The Everlasting Flame - Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination

Zoroastrianism in
History and Imagination
SUPPLEMENT
THE
EVERLASTING
FLAME
Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination
Edited by
Sarah Stewart, Ursula Sims-Williams, Firoza Punthakey Mistree
National Museum
National National
MuseumMuseum
New DelhiNew Delhi
New Delhi
National Museum
New Delhi
Published on the occasion of the exhibition
The Everlasting Flame:
Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination
National Museum, Delhi
Curated by
Sarah Stewart • Firoza Punthakey Mistree
Ursula Sims-Williams • Almut Hintze • Pheroza J. Godrej
Shernaz Cama
Exhibition designed by
Morris Associates
assisted by Soku Designs
National Museum
New Delhi
THE
EVERLASTING
FLAME
Supplement Content
3 The Silk Road, Central Asia and China
18
4 Judaeo-Christian world 32
5 Imperial Iran 34
6 Post Arab Conquest 50
7 Journey and Settlement
56
8 Parsi Salon66
© of National Museum, Janpath, New Delhi -110011
First published on the occasion of the Exhibition
The Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination, 2016
Editors: Sarah Stewart, Ursula Sims-Williams and Firoza Punthakey Mistree
Catalogue Design: Anjan Dey
Coordination: Vasundhra Sangwan
Senior Photographer and Photo-editing: Hariom Maurya
Publication: Shri K.K. S Deori
Production: Sanjib Kumar Singh
Production Assistance: Yogesh M. and Sachin Kumar
Cover Image: From Gilded silver dish with watery scenes, National Museum of Tehran
Frontespiece: The Battle of Rostam with Afrasiyab, Shahnameh, National Museum Delhi
Printed at: Creative Offset Press, Patparganj, New Delhi
Price: Rs. 300
MESSAGES
Dr. Najma A. Heptulla
Dr. Mahesh Sharma
Hon'ble Minister of Minority Affairs,
Government of India
Hon'ble Minister of State for Culture and Tourism (I/C)
and Civil Aviation, Government of India
The Ministry of Minority Affairs as an organisation is committed to providing
support and empowering the minority communities and creating an
environment for strengthening the multi-racial, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and
multi-religious character of our nation.
Originated more than 3000 years ago, Zoroastrianism is one of the oldest
religions of the World and much like the ancient Vedic culture, it was an oral
religion transferred from generation to generation through priests. There have
also been close similarities between Sanskrit and ancient Avestan language
which are both known to be one of the oldest languages of the world. In many
ways, there has been a deep connection between ancient India and ancient Iran
and it is not surprising that we cherish and celebrate it till date.
In 2014, UNESCO Parzor introduced the idea for organising the exhibition, The
Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination in India. This
initiative was then taken up by the Ministry and all support has been provided to
make this a successful project in India as we recognise the need to inform people
about the history and culture of our Parsi community.
The Parsis have been an integral part of India and have contributed immensely
to society over the past 1200 years. Unfortunately, over the years this community
has substantially reduced in number which has been a major cause for concern
for the Government of India. This exhibition on the history of the Zoroastrians
is a crucial initiative for India and was organised under the Hamari Dharohar
Programme of the Ministry of Minority Affairs.
The Everlasting Flame International Programme has been manifested in three
exhibitions at National Museum, National Gallery of Modern Art and the Indira
Gandhi National Centre for the Arts around this theme. I am grateful to all the
institutions and individuals who have lent their objects from across the world
to be showcased in these exhibitions and enabled us to share the history of the
Zoroastrians through objects from all over the world.
I would like thank the Government of India and the Ministry of Culture and
Ministry of Finance in particular for giving all their support and enthusiasm to
this project.
I hope this exhibition creates awareness among our citizens and others about the
significant history of the Parsi community among us and encourages people to
support the growth and culture of this community.
8
When the Ministry of Minority Affairs decided to sponsor this Exhibition
through their scheme Hamari Dharohar, I was pleased to extend all possible help
through the Institutions under the Ministry of Culture so that it could be a rich
and long standing partnership for the overall benefit of the people of India and
world heritage where India features prominently.
Originated in ancient Iran, a large number of Zoroastrian people travelled to
India in medieval times and landed in present day Gujarat which became the
core of the Parsi Community here. The contributions of the Parsis in India is well
known, from the arts to sciences and literature and most of all in philanthropy,
the Parsi Community has contributed a great deal to Indian people. I believe,
through this important exhibition, we are also celebrating these contributions.
By supporting such programmes we are not only bringing increased awareness
and appreciation for lesser known cultures but also highlighting that people
have always been related across continents and civilizations have developed in
conversation with each other.
I would like to thank Dr. Najma Heptullah, Hon’ble Minister of Minority
Affairs for supporting this project enthusiastically. It is symbolic of her deep
commitment to the cause of minorities in India. In a country like India which
is known for its plurality, we are proud to celebrate another ancient wisdom
which arrived in our country many centuries ago and continues to enrich our
knowledge systems.
9
Sanjiv Mittal
Baroness Valerie Amos
Director General, National Museum
Director, SOAS
In 2015, the Government of India announced that it will be supporting The Everlasting
Flame International Programme to showcase the contributions of the Zoroastrians to
world culture and history. The Everlasting Flame International Programme has been
manifested in three exhibitions at National Museum, National Gallery of Modern Art and
the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts around this theme. These Exhibitions have
been supported by the Ministry of Minority Affairs under their scheme Hamari Dharohar.
The Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism in history and imagination is the first SOAS
University of London exhibition to be taken on tour. It will be hosted at the National
Museum in Delhi, one of India’s largest museums.
The Exhibition at National Museum titled The Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism in
History and Imagination was first organized at SOAS, University of London, in 2013. It
presents viewers with a visual narrative of the history of Zoroastrianism from its ancient
Iranian roots to its emergence as the foremost religion of the Achaemenid and Parthian
empires and its consolidation as the state religion under Sasanians. The exhibition also
brings forth the influence of Zoroastrianism in Central Asia, China and other regions.
The Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism in history and imagination is organised
in collaboration with the British Library and UNESCO Parzor. The exhibition
will display objects from the British Museum, Victoria and Albert Museum, State
Hermitage Museum, Alpaiwalla Museum, Mumbai, Institute of Archaeology and
Afrasiyab Museum, Samarkand as well as loans from the British Library, other
libraries and private collections.
The theme of this exhibition is of particular interest in India as we have Parsi communities
among us and sharing their history through objects from all over the world is significant.
The Exhibition is unique and a first of its kind with over 42 lenders including the British
Library, British Museum, Victoria and Albert Museum, The Wellcome Trust, the John
Rylands Library, Ancient India and Iran Trust, The Zoroastrian Trust Funds of Europe
and the Warburg Institute in the UK; The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg and the
National Museum of Iran, Tehran, many of whom are lending to India for the first time.
Members of the Parsi Community in India and abroad have generously come forward and
lent objects to the Exhibition which truly marks their support for the initiative.
Visitors to the exhibition will be introduced to a fascinating and diverse collection of
artefacts, texts, paintings and textiles. These will be displayed alongside a number of
unique installations that include a walk-in fire temple.
I would like to thank SOAS, University of London, Parzor Foundation, the British Library
and the National Museum of Iran in particular for their immense support and cooperation
towards this exhibition as collaborators. I would also like to compliment the hard work put
in by the National Museum team, CPWD, Colin Morris Associates and Saurabh Sharma of
SOKU Designs without whom this project would not have culminated so wonderfully.
The support from the Ministry of Minority Affairs and Ministry of Culture was invaluable
in order to put together this large scale project. I wish to thank the Secretary, Minority
Affairs, Shri Rakesh Garg, Secretary, Ministry of Culture, Shri Narendra Kumar Sinha,
Joint Secretary, Minority Affairs, Shri Anurag Bajpai and Mr. Shahbaz Ali, CMD, National
Minorities Fund Development Corporation (NMFDC) and his team of managers for their
constant support in realizing the project.
I hope this exhibition and the supplementary catalogue enrich the visitor’s experience
and assist them to obtain a deeper understanding of the history and traditions of
the Zoroastrians.
10
The School received its Royal Charter as a College of the University of London in
June 1916 and this event marks our first centenary event.
The exhibition was first shown at SOAS' Brunei Gallery in 2013 in London to
widespread acclaim. The interest shown in the exhibition demonstrated a desire for
information and knowledge about Zoroastrianism.
Zoroastrianism, one of the oldest living faiths and one of Iran’s great contributions
to the history of human thought, has been studied at SOAS since 1929. A lectureship
was established in Ancient Iranian Studies, through annual Parsi benefactions, as
early as the 1930s. Harold Walter Bailey held the Parsee Community’s lectureship and
Walter Bruno Henning succeeded him; both were leading scholars in Iranian Studies.
However it was the late Professor Mary Boyce who put the university on the world
map of Zoroastrian Studies. She taught and carried out research at SOAS from 1947
until 1982, and made an extraordinary impact on the School and on her subject.
Since then, SOAS has had many distinguished scholars of Zoroastrianism and Iranian
Studies.
We are grateful to all those who have contributed to the mounting of our exhibition
in Delhi, which has been facilitated by the generous support of the Government
of India through the Ministry of Minority Affairs (MOMA). In particular I would
like to thank the Director and team at the National Museum, the Director and team
of Unesco Parzor, the institutions and private lenders who have provided the rich
content of the exhibition, the curators and advisors, and all those at SOAS who have
assisted in the successful staging of the exhibition.
11
Roly Keating
Dr. Shernaz Cama
Chief Executive, British Library
Director, UNESCO Parzor
It gives me great pleasure and satisfaction to be able to write this short prefatory
note for the supplementary catalogue to ‘Everlasting Flame: Zoroastrianism
in history and imagination’ at the National Museum of India, Delhi. This is a
project with which we at the British Library have been closely involved since the
exhibition was first planned in London in 2012. Not only does its opening in
Delhi celebrate our special relationship with the School of Oriental and African
Studies in their Centenary year, but it marks what we hope will be a continued
relationship with partner institutions in India on a range of projects that advance
knowledge and mutual understanding.
UNESCO Parzor is delighted that the world, in particular, the Government of
India, realizing the demographic predicament of the Parsi Zoroastrians of India,
has understood the threat to an ancient heritage and culture. All countries who
are signatories to UNESCO should protect such a community in the fields of
Tangible and Intangible Heritage.
The British Library is proud to have co-curated this exhibition under a
SOAS flag in collaboration with partner institutions, and to have contributed
a significant number of key loans, this being the first time it has ever loaned
material to an Indian institution. In addition to the world’s oldest Zoroastrian
prayer dating from the 9th century CE, and other important Zoroastrian sacred
texts, we are pleased to have lent two rare 15th century European illustrated
manuscripts which demonstrate the influence of Zoroastrianism and its visual
interpretation in the West. Other important British Library exhibits include
a fifth or sixth century Syriac manuscript and a Zoroastrian prayer book, the
first non-official publication to be have been printed in India in a vernacular
language.
The exhibition includes over 300 objects ranging from antiquity to the present
day originating from an area stretching from Europe to India, Central Asia, and
China. The diversity of the Zoroastrian faith truly reflects the multi-cultural
nature of the society in which we live today.
We are grateful that the Government of India has fully supported the
International Everlasting Flame Programme 2016. India has given shelter to
the Zoroastrian faith for over 1200 years. Founded by the Bronze Age Prophet
Zarathushtra of Iran, Zoroastrianism is the world’s oldest revealed religion.
Today the Parsi Zoroastrians are a distinct thread in the tapestry of India.
Across the world, the preservation of ethnicity, language, distinct dress and
lifestyles is a challenge in a globalizing world. Yet it is necessary to bind
the past with living practices, as done in the Exhibition “Everlasting Flame:
Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination.” This seminal exhibition brings
together Institutions and individuals from all parts of the world combining
academic scholarships as well as living history. Thus, it brings alive a complete
picture of an ancient civilization and its modern people.
The Government of India deserves great credit for its support to this “microminority,” culture under the Hamari Dharohar Programme of the Ministry of
Minority Affairs. The International Everlasting Flame Programme 2016, is one
more commitment of the Government through this Ministry, as well as the
Ministry of Culture. Here the importance of Zoroastrianism to humanity will
come alive in the National Capital, with SOAS, University of London bringing
the treasures of the British Museum, the British Library, National Museum,
Tehran and Institutions from across the world, to display Zoroastrian culture.
At this Programme, several countries and scholars from across the world will
also gather to discuss a heritage of great value to humanity in a Conference
Zoroastrianism in the New Millennium, at the National Museum Institute.
Today with a world that is rapidly homogenizing, identity struggles are often
problematic. The Parsi example of ‘Sugar in the Milk’ is one that the world needs
to study and appreciate our land India, for its care of this tiny group of refugees.
Mr. Sanjiv Mittal, Ms. Joyoti Roy, Mr. Kamlesh Sharma, Ms. Ruchira Verma and
all those at the National Museum, must be congratulated for their dedication to
excellence. I wish the Programme all success.
12
13
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
National Museum would like to thank our
institutional collaborators and all those whose
generosity and contributions have helped to
realize this project.
