Iron Age and in Satakunta, Ostrobothnia and
Nyland in the earlier Iron Age.
Sixth, the figures of burial ground conti-
The plague of Justinian
189
Table 4. Ratios by province obtained by dividing the actual number ot burial grounds in use in both
of two succeeding periods by the figure of expected random continuity (x=1.7). — Relationstalen per
provins erhålls genom division av det verkliga antalet gravfält i användning i båda av tvä successiva
perioder med väntad tillfällig kontinuitet (x=1.7).
Province
Finland Proper
Satakunta
Tavastia
Ostrobothnia
Nyland
ER->LR
LR^Mi
Mi ^ Me
Me -* V
V -> C
2.1
0.7
2.5
2.0
0.7
2.0
1.5
2.0
1.6
0.6
1.7
1.3
1.7
2.4
1.9
2.4
2.6
1.5
2.1
1.9
1.5
1.7
1.3
nuity are tested by comparison with the
expected random continuity (the number of
burial grounds to be expected to have been
in use in both of two succeeding periods, when
the continuity is assumed as random and all
the burial grounds in use in either period are
assumed to equally likely to have been in use
in both the former and in the latter period).
T h e figures of expected random continuity
between periods are obtained from the
following formula:
NaxNb
2{Na + Nb)
where A'a = the number of burial grounds in
use in the former, and Nb = the number of
burial grounds those in use in the latter
period; the mathematical proof of the formula is presented by Renfrew (1972 pp.
247—248, footnote 1). Meaningful here are
the ratios obtained by dividing the number
of burial grounds actually in use in both of
two succeeding periods by the figure of
expected random continuity. If the ratio is
LO, the actual continuity cquals random
continuity. If the ratio > 1.0, the actual
continuity exceeds random continuity and
vice versa. T h e betwecn-periods ratios are
collected in Table 4.
At least the ratios exceeding 2.0 can be
regarded as indicators of a continuity decisi—
v d y higher than the random. Ratios < 1.0
appear only in the continuity in Satakunta
and Nyland from the Early to the Late
Roman Period and in Nyland from the Late
Roman to the Migration Period. Uncritical
interpretation of the results of the test may,
—
—
however, be easily mislcading, cf. the continuity in Ostrobothnia from the Merovingian
to the Viking Period (burial grounds 22—>• 1).
T h e test is dependent on the numbers of burial
grounds in both periods, and since the only
Viking burial ground shows continuity from
the Merovingian Period, the ratio will be
surprisingly and deceptivdy high.
Discussion
On the basis of the analysis, three main
patterns of burial ground development can
bc distinguished:
A. Steady but slow growth with high
absolute numbers of burial grounds, high
burial ground density and continuity together
with rather low percentages of new burial
grounds throughout the period under study.
This pattern is discemible in Finland Proper.
B. Pattern defined by strong and rapid
growth, generally fairly low burial ground
continuity (the high figures of continuity in
Tavastia in the early Iron Age depend on
the paucity of burial grounds, and cannot be
considered significant) and high percentages
of new burial grounds coupled with lower
burial ground density than in Finland Proper.
This pattern can be seen in the provinces of
Tavastia and Satakunta.
C. Pattern of clearly anomalous development with sharp decreases in the number of
burial grounds during periods of more or less
continous growth in the other provinces. T h e
development in Ostrobothnia and Nyland
belongs to this catcgory.
Strictly spcaking, the general interpretation
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
190
T. Seger
of the patterns lies outside the scope of the
present paper, but tbc discernment and definition of the relevant anomalies, call for
a short general discussion.
Burial ground development cannot be considered as dircctly describing population
growth. However, in statistical terms it certainly reflects the main trends, and can serve
as a basis for analysis of population development, particularly if some economic and
social factors are taken into account.
In the area of pattern A, i.e. Finland
Proper, the settlement was evidently the
densest, comparatlvdy stable and stationary
throughout the Iron Age. T h e obvious advantages of the region were its suitability for
agriculture, favourable climatc and advantageous location in terms of maritime connections. On the other hand, it is comparativdy
small (the total area of the parishes with
known Iron Age burial grounds is about
3500 km 2 , when the corresponding figure in
e.g. Tavastia approaches 10,700 k m 2 ) . These
factors apparently resulted in rather dense
settlement with limited possibilities for expansion already at an early stage.
