October 1999, Vol 17 - Anesthesia History Association
Transcription
October 1999, Vol 17 - Anesthesia History Association
.. BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA }/ISTORY AHA VOLUME 17, NUMBER 4 OCTOBER, 1999 The Bristol Meeting: Celebrating 200 Years of Nitrous Oxide by Selma Harrison Calme� MD. The British History of Anaesthesia So ciety (HAS), the U . S .'s Anesthesia History Associa tion (AHA) and the S o c ie ty of Anaesthetists of the South Western Region (SASWR) gathered in Bristol, England, May 13-15, 1999, to mark the bicentennial of Sir Humphrey Davy's researches into nitrous oxide (NP). This research was car ried out in Bristol at Thomas Beddoes' Pneumatic Institute, so Bristol was the ap propriate meeting site. Davy's discovery of the pain-relieving properties of Np oc curred April 17, 1799, so the meeting date was also appropriate. Bristol is an industrial city in southwest England, along the River Avon. In the 18th and 19th centuries, it was a prominent port especially for the sugar and slave trades. The meeting site was The Watershed Con ference Centre, along Bristol's remaining original quay. This area of Bristol had ex tensive bomb damage during World War II and was rebuilt in modern style. Walking j ust a few blocks led to very historic areas, incl uding parts of the original city wall. A statue of Queen Victoria guarded the en trance to the main hotel (the lovely Royal Swallow Hotel), and the Bristol Cathedral, whose foundations date to Roman times, was the nearby background. Twenty papers on the history of Np were presented. Topics ranged from "Bed does' Patrons" (Dr. E.T. Mathews, Birming ham) to "Gardner Quincy Colton's 1848 Visit to Mobile, Alabama" (A.J. Wright, Alabama) . There were some unusual pre senters: three were English literature pro fessors (two British, one from the U.S.) who examined the relation of the Romantic po ets to what was happening scientifically in Bristol. Dr. George Bause, Honorary Cu rator of the Wood Library-Museum and a descendant of Humphrey Davy, announced in his paper the discovery and acquisition of the earliest known anesthesia machine. Reception atAtwood Court with C atherine Ross (University ofTexas at TYler) and the authOl; Selma Calmes. This machine was designed by Amos M. Long of Monroe, Michigan, who received the patent in 1884. It was found in a Michi gan hospital's storage area. The Humphrey D a vy Lecture was given by D r. D avid Wilkinson of St. Bartholomew's, London. He studied Davy's scientific notebooks ex tensively and came to the conclusion Davy was a hasty, erratic researcher which may explain why he did not go further in using Np to treat pain. There were also displays related to NP, which served as focal points during tea breaks. Tours of interesting sites nearby were arranged. We saw the outside of the Pneu matic Institute, now a private house. The plaque marking the house as a historic site is framed by a huge wisteria, in full bloom when we visited. A special area of interest was the back yard where Priestly would rush to get fresh air whenever he got hy poxic while breathing Np. The Pneumatic Institute is in the Bristol suburb of Clifton, an area of hot springs which had marly medical "spas" in the 18th century. We also went to B owood House, site of J oseph Priestly's laboratory where both oxygen and NP were actually discovered. This is a very small room, which now serves as a library. A display on the discovery of oxygen was up, to mark the 225th anniversary of the discovery of oxygen. Jenner's house was nearby and we visited it, including the little hut in the backyard where .he inoculated his neighbors. Con tin ued on Page 4 III' BUllETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Call for Abstracts: AHA 2000 Anesthesia History Association Annual Spring Meeting March 29, 2000 Dolphin Hotel Wait Disney World Orlando, Florida The Anesthesia History Association invites the submission of abstracts for presentations at its 8th annual spring meeting. This meeting will be held in conjunction with the 25th annual meeting of the American Society ofRegional Anesthesia. Presentations should be 20 minutes in length and relate in some way to the history of anesthesia, pain management or critical care medicine. Abstracts should be no longer than what can fit on one 8Y2" by 1 1" sheet of paper. If possible, abstracts should indicate the research problem, sources and methodological approach used and may contain no more than 10 refer ences. Abstracts may be submitted by mail, fax or e-mail. Disk submission in Word-compatible format is also permitted. All accepted abstracts will be distributed in some form to all meeting registrants. Individuals who wish to organize a paper session around a theme should contact us as soon as possible. Abstracts must be submitted by December 1 5, 1 999, to: A.I. Wright, MLS; AHA Annual Spring Meeting Organizing Committee; Department ofAnesthesiology Library; University of Alabama at Birmingham; 619 19th Street South, JT965; Birmingham AL 35249-6810; (205) 934-4696 [voice]; (205) 975-5963 [fax] ,- <a.j .wright@ccc.uab.edu> Further announcements will be made as details for the program develop. "Inhaleing Gass [sic] which Stupefies the Senses" An Experience from a Patient in 1847 byPatrick Sim) Librarian) WOod LibrrJ1y-Museum ofAnesthesiology On January 27, 1 847, Boston resident M.E. Bassett wrote to his sisters in Scotland P.C., Massachusetts, describing among other things his personal experience of a dental operation under the influence of a gas he had inhaled. The case of dental anesthesia described by Bassett, a non-medical, non-dental contemporary of the Discovery, provides a patient's personal ac count of the momentous introduction of painless surgery. It took place only 89 days after Morton's public demonstration. In his letter to his sisters, he described in detail the effect on him of the inhaled gas that "stupefies the senses" while undergoing dental surgery. I have also been under the dentists hands-a fortnight since I went to have a tooth filled. . . , in the process of preparing it, previous to filling he came directly upon the nerve -. . . Something then must have done immediately. . . I suppose you have seen accounts of people inhaleing gass [sic] , which stupefies the senses so much that surgical operations have been performed without their knowledge. I was put to this test and went through this process. My senses were not entirely suspended as I did not take enough for that, only sufficient to make me insensible to this acute sensitiveness. You remember it afterwards as a sort of dream half forgotten. In this state I had the nerve destroyed, then I had to wait a week for it to heal previous to filling. . . There was a constant sewing, fileing, scraping, digging, punching, grounding & poking [sic] all through my brain. But since that time I have been very comfortable, much more so than I have been for months . . . I feel as much relieved as the boy did after he had his whipping . . . [sic] -M.B. Bassett January 27, 1 847 Stories of patients under anesthesia in the early days of the DiscovelY have been told, but rarely told from the patient's personal perspective. Crawford Long solicited James Venable's testimony to verify his claim. Venable went along, simply stating what happened between him and his physician friend.l In most other instances in the early years of surgical anesthesia, the famous patients are mostly historic figures known for their roles conveniently related to the events involving them. Boston musician Eben Frost, stout and healthy, was Morton's patient for painless dental extraction in September, 1 846. Like Venable, Frost testified for Morton on Cantinued onPage 20 Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology Duplicate Vintage Books for Sale The Wood Library-Museum of anesthe siology announces a duplicate Vintage Book Sale. To order any of the following volumes, please contact: Karen Bieterman, Assistant Librarian Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology 520 N . Northwest Highway Park Ridge, IL 60068-2573 phone (847) 825-55 86, Ext. 5 8 fax (847) 825-1 692 Adriani J. The ChemistlY and Physics of Anesthesia. 2nd ed. Springfield: Charles C . Thomas; 1 970. $1 5 .00 Adriani I. The Phalwacology ofAnesthetic Drugs. 2nd ed. Springfield: Charles C. Tho mas; 1 94 1 . $ 1 5 .00 Clement FW Nitrous Oxide-Oxygen An esthesia. Philadelphia: Lea & Febinger; 1939. $30.00. Autographed copy. Farr RE. Practical Local Anesthesia and its Surgical Technic. Philadelphia: Lea & Febinger; 1 9 2 3 . $40.00 Flagg PJ. The Art of Anaesthesia. Phila delphia: J.B. Lippincott; 1939. $20.00 Gillespie NA. Endotracheal Anaesthesia. 2nd ed. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press; 1950. $20.00 Greene NM. Physiology of Spinal Anes thesia. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins; 1 9 5 8 . $20.00 Hertzler AE. The Technic of Local Anes thesia. 6th ed. St. Louis: C.Y Mosby; 1 937. $30.00 Hewer CL. RecentAdvances inAnaesthe sia and Analgesia. 4th ed. London: I. & A. Churchill; 1 943. $1 0.00 Lundy JS. ClinicalAnesthesia:A Manual of ClinicalAnesthesiolog), Philadelphia: WE. Saunders; 1 942. $20.00 Smith RM Anesthesia for Infants and Children. S t . Louis: C . Y Mosby; 1 9 5 9 . $20.00 Waters RM © Madison: University of Wisconsin Press; 1 9 5 1 . $20.00 Wylie WD, Churchill-Davidson HC. A Practice of Anaesthesia. 2nd ed. London: Lloyd-Luke; 1 966. $20.00 . . BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Renew your Membership As a Friend of The .Wood Library - Museum 2000 .:. Updates on WLM Acquisitions and Projects .:. Annual Appreciation Tea with WLM Board in WLM Exhibit area at the ASA meeting .:. Special discounts on WLM books and products Special Friends Offer: The History of Anesthesiology Reprint Series: Part Eleven - Nitrous Oxide A collection of classical articles on the history of nitrous oxide. Celebrate the bicentennial of the initial concept of Anesthesia. Renewed Membership: Narne: Address: Phone: Fax: Email: $40.00 (included Reprint Series -Part Eleven) ______________________________________________________ __ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ __ ____________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ _ _ ___________ _ ______ ___ Mail to: Patrick Sim, Librarian Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology 520 N. Northwest Highway Park Ridge, Illinois 60068-2573 Payment must accompany form. Make check payable to Wood Library-Museum or, if paying by credit card, complete the following: Visa __ Master Card Expiration Date __ # Signature _ _ __ _____________ _ ______ _______ ... 4 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Bristol. . . Continuedfrom Page 1 The plaque commemorating the Pneumatic Institute) sUlTOunded byblooming wisteria. BowoodHouse) site ofJoseph Pn'estly 'slaboratOl),where both mygen and �O were discovered. Outside ofThomas Beddoes' Pneumatic Institute) now a private residence. Collin Bause and George Bause in front of the Pneumatic Institute. The Bauses are descendants ofHumphrey Davy. HAS President Dr. Jean M. Horton (Ox ford) and AHA president Dr. Ted Smith (Chicago) presided at the conference ban quet, held in the stunning Great Hall of the University of Bristol (which seats 1 000 for dinner). Its enormous pipe organ filled the hall with glorious music as we entered for a very grand dinner. Another evening we enj oyed the displays of wine history in the Harveys Wine Cellars and Museum, previously a l3th century underground hospital. Dinner on the S . S . Great Britain, the first screw-propeller ship (now re stored) was another social highlight. The farewell reception at Atwood Court, Dr. Peter Baskett's (immediate past-president of the SASWR) home, gave us a picture of English country life a s we prepared to leave. D r. Tony Bennett, recently retired from Frenchay Hospital, Bristol, was the confer ence organizer and did a truly superb j ob. Everything was very well done. A special j oy was Dr. Bennett's narrations on the bus trips. He grew up in Bristol and made the city's history very interesting. We can say this meeting, the first joint meeting of the societies, was a great success; congratula tions to everyone involved. The HAS will publish a small volume of the papers in the future. (Note:The first edited drafts arrived August 1 6, so production is on the way.) BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY TheJenner house (left), nearBlistol, and the hut in the yard (light) where Jenner vaccinated his neighbors. TedSmith AHA Pl'esldent, and Catherine Ross, Universityof Texas at 1jdel; enjoya stJ'eet scene in Blistol Reception at the conference banquet, with CathelineRoss, Sally Coniam (Bath Spa University) and her husband, andJean Horton, pl'esident ofthe Blitish HistolJ' ofAnaesthesia Society (left to dght). Selma Calmes alidA. Franco (fi'Om Santiago, Spain) enjoy dinner at Hanrey's Wine Cellar andA1useum. Joseph Priestly'slaboratOiY at Boxwood House, whel'e both oxygen and N.zO wel'e discovel'ed 5 6 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Anesthesia and the Soul byJAntonio Aldrete, MD., MS. ProkSSOlj Department ofAnesthesiology, UniversityofSouth FlOlida,'Presldent, Sunshine Medical Center, Destin, Flonda and A. f Wright,ML.S. Librarian, Department ofAnesthesiolo!!Jj UniversityofAlabama, Birmingham, Alabama Even before the first anesthesia was ad ministered as we know it, men and women have been intrigued about the soul as an abstract concept, but they have concretely been curious about communicating with their inner being-their soul. Since anes thesia is an altered stated of consciousness, a number of investigators, psychics and anesthetists have attempted to link these two concepts in a variety of ways. The concept of a soul or spirit animating and perhaps transcending the body's physi cal existence is an ancient and much-debated point in the philosophies and religions ofboth Eastern and Western cultures. 