Sponsoring Institution
Ministry of Minority Affairs,
Government of India (MoMA)
Shri Rakesh Garg, Secretary
Shri A.K Antony, PS to Hon’ble Minister of
Minority Affairs
Shri Anurag Bajpai, Joint Secretary
Shri Ravi Kumar, Under Secretary
Collaborating Institutions
SOAS, University of London
Baroness Valerie Ann Amos, Director
Richard Black
Joanne Downey
Jahan Foster
Matthew Gorman
Almut Hintze
John Hollingworth
Chris Ince
Carol Miles
Nirmala Rao
Zeba Salman
Jane Savory
Sana Shah
Sarah Stewart
Jane Wood
Zöe Woodward
British Library
Baroness Tessa Blackstone, Chairman,
British Library Board
Catherine Eagleton
Roly Keating
Barbara O’Connor
Ursula Sims-Williams
Parzor Foundation
Shernaz Cama, Director
Kritika Mudgal
Niloufer Shroff
Vanshika Singh
14
National Museum of Iran, Tehran
Jabrael Nokendeh, Director
Masoumeh Ahmadi
Zahra Akbari
Shahrokh Razmjou
Zarir Cama
Farrokh Kavarana
Khojeste P. Mistree
Sherry and Kyresh Patel
Ervad Firdaus R. Pavri, Godavara Fire Temple
Ervad Rohinton Pavri, Maneckji Seth, Fire
Temple
Arnavaz Mistry
National Minorities Development
and Finance Corporation (NMFDC),
New Delhi
Mohd. Shahbaz Ali, Managing Director
Shri Kumar Sudesh, Manager, Finance
Shri Manoj Punia, Manager, Finance
Shri Anil Kumar, Manager, Projects/CMS and
Public Information
Lending Institutions
British Library, London (see above)
British Museum, London
Neil MacGregor, former Director
Tim Chamberlain
Jill Maggs
Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis
National Museum of Iran, Tehran (see above)
Victoria and Albert Museum, London
Martin Roth, Director
Hannah Kauffman
State Hermitage Museum,
St. Petersberg
Michail Piotrovsky, Director
Mariam Dandamaeva
Larisa Kulakova
Olga Ilmenkova
Pavel Lurje
Wellcome Trust, London
Rowan De Saulles
John Rylands Library, Manchester
Mark Furness
Warburg Institute, University of London,
London
Rapahel Mouren
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu
Sangrahalaya (CSMVS), Mumbai
Sabyasachi Mukherjee, Director General,
CSMVS
Manisha Nene
Ancient India and Iran Trust, London
Nicholas Sims-Williams, Chairman
Tata Archives
Freny Shroff
Farrokh Subedar
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
Yazdi H Desai
Kersi Randeria
Armaity Tirandaz
Noshir Dadrawalla
Zarir Bhatena
Viraf Mehta
Nivedita Mehta, Curator, F.D
Alpaiwalla Museum
Pheroza J Godrej, Hon. Director, F.D
Alpaiwalla Museum
Firoza Punthakey Mistree, Hon. Director,
F.D Alpaiwalla Museum
Zoroastrian Trust Funds of Europe (ZTFE),
London
Malcom Deboo, President
Rusi Dalal
Dorab Mistry
Royal Asiatic Society, London
Alison Ohta, Director
Thomas Heatherwick Studio
Ruth Daniels
Tata Services Limited, Mumbai and Tata
Central Archives, Pune
Ratan N Tata, Chairman-Emeritus, Tata Trusts,
Mumbai
Cyrus P Mistry, Chairman, Tata Sons Limited,
Mumbai
F K Kavarana, Chairman, Lady Tata Memorial
Trust, Mumbai
F N Subear, Chairman, Tata Services Limited,
Mumbai
R. Sriraman, Senior Officer, Administration
and Protocol
Frenny Shroff
Private Lenders
Zar Amrolia, Fareydoun Ave, Muncherji
Cama, Shernaz Cama, Sarosh Dinshaw, Bapsy
Dastur, Rusi Dalal, Farrokh Dubash, Ervad
Hormuz Dadachanji, Shernaz Engineer,
Fatema Soudavar Farmafarmaian, Pheroza
J Godrej, Hameed Haroon, Mehernosh
Heeramaneck, Almut Hintze, Aban Marker
Kabraji, Jai Khodiar,Vahid Kooros, Firoza
Punthakey Mistree, Rayomand Maneckshaw,
Homi Rainina, Rico & Feroza Rustomjee,
Daud Shah, Sanjay Soni, Ervad Burjor Antia,
Managing Trustee, Maneckji Seth Fire Temple,
Ervad Aspandiar Dadachanji, Ervad Faredun
Turel
Designers
Colin Morris Associates
Imad Amjad
David Barnett
Lesley Eden
Mahya Fatemi
Colin Morris
SOKU Designs
Saurav Sharma
Effects Tech
Sarosh Patel
Host Institution
National Museum, New Delhi
Sanjiv Mittal, Director General
R. P. Savita, Director, Conservation
P. K. Nagta, Director (Collections and
Administration)
K. K. S. Deori, Curator, Display
Vijay Kumar Mathur, Curator, Lecturing
and Education
Anamika Pathak, Curator, Decorative Arts
K. K. Sharma, Deputy Curator, Exhibition Cell
S.C. Jaswal, Senior Conservator
Kuldeep Prasad, Layout Artist
Ravi Kumar, Display Department
Shanker Sharma, Research Officer
Rige Shiba, Assistant Curator
Khatibur Rahman, Assistant Curator
Yogesh M., Assistant Curator
Arvind Rautela, Assistant Curator
Komal Pande, Assistant Curator
Zahid Ali Ansari, Assistant Curator
Kaustav Saikia, Assistant Curator
Priya, Artist
Rajesh Kumar Gupta, Hindi Translator
Biju Thankiappan, Director General’s office
O.P Khetrapal, Director General’s office
Vandana, Director General’s office
Surya Dev, Photo Officer
Hemant Kumar Tomar, Modeller
Shivkumar, Foreman
Dheeraj Kumar, Director General’s office
Nehru Memorial Museum library
S.K Shukla, Hindi Officer
Mrs. Anshu Gupta, Hindi Translator
Central Public Works Department (CPWD)
Central Industrial Security Forces (CISF)
Nitin Kumar Tyagi, DC
Mukta Raj, Inspector
Joyoti Roy, Outreach Consultant
Ruchira Verma, Young Museum Professional
Vasundhra Sangwan, Outreach Officer
Aditya Kumar Kanth, Senior Conservator
Hariom Maurya, Senior Photographer
Gopal Sharma, Volunteer
Smriti Malhotra, Intern Exhibition Cell
Ridham Seth, Intern Exhibition Cell
Manisha Singh, Typist Exhibition Cell
Nagendra Kumar, Computer Operator
Anju Gupta, Translator
Rani Kumari, Stenographer
Shailendra Prasad, Hindi Consultant, National
Museum Institute
15
INTRODUCTION
Sarah Stewart
SOAS, University of London
The announcement by the Minister of Finance,
Government of India, in the budget speech of March
2014 to sponsor the Everlasting Flame Programme
delighted many Parsis who were listening at the time.
For all those involved in the original exhibition, held in
the Brunei Gallery in 2013, their effort was rewarded
with a chance to take the exhibition on tour – the first
time a SOAS exhibition has left the confines of the
University of London. For those who supported the
exhibition in 2013 their generosity was rewarded by
the creation of a visual narrative that people elsewhere
in the world wished to see.
Taking the exhibition to India has given the curators
the opportunity to expand the collection to include
new objects, paintings and textiles that have been
described in a Supplement to the existing Catalogue,
published by the National Museum. The additional
material includes some original wall paintings from
Penjikent, introduced by Frantz Grenet, courtesy
of the State Hermitage in St. Petersburg. These are
drawn from several of the Rostam cycles depicting the
great Persian hero in combat either with demons or
warriors. Pavel Lurje describes the site of Penjikent and
its history. Rostam and his horse Rakhsh also feature
in the earliest written version of the Rostam Cycle, a
Sogdian fragment from Dunhuang, China, dating from
the ninth century CE.
Rostam in battle and having his wounds tended to by
the mythical bird, simorgh, is also the subject of two
illustrated folios from a copy of the Shahnameh in the
National Museum, Delhi. These have been selected
and researched by Khatibur Rahman. Different
manifestations of the simorgh (Pahl. senmurv) occur
throughout the exhibition (Catalogue 89, 109, 110,
116. Supplement 13, 15, 19, 23, 34). We are pleased
16
this time to include textile fragments from the
Victoria and Albert Museum, London, that depict
the senmurv in decorative pearl roundels. These are
discussed by Jenny Rose in her piece: Beasts, Real
and Imagined.
One of the more beautiful acquisitions for this
exhibition is the enameled reliquary casket from
Limoges. The casket portrays the biblical Wise Men
who made the journey to Bethlehem to worship the
Christ child. Formerly displayed in the exhibition
Wise Men from the East, Zoroastrian Traditions in
Persia and Beyond (British Museum, 2014). Vesta
Sarhkhosh Curtis and Almut Hintze discuss the
biblical account and its Iranian connections.
The exhibition has been greatly enhanced by loans
from the National Museum of Iran, Tehran. The
Sasanian silver dishes, in particular, complement
those that have been lent by the State Hermitage
Museum. Prudence Harper introduces this
collection – most of which is from the
Sasanian period.
Some additional and important manuscripts
have been loaned from the British Library. These
acquisitions elaborate on some of the themes of
the exhibition and have been researched by Ursula
Sims-Williams. They include an imperial copy of the
Shahnameh illustrated around 1613 in the studio of
the Mughal statesman Khankhanan ‘Abd al-Rahim.
She also introduces the coins from the Mughal
period of which the gold mohurs of Emperor
Akbar are particularly significant insofar as they
show the Zoroastrian month names. Ursula SimsWilliams and Firoza Punthakey Mistree discuss
the supposed encounter between the Zoroastrian
priest, Meherjirana, and the Emperor at the court of
Akbar. The Dasatir-i asmani sheds light on religious
beliefs current during the reign of the Emperor Akbar
through the eyes of the spiritual leader Azar Kayvan.
Firoza Punthakey Mistree gives an account of
the connection between the Parsi artist Pestonjee
Bomanjee, and the author Rudyard Kipling, through
Kipling’s Just So Stories for Little Children. She has
also contributed many captions on the new paintings,
textiles and furniture from Mumbai that we are
pleased to be able to display in the Delhi exhibition.
Some exquisite garas have been added to the
exhibition in Delhi. Shernaz Cama introduces these
in her piece on Parsi textiles and embroidery.
This exhibition would not have been possible
without the generous sponsorship of the Ministry of
Minority Affairs (MOMA), Government of India. We
are grateful to the National Museum and Director
General, Sanjiv Mittal, for hosting the exhibition.
Also for the time and effort devoted to the project by
the Museum’s dedicated Outreach team: Joyoti Roy,
Ruchira Verma, Vasundhra Sangwan, Rige Shiba
and K.K Sharma (Exhibitions). Joyoti Roy especially
should be warmly thanked for her role in liaising
between London and Delhi over many months to
make this a truly collaborative event.
There are many at SOAS who have contributed to the
success of the exhibition. In particular I would like to
thank our Director, Valerie Amos, School Secretary
Chris Ince, John Hollingworth, Galleries Manager,
and Jahan Foster, Exhibition Assistant. We also thank
Colin Morris and his team at CMA, our exhibition
designers, who have worked in collaboration with the
National Museum team and Soku Designs. We are
greatful to Anjan Dey for the design and layout
the catalogue.
I would like to thank my co-curators Firoza
Punthakey Mistree, Ursula Sims-Williams, Almut
Hintze, Pheroza Godrej and Shernaz Cama for all
their help and expertise. Ursula and Firoza have given
generously of their time to ensure the successful
production of the Supplementary Catalogue and
the installation of the exhibition in the National
Museum. I am also grateful to the Advisors to the
exhibition, Frantz Grenet, Philip Kreyenbroek, Alan
Williams, Jenny Rose and especially Vesta Sarkhosh
Curtis, who has helped to source the objects from the
National Museum of Iran, Tehran. Thanks are due to
the Bombay Parsi Punchayet for the restoration work
undertaken on the new loans of paintings, particularly
those from the Bhabha Sanatorium in Bandra.
Our gratitude to the Zoroastrian Trust Funds of
Europe and the Aequa Foundation for providing
the core funding for the 2013 exhibition in London,
as well as the Catalogue, should also be recorded
here. We are grateful to Dr Cyrus Poonawalla for
sponsoring the construction of the fire temple and
the Persepolis glass installation. Both were created
especially for the London exhibition and will be
shown again in Delhi.
We learned recently and with great sadness that our
former Director and Principal of SOAS, Professor Paul
Webley, passed away on 3rd March. Professor Webley
supported the Everlasting Flame project from its
inception, and its continuation is in large part due to his
advice and support. He was delighted to learn that the
exhibition would travel to Delhi.
17
3
THE SILK ROAD,
CENTRAL ASIA
AND CHINA
INTRODUCTION TO THE
PAINTINGS OF PANJIKENT
AND SAMARKAND
The Sogdian civilization, which flourished between
the 5th and the 8th centuries CE, covered most of the
territories of present day Uzbekistan and Tajikistan,
including the Sogdian colonies along the Silk Road.
This civilization and especially its Zoroastrian
component are mainly illustrated, on the one hand,
by its funerary art (ossuaries, decorated sarcophagi
and the funerary couches of Sogdian merchants in
Northern China), and on the other hand by mural
paintings found at the major sites of Samarkand,
Panjikent, Varakhsha near Bukhara, and Shahristan in
Ustrushana. Although many Sogdians in China did in
fact convert to Buddhism, it was persecuted at times
in Sogdiana itself, e.g. at Samarkand in the period of
Xuanzang's visit, and its art is rarely represented there.
Eastern Christianity and Manichaeism were better
tolerated, but so far no Christian or Manichaean
paintings have been identified in Sogdiana itself
(except for one possible case at Panjikent).
The site of Panjikent, a middle-size independent city
60 km to the east of Samarkand, has been intensively
excavated since 1947 by an expedition from the
Hermitage Museum and has provided by far the main
collection of Sogdian paintings, found in the two city
temples as well as in richly decorated private houses. 1
18
The subjects safely identified in Temple I seem to refer
rather to ‘canonical’ Zoroastrianism (the fire altar, the
goddess Druwasp, the Fravardegan and Abrezagan
festivals), while the divine images in Temple II
belong to the cult of the syncretic goddess Nana (of
ultimate Mesopotamian origin), and to her associate
Weshparkar (the Iranian god Vayu depicted in the
guise of the Indian god Shiva).
In the reception rooms of the private houses, the wall
facing the entrance is occupied by the image of the
deity, or divine couple that the family considered to
be its protector. These deities, including Weshparkar
and Nana, belong to the Zoroastrian pantheon with
a strong Indian influence in their iconography.
The identity of some of them (i.e. the very popular
couple of the ‘god with a camel’ and ‘goddess with a
ram’) is still disputed. The side walls illustrate stories
from the epics, with a band of self-contained panels
illustrating fables at the bottom. The epic repertoire is
suffused with Zoroastrian references for example the
Fravashis (guardian spirits) flying over a battle scene,
various flying creatures symbolizing the Farr (divine
glory) bringing fortune to heroes, and battles against
demons, etc. The only subjects so far identified in
Iranian literature belong to the cycle of Rostam: his
heroic deeds against the demons of Mazandaran (See
Supplement 1 and 2 below) and, according to a recent
proposal, 2 the episode of his son Faramarz freeing
an Indian princess who had been captured by a threeheaded demon (Supplement 3). FG
1 • Rostam fights an adversary
Panjikent, Tajikistan • c 740 CE • Wall-painting on dry
loess plaster • 105 x 195 cm
The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, SA-16223
One of the recently restored paintings from the
famous ‘Blue Hall’. The second register of the painting
is devoted to the epic of Rostam. This scene depicts
Rostam’s combat with an unknown character (a
demon or a warrior). The painting was located in
the northern part of the eastern wall, to the left of a
religious theme depicting the goddess Nana seated
on a lion. On the left, Rostam rides his red horse,
Rakhsh. He shoots an arrow into his enemy who holds
a spear with two hands, his shield hanging from his
chest. Under the horse’s hooves lies a slain warrior
and broken shield. This may represent a subsequent
episode showing the result of the combat with the
same enemy defeated. LYK
19
2 a • Translation
…[The demons] opened the city gates. Many archers,
many charioteers, many riding elephants, many riding
monsters, many riding pigs, many riding foxes, many
riding dogs, many riding on snakes and on lizards,
many on foot, many who went flying like vultures
and ..., many upside-down, the head downwards and
the feet upwards: they all bellowed out a roar, they
raised a mighty storm, rain, snow, hail, [lightning] and
thunder, they opened their evil mouths and spouted
fire, flame and smoke. They departed in search of the
valiant Rostam.
2 • A Sogdian fragment from the Rostam Cycle
Facsimile reproduction of British Library Or.8212/81
(Ch.00349) discovered at Dunhuang, China,
9th century CE
Then the observant Rakhsh came and woke Rostam.
Rostam arose from his sleep, quickly donned his
leopard-skin garment, tied on his bow-case, mounted
Rakhsh and hastened towards the demons. When
Rostam saw from afar the army of the demons, he said
to Rakhsh: Come, sir, run away little [by little]; let us
perform [a trick] so that the demons [pursue us] to the
flat [plain ...]. Rakhsh agreed. Immediately Rostam
turned back. When the demons saw, at once both the
cavalry and the infantry quickly hurled themselves
forward. They said to one another: Now the chief ’s
hope has been crushed; no longer is he prepared to do
battle with us. By no means let him escape! Do not kill
him either, but take him alive so that we may show
him evil punishment and harsh torture! The demons
encouraged one another greatly; they all howled
and departed in pursuit of Rostam. Then Rostam
turned round and attacked the demons like a fierce
lion attacking a deer or a hyena attacking a flock or
herd, like a falcon attacking a [hare or] a porcupine
attacking a snake, and he began [to destroy] them ...
NS-W
overleaf
3 • A king enthroned
Panjikent, Tajikistan • c 740 CE • Wall-painting on dry
loess plaster • 140 x 114 cm
The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, SA-16190
This fragment from a reception hall depicts the final
scene of the rescue of a girl kidnapped by a demon.
The king is seated cross-legged on a golden throne
under an arch. He holds an axe in his right hand and
his left hand is pointing towards a kneeling couple,
a young champion with the girl he has rescued.
The armour of a defeated demon, a trophy, lies
near the throne. To the right of the arch stands the
hero Rostam in his leopard skin. Scholars formerly
believed that this scene depicted the story of Rostam’s
daughter Zar-banu but recent scholarship has
attempted to identify the young hero as Faramarz,
the son of Rostam. 3 LYK
This Sogdian fragment is almost certainly by the
same scribe as the Ashem Vohu fragment (Catalogue
27). It describes how the hero Rostam and his horse
Rakhsh together destroy a band of demons by
pretending to flee and then attacking them while they
were unprepared. This episode does not occur in the
Persian epic the Shahnameh, but may correspond to
one of the scenes depicted in the Rostam cycle from
Panjikent in Sogdiana (Supplement 1 above). NS-W
20
21
THE AMBASSADORS’
PAINTING AT SAMARKAND
The cycle of the ‘Ambassadors’ Painting’ at
Samarkand presents a unique portrayal of the
Nowruz (New Year) festival. The painting was
discovered in 1965 at Afrasiab, the pre-Mongol site
of Samarkand. It decorated the four walls (each 11
metres long) of an aristocratic house. While this was
probably not the royal palace, the subject matter of
the paintings was clearly inspired by the propaganda
of Varkhuman, king of Sogdiana, known to have
ruled in the 650’s and early 660’s. As recognized
recently 4, the inspiration for the murals may have
been the calendar conjunction which occurred in 660
and 663 as a result of which the summer solstice, the
6th day of Nowruz (the ‘royal’ day) and the ‘Dragon
Boats’ festival coincided. This would have allowed
King Varkhuman to be portrayed presiding over the
harmony of nations, possibly reminiscent of Yima,
legendary king of universal peace, who was supposed
to have celebrated Nowruz at the summer solstice.