T h e settlement in the regions of pattern
B, the provinces of Tavastia and Satakunta,
seems to have been much more expansive,
labile and mobile with virgin areas for slashand-burn cultivation and for hunting and
fishing available in abundance throughout the
period under study. It has been questioned,
whether the families practicing non-arable
farming actually moved also the houses (and
burial grounds) to new cultivation areas
after an interval of perhaps a few decades, or
whether only the sites of cultivation circulated, while the dwellings remained stationary
(Meinander 1980 p. 12). However, periodical removal of at least many of the farms
in the regions where this was possible seems
to bc the most plausible explanation of the
fairly low figures for burial ground continuity
and the corresponding high percentages of
new burial grounds in the areas of pattern B.
Social factors, e.g. a system of inheritancc
dictatcd by economic circumstances and
therefore different from that prevalent in the
region of pattern A, and the consequent
differences in readiness to split up farms
might also be worth consideration.
T h e retarded growth in the Viking Period
together with the sharp decrease in the
number of burial grounds connected with
low burial ground continuity from the Viking
to the Period of the Grusades probably do not
indicate a corresponding stagnation of population growth. T h e former development can
more naturally bc seen as a result of the
transition from single houscholds practicing
slash-and-burn farming to village settlements
and field cultivation at least in SW. Finland,
a process which evidently began in the Sth
century and was completed in the course of
the Viking Period (Meinander 1980 pp.
12—13). T h e latter development would seem
to bc due to the overall change in burial
customs in the beginning of tbc Period of the
Grusades; cremation burial grounds on levd
ground gave way to inhumation graves, which
are more difficult to detect. T h e change in
burial customs probably also caused burial
grounds of the new type to be removed to
new sites. Additional causes may be early
local influence of Christianity (Huurre 1979
pp. 133, 161) together with the short duration of the period in western Finland.
T h e anomalies of burial ground development which presumably indicate actual anomalies in population growth can now be
distinguished:
1) T h e abandonment of the Early Roman
tarand type burial grounds in the provinces
of Finland Proper, Satakunta and Nyland
(e.g. Huurre 1979, map X I V ) during the
transition to the Late Roman Period (Salo
1968 pp. 2 0 1 - 2 0 3 ; 1970 pp. 160, 192; cf.
Hirviluoto 1968 p. 32), detectable in the low
burial ground continuitics between the
periods in question (there is, however, some
doubt whether this occurrence rcally is relevant in the present context; it may simply bc
a question of a change in buriaal customs: see
below).
2) T h e temporary decrease of burial grounds
in the Migration Period in the province of
Nyland.
3) T h e decline of the number of burial
grounds in the Merovingian Period in Ostro-
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
^k^kmm
The plague of Justinian
bothnia, a development probably rcflected in
the low burial ground continuities also elsewhere between the Migration and Merovingian Periods, as well as the end of settlement in the province at the start of the
Viking Period.
4) T h e evident stagnation of settlement in
the province of Nyland during the Viking
Period.
T h e problem most discussed hitherto is
undoubtedly the retardation and disappearance of the settlement in Ostrobothnia (e.g.
Meinander 1950; 1952; 1977; Virrankoski
1978; Ahtcla 1981). Meinander (1977 p. 43)
regards the development as a long process
caused by the combined effect of unidentified
economic and social factors, leading to the
inability of the weakencd community to take
the decisive step towards village settlements
and economy at a time when it apparently
proved necessary elsewhere. Virrankoski
(1978; cf. Meinander 1950 pp. 147, 158;
1977 p. 43) suggests that the inhabitants of
Tavastia or U p p e r Satakunta destroyed the
Ostrobothnian settlement and population as a
hindrance to their emergent tax expeditions
to the north. Ahtela (1981) mainly reviews
the earlier theories.
