The Buckley-Coffin Crusade: Preaching the Gospel of Political

Transcription

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The Buckley-Coffin Crusade: Preaching the Gospel
of Political Ideology to Yale and America in the
1960s
Danielle Kehl
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The Buckley-Coffin Crusade:
Preaching the Gospel of Political Ideology to
Yale and America in the 1960s
Danielle Leah Kehl
Timothy Dwight College
The History Senior Essay
Due April 5, 2010
Advised by Professor Beverly Gage
Yale University
Figure 1: Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr. addressing a Yale Campus group. Printed in the Yale Banner, 1970.
Source: Yale Banner Manuscripts & Archives, Yale University.
“To have been at a place where there was a figure of this sort…a person who made
the civil rights movement seem not a distant thing but something we ourselves
were morally and mentally engaged in, and the same then for the anti-war
movement, was I think one of the great experiences of our time.”
Richard Brodhead, Yale College Class of 1968,
Dean of Yale College from 1993 to 2004,
Current President of Duke University,
May 31, 2003, at ceremony honoring Coffin as
“Permanent Chaplain to the Yale Class of 1968”
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Figure 2: William F. Buckley, Jr. (front row, center) with the Yale Daily News editors and staff. Printed in the
Yale Banner, 1950. Source: Yale Banner Manuscripts & Archives, Yale University.
“He has the outward and visible sins of the campus radical, and the inward and
spiritual qualities of the radical’s wealthy grandfather.”
Dwight MacDonald, “God and Buckley at Yale,” May 1952
“He perceived himself as a bridge between us and the administration and not as
someone being in the opposition.”
M. Stanton Evans, author of the “Sharon Statement,”
to Buckley’s biographer, John B. Judis
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Figure 3: Original poster from the Yale Political Union Debate between
William Sloane Coffin Jr. and William F. Buckley Jr., November 17, 1966.
Source: Photograph taken of the poster hanging in the Yale Political Union
Office by Alexander Martone, YPU President, Fall 2009.
“I could say such nice things about you were you only a good old leftie, things
which you might even say about me if I were only a right winger. I imagine,
however, the price would be as usual too high.”
William Sloane Coffin Jr., in a letter
to William F. Buckley Jr., June 12, 2000
“Our disagreements were heated, and it is through the exercise of much restraint
that I forebear doing more than merely to record that they were heated; on my way,
heatedly, to record that Bill Coffin was a bird of paradise, and to extend my
sympathy to all who, however thoughtlessly, lament his failure to bring the world
around to his views.”
William F. Buckley Jr., “Coffin’s Passion Topped Ideology”
Yale Daily News, April 14, 2006
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I. Introduction
On a crisp evening in November 1966, hundreds of Yalies gathered to watch a fight
between representatives of the New Left and the New Right. The spectacle that drew them in,
however, was not a street scuffle between student protestors. Rather, the campus buzzed with
excitement in anticipation of a debate in the Yale Law School Auditorium. Students lined up in
the streets, climbed through windows, and obtained fake press passes, all in order to witness the
clash of two ideological titans: the liberal Reverend William Sloane Coffin Jr. and conservative
icon William F. Buckley Jr.1 Trading jabs onstage in front of an audience of Yale Political Union
members, faculty, administrators and whoever else had managed to wrangle a space in the room,
Coffin and Buckley created quite an unusual scene. They were two Yale alums in their forties,
born and bred in similar fashion, pitching their arguments to a group of students half their age
with a blend of humor and rhetorical elegance. They had been ideological opponents since their
own undergraduate days at Yale and had fired public shots at one another ever since. Now, back
in the Yale arena, they faced off in front of an eager crowd on the topic: “Resolved: That
Government Has a Duty to Promote Equality As Well as To Protect Liberty.”2
In the Left’s corner stood William Sloane Coffin Jr., a man whose fiery convictions
matched the mess of red hair that sat atop his tall, athletic frame. By all accounts, Coffin was a
liberal lion. Returning to Yale to fill the chaplain’s post in 1958, less than ten years after he
graduated, he had burst onto the national scene in 1961 by organizing the first “freedom ride”
that brought white men from the Northeast into the segregated South to protest racial
discrimination. Despite numerous calls for his resignation throughout the decade, Coffin found
staunch allies in Yale presidents A. Whitney Griswold and later Kingman Brewster, both of
1
2
Jeff Greenfield, “Confrontation: The Buckley-Coffin Debate,” Yale Alumni Magazine, January 1967: 24-29.
“Coffin vs. Buckley Tonight: Angry Vassarites to Attend,” Yale Daily News, 17 November 1966.
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whom rallied behind his right to act even though they frequently disagreed with his tactics.
Secure in his post at the university, he showed little hesitation championing controversial moral
or ideological issues. He often acted not only as a mentor to the students, but also as an advocate
and participant in acts of civil disobedience and other radical tactics.
Weighing in on the Right was William F. Buckley Jr. Charming and smartly dressed,
Buckley cut a classic northeastern figure, though his less athletic stance reflected his love for the
aristocratic sports of sailing and horseback riding. Like Coffin, he was no stranger to
controversy. During his undergraduate days at Yale, one letter to the campus newspaper, the Yale
Daily News, had called Buckley the “most dangerous undergraduate in the history of Yale”
because of the inflammatory editorials he wrote as chairman of the News.3 Barely beyond the
shadows of the gothic towers of Yale, he let loose a barrage of criticism at the university with his
publication of God and Man at Yale in 1951. The book catapulted Buckley into the spotlight as
he railed against the liberal faculty at Yale and cemented his position as a proverbial thorn in the
side of the Yale administration. He went on to found the National Review in 1955, becoming
both the face of and one of the most vocal advocates for the modern conservative movement. He
facilitated the founding of the Young Americans for Freedom in 1960, and by 1966, he had
helped reinvent what it meant to be a conservative in America.
Based on most popular descriptions of the 1960s, the heavy favorite in the debate should
have been Coffin. Traditional historical accounts tend to characterize the early 1960s as a
distinctive turning point in American history, ushering in a new decade of liberal activism
epitomized by the lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina in February 1960 and
John F. Kennedy’s election the following November. In The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of
Rage, historian Todd Gitlin writes that in 1960 “suddenly the campus mood seemed to shift…
3
Letter quoted in “Coffin vs. Buckley,” Editorial, Yale Daily News, 17 November 1966.
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What had been underground flowed to the surface. After all the prologues and precursors, an
insurgency materialized, and the climate of opinion began to shift… And then it was as if, all
over the country, young people had been waiting for just these signals.”4 According to this
common narrative, the 1960s were overwhelmingly liberal and on college campuses, the leading
centers of political activism and radical protest, the students initiated the cry for change. Indeed,
conservatives as well as liberals tended to exaggerate the liberal side of the 1960s, in order to
frame their own political efforts throughout the decade as a kind of counter-insurgency to the
dominant trends in American political life.5 By 1966, therefore, it would be difficult to imagine
that any sizable portion of the student population supported the positions of a conservative like
William F. Buckley. He represented everything that William Sloane Coffin was not: an
unapologetic Old Blue who opposed government intervention on behalf of civil rights, supported
the war in Vietnam, argued against nuclear disarmament, and wanted Yale to remain a traditional
destination for prep school students and the elite.
However, an overwhelming liberal bias was not, in reality, prevalent among the audience
at the Buckley-Coffin debate or in the student population at large in 1966. Rather, the common
one-sided characterization of the political landscape during the decade drastically overstates both
the influence of liberals and the sympathies of the generation coming of age in the 1960s.
Although Kennedy and then Lyndon Johnson occupied the White House until 1968, liberal
Democrats did not hold a sizeable majority in the legislative branch of US government for most
of the decade.6 Similarly, while student leadership on the left successfully mobilized thousands
of supporters to protest unequal civil rights and the war in Vietnam, a large contingent of activist
4
Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (Toronto: Bantam Books, 1987), 81.
Ben Agger, The Sixties at 40: Leaders and Activists Remember and Look Forward (Boulder, CO: Paradigm
Publishers, 2009), 1-5.
6
Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2000), 47-8.
5
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conservative student leaders emerged on college campuses across the country as well. The
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), one of the leading national liberal student
organizations in the 1960s, were countered by the presence of the conservative-minded Young
Americans for Freedom (YAF), whose chapters spread across the country at a pace that matched
SDS. Thousands of young conservatives in the 1960s worshipped Barry Goldwater instead of
John F. Kennedy; they read the National Review, not the New Republic, and they found meaning
in the Sharon Statement, the YAF statement of principles produced in 1960, two years prior to
the publication of SDS’s manifesto, the Port Huron Statement.7
These statements reveal a parallel set of concerns and a commitment to promote change
among the leaders of the prevailing youth movements. Despite their ideological differences,
student leaders on both sides shared a strong sense of optimism that their respective visions for
the future would ultimately win out.8 For many of the students clamoring to gain access to the
Yale Law School Auditorium, conservative and liberals alike offered viable possibilities for the
future, and although a majority of the students trended toward the left in the late 1960s, they
were generally receptive to the ideas of student and adult leaders on both sides of the ideological
spectrum.9
Thus the story of William Sloane Coffin Jr. and William F. Buckley Jr. sheds some light
on the complexity of student politics in the 1960s, challenging the simplistic historical analysis
so often applied to the period. In large measure, liberal and conservative student movements
evolved, like Buckley and Coffin, in conversation with one another in the 1960s, with roots that
7
Rebecca Klatch, A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1999), 2-3.
8
Ibid., 30-1.
9
Jay Gitlin, Interview with the Author, March 2010. Gitlin, Yale Class of 1971 and a scholar of the period,
remarked that most Yale students in the mid and late 1960s were not particularly ideological or drawn to radical
positions. Rather, many had liberal leanings, but were open to the ideas being promoted by both Buckley and Coffin.
“The vast majority were normal Yalies—very centrist and a little liberal…We thought that there were things that
needed to be changed, and we were listening,” he said.
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extended back to the beginning of the decade and before. Moreover, these movements did not
emerge organically on college campuses, in a sphere free of adult influences.10 Rather, many of
these student visionaries found their mission with the encouragement and support of generational
mentors like Coffin and Buckley. The goal of this paper is to use the Buckley-Coffin story—one
that has largely been left unexplored—as a framework for examining the interplay between the
New Left and the New Right in the 1960s among college students.11 It will show how the
campus climate was simultaneously an important part of and shaped by the larger conversation
that men like Coffin and Buckley had already been a part of on a national level: a debate over
how America would respond to the challenges of the post-war decades and define itself for the
future.
II. The Early Years: Growing Up Buckley and Coffin
To understand the Buckley-Coffin story in its entirety, we must first explore the parallels
in their backgrounds. Both William Sloane Coffin Jr. and William F. Buckley Jr. were born in
New York City in the mid-1920s and raised in prominent families that valued intellectual rigor
and broad cultural exposure. Before crossing paths as undergraduates at Yale, each man had
lived abroad with his family and done a brief stint in the army in the later years of World War II.
Buckley entered Yale as a freshman in the fall of 1946; Coffin, eighteen months his senior,
arrived the following year, but with the college credits he had already earned, he was awarded
10
Isserman and Kazin, America Divided, 166-7.
This paper will rely on the broad definitions of the New Left and New Right described in Chapters 15 and 16 of
Jean-Christophe Agnew and Ray Rosenzweig’s A Companion to Post-1945 America. As such, I will treat them as
complex, fluid movements that developed largely in response to the threat of communism posed by the rise of the
Soviet Union in the early 1950s. These represent a break from earlier movements on the left and the right before
World War II (often referred to as the Old Left and the Old Right) and encompass a variety of forms of the liberal
(in the case of the New Left) and conservative (for the New Right) ideological responses to communism, as well as
other overlapping social movements that became prevalent in the 1950s and 1960s.