The western wall, facing the entrance, shows the
reception in an open air ceremony of ambassadors
bearing gifts at Nowruz. The upper part of the
painting showing the ambassadors destination is
missing, but is generally thought to have depicted
King Varkhuman on his throne (another part of the
panel reproduces the text of his dialogue with an
envoy). Other suggestions for this missing section
have included Sogdian gods or Turkish overlords
24
— not, however, possible at this period. Indeed many
Turkish guards are seen attending the ceremony, but
their presence can be explained by their military
importance in all Sogdian principalities. The identified
ambassadors come from the neighbouring kingdoms
of Sogdiana’s main ally China, and Tibet. Koreans are
also included as part of the Chinese delegation.
The southern wall (Supplement 4) shows the procession
on the sixth day of Nowruz.
The eastern wall, poorly preserved, shows scenes from
India, probably including tales. At the end on the lefthand side two astrologers are discussing in front of an
armillary sphere.
The northern wall contains scenes from Chinese court
life: the empress taking part in the ‘Dragon Boats’
festival, the emperor presiding over a panther hunt. FG
4 • The southern wall of the Ambassadors’
Painting
Digitised print on plastic copied from original
wall-painting, c. 660-63 CE • Afrasiab, Uzbekistan
North East History Foundation, Korea
The southern wall of the ‘Ambassadors’ Painting’
from Samarkand shows the procession on the
sixth day of Nowruz (New Year) when the king
and his retinue processed to the mausoleum of his
parents situated to the East of the city walls. This
ritual is described in Chinese records on the Chach
(Tashkent) kingdom and is also briefly mentioned in
connection with Samarkand.
From right to left we see King Varkhuman (oversized
and largely destroyed) with riders, possibly including
ambassadors; sacrificial animals (a horse and four
geese) brought by figures, possibly priests, wearing
the padam (mouth covering); two courtiers riding
camels and holding sacrificial clubs; three royal
spouses riding side-saddle (the one at the top is
missing); an elephant, which probably carried the
queen; and the royal mausoleum with various figures
standing in front, including a warrior. FG
5 a-f. • Biya-Naiman ossuary fragments
Biya-Naiman, Uzbekistan • 7th century • Baked clay •
27 x 27 cm (5a) Catalogue 38; 13.5 x 13 cm (5b) Catalogue 40; 19.5 x 22 cm (5c) Catalogue 39; 20 x 15.5 cm
(5d); 19.5 x 15 cm (5e); 29 x 23 cm (5f).
The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, CA-2918 (225);
CA-2822 (226); CA-2765 (227) CA-2976; CA-2977; CA-2873.
object resembling a key. Fragment CA-2765 (5c)
shows a crowned female figure holding a pestle and
mortar, and an object with two rods sticking up from
it. On her left a partially preserved figure holds an
incense-burner. Fragment CA-2822 (5b) depicts a
male figure holding an incense burner with his left
hand resting on a sword with an animal-headed
hilt. Fragment CA-2873 (5f) shows the three figures
described above together. Fragments CA-2976 (5d)
and CA-2977 (5e) show a male figure with a shovel
under his left hand and an object in his right hand
and to his right, a female figure holding a plant.
Despite these six figures appearing to be the result of
a single craftsman and fitting the theme of Grenet’s
widely accepted idea, namely the depiction of the six
Amesha Spentas, there are no existing fragments of
ossuaries where the two last figures were depicted
together with the four other ones, and so the
reconstruction remains disputable. LYK
In 1908 about 700 fragments of terracotta ossuaries
and their covers were found at Biya-Naiman,
near Kata-Kurgan on the way from Bukhara to
Samarkand. They were discovered by N.B. Kastal’sky
(1868-1943), a military engineer resident in
Samarkand, an amateur and local historian and a
well-known collector of antiquities. The ossuary was
originally decorated on four sides by a repeated motif
which Frantz Grenet has suggested (Catalogue, pp.
22-23) represents six deities, the six Amesha-Spentas,
divine Zoroastrian beings, each holding a ritual
implement. Fragment CA 2918 (5a) shows a female
figure holding a covered vessel and a crenellated
25
THE EXCAVATION OF
PANJIKENT
The site of Panjikent (early medieval Panchkath) is
located near the modern town of the same name in
Tajikistan. The ruins represent the easternmost town
of Sogdiana, its capital Samarkand being 60 km to the
west. Owing to the preservation of the archaeological
site and 70 years continuous work by archaeologists
from St. Petersburg and Tajikistan, it has become the
best known early medieval monument in Central
Asia. The city prospered between the 5th and 8th
centuries CE. In 722 it was conquered by the Arabs
but revived again before being abandoned in the
760s. The moderately sized city, with a population
of not more than 10,000, consisted of a walled inner
town, a citadel with a palace, surrounded by village
houses and a necropolis to the south. The latter
comprised elevated vaults (nauses) in which ossuaries
were placed. At the centre of the city were two
9 • Entrance (ivan) to the temple
Reconstruction by B.I. Marshak and V.G. Shkoda
7 • Panjikent aerial photo, view from the
east, 2014.
Photograph: P. Lurje
temples, identical in form and development, located
next to one another. The temple area consisted of a
cella with a monumental portal in the west, a huge
yard surrounded by secondary chapels and porticoes.
For a short period one of the temples included
a secondary fire-sanctuary. The temples, palaces
and many private houses had decorated reception
areas. They were adorned with the wooden carved
ceilings and wall paintings, which have made ancient
Panjikent so famous.
8 • B.I. Marshak (with grandson) and restorer
G.I. Ter-Oganian at the sculpture of lion, 1991
Photograph: V.I. Raspopova from the archive of Panjikent
expedition.
6 • Reception hall of a prosperous house owner,
Panjikent
Reconstruction by B.I. Marshak, S. Gil’ and R. Vafeev.
26
10 • Wall-painting of lower palace in situ,
2012
Photograph: M.B. Gervais.
The wall paintings from Panjikent have been
preserved through the efforts and expertise of
restorers who established a unique method for
removing and preserving this fragile material. Their
skills in conservation and their understanding of
this unique example of medieval art were developed
during 70 years of excavation, together with new
archaeological and documentary methods. During
the first seven years excavations were undertaken
by Alexander Yu. Yakubovsky, who was succeeded
by Mikhail M. Diakonoff in 1954 and then by
Alexander M. Belenitsky, and later Boris I. Marshak
until his death in 2006. All of them made exceptional
contributions to the understanding of the site. The
present author has directed excavations since 2010;
every year we encounter new, and often astonishing
examples of wall painting. PL
11 • Tomb of B.I. Marshak (1933-2006) at the
site of Panjikent
Photograph: U. Sims-Williams
27
BEASTS, REAL AND
IMAGINED
At the Ancient Persian palace complex of Persepolis,
lions (or leonine-like creatures), bulls, and griffins
appear in various contexts (Catalogue 63, 64, 67, 72,
73), including the double-headed stone capitals atop
the tall columns of the Apadana. Griffins also appear
on the Apadana tribute relief: Armenian envoys carry
a tall, beak-spouted vessel, with a griffin on each of
the two handles: and the Lydian delegation bears an
armlet with a griffin at each end. The Oxus treasure
contained gold examples of such an armlet, depicting
elaborate horned griffins, with their paws extended,
as on the stone capitals of Persepolis, and with
unfurled wings.
Such animal protomes also formed the forepart of
rhytons found in both Achaemenid and Parthian-era
locations. One variation of rhyton depicted the animal
with wings, including lions (Catalogue 176). Such
real or hybrid animals seem to have been perceived
as symbols of royal power - a connection that reflects
Near Eastern concepts. This association, along with
the iconography, endures into the Sasanian period
and beyond.
It has been suggested that the inspiration for the
hybrid dog-headed, dog-pawed, winged, and feather-
tailed animal, which is commonly identified as the
senmurv, may be found in some of these Achaemenid
precursors. 5 This polymorphous ‘senmurv’ first
appears in a late 5th - or early 6th - century mural
in Temple II at Panjikent, 6 and is then found, with
subtle variations, in late Sasanian, early Islamic and
even Byzantine iconography; sometimes the front
legs are leonine, and the tail may be like a peacock’s,
or scaled like a fish (Catalogue 87, 88, 89). The image
is replicated as a motif on the caftan of one of the
eastern Iranian delegates depicted in the 7th century
mural on the western wall of the palace at Afrasiab,
and on textiles from Central Asia (Supplement 13) 7.
One of the Avestan hymns describes the ‘great bird
Saena’ (Yt. 14.41), and it is from the compound term
‘Saena meregha’ (Saena bird) that the Middle Persian
senmurv, and the Persian simorgh both derive. The
Middle Persian Zoroastrian texts Bundahishn and
Vizidagiha i Zadspram both contain passages that
draw parallels between the senmurv and the bat. 8 This
may be because of the composite mammal-bird nature
of each animal, the one real, the other mythical. 9 In
both Zoroastrian texts and in Ferdowsi’s New Persian
Shahnameh, which re-tells Iranian national history
up to the end of the Sasanian period, the senmurv is
always a bird. Post-Mongol versions of the Shahnameh
often represent the senmurv/simorgh with aspects that
reflect Chinese dragon or phoenix imagery (Catalogue
113). JR
12 • Panel, carved bone, from a casket depicting
a griffin
Byzantine or Italy • 11th century • Carved bone • 6.2 x 4.8
(bottom) 4.7 cm (top)
Victoria and Albert Museum, A.74-1925
The panel depicts a seated bird-like creature, with two
paws and a slender animal's head, its feathered tail and
wings standing erect. There are remains of gilding on
the tail and wings. There are several holes pierced in the
plain border and ground, one of which contains an ivory
pin. The plaque was originally part of a casket which was
decorated with mythical and real creatures. JF
28
29
below
13 • Patterned silk fragment with large senmurv
in roundel
Iran or Central Asia • 8th century • Weft-faced compound silk twill • 36.5 x 54.3 cm max
right
14 • Fragment, yellow and green compound silk
twill with confronted lions in roundels
Possibly Bukhara, Uzbekistan • 800-1000 CE • Pattern
woven polychrome silk • 48 x 27.5 cm
Victoria and Albert Museum, 8579-1863
Victoria and Albert Museum, 763-1893
This silk fragment was found in the reliquary of the
head of St Helena in the church of St Leu in Paris.
The pearled circles and crescent roundels are seen as
symbols related to Sasanian royal imagery. Common
mythical beasts in Sasanian mythology included
winged horses and lions, but the most prominent was
the senmurv, part bird/part beast, originating from
both ancient Babylonian and Assyrian cultures and
the sea-horse of Greek art. With the conquest of Iran
by the Arabs, the designs of Sasanian workshops were
included in their own silk weavings. At this time
Greek art had already been incorporated into relics
from the Sasanian dynasty, and more particularly
Islamic textile arts. JF
This silk textile belongs to a group of Central Asian
textiles previously referred to as ‘Zandaniji’. 10 Similar
textiles have been found in Western European
cathedrals from the medieval period, and in the east.
These textiles illustrate the breadth of the silk trade
and the extent to which they were valued in East
and West. Unlike other textiles this one incorporates
design influenced by Sasanian art. JF
15 • Fragment of polychrome patterned silk with
senmurvs
Possibly Iran or Turkey • 8th- 9th century • Pattern
woven silk • 29 x 31.3 cm
Victoria and Albert Museum, 761-1893
This silk fragment, showing the senmurv enclosed
in a roundel of pearls, was found in the tomb of a
bishop in Verdun Cathedral, France. It is possible
that complete fragments were taken, pieced together
then sold as a more complete item. The scope of the
trade route between China and the Mediterranean,
and the flourishing of relations with foreign powers,
impacted upon the stylistic development of Sasanian
art. 11 The discovery of this fragment and the
existence of imported silks in European churches and
tombs, illustrates the extent to which patterned silks
were both desired by European rulers and valued for
religious uses, such as wrapping relics. JF
30
31
4
JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN
WORLD
THE MAGI
‘Now when Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judaea in
the days of Herod the king, behold there came magoi
from the east to Jerusalem, saying, “Where is he that
is born King of the Jews? For we have seen his star in
the east, and are come to worship him”.’
This is how the Gospel of Matthew, dating to the late
1st century CE, introduces the account of the visit
of the Wise Men. The word magoi used by Matthew
to refer to them is an Iranian technical term for a
Zoroastrian priest. The word is found both in the
Avesta, the sacred texts of the Zoroastrians and in
the great rock-cut Old Persian inscription of Darius
the Great at Bisitun in western Iran. After the Persian
king defeated the rebel Gaumata in 520 BCE, he
described him in the inscription as a magush. It also
occurs on clay tablets from Persepolis, dating from
the years 509–494 BCE. The ancient Greek historian
Herodotus mentions magi when describing the
ancient Persians in the middle of the 5th century
BCE, and a century later the Greek author Xenophon
refers to Persian magi as authorities in all religious
matters.
Matthew wrote his Gospel in Antiochia, a city
known as a centre where Zoroastrian traders and
travellers formed a community. The memory of the
Iranian provenance of the Magi lives on in Christian
art where they are usually dressed in the elaborate
Parthian costume of belted tunic or jacket, trousers
with a vertical decorated central strip and a cloak.
A soft hat covers the head. It is also fascinating to
observe how some portrayals of the nativity scene
show the hand(s) of the first magush covered when
presenting his gift. This is clearly a sign of respect
and piety, also found on the ancient Persian tomb
reliefs of Naqsh-i Rostam near Persepolis to Sasanian
rock-reliefs of the 3rd century CE and up to 19thearly 20th century Qajar art. In Zoroastrianism, the
covering of the hands is also common in religious
32
ceremonies. Matthew’s account does not refer to
the number of magi, but be does mention three
gifts which they offer to the new-born Christ: gold,
myrrh and frankincense. From this the later tradition
derived that there were three magi.
The Iranian connection of the magi also lives on in
the name Caspar/Gaspar/Jaspar, one of the three
Wise Men in the Christian tradition. The name
derives from Iranian Gondophares/Vindafarnah
meaning ‘he who is finding glory’ and was used by a
series of local rulers of the Indo-Parthian Kingdom
in the region of present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan
and northwestern India during and just before the
1st century CE. Eastern Iran is the land in which the
eschatological events of the Zoroastrian religion are
located and where the religion was thought to have
been particularly strong. In particular, the future
saviour, or Saoshyant, is predicted in the Avesta to
emerge from Lake Hamun in Sistan in order to defeat
Evil and resurrect the dead. VSC & AH
16 • Enamelled reliquary casket
Limoges, France
c 1250 CE, Late Medieval period • Gold, enamel, copper
• 20.1 x 18.3 x 8.9 cm
British Museum 1855 1201.8
Persian and Zoroastrian imagery has often been
used to portray the biblical Wise Men or Three
Kings, who came from the East. In the top register,
they are shown on horseback following the first king
who is pointing with his right index finger towards
the star on his left. The scene below shows them
on foot presenting their gifts to the infant Jesus
and his mother Mary. The hand of the first king is
covered as a sign of respect and piety in the Persian
and Zoroastrian tradition. In both scenes they wear
Persian tunics and trousers. Geometric decorations
cover the back of the casket and the image of a
full-length saint decorates the end panels. VSC
33
5
IMPERIAL IRAN
ON THE USE OF THE
BARSOM IN
ZOROASTRIANISM
‘… I long for this barsom with the libation in the
Yasna’. 12 So ends the first verse of the second of the
72 chapters of the Yasna proper, the central act of
priestly worship in Zoroastrianism. In the ceremony,
the barsom tays refer to the thin metal rods that are
laid across the crescent-shaped stands, mah-ruy, and
placed on the ritual table. In earlier times the barsom
(Av. baresman) consisted of a bundle of twigs, which
were watered by the zot, or ritual priest, during the
ritual – a custom that persists to this day despite the
change from wood to metal.
The priest invokes the seven divine beings of Ahura
Mazda’s creation, Amesha Spentas, early on in the
Yasna. Through the doctrine of the Amesha Spentas
the menog, or spiritual world is linked to the getig,
or material world by means of the ritual implements
used in the ceremony. The barsom represents the
plant creation in the ritual, brought into being
by Ameretat, the Amesha Spenta associated with
Immortality. At the same time priestly ritual is linked
to lay devotional life. Therefore, while priests use
the plant in the sacred ritual, it is incumbent on all
Zoroastrians to nurture plants and trees since they
are one of the material creations of Ahura Mazda.
