and the Reproduction of Bikini Atoll
Transcription
and the Reproduction of Bikini Atoll
Representing Place: "Deserted Isles" and the Reproduction of Bikini Atoll Author(s): Jeffrey Sasha Davis Reviewed work(s): Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Sep., 2005), pp. 607-625 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3693959 . Accessed: 23/03/2012 00:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. and Association of American Geographers are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annals of the Association of American Geographers. http://www.jstor.org Place:"DesertedIsles"andthe Representing ofBikiniAtoll Reproduction SashaDavis Jeffrey University Department ofGeography, ofVermont BikiniAtollhasbeenreshaped islands. "deserted" timeaccording to Western regarding through mythologies haveincreasingly thatlandscapes areshapedbythewayshumanagents conceptualize Geographers recognized butarealso ofa givenplace,however, places.Idealsthatshapeplacesarenotonlybasedon interpretations formed Bikini Atollenof ofrepresentations ofsimilar bythesemiotic linking Conceptualizations landscapes. abledthedrastic ofthelandscape 1950s as well as alteration in nuclear the and 1940s subsequent by testing in this suchas thecurrent on theatoll.The information tourism development presented projects operation article stems from a review interview in2001and2002aswellasfrom research intheMarshall Islands conducted ofhistorical accounts oftheatollfrom1945to thepresent. The conceptualizations ofBikiniAtollheldby oftheBikinian intheMarshall members U.S. other and officials, community, military government peopleliving andvisitors totheatollexplain thenotionof thetransformations oftheatolllandscape. Islands, Goingbeyond as where thesemiotic readable formations can be understood as discursive-material texts, landscapes places of are nuclear entwined with their Words: meanings places intrinsically testing, Key place,landscape, reproduction. tourism. semiotics, Asfor andhispeople, nowliving onRongerik JudaofBikini willbe repatriated iftheyinsist on it, Atoll,theyprobably United Statesmilitary authorities can'tsee though saythey should wantto:Bikini andRongerik lookas alike whythey as twoIdahopotatoes. -(E. Rooney 1946) colonialwithnucleardestruction, military synonymous contamination. ism,and radioactive of thispapershow, As the quotesat the beginning BikiniAtoll viewsrepresent different however, radically as an objectofthetourist gazefocusedon a small,but tourismoperation(Urry1990). Today,in successful, Web and on thepromotional tourist publications BikiniAtollis a tropical paradise, bydevelop- many unspoiled is as the atoll site,www.bikiniatoll.com, depicted the withexcellent scubadiving. ment, tourist tropicalisplace: an unpopulated quintessential 30 June1997) MSNBC-TV, -(TimothyFerris, land. Althoughthe changein Bikini'sstatusoverthe wasteland to nucleartestsiteandradioactive Therearenotmanyplacesthatcouldlookmorelikethe yearsfrom Garden ofEden. all these cona tourists' paradisemayappearsurreal, ofBikini AtollinCondeNastTraveler ceptualizations oftheatollpresentBikinias a "deserted -(A description 2000) has been dominantfor Magazine, July isle."Whilethisrepresentation ofthe thelastsixtyyears,nativeBikinians' descriptions It is a paradise, a placewhereyouhaveeverything you visionof Bikinias a atoll connectto a verydifferent need.It is a placeGodputsyouwhereall is within your homelandwith and intensecultural resources plentiful reach. Bikinians remainscattered Whilethe3,100 ofBikini Atollbya Bikini -(A description Islander, June significance. theMarshallIslandsand theiratollremains throughout 2000) uninhabitable due to radioactive contamination, many In 1946,theU.S. military still is a stark As in there removedthepeoplelivingon to soon. 1946, hope repatriate BikiniAtollin orderto use it as a testsitefornuclear contrastbetweenBikinianvisionsof the atoll as a thatunderlies islemythology weapons(Figure1). From1946 to 1958,twenty-three homelandandthedeserted nuclearweaponsweretestedat BikiniAtoll.The largest widelycirculatedrepresentations of the atollespoused bomb,code-named "Bravo,"wasa fifteen-megaton blast, byothers. detonatedon 1 March1954,thatvaporized For the past sixtyyears,agentshave producedand threeofthe atoll'sislandsandspreadhighly ofBikiniAtoll,enablingthe radioactive consumedrepresentations fallout across mostofthenorthern The basisforsuch a MarshallIslands.To manypeople of particular landscape. reproduction aroundthe world,the name BikiniAtollhas become as muchas thelandscapeitself, is rarely representations AnnalsoftheAssociation 95(3), 2005, pp. 607-625 C 2005 byAssociationofAmericanGeographers ofAmerican Geographers, 2005 Initialsubmission, April2004; revisedsubmission, July2004; finalacceptance,February PublishedbyBlackwellPublishing, 350 Main Street,Malden,MA 02148, and 9600 Garsington Road,OxfordOX4 2DQ, U.K. 608 Davis 1N170 E 15 N T-.ngi Taongi . TheRepublic ofthe . MarshallIslands BBikar Bikini Enewetak Ailingnae 10 Rongerik ,'4 Ujae 0 0 100 200km 100 0Wote "5, Erikub Erikub Lib ez{Kwajalein CNamu Maloelap Jabwot Mili Jaluit Kosrae5 (FederatedStatesofMicronesia) Arno Majuro " Namorik a Figure1. Map oftheMarThenamesof shallIslands. atollsandislandsdiscussed in the articleare emphasized. Aur4 --7Ailinglap ap 200miles * 5 Mejit Likiep t .Wotje Qo>1 N 7 Ailuk Jemo / Lae Utirik Taka Rongelap Wotho Ujelang Tk Knox Kili Ebon 165 ofotherplacesdeemedto be "traveling representations" similar toBikini.Suchtraveling ofBikini representations someusesoftheplacewhilerepressing others. legitimize This processof place reproduction is not uniqueto BikiniAtoll.It is usedhereas a case studynotbecauseit is exoticor exceptional, butbecauseit depictsa particcase of how place ularlyfluidand well-documented shiftthrough time,and affect meaningsare contested, thereproduction ofthelandscape.On Bikini,dramatic differences betweenconceptualizations ofplace (nuclear tourist wasteland, paradise,and homeland)can be used to highlight mechanisms ofplacereproduction occurring aroundtheworld.To demonstrate thisprocess,I weave the case studyofBikiniAtollintocontemporary theoreticaldiscussions aboutplace. Recent discussionsof place emphasizefourmajor concentrated on points.First,scholarshaveincreasingly theimportance ofnonlocalprocesses and eventsaffecting places (Massey1994). Second,therehas been an on thewaysin whichdifferent actorsinterpret emphasis aboutthem,and thereby affect places,creatediscourses place reproduction (Jackson1989; Duncan and Ley 170 E 1993; Casey 2001). Third,meaningsof placeschange throughtime, sometimesdramatically(Hall 1997; McGuirkand Rowe 2001). And lastly,the dialectical hasbeen betweenspatialandsocialprocesses interaction Cresswell 2004). recognized (Harvey1996; Soja 1996; On thelastpointtherehas beendebateas to whether by social processesor places are whollyconstructed constituwhetherthe spatialand social are "mutually tive"(Cresswell 2004,29-33). formations. I referto places as discursive-material This approachmergesthesefouremphasesof current ofplaceproduction and appliesthemto the discussions Bikini Atollis a placethathas of a study particular place. external actorsanddiscourses, beenheavilyimpacted by of of place, transformations different interpretations those interpretations throughtime,and interactions betweenlandscapeand social processes.Variouscontime of the atollduringthreedifferent ceptualizations landcertain of have enabled the periods production scapeson Bikiniat the expenseof others.This article oftheatollproduced examinesrepresentations justprior to thebeginning ofnucleartestingin 1946,conceptu- ofBikiniAtoll Place: "DesertedIsles"and theReproduction Representing alizationsof the atollin the 1960s and 1970s during a failedrepatriation andcontemporary viewsof attempt, Bikinias a lost homelandand financially successful tourist destination. The information in thisarticlestemsfrom presented I conducted research intheMarshallIslandsin 2001and socialscience 2002,as wellas froma reviewofprevious researchand popularmagazineaccountsdealingwith BikiniAtoll.I studiedhistorical of conceptualizations BikiniAtolloverthe pastsix decadesand ascertained thecurrent attitudes ofvariousgroupsofpeopletoward theatoll.Duringstayson BikiniAtoll,MajuroAtoll,and Kili Island,I conductedsemistructured with interviews resort andworkers, of tourists, management Department of the Marshall Islands Energypersonnel,Republic and membersof the Bikinian officials, government andgovernment toanalyzetheirinteractions community with,and conceptualizations of,Bikini.'I supplemented thisinformation witha reviewofrecenttourist-oriented articles andnewspaper stories from theUnited periodical Statesabout currentdevelopment activitieson Bikini Atoll.I also studiedlocalrepresentations ofBikinifrom twoyears(2001and2002) oftheMarshall Islands Journal basedin Majuro,MarshallIslands)as well (a newspaper as information on theWebpagemaintained provided by Trust Liaison to thePeopleofBikini.2 JackNiedenthal, I piecedtogether oftheatollby pastconceptualizations written academicaccountsand articles about consulting BikiniAtoll in Americanperiodicalspublishedfrom 1946 to thepresent.3 Place Conceptualizing ofplace comein manyforms: Representations postcards(Dunn 1996;Waittand Head 2002), monuments (T. Hall 1997),images(Rose 2001; Echtnerand Prasad accounts(M. L. Pratt1992;Hutt1996), 2003),written and verbalstatements (C. Cohen 1995). Whatall representations is thattheyare meansof share,however, certain of a place to transmitting conceptualizations otherpeople. Since these representations emphasize some characteristics of a place at the expense of others, they are alwaysincomplete"pictures"of place. These representationsof place are also political. They "do work"by reinforcing conceptualizationsof a place that legitimizecertainuses and prohibitothers.In turn,the new formof the landscape informsnew conceptualizations.This is theessenceofHenriLefebvre'sworkon the relationshipbetween conceptualizationsof places and