Shuffle up and deal
Transcription
Shuffle up and deal
Sh A fl f u u e ng i l b m a ng o ort p re l a ci e p s a p 0t 1 y Jul d n 010 2 h l a de The Economist July 10th 2010 A special report on gambling 1 Shue up and deal Also in this section The risk instinct Why do people bet? Page 2 At war with luck Is poker a game of skill or chance? Page 3 Bet on the bot Will Polaris do for poker what Deep Blue did for chess? Page 4 Log on, ante up Online gambling o ers the greatest threats and the biggest opportunities. Page 5 Lengthening odds New betting options imperil horseracing’s future. Page 6 Cutting o the arms Slot machines are becoming mobile. Page 8 The internet is radically changing the business of gambling. Now policy must catch up, argues Jon Fasman When the chips are down P Competition and the economic downturn have hurt, but Las Vegas is ghting back. Page 9 The dragon’s gambling den Macau is only the start: all Asia is coming out to play. Page 11 Come, all ye gullible Lotteries are a bad bet, but everybody loves them. Page 12 Sure thing People will keep on betting, legally or illegally. It makes sense to tidy up the rules. Page 13 Acknowledgments In addition to the people named in this report, the author wishes to thank Jeremy Aguero, Stephen Burn, Nic Coward, Scott Daruty, Behnam Dayanim, Markus Funk, Bobby Geiger, Marshall Gramm, Carlos Guestrin, Mark Harris, Simon Holliday, Randy Matthews, Adam Pliska, Peter Reynolds, Emmanuel de Rohan-Chabot, Bas Rokers, John Shepherd, Eric Tom, Mor Weizer, Jenny Williams and John Williams. A list of sources is at Economist.com/specialreports An audio interview with the author is at Economist.com/audiovideo/specialreports INPOINTING a precise moment when the world changes is never easy, even in retrospect. Yet it is possible to say with relative condence that the world of gambling was changed dramatically by events around a green felt table at Binion’s Horseshoe in Las Vegas on May 23rd 2003, the nal day of that year’s World Series of Poker (WSOP). The hand immediately preceding the nal tablethe last nine of the tournament’s 839 competitors who would play for $2.5mpitted Phil Ivey, one of the sharpest and most ruthless players of his time, against Chris Moneymaker, an unknown 27-year-old accountant from Nashville. The newcomer eliminated Mr Ivey thanks to a lucky draw on the last card dealt. Mr Ivey, a stone-faced old-school player, declined to shake his vanquisher’s hand. Mr Moneymaker went on to win the tournament. His victory created what came to be called the Moneymaker e ect: interest in poker soared. Suddenly spending time playing a game on a computer looked like a road to riches. And those riches seemed attainable. The stars in poker, unlike those in professional sport, look very much like the spectators; they just happen to be more successful. In the years since Mr Moneymaker’s victory, the tournament has variously been won by a patent lawyer, a Hollywood agent and a 21-year-old professional poker player. It is not just professional poker that has changed out of all recognition in the past decade but all forms of gambling worldwide. The reason has been simple: for the rst time anyone who wants to gamble and has an internet connection can do so. The desire has been there for much of recorded history. An excavation of a bronzeage city in south-eastern Iran turned up a pair of dice dating back nearly 5,000 years. Islam forbids gambling, but the Bible mentions casting lots or using fortune to determine an outcome. Card-playing for money has often been depicted in art (see detail above of Georges de la Tour’s The Cheat with the Ace of Diamonds, circa 1635-40). Gambling’s widespread and enduring appeal comes as much from the hope of imposing order on the fundamental randomness of the world as from the expectation of economic gain (though that certainly has its charms). Blaming a bad result on an o ended spirit or a good result on divine favour is far more comforting than accepting the cold indi erence of probability. But there is a darker side to gambling with which ancient civilisations were also well acquainted. The Rig Veda, a collection of Hindu religious hymns more than 3,000 years old, contains a section known as the Gambler’s Hymn which laments: Without any fault of hers I have driven my devoted wife away because of a die exceeding by one [an unsuccessful bet]. My mother-in-law hates me; my wife pushes me away. In his defeat the gambler nds 1 2 A special report on gambling The Economist July 10th 2010 The risk instinct A Why do people bet? T 11pm there usually remained behind only the real, the desperate gamblerspersons for whom, at spas, there existed nothing but roulette, and who went there for that alone. These gamesters took little note of what was going on around them, and were interested in none of the appurtenances of the season, but played from morning till night, and would have been ready to play through the night until dawn had that been possible. Playing until dawn is often possible today, and the game is not always roulette, but otherwise Dostoyevsky’s description from 1867 will be familiar to anyone who has ever been in a casino late at night. Dostoyevsky wrote from experience; his novella The Gambler is thought to have been written to enable him to pay his gambling debts. What is it that drives some people to go on betting until they lose their shirts, whereas others can take it or leave it? W.I. Thomas, an early-20th-century American sociologist, argued that a taste for risk is essential to human development. He believed that the gambling instinct is born in all normal persons. It is one expression of a powerful reex, xed far back in animal experience. The instinct is, in itself, right and indispensable. A psychologist of the same period, Clemens France, saw similarities between gambling and faith: both expressed a need for reassurance, order and salvation. Those theorists were writing about gambling as a pastime, but for some people it is much more than that. In the 1960s and 1970s excessive gambling began to be seen as a medical problem. Robert Custer, an American psychiatrist, argued that gambling could be just as addictive as alcohol and drugs, and indeed substance abusers gamble to excess more often than others. About three-quarters of problem gamblers su er from depression, and quite a few attempt suicide. Mr Custer’s eldwork showed that pathological gamblers were often gregarious, clever and generous but also impulsive, anxious and restless, looking for instant gratication. As with many aspects of psychiatry, the study of gambling has moved from mind to brain. A 1989 study conducted by Alec Roy, a psychiatrist, found that chronic gamblers had low levels of norepinephrine, a chemical secreted by the brain at times of stress or excitement. This seemed to suggest that such people gamble for the thrill of action. A more recent study by Henry Chase and Luke Clark at the Behavioural and Clinical Neuroscience Institute at Cambridge University found that near misses and wins in gambling produce similar responses in the brain. Russell Poldrack, who runs a cognitive neuroscience lab at the University of Texas at Austin, has found that activity in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex depends on a person’s attitude to loss. And Paul Glimcher, a neuroeconomist at New York University, has shown that activity in the prefrontal cortex and ventral striatum reveals the value someone puts on a reward. Undoubtedly gambling, like other addictions, depends on a complicated mixture of brain chemistry, environment and socialisation. Howard Sha er, a professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, notes that the rate of pathological gambling in America has remained relatively constant for the past 35 years, despite a huge expansion in the opportunities on o er. There was a spike in the late 1990s but levels have dropped since then. Dr Sha er draws a parallel with a classic virus-infection curve: high at the beginning as those most susceptible fall ill, but gradually tailing o as people adapt. 2 none to pity him. No one has use for a gam- winning the jackpot in America’s richest lottery, Mega Millions, is one in 176m. EuroMillions, available to players in nine western European countries, o ers slightly better odds: one in 76m. Roulette players, on average, will hit their number once in 36 or 37 attempts. Poker players’ chances of being dealt a royal ush are much the same as being struck by lightning. enues from online gambling continue to rise. H2 Gambling Capital, a consultancy that monitors the global gambling market, estimates online gambling revenues in 2009 at around $26 billion (see chart 2). 