In the Yashts, hymns addressed to the
pre-Zoroastrian and Zoroastrian divinities of the
ancient world, the baresman is associated with the
sacrifice. In Yt. 5.98 the divinity Aredvi Sura Anahita
is described as one: ‘... round whom stood the Mazda
worshippers with baresman in their hands’. 13 The
word baresman here could refer to the grass straw
spread beneath the feet of the sacrificial animal,
which according to ancient usage also acted as a
seat for the divinity who was thought to descend to
partake of the sacrifice.
34
Once Zoroastrianism enters recorded history there
are some specific references to the barsom. The Greek
author Strabo, writing in the first century BCE,
mentions enclosures where magi keep their sacred
fires ever-burning and who:
… entering daily, they make their incantations for
about an hour, holding before the fire their bundle of
rods, and wearing upon their heads high turbans of felt
which reach down over their cheeks far enough to cover
their lips. 14
This description corresponds with stone carvings
of magi from the Seleucid and Arsacid era. It also
accords well with Achaemenid depictions such as
those on the gold rectangular plaques that belong
to the Oxus Treasure. An example is the male figure
shown on the gold plaque below (Supplement 17)
holding the barsom.
Some five hundred yeas after the Arab conquest
of Iran, the barsom was evidently a ritual that was
practiced by Zoroastrians and recognized as such by
Muslims. The tenth/eleventh century poet Ferdowsi
makes mention of the barsom in his epic the
Shahnameh. Following the battle between Khosrow
Parviz and Bahram Chubineh the latter flees to the
Emperor of China stopping on the way at the house
of an old woman to ask for bread and water:
… Yalan-Sineh handed the barsom to Bahram, but
he was so sunk in sorrow that he forgot to observe the
ritual silence while eating. 15
In another story a miller gives refuge to the last
Sasanian King, Yazdegird III, when fleeing from the
Arab invaders. The King asks for barsom to hold
while saying grace before a meal (reciting the dron
Yasht) thus identifying himself as a Zoroastrian,
which leads to his death. 16 SS
17a • Gold plaque from Oxus treasure showing
figure holding the barsom
Probably Takht-i Kuwad, Tajikistan • 5th - 4th century
BCE, Achaemenid period • Gold • 15 x 7.5 cm
British Museum 123949
This gold plaque shows a male figure wearing a belted
tunic and trousers in keeping with priestly attire
and holding the bundle of rods, barsom (baresman),
in his right hand. His head is covered with a soft
hood with neck and mouth guard. The latter could
have served as the padam. He carries a short sword,
akinakes, at his right side. Embroidered bands run
down the length of the tunic and are also shown at
the wrist. On the western façade of the Palace of
Darius at Persepolis peoples coming from the north
or northeast to pay tribute to the king wear costumes
with similar decoration. The large number of
rectangular plaques that belong to the Oxus Treasure
suggests that their purpose was votive and that they
probably belonged to a fire temple. 17 VSC
35
17b • Chased silver statuette of man in Persian
costume holding barsom
Probably Takht–i Kuwad, Tajikistan • 5th - 4th century
BCE, Achaemenid period • Silver, gold • 14.8 cm
British Museum 123901
The figure wears the long Persian dress similar to
the costume of the ancient Persian kings and nobles
on the reliefs at Persepolis. His headdress consists
of a cap with a band tied around it. Part of his hair,
eyebrows, beard and moustache are indicated by
incised lines, which also appear on the upper part
of his dress. The flower in his left hand is probably
a stylised lotus flower. His costume is very different
from that of the priestly figures on the gold plaques.
VSC
SASANIAN SILVER
The history of gilded silver vessels made in the
Sasanian Near East begins in the third and early
fourth centuries CE with an initially restricted, statecontrolled production. The typology of shapes is
limited and the themes, narrowly focused, celebrate
Iranian rule and kingship, epic and historical. By the
fifth century the production has expanded and new
shapes appear displaying a greater range of images
and themes.18 How to interpret the new motifs is a
challenging question, complicated by the fact that
many of the designs closely follow Greco-Roman
models. That Zoroastrian rather than Greco-Roman
concepts and beliefs governed the selection of images
is probable in a society governed by the elite classes
for whom the unity of Church and State, of religion
and royalty, was an ideal expressed in the double
image on coins of an altar superimposed on a throne.
No convincing evidence supports theories that
identify certain images on the silver vessels as
representations of specific Zoroastrian sacred
beings who are portrayed in Sasanian art only on
the dynastic rock reliefs and on occasional coins.
Nevertheless the Zoroastrian vision of an ordered
and stable world and cosmos seems to be reflected
in the composition of the designs, and the motifs
accord with Zoroastrian beliefs in the richness and
fullness of life. The decorated vessels were probably
more than luxury objects made of precious metal
although the weights inscribed on many of them
attest to the importance of their material value.
As important must have been their symbolic
significance as celebrations of Iranian rule and of the
Zoroastrian world view.19 We can wonder too about
the references to khvarnah, the Heavenly Glory and
Fortune, occasionally depicted on them in the form
of a supernatural creature.
In any consideration of Sasanian silver vessels it
is important to distinguish between the central
Sasanian realm, with its royal courts and great cities
in Iran and Mesopotamia, where the silver described
above was produced, and the Sasanian borderlands.
The stucco wall decoration found at a fifth century
site near Bandian, north of Meshed, attests to the
existence in the northeast of a culture in which
specific Zoroastrian cult ceremonies, not seen on
works made in the central Sasanian lands, were
portrayed.20 Various objects, coins, wall paintings,
and clay ossuaries, produced in the Kushan Bactria
and Sogd, provide clear evidence that Zoroastrian
religious imagery, including the personifications of
divine beings, existed in the arts of the Hellenized
northeastern lands. The possibility exists, therefore,
that silver vessels executed in Sasanian style and
technique displaying a more openly Zoroastrian
corpus of images may yet be found in border areas
in the Hellenized East or in the Roman West. PH
19 • Bowl with a hunting scene and a simorgh
Late 6th – first half of the 7th century CE • Silver, gilding
• Diameter 13.4 cm
State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. 57 21
18 • Throne leg (Parthian)
Turkmenistan • 2nd century BCE • Ivory
State Hermitage Museum SA-15047
Fragments of this throne-leg were found in the 1930s
on the site of Old Nisa, which scholars consider a
centre of the dynastic cult of Parthian Arsacid kings.
The leg, decorated with acanthus leaves and a lion’s
foot on a bell-shaped base, was probably part of a
throne. Similar fragments have been found at sites in
Macedonia, the Levant, Southern Urals, Bactria
and Chorasmia. PL
36
The outside of this hemispherical bowl is adorned
with characteristic Sasanian scenes. In the centre is
a simorgh with its tongue sticking out, dog’s paws,
scales on its breast and a magnificent tail. On the
sides are two hunters, one of them in pursuit of
a lion, the other chasing a bear. The hunters and
animals are separated by small decorative bushes.
This bowl was found in the Caucasus in 1895,
not far from the town of Grozny. It belonged to a
private individual, after whose death in 1909 it was
purchased for the Imperial Hermitage Museum. MD
37
20 • Dish with a goddess on a panther
Last quarter of the 3rd century CE • Silver • 23 cm
21 • King hunting a lion
Klardasht, Mazandaran • Silver • 28.6 cm
State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. S-74 Nizhne Shakarovka 22
National Museum, Tehran Acc. No. 1275
At the centre of the dish is a relief image of a naked
goddess riding a panther or lioness. Behind her is
another woman holding a horn. Surrounding the
large central medallion are six smaller ones, each
containing an animal protome – a bear, horse, zebu,
lioness, boar and lion.23 Between the medallions are
running warriors, beneath whose feet are acanthus
leaves and half-palmettes. As was usual for decorative
metalwork, the craftsman used the whole surface,
leaving no space between images.
Allegedly found in Mazandaran this plate displays
the image of a princely or royal equestrian hunter
shooting lions, considered by Zoroastrians to be
a noxious creation of Ahriman but an ancient
and prestigious quarry for ruler-hunters in the
art of the Near East. The unusual headdress of the
hunter is somewhat similar to early headdresses
worn by figures whose images are scratched on
Persepolis building stones but is unlike any crowns
or headdresses worn by early Sasanian kings as
they appear on the coins.24 This fact and the odd
twisted position of the hunter may support the
suggestion that the scene is epic/heroic in nature
rather than being a standard Sasanian expression of
royal prowess and invincibility, the theme of most
central Sasanian hunting plates. Also unusual is the
extensive landscape pattern, an image of nature,
which may have placed the scene for some viewers in
a Zoroastrian paradisiacal environment of mountains
and sweet smelling plants. PH
This is one of the earliest known examples of
Sasanian metalwork. It includes foreign elements
alongside Sasanian motifs. Some of the animal
protomes symbolise Zoroastrian deities, while the
decorative ornamentation –such as the figures of
warriors – clearly reflect western, Roman influences.
A goddess on a lion was a widespread subject in art
of the Near East.
In technical terms the dish is typical of Sasanian
metalwork in which layers were added to achieve a
higher relief. It consists of two layers of metal, the
upper layer chased with images, while some details
such as parts of the warriors’ bodies were made
separately and welded on.
On the outside of the dish is a Middle Persian
inscription: ‘weight 253 drachmas, property of
Pirozan.’
The dish was part of a hoard of several objects found
in 1886 in Perm Province. It entered the Imperial
Hermitage Museum in 1891 via the Archaeological
Commission. MD
38
39
22 • Gilded silver horn rhyton
Stalakhjan, Jilan • 4th century BCE • Gilded silver
National Museum, Tehran Acc. No: 3995
Found in Iran and dating from around the fourth
century BCE, this pouring vessel is in the form of
a horse protome which emerges from a lotus and
palmette pattern. The horn then expands as it rises
to the rim where there is a once-gilded lotus and bud
pattern. A spout placed between the bent forelegs
which are made of separate pieces of metal, allowed the
wine to pass as a stream from the vessel. This type of
rhyton was an immensely popular ceremonial and cult
vessel in the Greco-Roman West and in the Achaemenid,
Seleucid and Parthian Near East. 25 Decorated with
various animals (felines, caprids bovines and stags) as
well as fantastic creatures, the horn rhyton appears in
the arts of the Hellenized world in scenes of banquet
and libation. It is, therefore, somewhat surprising
that there is so little evidence of the horn rhyton in
the following Sasanian period. Perhaps the many cult
associations of the vessel discouraged its wider use in
a Sasanian Zoroastrian environment where meals were
solemn, indeed sacred, occasions and cult activities
were rarely portrayed. PH
opposite
23 • Vase rhyton with females
Iran • 7th century • Silver
National Museum, Tehran Acc. no. 500-2500
In a common theme on Sasanian silver vases and
ewers, dancing female figures, sometimes nude and
sometimes clothed, are placed within arched frames
and hold specific objects: fruit, flowers, animals,
children, vessels and cornucopias. The images are
related to representations of the Seasons and Months
in Greco-Roman art. 26 While the appearance of the
scenes on Sasanian silver vessels indicates influences
from the art of the Hellenized West, the importance
in Zoroastrian Iran of the divinely inspired and
constructed calendar with its arrangement of festivals
and celebrations in the days and months of the year
40
made it an appropriate theme for the decoration of
the court silver vessels. The small musicians and the
dancing pose of the ladies on the silver vessels may
be explained by the large role of music in Zoroastrian
celebrations and concepts of Paradise, the House
of Song.
The arched setting in which the figures are placed
suggests that a significant action is portrayed, an
idea supported in this instance by the presence of a
so-called senmurv (probably an image of khvarenah
(Glory/Fortune)) on the base. The two monstrous
leonine heads which form the spouts are not
unlike the earlier stucco lion spout from Hajiabad
(Catalogue 339). PH
41
24 • Gilded silver dish with watery scenes
Rasht, Gilan • Silver
National Museum, Tehran Acc. No. 4115
Elaborate water scenes of this type are rarely
depicted on the Sasanian silver plates that have
survived although many minor vessels refer in their
decoration to the watery world of fish and birds.
The distant model for this more elaborate scene is
probably some version of Nilotic imagery a subject
which was popular in the art of the late east Roman
world. On Roman examples, fishermen in boats spear
and net fish, the varieties depicted in considerable
detail, among occasional water monsters, Nilotic
plants and Nereids. 27 Another subject depicted on
Roman silver vessels is Oceanus, a personification of
the world ocean, accompanied by Nereids, Tritons
and hybrid sea monsters. 28 In contrast to these
crowded and often chaotic ‘natural’ scenes, the
Sasanian representations are simplified and ordered
although they are also, in all probability, a celebration
of the fertility of the waters, a most sacred element in
the Zoroastrian universe.
The neat quartering of the plate’s surface is
apparent in the placement of the four boats and
by the arrangement of the apparently benevolent
supernatural creatures, combinations of animal fish
and bird. The small nude ‘swimmers’, in two cases
winged, also place the scene in an other-worldly
perhaps paradisiacal environment.
The life-giving significance of Water for Zoroastrian
believers is evident in Zoroastrian creation accounts
concerning the sea Vourukasha and the flat plate at
its center from which mountains arise. 29 On this
plate the central disc may refer to the earth, the
habitat of the guinea fowl appearing on it. Certainly
an expression of the richness and fertility of the
waters, the scene on the gilded silver plate may also
have paradisiacal and cosmological significance. PH
42
25 • Dish with Bahram Gur and Azada
Late 6th – first half of the 7th century • Silver, traces of
gilding • 21.7 cm
26 • Bronze plaque
Hamadan • Bronze • 3 x 35 cm
State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. 252 30
National Museum of Iran, Tehran 1391
Much of the surface of this dish is occupied by a rider
on a camel. He pulls back his bow to release arrows at
fast-running gazelles, three bucks and a doe. One of
his arrows has cut through the antler of a buck while
two others have pierced the doe’s forehead, giving
her the appearance of a buck with antlers. In this
way the buck appears without antlers while the doe
is transformed into a buck displaying the prowess of
the archer. A woman seated behind the rider on the
camel has one arm raised in a gesture of adoration.
The griffin appearing on this plaque differs from
most Sasanian examples as depicted on seal stones
and in other media of art. In Sasanian images, the
griffin is shown with upright ears and usually in a
springing or crouching pose. The griffin motif had
royal connotations in Sasanian art where it supports
thrones and decorates princely headdresses. The
leonine pose of this griffin and the absence of ears
are indications that the object was not made in a
Sasanian workshop. JF
This is clearly a scene showing King Bahram Gur
and his Roman slave/concubine Azada. Bahram
Gur was a Sasanian ruler who became a popular
hero in Persian literature and art, not only during
the Sasanian period, but in subsequent centuries.
The subject of Bahram Gur and Azada out hunting
appears frequently in Persian miniatures.
Despite the expressive nature of the image, the
craftsman’s work appears crude. The camel is rather
too small for his rider, his neck too slender; Bahram
Gur’s features are angular and schematic. The figure
of Azada is disproportionately small beside that
of the king, although this was probably a way of
emphasising her lowly status. In accordance with the
conventions of Sasanian art the king’s face is shown
in profile but his eye and his shoulders are presented
frontally. The craftsman carefully depicted the minor
details of the clothing, shoes and jewellery, again in
the manner characteristic of Sasanian metalwork.
In contrast with the static and clumsy camel, the
gazelles seem almost to fly as they flee.
27 • Silver plate with king on a horse with winged
figure holding diadem
Provenance unknown • silver • 23 x 4.5 cm
National Museum of Iran, Tehran 5116
Engraved on the bottom of the vessel is an
inscription of three lines: ‘Property of Mihrbozed.
250 drachma weight.’
The dish was found in 1927 by a shepherd in Vyatka
Province. The hoard included Iranian, Byzantine and
Central Asian objects. MD
The diadem-bearing putto appears on early Sasanian
and Parthian rock reliefs and is influenced by Roman
art. The putto appears on late Sasanian plates, hovering
over a banqueting king or in mythological scenes,
which is likely a reference to the invincibility of the
monarch rather than to Zoroastrian concepts. JF
45
28 • Stucco with lion pattern
Hajiabad, Fars • 4th century CE • Plaster lion’s head
enclosed in a circular frame • 18 x 11.5 cm
30 • Stone relief showing a winged figure
Persepolis, Iran • stone • 68 x 33 cm
National Museum of Iran, Tehran, 8
National Museum of Iran, Tehran, 4693
This piece was discovered in Hajiabad at a site
excavated by Dr Azarnoosh in 1978, in a building
complex dating from the reign of Shahpur II where
fragments of stucco depicting decorative motifs,
figurines and fantastical creatures were found. ZA
29 • Stucco with boar’s head
Tape Hesar, Damghan • 40 x 38 cm
National Museum of Iran, 609
The motif of a boar’s head is frequently found on
Sasanian textiles and stucco work. In one of the
ancient Yashts (hymns addressed to the divinities of
Zoroastrian and pre-Zoroastrian divinities) of the
Avesta, the boar is one of ten manifestation of the
Verethraghna, a divinity associated with strength and
victory in battle . (Yt. 14.15). MA
46
The stone relief from Persepolis shows a bearded
male figure with a long tiara inside a winged disc,
holding a ring in his left hand and the right hand
raised. He wears a Persian court style dress. Similar
representations of deities holding the ring of power
towards a king can be found in the royal iconography
from ancient Mesopotamia to the Sasanian Period.