landscape. He writes,"In actualityeach of these two kindsof space [the physicaland the imagined]involves, underpinsand presupposesthe other" (Lefebvre1991, 609 ofthelandscapeis 14). The factthatthereproduction oftheplace withimagined entwined conceptualizations fora oftencontradictory, leads to multiple, imaginings andcontests landscapethatcauseconflict singlephysical has a different overplaces.Each individual conceptualizationofwhata givenplaceis (oroughtto be) and the of the place is a socialprocess.Places, reproduction are morethanjustthe amalgamof thelocal therefore, inhabitants' theyare the resultof spatially imaginings; ofsometo of wide-ranging regimes powerandtheability over others. of a one legitimize imagining place a givenlandscapein How,then,do peopleinterpret on thepart different ways?Therehasbeena lotofeffort thatdifferent of to demonstrate of theorists imaginings In fall into distinct geographers categories. general, place have tendedto dividethe fieldof humanexperience of places into"abstract"and "lived"realms.Entrikin usingthe terminology (1991) discussesthisdichotomy, of "subjective"and "objective"approachesto underthisdivision between carry standing places.Somewriters to theirdefinitions andlivedconceptualizations abstract of space and place,with"space" as the realmof the and abstractand "place"therealmoflivedexperience senseofplace (Taylor1999;Casey2001). ForLefebvre, thespatial thanusingan abstract/lived rather dichotomy, worldcan be brokeninto threecategories:"spatial of space,"and "representapractice,""representations tionalspaces."He and EdwardSoja also referto these withthe moreaccessibletermsof "perceivedspace," "conceptualized space,"and "livedspace" (Soja 1996). to space"is the"real"conAccording Soja, "perceived creteworldthatexistsat a givensite,while"concepmadeup ofprotualizedspace"is "entirely ideational, or world from into the conceptualized empirical jections ... ... is a space imaginedgeographies [It a] symbolic world of rationallyinterpretable signification" (Soja 1996,79). "Livedspace"is thedomainofpeopleusing to "decipher themwithouttrying spacesor describing the space (Soja 1996,67). To and activelytransform" waysofseeingthesamesite.As Soja, thesearedifferent theseare epistemological spaces. Soja notes,however, He correlates "perceived space"withthespatialscience traditionin geography, "conceptualizedspace" withhuand "lived space" as a possiblenew manistgeographers, liberatingdirectionforgeographicalstudy. fractureand cateWhile these popular frameworks ways that places are experienced,I gorizethe different is reallyusefulforunframework this whether question are how derstanding reproduced.At the very places a not be seen as reifying should these least, categories or given space as eitherlived or perceived conceptualized. Not onlyare places consideredby different people 610 Davis that Saussureand Barthesto demonstrate theoreticians betweenanymaterial thereis a connection object(refandthe erent),theconceptpeoplehaveofit (signified), it (signifier). Baudrillard wordorsymbol usedto describe thatexistsin the world stressesthatforany referent that are availablefor thereare multiple"signifieds" In other therearemultiple the to words, signifier. linkage availablethatlinka wordwiththeobjectitis meanings aimingto represent. and connotations ofdenotations Barthes'sdiscussion is makesthisprocessmoreclear.The idea ofdenotation thatthereis one true"real"meaningand thattheword to that usedto describean objectis a directconnection "real" meaning.The idea of connotation,however, thatthereare multiplemeaningsavailableto suggests thenarguesthatthere linka wordandan object.Barthes is and are alwaysmultiplemeanings that"denotation" thataimsto convince merelyan ideologicalconstruct peoplethereis onlyone truemeaning.He statesthat morethan the most "[d]enotationis neveranything attractiveand subtle of connotations"(quoted in Baudrillard 1981, 158). The theoryof the discursivematerialformation hingeson thisidea thatthereare availableforan object. connotations multiple relatesback This conceptof multipleconnotations Thereis no one "true" to howplacesare experienced. thata personperceives. ofa place (denotation) meaning of a a conceptualization Rather,a personconstructs atand of a some attributes place place by noticing the available of some of Place and Place to it (connotameanings taching Conceptualizations otherpotentialmeanings.In and disregarding tions) Reproduction but otherwords,the place is not experienced wholly, It is not the formations" ratherthroughsubsetsof its attributes. Analyzing placesas "discursive-material itselfon thepreviously drawstogether discussedtrendsin place "wholebrutepresenceofplace"thatinscribes it last that researchthatrecognize of as and the but places fluid,permeable, only conceptualizations people the with a in affected which interacts are When a While by ways they imagined. person (Casey 2001, 688). Lakshman or a representaeitherdirectexperience Yapahas usedtheconceptofdiscursive-ma- place,through terialobjectsin hisdiscussions ofpoverty and scientifi- tion,onlya fewofitsqualitiesarenoticed;someofthe attributes unnoticedbyone personmaymakea strong callyengineeredseeds,I believethe conceptcan be extendedto studiesofplacereproduction on another.Peoplefindmeaningin a place (Yapa 1996a, impression about as forma- not by accessinga "true"denotationbut by finding b). Talking places discursive-material to tions highlightsthe role of conceptualizationsand repbased on whattheyare predisposed a connotation to fallintodifferent butthepeopleconsidercategories a be it in waysthatdraw ing place may experiencing combinations of thatcross-cut or hyexperiences upon bridizenotionsof "perceiving," and "conceptualizing," "livingwithin"a givenspace. Furthermore, people's conceptualizations changeover timeas theyinteract withplacesand recreatetheiridentities conthrough with tacts places. Ratherthanfollowing Lefebvre's (modified by Soja) formulaforcategorizing tripartite space, I arguethat theprocessthatcreatesall oftheseforms ofspaceis the while the of same, resulting types space are infinite. AlthoughSoja applies his label of "conceptualized space"to onlyone subsetofthewaysofseeinga site,all of these spaces are conceptualized. What Soja calls is a ofa sitebased "perceived space" conceptualization on the assumptions of the "mirror-model" of science. The ideathatan observer isrelaying the"real"perceived site,unfiltered byhumanbias,is merelya conceptualizationof a site informed by positivist epistemologies. The "livedspace" is the conceptualization of the site madebythosewhohavea directcontactwiththespace. The underlying is processforallofthesespaces,however, the same.Sites are not conceptualized in one typeof the factthatsomeof theseconceptureified category; alizationsare labeledas "moreabstract" thanothersis a matter ofcategorizing reallyonly preference.4 resentationsofplace in enablingand legitimizing certain versionsof place over others.In termsof place reproduction, this perspectiveemphasizes that places are known, discussed, and representedthroughlanguage of certainactivitiesin those legitimizesthe performance places as well as directsthe social practicesthatactively shape the landscape. The concept of the discursive-material formationis similarto JeanBaudrillard's(1981) conceptofthe "signobject." Baudrillarddraws upon the work of semiotic look for. This is not to say that subjectsfreelychoose whichever connotations they desire or that they are programmedto select connotationsof place based on a To use examplesfromthiscase study, packagedidentity. Bikiniansdo not universallythinkof Bikinias a homeland, and touristsdo not all see Bikinias a paradise.I do not mean to implythat conceptualizationof places is that mechanistic;there is not a universalimpression made by places on people. Instead, there are multiple Place: "DesertedIsles"and theReproduction ofBikiniAtoll Representing 611 of place,and observers are drivenand foexperiences cusedtowardcertainaspectsofplacein relationto prior in the observer's and differences position experiences EdwardCasey's(2001) discussionof and positionality. in PierreBourdieu'sconceptof habitusis informative howpastsocialtrajectories describing producea habitus an individual'sconceptualization of the that informs The that life previous explacestheyencounter.5 ways and to affectsthe exposure representations periences ofmeaningin tourism placeshavealsobeen production examinedbyChrisRojek(1997). it is notjustthatsubjectspassively obFurthermore, serveplacesand absorbmeaning.Instead,thereis an activeand reciprocal processbetweenplace reproducformation. Some of the literature on tionand identity usefulforexamining thewaysin is particularly tourism whichpeopledo notjust"read"landscapesbutactively and seekplacesthatcan be arenasforthereproduction of theiridentities. The tourist, forintransformation as a tourist stance,needsa placeconceptualized placeto theiridentities certainactivitiesthatreaffirm perform butas "a successful notas "a tourist," (modern)person," ofsuccessis to be thekind forwhomone ofthemarkers of personwho travelsand vacations(E. Cohen 1979; Urry1990; Rojek 1997; Burns1999). In thisrespect, "read"places,but,rather, subjectsdo notjustpassively isreproduced andaltered thefluidsubjectivity oftourists along withthe place in whichtheyare performing. readings Throughthisprocess, peopledevelopsimplified ofwhata placemeans.RobShields(1991,47, emphasis in original)describes thisas theconstruction of "placeimages": can existforthe same place at the same place-myths time and that these mythscan shiftthroughtime. Shields(1991,61) writes, "Opposedgroupsmaysucceed in generating antithetical (as opposedto place-myths in place-images) different class justvariations reflecting of a defeat experiencesor the culturalremembrance whereconquerors see onlyglory." The place of Bikini Atollhas been shapedby actorswhohave conceptualized the place based on verydifferent attributes than thoseemphasized bymanyoftheBikinianpeople.As a conflicts occuroverwhichphysical