1 bler, like an aged horse put up for sale. As the newly single poet above had just discovered, the numbers make most forms of gambling a mug’s game. The odds of 1 The wages of sin Global gambling market*, 2009, % of total Casinos 31.2 Sports betting 5.0 Bingo/other gaming 5.4 Source: H2 Lottery products 29.6 Total: $335bn Non-casino gaming machines 21.6 Horseracing 7.2 *Including online A majority sport Yet hope never dies. In 2007 nearly half of America’s population and over two-thirds of Britain’s bet on something or other. Hundreds of millions of lottery tickets are sold every week. The global gambling market is estimated to be worth around $335 billion a year (see chart 1). Last year Las Vegas alone raked in gambling revenues of $10.4 billion and Macau $14.7 billion. For Las Vegas, that represents a decline in revenue from 2008. By contrast, rev- 2 Watch it grow Global interactive* betting industry gross gaming yield†, $bn FORECAST 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 2003 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 Source: H2 *Online, TV and mobile †Stakes less prizes, including bonuses The Economist July 10th 2010 2 The world’s gambling centres are no longer just Vegas, Macau and Monaco; they now also include Alderney, Gibraltar, Antigua and Malta, whose favourable tax systems make them irresistible homes for internetbased companies. Thanks to these companies the old restrictions have started to crumble. Government prohibition of online gambling has worked about as well as prohibition of other online content, which is to say it is observed mainly in the breach. America remains the world’s biggest single online gambling market by far, despite the passage in 2006 of the Unlawful Internet Gaming Enforcement Act (UIGEA)a provision tacked onto a port-security bill that prohibits the transfer of funds from a nancial institution to an online gambling A special report on gambling 3 site. After the ban some established sites closed down their American operations, but others lled the void. Americans are gambling roughly the same amount online as they did in 2006. The move online threatens some traditional forms of gambling, such as betting on horses, but appears to benet others, such as slot machines and lotteries. And bricks-and-mortar expansion still continues. The latest addition to the Las Vegas Strip, CityCenter, opened last December. Covering 76 acres (31 hectares) and costing around $8.5 billion, it is the largest privately funded construction project in American history. Thirty-three American states have casinos (many of them operated by around 200 Native American tribes), as do more than 20 countries across Europe. The Las Vegas Sands Corporation, which owns the Venetian casinos in Las Vegas and Macau, opened Marina Bay Sands in Singapore in April. Sheldon Adelson, Sands’s chief executive, believes that Asia can easily accommodate ve to ten Las Vegases. In the past ten years gambling has changed more than in the previous 70. The internet has forced existing businesses to adapt, opened up new opportunities and fundamentally altered the political, economic, corporate and moral climate in which these businesses operate. This special report will trace those changes through the main forms of gambling, which sadly will mean neglecting strong but local passions such as greyhound racing, bingo, jai alai and cricket ghts. It will begin with Mr Moneymaker’s game. 7 Moreover, poker is spreading far beyond America. WPT poker games are broadcast in over 150 countries to around 400m people. H2, a gambling consultancy, puts the global online-poker market at $4.9 billion, of which America (where the game’s legal status is dubious) accounts for $1.4 billion. WSOP Europe has hosted tour- naments in London since 2007. In May and June the European Championship of Online Poker awarded some $5.1m in prize money. The tournament was hosted by Titan Poker, which claims to be Europe’s most popular poker site, with up to 30,000 simultaneous players. The WPT has hosted events in Spain, France and Morocco. Like so many global crazes, this worldwide rise was powered by two engines: television and the internet. Poker has been on television for quite a while; CBS, an American network, broadcast the World Series of Poker in 1978. But the programmes were pretty basic: a camera or two recorded the game and commentators told viewers what they could already see for themselves. Only action on the felt was visible: two cards dealt face down to each player, followed by a round of betting, then three communal cards face down, another round of betting, then a fourth and fth card, both followed by rounds of betting. But for anyone who was not already a poker fan it seemed boring. At war with luck Is poker a game of skill or chance? I N 1969 Benny Binion, owner of the Horseshoe Casino in Las Vegas, attended the Texas Gamblers’ Reunion in Reno, where he played high-stakes poker for several days. His opponents were a group of menand men onlywith the sort of Runyonesque names endemic in poker’s history and lore: Chill, Puggy, Minnesota Fats, Texas Dolly. The following year Mr Binion invited the high-rollers to his casino. After a few days the players elected Johnny Moss the best of their number and awarded him a silver cup. Thus was the World Series of Poker (WSOP) humbly begun. The next year it evolved into a freezeout game with a $5,000 buy-in, meaning that once a player lost his $5,000 stake, he could not buy his way back in. In 2006 the WSOP’s peak year8,773 entrants competed in 45 separate tournaments featuring most of the main varieties of poker for over $100m in prize money. But the WSOP is not the only game in town. The World Poker Tour (WPT) also hosts a series of international tournaments each year. Millions of dollars, pounds and euros change hands every night at poker tables around the world and on dozens of poker websites. At the time of the Texas Gamblers’ Reunion there were fewer than 50 poker tables in Las Vegas; today the Bellagio alone has 40, and Binion’s Horseshoe holds four no-limit Hold ’em tournaments every day. Suitably inscrutable I know something you don’t However, in 2003 the WPT borrowed a technique from a British poker programme called Late Night Poker, showing each player’s two individual cards, thus allowing viewers to see the game from the inside. This proved a great success. WPT also edited ruthlessly. The staple of thrilling 1 4 A special report on gambling Bet on the bot C The Economist July 10th 2010 Will Polaris do for poker what Deep Blue did for chess? HECKERS (or draughts, as it is known in Britain) used to be a fun game of chance. But in 2007 a group of computer programmers, systems analysts and chess enthusiasts, led by Jonathan Schae er at the University of Alberta, published an article in Science magazine with the bold title Checkers Is Solved. Using a computer program called Chinook, which was able to crunch through the 500 billion possible positions on a checkerboard, Mr Schae er and his colleagues proved that there was a way to play checkers that would ensure either a win or, if the opponent was another theoretically perfect player, a draw. With checkers thus conquered, Mr Schae er moved on to poker. The University of Alberta’s Computer Poker Research Group (CPRG) was building a program called Polaris, which was trying to do for one variety of poker, heads-up limit Texas Hold ’em (with just two players and limited betting amounts), what Chinook did for checkers. Michael Bowling, the CPRG’s head, says that although the ostensible goal was to build a winning poker program, the real aim was to study how to build computers to make decisions in dicult circumstances, especially where there is missing information. It is this missing information that makes poker so complex. Unlike checkers or chess, at which machines have also had notable success, poker is a game of incomplete information. You do not know what cards your opponent holds; information is revealed as the game progresses. A good player’s tactics will involve deception such as blung and slow-playing, both of which create more complexities. Soon after the article was published, Polaris took on Phil Laak and Ali Eslami, both poker professionals. Each played a separate Polaris programme running in a di erent room, using notional money. The human players could not communicate with each other. To control for luck, the games were identical and reversed: whatever cards the computer got in one room the human got in the other. The humans then switched rooms and played the hands previously played by the computers, for a total of four 500-hand sessions. The results were surprising: a draw in one match, a resounding win by Polaris in another and two narrow victories for the humans in the remainder. In 2008 the human eld was expanded to six professionals. Out of six matches the humans won two, Polaris won three and one was drawn. Mr Bowling attributes Polaris’s stronger performance to a crucial modication that allowed the program to adjust its strategy in response to its opponent’s behaviour during a match. Polaris has not competed against humans since then, but the CPRG has done some work on another poker variety, heads-up no-limit Hold ’em. Jack Strauss, a prominent poker player in the 1970s and 1980s, famously described the di erence between limit and no limit: In limit you are shooting at a target. In no limit the target comes alive and shoots back at you. Mr Bowling says his no-limit Polaris can compete at a low professional level. The more interesting work, however, may be in spin-o applications. Mr Bowling says that the ability to solve large games in which participants value similar things di erently has some applications in auction and negotiation settings. Some of the game-theory aspects of Polaris have been found to improve networks of sensors that measure variable environmental information, such as heat in a building or chemicals in lakes. And yet for all its prowess, Polaris is unlikely to become the Chinook or Deep Blue of poker, making humans obsolete. For one thing, heads-up poker is only one of many kinds of poker played. A rst-rate human player can hold his own in any variation; a machine might nd the transition harder. Second, most poker is still played socially, whether in casinos or at home, and you can’t have a beer and a natter with a bot. Online an intelligent machine might have a better chance. But most sites have rigorous anti-bot policies, particularly when it comes to transferring money. And creating a bot that can defeat multiple layers of security may be harder than playing rst-rate poker. As Mr Laak says, anyone smart enough to put a bot down would make way more money operating above board. 