The form of winged figures vary from the Egyptian
god Horus to the Assyrian god, Ashur. There are
several types of winged figures in Achaemenid art
with different forms of wings, holding either rings
or a lotus. The type of winged figure holding a ring
is often interpreted as the Achaemenid supreme
god Ahuramazda, or farr (divine glory), or in a
Zoroastrian context as a fravahar.
This winged figure is one of the last reliefs carved
at Persepolis. The artistic style relates it to the reign
of Artaxerxes III (359-338 BCE) at the end of the
Achaemenid period. The size and the rosette band
demonstrate that the relief was probably decorating
the central façade of a building’s staircase. Although
the exact find spot of the relief is unclear, considering
the style and some details, it probably belonged to
Palace G (founded by Artaxerxes III). The building
has now disappeared, except for the foundations and
some scattered or reinstalled reliefs left at the site. SR
47
MAZDAKISM
Mazdakism was a heretical movement within
Zoroastrianism that caused considerable social
upheaval in Sasanian Iran during the 5th and 6th
centuries CE by demanding that men should share
property and women in common. Its eponymous
founder was Mazdak, son of Bamdad, a religious
leader and follower of the teachings of a certain
Zaradusht-i Khurragan of Fasa, who is described
as a contemporary of Mani (d. 277 CE) and said to
have introduced innovations into Zoroastrianism.
According to Ferdowsi’s epic the Shahnameh, Mazdak
proclaimed:
There are five things which turn wise men from the
truth. They are envy, anger, hatred, and needs which
are usually followed by greed. If you overcome these
five Divs, the path of the Lord of the universe will
emerge clearly before you. The incitements to these
five are worldly possessions and women. It is because
of this that the Good Religion has waned in the world.
If you wish to avert harm from the Good Religion,
women and possessions must be shared in common.31
Mazdak taught that God had created all men alike
and hence all means of sustenance and procreation
should be divided up equally between them. Women
and property should be held in partnership like
water, fire and pasture. Nobody should have more
than others, and sharing was a religious duty. Mazdak
is said to have succeeded in convincing the ruler
Kavad I (r. 488–496, 498–531) of his ideas. Under
Mazdak’s influence Kavad implemented some of
them, in particular those concerning women, and
chaos ensued in which the common people rose up
against the rich, stealing their wives and property,
and people grew confused about their parentage
and family line. In 496, in an attempt to reintroduce
order, a group of insurgent nobles and priests
dethroned Kavad for heresy and expelled him to the
realm of the Hephthalites to the east of the empire,
but Kavad regained the throne with Hephthalite help
two years later and ruled without interruption for
another 33 years until his death in 531 CE.
Kavad’s son and successor Khosrow I Anoshirvan (r.
531–579) crushed the revolt and executed Mazdak
and a large number of his followers. According to the
Shahnameh, Khosrow turned the execution into a
spectacle and Ferdowsi concludes his account with a
moral admonition:
Kasrā [= Khosrow] owned an estate with high walls.
He ordered holes to be dug there and had the followers
of Mazdak implanted, heads in the ground and feet
upwards. Then to Mazdak Kasrā said, “Go to that
magnificent garden and see how the seed that you
have planted in this world has borne fruit. You shall
see trees that no one has ever seen or heard of before.”
Mazdak went and opened the garden gate. As he saw
what was within he uttered a cry and fell unconscious.
Then Kasrā ordered a tall gallows to be erected and
strung the unfortunate man up alive, later killing him
with a shower of arrows. (If you are wise, do not follow
the path of Mazdak.) 32 AH
31 • The execution of Mazdak
North India • Early17th century
British Library Add.5600, ff. 452v-453r
The heretic Mazdak, noose around his neck, faces
execution on order of Khosrow Anoshirvan. His
followers are depicted beneath the gallows, buried
alive upside down. This copy of the Shahnameh
probably originates from the 15th century but was
refurbished around 1613 in the studio of the Mughal
statesman Khankhanan ‘Abd al-Rahim. The artist of
this painting was the well-known Mughal painter
Banwari. US-W
48
6
POST ARAB
CONQUEST
THE REVELATIONS OF
VIRAZ THE JUST
The revelations of Arda Viraz (‘righteous Viraz’), or
Viraf, as his name has been transcribed in Persian,
were written in Pahlavi (pre-Islamic Persian)
during the early Islamic period, and reflect a time of
religious instability. The story is set in the reign of the
founder of the Sasanian Empire, Ardashir I (r. 224241). It describes how the Zoroastrian community
selected the righteous Viraz to visit the world of
the dead returning with an account of the rewards
and punishments in store. Although the story did
not assume its definitive form until the 9th to 10th
centuries CE, it can be regarded as part of a tradition
of visionary accounts, the earliest of which is found
in present-day Iran in the third-century inscriptions
of the Zoroastrian high priest Kirder.
Many copies of this popular story survive in
both prose and verse, and several include vivid
illustrations. One (Catalogue 101) is the Arda Viraf
Nameh composed in Iran in verse at the end of
the 13th century by Zartosht Bahram Pazhdu and
copied in Navsari in 1789. Also on display is another
illustrated copy of the same work completed 47
years earlier in Surat in 1742 by Mobad Rostam
ibn Bahram ibn Darab ibn Sohrab ibn Manak ibn
Peshotan Sanjanah who also copied an Avestan
Videvdad sadah in Surat in 1759. 33 This volume
contains in addition to the Arda Viraf Nameh,
a poem about a meeting of Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazna (r. 998-1039) with a Zoroastrian dastur. 34
The illustrations in Catalogue 101 and the National
Museum manuscript are very similar showing a
continuity of style in this kind of didactic literature
which re-enforces the story’s underlying importance
as a Zoroastrian pedagogic text. US-W
50
32 • The reward of the obedient wife
Surat • 1742 • Paper
National Museum, 54.16/2, folio 55r
This illustration is titled ‘The souls of the women
who were obedient to their husbands’. It forms an
exact counterpart to Catalogue 101 in which we see
the punishments meted out in hell to the souls of
wives who disobey their husbands and argue with
them. In contrast, the wives here are portrayed in a
paradisiacal garden surrounded by flowers and trees
and a flowing stream. Watching them are Arda Viraf
(centre) with his two guides, the divinities Srosh and
Ardibehesht Amshasfand. This manuscript copy of
the Arda Viraf Nameh by Zartosht Bahram Pazhdu
is dated 1742 and contains 117 illustrations in the
Western Indian style. US-W
51
THE SHAHNAMEH
The Shahnameh is a classic work written by the great
poet of Iran, Abol Qasim Ferdowsi. He took more
than thirty years to complete this masterpiece, which
consists of more than 60,000 verses. Composed in
Persian, the poetry narrates the heroic deeds, valour,
achievements, and love stories of the Kings of Iran
from the time of the mythical Gayomars to the last
Sasanian king, Yazdegerd III (d. 651). Each of the
fifty chapters in the Shahnameh highlights the actions
and achievements of each king. Offering a glimpse
into cultural and political aspects of Iranian royal
life, the Shahnameh also reveals its social customs,
traditions, and architecture, thus weaving a complete
narrative of the history, culture and civilization of
Iran from ancient times to the Islamic conquest.
Subsequently it has played a significant role in the
development of Iranian culture and has enriched
both the Persian language and its literature. Reciting
and attending Shahnameh performances became
an established tradition in Iran and there are many
versions of the stories in both poetry and prose.
The Shahnameh on display (National Museum, Delhi
Acc. No. L 53.2/8) was copied in Lahore by Malik
Sharafuddin Qadiri and dates from 1246 AH/1830
CE. It contains one hundred and fifty nine beautiful
52
paintings of the Lahore school, which are considered
to be by the well-known artist Imam Bakhsh Lahauri.
The manuscript has two prefaces, the first with four
illustrations and a highly illuminated frontispiece
(sar-i lawh) displaying intricate geometrical
ornamentation. The initial illustrations portray
Ferdowsi as a central figure. The second preface has
three illustrated folios. The first depicts Ferdowsi
reciting the Shahnameh before Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazna and is followed by paintings of Solomon and
Sheba on facing pages.
The miniatures show the use of precious pigments
derived from lapis lazuli and gold, together with
shades and hues of green, red and blue. They
depict scenes from the royal court, gardens and
battle scenes. Human figures have been treated
with utmost care showing each one in a variety
of costumes, headgears and engaged in various
activities. Similarly, the flora and fauna are depicted
in detail, embellishing the horizons and giving
perspective to the illustrations. The first two pages
of the Shahnameh are illustrated ornately with gold
and lapis lazuli on floral patterns. The text is written
in nastaliq calligraphy, enhanced by Imam Bakhsh’s
illustrations which, though in a later Mughal style,
present a synthesis, or assimilation of the indigenous
form combined with Persian aesthetics. KR
33 • The battle of Rostam with Afrasiyab
Lahore • 1246 AH/1830 CE • Opaque watercolour and
ink on paper • 42.3 x 27.3 cm
National Museum Delhi Acc. No. L 53.2/8, f. 248r
The encounters between the enemy kingdoms of Iran
and Turan (Airya and Turya of the Avesta) that are
the subject of the heroic section of the Shahnameh
produce heroes on each side. While the hero Rostam
(Supplement 1-3) is not mentioned in the Avesta his
enemy Afrasiyab, the king of Turan, is Frangrasyan
of the Avesta who is described there as evil and
villainous. He is depicted as the chief enemy of the
Iranian race who constantly strove to capture the
divine fortune or glory (khvarenah) which would
enable him to rule. 35 The episode illustrated in
the Shahnameh here occurs at the end of the story
of Bizhan and Manizheh (Afrasiyab’s daughter).
Having freed Bizhan from the cave where he had
been held Afrasiyab’s prisoner, Rostam provokes an
enraged Afrasiyab into battle. Afrasisiyab, thoroughly
defeated, retreats leaving his army, elephants and
equipment to be captured by Rostam. KR
53
34 • Zal summons the Simorgh when Rostam is
wounded
Lahore • 1246 AH/1830 CE • Opaque watercolour and
ink on paper • 42.3 x 27.3 cm
National Museum Delhi Acc. No. L 53.2/8, folio 376r
The Shahnameh describes how in the battle between
Rostam and King Goshtasp’s son Esfandiyar,
Rostam was seriously wounded and returned to his
father’s court in Zabolistan. Zal summoned help
from the Simorgh by burning one of her feathers
(see Catalogue p. 132, 133, 154). The Simorgh first
reprimands Rostam for confronting Esfandiyar
(who is not only of royal descent but can also claim
divine lineage since king Goshtasp was Zoroaster’s
first follower and subsequently made immune from
misfortune). 36 She then heals Rostam and Rakhsh’s
wounds and shows Rostam how to make an arrow of
tamarisk wood with which he could kill Esfandiyar
should it be necessary. KR
54
7
JOURNEY AND
SETTLEMENT
‘ZOROASTRIAN’ COINS
In the ancient world coins were used to show various
Zoroastrian divinities (yazatas) who were associated
with the khvarenah, or kingly glory, as well as the
rituals in connection with the royal fire. The Kushan
kings of Bactria used a mixture of Hindu and
Zoroastrian deities on their coins and both coin and
royal inscriptions such as the Bactrian inscription
discovered at Rabatak in Afghanistan suggest that the
Kushan pantheon included Iranian divinities.
The inscriptions on Kushan coins are in Bactrian, an
Iranian language using the Greek script. On one side
they show the ruler and on the other an image of the
god who is individually named. VSC
56
35 • Gold coins of King Kanishka
India • Kushan period, 127–50 CE • Diameter: (a- c, f) 20
mm; (d, e, g - i) 19 mm
(a) 1888,1208.555; (b) IOC.321; (c) 1860,1220.203; (d) 1879,0501.30;
(e) IOC.343; (f) 1879,0501.84; (g) 1894,0506.17; (h) 1894,0506.13;
(i) 1860,1220.209
On display are coins depicting: the goddess Nana
(generally equated with Anahita the Zoroastrian
goddess of waters and fertility) seated on a lion (a)
and standing (b); Pharro/Khvarenah,’kingly glory’,
holding a staff and flames (d), and wearing a winged
crown (c,e); Miro/Mithra (f,g) also written Muro;
Mao/Mah. ‘moon’ (h); and Athsho, the Bactrian word
for ‘fire’ (i). VSC
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
57
THE ZOROASTRIAN
CALENDAR
The Bisitun inscription and texts from Persepolis
show that the Ancient Persians initially used a lunisolar calendar similar to that of the Babylonians,
with twelve months of thirty days each, and some
system of intercalation to regulate the length of year.
The names of the months related to specific seasonal
activity, such as ‘harvesting;’ to religious praxis, such
as ‘the worship of fire;’ or referred to the time of the
year according to temperature, such as ‘the stage
of heat.’
j
36 • Silver coins of Persis
Iran • c. 280–100 BCE • Diameter: ( j) 30 mm; (k) 19 mm
British Museum ( j) 1856,1201.1; k (a) 1848,0803.175; k(b)1919,1226.3
k (a)
The kings of Persis (Pars/Fars) in southern Iran
also used an iconography related to the Zoroastrian
religion. The theme of the king as worshipper –
making offerings to the sacred fire in the presence
of the winged symbol (j) – is noticeable on the
coins of Persis around the third century BCE, when
Achaemenid Persian traditions were re-emerging
in the aftermath of Alexander’s conquest. From the
second century BCE to the first and second centuries
CE, when Persis was under Parthian rule, the coins
show the king worshipping in front of a fire altar.
Below (k), we see the portrait of the local king in
royal Parthian attire, wearing a bejewelled tiara with
neckguard and earflaps on the obverse. The reverse
shows a worshipper, probably the king, standing in
front of a fire altar holding the consecrated sticks, the
baresman/barsom, in his hand.
It is from Persis that the new dynasty of the Sasanians
emerges in the early third century CE when
Zoroastrianism became the state religion of Iran
(see Catalogue pp. 120-37). VSC
58
k (b)
When the Ancient Persians adapted the Egyptian
calendar around the early 5th century BCE, five
epagomenal days were added at the end of the year;
this maintained the beginning of the calendar in the
spring and the seasonal festivals at the correct time.
A Cappadocian solar calendar, attested in Greek
astronomical texts, appears to have implemented a
calendar based on the Avesta, including a particular
time dedicated to the fravashis – a time also
mentioned in Elamite texts from Persepolis. The
Avestan calendar was in place during the Seleucid
then Parthian period, and became the model for the
modern liturgical calendar of the Zoroastrians. The
other months of the religious calendar were named
after the creator (Av. dadvah) Ahura Mazda, the six
amesha spentas, and the yazatas Mithra, Tishtrya,
the waters (aban), and fire (atar). A day in the
month was named after each of these four yazatas
respectively.
By the beginning of the Sasanian period, the 365day year introduced earlier had shifted the liturgical
calendar out of sync with the natural year; the month
Farvardin had receded from the spring equinox
to late summer. To restore Noruz (the day of the
spring equinox) and the other seasonal festivals to
their original settings, the calendar was recalibrated
sometime around 500 CE. This adjustment placed
Nowruz at the beginning of the ninth month
(Adar), although some continued to celebrate it
at the beginning of the first month of the year (on
1 Farvardin). Further calendrical modifications
implemented in the 11th century under the Persian
Shi’a Buyids and the Seljuqs (with the introduction
of the Jalali solar calendar), returned Nowruz to 1
Farvardin, which was once again in the spring.
At present, three different calendars operate within
Parsi communities. These are known as Qadimi
(‘old’); Rasmi (‘traditional’) or Shenshai (derived
from Shahanshahi, ‘imperial’); and Fasli (‘seasonal’).