The theory proposed by Meinander is
reasonable and most probably valid, but does
not, after all, explain very much. T h e suggestion by Virrankoski is dramatic enough but
lacks concrete proof. Furthermore, it does not
explain, or take into account the decrease of
population before the beginning of the Viking
Period. In any case, the disappcarance of the
Ostrobothnian settlement is a fact, the
archeological argument being supported by
palynological data from the area (Tolonen
et al. 1979).
T h e explanation which will be suggested
in the present context owes its origin to the
inspiring paper by Bo Gräslund (1973),
where the bubonic plague, documented in
the rcigns of Justinian I and his successors,
is proposed as the cause of the stagnation of
the kämpagrav settlement on Gotland at the
end of the Migration Period and in the
transition to the Vendel
(Merovingian)
Period (Stenberger 1955 pp. 1144—1154,
191
1161—1183; Biörnstad 1955 pp. 924—951,
963—964; Gräslund 1973 p. 281). T h e theory
is accepted and applied to the approximately
contemporaneous cessation of settlement in
various parts of Holland and Germany (van
Es 1968 pp. 559—566; Jankuhn 1969 p. 159;
Schmid et al. 1973 pp. 97—105, 108) as well
as in SW Norway (Myhre 1974; 1977) by
Björn Myhre (1978 pp. 233—234, 239).
T h e epidemic known as the plague of
Justinian (e.g. Seibel 1857; Zinsser 1947;
Hirst 1953; Shrcwsbury 1964; 1970; Wells
1964; Rackham 1979) is in every respect
comparable to the Black Death, the great
plague of the 14th century. T h e pandemie,
well known from historical sources (Agathius,
Bcdc, Evagrius, Grcgory of Tours, Procopius
of Caesarea e t c ; see Seibel 1857; Rackham
1979) from just after 540 to c. 590, swept
the whole of the then known world from Far
East to the British Isles (Gräslund 1973 p.
280; Rackham 1979 p. 116), with severe
demographic, economic and cultural conscquenecs (Hirst 1953 p. 11; Rackham 1979
p. 118). T h e ravaging epidemic recorded in
the Irish Annals from the 660's has been
interpreted as a secondary outbreak of the
great pandemie (MacArthur 1949).
T h e plaque in its pandemie form is traditionally considered (e.g. Hirst 1953; Shrcwsbury 1970; Gräslund 1973; Rackham 1979)
attributed to the black rat, Rattus rattus
(Linnacus), tbc principal carrier and transmitter of the primary vector of the discase,
the flea Xenopsylla cheopis, höst of the
bactcrium Yersinia pestis (or Pastcurclla
pestis; cf. Hirst 1955 pp. 106—111), although
other rodents and flcas may act as carriers
and give rise to isolated occurrences of the
disease.
T h e main problem for Gräslund in 1973
was that the earliest proof known to him of
the black rat in Europé dcrived from the late
Viking Period or early Medieval times (Gräslund 1973 pp. 278—279 with references),
although he argues convindngly that the
rapid spread ovcr Europé of the domestie
cat approximately at the time of the plague
(Stenberger 1933 pp. 136, 139, 144; Gejvall
1955 pp. 789—790; Boessneck >< al. 1968 pp.
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
192
T. Seger
85—86) must be seen as indicating the
presence of the black rat. However, R. rattus
has latdy been shown to have been present
in Central Europé (Luttschwager 1968) as
well as on the British Isles (Rackham 1979)
at least from the Roman Period, a fact which
lends further support to the theory. It is
highly unlikely that Seandinavia and Finland
would have escaped invasion by the species,
a typical ship rat easily spread by the lively
maritime connections of the period (cf. Gräslund 1973 pp. 280—281). In addition, as
Gräslund (1973 pp. 279—280) remarks, the
flea X. chcopis is able to spread the plague
bacillus över long distanecs even without the
agency of R. rattus c g . in cloth, grain and
hay, the most advantageous temperature
being about 10—15 C ° , i.e. conditions prevalent for most of the sailing season in the
Baltic. Import of cloth and even grain to
Finland in the Iron Age is probable, and hay
or straw may have been used as paeking
material for various commodities. Gräslund
(1973 p. 281) maintains that the disease is as
contagious to cattle as to people. However,
this is not exactly true. Experiments carried
out during modern plague epidemics have
given contradictory results (Hirst 1953 pp.