2 televised poker is the showdown, in which pens to them, and get out of the way when it is someone else’s turn. This is not a theoretical point; it is at the heart of a dispute about poker’s future in America, the country of its birth and its largest single market. UIGEA (the enforcement mechanisms of which have only just come into e ect, even though the act was passed in 2006) bans nancial institutions from transferring funds for bets in which opportunity to win is predominantly subject to chance. Poker has been judged to fall into that category (though the act exempts stocktrading and horseracing), so sites that o er Americans the opportunity to play online poker have to duck and dive. Yet the view that poker is indeed a game of skill is gaining traction. A 2009 study carried out by Cigital, a software consultancy, analysed 103m hands of one of the main varieties of poker, Texas Hold ’em, played at Pokerstars.com, and found that over 75% of them were decided before a showdown. They thus depended far more on the players’ betting decisions than on the cards dealt. The Poker Players’ Alliance, a million-strong group of acionados, argued in the South Carolina Supreme Court that the structure and rules allow sucient room for a player’s exercise of skill to overcome the chance element in the game. And The Global Poker Strategic 1 players bet against each other all the way and a winner is determined only by turning up all the cards and comparing hands. In practice, this rarely happens. Most experienced players insist that success at poker is not about luck. David Sklansky, author of The Theory of Poker, the best and most thoughtful of the many books on poker strategies, writes that expert players do not rely on luck. They are at war with luck. They use their skills to minimise luck as much as possible. In poker, as in life, luck can happen to anyone; it is evenly distributed. Skilled players know how to take advantage of it when it hap- The Economist July 10th 2010 2 Thinking Society, founded by Charles Nes- son, a Harvard law professor, takes a similar view. Mr Nesson sees in poker a language for thinking about and an environment for experiencing the dynamics of strategy in dispute resolution. Similarly, Garry Kasparov, a chess grandmaster, argues that poker o ers lessons on chance and risk management that even his beloved game cannot. He also notes that many chess professionals are moving into poker, not least because the A special report on gambling 5 money is better. Jennifer Shahade, who twice won the American Women’s Chess Championship and is now a semi-professional poker player, thinks that chess and poker rely on similar skillsa sort of calculating game-savvinessand that chess players are likely to succeed at poker because they focus on nding the right moves, rather than having fun or how their ego feels. Yet perhaps the clearest argument in favour of poker being skill- rather than chance-dependent comes from Mr Sklansky, and it has to do with losing rather than winning. Imagine trying intentionally to lose at a game of pure chance, like roulette or baccarat. It would be impossible. At the beginning of a deal or a roll you have to bet on something. You can no more deliberately play badly than you can deliberately play well. The same is not true for poker, which o ers multiple opportunities to make sure you lose. Still, America’s Congress seems unconvinced. 7 Log on, ante up Online gambling o ers the greatest threats and the biggest opportunities W HEN George Bush, then America’s president, signed the Security and Accountability For Every Port Act into law in 2006, parts of America’s online-gambling market retired hurt. That was because attached to the port act was the Unlawful Internet Gaming Enforcement Act (UIGEA), which prohibited nancial institutions from transferring funds from punters to gambling sites (though it made exceptions for horseracing, fantasy sports and stocktrading). The act reected prevailing public opinion in America: surveys show that more than two-thirds of the population are opposed to legalising online gambling. But Barney Frank, a congressman who has introduced legislation to repeal UIGEA, describes its enforcement mechanisms as a pain in the ass of the highest magnitude. Many companies, including PartyGaming, the world’s largest online-gambling company, abandoned the American market as soon as the act was passed. In absolute terms online gambling remains a small part of the global betting market: a mere 8% in 2009, with revenues of about $26 billion, according to H2. But last year it rose even as the overall market fell. In the coming years it is expected to grow even more: 13% a year, says H2, with revenues rising to $36 billion by 2012. Those revenues will ow not merely to websites taking bets but also to companies o ering back-end services such as software design or proprietary gambling software. Yet online gambling presents thorny problems as well as opportunities. Businesses that want to o er it have to deal with a welter of di erent regulationsor operate semi-legally. Politicians have to de- 3 America leads the way Online gambling by country, 2010, % of total* US 17.2 Rest of Asia 8.4 Others 27.0 Rest of Europe 13.1 Canada 3.3 Hong Kong 3.3 Source: H2 % Japan 13.8 Britain 11.5 Italy 6.9 Germany 5.0 France 4.9 Sweden 3.7 Australia 3.4 *Forecast; includes both on- and offshore gambling cide whether to allow open markets or protect state-approved (and often staterun) monopolies. The rst is hard to do; the second hypocritical. The idea of using the internet for betting is not new. Donald Davies, a British computer scientist and co-inventor of the packet-switching technology that drives data transmission over the internet, rst proposed using that technology for wagering in December 1965. The rst commercial online gambling sites appeared in the mid-1990s, o ering casino games and sports books. Online poker followed a couple of years later. Paradise Poker opened in 1999, followed by PokerStars and PartyPoker, the agship product of PartyGaming, one of the rst online-gambling companies to go public and list on the London Stock Exchange, in 2005. In May 2010 Casinocity.com, an independent onlinegambling directory, listed 2,316 gambling sites taking bets, excluding lotteries. When PartyGaming and other listed companies pulled out of America, others lled the void. Bookies registered o shore, notably in Antigua and the Mohawk Reserve in Canada. PokerStars and Full Tilt Poker, both of which accept American players, are now the two biggest online poker rooms by a large margin, according to Pokerscout.com, an online poker forum. Thanks to UIGEA, those that cater to gamblers based in America have had to rely on arcane money-transfer systems that fudge the letter of the law and violate its spirit. UIGEA’s main congressional defenders, Jon Kyl and Spencer Bachus, are both avowed opponents of online gambling. A Republican congressional counsel who has worked in this area asserts that there has never been any doubt by any justice departmentthe Clinton justice department, the Bush justice department, the Obama justice departmentthat online gambling is illegal. Draconian punishments Eric Holder, Mr Obama’s attorney-general, vowed in his conrmation hearings to enforce UIGEA. He has kept his word. In April federal agents arrested Daniel Tzvetko , an Australian whose company, Automated Clearing House, allegedly created shell companies to allow punters to transfer $584m from their bank accounts to gambling sites. He faces up to 75 years in prison on bank fraud and money-laundering charges. In May Douglas Rennick, a Canadian, was arrested on similar charges; he pleaded guilty to the illegal transfer of gambling funds and awaits sentence. All this reects a profound and multilayered American scepticism of online gambling. In a 2004 report the State De- 1 6 A special report on gambling 2 partment called gambling sites the func- tional equivalent of wholly unregulated o shore banks, giving warning that they might be used not only for money-laundering but also for criminal activities ranging from terrorist nancing to tax evasion. Online gambling companies reject such claims, pointing to the clear audit trails offered by e-commerce. They argue that thanks to identity screening, online casinos are far less vulnerable to fraud than bricks-and-mortar ones. The wild web Europe has generally been more receptive to the idea of legalising online gambling, though national and European regulations often conict. There is certainly no single European market in online gambling. In Britain it is allowed, though it requires a licence and is taxed and regulated. Italy started issuing online-gambling licences this spring. France is due to follow suit on a more limited scale. Germany banned online gambling in 2008 but allows its citizens to play in state-run lotteries online. In 2009 Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Lisboa, a Portuguese charity that runs lotteries, took bwin, an online-gambling company based in Austria, to the European Court of Justice, alleging that bwin’s activities in Portugal infringed its national monopoly on lotteries and gambling. The ECJ ruled in Santa Casa’s favour, stating that restrictions on the freedom to provide services may be justied by overriding reasons relating to the public interest. Gambling appears to fall within that category. But the ECJ had previously ruled that a country cannot prohibit its citizens from betting online with private operators if it The Economist July 10th 2010 allows them to take part in state-run lotteries. Michel Barnier, the European Union’s internal-market commissioner, said in February that he plans to seek coherent European rules on online gambling. The laws may be muddled, but people are betting anyway, even where it is illegal to do so. America retains the lion’s share of the