1 The preva lence of this idea has even led to an attempt in the early twentieth century to experimen tally prove the soul's existence.2 The relation ship between some anesthetic terms and the soul or spirit or "breath" of life has been ex plored by Gravenstein3 in a review of related terminology, whether planned or incidental, between the two topics. This concept might be expanded to encompass the trans-anes thetic experiences described by some pa tients-the occurrence of dreams and hallu cinations during anesthesia has been noted from the early days of clinical anesthesia.4�6 Observations made on some of these cases have resulted in various theories to explain them, including: a) the personality of the patient; b) preoperative anxiety and/or de pression; c) certain anesthetic drugs, i.e. , ketamine, or d) adjuvants like scopolamine, droperidol, etc. Alteration of consciousness during the anesthetic state in itself may be seert, from the physiological point of view, as a reflection of the depressive effect of anes thetic agents upon the reticular activating sys tem; in other words, an interruption of one of the brain's functions. However, some have ven tured to say that the brain is only a tool of the thought process, originating on the metaphysi cal being governing both mind and body. 3 s, Whether labeled soul, anima or spirit, the concept, although vague, can hardly be dismissed lightly. Evidence of the immor tality of the soul is perhaps suggested in descriptions by survivors of cardiac arrest and/or cardiac surgery, who have observed their bodies being resuscitated and felt no p a i n or anxie ty. 7 S o m e s u rvivors of near-death experiences have also described seeing bright lights; people known to them, both living and dead; and hearing a super natural voice. 7�lo Autoscopy, the experience of observing one's own body from outside in, has been associated with numerous other states, including ketamine and ni trous oxide anesthesia;ll�13 depersonaliza tion, or the syndrome of the doublel4,ls which all of us are supposed to have; mys tical experiences16 and psychotropic drug useP Indeed, substantial esoteric literature surrounds this phenomenon. IS The image of a death-and-rebirth cycle was vividly connected to the administra tion of anesthesia by Irish playwright Synge, who noted about his ether experi ence, "The impression was very strong on me that I had died the preceding day and come to lif� again, and this impression has never changed."19 This experience seems to be c o m m o n a m o n g a n e s t h e ti z e d p a tients.6 ,1l ,12 In addition, communications through so-called "psychics," "mediums," or "channelers" have truly been revealing about past events, previous lives, and the habitation of one's soul in another body centuries earlier.2o In his discussion on a continuum of consciousness that includes ecstatic, hyperaroused states and medita tive, hypo aroused lethargy, Fischer has pro posed that man is a dual system. The "Self" operates "in the mental dimension of ex alted states," and is "The Knower and Im age Maker." The "I" functions "in the ob j ective world" and is "The Known and Imagined." Fischer further proposes that ''A discernible communication between the 'Self' and the 'I' is only possible during the dreaming and hallucinatory states, whether drug-induced or 'natural' ."21 Fischer's "car tography of inner space" might be seen as describing the soul and the personality, an uneasy alliance made more apparent by traumatic experiences such as cardiac ar rest, by anesthetic-induced hallucinations, transcendental experiences and the like. Transcendental experiences, including the feeling that one has encountered some ultimate secret of the universe, have been frequently described by patients under or experimenters with anesthetic drugs; " . . .it took days to shake off the feeling that I had had a glimpse of another phase of exist- ence," wrote Shoemaker22 after his ether an esthetic. Talbot, using nitrous oxide on himself, concurred; "I passed into the con sciousness of having solved by experience the riddle of the Universe . . . "23 Williams J ames noted, concerning his own nitrous oxide experiments, "Truth lies open to the view in depth beneath depth of almost blinding evidence. The mind sees all the logical relations of being. . . "24 Perhaps the greatest experimenter with nitrous oxide and ether in this regard was Benjamin Paul Blood,zs who spent 27 years in search of what he called "the anaesthetic revelation." "The lesson," he wrote, "is one of central safety: The Kingdom is within." Integration of the Real and the Supernatural Beyond the proposed theories of narco sis and the apparent pharmacological action(s) that anesthetic agents may have upon the neuron's lypophyllic membrane, the dreams, hallucinations, and even some episodes of awareness during anesthesia appear to be characteristic and individual to each person. Preoperative anxiety main tains physiological alertness as manifested by tachycardia, tachypnea, diaphoresis, pallor, etc. However, as anesthesia is in duced, these physical signs subside, al though the soul may, at least for some time, remain awake. It is therefore not surpris ing that awareness is more common under light levels of anesthesia such as seen under n e uroleptan algesia and high-dose narcotic-oxygen anesthesia.26 Some patients have described such experiences as "deep fatigue," "absolute weakness," or a true dis solution of their body, but more often than not, they have heard sometimes derogatory comments made by the anesthesia-surgical teamP This disparity could be interpreted as a dissociation between somatic function and psychic function, with the latter still op erative and in a position of observance or vigi lance while the body is inert and defenseless, at least for some time and to a degree. It ap pears then that the sense of hearing acts as the vigilant antenna or the observing peri scope, therefore warning OR teams that they should watch what they say seems warranted indeed.26 ,2 7 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY This continuum of states associated with anesthesia, from awareness through dreams and hallucinations to mystical revelations, may offer a means of psychological explora tion as yet untapped in a methodical way. In the late 1 940s, Henry Beecher made such an observation: "With anesthetic agents, we seem to have a tool for producing and hold ing at will, and at little risk, different levels of consciousness-a tool that promises to be of great help in studies of mental phenom ena. Thus anesthesia, in presenting a revers ible depression, enables the study of the life process itself." 28 The Relationship of The dissociation of the body and soul under circumstances of stress has been de scribed and confirmed by J ung.32 Moreover, Bastor-Ansart33 proposed an explanation for the events occurring during the anes thetic state as a somatic dream followed by a psychic detachment. How that separation takes place, where it takes place, or in whom it is more likely to occur, can only have speculative answers. However, this exploration of the unknown can be a chal lenge to anesthesiologists and psychia trists alike. Perhaps when more is known, we will better understand not only what we do to the brain itself, but to the soul of our pa tients as well. Body and Soul If the spirit truly remembers and the soul is immortal in the metaphysical sense, then the sta te of anesthesia may be defined as an approximation toward the threshold of the body's mortality. 29 Wyld noted in 1 895, "The startling and significant fact is this: that while the body is as if dead un der anaesthetics, the imagination becomes active and at times exalted."30 But how far anesthesia affects it, where the spirit goes, and what the soul does during anesthesia, no one really knows. There are some vague manife stations as indicated by dreams, hallucinations, awareness, and transcen dental experiences as described to us by some of our patients. If indeed conscious ness is the most evident of all visible facts, it may j ust visit our body, but unlike it, re main existing for an indefinite period of time. Although there have been allegations that psychic powers have been lost after an anesthetic, no obj ective to prove one or the other has been provided, so communica tion with the soul through medicines un der anesthesia remains an unexplained phenomenon. The fallacy or reality of "truth serum" has been defined, since the administration of intravenous sedation with thiopental or propofol lowers the bar riers of inhibition and one is able to obtain some information otherwise withheld-but is the soul talking? Anesthesiologists deal with and thrive on objective, quantitative measurements, basing dosages on expected or observed effects, tending to shy away from subjec tive ideas, appearing skeptical about tran scendental events, refuting everything that is not seen, recorded, predicted or calcu lated. However, as much of a science as it is, anesthesia is also an art in which tech nical skills and experience count. The fact is that the short- and long-term affectation of this altered state of consciousness upon the emotive and intellectual functions of the mind is barely known.31 References 1. Werblowsky RJZ. Soul. In Encyclopedia Blitannica. Chicago: Britannica, 1970; pp. 924: 924-D. 2. MacDougall D. Hypothesis concerning soul substance together with experimental evidence of the existence of such substance. Am JlJed NS 1907; 2:240-3. 3. Gravenstein JS. A perspective on science: The language and history of anesthesia. Ala J hIed Sci 1984; 21:304-10. 4. Snow J. On the Inhalation of the VapourEther in Surgical Operations. London: John Churchill, 1947, p. 11. 5. Stille M. Psychical effects of ether inhala tion. AmJDent Sci 1855; 5:113-23. 6. Gibbons H. A personal experience of nitrous oxide as an anaesthetic. Am J Dent Sci 1877; 11:69-74. 7. Moody R. Life afe t rLife. New York: Bantam, 1976, pp. 36-93. 8. Blacher RS. Death, resurrection, and re birth: Observations in cardiac surgery. Psychoanal Q 1983; 52:56-72. 9. Negovsky VA. A neurophysiological analy sis of "hallucinations" experienced by post resuscitation patients. Resuscitation 1984; 11: 1-8. 10. Gabbard GO, Twenlow SW, Jones FC. Do "near death experiences" occur only near death? J NervMentDisl981; 169:374-377. 11. Collier BB. Ketamine and the conscious mind. Anaesthesia 1982; 27:120-34. 12. Mittleman B. Psychoanalytic observations on dreams and psychosomatic reactions in response to hypnotics and anaesthetics. Psychoanal Q 1945; 14:498-5 10. 13. Atkinson RM , Green JD, Chenowith DE, Atkinson JH. Subjective effects of nitrous oxide: Cognitive, emotional, perceptual and transcenden tal experiences.]PsychedelicDrugs 1979; 11:317-30. 