attributes and result, socialpracticeson Bikiniare to be celebratedand enhancedand whichare to be vilified and erased. This discussion ofplaceconceptualization stillleaves enopen the questionof how thesevariedimaginings twinewithsocial practicesto reproducethe material not to see the discursivelandscape.It is important material as thatwordsbuildhousesor concept suggesting discourses bombs. the drop Using languageofdiscursivematerial formations doesnotimplythatdiscourses teletransform or thatthe landscapedoes kinetically reality not existpriorto ourviewsofit. Whatit does demonstrateis that the conceptsenablingand legitimizing the materialreproduction of place originatenot from a perception (denotation)of a materiallandscape, but fromthe variousconceptualizations (connotations) of that landscape,mediatedby discoursesthat are oftenquite independent fromthe materiality of that place. contentions about Figure2 expandsuponLefebvre's real and imaginedspacesto depictthe dialecticalrelationshipbetweenthe real and the imagined.Placein thattheimagined imagesarepreestablished landscape comeaboutthrough Suchplace-images over-simplification ofa placecomesnotjustfromthesensory of experience of toonetrait), (i.e.,reduction (amplification stereotyping that particularenvironment, but fromthe semiotic andlabeling a placeisdeemed to oneormoretraits) (where of thatexperienceto previously knownwords, Placesandspacesarehypostatized linking be ofa certain nature). culturalnarratives, and meanings.So, the imagined ofrealspacerelations toa symbolic realm of from theworld ... Theseimages connected witha cultural significations. ofitsessential placemayevencometobeheldas signifiers character. Pre-established Place-images that Shieldsgoeson to arguethatsetsofplace-images have particularcoherence and longevitycoalesce into what he refersto as place-myths.The use of the term mythhere is not meant to implythat the conceptualizationof place is somehowopposed to the "real facts" about a place, but ratherthatthereis a coherenceto the imaginingsalong a certainculturallysignificanttheme. Place-myths,while shiftingwith changes in the landscape of a place, have a permanenceand inertiathatare oftenslow to change. What is more importantformy purposesin thisarticleis thatmultipleand contradictory Material Imagined Landscape Landscape Power: Capital Institutions, Legitimac 2. Placereproduction. Figure 612 Davis landscapeis not onlya productof the materiallandscape,it is a meldingof the materiallandscapewith imagesof otherplaces.The sensoryexperiencein the landscapeis not thesourceforthemeaningof a place, butonlyone ofthesources.The "preestablished placeofplacetocreate images"meshwithsensory experiences availabletraveling floating signifiers: culturally concepofplacesthatdo notarisefroma particular tualizations placeas muchas theyare appliedto it. In otherwords,discoursesand place-imagesthat faroutsidethephysical emanatefrom howa placeaffect The place-myth fora placeis conceptualized. generated givensitemayhave muchmoreto do withstoriesand imagesofotherplacesdeemedto be "like"it thanwith the landscapeof the place itself.The IslandPacificis one regionwhereWesternplace-myths have certainly been consistently constructed based throughout history on the islands'antipodalpositionto Europe,biblical searchesforEden, and Rousseau'sromanticism (Jolly then 1997; Howe 2000).6 Such traveling place-myths landon specific islandsand are appliedwithlittleconcernforthe specificmateriality or socialconditions of thatplace.The place-myth ofthedeserted islehasbeen applieddespitethe factthatthe Bikinianpeoplehave livedthere(and stilldesireto live there).BikiniAtoll has "become"a "desertedisle"by linkingBikini'smaterialenvironment withnarratives thathavebeenconin Western structed cultureoverthousands ofyearsin a ofgeographic widevariety contexts. In turn,place-myths enable and legitimizesocial practicesthatalterthematerial landscapeand attempt to bringit moreintolinewitha conceptualization that was neverbasedon the materiallandscapein the first place. Linksbetweenthe materialand the discursive at the level of the semiotic, occurimmediately, when a placeis encountered. Divisionoftheworldintoseparaterealmsof the purelymaterialor discursive is thus because are or essentially problematic, hybrids places a of mesh and natural social "quasi-objects," processes (Latour1993;Haraway1997).ErikSwyngedouw (2003, or quasi-objects 96) notesthat," 'Things'are hybrids (subjects and objects, materialand discursive,natural and social) fromthe verybeginning. Everybodyand ....part social, part every thingis a mediator,a 'hybrid,' natural (but withoutdiscreteboundaries),which internalizesthe multiplecontradictory relationsthatredefine everybodyand everything."Landscapes,like all things, are also "hybrids." Differentgroupsof people, who have verydifferent conceptualizationsof what kind of place Bikini Atoll shouldbe, have all producedrepresentations ofthe place that are used in political ways. They do work in the to fixa meaningofa placeand leworldbyattempting the ofa certainkindofplace.The gitimizing production practicalconsequencesaffectboth the agentsstriving to changethe placeswithwhichtheyinteractas well as researchers Groups considering place reproduction. to need to make to recognize changes places working can thatthesocialpractices affecting placereproduction of construction thediscursive be redirected bychanging be doneto it. whata placeis and whatcan legitimately can In otherwords,changing the acceptedplace-myth lead to tangiblechangesin the landscapeof places. Researchershave noted this effectnot only in the butalsoinplacessuchas oftheIslandPacific, "paradise" and Mountainsin Australia, the "timeless"Kimberley of the"post-industrial" Australia, Newcastle, landscapes and Birmingham, England(Hall 1997; McGuirkand Rowe 2001; Waittand Head 2002). For researchers lookingat thewayplacesareproducedand reproduced, theneed to seriously thisperspective engage highlights the withthe wayplacesare conceptualized by people withthem. interacting thereproduction affect do place-myths How,though, maof the physicallandscape?Giventhata particular teriallandscapegivesrisetomultiple conceptualizations, different therearealmostinevitably opinionsabouthow themateriallandscapeshouldbe maintained, changed, inFigure2, On thebottomofthediagram andgoverned. between the imaginedlandscape and the material mayhavea unique landscape,is power.Whileeveryone versionofwhata place oughtto be, thereis onlyone site.Powerthendictateswhichversionofplacegetsto I have subdivided be produced.In the diagram, power the to represent andlegitimacy intocapital,institutions, soverin inherent economic political processes, power In therestofthisarticle,I demand discourses. eignty, toremake onstrate howpowerful agentshaveattempted enabledand legitisocialpractices BikiniAtollthrough ofthedesertedisle.The atoll mizedbytheplace-myth in thewaysit has,notnecessarily has been reproduced or its its becauseof location,itsendogenous attributes, but acpositionin a globalpoliticaleconomicsystem, Concordingto the wayit has been conceptualized. ceptualizationsof BikiniAtoll are rootednot onlyin the landscape itself,but in a semioticsystemof codes that relateswhat people see on Bikiniwith signstheyhave previouslyencounteredin otherplaces. People then act to reproducethe atoll accordingto these conceptualizationsofplace. Have politicaleconomy,military power, and nuclearradiationaffectedBikini?Absolutely,but all ofthesethingsare also entwinedwiththe discoursesand practicesthat legitimatethe ways that capitalism,militarism,and nucleartestinghave been applied there. Atoll Place:"Deserted ofBikini Isles"andtheReproduction Representing 613 Bikinias HomeandIdealTestSite in the underlying rationaleforthe tests, prominently Crossroads code-named because,as the adOperation The "holein themap"wasa pre-condition fora nuclear airpower, holein theground; it alonecreatedthenecessary mar- miralin chargeofthetestsnoted,"seapower, itself are the crossroads" at and humanity perhaps for to be deemed ginality experimentation acceptable. (quotedin Weisgall1994,32). -(Cosgrove1998,264) The planwas to anchoran armadaofcapturedGerBikini hadbeen,after a all,a placeofhumanhabitation, manandJapanesenavalvessels,as wellas olderAmerhomeland. Whentheatollwasacquired bytheU.S.Navy, ican ships,in a lagoonand thenexplodeatomicbombs ithadabout150inhabitants. It had,however, something nearthem.The first testwastobe an air-dropped bomb, evenmoreimportant: The trifling lifeofthe geography. and a thesecondbombwasto be explodedunderwater, little islandcouldnotreasonably shareina transcendental thirdtestwas to involvean even underwater deeper thatwas,whenallwassaidanddone,dedicated experience detonation. The firsttwotestswerecarriedout in the todeath. Thewholefunction ofBikini wastoberemote, far detonation summerof 1946,but the deep underwater as inaccessible as from valued away, possible anything by between the In the "contest" was cancelled. the end, A placehadtobe man,becauseitwastobedestroyed.... as Most of the seen a draw. and was ships Army found wheretheprinciple ofoverkill couldbe examined, Navy wherenuclear bombscouldbe testedin theatmosphere usedin thetestsweresunkor unusableafterthetests.8 bombblast,however, underwater without at leastanyonemuch. The Navy-delivered inconveniencing anyone, much more was credited with TheMicronesian damageto thefleet doing of the central Pacific are defipeople by the bomb. than nition much. Army's air-dropped nobody an inhabited So howwasitthatBikini, island,became -(Cameron1970,24) the siteforthesetests?Since the testsrequireda site Severalscholarshave examinedhowtheexperimen- thataccommodated the anchorageof largeships,contal spacesof ProjectPlowshare, a 1960sprogram that tinentalsitesimaginedas remoteby the U.S. governwas to use nuclearweaponsfor"peaceful"excavation ment,suchas New Mexicoand Nevada,couldnot be constructed thetestareasas geographically considered. While the firstatomicbombtesthad ocand projects, in ofserious