150—151). Neverthdess, it seems that the
various farmyard animals sometimes can be
susceptible to plague, and this would naturally
aggravate the economic consequences of the
potential epidemic. A possibility of cattle
disease at the time on Gotland was suggested
by Stenberger (1955 pp. 1177—1178).
T h e potential pandemie could be expected
to appear in the burial material as a decrease
in the number of graves from the latter half
of the 7th century, and probably the 8th as
well; in the relevant Finnish archaeological
literature the expression "dating to the 7th
century" generally means the early phase of
the Merovingian Period, c. 550(575)—
650(675) (cf. Cleve 1943 p. 172; Meinander
1977 p. 27). This is exactly the situation
discemible in the Ostrobothnian burial
grounds (cf. Meinander 1977 pp. 28, 29, 30).
Another eventual consequence would be the
incidence of mäss graves in the early Merovingian Period. T h e two remarkable Ostro-
bothnian water deposits of human bones
from at least 60 individuals at Käldamäki in
Vörå (Vöyri) and Levänluhta in Storkyro
(Isokyrö), dated to the early Merovingian
Period (Hackman 1913; Meinander 1950 pp.
136—145; 1977 pp. 37—38; the Levänluhta
find also contains a few artefacts from the
middle phase of the period) are certainly
worth consideration in this context. They
have been interpreted as sacrifieial sites
(Hackman 1913; Meinander 1977 p. 38) or
burial grounds for slaves (Meinander 1950
pp. 145, 146), but they can with justification
be regarded as sites, where victims of the
highly infectious plague were hastily interred.
Another possibly relevant feature is the
emergence of double graves in the early
Merovingian Period, four of which are known
from Ostrobothnia and a few from southern
Finland (Meinander 1977 pp. 36—37, cf. pp.
28, 29; 1950 p. 206, find no. 183; Salmo
1938; find no. 29; Meinander 1950 p. 178,
find no. 2, p. 204, finds nos. 171, 172; Salmo
1938 pp. 51—52; the latter grave is somewhat younger than the rest). All are warrior
graves, where two males in full armour are
buried together. They may represent graves of
a chieftain and a slave sent to protect him
in the afterlife, but this is contradictcd by
the fact that the outfits of both bodies are
approximately as "rich". It is likely that they
are graves of a father and a son, two brothers,
or close friends who died at the same time,
very possibly as victims of the plague.
T h e above, together with the comparativdy
low burial ground continuity from the Migration to the Merovingian Period in other
provinces too, lends strong support to the
possibility of the plague of Justinian having
spread even to Finland. Moreover the evident
local cessation of settlement in the early
Merovingian Period in SE Finland Proper,
e.g. the Salo region (Seger 1981), should
probably be seen in this light. However,
Ostrobothnia seems to have been most sever d y afflicted, for reasons best undcrstood by
epidcmiologists. Neverthdess, the Migration
Period settlement in the province was fairly
dense and concentrated in a comparativdy
restricted area, and connections between the
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
^
M
H
The plague of Justinian
province and foreign regions were lively at
the time; some kind of loose political liaison
between Ostrobothnia and parts of Sweden
has even been suggested (Meinander 1977 p.
34). Notwithstanding, the graves in the
province from the middle phase of the Merovingian Period are comparatively few and
poor, and many parishes had become totally
devoid of inhabitants (Meinander 1977 pp.
28, 34). T h e process of the weakening of the
Ostrobothnian settlement outlined by Meinander (1977 p. 4 3 ; see above) can best be
understood as a result of the great plague
with its economic consequences. T h e initial
shrinking of the settled area in Ostrobothnia
from c. 400 (Meinander 1977 p. 42) should
rather be Interpreted as an increased cohesion
of the settlement pattern for economic, social
and eventually political reasons on the threshold of economic boom in the province in
the Migration Period; it should be remembcred that the Ostrobothnian settlement in the
Late Roman Period, although distributed
över a fairly wide area, was very thin, the
figures of burial ground density being 2.7/
1000 km 2 in the Late Roman and 9.8/1000
km 2 in the Migration Period (Seger 1982,
Appendix I V ) .