global market; its punters are expected to bet $5.7 billion online this year, only slightly down from its 2006 level of $6 billion. Germany and France account for around 5% of the market each. Clearly prohibition fails to prevent citizens who want to gamble from doing so. But legalising online gambling can expand the market, as demonstrated by Italy. H2 predicts that that country’s gross gaming yield (which measures the amount of customer monies kept by betting operations) from online poker, casino and bingo will grow from just over ¤400m in 2008 to nearly ¤1.6 billion in 2012. Should America’s market ever open up, the e ect would probably be similar but larger. Whether and when this might happen, though, is uncertain. Many in the online gambling industry think it inevitable, but opposition seems entrenched. It took decades to get geographically based gambling regulations right; for much of the 20th century crime festered in Las Vegas. In laying out an online regulatory regime America is likely to err on the side of caution. And since gambling is a state rather than a federal issue, any legalisation of online gambling is likely to be patchy. Yet just because America remains a laggard does not mean the rest of the world will stop. Mitch Garber, who heads the interactive-entertainment division of Har- rah’s, the world’s largest gambling company, believes that the trend towards legalisation across Europe will ultimately reach America and will eventually lead to a convergence between bricks-and-mortar and online businesses. More and more land-based companies, like Harrah’s, are dipping a toe into the online market. To do so they tend to use established back-end companies rather than reinventing the roulette wheel. These companies sell the picks and shovels but don’t prospect for gold, as David Loveday, who heads a gambling-software company called Orbis, puts it. This lowers barriers of entry to the online gambling market for established names. For example, William Hill, a British high-street bookmaker, runs a poker room for the Sun, a tabloid newspaper; that poker room runs on software developed by Playtech, a leading gambling-software developer, whereas William Hill’s sports book is run by Orbis. Such convergence is happening not only online; it is also moving across platforms. Betfair, a betting exchange, has launched an application running the Yahoo! TV Widget Engine Program, which offers a range of interactive content. Gigi Levy, who heads 888 Holdings, a large online-gambling rm, has similar plans. He says that at the moment sports betting is not social. A television-based application that allows punters to place a bet during a game with just a click is a logical development of the sort of in-game betting o ered by online bookies and exchanges. The idea sets sports-betting fans’ heart autterand gives gambling opponents nightmares. But it may come too late to save the horses. 7 Lengthening odds New betting options imperil horseracing’s future O N APRIL 9th nearly 45,000 people crammed into Oaklawn, a 106-yearold track nestling in the foothills of the Ouachita mountains in central Arkansas, to watch Zenyatta, a spirited six-year-old mare, win her 16th consecutive race. The next day’s eventthe Arkansas derby, which in recent years has become a preview ground for the more famous derby held three weeks later in Kentuckydrew over 60,000 fans. In those two days punters at the track bet nearly $6.5m. Atten- dance was 38% up on the previous year. Neither the charming old track nor the town itself, with a population of just under 40,000, was built for such crowds. Enterprising locals turned their lawns and shopfronts into parking lots at $20-25 a go. For racing fans everywhere such a turnout is reason to celebrate; it shows that the sport of kings has not lost its attractions. And indeed attendance remains strong at marquee events, such as the Arkansas and Kentucky derbies or Britain’s Grand Na- tional. But although sports betting does well online, horseracing has a particular problem. The business model that has kept it going up to now is being superseded by new and increasingly popular betting methods o ered by the internet. For all the national di erences, racing in most parts of the world has two things in common. First, it has provided one of the few legal forms of wagering and bookmaking available to most of the public for much of the past two centuries. Second, 1 The Economist July 10th 2010 A special report on gambling 7 The glory days 2 the sport depends on money from betting. Practically every national racing association the world over takes its cut from bets placed on races. In Britain 10% of bookmakers’ prots go to the Horserace Betting Levy Board, a statutory body that distributes the funds to British racing interests (mainly purses but also courses, breeders and veterinary science). The levy was put in place when punters had to bet through parimutuel pools (in which odds depend on the number of punters backing a bet) or licensed bookmakers. But now they have other options, so in 2008-09 the total levy collected reached its lowest level in six years, at about £92m. As other forms of gambling became legal, betting on racing fell. Between 2003 and 2008 the amount wagered on racing dropped by 10% in America and close to a third in Britain. But betting at the track is falling even faster. Punters in America have turned to advance-deposit wagering companies (ADWs) such as Youbet, TVG and Twinspires, which combine the functions of bookmakers and television networks, showing races from around the world. They allow punters to bet using a computer, mobile phone or television remote-control. Dedicated race fans in America can bet on European races in the morning, American ones throughout the day and Australian and Asian ones at night, all without having to leave home. And just as casinos o er free accommodation and meals to big players, ADWs o er redeemable reward points as an added incentive. Punters in Britain and Australia have an even more attractive option: betting exchanges. The largest is Betfair, which bought TVG in January 2009. Betfair’s revenue last year was £303m, up 27% from the previous year. Around 90% of bets placed through exchanges and more than half of bets made online in Britain are through Betfair. Exchanges allow people to bet with each other, rather than going through a licensed bookie or a parimutuel pool. Betfair makes money by charging a small commission, based on a user’s net prot in a given market. Unlike traditional operators, the exchanges also permit betting throughout races. Yet although Betfair’s model attracts savvy punters who understand how markets work, its numbers-heavy interface may intimidate casual sport punters. Noting that the odds on Chelsea are 1.19 and watching the market to see if they improve requires more e ort than putting £10 on Chelsea to win. But some punters may want to o er odds against Chelsea, which Betfair allows and traditional bookies do not. There are worries that letting people bet on a negative event will encourage corruption. In 2004 Chris Bell, the then boss of Ladbrokes, a bookmaker, claimed that at least one race a day was being xed, and blamed betting exchanges. Yet a corrupt jockey or trainer can always ride badly or hobble a favourite and then bet the eld. Also, online commerce is far more readily vetted and tracked than transactions by high-street or on-track bookies, so corruption should be far easier to sni out. Neil Goulden, who heads Coral, another bookmaker, says the real problem is not so much corruption as licensed bookmakers shutting up shop and o ering odds through Betfair to avoid paying tax and levy. Yet even if this is true, bookmakers will nd ways to get away from both anyway: Ladbrokes and William Hill have moved their betting operations from Britain to Gibraltar, where they are exempt from paying the levy and the tax on betting prots is 2% rather than Britain’s 15%. The tap is also running weaker in America. Between 1977 and 2006 parimu- tuel betting on horses in America fell by 52% in real terms. Whereas on-track betting has dropped every year since 1996, the o track variety over the same period has increased noticeably. When o -track betting was rst introduced, it was seen as a boon to the industry. Races being run in di erent locations were screened at the tracks so that punters at, say, Aksarben in Omaha, Nebraska, could bet on races being run at Los Alamitos in California. The revenue from o track betting was split so that 80% of the pool went to the state’s horsemen’s association, 17% to the place where the race was being screened and 3% to the track where the race was taking place. As long as the screenings were track-totrack and most betting was done on-track, that made some sense. But as on-track betting has fallen and the races are now being screened in all sorts of places that allow betting but do not stage any races (such as greyhound tracks, casinos and now ADWs), 3% seems a paltry reward for the e ort of hosting a race. Yet nding a new payment model has proved tricky. In a number of places ADWs have been forced to pay a source-market fee: for instance, 10% of all racing bets made in Virginia that is, where the punter is in Virginia, regardless of where the track ismust go to Colonial Downs, the state’s main track, and to the state’s horsemen’s association. A downhill race The sport remains in decline. California’s oldest thoroughbred track, Bay Meadows, closed in 2008; Hollywood Park, in southern California, is teetering; and Aqueduct, in Queens, was nearly sold to developers in 2007. New York’s racing authority, which runs Aqueduct, Belmont Park and Saratoga, emerged from bankruptcy in 2008only to have to take up a $17m emergency loan in April. No doubt more casualties will follow. After all, the sport’s success depended on its monopoly status, and that has gone. Banner days still draw a crowd, but everyday racingWednesday afternoons at Beulah Park (a track in Columbus, Ohio), as one insider calls itis harder to sustain. In more than a dozen states some tracks have added slot machines or card tables to attract those who want to gamble on something other than horses. These racinos funnel much of the money from slots and tables to fund purses and subsidise breeders. But cantering into that good night as an appendage to a slots parlour seems a sad fate for the sport of kings. 