Due to a one-time intercalation initiated by the Parsis
in the early medieval period, the Parsi (Shenshai)
calendar months occurred a month later than that of
the Iranian calendar. In the 18th century, some Parsi
laity began to adopt the Iranian (Qadimi) calendar,
although the majority retained their Shenshai
version. Zoroastrian reformists in early 20th -century
India adopted the Fasli calendar, based on the Jalali
system used in Iran. The Fasli calendar locates Noruz
on the spring equinox and intercalates one day every
four years at the end of the year. Zoroastrians in
Iran largely keep to the Bastani or ‘ancient’ calendar,
which is in line with the Fasli calendar. JR
ZOROASTRIANISM AND
THE MUGHALS
AKBAR INAUGURATES A
NEW ‘DIVINE ERA’
At the beginning of the Mughal Emperor Akbar’s
reign (r. 1556-1605), there were many different
calendrical systems in use throughout India, some
lunar and some solar, each with different starting
points. Besides the Vikram Samvat, the Hijri, the
Yazdegerdi and the Jalali eras there were innumerable
regional variations. To simplify matters, while at
the same time glorifying the start of his own reign,
in 1584 Akbar employed the celebrated Iranian
philosopher and scientist Fath Allah Shirazi to devise
a new ‘Divine’ era, the Tarikh-i Ilahi, which was
backdated to 21 March 1556.
`
Like the Jalali era established by the Seljuq Malik
Shah in 1079, the beginning of the Tarikh-i Ilahi
coincided with the vernal equinox. It was a solar
year and used the Iranian (Zoroastrian in origin)
month and day names. The details are described in
the official history of the reign, the Akbarnamah
(Supplement 37), compiled by Abu’l-Fazl, Akbar’s
chief minister. In addition to setting out the month
and day names, Akbar re-introduced thirteen
festivals which, Abu’l-Fazl wrote, had been observed
for the last thousand years by just princes and
righteous philosophers, but had fallen from favour
in India. These were the Zoroastrian festivals
of Noruz, 19th Farvardin (Farvardegan), 3rd
Ardibehesht (Jashn of Ardvahisht), 6th Khordad
(Khordadgan), 13th Tir (Tirgan), 7th Mordad (Jashn
of Amordad), 4th Shahrevar (Jashn of Shahrevar),
16th Mehr (Mehrgan), 10th Aban (Abanagan), 9th
Azar (Azargan)
, 8th, 15th and 23rd Dai (Jashn-i
dadvah ‘the Creator’), 2nd Bahman (Bahmanagan),
and 5th Esfandarmaz (Esfandgan). Observing these
festivals was decreed to be compulsory although it is
doubtful if many were commonly celebrated by nonZoroastrians. US-W
59
37 • Akbar’s decree for establishing a
new divine era
North India • 20 Sha‘ban 1232 (1817)
British Library Add. 26203, ff 161v-162r
The beginning of book two of the Akbarnameh,
the official history of Akbar’s reign by Abu’l-Fazl,
Akbar’s chief minister. This opening describes the
inauguration in 1584 of the Tarikh-i Ilahi or ‘Divine
Era’ and shows Akbar dictating the imperial edict
(farman) which brought it into effect. US-W
38 • On the establishment of the new ‘Divine Era’
His Majesty, King of Kings, through his fortune and
greatness and by divine inspiration, himself designated
this glorious epoch the Divine Era (Tarikh-i Ilahi) and
it was recorded in official documents and registers. The
names of the months of the Era were made identical
with the well-known names of the Persian months, but
were additionally named ‘Divine’ (Ilahi) - for example:
Farvardin, Divine month, Ardibehesht, Divine month.
The names of the days were the same as those of the
current thirty Persian days, arranged in this order:
Ormazd, Bahman, Ardibehesht, Shahrevar,
Esfandarmad, Khordad, Amordad, Depadar, Adar,
Aban, Khor, Mah, Tir, Gosh, Depamehr, Mehr, Srosh,
Rashn, Farvardin, Bahram, Ram, Bad, Depadin, Din,
Ard, Ashtad, Asman, Zamyad, Maresfand, Aneran.
Akbarnameh, vol. 2
60
61
l
m
n
t
o
p
q
w
39 • Gold mohurs of the Emperor Akbar
India • Mughal, 1556–1605 • Diameter: (l) 18 mm, (m)
19 mm, (n) 17 mm (p, r) 22 mm, (o) 25 mm, (q), 20 mm,
(s) 24 mm
r
62
v
40 • Gold mohurs of Jahangir
India • Mughal, 1605–1627 • Diameter: (t, w) 24 mm, (u)
21 mm, (v) 23 mm
British Museum (t) 1924 1111.3, (u) 1922,0424.17, (v) 1885,0403.23,
(w) 1922,1016.
British Museum (l) 1888,1208.705; (m) 1847,1201.1456; (n)
1938,0704.8; (o) 1888,1208.706; (p) Marsden DCCCXXXII (1832);
(q) 1938,0616.2; (r) 1938,1109.1; (s) 1911,0709.93
These coins of the Emperor Akbar show the
Zoroastrian month names. On display are coins
dedicated to the months: (l, m) Farvardin (March/
April) the first month of the year, (n) Ardibehesht
(April/May), (o) Khordad (May/June), (p) Amordad
(July/August), (q) Shahrevar (August/September),
(r) Mehr (September/October) and (s) Esfand (Feb/
March) the last month of the year. Mehr is the name
of the Iranian god of the sun, seasons and contracts,
Mithra. Azar is fire.
u
These coins show the Zoroastrian months (t) Tir
(June/July), (u) Aban (October/ November), (v) Day
(December/January) and (w) Bahman (January/
February). Aban is Anahita, the goddess of All Waters
and Fertility. Bahman/Vohu Manah (‘Good Purpose,
Intention’) is one of the seven holy creations (amesha
spentas). VSC
s
63
THE DASTUR AND THE
EMPEROR–MEHERJI RANA
AT THE COURT OF AKBAR
Although contemporary sources do not actually
mention Meherji Rana (1514-1591) by name, they
do refer to the presence of a Parsi priest at the court
of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. 1556-1605).
Contemporary Mughal documents granting him title
and lands, however, attest to his relative importance,
and, taken with evidence adduced from later sources,
it has been compellingly argued that Meherji Rana
did in fact personally present Zoroastrian views at
Akbar’s court.
Meherji Rana’s importance today as a historical
figure, and his position in Parsi historiography,
is the result of the prominence attributed by the
community in recognition of this role. From being
an unrecognized minority on the periphery of the
Islamic world, Parsis view this event as a turning
point in their history, marking the acknowledgment
of their faith at the Mughal court.
Akbar’s vizier, Abu’l-Fazl, mentions that Parsis took
part in the famous debates held in the 'Ibadat-khaneh
(‘House of Worship’) at Fatehpur Sikri in 1578 and
the historian ‘Abd al-Qadir Bada’uni writes in
more detail:
that Akbar maintained an ever burning fire in his
court and instituted the practice of following the
Zoroastrian calendar and celebrating Zoroastrian
festivals (see Catalogue 37). Whether or not Meherji
Rana’s encounter with Sufi saints at the 'Ibadat
khaneh influenced Akbar’s theological understanding
of Zoroastrianism, however, remains a matter
for debate.
The elevation of Meherji Rana to a position of power
and influence may have worked to the advantage
of the Bhagaria priests of Navsari in their ongoing
dispute with the Sanjana priests. In their role as
guardians of the sacred Iranshah fire since it had
been installed in Navsari, the Sanjanas had attempted
to gain eminence and ecclesiastical control over the
lay population. 40
There were political ramifications as well. The
Parsis of Navsari and Surat were subjected to the
frequent raids of the Bhil tribesmen and the arbitrary
demands of petty Mughal officials. They saw in
the recognition Meherji Rana received that a clear
message was being sent to the marauding tribesmen
and the officialdom in Navsari and Surat. The Parsi
community was now under the protective shadow of
the Great Emperor.
Today successive descendants of the Meherji Rana
family continue to be appointed as High Priests of
the Bhagaria sect of Zoroastrian priests in Navsari.
FPM, US-W
Fire-worshippers also had come from Nausárí in
Gujrát, and proved to His Majesty the truth of
Zoroaster's doctrines. They called fire-worship ‘the
great worship,’ and impressed the emperor so favorably,
that he learned from them the religious terms and
rites of the old Pársís, and ordered Abulfazl to make
arrangements, that sacred fire should be kept burning
at court by day and by night, according to the custom
of the ancient Persian kings, in whose fire-temples it
had been continually burning; for fire was one of the
manifestations of God, and ‘a ray of His rays’. 37
A series of contemporary Mughal documents, first
published by J.J. Modi, 38 provide evidence of a direct
link between Meherji Rana and Akbar. The earliest
is a farman in Persian dated 10 Esfandarmaz regnal
year 40 (1596) granting 300 bighas of land as madad-i
ma'ash (daily sustenance) to Meherji Rana’s son
Kaikobad. It continues and extends an earlier grant
of land at Navsari which was made to his father. The
original grant is no longer preserved but references to
it are included in several documents.
Later sources such as the early nineteenthcentury poetical biography of Meherji Rana,
the Mahyarnameh 39 (MRL MS F81), and songs
traditionally ascribed to the Mughal musician Tansen
describe how it was due to Meherji Rana’s influence,
64
AZAR KAYVAN AND THE
DASATIR-I ASMANI
Of those who exerted an undoubted influence
on Akbar’s religious policies, one of the more
charismatic was Azar Kayvan (1533-1618) who
emigrated with his disciples from the repressive
Shi’ism of Safavid Iran in the 1570s and settled
in Mughal India at the invitation of the emperor
Akbar and his chief minister Abu’l-Fazl. The Azar
Kayvanis (known also as Azaris, Abadis, Yazdanis or
Sipasis) propounded a neo-Zoroastrian world-view,
which sought to reconcile the pre-Islamic past with
Islamic philosophy, particularly millenarian or more
specifically Nuqtavi ideas. 41
The Azar Kayvani cosmos consisted of cycles
governed by planets and fixed stars, beginning with
the pre-Adamite age of Mahabad (‘the Great Abad’).
Ritual worship took place in temples dedicated to
the planets—see, for example, the statues of Kayvan
(Saturn) and Hormazd (Jupiter) illustrated in the
Dabestan-e Mazaheb (Catalogue 132), one of our
most important sources for the study of the religion,
composed by Mobed Shah sometime before 1658.
Within this cosmological framework there was a
sophisticated set of ritual and practice drawing on
Indian, Islamic and Zoroastrian traditions which
ultimately enabled union with the divine.
The Azar Kayvanis identified a series of pre-Islamic
prophets (vakhshuran): Mahabad, Ji-Afram,
Shaykiliv, Yasan, Gilshah (Gayumars), Siyamak,
Hushang, Tahmuras, Jamshid, Faridun, Manuchihr,
Kaykhusraw, Zartusht (Zoroaster), Sikandar
(Alexander), Sasan the first and Sasan the fifth.
The Dasatir-i asmani (‘celestial rules’) consist of
invocations to these prophets which were composed
in a special celestial (asmani) language resembling
no other known language—but including elements of
Persian, Arabic, Turkish and Hindi. They supposedly
dated from antiquity but are generally considered
to be by Azar Kayvan himself, though many are in
fact translations of older texts, including prayers to
the seven planets, originally composed in Arabic by
al-Suhrawardi. 42 The hymns are accompanied by a
Persian translation and commentary reputedly by the
latest prophet, Sasan the fifth.
The copy on display dates from, at the latest, the
early 18th century (the seal of a former owner is
dated 1138/1725-6). It includes not only the Dasatir
(Supplement 40), but Avestan and Pazand hymns
to the sun (Supplement 41, a modified version of
the Khorshed niyayishn) and to Gushtasp (Sitayish-i
shahanshah Gushtasp az zand—identified as the
Afrin i Zartusht) transcribed into Persian script
with an interlinear Persian translation. There follow
selected rules (dasatir) in the ‘Samrani’ language,
and in Sanskrit, Hindavi, Turkish and Arabic, all
in Persian script. These unique works testify to the
multilingual nature of the ‘celestial’ language. Not
unlike the oracles of Zoroaster (Catalogue 56), the
connection between the invocations of the Dasatir
and Zoroastrianism as we know it may seem tenuous,
but the fact that they appear juxtaposed with Avestan
hymns not only proves a close connection but is
tangible evidence for a knowledge of the Avestan
language in Azar Kayvan’s circle US-W
41• Azar Kayvan’s ‘Celestial rules’
Late 17th or early 18th century
British Library Or.11967, ff. 1v-2r
This opening shows the beginning of the Dasatir-i
asmani (‘celestial rules’). The fully vocalized ‘celestial’
language is overlined in red and followed by a Persian
paraphrase and comments. US-W
42 • Avestan hymn to the sun
Late 17th or early 18th century
British Library Or.11967, ff. 51v-52r
Directly following the end of the Dasatir on the
right-hand page, is a modified version, on the left,
of the Avestan hymn, the Khorshed niyayishn ‘Praise
to the sun’, transcribed into Persian script with an
interlinear Persian translation. The Avestan text is
overlined in red and followed by the
Persian translation. US-W
65
8
PARSI SALON
THE PARSI ARTIST
PESTONJEE BOMANJEE
AND HOW THE
RHINOCEROS GOT HIS
SKIN
A circular bronze plaque, embellished with a laurel
wreath and fixed on the façade of the principal’s
bungalow in the grounds of the Sir JJ School of Art
and Architecture, states that Rudyard Kipling was
born here. 43
A year before Rudyard’s birth his father, John
Lockwood Kipling, was appointed to the newly
created post of ‘Artist-craftsmen at the Sir JJ
School of Art and Industry’, established in 1853 by
Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy the First Parsi Baronet.44 One of
Lockwood’s early students was the thirteen-year old
aspiring artist, Pestonjee Bomanjee (1851-1938), who
later became the principal portraitist of the school.
In the first art class he attended, Lockwood gave
Bomanjee a small rosette to be modeled in clay.
Impressed by his workmanship, Lockwood selected
him to supply the ornamentation samples required
for the Gothic buildings being constructed on
Hornby Road, a mile and a half from the Art
School.45 Thus Bomanjee began his career more
as a sculptor than a portraitist.
Rudyard Kipling grew up amid the sylvan
surroundings of the Sir JJ School of Art where
Bomanjee frequently encountered him playing.
Bomanjee described Rudyard as an impish child
who, unknown to his father, would wander across
the compound to the School of Art where Bomanjee
and other artists were modelling and pelt them with
clay pellets before being discovered and sent home
by his father. Harry Ricketts notes that Rudyard
66
remembered ‘vast green spaces and wonderful walks
through coconut woods on the edge of the sea where
the Parsees waded in and prayed to the rising sun.’
This was perhaps Kipling’s earliest memory of the
Parsis. 46
His early encounters with Pestonjee Bomanjee
inspired Rudyard to weave a fanciful and whimsical
tale centred on the artist. It was one of the bedtime
stories Rudyard told his daughter Josephine. 47
The central character, a Parsi who lived ‘on an
uninhabited island on the shores of the Red Sea…
and from whose hat the rays of the sun were reflected
in more-than-oriental splendour’ was Rudyard’s
imaginary description of Pestonjee Bomanjee. The
story revolves around a Rhinoceros who rudely
interrupted a Parsi just as he was beginning to eat
his freshly baked cake, and how the Parsi then
took revenge on the beast. The curious lesson to be
learned from this strange adventure was put into
verse by Kipling.
Them that takes cakes
Which the Parsee-man bakes
Makes dreadful mistakes.
FPM, PJG
43 • How the Rhinocerous got his Skin
R. Kipling, Just So Stories for Little Children, illustrated by
the author • London, 1955 edition
This opening shows the Parsi sitting down to enjoy
his cake, with the rhinocerous approaching.
44 • The Parsee Pestonjee Bomanjee sitting in
his palm tree
R. Kipling, Just So Stories for Little Children, illustrated by
the author • London, 1955 edition
In a note opposite his portrait Kipling confirms: ‘This
is the Parsee Pestonjee Bomonjee sitting in his palm
tree…. wearing a new more-than-Oriental-Splendour
hat of the sort that Parsees wear… ’. 48 Rudyard
Kipling thus immortalised Pestonjee Bomanjee
in the world of English literature and the genre of
nonsense verse. Three allusions are worth noting;
first, the suggestion of ‘a new style of hat’ is perhaps
a reference to the stiff shiny paghri worn by the
Parsis on ceremonial occasions. Secondly, the Parsi
climbing a palm tree with a knife in his hand may
refer to toddy tapping, which the Parsis were well
known for. Thirdly, Kipling’s rhyme alludes to the
penalty one has to pay for violating Parsi food laws.