14. Taylor FK. Depersonalization in the light of Bretano's phenomenology. Br J jJJed Psychol 1982; 55:297-306. 15. Damas-Mora JMR, Jenner FA, Eacott SE. On autoscopy 01' the phenomenon of the double: case presentation and review of the literature. BrJ MedPSycilO11980; 53:75-83. 16. Ludwig AM. Altered states of conscious ness. Arch GenPsychiatry 1966; 15:225-34. 17. Fischer R. Cartography of inner space. In: Siegel RK, West LJ, eds. Hallucinations, BehaviOlj Eypedence and TheOl), New York: Wiley, 1975, p. 201. 18. Twemlow SW, Gabbard Go, Jones FC. The out-of-body experience: A phenomeno-Iogical ty pology based on questionnaire responses. Am J PsychiatIyl982; 139:450-55. 19. Synge JM. Under ether. Personal experi ences during an operation. Interstate jJJed J 1916; 23:45-9. 7 20. McLaine S. Out on a Limb. New York: Ban tam, 1983; pp. 105-59. 21. Fischer R. Cartography of inner spacer. In: Siegel RK, West JL, eds. Hallucinations, BehaviOlj Eypen'ence and Theor)( New York: Wiley, 1975, pp. 197-239. 22. Shoemaker GE. Recollections after ether-inhalation-psychical and physiological. Therapeutic Gazette, 3rd Serio 1886; 2:521-26. 23. Talbot F. Psychic disturbances in nitrous oxide analgesia. BrDentJl915; 36:668-670. 24. James W. On some Hegalisms. In: The lJ7ill to Believe and OtherEssays inPopularPhilosophy, New York: Dover, 1956, p. 294. 25. Smith PB. Chemical Glimpses of Paradise. Springfield, Illinois: T homas, 1972, p. 20. 26. Guerra F. Awareness during anesthesia. In Guerra F, Aldrete JA, eds. Emotional Reactions to SurgeIy and Anesthesia. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1980, p. 1-8. 27. Aldrete JA, Wright AJ: Is the patient asleep? Int Surg 1987; 72:58-61. 28. Beecher HK. Anesthesia's second power: Probing the mind. Science 1947; 105:164-166. 29. Krutch J\V, hIoreLives than One. New York: Williams and Sloane, 1962, p. 329-357. 30. Wyld G. On certain psychological phenom ena accompanying the administration of anaesthetics. Lancetl895; 1:776. 31. Wright AJ, Aldrete JA. Patient memories of anesthesia; An historical perspective. jViI d East J Anestl987; 9:233-259. 32. Jung CG. JlJemoIies,Dreams and Reflections. New York: Vintage, 1912, pp. 72-123. 33. Bastos-Ansart M. La actividad onirica du rante el sueiio anestesico. irIedicina Clinica 1964; 2:512-514. Bulletin of Anesthesia HistOlY(IS SN 1522-864 9) is published four times a year as a joint effort of the Anesthesia History Association and the Wood-Library Museum of Anesthesiology. The BulletInwas published asAnesthesia HistoryAs sociation Newsletterthrough Vol. 13, No. 3, July 1995. The BulletIn is now indexed in HISTLINE (history of medicine on-line), a database main tained by the U.S. National Library of Medi cine at <http:igm.nlm.nih.gov>. C.R. Stephen, MD, SeniorEditor Doris K. Cope, MD, Editol' Donald Caton, MD,AssociateEditor A.I. Wright, MLS, AssociateEditor Fred Spielman, MD,AssociateEditor Douglas Bacon, MD,AssociateEditor Peter McDermott, MD, BookReviewEditor Debra Lipscomb,Editon'al Staff Editorial, Reprint, and Circulation matters should be addressed to the Editor, UPMC Shadyside, Multidisciplinary Pain Program, 5230 Centre Ave., 1 South, Pittsburgh, PA 15232 U.S.A. Telephone (412) 623-3754; Fax (412) 623 -3759 Manuscripts may be submitted on disk us ing Word for Windows 01' other PC text pro gram. Please save files in RICH TEXT FOR MAT (.rtf) if possible and submit a hard copy printout in addition to the disk. All illustra tions/photos MUST be submitted as original hard copy, not electronically. Photographs should be original glossy prints, NOT photo copies, laser prints or slides. Photocopies of line .drawings 01' other artwork are NQI ac ceptable for publication. ... 8 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Dr. Cyril Courville: The Anesthetist's Pathologist by Gerald L. Zeitlin) MD.) FR. CA. ) Newton) Massachusetts Cyril Courville was born in Traverse City, Michigan, in 1900 and he died in Southern C alifornia in 1968 . (Figure 1) Grand Traverse County was first settled by Protestant missionaries in 1839. Under a treaty with the local Chippewa Indians imposed by the Government, white settlers were allowed to dispossess them and ac quire their lands. Courville's father was a carpenter who had to travel widely to find work. His mother made him a suit that he wore for all fou r years of medical school. He spent his summers selling books in or der to pay tuition charges. One of his associates later said this about him: "Dr. Courville was reared in that part of mid-America where idealism, genuineness of character and persistent industry were the ingredients of success in any field. Perhaps it was his religious up bringing by his mother." Another colleague wrote: "His colleagues have said that they have never known him to waste as much as 5 minutes-yet his neighbours tell that the children had known him as good friend . . . who has had time for their friendship." His talent for teaching became appar ent while he was a medical student at Loma Linda University. The pages of his student notes, based upon lectures and wide read ing, were neatly penned, logical and copi ously illustrated with his own drawings. Many of his fellow students were thankful for a look at his notes and appreciated his voluntary coaching sessions. When he qualified, he received the highest score that year from the National Board of Medical Examiners. In 1927, he spent a year with D r. Harvey C u shing at the Peter Bent B righam Hospital in B o s ton. His rise through the academic ranks was rapid and he was appointed Professor of Neuropa thology at Loma Linda University Medi cal S chool in 1933, at the age of 33. Among his many interests, the most prominent was forensic pathology. His most conspicuous moment in the public eye oc curred when he was a consultant in the in vestigation of a fatal ring injury suffered by a professional boxer, Davey Moore, in 1963. Courville described the death blow accurately, based solely on his pathological findings. No one present at the ringside recalled such a blow, but the motion pictures ofthe fight re vealed precisely the mechanism ofinjury that Courville had described. Figure 2 illustrates an example of the breadth of his interests. Dr. Courville be- �Jh:()n � ......"1-...,; . in. V. 19()(}·I96X Figure 1. came fascinated in military helmets used in older times to protect soldiers from blows to the head. The photo comes from an ar ticle he wrote on this subject. In order to demonstrate the importance of C o u rville's work, some information about the use of hypoxic methods of anes thesia during the first three decades of this century will be reviewed. In December, 1920, E. !. McKesson (Fig ure 3) of Toledo, Ohio, published an article titled "Gas-Oxygen Anesthesia in Relation to M a j or D ental S urgery." He starts by quoting Henderson's 1908 contention that a low blood CO 2 tension caused surgical shock. He then reached the unproven con clusion that rebreathing, by causing a high C O 2 tension, was desirable. But by 1920 he went one step further, proposing two con cepts new to the practice of anesthesia. First, he used extremely low percentages of oxygen as a test of a sick patient's abil ity to undergo surgery. He slowly titrated increasing oxygen concentrations until the patient stopped showing signs of hypoxic distress. To prove the validity of this idea, BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY 9 said, ''All you need is gas and she has it." The first patient was a beefy giant with a set of rotting stumps. I thought, "No Pen tothal, no halothane and no succinylcho line." As though she were reading my thoughts, the dentist said, "All you need is gas. " And she meant it. With 10% oxygen in the nitrous oxide, the p atient smiled pleasantly instead of his scowling at me. She said, "Turn the oxygen off, you fooL" I refused. She asked me to leave immediately, which I did. My chief and I never discussed the matter, but he never asked me to go again. Recently Dr. Al Betcher wrote, "I was interested in hypoxia because I was in volved in giving anesthesia to patients in a postgraduate course in D entistry at my hospital in the mid-thirties. Back in the 18 80s dentists would not allow the use of oxygen with nitrous oxide. My group felt the same way. They claimed they needed the cyanosis to know when they could pro ceed with their dentistry. As an anesthesi ologist, I thought of cyanosis differently. I had read Courville's book on cerebral an oxia following anesthesia." Where does Cyril Courville fit into all this? How did he become interested in an esthesia and its complications? One had assumed it was an offshoot of his fascina tion with forensic pathology. But it was more specific than that. In one of the brief biographies stored in the Loma Linda Medical S chool Archive, one reads, FiguJ'e 2. he described a patient with severe heart dis ease on whom he used this technique. With out recognizing the significance of the ob servation, he remarks: "the patient took 30 minutes to regain consciousness instead of the usual 30 seconds." Later in the same paper, McKesson de scribes "primary saturation." He gave 100% nitrous oxide until there was twitching of an eyebrow, an arm or a leg, at which point he introduced 5% oxygen. He comments, "they (the dentists) knew these convulsive movements were not excitement but were due to the temporary lack of oxygen, like those of a chicken with its head cut off." This, he says, was only useful for ultra brief surgery. For longer cases, he described "sec ondary saturation." He stated that nitro gen entering the blood from body stores diluted the nitrous oxide and that it must be restarted at 100% concentration until a fixed dilated pupil was obtained, accom panied by rigid muscles and cyanosis. Then one or two breaths of either pure or 50% oxygen were administered, which was again reduced to 5 or 10% oxygen. For several years, he resorted to secondary saturation in obstreperous patients. He concludes, "the true signs of (depth) of anesthesia are muscular phenomena." This paper influenced the practice of a whole generation of anesthetists. But in 1922, Dr. Arthur Guedel called a halt. He strongly advocated a slow induction (at least 10 minutes) using a minimum of l O% oxygen at all times and morphine premedi cation to increase the effectiveness of the nitrous oxide. But again it seems that little changed, because in 1945 , B arach and Rovenstine (Reference 2, Figure 4) felt obliged to write: "Nitrous oxide, suppos edly the safest of all anesthetic agents, has become one of the most, if not THE most, dangerous today." They added that the chief problem was its lack of potency. Yet this "schJ'ecJdichkdt'1ingered on. In 1962, the author was a resident at the Whittington Hospital in North London. My chief asked me to substitute for him at a nearby dentist's office one evening. He Dr. Courville is the first to recognize an element of serendipity. While he was a resident in charge of neuropa thology at the Los Angeles County Hospital, his attention was called to a series of totally unsuccessful ad ministrations of Nitrous Oxide. In vestigation of these cases required the exploration of many pathways gross inadequacies in the calibration of anesthesia machines, contamina tion of nitrous oxide with nitrogen, and the possibility that brain dam age was due to embolic phenomena. But at the suggestion of one of his internist colleagues, Courville finally pinned down the common denomi nator-hypoxia. And with this he embarked on a long series of studies in which he correlated the micro scopic findings with the clinical course of patients unfortunate to die as a result of the use of hypoxic an esthesia. In 1936 he published his first paper on the issue. Figure 4 summarizes all the paCon tin ued on NextPage ,..... 