11
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junior standing.12 From the fall of 1947 to Coffin’s graduation in 1949, Coffin and Buckley, both
leaders among their classmates, frequently came into contact with one another in the Yale
academic and extracurricular scene. Coffin recalled that they shared a love of the piano that
brought them together socially, and Buckley invited him to his family’s estate on several
occasions during their undergraduate days.13 Coffin pursued this passion for music and became
president of the Yale Glee Club, while Buckley set his sights on the chairmanship of the Yale
Daily News early in his freshman year and easily ascended to the coveted position by a
unanimous vote in his sophomore year. In their senior years, each man was inducted into Skull
and Bones, the elite of Yale’s secret societies.
Despite their successes, neither Coffin nor Buckley had a “typical” experience as an
undergraduate at Yale. In large measure this was because the university at that time was not the
same place it had been a generation earlier. The war had vastly changed the landscape of
American life in the 1940s, and Yale was no exception. As undergraduate enrollment steadily
dropped during the height of America’s involvement in World War II, Yale opened its doors to
the military and established the Army Air Force Technical Training School in January 1943.
That February, three thousand cadets, officers, and instructors swarmed the campus, permanently
altering the fabric of undergraduate life during those years.14 After the war ended, the civilian
undergraduate population spiked once again, forcing a number of rapid changes to accommodate
the shift. Consequently, Yale in the late 1940s was in the process of re-establishing itself and
adjusting the curriculum and campus to the pace of civilian life once again after the tumult of
war. Many veterans, like Coffin and Buckley, were already in their twenties by the time they
12
Warren Goldstein, William Sloane Coffin Jr.: A Holy Impatience (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
2004), 11, 24-35, 65; John B. Judis, William F. Buckley Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1988), 25-33, 46-52.
13
Garry Wills, “Buckley Buckley Bow Wow Wow,” Esquire, January 1968: 72-76.
14
Brooks Mather Kelley, Yale: A History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1974), 397-400.
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matriculated. Some were in serious relationships or even married. They approached their
undergraduate experience having already witnessed much more than the New England prep
school scene.15 This reality echoed a larger sense of upheaval in the rest of the country. Millions
of veterans returned home to discover that a great deal had changed in their absence, both in their
personal lives and politically. A far cry from the isolationist country struggling to pull itself out
of the Great Depression before the war, America was now a powerful player on the world stage,
and at the same time already was reacting to the threat of communism and a polarizing climate of
fear and distrust at home.
It was in this setting that these two men of similar background and experience first began
to define themselves ideologically. As an undergraduate, Coffin wrestled privately with his own
spirituality and with the new phenomenon of liberal anti-communism.16 Like many Americans,
he questioned whether the old ways of dealing with the world adequately addressed the new
challenges created by World War II. He primarily confined these thoughts to his own writing,
however, while he attracted attention from university elders for his intelligence and future
potential.17 Buckley, on the other hand, made his beliefs more public. He came to Yale intending
to become a leader and eager to voice his opinions. Although he achieved many of the hallmarks
of success at Yale, he also constantly sought to create conflict, arguing that the university was
promoting dangerously liberal values in the post-war climate. Buckley saw himself as a
“counterrevolutionary,” and he challenged the dominant brand of moderate Republicanism that
supported the existing way of American life in the face of a growing communist threat. During
15
Kelley, Yale: A History, 405-9; Interviews with Yale alumni quoted in Robert Tice Lalka, “Surviving the Death of
God: Existentialism, God and Man at Post-WWII Yale” (Senior Essay, Yale University, 2005), 6-7.
16
Liberal anti-communism was a phenomenon borne primarily in the aftermath of World War II. In the 1920s and
1930s, anti-communism was generally associated with conservative politics, and many members of the Old Left
actually had Communist sympathies themselves. After World War II, however, most liberals recognized the threat
of communism to the American way of life, and wrestled with ways to prevent its spread. See Christopher Lasch,
The Agony of the American Left (New York: Vintage Books, 1969).
17
Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 65-69.
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his tenure as chairman of the Yale Daily News, he wrote some of the most inflammatory
editorials in the history of the student newspaper, openly criticizing the administration, faculty,
and his fellow students. He rejected liberal anti-communism and argued that the United States
needed a more militant response to the communism threat. Most of his positions were quite
unpopular, but he won the respect of his classmates and administrators for his talent as a writer
and orator nonetheless.18
In February 1950, administrators approached Buckley to give the student speech at
Yale’s Alumni Day celebration, an honor that had gone to Coffin the previous year.
Traditionally, the purpose of the speech was to give the alumni a taste of Yale’s current
undergraduate population.19 While reassuring the alumni that “the Yale blue is not turning
pink”—implying that students were not turning soft on communism—Coffin had discussed the
new and often difficult challenges he and his classmates faced as part of the post-war generation.
“We are grateful to those at Yale equally concerned with these problems,” he said in his speech,
“and particularly to the University policy of what President Seymour has called ‘free and
untrammeled inquiry.’”20 His remarks, which reflected Coffin’s inner thoughts as well as the
broader sentiments of his classmates, were generally well received. He addressed some of the
major issues of the day while portraying Yale in 1949 as a place that prepared its students to face
these challenges.
Buckley, by contrast, decided he would use the podium the next year to criticize Yale for
its shortcomings as an educational institution. Though Coffin had praised Seymour’s policy of
“free and untrammeled inquiry,” Buckley planned to attack it. He wrote that “Yale imposes little
18
Judis, Patron Saint of the Conservatives, 53-68.
Ibid., 76.
20
William Sloane Coffin Jr., “A Student’s Report,” February 22, 1949, the William Sloane Coffin Papers
(henceforth, “Coffin Papers”), Series IV, Box 40, Folder 23, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New
Haven, CT.
19
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directed discipline, because Yale’s mission is not articulate except in so far as an agglomeration
of words about enlightened thought and action, freedom and democracy, serve to define [it].”21
University administrators were appalled when they found out and asked Buckley to revise his
remarks a few days before the event. Unwilling to compromise his main point, Buckley made
some small changes, citing time constraints. As a gesture of courtesy, he offered to withdraw as a
speaker if there were still objections, assuming that the administration would let him give the
speech rather than have to scramble to find a replacement on the eve of the event. To his great
surprise, however, Yale President Charles Seymour readily accepted the offer.22
The contrast between their two experiences speaks to some of the early contrasts between
Buckley and Coffin. Before the Alumni Day rebuke, Buckley had been a considerably more
provocative student leader than Coffin had been, but neither was radical enough to be considered
a serious threat. Each man embraced traditional leadership roles in the student body, even if they
used their positions to voice opinions that were not as generally held. The speech that Coffin
penned, however, generated little discussion afterward. He remembered himself as “a good deal
left of center,” but he never displayed the same boldness that Buckley showed as an
undergraduate.23 By contrast, Buckley knew when he wrote his speech that it would anger the
administration, though he failed to predict the degree of their anger.24
After graduation, both found the CIA attractive—for each man put his opposition to
communism above larger ideological differences, and the CIA at that time appealed to Ivy
21
William F. Buckley, Jr., “Undelivered Address Prepared by the Author for the Yale Alumni Day, February 1950,”
in William F. Buckley, Jr., God and Man at Yale, (Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1951), Appendix F.
22
23
Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 68.
24
In fact, when the secretary of the university, Carl Lohman, asked Buckley to submit the speech before the event,
Buckley had initially refused. He later called Coffin to ask him if they had made the same request the previous year.
Coffin recalled that it never occurred to him until he received Buckley’s phone call a year after his own speech that
Lohman’s intent might have been to censor him. “[B]ut, considering what happened to Bill, I guess he was right,” he
said. “They didn’t let him give his talk.” Quoted in Wills, “Buckley, Buckley, Bow Wow Wow”.
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League liberals and conservatives alike for its intellectual rigor and promise of adventure.25 They
gravitated back toward Yale as well. Coffin would return to the Yale Divinity School from 1953
to 1956 and, shortly thereafter, take up the position of university chaplain in 1958 under
Seymour’s successor, Griswold. Buckley returned sooner, but as a critic. While working as a
Spanish teacher at Yale and living in New Haven in 1951, he penned God and Man at Yale,
which expanded upon the arguments of his undelivered Alumni Day speech to criticize the
doctrine of academic freedom at Yale in particular and modern universities in general.26
III. From God and Man at Yale to the Godfather of Modern Conservatism: William F.
Buckley Jr. in the 1950s
Though William F. Buckley had spent much of the 1940s trying to succeed at Yale, he
made a name for himself in the early 1950s by ripping his alma mater apart in God and Man at
Yale. The basic premise of the book was the rejection of the laissez-faire theory of education and
the doctrine of academic freedom, which had become benchmark standards at American
universities in the twentieth century. One of its earlier advocates, Alexander Meiklejohn, the
president of Amherst College from 1913 to 1923, explained that academic freedom meant, “the
college has no list of dogmas or doctrines which it seeks to teach… The only genuine pedagogic
sin I know is that of dragging our students by the nose to preconceived conclusions, blinding
their eyes to paths that lead on this side or on that toward truth, and yet pretending that we are
leading them into the ways of human thought.”27 Essentially, the doctrine held that scholars
could not be told what to study or teach, and that they should be judged on the quality, not
substance of their works. It protected professors from being forced to sign loyalty oaths or losing
25
Judis, Patron Saint of the Conservatives, 80.
Ibid., 83.
27
Alexander Meiklejohn, The Liberal College (Boston, MA: Marshall Jones Company, 1920), 91.
26
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their jobs for teaching Darwinism over Creationism, for example. In God and Man at Yale,
Buckley cited several specific examples of what he considered hypocrisy in Yale’s application of
the theory—including the termination of several communist professors in the 1930s—and
broadly rejected its underlying premise.28 He argued that education should teach students
previously discovered truths alone. He proposed that universities separate research from teaching
completely, to ensure that scientific progress and advances in knowledge would not be impeded
by the shift back toward their traditional, theological roots. Buckley gave the authority to
determine what should be taught to the alumni, whom he saw as entitled by virtue of their right
to elect the Yale Corporation that governed the school.29
When it was published in late October 1951, God and Man at Yale propelled Buckley and
Yale into the national spotlight. As a Yale insider and student leader, his criticism of the
university carried significant weight, and his claims could not be easily dismissed, although
many Yale administrators and prominent alumni were quick to try. His critics suggested that he
was misguided or childish, and a few even went so far as to attempt to use Buckley’s
Catholicism to undermine his credibility.30 This backlash, moreover, was not limited to liberals.
Numerous conservatives challenged Buckley’s radical proposals and disagreed with his
definition of what it meant to be a conservative.31 Outside of Yale and the northeast, nonetheless,
many sympathized with Buckley’s criticism of the elite American universities. By the end of
November 1951, the book had sold twelve thousand copies and climbed to number sixteen on the
New York Times bestseller list.32
28
Buckley, God and Man at Yale, 131-4.
Ibid., 173-7.
30
31
Geoffrey Kabaservice, The Guardians: Kingman Brewster, His Circle, and the Rise of the Liberal Establishment
(New York: Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 2004), 132-3.
32
29
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God and Man at Yale also made Buckley a household name, and he intrigued many
Americans who were puzzled by his background and ideological agenda. Dwight Macdonald, a
well-known leftist Yale alum, described him as an enigma with “the outward and visible signs of
the campus radical, and the inward and spiritual qualities of the radical’s wealthy grandfather.”33
In 1953, Buckley and L. Brent Bozell, his Yale classmate and brother-in-law, began working on
an equally sensational new project: a defense of Wisconsin Senator Joe McCarthy’s anticommunist crusade, titled McCarthy and His Enemies.34 The book attempted to address what
they believed were the most credible liberal objections to his strategy in a fair and balanced way.