Another problem is the disappcarance of
the tarand burial grounds in southern and
south-western coastal Finland during the
transition from the Early to the Late Roman
Period, apparent in the low percentages of
burial ground continuity in Satakunta and
Nyland. This has been attributed to stagnation of the fur trade in the latter half of the
2nd century, resulting from the dissolution
of the Pax Romana (Salo 1968 pp. 201—203;
1970 pp. 160—161, 192—193). This event
may well have affected the whole of Europé,
but it is difficult to bdieve that it could have
been this drastic as far north as Finland. T h e
traditional study of the Iron Age in Finland
seems to have had an exaggerated and somchow very modern conception of prehistoric
exchange with supposed groups of professional merchants, networks of rcgular trade
routes över Europé, commercial colonies etc.
A reasoned criticism of this view was recently
presented by Meinander (1977 pp. 33 f).
193
T h e evident import commodities in the
preserved Finnish archaeological record are
mainly luxuries: status weapons, foreign finery
etc. While these certainly were of social
significance, the introduction of iron working had made possible the local manufacture
of tools and basic weapons (e.g. Nylén 1974),
and it is difficult to imagine an import
commodity in the Iron Age meaning life or
death to the people. Salt was evidently
imported, but one does not die for the lack
of it. T h e desertion of the tarand burial
grounds and tbc corresponding settlements
for commercial reasons would only be undcrstandable, if the people buried in them were
indeed traders of foreign origin.
/ / the process really rcflccts an actual
disturbance of population development (an
assumption subject to challengc, as other
types of burial ground seem to show continuity) and not simply a change in burial
customs, a more plausible explanation would
be another epidemic, afflicting most scvcrcly
lhe coastal regions in closcst communication
with outside areas. A well-documented pestilence called the plague of Antoninus (or of
Galen), with a high mortality råte swept the
endre Roman Empire; it has been identified
as typhus (Castiglioni 1947), a form of
smallpox (Zinsscr 1947) or true plague
(Patrick 1967), and dated to the end of the
2nd century, the exact time of the cessation of
the tarand burial grounds in Finland. T h e
Marcomannian Wars (166—180) carried the
epidemic into Free Germany, and there to
the very areas bordering northern Europé
(Gräslund 1973 pp. 281—282).
T h e only point to be made at present with
any certainty concerning the stcep decline in
the number of burial grounds in tbc province
of Nyland during the Migration Period is,
that the development was not caused by the
plague of Justinian. T h e decrease is clearly
due to the very low burial ground continuity
from the Late Roman Period, which means
that the cause must coincide with the end
of the Roman Iron Age, but for the time
being cannot be identified.
T h e last of the defincd anomalies is the end
of the settlement in westernmost Nyland in
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
••••••••i
194
T. Seger
the course of the Viking Period. There is
some doubt whether the disappearance was
factual, as pollen analytical data from the
area demonstratcs continuous agricultural
activity from the late Iron Age to Medieval
times (Tolonen ct al. 1979 pp. 16, 22,
58—59). This is usually interpreted as indicating long-distance slash-and-burn cultivation practiced by the Tavastians or the Estonians (Tolonen ct al. 1979 pp. 58—59;
Meinander 1980 p. 12), but there remains
tbc possibility of continuous local habitation,
for one reason or another out of the rcach
of archaeological observation (Kerkkonen
1945, 152; Honkanen 1981; cf. Gardberg
1970 pp. 28—29).
O n lhe other hand, the cessation has
generally been considered real, and potential
cxplanations ought to be discussed. One of
the routes of east-bound Vikings evidently
followed the coast of Nyland, and attacks by
them have been suggested as the reason (af
Hällström 1948 pp. 87—88). However, it is
difficult to understand what would have been
the gain for Vikings on their way to rich
Miklagaard in destroying a rather poor settlement of small farmers so close to their point
of departurc, somewhat hazardous but hardly
profitable entcrprise. A possibility could be
raids by groups of Vikings returning emptyhanded from the east, to capture slaves in
order to have something to bring home. It is
cqually plausiblc, however, that the cause
was another epidemic, one of the many
reportedly (Birkdand 1954; Skyum-Nidsen
1967 pp. 34—41; Gräslund 1973 pp. 282—
284) brought back by the Vikings from their
travels.