Kirsch New Mexicoin 1945,thediscovery sociallymarginal(Frenkel1998; 1998; Krygier curred the bombingof BikiniAtoll radioactivecontamination 1998;Millarand Mitchell1998). Similarly, following was not "found"as an ideal testsite in 1946; it was to andNagasakicausedtheU.S government Hiroshima made.In 1946,Bikiniwas considered a healthyhomefurther atomictestsin,or be cautiousaboutconducting land byits inhabitants, whohad livedon the atollfor UnitedStates.The AtomicEnergy near,thecontinental Commissiontherefore generations(Niedenthal2002). It was a place with suggestedthat the Operation "overseas"(Weisgall resources. It was the Crossroads testsbe performed 1994, ampleland and adequatefishing locationof the gravesof the Bikinians'ancestors. in theNavy'sOP-06 The 31). In October1945,twoofficers U.S. military, and HoAshworth a verydifferent officeofspecialweapons,Frederick subhowever, emphasized setofattributes. racioRiverostated,"We justtookout dozensof maps The first atomictestsat Bikiniin 1946servedseveral the and startedlookingforremotesites.Afterchecking fortheU.S. military. On a geopolitical Atlantic,we movedto the westcoast and just kept level,the purposes testingacted as a theaterin whichthe UnitedStates looking"(Weisgall1994,32). In December1945,Ashcouldopenlydemonstrate thepowerofitsatomicarseto the searchforthe site, "We worthsaid, referring nal. In contrastto the secrecysurrounding It lookslike conclusion. haven'tcometo anyparticular atomicex1994, perimentation duringWorldWarII, the testsat Bikini pretty farawayisgoingtobe theanswer"(Weisgall were highly publicized; representativesfrom many 32, emphasisadded).It was soondeemedthattheonly countrieswere invitedto witnessthe testsas a demonstrationof American militarypower.7The military's primarystated purposeforthe firstset of atomic bomb testsat Bikiniin 1946, however,was morepractical.The testswere designedto determinewhethernaval vessels could withstandatomic attack and were conducted jointly by the Army and Navy amid debate in the American militaryover whetheratomic weapons had made the Navy obsolete (Weisgall 1994). This rivalry betweenthe two branchesof the armedservicesfigured places "prettyfaraway" were located in the Pacific.Bikini was selected over otherislandsin the MarshallIslands,Caroline Islands,and even the Galapagos Islands. summedup the WilliamPratt,a retiredU.S. navyofficer, requirementsin his shortarticle"How Bikini Became the Bomb-TestingGround" (1946). He characterizes Bikinias "the ideal place" because of its location in a part of the world controlledby the United States, its relativefreedomfromtropicalstorms,its shelteredlagoon sizableenoughto hold a naval fleet,and because of 614 Davis thesmallpopulation on Bikinianditsneighboring atolls In Pratt the atoll itself could be 1946,60). addition, (W as a area used staging forthetests,as couldthenearby Americanbase at KwajaleinAtoll 240 kilometers to thesouth. Bikinibecametheideallocation fora testsitedue to itsremoteness from of the world deemedimportant parts to the U.S. military. Once selected,however, the atoll neededto be characterized as marginal in otherways so that it could be conceptualized as an ideal locale foratomicexplosions. The dominantplace-myth that of the atoll was that of the deguidedrepresentations sertedisle.Twosimilar, but distinct, kindsofrepresentationswere used to portray BikiniAtoll as a place ofnucleardestruction. In one sense,it wasrepworthy resentedas a nonplace.In otherinstances, Bikiniwas as a that the backwardness, portrayed place represented antithesis of the Americans'technological modernity. No doubt,bothoftheserepresentations drawheavilyon the mythology of the desertedisle and bothservedto theuseofBikinias a testsite.I think, legitimize however, it wouldbe a mistakeanalytically to completely fuse thetwo. In regardto emptynonplaces,Lefebvre(1991, 190) writes, Thenotion ofa spacewhichis at first butis later empty, filled onthis bya sociallifeandmodified byit,alsodepends initial identified as "nature" andas a hypothetical "purity," sortofground zeroofhumanreality. Empty spacein the senseofa mental andsocialvoidwhich facilitates thesoof a not-yet-social cialization realmis actually a merely ofspace. representation This mentalconceptualization ofBikinias an empty is in rooted U.S. ofthe nonplace prior conceptualizations Micronesian as a region nonplace(Steinberg 2001). The atollwasassumedtobe buta minorblemish on an ocean surfaceregardedby Americansin WorldWar II as a of atollsis demonstrated nonplace.This portrayal by reference to theislandsas mere"anchoredaircraft carriers."9One U.S. officialdescribedthe atollsof the Marshallsthisway:"Livingon an atoll is like livingon a ship,except that the ship will get to port,but the atoll will nevergo anywhere"(quoted in Weisgall1994, 35). This portrayal ofBikinias terranullius presagedthese- lection of futureplaces consideredfornuclear testing sitesfromMaralinga,Australia,to CentralPennsylvania (Pilger1989; Krygier1998). Of course,one difficulty with portraying Bikinias a desertedislewas thatthe Bikinianslivedthere.This fact, however,onlynecessitateda different strategyof representation.To showthattheinhabitedatollwas actuallya and as unhealthy nonplace,theatollhadtobe portrayed the peoplethatinhabitedthe atollhad to be seen as that"the A U.S. Navyadmiralproclaimed removable. littlefood becauseit "produces atollitselfis unhealthy" besidescoconutsand fish"(W Pratt1946, 60). This the existenceof the commentservedto delegitimize thattheBikinians on theatolland to suggest Bikinians else. wouldbe betteroffsomewhere Earlyin 1946,the Bikiniansweremovedto nearby Atoll (Figure1). While the decisionto use Rongerik beenmadebytheUnited Bikinias a testsitehadalready of the Navy,in Statesmonthsearlier,representatives of asking frontof newsreelcameras,made a ceremony theBikinians to leave theiratoll.The Navyknewthat in theearly1900s, theBikinians hadbeenChristianized Marshalls of the and the military persuaded governor to the theBikinians toleavebycomparing theBikinians childrenof Israel (Kiste 1974, 27). Accordingto anLeonard Mason (quoted in Niedenthal thropologist 1997,30), themilIn February of1946,Commodore BenH. Wyatt, toBikini oftheMarshalls, traveled and,ina itary governor toaskifthey after assembled theBikinians church, Sunday so that wouldbe willing to leavetheiratolltemporarily atomicbombsfor theUnitedStatescouldbegintesting andto endall worldwars."King "thegoodofmankind stoodupafter thentheleaderoftheBikinian Juda, people, hispeoandsorrowful deliberation muchconfused among and Statesgovernment "IftheUnited ple,andannounced, oftheworld wanttouseourislandandatoll thescientists will which withGod'sblessing forfurthering development, in kindness andbenefit to all mankind, result mypeople willbe pleasedtogoelsewhere." The wordthatbestdescribesthe timebetweenthis decisionand the actualrelocationof the Bikiniansis articlepublishedin "spectacle."A NationalGeographic 1946 describeshow the last monthof the peopleon forreBikiniwas one long stagedphotoopportunity church film Bikinian and makers.10 The final porters servicewas performed threetimesso camerascould get differentangles, and the Bikinians were often repositionedfor effector to cover microphones.The articlesand newsreelscreated fromthis period helped cementthe idea in the imaginationofthe worldthatthe Bikini Islanders were primitive,Christianized,loyal themselvesto the greatergood ofthe subjects,sacrificing United States. of the Bikiniansand The imaginedculturalinferiority theirsupposedweak attachmentto Bikiniwere used by fortheirremovalfrom the U.S. military as legitimization their atoll. It is here that we see another place-myth ofBikiniAtoll Place: "DesertedIsles"and theReproduction Representing 615 it as a formofhellwherea demonnamedLitportray oboraleftthefish,coconuts,and pandanuspoisoned. arrivalon Rongerik, TwomonthsaftertheBikinians' waterand foodsupplieswerefoundto be inadequate, to Bikini and the peoplebeganrequesting repatriation were Their ignored bythe (Time1946). largely requests unawarethatthe U.S. Navy.The navywas apparently and symptoms fromstarvation weresuffering Bikinians To be "on themargin" has implied exclusion from "the Leountilanthropologist Ciguaterapoisoning center." Butsocial, andeconomic relations which matching political, Niin the atoll Mason visited nard 1948 1985; bindperipheries (Kiste tocenters, them in a series keep together the U.S. of At the edenthal ofbinary rather than Mason, disconnection. 1997). urging relationships, allowing In thisway,"margins" movedthe BikiniansfromRongerikto a becomesignifiers of everything government centers as"theother," become the on Kwajalein.A yearlater,they denyorrepress; margins campnextto an airstrip ofpossibility condition ofallsocialandcultural entities. weremovedto KiliIsland(see Figure1) in thesouthern MarshallsIslands(Kiste1974). Kiliis a single,isolated The portrayal of Bikiniand the Bikiniansas the 200 acresinsizewithno lagoon.It island,approximately backwardoppositeof the progressive one-ninthof the land area of Bikini Americansis ilis approximately lustrated bythetitleofan articlein theNewYorkTimes Atoll and over 1,000 Bikinianslive theretoday.One KiliIslandthisway: Magazinein 1946: "The StrangePeople fromBikini: Bikiniandescribed Primitive theyare,but theylove one anotherand the American whotooktheirhome"(Rooney1946). visitors buthere onecouldalways AtBikini, island, gotoanother The view of the Bikiniansas "simpleprimitives" is thesame.Sleep,wakeup,Kili.Sleep,wakeup, it'salways echoed in a NationalGeographic articlethat opens, Kili.Again,sleep,wakeup,Kili.Kiliis a prison. "AboutthemiddleofFebruary, civilization 1980,83) -(quoted inWeisgall 1946,modern the overtook of Bikini natives and Atoll," suddenly closeswiththe thought, in many "Civilization and the Atomic In 1946, BikiniAtoll was conceptualized that there come it obvious to Bikini,and they[theBikinians]had different Age had ways.While is reasonably beenin theway"(Markwith 1946,97, 116). A newsreel is a cleardividebetweenAmericanand