“To the extent that McCarthyism, out of ignorance or impetuosity or malice, urges the imposition
of sanctions upon persons who are not pro-Communist or security risks, we should certainly
oppose it,” they wrote, but on the whole defended the embattled politician.35 The book was, in
fact, more moderate in tone than most who defended McCarthy.36 Even so, McCarthy and His
Enemies made a splash, largely because came out in March of 1954, a month before the ArmyMcCarthy hearings, which was both the apex of McCarthy’s fame and the beginning of his
unceremonious fall from power. Buckley and Bozell suddenly received countless invitations to
speak, debate, and appear on radio and television. Moreover, Buckley—who had become a
virtual pariah at Yale after God and Man at Yale—was invited back with Bozell to debate two
law school professors, Vern Countryman and Fowler Harper.37 For Buckley, the debate was
another defining moment in his relationship with his alma mater. When he first took the stage,
33
Dwight Macdonald, “God and Buckley at Yale,” The Reporter, 27 May 1952, quoted in Judis, 97.
35
William F. Buckley and L. Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies (Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1954), 335.
36
Robert R. Tomes, Apocalypse Then: American Intellectuals and the Vietnam War (New York: New York
University Press, 1998), 20.
37
34
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his reception was chilly, but the crowd quickly warmed up to the charismatic Buckley. By the
end of the debate he had won at the very least the respect of the audience, if not its support.38
While McCarthy and His Enemies could not save McCarthy, it did bolster Buckley’s
fame as a conservative crusader in his own right. At a time when the American conservative
movement floundered from lack of support and momentum, he decided to start a publication to
voice conservative opinions. With his father’s personal and financial support, Buckley began
fundraising for and staffing a right-wing political magazine in 1954, to be called the National
Review.39 A year later, the efforts of Buckley and several dozen others came to fruition in the
inaugural issue, published on November 19, 1955. Buckley prefaced the issue with a mission
statement that addressed the position of a conservative publication in an era where moderate
Republicans and Democrats dominated the political conversation. He wrote that the magazine
“stands athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no one is inclined to do so… National
Review is out of place, in the sense that the United Nations and the League of Women Voters and
the New York Times and Henry Steele Commager are in place.”40 In its early years, the magazine
criticized the Eisenhower administration and the idea of moderate consensus; it condemned
communism and the welfare state; and it supported the rights of southerners to ignore the Brown
v. Board of Education decision and resist integration. Like Buckley, the magazine often
provoked its opponents while attempting to redefine conservatism as a more radical ideology that
challenged, rather than protected, the status quo.41 Among other things, Buckley is credited with
38
“McCarthy Debate,” Yale Daily News, 16 April 1954.
40
William F. Buckley, Jr., “Our Mission Statement,” National Review, 19 November 1955.
41
39
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coining and defining the term “liberal establishment”—which he later used to label Yale
President Kingman Brewster and his ilk—in the pages of National Review.42
In 1960, with his own career firmly established, Buckley devoted time explicitly to
college students for the first time since God and Man at Yale, when he helped to found the
Young Americans for Freedom. Believing that liberal faculty and administrators increasingly
marginalized conservative students on college campuses, he urged members of the Interim
Committee for a National Conservative Youth Organization, led by students Doug Caddy and
David Francke, to invite conservative college leaders from across the country to his family’s
estate in Sharon, Connecticut, for a three-day conference. “America stands at a crossroads
today,” they wrote to 120 prominent conservative students in August 1960. “Will our Nation
continue to follow the path towards socialism or will we turn towards Conservatism and
freedom? The final answer to this question lies with America’s youth…Now is the time for
Conservative youth to take action to make their full force and influence felt.”43 Their cry echoed
the mission statement that Buckley himself had penned for the National Review half a decade
earlier. On September 11, 1960, about 90 of them arrived at Buckley’s home, and set to work
crafting a statement of conservative principles.44 The assembled students came primarily from
wealthier backgrounds and belonged to Young Republican organizations at major universities,
including Yale.45 They eventually became one of the largest conservative student organizations
42
Kabaservice, The Guardians, 12. Buckley defined the “liberal establishment” as the network of individuals,
institutions, and ideas that he was fighting in “his quest to revive conservatism in postwar America.”
43
Letter from Douglas Caddy to Robert Croll, 16 August 1960. Copy in the William F. Buckley Papers (henceforth
“Buckley Papers”), Part I, Box 12, YAF Folder, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT.
44
John M. Andrew, The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative
Politics (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997), 56-7.
45
Klatch, A Generation Divided, 41; Andrew, The Other Side of the Sixties, 54-6.
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in the 1960s, playing an integral role in Barry Goldwater’s run for the presidency in 1964, and
demonstrating in opposition to liberal student groups like SDS throughout the decade.46
Buckley’s role in the YAF’s founding was different than one might expect. Though he
facilitated the gathering, he urged the students to guide the agenda and to make their own
decisions. At the end of the weekend, he reviewed the statement that they had written and made a
few minor changes. Beyond that, however, he preferred to remain on the periphery once he had
set things in motion.47 Going forward, Buckley maintained a similar relationship to the YAF. He
appeared confident in the strength of the students’ conservative principles and their ability to
succeed without his help. A few weeks after the conference, he expressed those sentiments in
National Review, indicating that he saw the YAF’s youth and vitality as integral to the future of
the conservative movement. “[W]hat is so striking in the students who met at Sharon is their
appetite for power…the world continues to go left, but all over the land dumbfounded professors
are remarking the extraordinary revival of hard conservative sentiment in the student bodies…
They talk about affecting history,” he wrote.48 Yet Buckley’s impact on the group was
undeniable. Many of the students, like conservative journalist Lee Edwards, admitted that his
mentorship lent a sense of purpose to the conference that it otherwise would have lacked.49 Each
year, Buckley received hundreds of letters from YAF chapters springing up across the country
with requests for advice or assistance. One group even proposed to pay homage to the
46
Linda Bridges and John R. Coyne Jr., Strictly Right: William F. Buckley Jr. and the American Conservative
Movement (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007), 71-2.
47
Judis, Patron Saint of the Conservatives, 190; Andrew, The Other Side of the Sixties, 63.
48
William F. Buckley, “The Ivory Tower: The Young Americans for Freedom,” The National Review, 24
September 1960.
49
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conservative giant by naming their chapter after him.50 By 1964, YAF had more than 350
chapters and 30,000 members.51
Meanwhile, Buckley continued to expand his own influence on the American public at
large. In early 1962, the Universal Press Syndicate offered him a column, “On the Right.” It
allowed him to reach a much wider national audience than those who subscribed to the National
Review or actively sought out his opinions.52 By the mid-1960s, “On the Right” appeared three
times a week in 205 newspapers across the country, making Buckley’s name synonymous with
conservative opinion for many Americans.53 He was a key player in the Goldwater campaign in
1964, working closely with the YAF to organize grassroots support for the conservative’s
candidacy.54 And following his own unsuccessful run as a third-party candidate for the mayor of
New York City in 1965, Buckley became the host of a television talk show called Firing Line
with William Buckley, where he sparred with hundreds of prominent liberal and conservative
guests—including William Sloane Coffin—over the next few decades.55 He also continued to
accept speaking engagements across the country, frequently sought out by college students.
Known for his provocative statements and engaging oratory, he became a veritable campus
celebrity and regular presence at schools nationwide. In September 1967, for example, three
thousand Rutgers students filled the school gymnasium to capacity on a Friday night to hear him
speak about “The Responsibility of the Students.”56 He had, by that point, firmly established
50
Letter from Steven Bergath, March 20, 1965, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 37, YAF Folder; See Part I, Box 41 and
Part I, Box 46 for YAF letters from 1966 and 1967.
51
Michael Flamm, “The Liberal-Conservative Debates of the 1960s,” in Michael Flamm and David Steigerwald,
Debating the 1960s: Liberal, Conservative, and Radical Perspectives (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers,
2008), 103.
52
Bridges, Strictly Right, 74.
53
“Columnists: The Sniper,” Time Magazine, 3 November 1967.
54
55
Ibid., 259.
56
Ibid., 264.
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himself as the godfather of the modern conservative movement and a mentor to both students
and adults.
IV. The Intellectual and Spiritual Journey of William Sloane Coffin Jr.: From the CIA to
the CALCAV
While Buckley’s political and ideological beliefs were splashed across the national media
in the 1950s, Coffin opted for a much less conspicuous path. After graduating from Yale in 1949,
he spent a year at Union Theological Seminary before the United States’ escalating role in the
Korean War conflict pulled him back into the service of his country. He joined the CIA in 1950
and spent the next two years abroad, recruiting, preparing, and training Soviet émigrés to spy on
behalf of the United States in the USSR.57 Then, just as he had after World War II, he quietly
resumed his studies at the Yale Divinity School. His ability to throw himself into the fast-paced
and dangerous lifestyle of the CIA and then turn around and pick up where he had left off in
seminary demonstrated the relationship between his personal drive and the causes he believed in.
Though he was content with his chosen path toward a religious life, he rarely shied away from a
fight, an attitude which colored his experience at the Yale Divinity School and beyond. Studying
under intellectuals like Richard Niebuhr, the younger brother of Reinhold Niebuhr and an
authority on theology and ethics in his own right, Coffin began to see his faith as a means to
make a difference.58 In his second year, he focused on chaplaincy and began working under Yale
Chaplain A. Sidney Lovett, whose post he would eventually fill.
Coffin graduated in 1956 and accepted a position as the chaplain of Phillips Academy.
The year he spent at Andover sparked an involvement in student affairs that would last for some
57
58
Ibid., 86-8.
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twenty years. In one memorable moment, Coffin watched a group of students sitting at breakfast
who got up and moved away when another student put his tray down with them. During chapel
that day, the enraged Coffin lectured them on conformity and nastiness. Years later, another
student recalled the incident clearly, saying, “What was remarkable for me was Coffin’s fury…I
was amazed that an adult could care so much what we did to each other.”59 The following year,
he became chaplain of Williams College, where he continued to demonstrate interest in the
moral and social affairs that governed the students’ lives. He expressed his concern about the
negative aspects of the fraternity scene on campus as well as the institutionalized discrimination
against Jewish students.60 At the same time, he also sought to make broader issues relevant. The
Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., famous after the 1955 Montgomery bus boycotts, piqued
Coffin’s interest, and he watched closely as the events in Little Rock, Arkansas, unfolded in
1957. Struck by President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s decision to deploy the U.S. Army to protect
the rights of black children to attend Central High School, Coffin looked at the insular Williams
community and sought to shake up what he saw as a complacent attitude toward moral and
religious issues outside of the college.61 His major criticism of modern education was that it
placed insufficient emphasis on ethics and values.
Frustrated with life in rural, western Massachusetts, Coffin began looking elsewhere just
a few months after his arrival in Williamstown.62 In the spring of 1958, opportunity presented
itself in the retirement of Coffin’s former mentor, A. Sidney Lovett. After pursuing several older
candidates for the chaplain’s job, Yale president A. Whitney Griswold, at the urging of several
faculty members, including Lovett himself, took another look at the young Coffin for the
59
Quoted in Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 98.
Ibid., 100-2.
61
William Sloane Coffin, Jr. Once To Every Man: A Memoir (New York: Atheneum, 1977), 129-31.
62
60
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position.63 In March, he offered the chaplaincy to Coffin, who quickly accepted. “I didn’t go
through the ritual self-abasement…I didn’t even ask the salary. Fearful that he might change his
mind I said, ‘Yes,’ immediately,” Coffin recalled.64 At just 33 years old, he joined the Yale
faculty with the intention of reinvigorating the position that Lovett had held for the past 26 years.
Under Lovett’s tenure the chaplaincy had been a primarily ceremonial and pastoral position;
there had been few religious programs at Yale and the chaplain rarely took a stand on major
campus issues. After settling into the job, however, Coffin moved in a much more active
direction. Early on, he busied himself by fighting to increase the number of Jewish students and
students from poorer nations of the world in the university population.65
In addition to lobbying the administration for changes, Coffin began working closely
with students themselves. In the summer of 1959, Dr. James Robinson of Crossroads Africa
approached him to lead a trip of fifteen students to Guinea, as part of a program that recruited
interracial groups of students to travel to newly independent African countries.66 In early 1961,
he accepted President John F. Kennedy’s offer to join the Peace Corps National Advisory
Council; that summer, at the behest of Sargent Shriver, he agreed to lead a group of students to
Puerto Rico and establish a training institute there for the Peace Corps.67 The experiences
reaffirmed Coffin’s belief in the power of the students. He returned from Guinea impressed by
the caliber of the students and their ability to act as representatives of the United States in Africa;
moreover, he wrote that he was awed by the influence of the American civil rights movement in
63
Letter from A. Sydney Lovett, February 28, 1958, the Alfred Whitney Griswold, President of Yale University,
Records, Series I, Box 49, Folder 458, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT.