10 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Courville. . . ContinuediIomPage9 pers he wrote on the subject. The papers published in the anesthesia literature are emphasized in heavy type. In the first pa per, he described the case of a 27-year-old woman who, in 1924, suffered an anoxemic episode under nitrous oxide followed by coma and convulsions. She was blind for three months and dysphasic for six. She had remained unconscious and seized for sev eral days after the operation. Later that same year, C ourville published a ISO-page article in the j ournal Medicine, describing 13 similar cases. This was later published as a book which described the complete clinico-pathological scenarios for each. This was a unique approach; until that time any unexpected operative death was analyzed in a coroner's court, but the evi dence was based on opinion and not on pathology. In this way he must slowly but surely have influenced anesthetists. For example, in 1945 Barach and Rovenstine said, "Never use less than 20% oxygen." In 1954, Courville was invited to give a lecture on hypoxia at the I.A.R.S. meeting. In 1953, Dr. Roland Whitacre wrote to Dr. Morris Nicholson as follows, "Dear Nick: I t h i nk you should write to D o c t o r Courville asking h i m t o attend our (the I.A.R.S .) meeting in Los Angeles and in form him that the B oard of Trustees has unanimously voted to present him with a scroll." The author recently wrote to Drs. Morris N i cholson, Al B e tc her, Leslie Rendell-Baker and the I.A.R.S., asking if they knew anything of the whereabouts of the scroll. They all replied most courte ously, but it seems it is lost forever. If found, it might be a significant addition to the Wood Library-Museum. In 1959, the j ournal Anesthesia andAn algesia praised Courville in a two-page ar ticle under the heading, "We Salute." A brief quotation makes the point, "Every person who deserves the honor of being a specialist in anesthesia is influenced by Courville's studies. These transformed hy poxia from an accepted anesthetic tech nique to its role as the chief menace in an e s t h e s i a . Ye t s t r a ngely enough D r. Courville is not an anesthetist nor a physi ologist nor a biochemist." What manner of man was Dr. Courville? I believe the answer lies in the preface to an article he wrote in 1941: In the dim and distant back ground of anesthesia still lurk the dark spectres of disaster. These un welcome guests at every operation not infrequently claimed the sleep ing victim. Elbowed further and fur- ther from the operating table by each new advance in knowledge . . . these haunts of anesthesia are now com pelled to stand at a considerable dis tance-so often as to be forgotten. But still, too often, the long arms of one of these phantoms reaches out to strike. As the physiology of nar cosis becomes better understood, it is not surprising to learn that the most ruthless of these spectres is found to be named 'Asphyxia'. References l. McKesson EI. Gas-oxygen anesthesia in re lation to major dental surgery. CU11'ent Research in Anesthesia and Anaigesia 1920; 8:1-5. 2. Barach AL, Rovenstine EA. The hazard of anoxia during nitrous oxide anesthesia. Anesthesi oiogyl945; 6(5):449-46l. The author wants to thank Mr. Patrick Sim of the Wood Library-Museum and Mrs. Marilyn Chase of the Lorna Linda Medical School Archive for considerable assistance. Figure 3. El McKesson. Figure 4. The CourvilIe Bibliography: Papers referring to the Pathology of Anesthesia Lenticular Syndrome Following Nitrous Oxide Narcosis. Bull Los Angeles Neurol Soc 1936; 1:30-32. Asphyxia As a Consequence of Nitrous Anesthesia. Medicine 1936; 15: 129-145 . Mental Disturbances following Nitrous Oxide Anesthesia. Anesthesiology 1940; 1:261-273. Ether Anesthesia and Cerebral Anoxia; A Study of the Causative Factors in the Serious Anesthetic and Post-Anesthetic Complications. Anesthesiology 1941; 2:44-58. The Problem of Serious Complications of Anesthesia. Anesthesiology 1941; 2:686-687. Effects of Anesthetic Agents on the Tissues of the Central Nervous System. Trans Anesthesiology Soc 1953; 8-14. Case Studies in Cerebral Anoxia; Ill . Structural Changes in the Brain after Car diac Standstill during Spinal Anesthesia . Bull Los Angeles Neurol Soc 1954; 19:142150. Narcosis and the Fetal Brain. Bull Los Angeles Neurol Soc 1955; 20:97-111. Untoward Effects o f Spinal Anesthesia o n the Spinal Cord and its Investments. Curr Res Anesth Analg 1955; 34:313-333. Asphyxia following Nitrous Oxide Anesthesia. Surv Anesthesiology 1958; 2:660704. General Anesthesia and the Vulnerable Brain. J Michigan State Med Soc 1960; 5 9: 1 057 - 106 1. Residual Changes in the Brain Incident to Anoxia under General Anesthesia: Report of a Case with a Period of Six Years. Current Research Anes Analg 1960; 39:361-368. The Development of the Concept of HypoxialAnoxia. Canad Anaesth Soc J 1960; 363-373. BULlETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY II The Race between Education and Catastrophe byFredJ Spielman) MD. Prokssor ofAnesthesiology University ofNorth Carolina) Chapel Hill In The Outline ofHistory; H.G. Wells wrote, "Human history becomes more and more a race between education and catas trophe." He might well have been writing about anesthesiology and its inexorable j ourney toward education and specializa tion. For more than 50 years after the intro duction of ether, chloroform, and nitrous oxide in the mid-nineteenth century, the anesthetist was commonly an office assis tant, nurse, or orderly. In the United King dom, a surgeon often sought the assistance of a butler to give a "whiff of anesthetic," believing that this "menial" j ob required minimal knowledge and skill. The deliv ery of anesthesia was deemed a task that could be performed without a cerebral or intellectual basis, without knowledge of respiratory or circulatory physiology or pharmacology. The systematic teaching of anesthesiology by way of lectures or dem onstrations did not exis t . John Snow (18 13-185 8), a general practitioner who was b e s t known for a n e s th etizing Queen Victoria with chloroform, strongly dis agreed with the notion that a person with out appropriate education should provide anesthesia. He wrote, "No person ought to administer chloroform without first mak ing its action a subject of special attention." John Snow, like many others who followed, was not trained; those early anesthetists learned, they had a passion for education, and they taught others what they knew. At the end of the nineteenth century, the practice of anesthesia in England became more complex. The body of knowledge, new innovations, and increases in the number of practitioners required a focus on educa tion. In 1 8 93, the London S oc iety o f Anaesthetists w a s established with a man date to advance education and training. A vocal critic of the status quo was D r. Frederic Hewitt, born in London in 1 8 57, and educated at Cambridge. In 1901, he was appointed physician to King Edward VII. He was a prolific inventor of anesthetic equipment, and wrote the bookAnaesthetics and Theil' A dministration in 1 893. He strongly preached that there must be ad vancement of available anesthetics, and im provement in the knowledge of anesthesia providers. In 1 896, he wrote, "The ques- tion may well be asked why do not deaths from anaesthetics show signs of diminu tion? The reply is that the administration is often placed in the hands of compara tively unskilled men. The first step should be an educational one." In 1912, two decades after the inaugu ral meeting of the London S ociety of Anaesthetists, the first meeting of anesthe siologists on a national scale in the United States occurred in conj unction with the gathering of the American Medical Asso ciation. A decade later, CUlTent Researches in Anesthesia andAnalgesia became the first published journal devoted to anesthesiol ogy (in 1 9 5 7 , the name of the j ournal changed to Anesthesia andAnalgesia). In the late 1920s, the Anesthesia Travel Club was organized for the purpose of exchanging information and ideas about anesthesia. Although the initial membership was only 15, it included American and Canadian anesthesiologists who became great lead ers of the twentieth century: Ralph Waters, John L u ndy, Arthur G u e d e l , Emory Rovenstine, and Paul Wood. In the 1930s, the increasing reach and breadth of surgical operations (e.g., cardiac and thoracic surgery) and the introduction of new anesthetic drugs and techniques (e.g., cyclopropane and intubation) made it clear that anesthesiology was to become an area of medicine requiring the dedica tion of a specialist, and necessitating resi dency training and qualifying examina tions. Nevertheless, few medical complexes paid much attention to anesthesiology. Nurse anesthetists and a few physicians were the only instructors of medical stu dents and surgical interns in the practice of administering anesthesia. Ralph Waters is credited with establish ing the first resident training program in anesthesiology. In 1927, Waters became the director of anesthesiology at the new Hos pital of the State ofWisconsin at Madison, which opened in 1924. In 1933, he was ap pointed professor of anesthesia. Waters was one of the first champions of a prolonged and organized educational process for the learning of anesthesiology. Writing in the Journal oftheAmerican Medical Association in 1946, he stated, "The public as a whole is not receiving the best services tha t anes- thesiology is capable of supplying. Proper education of undergraduate and graduate students in our medical schools and hospi tals is one method of improvement." In 1938, Virginia Apgar was appointed Direc tor of the Division of Anesthesiology at Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center. She organized an undergraduate training program for medical students comprised of didactic teaching and operating room ex perience. In the first year of the program, approximately 300 anesthetics were admin istered by members of the senior class. In 1936, Arthur Guedel authored Inha lation Anesthesia, the first comprehensive and clinically useful textbook. By 1937, 10 anesthesiology residency programs existed in the United States. The duration of train ing was one year or less, with the excep tion of Bellevue (New York) and Wiscon sin, which offered two and three years of training, respectively. The first examina tion of the American Board of Anesthesi ology (ABA) took place in October, 1938, two years after the commencement of a similar test in England. In 1955, the ABA organized the residency review committee (RRC) . Development of the ABA RRC had a strong impact on the continued improve men t of residency training programs, even though the ABA was one of the last exist ing boards to form such a committee. The expansion of residency training programs in anesthesiology mandated con siderable contemplation of the goals of medical education. In 1966, Medical Edu cation andAnesthesiawas published, edited by Joseph M. W hite, M . D . The editor stressed that to accomplish the goal of edu cation, one must abide by a well-established philosophy. He stated, "It is axiomatic that education and medical care are inextrica bly interdependent." Although Dr. White's tenets of education were written almost 40 years ago, they remain valid and wise. He stated that the residency must be designed to develop a physician who is adept tech nically, and who has an interest and knowl edge in surgical anesthesia as well as in as sociated fields such a s pulmonary medi cine. The "complete" anesthetist is not ex pected to restrict his or her functions to the operating and recovery rooms. Teaching Continued on Page 13 ... 