Here he may be referring to the consecrated religious
food of the Parsis. FPM
67
PARSI TEXTILES AND
EMBROIDERY
Zoroastrian culture celebrates the bounty and beauty
of creation. Embroidery is a vital part of this love of
life, reflecting Zoroastrian women’s innate creativity.
45 • Pestonjee Bomanjee (1851–1938)
Artist: Ardeshir Pestonji • 1911
Collection: Homi Ranina
This small portrait of Pestonjee Bomanjee (18511938) by Ardeshir Pestonji, which is nothing like
Rudyard’s fantastical drawings of him, depicts the
artist precariously balanced, with his foot raised on a
stool, surrounded by canvases, and intensely mixing
paints on a wooden palette. 49
Pestonjee Bomanjee’s career changed mid-stream
when Lockwood left Bombay in 1875 to become the
principal of the Mayo School of Art in Lahore. 50
His departure forced Bomanjee to take up painting
under John Griffiths who taught him the rigours of
European portrait painting and the techniques of
using oil paints to create the subtle effects of light
and shade.
Bomanjee was among the first group of Indian
artists trained in the school by European teachers.
His portraits in oil conformed to the European
techniques of oil painting and represented the school
of modern European realism that resonated with the
new found interest Indians had in European
art forms. FPM
68
Complex roots and routes lie behind ‘Parsi
embroidery’. This tradition began in Iran; its motifs
travelled through the Silk Route into China and
then came back with Chinese, Indian and European
influences to a small group of its originators, now
called the Parsi Zoroastrians of India.
In Iran, the traditional costume was loose trousers
and a long tunic, which reached the knees. The head
traditionally was covered with a shawl and the entire
costume embroidered with simple motifs derived
from nature. Almost a thousand years after fleeing
Iran, Parsi women’s wardrobes contained these items,
now called ijars and jhablas, which were worn under
the Gujarati sari instead of petticoats.
The China connection with Persia was the result of
an overland trade link; this would change much later
into a sea trade link with Indian Parsis. The Chinese
had a long tradition of embroidery and silk textiles,
exporting their embroidery to Europe as early as the
13th century. From 1756, for almost 200 years, Parsi
traders prospered, trading at Canton, Macau, Hong
Kong and Shanghai.
Legend has it that a Parsi trader in Canton, watching
the embroidery of a rich silk requested the craftsmen
to embroider six yards of silk as a sari for his wife in
India. These first pieces, embroidered on heavy satin,
have no borders or pallavs and seem like yardage.
They often carried Taoist and Buddhist symbols
of protection such as the Divine Fungus because
embroidery in China was a sacred art. To facilitate
the wearer and to customize this cloth into a sari,
the top was left unembroidered, as was one edge, to
make it easier to tuck in at the waist. Parsi women,
following Indian patterns began designing borders
(kors) to match the inner embroidery, then frontage
(pallav) to highlight the design. Chinese yardage
had developed into a sari. Embroidered yardage
was covered on all four sides as if bordered within a
frame. This yardage, called gala in Gujarati, gave its
name to the gara.
The colours favoured in the Persian tradition were
imperial purple and other rich shades. As Indian
influence developed, the auspicious vermillion
became a favourite. Parsis wear white, symbolizing
purity, at their weddings, but a tradition of using
red developed, particularly for engagement saris.
Intercultural exchanges continued in the motifs.
The Indian Ambi, Persian Cypress and Chinese
baskets combined to create powerful motifs. Parsi
women preferred white and cream rather than
typical Chinese multicoloured embroidery, because
it matched the white lace sudrehs every woman wore.
The influence of Imperial Europe became evident
through scallops, bows and ribbons, thus bringing
together four cultures in the Parsi sari.
As the trade for Parsi saris from China grew in
volume, Chinese vendors began regularly visiting
Parsi households in Gujarat. As a close relationship
developed with their clients, they would leave their
merchandise on a particular veranda. While waiting
for the cool of the evening they would take out their
embroidery rings and start work observed by Parsi
women who watched their embroidery with interest,
assimilating their techniques and stitches into their
own work. In this way, Chinese embroidery became
part of Parsi craft.
Dating this craft is difficult. The Victoria and Albert
Museum archives contain a collection of Parsi
embroidery which gives us some specific dates.
The Crystal Palace Exhibition of 1851 provided
an impetus to collect textiles from all parts of the
Empire.
The earliest dates available on record for Parsi
embroidery are 1852, while a large archive was
acquired in 1883. Several of the Parsi jhablas, ijars
and borders clearly state ‘Parsi women’s embroidery’
and do not have typical Chinese motifs.
As times changed, Parsi embroidery became less
popular, giving way to light chiffon saris which
could not take heavy embroidery. Its recent revival
is a way of reaffirming identity and connecting the
community to its roots. SC
69
70
46 • Jabhla
China • late 19th century • dyed silk
47 • Cheena Cheeni gara
China • late 19th century • leno-dent silk
Rayomand Maneckshaw
Private collection
The jhabla is a smock like blouse made from a
single piece of cloth. The neckline is gathered with
a ribbon and the jhabla falls just above the knees.
This jhabla is embellished on the hem, sleeves and
the neck. The neckline is finished with a stylized bat
hanging upside down, to symbolize good fortune
and happiness. Closely set flowering vines, weeping
willows, cranes and butterflies create the setting of a
garden and carefully placed Chinese men and women
holding Taoist symbols of a flywhisk, gourd and fan
wish the wearer of the jhabla protection, blessings
goodness and long life. During the China trade it
became fashionable for children to wear densely
embroidered jhablas with Chinese embroidery. Some
had jari (gold and silver wire) work on them. FPM
This is a fine example of a Cheena Cheeni gara so termed in Gujarati because of the presence of
Chinese men and women. The ground depicts a
social scene set in a garden with repeat registers
running the length of the sari and embroidered
with flowering plants, pavilions and Chinese
figures holding Taoist symbols. Significant in
Chinese mythology is the motif of a bridge with a
dog crossing over it which is carefully embroiderd
together with zig-zag fences interspersed with the
sacred fungus. The piece is embellished by a densely
embroidered border in satin stitch. FPM
48 • Gara for festive occasions
India • 20th century • embroidered silk
Private collection
Chrysanthemums, daises and roses representing
immortality and embroidered in satin stitch cover the
ground of the gara. Flying birds and flowering vines
add a sense of motion to an otherwise static design.
The white satin stich embroidery in silk thread is offset
against the red background colour. Saris such as this
are worn on festive occasions by Parsi women. FPM
72
73
49 • Gara embroidered with animals
China • 20th century • dyed silk
Rayomand Maneckshaw
This unusual gara depicting, elephants, Bactrian
camels, lions, leopards, a giraffe, an elk and a
kangaroo reflects the interest created by naturalists
who, as part of a colonial exploration of the flora and
fauna of countries such as China, Africa and India,
gave rise to a display of curiosities such as seen here.
British naturalists were prominent during the Qing
dynasty (1839-1911) a period when the Parsi traders
were also in China. Several Chinese artists were
trained by naturalists in the 19th century, to draw
and paint the flowers and animals recorded by them.
Frequently the same artists drew the pattern designs
for the embroidery on textiles and porcelain. FPM
74
IRANIAN ZOROASTRIAN COSTUME
50 • Yazdi Cloth
Yazd, Iran • late 19th century
Collection: Firoza Punthakey Mistree
In nineteenth-century Iran there were a number
of regulations governing the everyday lives of
Zoroastrians. These were intended to marginalize
and distinguish them from the majority Muslim
population and included strict dress codes.
Zoroastrian men were obliged to wear garments
of yellow ochre or unbleached cloth. In Yazd and
Kerman Zoroastrians were not permitted to buy
cloth by the yard. Shopkeepers would collect the
strips of leftover fabric and leave them in bins outside
their shops for Zoroastrians to buy. These were
laboriously stitched together to make the shalvar and
kamiz and were often embroidered with a variety
of designs, including flowers, fish and geometric
patterns 51 (Catalogue: 160-1). FPM
52 • Kamiz
Yazd, Iran • late 19th century
Collection: Firoza Punthakey Mistree
This kamiz was woven and stitched in Yazd for a
Zoroastrian bride. The skirt is formed with alternate
strips of red tie dye and green silk. The bodice of the
kamiz which remains hidden under the makhnun
(head scarf) is made of calico cloth. The purple
sleeves are of home dyed silk and edged with an
embroidered band. FPM
51 • Shalvar
Yazd, Iran • late 19th century
Collection: Firoza Punthakey Mistree
This traditional Yazdi bridal shalvar features a pink,
blue, and maroon striped trouser with a woven black
and cream cotton band. It is made of 28 multi coloured
strips of silk, cotton and calico cloth stitched together
to form the width of each leg of the trouser. A thick,
woven cotton band, which is hidden beneath the
skirt of the kamiz is gathered at the waist by a ribbon
allowing the folds to gather at the ankle. FPM
53 • Large green makhnun
Yazd, Iran • 20th century • green silk
Collection: Firoza Punthakey Mistree
A makhnun is a large head and body scarf, which
frames the face, and falls loosely over the shoulders to
the waist. It was customary for women to wear several
layers of scarves over the makhnun; often as many as
seven layers were worn one over the other. FPM
54 • Purple silk laachak bordered with a green
brocade band
Iran • 20th century • stitched purple silk
Collection: Firoza Punthakey Mistree
A laachak is a small bordered bonnet tied with
ribbons under the chin. The laachak is worn under
the makhnun. FPM
76
77
THE CHINA TRADE:
PORCELAIN, FURNITURE
AND THE ROLE OF
THE HOPPO
In Canton, foreign traders had to deal with a
number of Chinese officials appointed by the
Emperor to facilitate trade between China and the
rest of the world. The movement of foreigners was
restricted by law and, during the trading season,
they were allowed to live in the thirteen factories, or
trading houses, on the shores of the Pearl river in an
area called the ‘Foreign Concession’. The factories
were owned by rich Chinese merchants called CoHongs and each factory flew the flag of European
country to which it belonged.
By 1760, an increasing number of ships belonging
to the East India Company began to arrive in
Canton. Not wishing to deal with foreign traders,
and averse to western culture, the Celestial Court
appointed Chinese merchant houses known as Hongs
to deal with the foreigners. The Co-Hongs along
with the Viceroy, who dealt with all civil matters,
and the Hoppo, who was the superintendent of
Maritime Customs, worked together to ensure that
the behaviour of the traders was not in violation of
Chinese law and above all that the Imperial Court
received custom duties and the taxes due to it.
Custom duties collected by the Hoppo were sent
directly to the Emperor.
Smuggling was endemic and the Hoppo and his men
had to keep a constant watch over the small Chinese
junks that sailed in and out of the Pearl River - many
without paying duty on the goods they carried. The
78
Viceroy, Hoppo and Co-Hongs worked together
ensuring that all dues were paid to the Imperial
Court. This arrangement was known as the ‘Canton
system’, which lasted from 1700 to 1842 and was
brought to an end by the First Opium War. After
the trading season, all foreign traders had to return
home or stay on the island of Macao. Interestingly no
women were allowed to live in Canton. 52 FPM
55 • Two matching porcelain jars on pedestals
China • 9th century
Collection: Mehernosh Heeramaneck
Canton was an important port through which
Chinese porcelain was exported. The blue and white
Canton-ware was manufactured in the Provence
of Ching-Te Chen and sent to Canton for Chinese
artists to design and decorate in vibrant shades of
blue. Canton-ware with Chinese scenes, flowers
and birds, delighted much of Europe and India in
the nineteenth century. Every home had a piece of
porcelain, some with the finesse and fragility of an
eggshell, and so named eggshell porcelain. Others
prepared at cruder kilns were of varying thickness
and referred to as Canton pattern porcelain. It was
readily available in the many shops that dotted the
bye lanes of the factory area in Canton.
Porcelain jars when exported from China were
protected by a tightly wound rope which covered
the surface of the jar thus protecting it from damage
during long sea voyages. When porcelain jars or
plates broke during the voyage, the fragmented pieces
were laid as china mosaics on the floor of homes in
Bombay. Porcelain jars were prized by the Parsis, who
liked to display several pieces of delicate porcelain in
their homes. FPM
79
INDO PORTUGUESE
CARVED FURNITURE
Indian homes in the 15th century were sparsely
furnished. Europeans as colonists created a desire
amongst Indians to adopt elevated, western-style
furniture. ‘Bombay mahogany’ refers to elaborately
carved black wood furniture. The dense carvings
incorporated a mixture of Indian and Chinese
designs - the latter made popular by the Portuguese
who were among the first to trade with China. The
legs of such pieces were often finished in dragon,
griffin or lion motifs while elaborate floral patterns
decorated the rest of the piece. FPM
80
56 • Matching chairs
Bombay • late 19th century
58 • Ottoman
Bombay • late 19th century
Private collection
Private collection
57 • Sofa
Bombay • late 19th century
59 • Table with griffin legs
Bombay • late 19th century
Private collection
Private collection
81
61 • Occasional table
Bombay • late 19th century
Private collection
82
60 • Matching chairs
Bombay • late 19th century
62 • Consol
Bombay • late 19th century
Private collection
Private collection
83
63 • Chest with sunburst design
Bombay • late 19th century
Private collection
THE SIR JJ SCHOOL OF ART
AND PARSI ARTISTS
Until the advent of the East India Company artists
in India were dependent upon court patronage for
their living. Supported by the Mughal Emperors and
the Maharajas of various states, portrait painting was
a popular form of art portraying the nobility, court
scenes and festivals. When the East India Company
extended their political control over large parts
of India, they encouraged English and European
artists to visit the country - many of whom were on
leave from the Company - to map the ethnographic
images, flora and fauna, and the historical landscape.
Artists such as the uncle and nephew team of
Thomas and William Daniel, William Hodges, Tilly
Kettle, the first portraitist in India, Johann Zoffany
and August Schoefft were some of the artists who
came to India to paint the ‘exotic’ scenes. These
artists were trained in European art schools and were
familiar with the techniques of vanishing perspective
and the play of light and shade. Such techniques were
gradually introduced to court artists in India, many
of whom trained under them.
In Bombay the leading China merchant, Sir Jamsetjee
Jejeebhoy, donated Rs 100, 000 to start a school of art,
which became the foundation of the genre known as
the Bombay School of Art.
Among the first to study sculpture and modelling
at the school was Pestonjee Bomanjee, who trained
under John Lockwood Kipling and later under John
Griffiths. His work won admiration at home and
abroad. Some of the well-known Parsi artists who
trained at the school were M.F Pithawalla,
J Lalkaka, Hormasji Deboo, Rustom Siodia and
Erach Bhiwandiwalla. With the advent of
photography it became possible to carry photographs
and have portraits painted in places as far away as
China or England.
The Parsi traders who were exposed in Canton to
the European way of life recognised the importance
of portraits as a way of asserting their position and
influence in the community. The ensuing demand for
portraits resulted in over seven hundred portraits of
Parsi notables, both men and women, which can be
viewed in public institutions, private residences and
with collectors. FPM
In 1854 the East India Company began to establish
art schools in India and by 1867 the British
Government had set up 22 schools of art with the
idea of employing the talents of local artists.
84
85
86
64 • Lady with blue ribbon
Artist unknown • late 20th century • oil on canvas
• 81 x 69 cm
65 • Bapuji Kharshedji Vatcha Gandhy
Artist: Rustom Siodia • Bombay • 1910 • oil on canvas
• 100.3 x 87 cm
Collection: Feroza and Rico Rustamjee
Collection: Hameed Haroon
Jer Pestonjee Hormusji Jamsetjee was the
granddaughter of the Parsi financier H.J Rustomji
who was a close friend of Jinnah. This exquisite
portrait was painted on her 21st Birthday, 14th May
1921. The portrait is done in the style of Academic
Realism, introduced by British artists and learned
by Indian artists such as Pestonjee Bomanjee, A.X.
Trinidade and H. Majumdar. FPM
Bapuji Vatcha Gandhi's family were China traders.
His ancestor, Modi Hirji Vatcha Gandhi, established
the first Tower of Silence in Bombay in 1672. The
family bought the land on Malabar Hill, where this
early Tower of Silence is located, and donated it to
the community. It is perhaps the oldest structure
still standing in Bombay although it is rarely used.