7 8 A special report on gambling The Economist July 10th 2010 Cutting o the arms Slot machines are becoming mobile S OMETIMES the old games are the best. Take, for instance, the reward-paying punching bag, one of the earliest attempts at machine-based gambling. For a nickel a punch, punters could pound out their frustrations. If they hit hard enough to move a pointer to the right spot on the dial, they won a prize. Or there was the manila, in which hopefuls could win a prize by shooting a nickel from a pistol into a slot. These days most casinos will not even let you smoke, much less punch or shoot your way to a prize. The rst machine to dispense coins as prizes was the three-reeled Card Bell, built by Charles Fey in 1898. Slot machines thrived in San Francisco. By the time the city outlawed them in 1909, it was collecting $200,000 a year in taxes from 3,200 slot machines. By 1931 Frank Costello, a mobster in New York, raked in $25m a year from his 25,000 slots. Today, betting machinesslots in America, fruit machines in Britain, pokies in Australiaaccount for more than one-fth of the global gambling market. Their one arm may be vestigial, but they still make out like bandits. Their appeal lies in their utter simplicity. You do not need to understand a complex system of betting, as in craps. You will not hold up the action if you make a mistake, as you might at a table game. You will not get skinned alive by people who understand the game better, as novices often do when playing poker at a casino. You do not have to interact with a dealer or remember which hand is higher. Slots are largely passive: feed them money (or cards, these days), press a button, watch the wheels spin or objects align on a screen and see whether you have won, and how much. They demand nothing but cash and often promise payouts of 95% or better. Las Vegas has around 200,000 of them and America as a whole about 1m, taking in an average of $1 billion a day. Australia has around 200,000 pokies, mainly in pubs and clubs, and Britain has at least 250,000 fruit machines. Alas, that 95% gure does not mean that you personally will get back 95 cents for every dollar you feed in; rather, it means that 95% of the money taken in will be returned to players over the course of the machine’s lifetime. So you could have a lucky streak and get back much more than you put in, or you could lose the lot. To keep the game interesting, most of it is paid out in dribs and drabs: a machine that returned $95,000 of every $100,000 in one huge jackpot once in a blue moon would be too disheartening to play. When it comes down to it, over the longer term slot machines keep 5% of your money in return for a light show and a slimmish chance to win. But people keep playing. Slots pit humans against maths, and the maths always win. But successful slot machines get players to like the feel of the maths, explains Chris Satchell, chief technology ocer for International Game Technology. IGT, along with Bally Technologies, Aristocrat and Novomatic, is one of the world’s leading slot-machine makers. Many people like the older, mechanical machines on which the reels are set in motion by pulling a lever rather than pressing a button, which is why many casinos have retained them. Where video machines are used, they sometimes feature displays that allow the video reels to align imperfectly, as on an old spinning-wheel machine. Whether the machine pays out lots of little prizes or a few big ones, the payout Something for everyone level is generally set by law. And despite all the myths that slots players like to perpetuatecoins need to be warmed up because machines hate cold ones; coins should never be overhandled because machines hate warm ones; machines are more likely to pay if you use a card rather than cashit is determined by random draw. Over time the amount the machine pays back to the customer will approach its average rate, but, at least in regulated markets, each spin is independent of the previous one. Yet slot-machine development, assisted by advances in networking technology, involves more than simply tinkering with payout algorithms. Killer heels Slot developers understand the power of branding. The most popular machine in IGT’s history is Wheel of Fortune, based on a long-running television game show. Coming hot on its heels is the Sex and the City machine. Its reels depict diamonds, chocolates and strappy shoes. Since its launch in November 2009 it has proved popular, earning up to ve times as much as the average slot machine on some oors. Like the television show it appeals to women, which indirectly makes it at- 1 The Economist July 10th 2010 2 tractive to men too. In January IGT launched a machine based on Amazing Race, a TV show. American Idol and Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, based on another TV show and a lm of the famous children’s book respectively, are on the way. These games involve more than simply pressing a button and waiting to see whether the reels align. The Wheel of Fortune machines have a spinning wheel on top of the play area; another version features an immense wheel used for bonus spins. The Sex and the City machine offers video clips. Amazing Race will have the show’s host guiding players through bonus rounds. American Idol will allow players to judge performances shown on a video screen. Many of these highlight a shift towards what Mr Satchell calls community-based slots playing, designed to appeal to the Facebook generation. Pick your app Increasingly slots are linked not just to each other but also to servers, which makes them far more exible. Traditional slot machines o er only one game. If that A special report on gambling 9 happens to go cold (ie, become unpopular), they sit around uselessly or have to be taken away. With server-based games the hardware on the casino oor is governed by software on a remote server. If a game goes cold the casino manager can change it to a di erent one in seconds. Separating the hardware and the software also speeds development, making it much easier and cheaper to introduce new games. The boss of Inspired Gaming Group (INGG), Luke Alvarez, calls his company the iPhone of slots. Instead of developing games inhouse, it o ers an open-source code and works with around 30 game developers. Server-based slots are still in a minority but growing fast. ARIA, the agship casino at CityCenter, on the Las Vegas Strip, opened last December with 980 such machines. IGT’s server-based games can also be found in casinos in Italy, Finland and France. INGG operates 25,000 of them across Britain and in smaller networks in Cyprus, Italy, Australia, the Czech Republic, Cambodia and Laos. Yet moves towards faster play, bigger jackpots and more enticing machines are not without their critics. Natasha Dow Schull, a professor of anthropology at MIT, whose book Addiction by Design: Machine Gambling in Las Vegas is due out later this year, found that 90% of people attending Gamblers Anonymous meetings in Las Vegas played only machines. Ms Schull says the trend towards video slots that allow gamblers to bet on as many as 100 lines at once increase the frequency of small payouts, making the experience seem more rewarding. That encourages a slow and gradual bleeding o of your funds. Leslie Bernal, who heads an organisation called Stop Predatory Gambling, describes slots as a huge part of our debt culture and the biggest something-fornothing scheme ever invented. Yet slots spin on. In the past year IGT’s share price has risen by 40% to take its market cap to over $5 billion. Gideon Bierer, the company’s vice-president in charge of developing slots for online and mobile play, says this market has brought a lot of new customers in who weren’t interested before and didn’t have access. That is clearly good news for companies such as his. Traditional betting hubs like Las Vegas take a more sceptical view. 7 When the chips are down Competition and the economic downturn have hurt, but Las Vegas is ghting back G AMBLING centres operate at one remove from their local communities. Monte Carlo’s casino is in Monaco, surrounded by but independent from France. Monaco’s citizens are not allowed into the gaming rooms, but everyone else is encouraged to open their wallets. Macau is attached to mainland China only by a narrow isthmus. Until 1999 it was under Portuguese rule. Now it is a Special Administrative Region of China, but visitors from the mainland need a special visa. Las Vegas sits in a valley in some of North America’s most inhospitable terrain. It was rst settled in 1855 by Mormons seeking freedom from American rule. At the beginning of the 20th century a mere 30 homesteaders tilled the scrubby soil. But in 1911 the state government, seeking new sources of revenue, o ered divorces in only six weeks, the quickest in the country. It also scrapped taxes on sales, income and inheritance and repealed the ban on gambling passed in 1909. By 1951 a congressional commission complained that too many of the men running gambling operations in Nevada were involved with organised crime. Mobsters, notably Meyer Lansky, Benjamin Bugsy Siegel