64
Coffin, Once to Every Man, 133.
65
66
Ibid., 108-9.
67
Ibid., 129. See David Farber, The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s (New York: Hill and Wang, 1994),
41-2, for more on the founding of the Peace Corps and its goals of promoting economic development throughout the
third world and educating young Americans to live and serve in those countries.
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places outside the United States.68 For Coffin, this was a major turning point. He realized that the
rest of the world was watching the civil rights battle going on in America with great interest, and
that what individuals did in the struggle over desegregation mattered not only locally, but
nationally and sometimes internationally as well.
Not long after, Coffin became one of those national figures himself by throwing himself
headfirst into the debate over civil rights and the non-violent non-cooperation movement. When
the vicious beatings received by a young, interracial group of freedom riders in Alabama made
national headlines in May of 1961, Coffin and Wesleyan professor John Maguire decided to
organize their own freedom ride to protest the injustice of segregation in the South.69 Because
Coffin, Maguire, and the group they recruited would include the first white, northern intellectuals
to join a movement that had previously been dominated by students and African-Americans,
their trip generated national interest. Coffin emerged as the group’s spokesperson, and his
privileged background and connections to Yale made him particularly intriguing. The New York
Times dubbed him the “Bus-Riding Chaplain.”70 By the time he and the other riders were
arrested in Montgomery, Alabama, they were part of a media firestorm. When Coffin returned to
Yale, he was greeted by articles and features on the trip, editorials and letters both applauding
and denigrating him, and a slew of Yale alumni and administrators to answer.71 Just as God and
Man at Yale had done for Buckley in 1951, the freedom ride fundamentally altered Coffin’s
relationship to Yale and his position in American political and social dialogue.
The freedom ride emboldened Coffin. In a Life magazine feature printed after he returned
to New Haven, Coffin discussed why he believed it was his responsibility as an American and as
68
Coffin, Once to Every Man, 141-3.
Ibid., 150-1.
70
“Bus Riding Chaplain,” The New York Times, 25 May 1961.
71
For articles and correspondence on Coffin and the freedom rides, see the Coffin papers, Series I, Box 13, Folder
266-269; Box 21, Folder 88.
69
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a Christian to get involved in the civil rights movement.72 He argued that racial discrimination
was relevant to everyone, whether or not it directly affected them. Coffin returned to the idea that
there were no “outsiders” on certain moral issues constantly throughout the 1960s. He also knew
that despite numerous calls for his resignation, he had Griswold’s support. Consequently, he
sought to facilitate more direct student involvement in the civil rights movement, urging them to
travel south to places like Mississippi to participate in the “Freedom Summer” and related voter
registration activities. Though some students—and parents—expressed concern that they were
putting themselves in danger, Coffin continued to encourage them. He recalled, “My concern
was that all Yale graduates make the most of themselves… [T]he time had come to really take on
this terrible social problem, this evil [of racial discrimination]…Yale as a place of obvious
privilege had a kind of special responsibility. And if Yale does something, that casts a mantel of
respectability over the discussion.”73
The freedom ride also turned him into a sought-after public figure and a moral authority
to whom many students looked for guidance. In 1962, Life magazine featured him as one of the
“Red Hot One Hundred: One Hundred of the Most Important Young Men and Women in the
U.S.” in a special issue on “The Take-Over Generation.”74 His weekly sermons at Yale’s Battell
Chapel received greater attention outside of the Yale community, and The Boston Globe even
published a copy of the letter he wrote to the incoming freshmen class one year because it was so
striking.75 He appeared before Yale student groups and was a regular on the radio program “Yale
72
“Why the Yale Chaplain Rode: Christians Can’t Be Outside,” Life Magazine, May 1961, from the Coffin Papers,
Accession 2004-M-09, Box 9, Folder 113.
73
Interview with William S. Coffin, 1992, Black and Blue: Yale Volunteers in the Mississippi Civil Rights
Movement Collection, Accession 1993-A-057, Box 3, Folder 7, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New
Haven, CT.
74
“The Take-Over Generation,” Life, 14 September 1964.
75
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Reports,” discussing issues like civil disobedience and the role of the law in American society.76
Moreover, he became one of the best-known chaplains in the country, speaking at both
ceremonial and informal gatherings on college campuses nationwide. More so than ever before,
he urged students toward activism and preached his own theology of equality and civil rights.
By the mid-1960s, his message had spread to the war in Vietnam. He defended the rights
of students to protest in 1964 and early 1965 even while he continued to form his own personal
views on the morality of the war. Coffin was initially unsure if the war’s anti-communist aims
were enough for him to overlook the mistreatment of the Vietnamese and the rising number of
casualties.77 In the summer of 1964, standing on the steps of the chaplain’s house, he explained
his conflicted feelings to another young member of the Yale faculty. He said that had been
willing to break local laws in the name of civil rights because he was confident in the morality of
the cause and knew that the Supreme Court and the federal government had already taken
measures to end segregation. But he did not yet feel the same way about the Vietnam conflict.78
Gradually, however, he became compelled to take a stand. He would reach the height of his fame
by placing himself, alongside other prominent antiwar activists, at the center of the controversy
over the student resistance and antidraft activities in 1966 and 1967.
V. The War at Home: Buckley and Coffin in the 1960s Political Dialogue
The events of the early 1960s thrust Buckley and Coffin back into conversation with one
another. After a brief lull during the late 1950s, when both liberal and conservative movements
paused to refine their message, the 1960s had seen an increase in radical activity and renewed
political debate. More than a decade older and, one could argue, wiser, than when they parted
76
Text of Yale Reports Radio Program, November 1, 1964, the Coffin Papers, Series IV, Box 42, Folder 84.
78
Gaddis Smith, Telephone Interview with the Author, 23 March 2010.
77
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ways after Yale, Buckley and Coffin sat squarely on opposite ends of the ideological spectrum.
Coffin had become a key figure the civil rights movement, while Buckley and the National
Review criticized the tactics of the protestors; Coffin favored government involvement in the
promotion of civil rights and equality, while Buckley argued for limited government to prevent
the unrestrained expansion of federal power. Coffin sought to encourage student participation in
liberal programs like the Peace Corps and political protests, while Buckley supported the
political activities of campus conservatives. These positions largely reflected the major branches
of liberal and conservative thought in America at the time.79 Consequently, by the mid-1960s,
they were entangled in a broad series of debates over civil rights, the war in Vietnam, and the
future of Yale.
One of their first significant exchanges took place in September 1964. That summer,
while travelling as part of a US State Department trip to India, Coffin had criticized Barry
Goldwater, the conservative presidential candidate to whom Buckley was a close advisor,
making comments about “praying” for his defeat that November.80 Buckley lashed out at Coffin
both privately and his column, “On the Right,” questioning whether it was appropriate for him to
offer political commentary when travelling on a government trip.81 Though Buckley admonished
Coffin seriously, the tone of their private correspondence suggested that the two were on good
terms despite their staunch differences. Coffin chided Buckley for failing to distinguish between
those “who are sent abroad to represent the State Department and those who are sent abroad by
the State Department to represent their own views… Should Goldwater be elected—God spare
79
Flamm, “The Liberal-Conservative Debates of the 1960s.”
81
William F. Buckley, “Prayer Mongering for LBJ in India,” released 24 September 1964; Letter to William Sloane
Coffin, September 30, 1964, the Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 29, William Sloane Coffin Folder.
80
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us—and the new Ambassador to India should invite you there, I would hardly expect you
suddenly to represent other views than your own. Cheers!”82
Their correspondence in 1964 demonstrated both Buckley’s and Coffin’s recognition that
they could engage with one another despite significant political differences. Neither man was
particularly surprised when Coffin’s prayers came true and Goldwater lost a landslide election to
the incumbent president.83 But what happened in the aftermath of Lyndon Johnson’s victory
served only to intensify the liberal-conservative debate. Johnson had run for reelection in 1964
with the promise that he would seek to reduce the United States’ participation in the war in
Vietnam. When his second term began, however, he did exactly the opposite.84 As US
intervention overseas escalated, so did the growing voices of dissent on the home front. The first
“teach-in” in protest of the war drew a crowd of over 3000 students to the University of
Michigan in March 1965, and antiwar activists followed suit on hundreds of campuses across the
country in the wake of its success.85
Before 1965, Coffin had limited his personal position to one of support for the students
who spoke out against the war. He first expressed his own concerns over the morality of the war
and the growing number of American troops being sent to Southeast Asia in a sermon in
82
Letter from William Sloane Coffin, September 25, 1964, the Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 29, William Sloane
Coffin Folder. He had been invited by the State Department to accompany Chester Bowles, the US Ambassador to
India, and give a series of lectures at various universities in India.
83
At the national convention of the YAF on September 11, 1964, Buckley famously told the students attending the
conference, “A great rainfall has deluged a thirsty earth, but before we had time to properly prepare the ground. I
speak of course about the impending defeat of Barry Goldwater.” By early in the fall of 1964, it was fairly clear that
though Goldwater had obtained enough grassroots support to win the Republican nomination, there was no chance
he could build a broad enough coalition to win the general election. In November, Johnson carried 44 states in the
electoral college and won 61 percent of the popular vote to Goldwater’s 39 percent (Bridges, Strictly Right, 85).
84
In the 1964 election, Goldwater had run as the so-called “war candidate,” while Johnson had proposed waging a
“limited” conflict that put pressure on the North Vietnamese leaders to abandon South Vietnam. In early January
1965, however, attempts at pressure included the regular bombing of North Vietnamese bridges, railroads, and other
targets, as well as the mining of Haiphong Harbor—actions which intensified the conflict and created significant
discontent in the U.S. (Stanley Karnow, Vietnam, A History: The First Complete Account of Vietnam at War, 395-8).
85
Isserman and Kazin, America Divided, 170.
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February of 1965.86 By the end of the year, his opposition had crystallized. Along with other
members of the clergy, he helped found a group called Clergy and Laymen Concerned About
Vietnam (CALCAV) in early 1966.87 The group’s formation indicated a shift in the involvement
of the clergy from civil rights to broader issues.88 Although Coffin and his colleagues became
involved in antiwar protests after many students already had, their support cast more legitimacy
on the growing movement in certain sectors of the broader American population.
The Vietnam War protests added a new wrinkle to the discussions of civil rights and
social justice. One question that stemmed from the formation of organizations like CALCAV
was the role of the clergy in the national social and political dialogue. In the summer of 1966,
Coffin accepted Buckley’s invitation to appear on Firing Line to debate “The Role of the Church
Militant.” It was one of the first times they had appeared together publicly since their
undergraduate days. Coffin argued that the church should seek to increase its role in political
affairs—alluding to the mission of CALCAV and various other religious groups—even though it
sometimes required taking unpopular positions. “Anybody who takes a stand is going to be
wrong, sometimes. But he who never takes a stand is always wrong…I think it’s much better to
err on the side…of boldness and take stands, understanding that you can be wrong,” Coffin told
Buckley.89 Buckley, who took his Catholicism almost as seriously as Coffin took his
Protestantism, did not object to Coffin’s argument for the relevance of religion. But he
challenged it when religion dictated not only how individuals should live but also broader policy.
He asked what an individual should do when the message of the church contradicted his or her
86
Tom Wells, The War Within: America’s Battle Over Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 7274; Coffin, Once to Every Man, 216-21. It should be noted that the group was originally called Clergy Concerned
About Vietnam (CCAV); it was later expanded and renamed Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.
88
Mitchell Hall, Because of Their Faith: CALCAV and Religious Opposition to the Vietnam War (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1990), 1-13.