Bapuji’s family also founded a Fire Temple, which
carries their name. The Parsi artist, Rustom Siodia,
trained at the Sir J.J. School of Art. FPM
87
88
66 • Clock with wood casing
Carved wood • 91 x 55 cm
67 • Parsi couple holding hands
Artist unknown • late 19th century • oil on canvas
• 88.9 x 76.8 cm
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
Collection: Hameed Haroon
A wall clock is an important feature of a Parsi Fire
Temple. Priests serving the temple are required to
perform rituals at precise times of the day especially
when they serve the sacred fire. Curiously, these
clocks are adjusted not according to Indian Standard
time but to Mumbai Standard time in order for the
priests to be exact about the timing of the ritual.
The difference in time is 40 minutes and so if it is
12.40 pm Indian Standard time the clocks in the Fire
temples show the time to be 12 noon. FPM
This portrait was perhaps painted to commemorate
an occasion such as a marriage or wedding
anniversary. It is likely to have been done from
a photograph. FPM
89
68 • Sakerbai Ardeshir Bolton
Artist unknown • Bombay, India • mid-18th century
• oil on canvas • 114 x 76 cm
F.D. Alpaiwalla Museum, Bombay Parsi Punchayet, bequest of the late
Ernavaz Dubash.
Sakerbai Ardeshir Bolton’s family owned the Bolton
Rolling Steel Mills. She is depicted in a frontal pose
favoured by early Indian and Chinese artists of the
19th century. Attired in traditional dress she is shown
wearing a mathabana, a small muslin scarf under
the part of the sari that covers her head. The sacred
Zoroastrian under-shirt, sudreh can be seen to her
right draped below her waist. The deep red Victorian
day bed contrasts vividly with the colours of her sari
and blouse. No European influence is apparent in her
style of dress. FPM
90
69 • Goolbai Dhunjishaw Bolton
Photograph in a Victorian moulded scroll frame
• Bombay • early 20th century • 60 x 52 cm
F.D. Alpaiwalla Museum, Bombay Parsi Punchayet, bequest of the late
Ernavaz Dubash
A studio portrait of a well to do Parsi lady from
Bombay wearing a traditional Parsi sari with a
border and a European style puff sleeved blouse.
Photographic portraits became very fashionable
in the early 20th century and several Parsi-owned
photographic studios were set up in Bombay from the
mid-19th century onwards. FPM
91
70 • Seth Sorabji Behramji Bhabha
Artist: MF Pithawalla (1927), restored by D.N Daruwalla
(1992) • Bombay • oil on canvas • 147 x 116 cm
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
71 • Khanbahadur Hormasjee Kharshedji Bhabha
(1873 – 1940)
Artist: Probably MF Pithawalla (artist’s name painted
over by restorer) • 20th century • Bombay • oil on
canvas • 161 x 125 cm
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
92
93
72 • Spitaman Zarathustra
Artist: MF Pithawalla • Bombay • 1920’s • oil on canvas
• 114 x 94 cm
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
An artist's rendition of the Iranian Prophet
Spitaman Zarathushtra. M. F. Pithawalla's portraits
of Zarathushtra were sought after and several Parsi
Fire Temples and institutions have a portrait of the
Prophet painted by him. FPM
94
95
73 • Cooverjee Hormasji Bhabha
(d.13th January 1877)
Artist unknown • Bombay • early 20th century • oil on
canvas • 145 x 116 cmm
74 • Kharshedji Behramjee Bhabha
Artist unknown • Bombay • early 20th century • oil on
canvas • 106 x 90 cm
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
Bombay Parsi Punchayet
Cooverjee Bhabha was married to Navajbai. Little
is known of him except that he was a prominent
cotton trader with business interests in Hong Kong
and China. He invested in property in the residential
Khetwadi district and the commercial Bazargate
Street of Bombay. He founded Bhabha Sanitorium in
Bandra, as a rest and recuperation centre for Parsis
suffering from ill health. Parsis could stay at the
sanitorium for a few weeks to enjoy the fresh sea air
as the sanitorium was perched on a hill overlooking
the sea. FPM
96
97
75 • Marble bust of Meherbai Dorabji Tata C.B.E.
Mumbai, Maharashtra • 1905 • Marble • 91.7 x 41.3 cm
CSMVS, Mumbai, 33.1028. Provenance F. Jerace
76 • Bust of Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata
(1839-1904)
Mumbai, Maharashtra
Tata Services Limited
A pioneer of industry, Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata
has been called ‘the one-man planning commission
of India’. Eldest son of Nusserwanji Ratan Tata,
he recognized the new, fast-changing period of
enterprise and industrialization in India, establishing
and financing several large textile mills in Bombay.
He also founded a hydroelectric power station
and put India on the map by envisaging a steelmanufacturing complex later established by his son
Dorab Tata. FPM
98
77 • Statue of Parsi girl in ivory
Mumbai, Maharashtra • late 19th century • Ivory 17.2 cm
CSMVS, Mumbai 31.92. Gift of Smt. Naoroji Lam
The 18th–19th century Parsis in Bombay started
adapting the life-style of the British. As a corollary
it became fashionable to get oneself portrayed and
a number of Parsi portraits of this period are
available today.
generally wear an ijar, jhabla, coat and a topi. The topi
shows an indication of jari embroidery which was
promoted by the Parsis along with the embroidery
of the garas, sari borders and coats. Her long hair is
arranged in a beautiful plait. She is stylishly supporting
her arm on a decorative stand. The details of her
costume with their intricate decoration as well as her
long plait of hair are carved with the utmost care.
The portrait could be of a young girl from one of the
well-known Parsi families of Mumbai. CSMVS
This portrait of a Parsi girl gives a glimpse of the
attire of Parsi children of that age who would
99
Endnotes
See G. Azarpay, ed., Sogdian painting: the pictorial epic in oriental art
(Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 1981); B. Marshak, Legends, tales,
and fables in the art of Sogdiana (New York, 2002).
1
2 M. Shenkar, ‘The epic of Farāmarz in the Panjikent paintings’, Bulletin of
the Asia Institute 24 (2010 [2014]): 67-84.
3 Ibid.
5 See D. Stronach, ‘Some Possible Sources for the Iconography of the
Sasanian Senmurv in Elite Rhytons of Achaemenid and Parthian Date,’
in Genesis Forest: Collected Articles in Memory of Felix Ter-Martirosov
(Yerevan, 2015): 137-147.
6 Ibid. Also M. Compareti, ‘Ancient Iranian Decorative Textiles: New
Evidence from Archaeological Investigations and Private Collections.’
The Silk Road 13 (2015): 36-45; 38.
7 Compareti disputes the identification of this composite animal
as the senmurv of Iranian mythology, suggesting that it is, rather, a
representation of the Iranian concept of the farr, the divine “glory;” ibid.
8 Bd. 14. 24, ViZ 9.23.
9 See S. Cristoforetti and G. Scarcia, ‘Talking about Sīmurġ and Tāq-i
Bustān with Boris I. Marshak,’ in P. Lurje and A. Torgoev, eds, Sogdians,
Their Precursors, Contemporaries and Heirs (Saint Petersburg, 2013):
339–52.
10 Zandaniji textiles were previously thought to be Sogdian on account
of an Arabic inscription on one of them being wrongly identified as
Sogdian. See N. Sims-Williams and G. Khan, ‘Zandanījī misidentified’,
Bulletin of the Asia Institute 22 (2008 [2012]): 207-13.
18 P.O. Harper, ‘Sasanian Silver: Internal Developments and Foreign
Influences,’ in F. Baratte ed., Argenterie Romaine et Byzantine (Paris
1988): 153-62.
19 B.I. Marshak, ‘The Decoration of some Late Sasanian Silver Vessels and
its Subject Matter,’ in V.S. Curtis, R. Hillenbrand, J.M. Rodgers, eds., The
Art and Archaeology of Ancient Persia (London, 1998): 84-92.
20 M. Rahbar, ‘Découvert de monument d’époque sassanide à Bandian,
Dargaz (Nord Khorasan)’, Studia Iranica 27 (1998): 213-250.
21 V. Lukonin and K. Trever, Sasnidskoe serebro (Moscow, 1987): 87, 115,
127; plates 73–78.
22 Ibid: 44, 49–51, 107, 121, 123; pls 1–5; V. Livshitz and V. Lukonin,
‘Srednepersidskie i sogdijskie nadpisi na serebryanykh sosydakh’,
Vestnik drevnej istorii 3 (1964): 155–76.
23 V. Lukonin and K. Trever, Sasnidskoe serebro (Moscow, 1987): 107.
24 P.O. Harper and P. Meyers, Silver Vessels of the Sasanian Period. Royal
Imagery (New York, 1981): 53, n. 71; 55 fig. 19, n. 81.
25 A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, ‘The Iranian Wine Horn from
Pre-Achaemenid Antiquity to the Safavid Age’, Bulletin of the
Asia Institute 10 (1996): 85-139.
26 P.O. Harper, ‘Sources of Certain Female Representations in Sasanian
Art’, in La Persia nel Medioevo, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (Roma
1971): 503-15.
11 P. O. Harper, K. C. Lefferts & O. W. Muscarella, The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Bulletin 25.3 (November, 1966): 137.
27 K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (New York, 1979): 171, Catalogue
150; 173, Catalogue 152, 276, Catalogue 252.
12 F.M. Kotwal & J.W. Boyd, The Yasna: a high Zoroastrian liturgy
(Paris, 1991): 93.
28 Ibid: 151-52, Catalogue 130.
13 W. Malandra, An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion: readings from
the Avesta and Achaemenid inscriptions (Minneapolis,1983): 127.
14 M. Boyce, Zoroastrians, their Religious Beliefs and Practices (London,
1979): 85.
15 D. Davis (translator), The Shahnameh: the Persian book of kings, by
Abolqasem Ferdowsi (New York, 2007): 790.
16 Ibid: 848.
100
17 J. Curtis and N. Tallis (eds.), Forgotten Empire. The World of Ancient
Persia (London, 2005): 163-5.
29 M. Boyce, ed. and trans., Textual Sources for the Study of Zoroastrianism
(Manchester, 1984): 10-11.
30 V. Lukonin and K. Trever, Sasnidskoe serebro (Moscow, 1987): 75–76,
110, 121, 126; plates 26–27; V Livshitz and V. Lukonin,
‘Srednepersidskie i sogdijskie nadpisi na serebryanykh sosydakh’,
Vestnik drevnej istorii 3 (1964): 155–76.
31 R. Levy, The Epic of the Kings (London, 1967): 319.
32 Ibid: 321.
33 U. Sims-Williams, ‘Zoroastrian Manuscripts in the British Library,
London’ in A. Cantera, ed., The Transmission of the Avesta (Wiesbaden,
2012): 173-94.
34 B. Schmitz and N. Akhtar, ‘Important illustrated manuscripts in the
National Museum, Delhi’, in B. Schmitz, ed., Painting in Delhi and the
Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries, (Delhi, 2002): 56-73.
35 E. Yarshater “Afrāsīāb”, in Encyclopaædia Iranica (www.iranicaonline
org/articles/afrasiab-turanian-king).
36 V. Sarkhosh Curtis, Persian Myths (London 1993, 2002): 48.
37 H. Blochmann’s translation of extracts from Bada’uni’s Muntakhab
al-tavarikh, in his translation of Abu’l-Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari, vo1 1, bk. 1
(Calcutta, 1873): 184.
45 The carvings of the two semi-circular marble friezes that decorated the
newly built Crawford Market and the fountain near the entrance were
designs executed by Pestonjee Bomanjee and other students studying
sculpture under Lockwood.
46 Ricketts, Ibid: 8, 10-14, and R. Lancelyn Green, Kipling and the
Children (London, 1965): 24-25.
47 Notes on the text ‘How the Rhinoceros got his Skin’, written by
Lisa Lewis (2014) for the Oxford World’s Classics. The story was first
published in St Nicholas Magazine in February, 1898 and illustrated by
Oliver Herford. It was introduced as ‘Now this is the last tale and it tells
how the Rhinoceros got his wrinkly skin’ (http://www.kiplingsociety
co.uk/rg_rhino_notes.htm, accessed 5-12-2015).
38 J.J. Modi, The Parsees at the Court of Akbar and Dastur Meherjee Rana
(Bombay, 1903): 95-163.
48 R. Kipling, Just So Stories for Little Children, illustrated by the author
(London, 1955 edition): 34.
39 D.J. Sheffield, ‘Primary Sources: New Persian’, in M. Stausberg and
Y. Vevaina, eds. The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Zoroastrianism
(Hoboken, 2015): 532.
49 F. Punthakey Mistree with P. Godrej, ‘The Lure of China and the Art of
Parsi Portraiture in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries’ in
S. Stewart, ed., The Everlasting Flame Zoroastrianism in History and
Imagination (London, 2013): 65.
40 F.M. Kotwal, ‘A Brief History Of The Parsi Priesthood’, in S, Shaked
and A. Netzer.Jerusalem, eds., Irano-Judaica II, Studies Relating to
Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture Throughout the Ages (Jerusalem,
1990): 221-4.
41 See D.J. Sheffield, ‘The language of heaven in Safavid Iran: Speech
and cosmology in the thought of Āzar Kayvān and his followers,’
in A. Korangy and D. Sheffield, eds., No tapping around philology:
A Festschrift in honor of Wheeler McIntosh Thackston Jr.’s 70th birthday
(Wiesbaden, 2014): 161-83.
50 In Lahore, Rudyard Kipling was inspired to write the book Kim and
several others.
51 P. Godrej and F. Punthakey Mistree, eds., A Zoroastrian Tapestry: art,
religion and culture (Mumbai, 2002): 564-7.
52 Across Oceans and Flowing Silks, From Canton to Bombay 18th to 20th
Centuries and No Parsi is an Island (Mumbai, 2013): 184.
42 I thank Dan Sheffield for this information and also for his help in
identifying the Avestan texts mentioned here.
43 W.E. Gladstone Solomon, ‘Lockwood Kipling and the Bombay School
of Art’, The Kipling Journal 3 (October 1927): 9-12. The plaque states:
Rudyard Kipling,
Son of Lockwood Kipling,
First principal of
The Bombay School of Art
Was born here (30-12-1865)
44 H. Ricketts, Rudyard Kipling A Life (New York, 2000): 6. Lockwood’s
visit to the Great Exhibition in London in 1851 shaped his desire to be
an artist and a craftsman. He received intensive training in Gothic as
well as Italian Ornamentation art.
101
Lenders to the Exhibition
British Library, London. Cat 2, 31, 37, 41, 42
British Museum, London. Cat 16, 17a, 17b, 35, 36, 39, 40
Bombay Parsi Panchayat. Cat 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya (CSMVS), Mumbai. Cat 75, 76
FD Alpaiwala Museum, Bombay Parsi Punchayet . Cat 67, 68
Feroza & Rico Rustomjee. Cat 64
Firoza Punthakey Mistree. Cat 50, 51, 52, 53, 54
Hameed Haroon. Cat 65, 66
Homi Ranina. Cat 45
National Museum, New Delhi. Cat 32, 33, 34
National Museum of Iran, Tehran. Cat 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30
North East History Foundation, Korea. Cat 4
Private Collection. Cat 56, 57
Private Collection. Cat 55
Private Collection. Cat 47, 48
Private Collection. Cat 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63
Rayomand Manekshaw. Cat 46, 49
Tata Services Ltd. Cat.77
The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Cat 1, 3, 5, 18,19, 20, 25
Victoria & Albert Museum, London. Cat 12, 13, 14, 15
Photo Credits
Pavel Lurje. Cat 6, 8, 9, 10
Kaiyan Mistree. Cat 52, 53
Harshad Panchal. Cat 46, 49
Ursula Sims-Williams. Cat 11
Sarah Stewart. Cat 43, 44
Contributors to the catalogue
British Museum
Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis (VSC)
British Library
Ursula Sims – Williams (US-W)
Claremont University
Jenny Rose
Collège de France
Frantz Grenet (FG)
National Museum, Delhi
Khatibur Rahman (KR)
102
National Museum of Iran, Tehran
Zahra Akbari (ZA)
Shahrokh Razmjou (SR)
SOAS
Jahan Foster (JF)
Almut Hintze (AF)
Sarah Stewart (SS)
Nicholas Sims-Williams (NS-W)
The State Hermitage Museum
Mariam Dandamaeva (MD)
Larisa Kulakova (LYK)
Pavel Lurje (PL)
Unesco Parzor
Shernaz Cama (SC)
Zoroastrian Studies, Mumbai
Firoza Punthakey Mistree (FPM)
Independent Scholar
Pheroza J. Godrej
Prudence Harper
Supplement to the Catalogue
The Everlasting Flame, Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination
published by I.B. Tauris in Association with SOAS, University of London
(Copyright sign) 2013 SOAS, University of London
National Museum
New Delhi