Concluding Remarks
T h e evident anomalies of Iron Age population development in Finland as reflected in
the burial grounds have been discussed, and
epidemics known from historical sources
are suggested as explanation for many of
them. T h e aim is not to maintain that
disease was the sole or even the main reason
for every disturbance of population growth,
but it represents a very important potential
Fornvännen 77 (1982)
_ _ g _ _ _ |
factor capablc of wide devastation, and
hitherto totally neglccted in the study of the
Iron Age in Finland. Very few of the diseases
caused by bacteria or viruses leave any trace
on human skeletons (Hare 1967 p. 115), and
consequently cannot be detected directly in
the osteological material, but, in any case,
the explanatory potential of historically firmly
documentcd and dated epidemics must be
considered far greater than that of purely
hypothetical wars or economic catastrophes.
As Gräslund (1973 p. 280) says: . . . "Rattus
rattus och Xenopsylla chcopis kan knappast
tilltros fåfängan att ha förlagt sin verksamhet enbart till länder där skrivkunnigt folk
var tillstädes" . . . ("It is härd to believc that
Rattus rattus and Xenopsylla chcopis were
vain enough to restrict their activity only to
countries where people capable of writing
were at h a n d " ) , and the same naturally
holds good of any other transmitter of tbc
various pcstilcnces, particularly in the light
of the fact t h a t . . . "an infectious disease such
as influenza can break out in pandemie proportions in the present century, circle the
world and bc reputed to have killed as marnas one hundred million human beings,
reaching into such isolated populations as the
Eskimos of Greenland and Labrador" (Rackham 1979 pp. 118—119; cf. Elton 1958).
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Den justinianska pesten och andra hemsökelser. En analys av anomalierna i befolkningstillväxt under järnåldern i Finland
I d e n n a artikel a n a l y s e r a s d e u t g r ä v d a o c h
daterade järnåldcrsgravfältcn i Finland kvantitativt m e d olika statistiska m e t o d e r för a t t
få f r a m o c h d e f i n i e r a d e a n o m a l i e r i d e n
kvantitativa tillväxten av antalet gravfält
p e r p e r i o d o c h p r o v i n s , som s a n n o l i k t å t e r s p e g l a r verkliga r u b b n i n g a r i befolkningstillväxten.
T r e tydliga m ö n s t e r a v tillväxt b l o t t a s g e n o m
analysen:
A. E t t m ö n s t e r m e d j ä m n m e n l å n g s a m
tillväxt m e d k o m p a r a t i v t h ö g a a n t a l a b s o l u t a
Fornvänncn 77 (1982)
g r a v f ä l t s m ä n g d e r , h ö g gravfältsfrckvens o c h
- k o n t i n u i t e t s a m t g a n s k a l å g a p r o c e n t t a l avnya gravfält u n d e r hela den granskade perioden. Detta mönster kan iakttagas i Egentliga
Finland.
B. E t t m ö n s t e r p r ä g l a t a v s t a r k o c h s n a b b
tillväxt, i regel g a n s k a låg g r a v f ä l t s k o n t i nuitet och höga procenttal av nya gravfält
s a m t lägre g r a v f ä l t s f r e k v e n s e r ä n i E g e n t l i g a
Finland. Detta mönster upptäcks i Tavastland och Satakunta.
C . E t t m ö n s t e r m e d k l a r t a n o m a l i s k tillv ä x t m e d tydliga s ä n k n i n g a r i a n t a l e t g r a v -
The plague of Justinian
fält under perioder av mer eller mindre kontinuerlig tillväxt i andra provinser. Tillväxtmönstren i Österbotten och Nyland hör till
denna kategori.