Bikinianconbeinformed Americanviewersabout the Bikinians'reof Bikini,settingup a dichotomy ceptualizations movalfrom theirislandbyclaiming, It shouldnotbe forgotten "The islanders area tweenthetwoistoosimplistic. in the way the atoll was nomadicgroup,and arewellpleasedthattheYanksare that thereweredifferences a withineach ofthesegroups.Mostnotagoingto add littlevarietyto theirlives"(quotedin conceptualized in the United inWeisgall1994,162). Furthermore, manyAmericans bly,therewas widespreaddisapproval volvedwiththetestsviewedtheremovaloftheBikini- StatesoverusingBikinias an atomictestsiteas wellas ans to nearbyRongerik Atollas an eventrade,ifnotan on Bikinithatthe on thepartofAmericans lamentation in the condition be of the In was to Bikinians. their atoll 1994). improvement (Weisgall damagedbytesting going ofBikinias a the periphery was the periphery theconceptualization In theend,however, and an imagination, to leatollwasan atoll;E. J.Rooney, desertedisle enabledthe U.S. military quotedat thebeginning marginal ofthisarticle, initial two atomic of the the not lookas alike wrote,"Bikiniand Rongerik only gitimize explosion as twoIdahopotatoes"(Rooney1946,25).11 bombson Bikiniin 1946, but of anothertwenty-one On Bikini,as in mostplaces,one group'simagined muchlargerhydrogen bombblastsoverthenexttwelve is anothergroup'simaginedcenter.As would periphery years.12 Bikini.Here,ratherthana focuson emergeregarding its nonplaceattributes, Bikiniwas represented as a as thewordimplies, marginalized place.Marginalization, suggeststhatBikiniwas a place of some sort,but an antithetical one in comparison to whatexistsin the center. Shields (1991, imagined 276) contends, be expected froma groupof people withgenerationsof experiencein a place, mostBikiniansheld verydifferent place-mythsthan the Americanmilitaryregardingboth theirhome atoll and RongerikAtoll where theywere forcedto relocate.Many BikiniansregardedBikiniAtoll as a homeland rich in resources,the site of theirlived experiences,and a cultural landscape saturated with meanings, deities, and the graves of their ancestors (Niedenthal 2002). The traditionalBikinianstoriesregardingRongerik,which is one-sixththe size of Bikini, RadioactiveWastelandor Safe Home? Afterthe initialtestsat Bikini,the island fadedfrom the world'sconsciousness,while the bathingsuit that bears its name became the mostpopularconnotationof the word.Introducedin 1946 by Frenchdesigner,Louis Reard,the bikinibathingsuitwas named afterthe atoll due to the intensemedia attentionthat Bikinireceived during Operation Crossroads. Allegedly,the "effects 616 Davis cladwoman"ina bikiniswimsuit wrought bythescantily were comparedto the impactof the atomicbomb of the (Cameron1970, 26)13 While the popularity swimsuit caused worldwide identification of the word and not the atoll,the atoll "bikini"withthe swimsuit itselfonce again made newsin the mid 1950s when bombsexpandedfromnearby the testingof hydrogen EnewetakAtollto Bikini. bombtestsperformed Ofthetwenty-one on hydrogen Bikinifrom1954 to 1958,testshotBravo,on 1 March A hydrogen bombtest 1954,was themostdestructive. over 750 timesas explosiveas the bombdroppedon Bravovaporizedsomeoftheislandson the Hiroshima, rimoftheatolland lefta largecraterthrough northern the atoll reef.The pulverized bits of coral landedas falloutoverthe Pacificand on nearbyRongelapAtoll, wavewashedoverBikini,"killing and a radioactive off allanimallifeexceptonehardy of rats" (Trumball variety 1982,49). The damagefromBravowas so greatthat in the thereare reports thatthe topAmericanofficial Marshalls, leaders, MaynardNeas, warnedMarshallese "Ifanyonebreathesa wordofthis,they'll be shotbefore sunrise"(Johnson 1980,58). Therewasalsoa humancosttotheBravodetonation. of Rongelapreceivedmassivedosesof Manyresidents Bravoandhavecontinued radiation from tohavehealth to thepreabnormalities, thyroid problems, particularly sent day (Simon 1997). The Rongelapeseclaimthey wereintentionally contaminated as partof a U.S. exThe Maru, periment. Japanesefishingboat Fukuryu whichsailedintothe area duringthe test,was also affectedbyfalloutfromBravo.One personon boarddied fromradiation and thetunathecrewcaught poisoning, in Japan,creating a panicover"Bienteredthemarket kinituna" (Weideman1954). The effects of the test wereso significant that1 Marchis nowa nationalholidayin theMarshallIslands(NuclearVictims'Day). In 1958,thelastnucleartestoccurredat Bikini,and in the 1960s,discourses aboutBikinishifted fromdiscussionsofitas an idealtestsiteto discussions overhow the atoll had become. Not was theatoll only dangerous but it was littered with radioactive, equipmentand damagedfacilities,and mostof the coconut palms were gone (Diggs 1969). The U.S. governmentpromisedthe Bikiniansthat afterthe atoll was declared safe,people could move back. The United States triedto make the atollhabitablebyclearingoffdebrisand plantingclose to 100,000 new palm treesin the high moderniststyleof eerilyperfectrowsacrossthe island (Figure3). By the late 1960s, the U.S. governmentdecided that the atoll was safe and repatriationcould indeed begin. The scientificrepresentationsof Bikini had changed; Figure3. Replantedpalmtreeson Bikini. one articlereferred to Bikinias a "renovatedparadise" (MacDougall1974). The BikinianCouncil,the local fortheBikinians, votednottoreturn due to government distrust ofthereports thattheatollwassafe.Theyalso said,though,thattheywouldnot preventindividuals fromgoingon theirown if theydecidedto go (Niedenthal2002). In the early1970s,someBikinianswent back to theatoll.Tommy withthe McCraw,a scientist Americangovernment, wentwiththe Bikiniansand triedto convincetheBikinians theatollwasnotradioon theBikiactivelyhazardous. Lifemagazinereported nians'return, as wellas theirdistrust: Farther downthebeachwe cameupona single, stunted coconutpalmbearing stunted fruit. TwoBikinians were thereandhadharvested someofthenutsandcut already themopen.On ourarrival heldthemoutandaskedif they theyweresafeto drink."Sure,"saidMcCraw, "they"re forthemtodrink. Butthey good,"andhe madea motion hesitated. Oneofthemheldhiscoconut outandmadethe samemotion to McCraw. he tookthenutand Laughing, drank from ittillitwasempty. TheBikinians too laughed anddrank withconfidence. -(Mydans1968,33) Five yearslater,medicaldoctorsdiscoveredthat the bodiesoftheatoll'sresidents had tentimesthesafelevel of radioactive Cesiumand fourtimesthe safelevelof Strontium foundthe radioac(Simon1997). Scientists tive contamination resultedlargelyfromeatingthe coconuts.In 1978, thoselivingon Bikiniwere once againexpelledfromtheiratoll.A Bikiniansaid of the experience: didn'thaveanyworries untilthosescientists [W]ereally started about the island talking beingpoisoned again.... ofBikiniAtoll Place:"DesertedIsles"and theReproduction Representing Weweresoheartbroken thatwedidnotknowwhattodo. ...We weresad,butwedidn't wanttomakea problem for theAmericans. Iftheysaymove,wemove. 2002,72) -(Pero JoelquotedinNiedenthal Thistragicepisodein Bikini'shistory raisesquestions aboutthelimitsof the abilityfordiscourses to remake the places.Whilepeopleare compelledto understand material thewaysin whichthey landscapeonlythrough to see thelimitsofany it,it is important conceptualize where and representations approach conceptualizations are viewedas driving placeproduction completely separate fromthe materialenvironment. As is painfully discoursein the worldcould obvious,all the scientific not washtheCesium-137out ofthe foodchainor reconstitutethe threevaporizedislands.This is not, to saythatthe scientific discourses however, produced aboutBikinididnotenablesocialpractices to producea certainkindofplace. biasedproclamation ofAdmiral Justas theculturally Prattthatthe atollwas "unhealthy" in 1946 enabled certainuses of the atoll,the scientific declarationof howevermistaken, allowedthe repatriation "healthy," ofBikini inthe1970stotakeplace.Whennewevidencethe contamination of the Bikinians-cameto light,it was thechangeofdesignation of thehealthfulness of the atollthatthendrovethepolicyofremoval. Once again, itwastheconceptualizations oftheatoll'smaterial attributes, in thiscase radioactive or not,thatinformed theusesof theatoll. thepastexperiences oftheBikinian Understandably, affecttheirdecisionsregarding community repatriation thereare conflicting viewsregarding today.At present, the safetyof Bikini,and manyBikiniansremaindistrustful ofscientific thesafety of proclamations regarding theatoll(J.S. Davis 2005). Duringmydiscussions with members of the Bikiniancommunity, peopleoftenexoverthe mixedmessagestheyhad pressedfrustration receivedfromdifferent scientific In particular, reports. therewasa strong reactionwhentheBikinians recently thattheU.S. EPA standardforradiation discovered in the United States is 15 milliremsabove background level, while 100 milliremsabove backgroundlevel is consideredsafe forthe MarshallIslands (personalcommunication2001). The existenceofthisdouble standard forradiationexposure,regardlessof the scientificmerits of the 100 milliremstandard,has furthereroded the Bikinians' trustof scientificstudies on safe levels of radiation. The place-myththat has developed in the mindsof many Bikiniansand non-Bikiniansis that Bikini is a contaminated place that ought to remain deserted. 617 mostpeopleconsidertheatollsafeforshort Currently, are but visits, longerstaysandeatinglocalfoodresources Thisdesignation, to be attempted. bothtoo risky along in the landscapefromnuwiththe materialremnants ofthe namerecognition and theworldwide cleartesting of a new has made atoll, conceptualization possible tourist Bikinibased on the deserted-isle place-myth: paradise. Paradise ofa Postnuclear The Production thatitisthe itisoften In a neo-colonial imagined process, travelthe to tourist contemporary rightof thewealthy of the world arecolin searchofdifference-parts world andcolonies) and onizedbytourists (withtheirenclaves andtechnologies. infrastructures tourist distinctive their -(Edensor1998,22) of "a nuclear Needlessto say,thetransformation gravefor revenues sitethatmight generate yard"intoa tourist and materially seemsboth symbolically the Bikinians bankrupt. -(Teaiwa 2000,109) in yourmind..... It's a remote, It is whatyoupicture beaches.There's island.Beautiful SouthPacific beautiful It's No No television. to do. nothing phones. whatyouwant aren't here.It's the it tobe.Weallwonder why Bikinians sucha beautiful place. 