89
“The Role of the Church Militant,” Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr., RKO General Productions, Produced
by Robert Kline, 27 June 1966. Published by the Hoover Institution Video Library, Stanford University.
87
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own conscience, and reminded Coffin that perspective was important. “I quite understand…that
the churchmen should move in where injustices are explicitly flagrant,” Buckley said. “But I
hope you also understand that the question of what is flagrant and what is not flagrant is
something that is susceptible to different understandings.”90 Though barely addressing the civil
rights and anti-Vietnam protests directly, they calmly debated the principles behind liberal
activism and the conservative objections to it.
When the two sparred again before the Yale Political Union on November 17, they
showed little of the restraint that they had on the set of Buckley’s show a few months earlier. A
poll of the freshman class in September 1966 indicated Buckley as the students’ overwhelming
first choice for a speaker at Yale—ahead of liberals like Robert F. Kennedy, no less. In the
subsequent invitation to Buckley, YPU president John Townsend suggested his appearance take
the form of a second debate with Coffin.91 They eventually settled on the topic of “Resolved:
That Government Has A Duty To Promote Liberty As Well As To Protect Equality.” Though
many students were eager to attend because they anticipated potential fireworks between the two,
Buckley and Coffin approached the confrontation seriously. Both men believed, it seems, that
this was more than a simple exercise in front of a student debate organization—it was a rare
opportunity to directly confront both sides of the issue with the students and attempt to change
their minds.
Coffin took the stage first to defend the resolution. After a lighthearted jab at Buckley, he
settled down to the task at hand. He framed his argument in moral terms, imploring the crowd to
consider whether the freedom protected by the American constitution had any value if those
entitled to it were so crippled by their social circumstances that they could not enjoy it. He
90
Ibid.
Letter from John M. Townsend, September 16, 1966, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 41, 1966 General
Correspondence, Speeches M-Z Folder.
91
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asserted that government programs were the best way to provide money and aid to the men and
women who needed it most. “The greatness of a nation is measured not only by how far it can
advance, but how many it has left behind,” he preached. “And we Americans have left behind
millions… It is less important to put a man on the moon than to put these people on their feet.”92
Buckley, by contrast, dissected the issue rationally. He concluded matter-of-factly that none of
the major arguments for equality required government intervention or assistance. If God created
all men equal, Buckley said, that claim could be neither affirmed nor rejected by the United
States government. If men were inherently equal on a spiritual level, then what difference would
material contributions from the government make? And if men had a duty to help those less
fortunate than themselves, could they not do it more directly than by mandating that the federal
government act? Later, Buckley noted that redistributing money across the federal government
that had been collected from the states was inefficient—and most of it was sent back to the state
of origin in any case.93 He reaffirmed his commitment to limited government and the belief that
these issues could be dealt with far better on the state and municipal level.
In the cross-examination that followed their opening statements, the two tried to play off
the reactions from the crowd, which had clearly expected more of a spectacle than a serious
debate.94 Coffin discussed the meaning of the word equality. He remarked that Buckley, in
rejecting the major arguments for equality, had completely ignored the “human side” of the
problem and failed to explain what he would have actually done if, for example, he had been
elected mayor of New York in 1965 and entrusted with incoming federal aid money.95 Buckley,
rising to the bait, called Coffin a “demagogue” and suggested that Coffin was so radical that he
92
“Buckley, Coffin Entertain at PU Audience of 650,” Yale Daily News, 18 November 1966; Wills, “Buckley,
Buckley Bow Wow Wow.”
93
Greenfield, “Confrontation: The Buckley-Coffin Debate.”
94
Ibid.
95
Wills, “Buckley, Buckley Bow Wow Wow.”
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was completely out of touch with American values.96 As things heated up, the crowd reacted as
though they were at a prizefight, cheering and booing the debaters, rising to their feet in a
standing ovation at the end of each man’s closing remarks. When the dust had settled and the
votes were tallied, 143 members of the Union had cast their votes for the resolution—and by
extension, for Coffin—and 131 against.97
The winner surprised few. As Lanny Davis, the chairman of the Yale Daily News, had
predicted in an editorial that morning, more Yale students agreed with Coffin’s moral stance,
even though Buckley was a compelling orator.98 But that the vote was so evenly split perhaps
sheds some light onto why Buckley and Coffin took the debate more seriously than many
students had expected. Though both men clearly entered the room with a sizable contingent of
supporters, there was also a large segment of the audience with no hard allegiances. Townsend
later wrote to Buckley that he believed “the debate did bring out some of the major problems
surrounding both the question of equality and the realm of action of the government, and I think
that the very closeness of the vote demonstrates the forcefulness with which both sides were
presented.”99 It got to the heart of some of the major differences between the conservative and
liberal approaches in the mid-1960s: the definition of limits of equality and its implications for
government involvement.100
By 1967, however, the conversation that had previously been confined to more abstract
ideals of activism and equality could no longer avoid the subject of Vietnam. Early that year,
public opinion against the war in Vietnam began to turn dramatically. Criticism of US policies
96
Greenfield, “Confrontation: The Buckley-Coffin Debate.”
“Buckley, Coffin, Entertain at PU Audience of 650.”
98
Editorial, “Buckley-Coffin Debate.”
99
Letter from John Townsend, November 17, 1966, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 41, 1966 General Correspondence,
Speeches M-Z Folder.
100
Agnew, A Companion to Post-1945 America, Chapter 16.
97
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dominated the media as Americans reacted to the escalation of the war effort.101 Military
spending had nearly doubled from $49.6 billion in 1965 to $80.5 billion for the year 1968.
Roughly 450,000 American soldiers were in Vietnam, with more being called up by the day, and
casualties had risen at an alarming rate.102 Moreover, the government had amended the Selective
Service Act to make it significantly more difficult to obtain a deferral, particularly by removing
the automatic exemptions that had been granted to students. This made college students,
previously shielded from the draft, increasingly eligible to be called to serve. Many of these
young men began searching desperately for ways to evade the draft, faking chronic illness or
injury, fathering children, fleeing from local draft boards by moving to different states or to
Canada, or applying for conscientious objector status.103 The threat of being drafted galvanized
the anti-war movement on college campuses and for many students the Vietnam question
eclipsed all other forms of activism.
Not surprisingly, Coffin, now firmly ensconced in the conflict as a leader of the
CALCAV and protest activities on Yale’s campus, was swept up in the surge of student antiwar
efforts. He began to receive dozens of letters from young men asking him to write conscientious
objector letters on their behalf. Though Coffin never encouraged students to apply for it, but he
counseled those who approached him about it.104 He challenged students’ reasoning when he
found it faulty, demonstrating through his attentiveness to the meaning of conscientious
objection that he did not simply see it as a way for students to dodge the draft. What he looked
for above all was earnest belief in the principles of conscientious objection. In one letter to the
Chairman of a Local Draft Board, for example, he wrote candidly about a student he knew: “I
101
Hall, Because of Their Faith, 54.
James Patterson, Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (New York: Oxford University Press,
1996), 629-30.
103
Farber, Age of Great Dreams, 149.
104
102
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also have every reason to believe that his statement on conscientious objection represents a moral
commitment based on his individual conscience. While I would not agree with all his views, I
certainly believe he qualifies very genuinely as a conscientious objector under our present draft
laws.”105 Coffin even received occasional request for letters from those who had heard him speak
or read articles he had written and felt a remote kinship. In May 1967, for example, a student
from Pomona College in Claremont, California, wrote to Coffin beseeching him for help.106 That
a student across the country felt such a connection to Coffin demonstrated more than any
newspaper article or request for an appearance could that Yale’s chaplain had truly earned
himself a place as an advocate on a national level.
While most students simply sought to avoid the draft personally, others joined popular
active resistance movements. Though there had been isolated instances since 1965, the number
of college students engaging in provocative public demonstrations and turning in or burning draft
cards as a statement of protest increased significantly in 1967.107 This movement not only drew
on the support of radical student groups, but also resonated with Coffin and other members of the
clergy.108 One of the most effective strategies for the broader antiwar movement was to target the
injustice of the draft, because it impacted the lives of thousands of young men and their families
in an immediate way. The thought of their sons dying overseas brought the issue home for many
Americans. Thus for older antiwar leaders, the movement to turn in draft cards offered them a
means to keep more young men out of an unjust war and made a powerful statement to the public
105
Letter to the Chairman of a Local Draft Board, April 22, 1969, Coffin Papers, Series II, Box 20, Folder 62.
Letter from Clarke M. Moses, May 1967, Coffin Papers, Series II, Box 20, Folder 62.
107
Patterson, Grand Expectations, 630.
108
Hall, Because of Their Faith, 58-9. Coffin’s own public position on the war, in contrast to most radical calls for
immediate withdrawal, favored negotiated withdrawal from Vietnam in phases, because he believed that the war
undermined American instincts of decency and took resources away from crucial domestic programs that he
supported. Nonetheless, by mid-1967 it was increasingly the case that groups from across the ideological spectrum
could agree on opposition to the draft.
106
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at large.109 At the same time, however, the Selective Service Act made advocating that students
turn in their draft cards risky. The laws that Coffin and others in the civil rights movement had
violated were generally local, not federal. Breaking them did not carry the same pro-Communist
and anti-American connotations as evading military service during a Cold War conflict.
Moreover, Coffin and his colleagues could participate equally in the freedom rides, sit-ins, or
protests of the civil rights movement, but they had no draft cards to turn in.110
That summer, therefore, Coffin and Richard Neuhaus wrote a statement for CALCAV in
which they pledged to violate Section 12 of the Selective Service law, which made a criminal of
anyone who “knowingly counsels, aids, or abets another to refuse or evade registration or service
in the armed forces.”111 They wanted to be held accountable alongside those actually resisting
the draft, a parallel gesture of solidarity with the students turning in their cards. “If these men are
arrested for failing to comply with the law that violates their consciences, we too must be
arrested, for in the sight of the law we are now as guilty as they,” they wrote.112 This deliberate
declaration of their intentions increased the weight of their support by placing them in jeopardy
of the arrest and shielded (or attempted to shield) them from critics who argued that they had no
authority to encourage draft resistance. Coffin in some measure reprised his role as a Freedom
Rider by aligning himself with the students—he brought in older, established community leaders
to add a degree of respectability to the draft protest movement.
As part of this effort, Coffin also joined a broader coalition of protestors loosely called
“the Resistance,” who had organized massive antiwar marches in the spring of 1967 in New
York City and San Francisco. In October, they planned a series of events nationwide, including
109
111
112
Ibid.
110
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“Stop the Draft Week” protests in Oakland, California, and a huge rally in Washington DC on
October 21.113 Coffin made plans to speak in Boston on October 16 before going to Washington
DC. To generate more widespread support for the movement, its leaders produced a similar
statement demonstrating solidarity with the students to the one Coffin and Neuhaus had written
for CALCAV. On October 2, Coffin held a press conference in New York to officially release
the pledge, “A Call To Resist Illegitimate Authority.” It bore the signature of 320 well-known
professors, writers, artists, and clergymen, including Noam Chomsky, Dr. Benjamin Spock, and
Dwight Macdonald.114 The statement expressed their disagreement on religious and moral
grounds with the war and US goals in Southeast Asia. They emphasized their belief in the legal
rights of American citizens to avoid military service if they did not agree with the war. In one of
the final passages, they asserted that “the actions we will undertake are as legal as is the war
resistance of the young men themselves…[W]e feel that we cannot shrink from fulfilling our
responsibilities to the youth whom many of us teach, to the country whose freedom we
cherish.”115 At the press conference, Coffin urged participation in the nationwide movement to
turn in draft cards and offered Battell Chapel “as sanctuary from police action for any Yale
student conscientiously resisting the draft.”116
Coffin recalled that religious leaders chose to offer churches and synagogues as
sanctuaries “to allow draft resisters awaiting arrest to do so in places of worship. Our hope was
that by forcing the government to arrest people in churches, we would help dramatize what these
men were experiencing—the conflict between the demands of law and the demands of
113
Isserman and Kazin, America Divided, 184.