and Moe Dalitz, had gained control of the state’s casinos, using them to launder drug money and other ill-gotten gains. The road to respectability Siegel made the Flamingo into the rst luxury hotel on the Strip in 1946. Today it is owned by Harrah’s, a listed company. The Strip’s northernmost casino, the Stratosphere, is the property of a Goldman Sachs aliate. The Strip’s largest complex, made up of the Venetian, the Palazzo and the Sands Expo Convention Centre, is owned by the Las Vegas Sands Corporation, another listed company that has a $16.7 billion market cap. Over the past half-century the city’s population has climbed steeply and steadily. Today nearly 2m people live in the Las Vegas metropolitan areaa testament perhaps as much to the miracle of modern air conditioning as to the irresistible allure of gambling. But whereas the 20th century was good to Las Vegas, the 21st may prove more perilous. Following a brief attempt at reinventing itself as a family-friendly resort in the 1990s, it has now tried to return to its roots as Sin City; one of its more famous advertising campaigns promises that what happens in Vegas, stays in Vegas. It remains the only place in America where punters can legally bet on sports. Yet just as the rise of other forms of gambling threatens horseracing, so Las Vegas now faces competition from other venues. Native American casinos abound. And despite UIGEA, so do opportunities for online gambling. The nancial crisis has done its bit to make life harder. In May this year Nevada’s unemployment rate had climbed to 14%, the highest in any state and far above the national average of 9.7%. In 2008 hotel-casinos provided only 16% of the state’s jobsnearly seven percentage points fewer than at the peak, in 1994. The state has 1 10 A special report on gambling The Economist July 10th 2010 2 tried hard to diversify, but gaming and tou- rism remain a big part of the economy, so the drop in consumer spending in the past two years has a ected Nevada more than most other states. The crisis hit at the end of a long period when visitor numbers were growing faster than the number of hotel rooms. In 2004 MGM Mirage announced plans for a massive complex on the Strip, CityCenter, to cash in on rising demand. The cost rose from an initial estimate of around $3 billion to over $9 billion. It opened in December last year, adding 4,800 hotel rooms to a city already struggling to ll the rooms it had. By the end of 2009 the number of visitors was down 3% from the previous year but room numbers were up 6%, slashing the occupancy rate. Equally alarming, gambling revenues in Nevada as a whole fell by over 10%, the state’s steepest-ever annual decline. Much of this is due to the broader economic malaise, in particular the drop in consumer spending that accompanied the recession. But competition is also to blame. In 1987 the Supreme Court ruled that Native American tribes could establish gambling operations on tribal lands even if those lands lay within states that prohibit gambling. The following year Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, which created a framework of regulation for such businesses. Today more than 200 tribes run casinos in 28 states, including Nevada and California (which supplies many of the visitors to Las Vegas). The biggest casino in America is Foxwoods, run by the Meshantucket Pequot tribe in western Connecticut; that and the Mohegan Sun casino, run by the Mohegans in Connecticut, are both around two hours’ drive from New York, and much of their business comes from day punters. The Pechanga Resort and Casino in Temecula, California, between Los Angeles and San Diego, is closer to both than is Las Vegas. In 2008 gaming revenue at Indian casinos was about $27 billion, a 1.5% rise on the previous year, whereas Las Vegas saw a drop. Proximity seems to make a di erence. In addition to this direct competition there are smaller foes, too. Around 15 states have racinos, or slots parlours attached to race tracks; and many of them o er video poker, blackjack or craps, which are computer-based versions of popular table games. The federal ban on sports betting outside Nevada is beginning to crumble at the edges: Delaware lost its appeal to allow sports betting but retains the right to take The light fantastic bets on multiple professional football games, and a New Jersey state-senate panel recently approved legislation to allow sports betting in Atlantic City. Yet none of this may be as damaging to Las Vegas as it appears. For one thing, most people do not go there just to gamble: in 2009, only 13% of all visitors and a mere 2% of rst-time ones said gambling was their primary purpose for visitingfewer than said they were coming to see friends or family, or for a holiday. Give me glamour Certainly, holidaymakers can and do gamble83% of visitors didbut Las Vegas offers a gambling plus factor that the racinos and slots parlours opening all over America cannot rival. Aside from attractions such as theatre, comedy and golf, Las Vegas is full of associations (mobsters, the Rat Pack, the World Series of Poker and so on) that no other destination can o er. It is the strangest and most fantastic city in America, glittering in the middle of the desert like a neon mirage. Mr Adelson, the head of Las Vegas Sands and for some years the world’s third-richest person, insists that he is not in the gambling business, nor even in the gaming business (a distinction he and Michael Leven, Las Vegas Sands’s president, consider important; the di erence between gaming and gambling, according to Mr Leven, is the di erence between having a cocktail and going out drinking). As far as Mr Adelson is concerned, he is in the integrated-resort business. His twin hotels on the Strip, the Venetian and the Palazzo, combine thousands of hotel rooms, upmarket shopping (some of it lining a Venetian streetscape, complete with a painted blue sky, canals and gondola rides), restaurants, spas, banquet halls, convention centres and, of course, a casino. The casino is necessary to drive revenue, just as the convention centres are essential to attract business travellers who may then decide to return for a holiday with their families. But around 70% of his revenue, says Mr Adelson, comes from non-gaming sources. The model of using casinos as just one of many revenue-spinners also works for Las Vegas as a whole. In 2009 tourists on average spent around $75 a night on accommodation and stayed for 3.6 nights. They shelled out about $250 on food, just over $100 on shopping, $53 on transport and $45 on shows and sightseeing. The average gambling budget was $482 (down sharply from 2005, when the average punter bet $627). Some 17% of visitors do not gamble at all. But even those who do spend more on other activities combined. Having begun as a secluded sinning haven, tucked away in the desert, Las Vegas has had to face the fact that its chief sin on o er has become much more widely available. But for casino owners it still has a big advantage: its gambling-tax rate is capped at 6.75%. New Jersey, home to Atlantic City, o ers an 8% rate, but most other places are much greedier. Sands’s only American property outside Vegas is in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where the state taxes gross gaming revenue at 55%. The state of Nevada is more diversied than it was two decades ago, but it is likely to return to strength only as Las Vegas does, and Vegas’s fortunes depend on America’s economy. If people have money in their pockets, some will inevitably nd its way to the Strip. But there may be no need for new hotel rooms for some time, and growth is likely to be atter than in the past. For runaway expansion in the gambling market, look east. 7 The Economist July 10th 2010 A special report on gambling 11 The dragon’s gambling den Macau is only the start: all Asia is coming out to play L IKE its sister property in Las Vegas but twice as large, the Venetian Macao is built for MICEmeetings, incentives, conventions (or conferences) and exhibitions. It has 3,000 hotel suites, a 15,000-seat arena that has hosted concerts by Lady Gaga and the Police, expensive shops and restaurants and a warren of immense gaming rooms. Next door is the Plaza Macao, featuring yet more gaming, shops and spas, as well as a Four Seasons hotel and the grand residential Plaza Mansions. Mr Adelson, the owner of the complex, rejects the traditional hub and spokes casino-hotel design that forces guests to pass through the gaming oor to do anything outside their hotel room, just in case they feel a sudden urge to chuck some money into a slot machine. His Plaza Macao has a separate entrance to the Mansions and Four Seasons, a long way from the gaming oor. This is for the benet of Chinese government ocials, who may not be photographed in a gambling environment. Macau is the world’s biggest gambling market, and until 2001 it was entirely controlled by one company, Sociedade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau (STDM), headed by Stanley Ho. Mr Ho’s garish pair of casinos, the agship Casino Lisboa and the newer Grand Lisboa, remain the most prominent gambling establishment in central Macau, but he now faces sti competition from a pair of seasoned Las Vegas companies, Wynn Resorts and Sands China, a subsidiary of Las Vegas Sands, as well as China’s Galaxy Entertainment Group. The contrast between Mr Ho’s agships illustrates the way that Macau’s gambling market has evolved. Casino Lisboa is small, tightly packed, loud and smoky. Nearly all of the gaming oor is taken up by tables o ering Macau’s two most popular games: baccaratin which punters bet on the turn of a cardand sic bo, in which they bet on the value of three rolled dice. Both involve about as much skill as betting on