2002) -(BikiniAtolltourist, ofpractices as a category hasbeenrecognized Tourism that can privilegethe needs and desiresof nonlocal overtheneeds wealthier countries, visitors, usuallyfrom have and desiresof local people. Many geographers landshown that tourismproduces"other-directed" scapes that can severthe connectionbetweenlocal ofthe fabric ofplaceandtheresulting conceptualizations social activities and its associated physicallandscape (Urry1990; DeOliver 1996; Hoelscher1998; Oakes 1999; Chang2000; Cheongand Miller2000; D'Arcus itwouldseemthattourism 2000). Fromthisperspective, on Bikini,like militarycolonialismin the past,will lead to the Bikiniansagain being denied the abilityto refashionBikini Atoll accordingto theirdesires.Tourist of the atoll,however,are onlyone set conceptualizations of currentimaginingsforthe atoll. Many Bikiniansstill view the atoll as a potentialhomeland.Also, the Bikinians may have an advantage over other tourismhost groupsin that theyown and operate the resortthemselves.The Bikinianexperiencewithtourismhighlights the fact that there are always multipleconceptualizations of a place and that the reproductionof place is a 618 Davis Figure4. Gazeboon BikiniIsland. complexweavingof conceptualizations, practices,and power. In 1996,the Bikiniangovernment startedoperation resorton BikiniAtoll(Figures oftheirtourist 4 and 5). The Bikiniangovernment, whichgoesbythe polylocal monikerof the Kili-Bikini-Ejit Council,is based on in Marshall Atoll the southern Islandsand is Majuro an elected council and of mayorthatreprecomposed Kili sentBikinians on Island,EjitIsland,and the living restof MajuroAtoll.The government-run resorton Bikiniis over 400 milesfromthe populationcenter on Majuroand,as oneofitsemployees noted,is"modest on amenitiesand highon diving"(personalcommunication2001). Diversfromaroundthe worldhave convergedon BikiniAtollto stayin thesimplehotel,strollthewhite that sandbeaches,anddiveamongthewrecked warships Figure5. The lagoonbeach on BikiniIsland in frontof tourist resort. lie on thebottomofBikini'slagoon.The resortattracts tourists whoarequalified to do thedeepand high-dollar technicaldives,manyofwhichare over55 m (175 ft) intothewrecks. In addition, deepandinvolveswimming thediversmustdo a seriesofdecompression stopsunderwaterwheretheybreathea special blend of air The priceforthe week is (Nitrox)beforesurfacing. not the airfare to getto US$2,700, including substantial Bikini.Most tourists Bikini on for one week and stay spendmuchoftheirtimediving. The shipson thebottomofBikiniAtoll'slagoonhave a history almostas variedas the atollitself, withmany to the II World War era. The most famous vessels dating arethebattleship USS Arkansas, theaircraft carrier USS and the Saratoga, HIJMSNagato.14 Japanesebattleship The shipsweresunkduringthe atomictestsin 1946 after whichtheywerelargely In the1970s,they ignored. ratedmentiononlyas "numerous obstructions" on the chartsof Bikini'slagoon(Pincas 1975). In the 1980s, titleto the shipswas transferred to the Bikihowever, niansbecausetheyviewedthescrapmetalas a possible sourceofincome. In 1989,theU.S. NationalParkService'sSubmerged CulturalResources Unitperformed a studyto assessthe tourism of Bikini Atoll. The researchresulted potential in a textthatcataloguedthe shipsin the lagoon,describedtheircondition,and recommended a plan of actiontoturnBikiniAtollintoa nationalpark(Delgado, Lenihan,and Murphy1991).15The authorsofthepark servicedocument wrotein excitedproseaboutthehistoricalimportance ofthesunkenshipsand thepotential fora scuba-diving-oriented park. Whilethenationalparkstatuswasneverrealized, the documentfostered the idea thatthe sunkenshipson Bikiniwerea tourismresource.The Bikinianssent a fromprivate delegationto Las Vegasto reviewoffers Club for the Med, corporations, including development of tourismon Bikini(J.Davis 1994). The Bikinians, in order involvement however, optedtoforego corporate to maintainfinancialand aestheticcontrolover the Whiletheyinitially a partnership formed with operation. a smalldivingcompanybased out of MajuroAtollin the MarshallIslands,the Bikiniansnow own and runthe entire business. This strategyhas been successful. The resortcontinues to attract touristsin increasing numbers,and in Decemberof2001, the Bikiniancouncil distributedover $250,000 in profitsin equal shares to everyBikinianman, woman,and child. While higherprofitsforthe entirecommunitywas a other keyfactorin the Bikinians'developmentstrategy, considerationsalso playeda role. Initially,the Bikinians worriedthat an outside tourismcompanymightallow ofBikiniAtoll Place: "DesertedIsles"and theReproduction Representing 619 diversto scavengepiecesoftheshipsandotherBikinian artifacts fromtheage ofnucleartesting, whichareseen as culturaland economicresources(personalcommunication2002). Whileit mayseemodd to some that thereis a concernformaintaining the"pristineness" ofa set of decayingshipsthathave been underwater over fifty yearsafterbeingpulverized by nuclearweapons, diversare attracted to Bikinibecausethewreckshave been preserved. A lawyerworking withthe Bikinians commented, as nonsenseifitwerenotforthefactthatI be dismissed ofBikinitobe verycommon. kind ofportrayal this found is lessmyconWhethertheatollis "really"pristine withthe cernthanthefactthatmanypeopleinteracting it as pristine. is What is important atollconceptualize the dethe of that,increasingly, place-myth pristine, sertedisleparadisehas been appliedto Bikinibytravel theatoll,eventhoughmost writers and tourists visiting 16The fact ofthesepeopleknowBikini'snuclearhistory. thatBikiniAtollis now developinginto a touristatof conceptualthe malleability tractiondemonstrates izationsof place and theirabilityto be mergedeven One ofthemostimportant issueswascontrol. Andthe As Shields(1991,25) whentheyarenotcomplementary. control wasnotso muchthefiscalcontrol as muchas "The meaningofparticular thecultural anddiving control. Welooked atTruk[a wreck writes, placesis a compencultural over and dium of in site the Federated of States we and interpretations intersubjective diving Micronesia] sawhowtheseoncepristine considered a resort a from had been time. Thus of all ships being stripped placemaygo theirinstrument thatis contendsthat centre."He further to beingan industrial panelsand virtually anything movable. Andwerealized thatifwedidn't setthisupthe werefoundto have in hisresearch, "[i]magesandmyths tohappen toBikini. Andwecould right waythatwasgoing withema complexhistorically-changing relationship a deal with theAcmediving butwewouldn't piricalfactsand practices.In some cases imagespresign company, be outthere, wewouldn't knowwhatwasgoingon.And servedpast practices,in other cases they followed a diverslipping a $100 to a divemaster would clearly 'realities' (Shields1991,261). strictly" changing be ableto takea tachometer offa plane,or a probably and myths reinforce Not onlydo theseplace-images trinket offofsomething movable. Andwefeltthatwould but with the or old practices, thenew practices change be wrong. Andwefelt, OK ifBikini isgoingtoopenitself of andinform the realm discourse can come from images wewanted tokeepitpristine. uptothepublic It is notjustthatnewconceptualizations newpractices. -(personalcommunication 2002) of the atoll have come about frompracticeson the island,but ratherthatthe practiceof tourismon the Whatmayseemevenmoresurprising oftheplace is thattheatoll islandhas beenenabledbythereimagining itself is alsospokenaboutinterms ofitspristineness. the Bikinian attraction. The as a tourism govDiscursively, Web page forBikinidisplaysnumerousquotes from ernment theimageof hasbeenabletounlinkBikinifrom to Bikinias "parcontamination divingand travelmagazines (even though,as discussedabove,the referring oftheatollis stillan issueofintensedebate)and adise,""utopia,""theGardenofEden"and "unspoiled safety link BikiniAtoll to place-imagesabout One of by development" (http://www.bikiniatoll.com). successfully thediverswholed divingtourson theatollwasquoted tropicalparadiseson desertedislesthathave been ciras saying, "The lureof theplace is thatforforty forcenturies(Howe culatingin Westerncivilization years 1997b,31). In another 2000). nobodyhas beenhere"(Kristoff thedeserted This Likemanyothertourist article,thesamediversays,"Thisis a wilderness. places,however, hasn't been in touched for is one of several the isle atoll,and it is a 1997a, place years"(Kristoff forty place-myth if Of the view a the Bikini as tourists' into is one. These of course, A4). paradise past expanded directed images from Website theBikinians' disseminated areprimarily forty yearsto sixtyyears,itmaybe one ofthemost through "touched"placeson the faceof the planet.It is also As shown and througharticlesin tourismmagazines. interestingto note that the conceptualizationof Bikini as untouchedforfortyyearsignoresthe repatriationattemptin the 1970s,theperiodicblastingforconstruction materialson the south end of the island, and the Departmentof Energyexperimentson Bikinithat involve scrapingofflargeareas ofsoil,removingpalmfronds,and pumpingseawaterthroughthe soil.As one touristsaid in regardto Bikini,"It's kind of in a precariousbalance between being undisturbedand completelydisturbed (personalcommunication2002). This quote could easily above,thereare stillmanyinsideand outsidethe Bikinian who regardthe atollas a contaminatedplace. community also continuesto promotethe The Bikiniangovernment imageof Bikinias a contaminatedplace to the U.S. govformoreclean-upmoney. ernmentduringnegotiations Anothermajorplace-mythprevalentin the Bikinian communityis of Bikinias a lost homelandwithintense While some in the community culturalsignificance. may neverbe convincedBikiniwillbe safe enough forrepatriation,a substantialnumberof people believe it is safe 620 Davis enoughnoworthatitcan be madeso soon.One official in theMarshalls stated, Ifyouasksomebody eveniftheyareliving in [Bikinian], Arkansas orNewYork, ifyouaskthem their where placeis tellyouit'sBikini. In their belief thatwasgivento they'll thembyGodandtheyhavea particular pieceoflandup thereor maybeseveralwherethatis whattheybelong to. So maybeyouwouldn't see 3100 peoplemoveup theretomorrow butatonepointoranother, mostofthose peoplewouldgo backand at leastvisitiftheyhad the opportunity. 