115
“A Call To Resist Illegitimate Authority,” 1967, Coffin Papers, Series II, Box 26, Folders 181-183.
116
“War Foes Are Promised Churches as Sanctuary,” New York Times, 3 October 1967; Yale Daily News, 3 October
1967.
114
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conscience.”117 But bringing Yale directly into the fray proved incendiary. Brewster called
Coffin up before the Yale Corporation to explain his actions.118 In a letter he wrote a few days
after the meeting, Brewster continued to reprimand Coffin, questioning “the propriety of urging
or exploiting conscientious objection for political ends… Anyone who is not himself subject to
the draft suffers a moral handicap when it comes to urging others to take a course which not only
involves a serious legal penalty but…involves putting the burden on someone else to serve in his
place.”119 Brewster’s letter indicated that Coffin’s calls for his own arrest had not satisfied those
who felt adults had no place in the draft resistance movement. Even as liberals united behind the
cause of protesting the Vietnam War, many were divided on this issue.120
Coffin, nonetheless, continued undeterred. He travelled to Boston on October 16 for the
rally on the Boston Common. Over five thousand people attended the rally, and Coffin collected
214 draft cards, in addition to the 67 that were burned by resisters on the spot.121 A few days
later, he travelled to Washington D.C. to turn in the cards at the Department of Justice. He and
eleven other men marched defiantly into an appointment with a Justice Department official,
made their statements and left a briefcase filled with nearly 1000 cards. Over the course of the
next few days, FBI agents sorted the cards and flooded Yale and other campuses where students
resisting the draft were enrolled.122 Then, on January 5, 1968, the federal government indicted
Coffin and four others signatories of the Call to Resist Illegitimate Authority—Dr. Benjamin
117
Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 196. Previously, Coffin and the Yale administration had deflected much of the
criticism directed at him by Yale alumni for his involvement in acts of civil disobedience by arguing that Coffin was
acting on his own and not as a representative of the university. Offering the use of Battell Chapel was one of the first
times that Coffin had crossed that line, which perhaps explains the prompt response from Brewster and the trustees.
119
Letter from Kingman Brewster, October 7, 1967, Coffin Papers, Series I, Box 2, Folder 25.
120
Tomes, Apocalypse Then, 163.
121
Hall, Because of Their Faith, 54-8; Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 197. It should be noted that Coffin and other
members of the clergy did not encourage burning of draft cards—which under a 1965 law prohibiting the destruction
of draft cards was highly illegal—and actually attempted to stop those young men who opted to destroy the cards
rather than turning them over to the clergy. Coffin also feared that the burnings would overpower the weight of his
sermon and dominate the rally’s television coverage.
122
Hall, Because of Their Faith, 58; Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 201.
118
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Spock, Mitchell Goodman, Marcus Raskin, and Michael Ferber—on charges of conspiracy to
violate the draft law. The indictment cited a number of “overt acts” of conspiracy, including the
distribution of the Call to Resist Illegitimate Authority by Coffin and Spock, the press
conference on October 2, and their appearance at the Justice Department to turn in draft cards on
October 20.123
The trial of the “Boston Five,” as they came to be known, generated a variety of
responses. Not surprisingly, some members of the Yale community echoed earlier calls for
Coffin to leave Yale, particularly if he were to be imprisoned for his actions. At the same time,
362 Yale faculty members signed a petition in support of Coffin, and many students rallied
around him as draft card turn-ins continued at Yale and across the country.124 “Walking through
the streets of New Haven with William Sloane Coffin, Jr. is like being in a movie about a small
town folk hero. People come up to shake his hand, students run after him with urgent questions,”
wrote Jessica Mitford in her first-hand account of the Boston Five trial.125 Despite his distaste for
Coffin’s tactics and his desire to keep Yale out of the press as he faced increasing alumni
pressure, Brewster recognized the importance of Coffin to the students. Thus when Coffin’s
contract came up for evaluation in the spring of 1968, Brewster urged the trustees to renew it
indefinitely. He had explained his decision to support Coffin in a speech at the Parents’ Day
Assembly on October 28, 1967, a few weeks after the draft-card turn in. Though he criticized
Coffin for urging draft resistance as a political tactic and insinuated that Coffin had offered
Battell Chapel as a sanctuary to generate media attention, he reaffirmed the administration’s
123
Jessica Mitford, The Trial of Dr. Spock, The Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr., Michael Ferber, Mitchell Goodman,
and Marcus Raskin (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1969), 4-5.
124
Goldstein, A Holy Impatience, 210-1; “Statement by Yale Faculty Members Concerning the Indictment of
William Sloane Coffin,” January 13, 1968, Kingman Brewster Jr., President of Yale University, Records, Box 62,
Folder 9.
125
Mitford, The Trial of Dr. Spock, 35.
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support for those students who chose to speak out against the war or resist the draft for personal
reasons. He assured the parents:
I have great confidence in your sons’ ability to keep their own counsel and to
sort out the true from the false if they are allowed to make up their own minds. I
would have no confidence in them at all if they were protected from exposure to
all argument and sheltered from the risk of error. Even though I disagree with
the Chaplain’s position on draft resistance, and in this instance deplore his style,
I feel that the quality of the Yale educational experience and the Yale
atmosphere has gained greatly from his presence.126
Though this response may not have satisfied everyone, it did give Brewster the public cover he
needed while he allowed Coffin to remain at Yale. Even with Coffin facing indictment by the
spring of 1968, Brewster held his ground.127
Coffin’s on-going legal battle, coupled with the fact that more Yale students had turned
in draft cards at the October 16 rally than students from any other school in the country, brought
increasing focus on New Haven as a center of anti-war activism. Meanwhile, Buckley brought
added interest to Yale’s campus as he began his own battle in October 1967 to win a vacant seat
on the Yale Corporation. His platform was based on an opposition to the liberal changes brought
about by Kingman Brewster’s administration and rabble-rousing figures like Coffin. Above all,
he objected to the new policies adopted under Dean of Admissions Inslee Clark, who shifted the
focus away from the traditional Yale legacy preference toward a more diverse applicant pool.128
In the mid-1960s, Yale had begun rejecting the sons of alumni in far greater numbers in order to
open up spots for nontraditional candidates, including Jews, minorities, and public school
126
Remarks of President Kingman Brewster Jr., Parents Day Assembly, Woolsey Hall, October 28, 1967, Coffin
Papers, Series I, Box 2, Folder 25.
127
Kabaservice, The Guardians, 360. Though the trustees did reappoint Coffin indefinitely, they did reserve the
right to reevaluate his contract if he were to go to prison. Time magazine reported on Coffin and the trial that “on
campus he’s A-OK with the younger generation, and the Yale Corp. has given him an indefinite reappointment.
Yale President Kingman Brewster did say, however, that ‘the corporation might want to review the appointment
when the lawsuit is terminated if it seemed that the final judgment or factual basis for it had some bearing on the
chaplain’s fitness for his duties.’ Said Coffin: ‘If it’s one year in the pokey, I’ll respectfully request a sabbatical.’”
(Time Magazine, May 10, 1968)
128
Kabaservice, The Guardians, 333.
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graduates (women would not be admitted until 1969). Clark also moved towards a “need blind”
admissions process, which evaluated students on the basis of merit without any financial
consideration. The reaction to these changes was largely negative among the alumni, particularly
from older conservatives, many of whom saw the increase in radical activity on Yale’s campus
as a direct consequence of Clark’s new policies. Admissions became one battleground through
which they debated the future of the university and its purpose.129 Buckley vocally advocated
keeping the Yale student body the same, and he promised to shift the balance of the board to the
right if he were elected, with echoes of his thesis in God and Man at Yale as the backdrop.130
Buckley’s bid for the Yale Corporation was as an “outside candidate.” He proposed to be
added to the slate chosen for the 1968 election without the endorsement of the Corporation’s
nominating committee, which required a petition bearing the signature of 250 Yale graduates. He
announced his intentions in the Yale Daily News on October 21, 1967, and the story was picked
up by major publications such as the New York Times as well. “Somebody’s got to protest the
imbalance at Yale,” he said. “The students simply don’t have access to the conservative point of
view.”131 Buckley’s candidacy was also the first in the history of the university to be based on an
open and direct opposition to a policy of the administration. If he had won, he would have been
the second petition candidate to get a seat on the corporation and its first Catholic member.132
Although this strategy ultimately proved unsuccessful—Buckley lost the election to Cyrus
Vance, whom Brewster handpicked and persuaded to run, in June 1968—the reactions to his
candidacy and national attention it received spoke volumes. By running for the Corporation,
129
Ibid., 259-62.
“In the Running: Buckley Seeks Trusteeship,” Yale Daily News, 20 October 1967.
131
“Buckley Runs at Yale to Combat Liberals,” The New York Times, 21 October 1967
132
“People,” Time Magazine, 27 October 1967, in the Buckley Papers, Yale Corporation Candidacy folder
(December 1967-March 1968).
130
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Buckley was responding in the best way he knew how to the changes sweeping across Yale and
American university campuses.
Many Yale students and alumni supported to his call to return to the university’s
traditional roots, which he had been advocating in various ways since publishing God and Man
at Yale some sixteen years earlier.133 “Having been schooled in the valued traditions of Yale by
my father, Class of 1886, and throughout my own devotion to Yale as a graduate…I have been
deeply saddened by the far Liberal trend of the present leadership,” wrote William Grehore to
Buckley upon hearing his intention to run for the Corporation.134 Many older alumni worried that
Yale was betraying its conservative past by liberalizing admissions policies and allowing
members of the faculty and students to behave as they did. They saw a need for more
conservative leadership for the benefit of the student body, whom Buckley had already
demonstrated an interest in. As he ran for the Corporation, Buckley was simultaneously working
to widen the sphere of conservative influence on campus by seeking financial support for the
founding of a conservative undergraduate publication at Yale, the Alternative.135 The four
students who had conceived of the publication echoed Buckley’s two major criticisms of Yale in
1967. They sent Buckley their proposal, in which they had written,
The need for a conservative voice on the Yale campus has never been greater than
it is now. Sifted by an admissions office so aggressively egalitarian that an exotic
racial background is as good as a guarantee of admission as a sound academic
one…counseled by a chaplain whose indifference to Christianity is matched only
by the zeal with which he embraces whatever political movement currently offers
the best opportunities for public exposure, small wonder that the Yale student
133
By that time, Buckley had largely retreated from the most extreme positions he had taken in God and Man at
Yale. Nonetheless, he still believed that Yale was turning its back on the traditions of its past and that students did
not have adequate access to conservative viewpoints—themes that were consistent with parts of his thesis in God
and Man at Yale.
134
Letter from William Grehore to William F. Buckley Jr., October 23, 1967, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 57, Yale
Corporation Candidacy (October-November 1967) Folder.
135
Memorandum from Bill Buckley to James L. Buckley, John W. Buckley, Jerry Milbank, Gerrish Milliken, Minot
Milliken, Roger Milliken, and Lloyd H. Smith, December 14, 1967, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 46, Yale University
Folder.
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stumbles through his four years in an ethical void, and emerges with a deep distrust
of traditional values…[Alternative] represents an attempt…to demonstrate that
conservative principles can be applied to issues of interest to the Yale
community.136
With Buckley’s fundraising help, the Alternative successfully published its first issue, a sixteenpage magazine, in March 1968. They credited Buckley as a major source of “moral support.”137
Students like the founders of the Alternative joined alumni in supporting Buckley’s Yale
Corporation candidacy. In a mock poll taken by the Yale Political Union, 842 out of 2319
students voted for him, or about 36 percent.138 The parallel support among students and alumni
demonstrates how Buckley delicately bridged the divide between the two generations. Even as he
worked to cultivate a new generation of conservative student activists, Buckley still represented a
stabilizing force to many older alumni, someone who would roll back the tide of changes being
brought about by Brewster and the men of the “liberal establishment.”