coin ips. The Grand Lisboa, by contrast, has craps and blackjack tables, a poker room, a sports book, a number of restaurants ranging from the upmarket to an excellent noodle shop, and hundreds of slot machines. However, on a recent visit the sportsbook stood empty and unat- tended; a single poker table was occupied; blackjack action was scant; four employees stood around a craps table enticing passers-by to try their luck. By contrast baccarat and sic bo were going at full tilt. Old gambling habits die hard. The competition from Messrs Adelson and Wynn ended Mr Ho’s monopoly (though his company still accounts for about one-third of the territory’s gambling market) and boosted Macau’s overall revenue. Last year the island’s 30-odd casinos generated income of around $15 billion. According to GBGC, a consultancy that specialises in the gambling industry, its overall gambling revenue in that year rose by nearly 10%, whereas North America’s fell by 7% and Europe’s by 12%. And Macao is going from strength to strength: in the rst quarter of 2010 its gambling revenues were 57% up on a year earlier. Mainlanders’ playground The Chinese are known as passionate gamblers, and Macau is where they come to play. Steve Jacobs, the head of Sands China, reckons that four-fths of his visitors hail from the mainland and the rest mainly from other Asian countries, notably Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam and In- Gambling markets don’t come bigger dia. Most of the Venetian Macao’s revenue comes from wealthy guests, many of whom are on junkets organised by businesses in China that market them to visitors, plan the travel and extend credit to gamblers. The casinos provide the gaming and generally split the proceeds with the junket operators. Chinese visiting rights, however, are tightly controlled by the government. Mainlanders need a visa to go to Macau, and the authorities are apt to change the frequency and duration of permitted visits on a whim. Last year, after a number of embarrassing stories about government ocials using public funds to bet in Macau, mainlanders were limited to one visit every three months. Even so, Mr Jacobs said that visa restrictions are one of the things I think least about: the Chinese government is clearly happy maintaining Macau as a source of steady gambling revenue, close to but politically separate from the mainland. And with a population of over 1 billion, mainland China has enough people to keep the visitors coming despite the restrictions. In fact, Macau draws so many punters that casinos are literally rising from the sea: the Venetian and the Plaza anchor a devel- 1 12 A special report on gambling 2 opment known as the Cotai Strip, built on a ve-kilometre piece of reclaimed land that links the two Macanese islands of Coloane and Taipa. The Cotai part of the new plot’s name comes from the rst syllables of the two islands; the Strip part of it is clearly meant to evoke Las Vegas. Galaxy opened the Grand Waldo, the rst resort there, in 2006; the Venetian and Plaza followed soon after and will be joined by two more Sands developments. There will also be new hotels from Raes, Conrad, Hilton, Sheraton, Swissotel and St Regis. Busting out all over The Cotai Strip may be the most high-prole gambling development in Asia, but there are plenty of others. In the past few months Singapore has seen the opening of two large integrated resorts, Resorts World Sentosa and Marina Bay Sands, which cost The Economist July 10th 2010 about $10 billion. The Philippines Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR) has launched a hotel-and-casino complex on a large chunk of reclaimed land in Manila Bay. According to PAGCOR, its partners in the ventureAustralia’s Bloomsbury Investments, Malaysia’s Genting Group and Aruze, a Japanese company known mainly for its pachinko and slot machineseach stand ready to invest $2 billion-3 billion in the venture. In 2008 the government of Vietnam granted Asian Coast Development, a Canadian company, the right to construct ve integrated resorts on 169 hectares of beachfront land near Ho Chi Minh City. The rst of them, the MGM Grand Ho Tram, is scheduled to open in 2013. In Bavet, Cambodia, south-east of Phnom Penh, the $100m Titan King Casino opened in February this year. It joins a number of other Cambodian casinos near the country’s borders with Vietnam and Thailand. In Japan the only legal forms of gambling at the moment are pachinko, the lottery and horseracing, but that could soon change. Mr Jacobs predicts that if the Japanese market were to open up, it would be ve to ten times the size of Macau’s. Yet many Asian governments, for all their eagerness to get their hands on more tax revenue, still remain ambivalent about gambling. Singapore charges its own citizens S$100 ($72) to enter its casinos but foreigners pay nothing. Only one of South Korea’s 14 casinos is open to the locals. Egyptian and North Korean casinos too will happily take foreigners’ money yet bar their own citizens. China rations mainlanders’ access to Macau. On the Chinese mainland the only legal form of gambling is a thriving lottery. 7 Come, all ye gullible Lotteries are a bad bet, but everybody loves them O N A cool and clear spring Friday night, in the basement of an anodyne oce building in the Paris suburb of BoulogneBillancourt, about a dozen people took their places to go through the weekly ritual of making one European rich beyond his wildest dreams. Tumblers were spun, numbered balls drawn, pearly white teeth ashed, breaths heldbut in the end there was no winner in that week’s EuroMillions draw. The ¤79m ($100m) jackpot was rolled over to the following week, when the prize went up to just over ¤100m ($125m) and the draw produced a single winner, from Britain. It was the biggest lottery windfall in British history, though still nowhere near the world record, a stunning $390m split between two tickets in an American Mega Millions draw. EuroMillions is run jointly by the Française des Jeux, Loterías y Apuestas del Estado and Camelot, which operate the French, Spanish and British lotteries respectively. It is open to players in Britain, Ireland, France, Spain, Luxembourg, Austria, Belgium, Portugal and Switzerland; measured by the number of players, it is the world’s biggest lottery. During the week of the missed draw last spring some 26m Europeans bought tickets. The draw takes place in Paris every Friday night between 9pm and 10pm; it is recorded and sent to the participating countries, which work the footage into their own presentations. The prizes are tax-free and handed over at once and in full, whereas in America the prizes are taxed and the winners are generally given the option of receiving the full amount in yearly instalments or a portion of it as an immediate lump sum. Like most modern lotteries, EuroMillions funds good causes of many kinds. But that is not what gets people excited. What the lottery sells, according to Christophe Blanchard-Dignac, the head of Française des Jeux, is a dream. That dream is of great personal wealth, even if the lottery is perhaps the only game in the world in which your chances of winning are not greatly increased by playing because the odds are so long. Enduring allure And yet lotteries have been perhaps the most enduring form of gambling. Slot machines are an outgrowth of the Industrial Revolution; card and dice games go in and out of fashion (who now bets on Hazard or Faro, popular in the 18th and 19th centuries?); the patterns and subjects of sports betting vary widely between countries and cultures; but the idea of taking a small utter on a chance of immense riches holds almost universal appeal. Historically, large-scale lotteries have served two purposes: encouraging commerce in cash-poor societies and contributing to civic welfare. In 1522 a Venetian dealer o ered punters the chance to win carpets in a draw for a small entry fee. Two centuries later lotteries in colonial America provided a mechanism for selling indivisible, expensive pieces of property. Thomas Je erson approved of this method where many run small risks for the chance of obtaining a high prize. Proceeds from lotteries helped to fund repairs to the Cinque Ports on the Sussex and Kent coasts, and to build Westminster Bridge. They also generated nance for such notable American institutions as Columbia and Yale universities and Williams and Dartmouth colleges. George Washington called gambling the child of avarice, the brother of iniquity and the father of mischief, but Benjamin Franklin organised a lottery in Philadelphia in 1746. The modern French lottery began in 1933 to help people who had been widowed, orphaned or injured in the rst world war. Today Française des Jeux nances French sports; its contributions accounted for more than 80% of the budget of the Centre National de Developpement du Sport in 2009. In Britain, where more than 70% of the adult population play reg- 1 The Economist July 10th 2010 A special report on gambling 13 2 ularly, Camelot has distributed more than £24 billion to good causes since its rst lottery draw in 1994, including sport, arts, heritage and education. Education is also a main recipient of American lottery largesse. California’s lottery has been giving 34 cents in every dollar to public schools since 1984. Arkansas started its lottery in 2009 with the express aim of funding scholarships for the state’s students and universities. And in Georgia lotteries have provided over 1m residents with scholarships to go to college. The respectable face of gambling This tradition of civic support may be one reason why lotteries are more widely accepted, and therefore more accessible, than other forms of gambling. The World Lottery Association has members from over 90 countries. Most