12 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY The Book Corner byPeterMcDelmott; MD. The Consonan t with our viewofthe universe ofanesthesiologists as an expanding one, we offeranother bookreviewwhich visits the early years ofthe "scientificrevolution. " Some recentscholarshave gone so f8r as to deny that a "revolution" tookplace at all Nudging theparadigmatic Copernican shift back to the fourteen th cen turyand the specula tive m usings ofJohn BUlidan andNicole Oresme, the concept-thepossibility-of the earth in motion was openly discussedand didn'tresultin heresy trials and ceremonialimmolations. The bookreviewed beIowis a fine study ofthe waysin which A listotle andEuclid confivnted (metaphorically) thenewmath andmathematics ofthe seventeenth centUlY Warning: the comm unityofscholars workingin thehistOIY ofscience don't talklike we do. They seem to undeJ'Stand one anotheI; but thereis cognitive dissonance ahead Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution Peter Dear (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) Well, the " revolution" is back and the cast of players has been considerably aug mented-a squadron of Jesuits, an obscure French mathematician, an Italian "demon strative regressor"-and hovering over this consideration of "socially embedded genres of argument" and the "inferential moves . . . taken for granted or contested within par ticular knowl-edge-producing communi ties" are Aristotle on one end and Steven S h a p i n on the o ther. Using a sort of Rosencrantz a n d Guildersternian ap proach-a supporting cast brought front stage-Dear reconstructs the ways in which universal truth-claims were produced and received. A field reversal in natural philoso phy was first required: Aristotle's empha sis on causation was replaced by combin ing the mathematical sciences-which were not dependent upon process and teleology as were Aristotle's-with Zabarella's reso lution of Aristotle's two forms of demon strative induction. His use of regressus theory turned attention from an emphasis on causes to an emphasis upon effects as the point of departure in natural philoso phy. This mixed mathematics resided somewhere between metaphysics and natu ral science. Dear's contention in establish ing this rather recondite point is that the community of knowledge producers were p r e p a r e d to a c c e p t a n d understand Newton's fusion of mathematics and phys ics as a scientific experience within their disciplinary boundaries. Practices and tra ditions of experiment and reporting were becoming authoritative additions to the requirements of Aristotelian intellectual methodologies. Now for the middle of the book. Dear sees Christopher Clavius as the prime mover in bringing mathematics into the university curriculum in the late 16th cen tury and a group ofJesuit mathematicians (B l a n c a nu s , S em p i l i u s , S ch e i n e r, Aguilonius, household names) as very sig- nificant in raising mathematical disciplines in the a c a demic community, deriving norms and constructing experiences into properly accredited knowledge. These cre ators of new math never let go of Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, but they reformulated the criteria by which experience-based dis coveries of an empirical nature could be articulated, authorized, and authenticated. Alli tera tively, that is. Arriaga, Riccioli and C abeo took on some of the claims and explanations of Galileo regarding falling bodies and the value of repeated experiments, multiple eye-witnesses, measurements, and repeat ability in establishing a "quality of exper tise." Scientific experience was placed in a temporal (historical) context in a attempt to compare and contrast the past and the present-an attempt to control innovation in the knowledge continuum. Phenomena and observances were made distinct by members of an informal com munity of truth seekers who needed to agree upon a vocabulary and the place of mathematics in the description of experi ences. " Galileo," Dear observes, "was not merely making new claims about the world, he was creating, by means of the technical wherewithal, the very observational com munity he needed to validate those claims." There is a lot in this book: marvelous equivocations ("It must be stressed that [for the time being] the purpose of this consid eration is only to set up an analogy to the situations hitherto discussed; it is not to suggest that religious practices structured, conditioned, or reflected those found in the making of new knowledge. Such might still be the case, of course."); wonderful obscu rities ("The numbers given are not evidence for a general claim; they are simply illus trations of it."); occasional inscrutable pro fundities ("The science develops from its roots; they do not grow with it."); and ex a m p l e s of p e p p e ry, turgid p o s t- structuralisms ("Those groups . . . pros ecuted the literary endeavors . . . " which I think means "wrote"). But quibbles aside, and linguistic pecu liarities aside, and disorganization aside, this is a pretty good book. It deals with Descartes, Hume and Pascal; the Boylean "detour" away from true experimentalism; the art/nature/metaphor; the event, the narrator and the truth paradigm; the sci entific culture of the so-called "revolution." Dear doesn't tie all this up into a coherent whole and that's too bad and probably in evitable. But there are valuable nuggets of research into the sub-culture of t h a t never-never land o f papists who were actu ally scientists and continental types, and some velY useful insights and illuminations of the scientific intellectual terrain of this very important century. The following book reviewis replin ted here with the kindpelwission ofthe author and of the New England Journal ofMedicine, in which it first appeared (NEJM340(22): 1777, June 3, 1999. CopYligh t @ 1999 A1assach u settsMedical Society. Allrights resenTed) Black Lung: Anatomy of a Public Health Disaster Alan Derickson (237 pp., illustrated. Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 1 9 9 8 . $ 2 2 . 9 5 . I S B N 0-8 0 14-3 1 86-7 Reviewed by GregoryR. fragnel; MD. Nationallnstitute forOccupational Safetyand Health) Morgan town) WV In the classic story that exemplifies the public health approach to disease preven tion, John Snow removed the handle of the Broad Street pump in London to halt a BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY cholera epidemic. Snow knew neither the agent of the disease nor its mechanism, but he acted after making reasoned conclusions drawn from systematic observations of the distribution of the disease. In his carefully researched and exhaustively referenced book, Black L ung: Anatomy of a Public Health Disastelj historian Alan Derickson asks why the "pump handle" was not re moved-why dust was not controlled when so much was known for so long about the harmful effects of excessive dust expo sure among coal miners. Black L ung is a cautionary tale, warn ing of the consequences of allowing eco nomic and political considerations to con trol public health decisions. Engaging, well-organized, and fast-paced, the book guides the reader through a century of change in the mining, scientific, and regulatory communities. Beginning in the mid-19th century, first in the United Kingdom and then in the United States, lung diseases, commonly c a l l e d "min e r ' s a s thma" or " m i n e r ' s consumption" and medically labeled "an thracosis," were observed in coal miners. Sick miners had progressive dyspnea, chest discomfort, and cough, sometimes dramati cally accompanied by the expectoration of copious quantities of black, inky sputum. Medical textbooks, including Osler's clas sic Principles and Practice ofA;fedicine(New York: D . Appleton), first published in 1892, described a lung disease observed in min ers and caused by exposure to dust. But early in the 20th century, according to Derickson, conventional scientific wis dom seemed to have undergone a critical transformation. The observation in the United Kingdom that rates of tuberculosis were lower among miners than among la borers in urban areas led to the assertion in the United S tates that inhalation of coal-mine dust had a beneficial effect and that dust-induced pulmonalY fibrosis hard ened the lungs against infection. Derick son argues that as concern about the dev astating effects of silica dust became wide spread, a " reductionist" approach equated all dust-related hazards with silica, thereby deflecting attention from the independent risk posed by coal-mine dust. From this arose the belief tha t in the absence of silica, coal-mine dust is benign-discoloring the lungs but not causing impairment. The belief that exposure to coal-mine dust had only benign effects could have been challenged by scientific inquiry. In fact, Derickson cites reports produced for the U . S . Department of Labor and the re sults of field investigations conducted by the U . S . Public Health Service indicating that miners had high death rates; dimin ished longevity and reduced pulmonary function as compared with other manual laborers; and a high rate of absence from work due to lung conditions. These reports, however, were not widely distributed, be cause access to workplaces was granted to government agencies in return for agree ments to restrict communication of the re sults of investigations. For this reason, sci entific evidence of the hazards of coal-dust exposure did not prompt requirements for improved ventilation or other preventive actions. Derickson also explores how ef forts to minimize compensation to miners with lung disease may have affected the willingness of official bodies to recognize the connection between work and disease. Unfortunately, Derickson fails to de scribe accurately the current concept of diversity in the lung diseases of coal min ers. Exposure to coal-mine dust causes not only coal workers' pneumoconiosis but also chronic bronchitis and emphysema and, depending on the quartz content of the in haled dust, silicosis. A clearer presentation of this complex of diseases would have pro vided readers with context for understand ing the evolution of the varied beliefs and approaches to lung diseases among coal miners. Compensating for this weakness is an important strength of the book: D erickson's description of the social and economic con sequences of 1ung disease in the coal fields. Young boys began work as slate pickers, cleaning and sorting coal for entry-level wages in densely dusty environments. As the children grew older and stronger, they moved progressively up the job and pay ladders, helping to transport, load, and ul timately mine coal. When inj ury or disease incapacitated miners, these men, having no social safety net and minimal employment alternatives, climbed back down the job ladder, sometimes ending their careers in the breakers, cleaning coal as they did in their youth, still for entry-level wages, only this time in failing health. The ultimate lesson of Derickson's book is one worth heeding: to prevent public health disasters, prudent action may be necessary, even in the face of scientific un certainty. 13 Catastrophe. . . Contin uedfi'Ofll Page 11 should not be channeled to provide answers to questions on ABA examinations. Resi dents should find time to conduct "special projects" and to read. Teaching should avoid the "spoon-feeding" of information. In 1971, anaesthetist C.F. Scurr wrote, in the Annals ofthe Royal College ofSurgeons of England, "The aim of training is not only to produce an expert anaesthetic specialist but an educated man who will be able to cope in due course with presently unfore seen innovations, and who will therefore keep up continuing study throughout his professional life. " Anesthesiologists have always felt that it is their duty and privilege to teach other healthcare providers. Students vary greatly in their learning styles and areas of inter est, and in their access to educational ma terials. However, formal lectures and dis cussions, in addition to informal transmis sion of oral history, have been the most sig nificant methods of teaching anesthesiol ogy. Lecturers who show humor, enthusi asm, and speaking ability satisfy their stu dents more and stimulate higher scores on tests. Over 50 years ago, Dr. Ralph Waters pro nounced his view on the importance of medical education. "We must disabuse our selves of a generally held belief that the im portance of anesthesiology lies in the 'choice of agents' or in the particular 'tech nic' employed. All drugs and the methods by which they are administered are subject to abuse. Through fundamental knowledge and diagnostic skill the abuses are avoided or neutralized." The wisdom of Dr. Waters remains paramount. Suggested Reading Waters RM. Anesthesiology in the hos pital and in the medical school. JAMA 1946; 130:909-912. White JM. Medical Educa tion andAnes thesia. F.A. Davis Company, Philadelphia, 1 966. Scurr CF. Evolution and revolution in anaesthesia training. Ann Roy ColI Surg Eng1 l 971; 48:274-292. Henderson RS . Continuing education committee of anaesthetists of New Zealand (CECANZ)-The first five years. Anaesth Intens Care 1992; 20:211-214. Willenkin RL. Lectures in anesthesia training. Anesth Analg I992; 74: 1 -2 . '" 14 BULLETIN O F ANESTHESIA HISTORY From the Literature byA.j lr1ight, AiL.S. Department ofAnesthesiologyLibrar;; UniversityofAlabama at Bliwingham Books Bergman NA. The GenesisofSurgicalAnes thesia. Park Ridge, Illinois: Wood Library Museum of Anesthesiology, 1 998 [rev. Bacon DR, BullHistMed73:319-320, 1999; Pernick MS, NEjJl1 341 :458-459, 1 999] Caton D. Whata BlessingShe Had Chloro f01m: The Medical and SocialResponse to the Pain ofChlldbirth fivm 1800 to thePresent New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1 999 . [rev. Bibel BM, LibJ'EllYJouma11 5 May 1 999, p 1 1 7] FairmanJ, Lynaugh JE. Ciitical CareNurs ing: A History. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1 998 [rev. Romaine Davis A. Bull HistMed73:350-3 5 1 , 1 999] Morris DB. Illness and Culture in the Postmodem Age. Berkeley: University of Cali fornia Press, 1 998 [rev. Rothstein WG,]AMA 281 :2050, 1999; includes material on chronic pain] Spillane JF. Cocaine: From MedicalMar veltoil1odernil1enacein the UnitedStates; l8841920. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, December 1 999 Starr D. Blood' An Epic Histoq ofMedi cine and Commerce. New York: Knopf, 1998 [rev. Rosen FS, Nature 398:303-304, 1 999; Pierce EH Jr., JAMA 282:797-798, 1 999] Articles and Book Chapters Adams AK. From faculty to royal college: the golden j ubilee of the Faculty of Anaesthetists of the Royal College of Sur geons ofEngland. Ann R Coll SurgEng 80(6, supp1) :273-275, November 1 998 [5 illus.] Aldrete JA. Valentino D.E. Mazzia (19221 999) . Anesthesiology News 25(6):6, 8, June 1 999 [obituary] Ball C, Westhorpe R. The water depres sion flowmeter. Anaesth Intens Care27(3):237, June 1 999 [cover note] Ball C, Westhorpe R. Maximillian Neu and the first anaesthetic rotameter. Anaesth Intens Care 27(4) :333, August 1 999 [cover note] [1 illus., 6 refs.] Benad G, Rose W The histOlY of the de velopment of intensive care medicine in Ger many. Contemporary reflections. 4. Struc tural development of operative intensive care medicine in the former German Democratic Republic. Anaesthesist 48(4):25 1 -262, April 1 999 [35 refs., German] Bernstein AM, Koo HP, Bloom DA. Be yond the Trendelenburg position: Friedrich Trendelenburg's life and surgical contribu tions. SUlgely126(1):78-82, July 1 999 [3 illus. including portrait, 14 refs.] Caton D. The history of obstetric anes thesia. In: Chestnut DH, ed., ObstetricAnes thesia. 2nd ed. St. Louis: Mosby, 1 999, pp 31 3 [9 illus., 52 refs.] Daves P. Crawford W Long, M.D. JMed Assoc Ga 88(2):34-35, April 1 999 [portrait, 4 refs.] Engel BT. An historical and critical review of the articles on blood pressure published in Psychosomaticil1edicinebetween 1939 and 1 997. Psychosom Med60:682-696, 1998 [208 refs., 1 illus., 2 tables, append.] Feeley TW Emery A. Rovenstine Memo rial Lecture: Carl C. Hug, Jr., M.D ., will present "Patientvalues, Hippocrates, Science and Technology." ASA Newsletter 63(7):7,9, July 1 999 Feeley TW, ed. Back in time: selected ar ticles from 1 962 to 1970. IntemationalAnes thesiology Clinics; 36(4), Winter 1 998. [rev. Spence AA, BrJAnaesth 82:957, 1 999] Feeley TW, ed. A History of critical care and hyperbaric oxygen therapy as docu mentedin theInternationalAnesthesiologyClin ics. Int Anesthesio1 CliI1 37(1):1-1 74, Winter 1 999 [rev. Norman J, BrJAnaesth 8 3 (2):366367, August 1 999] Franco A, Cortes J, Aneiros F, Naveira A, Rabanal S, Alvarez I. Obstetric anesthesia/ analgesia in Spain. Study notes on its histori cal evolution during the 1 st half of this cen tury. RevEspAnestesio1Reanim46(1):19-36, January 1 999 [Spanish] Galve BJ, Gotzens VJ. Spinal anesthesia and ana tomical knowledge. RevEspAnestesiol Reanim 46(3):97-98, March 1 999 [editorial; Spanish] Gatt S . George Madgwick Davidson. Anaesth Intens Care2 7 (3) : 3 1 2-3 l 3, June 1999 [obituary; portrait] Historical abstract: The Hyderabad Chlo roform C ommission. Paediatr Anaesth 9(4) :365-366, 1 999 Holzman RS. The legacy of Atropos, the fate who cut the thread oflife. Anesthesiology 89:241 -249, 1 999 [63 refs., 4 illus.] [covers anticholinergic agents as anodynes in the ancient world] [see Lai DC and Takrouri MSM letters cited below] [Holzman re sponds: Anesthesiology90(6):l795-1796, June 1 999] James FAJL. The bicentenary of the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Chemical Heri tage 1 7 (2):45, Summer 1 999 [illus.: Gillray's caricature of H. Davy's nitrous oxide dem onstration] Jay V. On a historical note: Dr. Virginia Apgar. I 2 (3): 292-294, 1 999 Kopp VI. HeillY Knowles Beecher and the development of informed consent in anesthe sia research.Anesthesiology90 :1756-1765, 1999 [23 refs., 1 table] [see editorial by Truog RD et a/. cited below] Lai DC. More on the legacy of Atropos, with special reference to Datura stramonium. Anesthesiology90 (6): 1794-1795, June 1 999 [22 refs.] [see Holzman RS, cited above] [letter] Lawin P, Opderbecke HW History of the development ofintensive care medicine. Con temporary considerations-part 3: structural development of internal intensive care medi cine. Anaesthesist48 (2):97-107, February 1 999 [German] Lemburg P. History of the development of intensive care medicine. Contemporary considerations-part 5. Structural develop ment of pediatric intensive care medicine. Anaesthesist48(5):325-336, May 1 999 [Ger man] Mackey DC. The history of spinal drug delivery: the evolution of lumbar puncture and spinal narcosis. In: Yaksh TL, ed. Spinal Drug Delivery New York: Elsevier, 1 999, pp 1 -41 [32 illus., numerous references] May C, Doyle H, Chew-Graham C. Medi cal knowledge and the intractable patient: the case of chronic low back pain. Soc Sci il1ed 48(4):523-534, February 1 999 McGoldrick KE. Lewis H. Wright Memo rial Lecture: Sherwin B. Nuland, M.D., re cipient of the National Book Award, to present "Surgery as It Was on that Day in 1 846: Before and After." A SA Newsletter 63(7):8-9, July 1999 McNally RJ. EMDR and mesmerism: a comparative historical analysis. J Anxiety Disord 1 3(1-2):225-236, January-April 1 999 [numerous references; EMDR is "eye move ment desensitization and reprocessing"] Menendez Jv, Burns T, Bacon DR. Lin coln Fleetwood Sie: regional anesthesia's for gotten man? RegAnesth Pain Med24(4):364368, 1 999 [2 illus., 25 refs.] Morris LE. Earliest encounters with a friendly stranger, and the current resurgence of interest [in xenon] . Appl Cardiopu1mon Pathophysio17 (3): 149-1 5 1, 1998 [editorial; 1 3 refs.] Nelson CW Dr. John S. Lundy and the 75th anniversary of anesthesiology at Mayo. jl1ayo Clin Proc74(7):650, July 1999 Owens WD. Harry H. Bird, M.D., receives 1 998 Distinguished Service Award. A SA BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY 15 The Impact of Linus Pauling on Modern Medicine and Society byBenjamin Barankin) B.A. kledical Student; Universityof�f7esteJ'11Ontario) London) OntaJio) Canada This article is reprinted with pelwission !i'om the Annals ofthe Royal College ofPhysicians and Surgeons ofCanada) 32(4): 232-234; June) 1999. Abstract Linus Pauling (1901- 1 994) is one of the most distinguished scientists of modern times. During a career spanning over 60 years, he was awarded two unshared Nobel Prizes (chemistry, 1 954; peace, 1962). He published more than 600 scientific articles and books. This article reviews the literature pertain ing to Pauling's discoveries and their impact on science, medicine, and society. He was the first to describe the alpha-helix structure of protein molecules. The lineage of the double-helix model for deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) can be traced back to his concept of complementarity and the alpha helix. Pauling also rela ted the mechanism of sickle-cell ane mia to a genetic defect in hemoglobin syn thesis, and thus defined the first molecular disease. Furthermore, Pauling espoused the virtues ofvitamin C, which brought him both fame and criticism. During the Second World War, Pauling was involved in over 1 8 military projects for which he received the Presidential Medal for outstanding contribution to the war effort. Later, he made many speeches for world peace, for prohibition of nuclear warfare and nuclear weapons, and for a nuclear test ban treaty. This review is a tribute to a humanitarian and scientist who performed groundbreaking chemistry research, struggled against disease, and crusaded for world peace. Linus Pauling is the only person to have won two unshared Nobel Prizes. Although he won his Nobel Prizes in chemistry and peace, much of his work also had an impact on medi cine. During a career spanning over 60 years, he published more than 600 scientific articles and books in fields ranging from theoretical physics to medicine. Pauling contributed to the foundation of modern chemistry through his pioneering work on chemical bonds and molecular structure . His concept o f complementarity, which helped Watson and Crick elucidate the structure of deoxyribo nucleic acid ( DNA), and his description of the alpha-helix structure of protein molecules have been monumental contributions to sci ence. Our understanding of hemoglobin chemistry, sickle-cell anemia, and molecular diseases has its roots in Pauling's work. He also invested time and energy into working for world peace. While colleagues carried on their work in the sciences, Pauling put enor mous effort into peace rallies, speeches, and campaigns to educate the world on nuclear weapons and their consequences. Unfortu nately, many of his contributions have been overshadowed by his ardent promotion of vitamin C. Although we are learning to ap preciate the benefits of vitamin C, a tarnished image of Pauling arose in the scientific com munity as a result of this work. The idea that supplemental vitamins can help prevent health problems and the multi-billion dollar industry that surrounds this stem directly from Pauling's vitamin C crusade. Pauling was born in Portland, Oregon, in 1 90 1 . His intellectual abilities were nurtured by his father until he died suddenly when Linus was nine years old. Science became Pauling's refuge from the emotional chaos that surrounded his childhood. While his mother wanted him to get a job to support the family, he worked instead at menial jobs to pay for a college education. In 1 9 1 7, he entered Oregon Agricultural College (now Oregon State University) where he studied, and was soon teaching, chemistry. He went on to graduate studies at ,the California In stitute of Technology where he stayed until he resigned in 1964. In 1 994, he died of can cer at his ranch in California.1•2 Pauling's scientific achievements began with a landmark paper in 1 928 in which he formulated a set of five rules to simplify the task of elucidating crystal structures. In 1931, he published a paper titled "The Nature of the Chemical Bond." Using the principles of , quantum mechanics, Pauling formulated six rules for the electron-pair bond. This led to his work on resonance in molecular structures such as benzene.3 Pauling's earlier work focused on molecu lar structure and the nature of the chemical bond. By the mid-1 930s, he began to probe the applicability of his work to molecules of biological importance. His work with R.B. Covey during the 1 940s on X-ray diffraction of amino acids and small peptides led to the description of the alpha-helix structure of protein molecules. His theoretical papers in 1940 did not successfully explain antibody formation, but they embodied the crucial concept of molecular complementarity. The lineage of the double-helix model for DNA can be traced back to Pauling's concept of complementarity and the alpha-helix.3 In the late 1940s, he studied sickle-cell anemia with Itano, Singer, and Wells; through this work was born the modern concept of molecular disease. Pauling also made use of hemoglobin structure in his important studies with Zuckerkandl on the process of molecular evolution. Pauling's largest contribution to medicine was probably his work on molecular interac tions and diseases. He studied the nature of molecular interactions in greater depth than anyone previously had.4 His book The Nature ofthe Chemical Bonddisplays Pauling's ap proach to structural chemistry. In describing his methods, Pauling gave direction to the then young Watson and Crick in their quest for the structure of DNA.4 After a dinner where physicians com plained about their frustrations in dealing with sickle-cell patients, Pauling began ex perimentation with Itano and Singer from 1945 to 1 948 on this "molecular disease." Pauling orchestrated the research, which led to the publica tion of "Sickle-Cell Anemia, a Molecular Disease," a paper showing that a change in the electrical charge of a molecule meant the difference between a healthy per son and one with a deadly disease.s During their research, Pauling and Itano also devel oped a rapid diagnostic test for sickle-cell disease. People had theorized about the mo lecular basis of disease before, but no one had ever shown it in the way that Pauling's group did. By pinpointing the source of a disease in the alteration of a specific molecule and link ing it to genetics, Pauling's group created a landmark in both medicine and molecular biology.s It turned the interest of a genera tion of physician-researchers toward disease at the molecular level; it substantiated his idea that medical research needed to be grounded in the methods of modem chemis try; it opened up new vistas in the study of inherited medical disorders; and it resulted in years of productive research into abnor mal hemoglobins.s By the late 1 960s, Pauling was moving into his next research arena: human nutrition in general, and vitamin C in particulal� Pauling believed that "having the right molecules in the right amounts in the right place in the Can tin ued on NextPage - 16 BUllETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Pauling. . . Continuedfrom Page 15 human body at the right time is a necessaty condition for good health."