Although Buckley never went so far as to call for Coffin’s removal, the chaplain played a
major role in his campaign nonetheless. Brewster and the trustees’ decision to renew Coffin’s
contract indefinitely in the spring of 1968 angered many guardians of the Old Blue, which in turn
fueled support for Buckley’s insurgent candidacy. Numerous letters on Buckley’s behalf cited
Coffin as one of the main examples of just how far astray the university had wandered in the
1960s. Although some rose to Coffin’s defense, most were highly critical of the chaplain’s
actions and his influence on the campus atmosphere. To them, Coffin epitomized Yale’s liberal
attitude in the 1960s, and of its quickly falling status from the most elite of New England
136
The Alternative Mission Statement, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 46, Yale University Folder.
“A Magazine for Conservatives Appears at Yale,” New York Times, 6 March 1968.
138
“Buckley—No,” Yale Daily News, n.d., Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 57, Yale Corporation (News Clippings and
Articles 1967) Folder.
137
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universities to just another liberal institution.139 “When we were there, there was no college more
conservative than Yale,” wrote another alumnus. “Today it seems the most radical.”140 Buckley,
having always argued that academic freedom had its limits, might be able to reign in Coffin and
his followers, and, perhaps, exert a more appropriate influence on the students as he had in
supporting publications like the Alternative.
In the end, however, although Buckley easily petitioned his way onto the ballot, he could
not muster enough votes to win the election. The Yale Daily News announced in June of 1968
that Vance was the winner.141 Consistent with the Corporation’s policy, the margin of victory
was not released officially, though over 32,000 Yale alumni—nearly half of the total number of
living alumni—cast votes in the election.142 Privately, Buckley learned that Vance had received
some 13,200 votes to Buckley’s 10,200. It was the most heavily contested election in the
university’s history, with more alumni voting for Buckley, who finished ahead of the other
candidate nominated by the Corporation, than they ever had for another candidate.143 He
succeeded in losing the election while at the same time winning over more supporters than most
would have expected. He recalled, “I was told by the Secretary of Yale…that I had more votes
than anybody who was a member, who was a trustee… [M]ore people voted for me than had
bothered to vote for anyone up until then.”144
139
Letter from Roger Milliken to Roy Chene in support of Buckley’s petition, December 14, 1967, Buckley Papers,
Part I, Box 57, Yale Corporation Candidacy (December 1967-March 1968) Folder.
140
Letter from William P. Bomar in support of Buckley’s petition, December 2, 1967, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box
57, Yale Corporation Candidacy (December 1967-March 1968) Folder.
141
“Vance Tops Buckley in Corporation Race,” Yale Daily News, June 1, 1968. It should be noted that the vast
majority of the race’s coverage focused on Buckley and his platform—Vance, in large measure, simply ran as the
“anti-Buckley” candidate, promising to support the Corporation and its previous policies.
142
Kabaservice, The Guardians, 361.
143
Letter from C. Dickerman Williams, August 15, 1968, Buckley Papers, Part I, Box 57, Yale Corporation
Candidacy (April-September 1968) Folder.
144
Interview with William F. Buckley, March 25, 1991, The Griswold-Brewster Oral History Project, Box 2, Folder
23, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT.
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VI. Conclusion
When asked about Buckley’s loss to Vance in the Yale Corporation election in June of
1968, Coffin responded cheerfully, “I’m sure we’ll hear from Bill Buckley again. I always like to
see Bill get an A for effort.”145 Coffin’s jibe, aimed at his adversary after a particularly public
defeat, could at another time have gone the other way, coming from Buckley and directed at
Coffin himself. Throughout the 1960s, both men led careers marked more by defeat than by any
decisive victories. They cared passionately, spoke eloquently, and inspired many. And yet, as in
their debate in front of the YPU in 1966, it is difficult to argue that either “won” anything at all.
At the same time that Buckley was suffering through his loss to Vance, Coffin was grappling
with a conspiracy conviction for violating the draft law in Boston. Yet in spite of these
uncertainties, neither man seemed likely to desert the battlefield.
The significance of the Buckley-Coffin story lies almost entirely outside the realm of
winners and losers. Political leaders measure their successes in terms of victories and defeats, but
men like Coffin and Buckley did not. Because of the roles they chose to play, they had an impact
far more significant on Yale and America than the outcomes of any individual battles they
fought. Coffin and Buckley both took on the difficult task of bridging the gap between the
students in the 1960s and the older, pre-war generation, delicately walking the line between
being a spiritual leader and a member of the movement, between mentor and active
participant.146 In the process, Coffin urged thousands of students to participate in draft resistance
activities and pushed serious questions about the war’s aims to the forefront of the public
145
“Vance Tops Buckley in Election at Yale,” The New York Times, 17 June 1968.
For Buckley, see quotations from M. Stanton Evans, the primary author of the Sharon Statement, in Judis, Patron
Saint of the Conservatives, 261, and personal anecdotes from the authors in Bridges, Strictly Right, 109-21; for
Coffin, see recollections from students in the documentaries “Faith and Activism: The Legacy of the 60s
Generation” (Yale Divinity School Panel, April 28, 2005) and “Splendor and Wisdom: Reverend William Sloane
Coffin, Jr. and the Yale Class of 1968,” Class of 1968, Yale College, Records, Accession 2008-A-84, Box 1U, Yale
University Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT.
146
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dialogue; Buckley gave new voice to a generation of conservative leaders and found vocal
support for his candidacy for the Yale Corporation.
At the time, their actions inspired and infuriated many. But as Coffin often argued, taking
a stand and risking failure was more important than not speaking out at all. Perhaps that was the
greatest bond he shared with Buckley, far deeper than their parallel backgrounds or their love of
Yale. Above all else, both men valued substantive debate and how it shaped the views of those
who listened to them. Though they differed in their beliefs and the specific nature of their
relationships to the students, Buckley and Coffin ultimately shared a common goal: a desire to
challenge and criticize the prevailing establishment at Yale and across America, a desire which
had originated from their dissatisfaction with the 1950s. Buckley had achieved notoriety in his
early career as a strident voice calling for radical conservatism in a period that largely
emphasized political consensus, while Coffin was bothered by the blandness of the educational
experience in the 1950s, referring to Yale in particular as “Dullsville.”147 The decade had
generated a need to redefine America, whether it was in response to the communist threat or the
injustice of discrimination in the south. As political impatience fueled change in the 1960s, both
men eagerly inserted themselves in the renewed dialogue both at Yale and across America.
College campuses played a critical part of this dialogue. Coffin and Buckley saw student
activism as a necessary component of what happened in the 1960s, and both worked tirelessly to
encourage it. Far from being a school with a decidedly liberal student body, Yale, like many
other colleges across the country, witnessed robust political debate in the 1960s. Consequently,
while Buckley and Coffin targeted sympathetic student activists in groups like the YAF and
SDS, they also focused recruiting and inspiring those students in the middle, who were eager for
147
Speech by Rev. William Sloane Coffin for the dedication of the Coffin Common Room in Rosenfeld Hall,
Timothy Dwight College, Yale University, October 20, 1990, Timothy Dwight College Memorabilia, Accession
1992-A-036, Folder 1, Yale University Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, CT.
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change and receptive to ideas coming from the right and the left. Neither man would ever
decisively win over the student body, but that was hardly the point. By the end of the decade,
Yale had become a place where students could voice their concerns and expect the people to
respond.148 There was no uniform orthodoxy on campus, but students graduating from Yale at
that time generally left having been exposed to conservative and liberal ideas alike by their own
classmates and generational mentors like Buckley and Coffin. These student leaders of the 1960s
became the political leaders of the 1970s and 1980s and beyond.
History has shown us how the political gospels each man preached in the 1960s endured.
There perhaps is no better example than the Yale Class of 1968, which witnessed civil rights
activism, the Coffin-Buckley debate, and the height of the draft resistance movement during their
time at Yale. In 2003, their 35th reunion activities included a ceremony in New Haven honoring
William Sloane Coffin, Jr., and a picnic at the White House, hosted by their classmate, President
George W. Bush.149 That the same class which named Coffin the “Permanent Chaplain to the
Yale Class of 1968” could also produce and celebrate George Bush, a modern conservative
Republican elected by the very conservative movement William F. Buckley helped create, might
seem extraordinary. But in retrospect, it is perfectly fitting that Buckley and Coffin would
overlap once again. Yale had been a big enough place to entertain both of their ideas in the
1960s, though it had largely denied both of them concrete victories. In the end, nonetheless, they
achieved their own brand of immortality through the lessons they taught and their impact on the
next generation of political and moral leaders.
Word Count: 12240 words
148
Interview with William Sloane Coffin Jr., December 9, 1991, The Griswold Brewster Oral History Project, Box
3, Folder 35.
149
“Splendor and Wisdom: William Sloane Coffin, Jr. and the Yale Class of 1968,” Yale College, Class of 1968,
Records.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Source Collections
Yale University, Sterling Memorial Library, Manuscripts & Archives
Biographical Information on Yale University Affiliated Individuals
Black and Blue: Yale Volunteers in the Mississippi Civil Rights Collection
Kingman Brewster Jr., President of Yale University, Records
William F. Buckley Papers
Class of 1968, Yale College, Records
William Sloane Coffin Papers
Alfred Whitney Griswold, President of Yale University, Records
Griswold-Brewster Oral History Project
Papers on Yale Collection
Student Unrest at Yale Collection
Timothy Dwight College Memorabilia
Yale Alumni Magazine Photographs
Yale Political Union Records
The Hoover Institution, Stanford University
Transcripts and footage from Firing Line with William F. Buckley, Jr., made available on
request by email
Newspapers and Periodicals
Atlantic Monthly
Esquire
Life Magazine
National Review
New York Times
Time Magazine
Yale Alumni Magazine
Yale Daily News
Interviews
Jay Gitlin, Lecturer, Yale University, March 2010
Gaddis Smith, Professor Emeritus, Yale University, March 2010
Other Primary Materials
Buckley, William F. God and Man at Yale. Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1951.
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Buckley, William F and L. Brent Bozell. McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its
Meaning. Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1954.
Coffin, William Sloane. Once to Every Man: A Memoir. New York: Atheneum, 1977.
Secondary Sources
Agger, Ben. The Sixties at 40: Leaders and Activists Remember and Look Forward. Boulder,
CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2009.
Agnew, Jean-Christophe and Roy Rosenzweig. A Companion to Post-1945 America. Blackwell
Publishing, 2006. Blackwell Reference Online. 15 January 2010.
<http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/book?id=g9781405149846_9781405149
846>
Andrew, John A. III. The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise
of Conservative Politics. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997.
Bridges, Linda and John R. Coyne Jr. Strictly Right: William F. Buckley Jr. and the American
Conservative Movement. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007.
Farber, David R. The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s. New York: Hill and Wang,
1994.
Farber, David, ed. The Sixties: From Memory to History. Chapel Hill and London: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1994.
Flamm, Michael W. “The Liberal-Conservative Debates of the 1960s.” In Debating the 1960s:
Liberal, Conservative, and Radical Perspectives, Michael W. Flamm and David
Steigerwald. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2008.
Gitlin, Todd. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage. Toronto: Bantam Books, 1987.
Goldstein, Warren. William Sloane Coffin Jr.: A Holy Impatience. New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 2004.
Hall, Mitchell K. Because of Their Faith: CALCAV and Religious Opposition to the Vietnam
War. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990.
Huntington, Samuel. “Conservatism as an Ideology.” The American Political Science Review,
Vol. 51, No. 2 (Jun., 1957), pp. 454-473.
Isserman, Maurice. If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left.
Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987.
Isserman, Maurice and Michael Kazin. America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s. New York:
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Oxford University Press, 2000.
Judis, John B. William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1988.
Kabaservice, Geoffrey. The Guardians: Kingman Brewster, His Circle, and the Rise of the
Liberal Establishment. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2004.
Karnow, Stanley. Vietnam, A History: The First Complete Account of Vietnam at War. New
York: The Viking Press, 1983.
Kelley, Brooks Mather. Yale: A History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1974.