Skillnaden mellan mönstren A och B förf a r a s här med olikartade ekonomiska förutsättningar dikterade av territoriella förhållanden. Varken vikingatidens fördröjda tillväxt eller den skarpa sänkningen av antalet
gravfält under övergången från vikinga- till
korstågstiden återspeglar sannolikt någon
verklig tillbakagång av befolkningstillväxt,
utan snarare förorsakas de av övergången
från svedjebruk och enstaka hemman till
bybebyggelse och åkerbruk åtminstone i SW
Finland från 700-talet framåt, samt av den
generella förändringen i begravningsbruket i
början av korstågstiden, respektivt.
De anomalier, som troligtvis reflekterar
verkliga rubbningar i befolkningstillväxten,
är följande:
1. Upphörandet av " t a r a n d " gravfälten i
S och SW Finland under övergången mellan
den äldre och yngre romerska järnåldern,
uppenbart i de låga gravfältskontinuitetstalen i Satakunta och Nyland. (Det är dock
möjligt, att fenomenet helt enkelt härrör av
cn förändring i begravningsbruket, då gravfält av andra typer tycks visa kontinuitet).
2. Den tillfälliga sänkningen i gravfältsantalet i Nyland under folkvandringstiden.
3. Sänkningen i antalet gravfält under
merovingertiden i Österbotten, en utveckling
som troligen kan beaktas i den låga gravfältskontinuiteten även annanstans, samt upphörandet av bebyggelsen i provinsen i början
av vikingatiden.
4. Det (sannolika) upphörandet av bebyggelsen i W Nyland under vikingatiden.
Det hittills mest omdiskuterade problemet
iir utan vidare tillbakagången och upphörandet av den österbottniska bebyggelsen. Utvecklingen förklaras här som cn följd av den
justinianska böldpestcn, en i övriga Europa
väldokumenterad epidemi som härjade ca
540—590. Det starkt minskade antalet gravar i Österbotten daterbara till merovingcrtidens andra fas, d.v.s. efter ca 650, stödjer
denna förklaring. De två välkända öster-
197
bottniska fynden av människoben från åtminstone 60 individer (Käldamäki i Vörå
och Levänluhta i Storkyro), daterade till
början av merovingertiden, tolkas här som
massgravar för pestens offer. Eventuellt relevanta är också några dubbelgravar, som
framträder i början av merovingertiden. Pesten med dess demografiska och ekonomiska
följder ledde uppenbarligen till upphörandet
av bebyggelsen i provinsen senare, då övergången till åkerbruk och större bebyggelseenheter tycks ha blivit nödvändig liksom i
andra provinser.
Om upphörandet av tarand gravfältcn på
södra och västra kusten verkligen återspeglar
en motsvarande tillbakagång av bebyggelsen,
kan fenomenet bäst förklaras som beroende av
cn annan svår epidemi med hög dödlighet
som härjade det romerska riket under slutet
av 2:a århundradet, identifierad antingen
som tyfus, en form av smittkoppor eller möjligen pest, överförd till det fria Germanien
genom de pågående
markomanncrkrigen
(166—180).
Sänkningen i antalet gravfält i Nyland
under folkvandringstiden förorsakades inte av
den justinianska pesten, ty utvecklingen är
klart en följd av den mycket låga gravfältskontinniteten från den yngre romerska järnåldern i provinsen. Orsaken, tillsvidare oidentifierad, måste sålunda dateras till slutet av
romartiden.
Upphörandet av bebyggelsen i västra Nyland under vikingatiden har tidigare förklarats genom anfall av vikingar i österled, ö v e r tygande motiv är dock inte lätta att hitta,
och smittospridningen av någon av de svåra
epidemier som vikingar enligt samtida skriftliga källor medförde från sina resor, är en
åtminstone lika trolig förklaring.
Epidemiska sjukdomar är en viktig aspekt,
hittills helt försummad i finländska järnålderstudier. Dock har de, som historiskt dokumenterade och daterade, större förklaringspotential än helt hypotetiska krig eller ekonomiska kriser. Det är föga troligt, att de
flera svåra och vidspridda epidemier kända
från det 1 :a årtusendet e. Kr. skulle ha härjat
endast i de områden varifrån det finns skriftliga källor.
Fornvännen 77 (1982)