! From 1970 until his death, Pauling preached the gospel of vi tamin C. His enthusiasm came not only from reports that he read but also from his direct experience of its benefits. Pauling wrote jiJ' tamin C and the Common Cold, which became a surprise bestseller; it was simple and read able, and it dealt with an annoying but com mon problem. As a result, he was in demand for speaking engagements and interviews, and vitamin C supplies were running out in drugstores. He quickly became vitamin C's champion worldwide with book translations into eight languages. His zealous support for vita min C made many colleagues and physicians believe that he was becoming senile.! Pauling was interested in continuing his orthomolecu lar research, but Stanford University was un willing to give up more laboratory space. As a result, Pauling and a few colleagues created what became the Linus Pauling Institute of Science and Medicine. Pauling is probably better re membered by the public for his vitamin C cru sade than for anything else.! C ameron and Pauling's 1979 book Can cerand Vitamin Cshowed ascorbic acid's use fulness in cancer therapy. Pauling stated that "in the not too distant future, supplemental ascorbate will have an established place in all cancer treatment regimes."3 According to the National Cancer Institute of Canada, "There is epidemiological evidence that populations who consume diets high in vita min C have a lowered risk for some cancers" and "The strongest epidemiological finding has been the association between high intakes of foods rich in vitamin C and a reduced risk of stomach cancer."6 While this institute does not officially recommend vitamin C for can cer therapy, it recognizes that there is an as sociation. These comments should give some credence to Pauling's beliefs. Research trials underway by the National Institutes of Health and other medical bodies using randomized controlled trials should help determine a con sensus regarding vitamin C for cancer adjunct therapy or prevention. It was Pauling who first gave popular notice about the use of vi tamins for disease prevention or treatment. Thus, while many health practitioners and the public are discovering the benefits of vi tamin E for heart disease, the attention given to this matter can be traced back to Pauling's efforts in questioning the medical establish ment. Vitamin C's usefulness will probably be debated for years to come. Perhaps in the end, Pauling will get his j ust recognition. Pauling's scientific abilities were put to good use during the Second World War. He invented the Pauling oxygen analyzer to monitor oxygen levels inside submarines, and an improved stabilizer for rocket powders. He also co-developed an armor-piercing shell.! For these and other contributions to the war effort, Pauling received the Presidential Medal for Merit. Pauling was asked by J. Robert Oppenheimer to help with the race against the Germans to build a fission bomb. He declined, not because he thought it wa� wrong to work on developing nuclear weap ons, but because he had other jobs to do. While Pauling did not directly help develop "weapons of mass destruction" like Einstein, they both eventually spoke for peace. For someone who gave so much to both the sci entific and military fields, later accusations ofbeing "un-American" by Senator McCarthy in the 1 950s were hurtful and unjustified. Later, while sailing to Europe, Pauling made a pledge on a piece of cardboard: "I swear that I will make some mention ofworld peace in evety speech I make."3 From 1 945 to 1 957, Pauling made many speeches for world peace, for prohibition of nuclear war fare and nuclear weapons, and for a nuclear test ban treaty; he also spoke at peace rallies all over the U.S.3 He was a founding member of the Emergency Committee ofAtomic Sci entists, which included Einstein as a mem ber. Pauling presented a written appeal to the United Nations with the signatures of thou sands of scientists and 40 Nobel laureates urging a stop to the spread of nuclear weap ons.3 For his contributions, Pauling was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1 962. The key to Pauling's success was his un fettered curiosity and skepticism. He showed this when he was asked to give a speech upon receiving his first Nobel Prize. He told the youthful masses, "when an old and distin guished person speaks to you, listen to him carefully and with respect-but do not be lieve him. Never put your trust in anything but your own intellect. Your elder, no matter whether he has gray hair or has lost his hair, no matter whether he is a Nobel Laureate, may be wrong. . . So you must always be skep tical-always think for yourself:"! Pauling remained brilliant, undisciplined, and re bellious to the end. Few people have had such a profound effect in so many fields as did Pauling. Even though his contributions are often forgot ten in the classroom and by the media, Pauling was a world-renowned scientist whose research and peace efforts have had a major impact on the way we understand nuclear warfare, chemistry, vitamins, and molecular diseases. Acknowledgments The author thanks Dr. Paul Potter and Kimberly Liu for reviewing the manuscript. References 1. Hager T Force of Nature: the Life ofLinus Pauling. New York Simon & Schuster, 1995. 2. Bernstein J.A TheOlyforEvelything. New York: Copernicus, 1996. 3. Goertzel T, Goertzel B. UnusPauling: a Life in Science andPolitics. New York: BasicBooks, 1995. 4. Marinacci B. LinusPauling in His Own lfiJids. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. 5. Serafini A. LinusPauling: a Man and His Sci ence. New York: Paragon, 1989. 6. Canadian Breast Cancer Research Initiative. Vitamin A, C, and E supplements: an information package. Toronto: CBCRI, 1996. Literature. . . Continued Newsletter63 (8): 19, August 1999 [portrait] Podoll K, Robinson D. Lewis Carroll's migraine experiences. Lancet353: 1 366, April 1 7, 1999 [5 refs, 1 illus.] Poll JS. The story of the gauge. Anaesthe sia 54:575-581, 1999 [3 illus., 1 table, 21 refs.] Poppers PJ. Anesthesiology: past, present and future. A personal perspective. NYSSA Sphere5 1 (2) :58-68, April-June 1999 [portrait of author] Rose W Forty years of anesthesiology in German. Anaesthesiol Reanim 24(1): 1 9-26, 1999 [German] Rutkow 1M. Crawford Williamson Long. Arch SUlg1 34(5):578, May 1999 [Illus.: 1 940 U.S. postage stamp] Rutkow 1M. Anesthesia during the Civil War. Arch SUlg 134(6):680, June 1 999 [illus.: "rare extant example of bottled chloroform"] Schmidt PJ. 50 classic illustrations of the beginnings ofbloodletting and transfusion. Ther Apherl (4):377-379,November 1997 [letter] Spence AA, Smith G. Postoperative analge sia and lung function: a comparison ofmorphine with extradural block. BrJAnaesth 8 1 (6):984988, December 1998 [reprint classic article from 1971; discussion 81:982-983, 1998] Spielman FJ. Awakening in a deep dream. Am JAnesthesio126(5):235-236, June 1999 [1 illus., 3 refs.; discusses history of awareness un der anesthesia and a patient's 1955 painting] Takrouri MSM. Anesthetic uses ofhyoscine and atropine alkaloids in surgical Arabic book. AnesthesiologJ�0(6):1795,June 1999 [4 refs.] [see Holzman RS, cited above] Oetter] Truog RD, Robinson W Informed consent for research: the acheivements of the past and the challenges of the future. Anesthesiology 90:1499-1501, 1999 [12 refs.] [see article by Kopp VJ, cited above] Wilkinson M, Isler H. The pioneer woman's view ofmigraine: Elizabeth Garrett Anderson' s thesis "Sur la migraine." Cephalalgia 19(1):3-15, Januaty 1999 [3 illus.] Yagiela JA. Office-based anesthesia in den tistry. Past, present, and future trends. Dent Clin NOI1hAmer43(2):201-215,ApriI 1999 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY 17 Yellow Fever and the Panama Canal The following article is being repl1n tedfrom a journal calledOld News, which ispublished mne times a year by the Susquehanna TIm es and A1agaZlne, Inc. , at 400 Stackstown Road, Malietta, PA 17547-9300. We are Indebted to Old News, and to the EditorRick Bromery for their pelwission tOI'epl1nt thispaperin theBulletin. The role ofDJ: Callos Rnla); a Cuban physician who was educa teda tJefferson Medical School, isperhaps somewha t underplayed by the text, but there is no doubting the efforts ofDI: Gorgas, which reallyresultedin the Panama Canal being built. Yellow Fever Hits Panama Canal Zone by PatJicia Lynn Knee William C. Gorgas studied medicine at Bellevue Hospital Medical College in New York City during the late 1 870s. According to his classmates, Gorgas was a devout Chris tian, a bad speller, and the most likable man in his class. Mustachioed and handsome, William was modest, charming, and ex tremely serious about his work. Gorgas received his medical degree in 1 879. He then joined the United States Army as a surgeon. Dr. Gorgas' first encounter with yellow fever came in 1 882 when he was 28 years old. He was stationed at Fort Brown, Texas, on the Rio Grande River, when an epidemic of yellow fever struck the fort and the nearby town of Brownsville. Dr. Gorgas was appalled by the suffering and death that the infection caused. Yellow fever, an epidemic disease of the tropics, sometimes invaded the United States during hot summers. The cause of the dis ease was thought to be filth-rotting carcasses of animals, rubbish, human and animal waste. Foul odors and night winds, called "yellow fever winds," were suspect. But the greatest source of contamination was thought to come from the yellow fever victim, his clothing, his bedding, and his dead body. Burials of victims of the disease were careful and swift. When Dr. Gorgas first reported to work at the fort's fever ward, one of his patients was his commanding officer's sister-in-law, Marie Doughty. She had contracted yellow fevel; and was not expected to live. Her grave had already been dug. His commander de spairingly asked Dr. Gorga s to c a re for Marie to the end, and to arrange for her fu neral. Gorgas agreed and nursed the dying young woman. While attending to her, he contracted the disease himself. The symptoms of yellow fever are com mon to all victims. During the first stage of infection, vomiting, fever and headache oc cur. The second stage includes massive hem orrhaging from the mucous membranes. Degeneration of the liver follows, causing jaundice or a yellowing of the skin-thus the term yellow fever. Death usually occurs between the fourth and eighth days of the in fection. W'brkel:s' from Caribbean nations anive in Panama to build the canal. 