American states have lotteries, and even in some of those that do not, residents can still buy tickets in the two multistate lotteries, PowerBall and Mega Millions. Lotteries also hold their appeal well in tough times. They account for nearly onethird of the global gambling market, with sales expected to rise this year as the bets on o er grow more diverse: not just scratch cards and number draws but also online and mobile o erings, a small but increasingly important business. Money taken from the general population and used by the government as it sees Highly improbable t is also known by another name. Henry Fielding hit upon it in his ballad-opera The Lottery, written in 1731: A Lottery is a Taxation,/Upon all the Fools in Creation;/And Heav’n be praised,/It is easily raised,/Credulity’s always in Fashion:/For, Folly’s a Fund,/Will Never Lose Ground,/ While Fools are so rife in the Nation. According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, in 2006 American lotter- ies generated nearly $17 billion in revenue for state governments. The chance of winning the Mega Millions jackpot is about one in 176m. For comparison, an individual’s chance of being struck by lightning is around one in 750,000. And if lotteries are a tax, they su er from being regressive. A study carried out in 2009 by Theos, a British think-tank, found that poor Britons spent a greater part of their income on lottery tickets, particularly scratch cards, than rich ones. In South Carolina, households with incomes of less than $40,000 a year account for 28% of the state’s population but more than half of its frequent lottery players. More than one American in ve thinks that buying lottery tickets constitutes a sound retirement plan, according to a Tax Foundation study. And research carried out by the Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis in seven American states found that much of the money spent on lottery tickets came from some form of government assistance (such as social security, unemployment or disability benet). Buying a lottery ticket may be a foolish bet, but given that people are so willing to play, it is unrealistic to ask governments not to back the game. European enthusiasm for lotteries has already led Française des Jeux, Camelot and MUSL, which runs Mega Millions and Powerball, to start planning for a global lottery, with a tentative launch date of 2012. 7 Sure thing People will keep on betting, legally or illegally. It makes sense to tidy up the rules I N 1950-51 a US Senate commission headed by Estes Kefauver, a senator from Tennessee, investigated organised crime in America. It came out strongly against legalising gambling. The availability of huge sums of cash and the incentive to control political action result in gamblers and racketeers too often taking part in government. In states where gambling is illegal, this alliance of gamblers, gangsters and government will yield to the spotlight of publicityðbut where gambling receives a cloak of respectability through legalisation, there is no weapon which can be used to keep the gamblers and their money out of politics. In other words, not only is gambling a vice; gamblers themselves are an inherently corrupting force. That view has a long history. Somerset Maugham called Monaco a sunny place for shady people. At the time of the Kefauver investigation the same could have been said of Las Vegas. Yet as Moe Dalitz, a mobster from Cleveland who owned the Desert Inn, quipped when a friend asked him about his clubs, how was I to know those gambling joints were illegal? There were so many judges and politicians at them, I gured they had to be all right. Needless to say, betting is not limited to its legal enclaves; as with drugs today and alcohol in America 90 years ago, prohibition largely fails. It is impossible to say how much Americans spend on illegal betting, but estimates run as high as $380 billion. The internet has made such betting easier, though unregulated sites, often run by o shore crews, carry their own dangers. Legalising gambling certainly has its costs. Crime and pathological gambling tend to be higher in areas with casinos. America’s National Council on Problem Gambling estimates that 1% of American adults are pathological gamblers and another 2-3% have problems controlling their habit. In Britain some 0.6% of the population are thought to be problem gamblers, a status associated with being in poor health, single, separated or divorced andhaving fewer educational qualications than others. Problem gamblers are also more likely to be unemployed and to commit crimes. Gambling will always draw opposition 1 14 A special report on gambling The Economist July 10th 2010 paper all the more welcome. China appears content to send its gamblers o to Macau. The idea of fencing o the activity appears to be gaining support across Asia, whether by placing casinos in remote places, as in Cambodia, or by charging citizens for entry but allowing foreigners in free, as in Singapore. A kingdom for a horse 2 on moral grounds. Taylor Branch, a histori- an and a supporter of the Stop Predatory Gambling coalition, argues that statesponsored gambling (lotteries and slots) is a corruption of democracy because it ð[tricks citizens] into thinking they are going to get rich, but they are really going to be paying my taxes. Opponents also argue that it encourages addictiona disproportionate amount of revenue from slots and lotteries comes from frequent playersand relies upon the immortal hope of getting something for nothing. Yet arguing that states encourage addiction by legalising, taxing and regulating gambling is akin to arguing that they encourage alcoholism by legalising, taxing and regulating alcohol consumption. Some people bet too much, some people drink too much, but most are capable of doing both in moderation, and the state should not stand in their way. Still, creating a regulatory regime will not be easy, particularly given the rapid changes now sweeping the industry. Las Vegas took the better part of a century to extricate itself from the control of organised crime. That history has coloured America’s attitude towards online gambling and caused it to proceed more cautiously than most European countries. But using that history as an excuse for inaction or blanket bans of online gambling would be a mistake. The days when mobsters could y planeloads of cash between Las Vegas, Miami and Switzerland are over. Unlike wads of cash, money wagered online leaves a clear audit trail. Customers are at risk today not from betting online but from betting through unregulated sites located in foreign jurisdictions that leave them no recourse when they are cheated, and which themselves have proven vulnerable to cybercrime (notably ex- tortion by botnets, which attack the site and block bets during high-prole sporting events). Properly overseen and regulated, online gambling should be no more susceptible to fraud and money-laundering than e-commerce in general. The days of blanket bans in America may be ending anyway. There is growing discontent with federal interference in what should be an issue for the states. Delaware challenged the federal ban on sports betting unsuccessfully; New Jersey is gearing up for another run, and is considering a referendum to make online gambling legal in that state for its own residents. Attitudes in Europe have ranged from the permissive to the strongly opposed, which has made it hard to align gambling rules to create more of a single market. There have been calls for harmonisation, but the European Court of Justice does not seem to have pursued a consistent line, which makes Mr Barnier’s call for a green O er to readers Reprints of this special report are available from The Rights and Syndication Department. A minimum order of ve copies is required. Corporate o er Customisation options on corporate orders of 100 or more are available. Please contact us to discuss your requirements. Look at it rationally Britain seems to have found the right balance between paternalism and permissiveness, recognising that people who wish to gamble will do soparticularly today, when all they need is a computer, a broadband connection and a credit card. Ensuring that they are not cheated requires regulation, rigorous oversight and a commitment to an open and competitive market. All of these things are to the good. Many people would disagree. But they would do better to try to persuade their fellow citizens to spend their money more wisely than to appeal to governments to enforce crude bans. On the face of it that should be easy: the most popular forms of gamblingslots, lotteries and casino gamesare simply bad bets which players are likely to lose. But rational individuals should not be prevented from indulging in the odd speculative wager, whether on a lottery ticket or in the housing market. Governments around the world increasingly seem to recognise this (or at least they seem to like the revenues that ow from regulated and taxed gambling). Globally, online as well as in the world of bricks and mortar, the trend is toward greater legalisation and regulation. Civil libertarians will rejoice. The house will still win. 7 Future special reports Egypt July 17th Latin America September 11th Forests September 25th The world economy October 9th Turkey October 23rd Smart systems November 6th For more information on how to order special reports, reprints or any queries you may have please contact: The Rights and Syndication Department 26 Red Lion Square London WC1R 4HQ Tel +44 (0)20 7576 8148 Fax +44 (0)20 7576 8492 e-mail: rights@economist.com www.economist.com.rights Economist.com/rights Previous special reports and a list of forthcoming ones can be found online Economist.com/specialreports