2002) -(personalcommunication of DelvingmoredeeplyintoBikinianrepresentations Bikiniand KiliIsland,I foundthat,unlikesomegroups livingin exile (Malkki 1995), the Bikinianshave maintaineda verystrongsense of collectiveidentity based on theirsharedhistorical narrative of dispossesto formerly uninsion, theircollectiveconfinement habited(or verysparsely and their inhabited)islands, politicaldefianceof the traditional paramountchiefs (Iroij)oftheMarshallIslandsthatdatesbackto before 1946. While they have maintaineda coherentethnic theBikinianwayoflifehas beeninfluenced identity, by theinclusionoftheMarshallIslandsin theworldeconomicand culturalsystem. Bikinians on bothKili and have access to consumer Ejit productssuch as cars, cannedfood,televisions, and otherimported goods.In because is subsistence difficult on the fact, extremely have becomealmost singleislandofKili,theBikinians on imported totally dependent goods.To manyBikinians on tinyKiliandEjitislands,Bikiniis seenas a homeland witha greater amountofland,an abundanceofsea life, of anda variety edibleplants.Likethetourists andtravel refer toBikinias paradise. There writers, manyBikinians is a cleardifference, in thekindofplacethatis however, imaginedunderthe label of paradise.Whileboththe Bikiniansand touristsuse "paradise"to denote an Edenicplace of origin,to the tourists, Bikiniis representedas a generic,deserted,tropicalisland.It is a purely symbolicsite and, as Tim Edensor notes in his discussions of other touristattractions,"symbolicsites are represented as synedoches or metaphors for larger spaces" (Edensor 1998, 19). For tourists,Bikini is a paradise in comparisonto the everydayspaces of their livesin industrialized countries.Conversely,the Bikinian of conceptualization Bikini as a paradise is rooted in a historicalexperienceon the atoll thatis comparedto a lifeof forcedmigrationto a small island almostuniverto as "the prison."As one Bikiniansaid, sallyreferred toKili.Kiliisa single Bikini oftheir Theythink [compared] theoldpeople. livehere[onBikini] islandandthey before, Bikini isparadise.... that AndI think that's say why[they] to andit'seasyforthem togofishing Likeitiseasyforthem is but Kili.... not like on the other islands, Majuro good, go thatwhen AndI think it'skindofa lotofpeopleoverthere. life and their what share had were here they everybody they That's for herewasreally easy everybody. whytheysay think aboutthepast,what someofthepeopletheyalways on were Bikini. they -(personalcommunication 2002) natureofBikinian thepolitical Thisquoteemphasizes ofKiliand Bikinito me as a researcher representations to thinkthat from theUnitedStates.It wouldbe foolish to me were Kili Bikini and of presented representations Thisis notto saythatthe andpolitical. notalsodirected but to me weredisingenuous, Bikinianrepresentations ratherthattheymustbe examinedin thecontextofthe on encounter. HenryBarnard,reflecting ethnographic is not the workof PierreBourdieu,noted,"Reflexivity achievedbytheuse ofthefirst personor bytheexpea textwhichsituatestheobserver dientofconstructing it is achievedbysubin theact ofobservation. Rather, to the samecritical of the observer the jecting position the constructed as that of object at hand" analysis in the It is important (Barnard1990,emphasis original). to notethat,as mystayin theMarshallIslandslengthI ened,thereappearedto be a changein thenarratives ofBikini.Thereappearsto wastoldaboutthedesirability of Bikini aboutthe desirability be a "stocknarrative" andthat first to versusKiliorMajurothatis told visitors, thata lifeon Bikinimight is thenfollowed bycomments feelisolatedand a bitboring(especially amongyounger on have never lived who Bikini). respondents willhappen,and Whileitis unclearwhenrepatriation just how manyBikinianswill establishtheirprimary on theatoll,it seemslikelythatit willoccur residences When the returnoccurs,it is likelythatthe someday. of Bikiniwill "contaminated place" conceptualization will the two But how be competing largely overcome.17 ofhomelandandthedeserted-isle, paradise place-myths mix?The kindsofsocialpracticesencouraged bythese visionsofplace maynot be compatibleon a smallisland. In my research,many touristsstated that theybelieve the returnof Bikinianswould detractfromthe tourism experience. One touriststated that she believed the repatriationof the Bikinianswould "ruin Bikini." She said, "Well it's goingto be a shantytownabout like it is out here [in Majuro]. It would look likeTijuana I think. It would changeit quite a bit" (personalcommunication 2002). Some touristsdid supportthe idea of the Bikinians moving back under certain conditions. Many Place:"DesertedIsles"and theReproduction ofBikiniAtoll Representing 621 tourists couldlive brought up theideathattheBikinians from the tourists but close separated enoughso that couldinteractwiththemin a sortof culturaltourists tourism wheretheycouldexperience, typeofinteraction "islandlife"and buycrafts. briefly, Otherswerealso skepticalabouthow touristsocial and Bikiniansocialpractices wouldcoexiston practices Bikini.One Marshallese worker at thetourism operation said, allowthemmorechoiceoverhow tourismwillshape iftheBikinians theiratollin theyearstocome;however, tourists theywillhave to rehope to keep attracting that producetheatoll,orat leastpartsofit,in a fashion a of what withtourists' is insymmetry conceptualizations vacationparadiseshouldbe. If the Bikinianswantto in a globaltourism competewithotherdiveoperations will have to be conexternalpressures marketplace, controlovertheatolland sideredevenifgovernmental remainslocal. tourist operation I think it'sbetter ifthey[Bikinians] don'tcomeherewhen in While the Bikinianshave so farbeen successful therearecustomers on theisland.Becauseoncetheyare be seems it theremay dangersin tourists, attracting dolotsofstuff, herethey likeifthey wanttogofish orthey theiratollas a place thatfitsWesternconpromoting wanttogobirds-killing orsomething likethat,or birds, of the desertedisle. For example,as I ceptualizations theturtles. ofthecustomers, eating Theycandoitinfront arenotsupportive have discussed, already manytourists andthat's onething I'mafraid of. in theirspaces of local inhabitants idea of the having 2002) -(personalcommunication tourism maybe (andviceversa).Whiletheincomefrom someBikinians associatedwith haveconcerns socialproblems thepotential abouthow welcomed, Conversely, of tourism In a twistof need to be considered. Researchers tourism theymightbe offended bytourist practices. incredible tourists that while tourism the documented suit named have irony, maybringneeded wearing bathing afterthe atollare considered affect can also into local it Bikinians to be income economies, negatively by many disOne Bikinianmanworking at local places by spawningcorruption, culturally inappropriate. prostitution, thetourism enviofland,erosionoftraditional cultures, said, enterprise possession and greaterincomeinequality ronmental degradation Ourcustom, that'stheproblem. Likeright now,nofamily, (Doxey 1976; Erisman1983; E. Cohen 1988; Dogan noBikinians now.[Whentheyarehere] staywithusright 1989; Urry1990; Britton1991; King,Pizam,and Milis really thecustom different. cannot They[thetourists] man1993;C. Hall 1994;Pearce1994;SimpsonandWall justwearthebikini suit].It [would] [bathing really destroy 1999; Chang2000; Holden2000). ourcustom. -(personalcommunication 2002) Mostofthetourists, tourism andBikinians managers, I spokewithbelievethatthebestsolutionis to keepthe tourists Bikiniancommuseparatedfroma repatriated There are different ideas on howto do this, nity. many from both on different ranging having partsof Bikini to ortheBikinians on another Island, havingthetourists islandoftheatoll. It appearsthatthedeserted-isle, paradiseplace-myth, and the homelandplace-myth mayencourage practices and alterations to thematerial landscapethatwillbe difficultto reconcile in thesameplace.The Bikinian governmentand tourismmanagers,who are interestedin continuingto generateincomefromthe touristoperation, seem willingto explorethe idea of separatingthe tourists and local inhabitants whenrepatriation occurs.In thisway, the Bikinianswould attemptto minimizeconflictsby encouragingthe existenceof both the homelandand deof the whole atoll while serted-isle, paradiseplace-myths the witheach imagining associated constraining practices to finer-scale within the spaces place. Given that the Bikiniansown theirtouristoperation, the institutionalcontrolover tourismpracticesshould andthePoliticsofPlace Contested Meanings a lessessential notionofplacenotnecI wanttorecover butas an ofresistance alliedwiththegeopolitics essarily notonlyhewhichin factproblematizes terrain unstable as well. anddomination, butresistance gemony -(Oakes 1997,525) themanydifofBikinidemonstrate Representations time.In of the atollthrough ferentconceptualizations article is another this itself addition, representation, the atoll,throughacademic one that conceptualizes and my personalexselectiveinterviews, discourses, periences, as a contested place with multiple,fluid There is not one trueway of seeingthe interpretations. but atoll, people consideringthe atoll todaymaysee it as a radioactiveplace to be feared,a place ravaged by a successionofneocolonialistpractices,a tourismparadise, a lost homelandwithplentifulresources,or a combination of these perspectives.Afterall, which is the true representationof Bikini?The one made by a seventyyear-oldBikinianman who once lived there,or