Klatch, Rebecca E. A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999.
Lalka, Robert Tice. “Surviving the Death of God: Existentialism, God and Man at Post-WWII
Yale.” Senior Essay, Yale University, 2005.
Lasch, Christopher. The Agony of the American Left. New York: Vintage Books, 1969.
Meiklejohn, Alexander. The Liberal College. Boston, MA: Marshall Jones Company, 1920.
Mitford, Jessica. The Trial of Dr. Spock, The Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr., Michael Ferber,
Mitchell Goodman, and Marcus Raskin. New York: Alfred A Knopf, Inc. 1969.
Morgan, Edward P. The 60s Experience: Hard Lessons About Modern America. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press, 1991.
Patterson, James T. Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1996.
Tomes, Robert R. Apocalypse Then: American Intellectuals and the Vietnam War. New York:
New York University Press, 1998.
Wells, Tom. The War Within: America’s Battle over Vietnam. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1994.
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY
My mother walked into my bedroom sometime in April 2006 and handed me the obituary
page of the New York Times. Accustomed as I was to being handed various and sundry
newspaper articles to read by then, I was nonetheless surprised by the choice of an obituary
entitled “Rev. William Sloane Coffin Dies at 81; Fought For Civil Rights and Against a War”
(New York Times, April 13, 2006). She explained, however, that for someone who had attended
college in the 1960s, Coffin had been a giant in the struggle for civil rights and against the
Vietnam War; since I would be attending Yale the next fall, she thought I should know
something about one of the most influential figures in the history of both the university and the
country in that era. From his post as chaplain of Yale, Coffin had danced in and out of the
national spotlight throughout the decade, first as one of the earliest northern white intellectuals to
participate in the civil rights movement and later as an outspoken opponent of nuclear
proliferation and the Vietnam War, and as an advocate of draft resistance.
That was the last I heard of William Sloane Coffin Jr. for over two years, until I was a
student in Professor Beverly Gage’s seminar, Liberalism and Conservatism in U.S. Politics, in
the fall of 2008. When he came up in our discussion of student protest in the 1960s, his name
struck a chord. I returned to the New York Times and reread the same obituary, now in the
context of a much deeper historical knowledge of the period. I decided that I would write my
final paper for the course on Coffin, focusing on his early involvement with the freedom rides in
1961. After I completed that paper, I entertained the possibility of researching Coffin in much
greater depth for my senior thesis. However, knowing that Warren Goldstein’s treatment of
Coffin’s life in his biography A Holy Impatience had left few stones unturned in the Coffin
papers at Yale, I shied away from him as a subject when it came time to think seriously about my
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topic last spring. I wanted to write about civil disobedience and the protest movements of the
1960s, and I intended to choose a student group or organization as my subject.
I began to search for a specific topic by consulting a number of general secondary
sources that covered the 1960s generation and its political protest movements. These sources
would eventually form the basis of my background knowledge for the paper. As part of the
generation that was raised by parents who were college students themselves in the 1960s, I was
intimately familiar with the popularized portrayals of the period: that it was an overwhelmingly
liberal decade, propelled forward by bold advocates fighting valiantly for equality, civil rights,
and to get America out of Vietnam in the face of an older, conservative generation that clung
desperately to the way things were. Superlatives abound in those accounts of the decade; David
Farber, for example, calls his history of the 1960s The Age of Great Dreams, and one of the most
famous chapters in Todd Gitlin’s The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage is titled “Leftward
Kicking and Screaming.” I discussed the historiography of the period with my advisor, Professor
Gage, and how historians like Gitlin and Farber often fail to capture the period as a whole. She
suggested that I review some of the newer histories of the decade, which address not only the
liberal but also the conservative side of student movements the 1960s. These sources included
Rebecca Klatch’s A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s (1999) and
Michael Flamm’s essay “The Liberal-Conservative Debates of the 1960s,” both of which discuss
the differences between the older historical approach to the period and newer histories that take
into account conservative political activity as well as liberal. They compared the Young
Americans for Freedom and the Sharon Statement to the Students for a Democratic Society and
the Port Huron Statement.
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It was impossible to research the conservative side of the 1960s without reading about
William F. Buckley Jr., a man often referred to as the “godfather” of the modern conservative
movement. Buckley had spent much of his career fighting valiantly on the losing side of political
issues. I consulted John Judis’ biography, William F. Buckley Jr.: Patron Saint of the
Conservatives, and learned that Buckley had been at Yale immediately after World War II, just
as Coffin had. The parallels in their backgrounds were striking—they had been raised in
prominent New York City families, fought in World War II, and gone to Yale just a year apart.
They knew each other as undergraduates, had been members of Skull and Bones, and maintained
a cordial, if slightly aloof, friendship throughout their lives. There seemed to be something
exceptional about their story: they had come from such similar backgrounds and ended up on
opposite sides of the ideological spectrum by the early 1960s. I decided to probe further and see
if their story could offer a window into the liberal-conservative debate on Yale’s campus and to
the evolution of the New Left and the New Right in the post-World War II era.
As it turns out, there was much to be found on that topic. Although Buckley was never
mentioned in Coffin’s biography, and Coffin just a few times in passing in Buckley’s, I learned
from Geoffrey Kabaservice’s The Guardians: Kingman Brewster, His Circle, and the Rise of the
Liberal Establishment that they had much more substantive contact. I saw in the William Sloane
Coffin Papers at Yale that they had written to each other numerous times throughout the years,
and, from searching through Buckley’s columns, that Coffin was a frequent subject in his tirades
against the “liberal establishment” at Yale—a phrase which Buckley coined to describe Coffin,
Brewster, and many of the other prominent Yale figures at the time. I could not find any
scholarly books or articles that discussed their relationship in depth (and, to my knowledge, there
are none), but with a bit of investigative work I began to piece together a rough picture of their
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interactions in the 1960s. Both had been prolific writers, and through the correspondence that
survived in the Buckley and Coffin papers, I could see a relationship between two men who
vigorously disagreed with one another on political issues but were actually quite fond of one
another. Their letters were playful and cordial, and the column that Buckley wrote in the Yale
Daily News in April 2006 after Coffin’s death suggested that both had not only enjoyed but also
learned from their mutual sparring throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Far from
the open hostility that we often see displayed between liberal and conservative leaders today,
these two men were able to separate their political philosophy from their personal relationship.
I chose to begin the paper with the debate between Coffin and Buckley in November
1966, largely because it allowed me to place the two principal figures of my essay at Yale during
the time period I wanted to write about. This proved to be one of the most challenging parts of
the essay: piecing together what happened at a debate over 45 years ago from the coverage in the
YDN, the Yale Alumni Magazine, and Gary Wills’ Esquire piece, “Buckley, Buckley, Bow
Wow Wow” (January 1968). I was lucky enough to get some help from the current president of
the Yale Political Union and the YPU Historian, who gave me a chance to read the letters written
inviting them to come speak and to see the original poster from the debate. I never succeeded in
finding notes from or a full transcript of the debate, though not for lack of effort. I even tried
contacting Garry Wills himself (he is currently an emeritus professor at Northwestern
University) and asking in vain if the Yale Radio Station had kept the tapes from the event, which
they broadcast live at the time. Nonetheless, I believe that the coverage I was able to find gives a
fairly accurate picture of what happened that evening.
Meanwhile, as I searched for more sources on the debate, I continued to comb through
the various collections at Manuscripts and Archives in Sterling for correspondence and relevant
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primary documents. In addition to the Buckley and Coffin papers, I went through parts of the
Kingman Brewster and A. Whitney Griswold Records, the Griswold-Brewster Oral History
Project, the Papers on Yale Collection, the Student Unrest at Yale Collection, and a few others. I
looked not only for Buckley and Coffin in particular, but also for anything related to civil rights
or Vietnam demonstrations on campus in the 1960s, and for memories of that era. One of the
most surprising items I came across was a 2003 tribute to William Sloane Coffin in the Yale
Class of 1968 records, which included a website and a documentary video. The video recounted
the 35th reunion activities of the Class of 1968, which began with the picnic at the White House
(hosted by classmate and then-President George W. Bush) and ended in New Haven at a
ceremony honoring Coffin as the “Permanent Chaplain to the Yale Class of 1968.” The
juxtaposition of the picnic hosted by the conservative president and the ceremony lionizing
Coffin was quite striking, and the memories of Coffin in the video were also compelling.
Beyond the Yale libraries, I obtained a copy of the transcript and footage of Coffin’s
1966 appearance on Firing Line by email request from the Hoover Institution at Stanford. The
complete writings of William F. Buckley are available online from Hillsdale College
(http://cumulus.hillsdale.edu/buckley/Standard/index.html). Buckley, unfortunately, never wrote
a complete memoir, but through his columns, articles and books, it was not difficult to get a
sense of how he felt at any time. Coffin’s writing was almost entirely contained, not surprisingly,
to Yale, and his memoir, Once to Every Man supplemented his papers and secondary materials.
In addition to my own research, I had a number of informal conversations with parents
and acquaintances who had been at Yale during the 1960s, to get a sense of what life was like on
campus at the time. More formally, Professor Gaddis Smith, who is currently working on a
history of Yale in the twentieth century, was kind enough to speak with me on the phone in
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March to offer his suggestions on my overall thesis and on the choice of Buckley and Coffin as
figures for a comparison; and Professor Jay Gitlin, in whose seminar, Yale and America, I am
currently enrolled, met with me to discuss the climate at Yale at the end of the decade and give
context to the presence of both Buckley and Coffin on campus.
Finally, in my secondary literature review, I moved from the general, to the specific, and
back to the general again. As I mentioned earlier, I initially began by looking at major secondary
sources and the different historical interpretations of the period. Then, while doing my primary
research, I turned to Kabaservice, Judis, and Goldstein to flesh out the Buckley-Coffin story and
the picture of Yale in the 1960s. Finally, once I had a sense of the general topics I would cover in
the paper, I moved to a wider variety of sources on the 1960s, many of which delved into the
debate over the Vietnam War and the various strategies of the protestors. These works are listed
in full in the bibliography attached to this essay.
The challenge in crafting the paper, of course, was to find a way to weave the primary
evidence demonstrating Buckley and Coffin’s relationship to one another and to the students into
a narrative that encompassed what was going on more broadly and made it relevant. In the end, I
decided to maintain as close to a chronological structure as possible, breaking up the sections of
the paper in a way that attempted to mirror the changes going on in their lives. I wrote, therefore,
about their early lives and careers as Yale undergrads together, because of the similarities and
their interactions with one another. The choice of each man as his class’ Alumni Day Speaker
was the first turning point, for it set Buckley on the path as an outsider and critic of Yale and
inspired him to write God and Man at Yale (which some, including Professor Smith, argue was
his most significant impact on the university). I traced them separately through the 1950s, as
each man built a career, trying to discuss the major events that shaped who they were in relation
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to each other and the students by the 1960s. Not surprisingly, they had little communication
during the 1950s, largely because of Buckley’s public, controversial stances in God and Man at
Yale and McCarthy and His Enemies, which Coffin admitted troubled him greatly. I brought
them back together in the 1960s, however, when they began to correspond and interact on a more
frequent and friendly basis, despite their stark ideological differences by then.
I recognize that their narratives do not match up seamlessly, but I tried to show how they
played quite similar roles in the context of Yale in the 1960s. I would not have had the
confidence to make some of the assertions that I do—such as suggesting that Buckley’s run for
the Yale Corporation in 1967 was in many ways a response to Coffin and an echo of his
argument in God and Man at Yale—if not for primary evidence that links Buckley’s candidacy
to both. This is certainly not the essay that I thought I would be writing when I began this project
almost a year ago. But in the end, I believe I was lucky to choose Buckley and Coffin and to
have the available resources both at Yale and online that I did. I thoroughly enjoyed getting to
“know” them through their writing and speeches and attempting to reconstruct one largely untold
aspect of their relationship to one another and to Yale in the 1960s.
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The Buckley-Coffin Crusade: Preaching the Gospel of Political

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