1l7illiam C. Gorgas Victims who manage to survive, however, become immune to yellow fever for life . Remarkably, both Dr. Gorgas and Marie Doughty recovered from yellow fever. They fell in love, and they were married on Sep tember I S, 1885. Thirteen years later, in 1 898, yellow fever attacked United States troops occupying Cuba during and after the Spanish-American War. Dr. Gorgas was 44 years old and held the rank of major in the United States Army. Immune to yellow fever, he was posted to Havana, Cuba, as chief sanitary officer. Havana was a dirty, crowded city. Dr. Gorgas subscribed to the common belief that yellow fever was caused by filth, and that the best way to eradicate the disease was to elimi nate the filth. As chief sanitary officer, he initiated a clean-up project of massive pro portions, but his efforts failed to slow the spread of yellow fever. In Havana, Dr. Gorgas met a Cuban phy sician, Dr. Carlos Finlay, who suggested that yellow fever might be spread by mosquitoes. Dr. Gorgas was at first skeptical of the idea that mosquitoes could transmit human dis eases, but he changed his mind when a Brit ish physician, Sir Ronald Ross, demonstrated Con tin ued on NextPage "'"" I8 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY Yellow Fever. . . Continuedfiom Rlge 17 that mosquitoes were responsible for spread ing malaria in India. In 1900 a research team, headed by Dr. Walter Reed of the United States Army, dis covered that mosquitoes were responsible for spreading yellow fever in Cuba. Reed dem onstrated that the tiny insects could become infected with the disease when they bit hu man victims ofyellow fever. The mosquitoes then transmitted the disease by biting other people. Many physicians continued to insist that yellow fever was spread by filth, but Dr. Gorgas was persuaded by Reed's scientific evidence that mosquitoes were the actual culprits. To combat yellow fever in Cuba, Dr. Gorgas decided that he must destroy the of fending insects. He ordered screens to cover infected pa tients. He ordered the liberal use of insecti cide around Havana. Because mosquitoes lay their eggs in pools of standing watel� he sent teams of soldiers throughout the city to drain ponds, cover cisterns, seal water j ars, clear gutters, and eliminate every possible breed ing ground for the mosquitoes that cause yel low fever. In October, 1900, there were 1,400 known cases of yellow fever in Havana. In 1901, there were 37. By the end of the next year, there were none. For the first time in 150 years, Havana was free of yellow fever. In 1904, Dr. Gorgas was reassigned to Panama, a county menaced by both yellow fever and malaria. The United States govern ment was planning to build a canal across Panama to link the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Dr. Gorgas's mission was to combat the tropical diseases which had helped to defeat a French attempt to build a canal in Eycavating the Panama Canal in 1909. Panama in 1 880. The French had sent 86,800 laborers to work in Panama. Of these, 22,000 men had died from disease before the French abandoned their canal project in 1 888. When William Gorgas arrived at the Panama Canal Zone in 1 904, he found that there was no public water supply system in the country. Fresh water from the frequent rainfalls was collected and stored for daily use in huge stone jars near each house. These j ars made ideal breeding pools for the spe cies of mosquitoes that carry yellow fever. Other species of mosquitoes, which carry malaria, bred among the swamps and rain forests through which the canal was to be built. Dr. Gorgas saw the potential for dev astating epidemics of yellow fever and ma laria. He had no doubt that he could rid the Canal Zone of dangerous mosquitoes, but it would cost the United States government a large sum of money. Despite Gorgas' prior success in Havana, the military officials and members of the Canal Commission rejected the idea of mosquito-borne disease. Admiral J,G. Walker of the Canal Commission said, "I am not go ing to spend good American dollars on a group of insane enthusiasts who spend their time chasing mosquitoes. Chasing mos quitoes through the Panama j ungle seems to me the very height of folly. Even the French in their wildest moments never did anything as bad as that. As everyone knows, what causes yellow fever is not mosquitoes, but filth and dirt." Admiral Walker suggested that Dr. Gorgas and his team of seven men and one nurse get rid of the dead cats and garbage in the streets, then whitewash the houses and pave the streets of Panama City. Dr. Gorgas also encountered opposition from Colonel George Goethals, the engineer in charge of the con struction of the ca nal. When Gorgas approached Goethals with his proposal to elimi nate the mosqui toes, Goethals re sponded, "Do you know, Gorgas, that every mosquito you kill costs the U.S. government ten Undollars?" D r. daunted, Gorgas replied, "But j us t think, John F Stevens Colonel, one of those ten-dollar mosquitoes might bite you, and what a loss that would be to the country!" The officials would not relent, but Dr. Gorgas stood by the mosquito theory. He hounded the federal government, repeatedly cabling his requests for assistance to Wash ington. He was told that sending telegrams was a costly business, and that he should use the regular mail instead. He then traveled to Washington to personally press his case with the government, but he could not get fund ing for his mosquito-control program. The construction of the canal was of top impor tance, he was told, not "chasing mosquitoes." When the American canal-building project began in 1904, there was no outbreak of yellow fever in Panama. But Dr. Gorgas expected that, with the great influx of non-immune workers pouring daily into the Canal Zone, the disease would reappear soon. Yellow fever hit the Canal Zone in January, 1 905, when there were 19 cases with eight deaths. In April, nine cases occurred with two deaths. May saw 33 cases, with eight dead. In June, there were 62 cases, and 1 9 dead. In July, there was panic. Terrified, many Americans demanded to go home. Admiral Walker, Gorgas' most ar dent opponent, lost his architect, his auditOl� and his executive secretary to yellow fever. In nvo weeks, over 200 people resigned. One worker, after reaching New York, said, "A white man's a fool to go down there, and a bigger fool to stay." A feeling of impending doom settled on the remaining workers. Dr. Gorgas later re called, "the men began to believe that they were doomed just as had been the French before them." In all, three-quarters of the Americans working on the Isthmus went home. Finally, even Commissioner Walker fled, insisting that he had to return to the BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY United States President Theodore Rooseveltplays with the controls ofa 95-ton steam shovelin Panama) dUling the construction ofthe canal. States to "confer" with Secretary ofWar Wil liam Taft, and that he was not motivated by fear of the epidemic. Walker was removed from his position and was replaced by Commissioner John Stevens. While meeting with his new staff, Commis sioner Stevens turned to Dr. Gorgas and said, "Sit; we are not here to demonstrate any theo ries in medicine . . . you have four months to rid Panama of yellow fever." S uddenly Dr. Gorgas found himselflead ing the most expensive health campaign the world had ever seen. Stevens gave the doctor all the manpower that he required, which at one point totaled 4,000 men. Dr. Gorgas' working budget was so greatly increased that now it included $90,000 j ust for screening material. The doctor obtained all the supplies that he needed, including 1 20 tons of pyre thrum powdet; 300 tons of sulfU1; 50,000 gal lons of kerosene oil, 3,000 garbage cans, 5,000 pounds of soap, lanterns, lawn mowers, and 1,200 fumigation pots. Gorgas and his clean-up crews went through every house in Panama City and Colon. Fumigation brigades searched each dwelling for traces of mosquito breeding ar eas. All standing water was removed. Any one not cooperating was fined five dollars. Cisterns and cesspools were covered with oil. The cities of Panama were furnished with plumbing and running wa ter for the first time, thereby eliminating the need for water stor age. The vegetation of the surrounding jungle was cut down and scorched with flame throwers. Vermin were destroyed and rubbish was burned. New buildings were elevated 19 above ground level, with screened doors, win dows and porches. Hospital beds were pro tected by portable enclosures of mosquito netting. Ships coming from disease-ridden areas were placed under quarantine. Large pans of fresh water were placed in numerous locations to entice breeding mosquitoes. Af ter the mosquitoes laid their eggs, the water was poured down disinfected drains. In Havana, it had taken about eight months to rid the city of yellow fever. In Panama, it took a year and a half. With Dr. Gorgas' measures in place, the epidemic was almost over by September, 1 906. By Decem ber, there was not one case of yellow fever reported on the Isthmus. Dr. Gorgas was also successful in his cam paign against the mosquitoes that carry ma laria. By eliminating both yellow fever and malaria in the Canal Zone, he made it pos sible for the Panama Canal to be successfully completed in 19 14. Promoted to the rank of major general, Dr. William Gorgas became surgeon general of the United States Army in 1914. He re signed from the army at the conclusion of the First World War. Dr. Gorgas suffered a stroke while visiting London in 1 920. King George VI visited him at the hospital and knighted him for his "great work for humanity." Dr. Gorgas died soon afterward. Sources GJ'eat jlledicaJ DisasteJ's. by Richard Gordon. Dorset Press, 1983. 11ledicine's GJ'eatjoumej( edited by N. Richardson. Universal Press, 1990. ThePath Between the Seas. by DavidMcCullough. Simon & Schustel; 1 977. The!irstmel'Chantshippasses through the caal on August l� 1914. ....- 20 BULLETIN OF ANESTHESIA HISTORY "Gass". ' . . . Canlmued fium .RJge 2 the occurrence of the painless tooth extrac tion. No personal experience of the case was described.2 Twenty-year-old printer Edward Gilbert Abbott was the famous patient whom Morton anesthetized, and lC. Warren oper ated on, at the October 1 6, 1 846, demonstra tion at MGH. By nature a rather reticent young man, Abbott was originally scheduled for operation to remove a tumor below his j aw. Dr. Warren remembered his appoint ment with Dr. Morton for the demonstration, and obtained Abbott's acquiescence to post pone the operation until the 1 6th. The his toric event impacted the practice of medicine in the next century and half. Here again, no personal account on the anesthetic experience e m a n a ted from p a tient Abbott whom Vandam considers an enigmatic figure.3-4 To appreciate the new found blessing of painless surgery, Bassett's description was in stark contrast to the graphic recounting of the excruciating experience of surgery with- Bulletin of Anesthesia History Doris K. Cope, M . D . , Editor UPMC Shadyside 5230 Centre Avenue, 1 South Pittsburgh, PA 15232 U . S .A. out anesthesia by Fanny Burney 3 5 earlier in 1 8 1 z.s A cursory investigation on patient M.B. Bassett has not turned out any information about his life. This makes Bassett's surgical experience under inhaled anesthetic even more remarkable and important for histori cal study. Family papers, especially letters of this nature, hardly survive the passage of time. Harvard and Columbia historian Simon Scharma used archives and records of ordi nary people contemporary to the French Revolution to write the history of the tumul tuous era, and titled it Citizens. Similarly, the Bassett letter presents another area of anes thesia historiography for researchers to in terpret the story of anesthesia. The Wood Library-Museum is very proud to acquire this unique holographic letter which measures 20" x 25", folded once to cre ate four pages for the text. Perhaps consis tent with the mailing tradition of the time, the letter was folded the second and third time with two folded ends meeting mid-way on page 1 . The folding process in Step 2 re- peats to create a mailing space for address and the postmark. In addition to the anes thetic message, Bassett's letter addressed other subjects, both social and domestic, in cluding the performance of the 48-member "Viennese Children Dance," and the univer sal concern of a younger member of the fam ily experiencing growing pain. References 1. Long CWo An account of the first use of Sulphuric Ether by Inhalation as an Anaesthetic in Surgical Operations. Southern jil1edical and Surgical Jaurnal 5(l2):5-14, 1849. 2. Hodges RM. A NalTative afEvents Connected with the Introduction of Sulphun'cEther inta Surgical Use. Boston Little, Brown, 1891. pp 24-26. 3. Ibid, pp 29-30. 4. Vandam LD, Abbott JA. Edward Gilbert Abbott: Enigmatic figure ofthe ether demonstration. NEJM 311:991-994, 1984. 5. Tandy CT. ''A terror that surpasses descrip tion," Anesthesia History Exhibit Catalog, 1 969.