a thirtyyear-oldmale tourist,or the workerswho operate the touristresort,or the U.S. Departmentof Energy,or an 622 Davis or a travelwriter, alsohadthepowertoleacademicauthor, or themayorofBinuclearweaponsthere,butthey of or a Bikinian it the born on woman Kili kini, fifteen-year-old gitimizethrough labeling theatollas a "deserted Island? isle"and thelabelingoftheBikinianpeopleas "primiof Whilesomemaydisagreeas to whichoftheaboveis tive"and "nomadic."Today,touristrepresentations the dissemiessential the"correct" natureofBikiniAtoll,theanalysis the atollhave cometo dominatethrough of the deI putforward nationof a re-imagined ofplaceas a discursive-material formation conceptualization holds that thereis no essentialnatureto the place. sertedisleofBikinias a tropical paradiseopenforforeign therearemultiple In both1946and today,theviewoftheatoll ofBikinibasedon visitation. Rather, place-myths to competeagainstthesemore a plurality of readingsof the atoll.Each place-myth is as a homelandstruggles basedon a selectsubsetoftheatoll'sattributes, formed popularrepresentations. betweenthe observedphysicalsite Third,by arguingagainstthe idea of "correct"and by the relationship and thewaythatpastexperiences viewsofplace,I runa riskof undermining withtheworldpre"incorrect" anticolonial disposethe observerto findmeaningin places.These politicalprojects.Ratherthandelegitimize ofwhata place is, and shouldbe, are then the politicalclaimsforplace governanceespousedby imaginings usedto construct thataimto legitimize colonizedand exploitedpeopleby claimingthattheir representations an analysis of one amongmany, certainrulesthatgovernactivities in theplaceas wellas viewsofplacearemerely not can lead to the modifications and builtenvironment. ofplacereproduction themechanisms just physical I Whiletheanalysisofthemechanisms but to tacticsof resistance. forplaceproto a theoryof resistance ductionoutlinedin thisprojectis usefulforstudying the believethatthereis politicalbenefitin understanding andcontested, thereare thatthereare alwaysmultipleviewsof a place bydifwaysthatplacesarereproduced threeimplications, twoanalytical individuals and thatthoseviewscan be changed andone political, that ferent discussed need to be controlovertheplace (sovereignfurther. institutional First,mychoiceto charthrough acterizeBikinias an indivisible place ratherthanas a ty). This, though,is onlyone way to changeplaces. forthe waythat Placesare subjectin manywaysto economic,cultural, space has ramifications partitionable fromfaroutsidetheofficonflictresolutioncan be theorized.By choosingto and politicalforcesemanating I Bikini Atoll a control. as of have chosen to cial emboundaries analyze place, political control and undividable There are also ways to gain institutional phasizeit as a singular space.The reason formakingthischoiceis thatthisis thewaymost campaignsthatserveto legitimize throughdiscursive it. ofwhata place"is."Beingable The in a subaltern peopleimagine respondents mystudyplace representations viewofa labelon it thatappliesto thewholeatoll.Forthemost thatthecurrently to demonstrate hegemonic and atoll the whole is a characterized as paradise, placeis historically exploitive, contingent, political, part, can I have,in manyways, contaminated on itsbeingseenbypeopleas legitimate place,orhomeland. dependent "followed itas a singular be a powerful mydata"andportrayed starting pointfora groupthatlacksecoplaceas well.As is evidentin mydiscussion and institutional ofconflicts between nomic,political, powerdue to yearsof overplace,to say in contest touristuses and homelanduses,however, BikiniAtoll Tactically, any exploitation. view and another is can be seen as a dividablespacewheretourists view of are relthatyour group's place right of a place is wrongis onlythe start.It is imperative to anotherpart. egatedto partoftheatollandBikinians conThe solutionsto resolvingfuturedisagreements howothergroupshave discursively to understand may have how the on see as and to the a atoll structed they place, depend people'sability imagined space ratherthanas an indivisible adherents to theirviews,and howtheyhave marshaled place. theirviewsin thematerial Greatcarealso needsto be takento emphasizethat to inscribe gainedtheability to considerthesediscursivelandscape.It is important power existsnot only when the imaginedlandscape is made real, but also when the real landscape is made imagined (Figure 2). All of the different place-myths discussed in this article are influencedby the ability different actorshave to link them to other representationsof place and the powersome groupshave to mobilize certainrepresentations and disseminatethem.As is obvious fromthishistoryof Bikini,some groupshave had a much greaterabilityto producerepresentations of the atoll. In 1946, the U.S. militaryhad the power to forcethe Bikiniansofftheiratoll and explode physically materialmechanismsof place reproductionin orderto influencethemforpoliticalends. Acknowledgements I am indebtedto manypeople formakingthisarticle possible.I send mysincerestthanksto JackNiedenthal, Brenda Waltz, Hinton Johnson,Eldon Note, and Tim Williamsformakingmyresearchin the MarshallIslands possible.I am also gratefulforhelpfuland criticalcom- Place:"DesertedIsles"and theReproduction ofBikiniAtoll Representing mentson previousdraftsof thisworkby Kat Kleman Davis,LorraineDowler,Lakshman Yapa,JamesMcCarthy,DuarteMorais,RogerDowns,MattHannah,Don Mitchell,JamesDuncan, AudreyKobayashi,and the reviewers. anonymous 623 8. For a completelistingof the shipssunkat Bikini,and see Delgado, of the shipsthatsurvived, the whereabouts Lenihan,and Murphy(1991); Delgado (1996); and Niedenthal(2002). Islandsusedon a mural oftheMarshall 9. Thisis theportrayal on Kwajalein Atoll. in theairport articleon Bikini theNational 10. See, forexample, Geographic filmRadio in 1946 (Markwith 1946). The documentary foran Stonein 1988(nominated Bikini, byRobert produced Award),alsoshowsin vividdetailhowthemiliAcademy Notes werestagedand reshot withtheBikinians tary'smeetings times. numerous 1. The vastmajority of the interviews weretape recorded, 11. to theBikinians' Iroij(leader)in 1946. "Juda"refers a fewweredonewithonlywritten notes.I tranalthough ofBikinias a nonplace 12. WhilethetwoAmerican portrayals scribedthe recordedinterviews and then coded and be logically notnecessarily andas a marginalized may place software. analyzedtheresponses using"AtlasTI"computer mannerto wereusedin a complementary consistent, they Whilemanyotherpeoplewereconsultedcasuallyduring ThiseffecBikinias an experimental space. conceptualize mytwostaysin theMarshallIslands,a totaleighty-eight theuseofatomicweaponsat Bikini. tively legitimized interviewed. Most interviews were peoplewereofficially between oftheconnections 13. Fora moredetaileddiscussion conductedin English, exceptforsomethatweredonein thebathingsuitand BikiniAtollas wellas a theoretical Marshallese withtheassistance ofa localtranslator. Most and exoticizing of analysisof the similarmarginalization interviews weredone one-to-one, but some interviews, women's bodiesandBikinians, see Teaiwa(2000). thosewithtourists, wereconductedin small particularly 14. The Nagatowas formerly JapaneseAdmiralYamamoto's groups. from whichtheattackon PearlHarborwascomflagship, 2. See Websiteat http://www.bikiniatoll.com manded.The othermajorshipsin Bikini'slagooninclude 3. Thiswas done through a reviewof theReader's Guideto USS Apogon, deUSS Anderson, submarine thedestroyer Periodic Literature. The periodicals thatcommonly convesselUSS Carlisle,subUSS Lamson,merchant stroyer tainedaccountsofBikiniincluded Life,US NewsandWorld marineUSS Pilotfish, and the JapanesewarshipHIJMS New YorkTimesMagazine,NationalGeographic, Report, Sakawa. andothers. Newsweek, 15. Bikiniis not the onlyformer rangeto be conbombing in Soja'swork,as well 4. As noted,thereis a strong tendency as a possible See alsoMisrach(1990). national sidered park. as in writings and other byEdwardCasey,David Harvey, Bikiniis notreallywhatcouldbe categorized 16. Interestingly, to portray different kindsofspacesas moreabtheorists, as a siteof"darktourism" (see,e.g.,Lippard1999).While stract(or "thin,"or "placeless")thanotherspacesmore liketo divearoundthewreckedships,thedivers tourists witha senseofplace.Theseabstract infused spacesappear in the tragedy I interviewed muchlessinterest displayed to be tiedto domination or an outsider bythebourgeoisie ofthe histories thanin themilitary ofthenucleartesting Twostrong ofthistendency havebeen authority. critiques themselves. ships offered theorists as wellas byresearchers exbyfeminist from theidea thatiftheBikinian 17. Thisfollows government DoreenMasseyand other amining spacesofconsumption. itwilllikely be because thego-aheadforrepatriation, gives feminists claimthe perspective of abstractand lived is Thereis, the atollis no longerviewedas contaminated. fromthe verynarrowviewpoint of privileged generated It is a spatialcomponent to thecontamination. however, maleswhohavehistorically to control enjoyedtheability thatthe Bikinians couldreturnto someof the possible betweendifferent spacesand easilycrossthe boundaries remained islandsoftheatollwhilecontamination southern socialspaces.See,forexample, Massey(1991).Thefeminist forthenorthern islands.The Bikiniangoverna problem thatspacesmustbe viewed(andcategorized) from critique thattherewillbe no menthasrepeatedly stressed, though, basedon the variedexperiences of multiple perspectives use of theentire returnuntiltheycan have unrestricted undermines the idea that space by genderedindividuals atoll. to simple spacescan be viewedand categorized according binaries(oreven"trinaries"). theworkofJon Furthermore, Gossandothers hasfurther erodedthedistinction between abstract andlivedspacebydemonstrating howpeoplefinda References wealthof meanings evenwithinthe mostcontrived and controlled capitalist spaces(MacCannell1976;Goss 1993, Baudrillard, ofthe ofthepolitical economy J.1981.Fora critique 1999;Gottdiener 1997). 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