Eugenio María de Hostos - Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes

EUGENIO MARÍA DE MOSTOS:
P r o m e t e r oí P a n A m e r i c a n i s r n
A COLLECTIOH OF WRITINGS AND A
BIBLIOGHAPHY PREPARED AND EP1TED
BY EUGE&IO CARLOS DE MOSTOS.
J u a n
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CONTENTS
Pag e&
Acknowledgements
Introduction. Dr. E. S. Brightman
,
PART I
THE MAN
I. U f e
Dr. J. E. Balseiro.—E. M. de Hostos: Híspanle America Public Servant
Mrs. Muña Lee.—E. M. de Hostos: His international
significance as an Educator
IX, The man of aetion
i,—R. EL Aif aro.—A sketch of de Hostos'Lif e
II.—H. W. Franta.—E. M. de Hostos, P. í£. "D. Quixote of
Liberty" finds faithful biographer
IH.—Otto Schoenrich.—Hostos
IV.—S. Vidrine.—Hostos as seen by a n American Schoolgirl
THE CX>MMEMORATEON OF
Eugenio María de Hostos'centenary
I.—The centenary oí Eugenio María de Hostos
H.—Dr. L. S. Rowe.—Hostos in t h e P a n American Union
HI.—Hon. B. Winship.—The Centenary of E. M. de Hostos
IV.—Dr. E. S. Brightman..—Ainerica y Hostos
V.—B. Oallagher.—"The D. Quixote of Liberty*'
VI.-—Laws of Puerto Rico honoring E. M. de Hostos
PART II
LIFE-WORK OF EUGENIO MARÍA DS HOSTOS
Dr. P. de Alba.—E. M. de Hostos and his ideas of
social morality
Dr W. H. Crawford,—Eugenio Maria de Hostos ...
Prof. M. Magdaleno.—Hostos, a milestone in the
life of America
Dr. J. A. Franquiz.—A commemorative edition of de
Hostos'complete works
Columbia Encyclopedia.—Hostos, Eugenio Maria de
Encyclopedia of Social Sciences.—Eugenio María de
Hostos
11
13
21
45
59
64
69
71
77
79
82
84
87
95
101
125
139
117
154
155
CONTENTS
Dr. I s a a c Goldberg.—Hostos ...
J o s e p h Pérez.—Latín American Phüosophy
Dr, A. F . H u n t , Jr.—$¡. M. d e Hostos on Constitutional
Science ...
Br. M a x Daireaux,—Actualité de B. M, de Hostos ...
Dr. E. Montenegro,—G h u m a n i s m o de Eugenio María
de Hosotos
Di\ S, Tavares.—Eugenio M a r í a de Hostos (in P o r tugúese)
H. W. Frantz.—Carifobean was eradle of g r e a t lifcer a r y writers
157
158
164
186
172
179
181
PART I I I
PAPERS BY EUOENIO MARÍA D S HOSTOS
T h e greatest event i n m o d e r n t i m e s : t h e f o u r t h of
July, Í776
George W a s h i n g t o n a s a n example of patriotism ...
Pacific Ocean: yon wiU be t h e t r a n s m i t t e r of t h e
American civilization ...
...
Dr. J . Padin.—An Essay o n H a m l e t
An Essay on Hamlet, I n t r o d u c t i o n
Oeneralities
Poloníous
Horatio
Inertes
Claudius
Qertrude
Ophelia
T h e Prince
Exposition.—The action
Bevelopment of t h e Plot
T h e Soliloquy
Dialogue
,
Climax
Denouemenfc
Conclusión
189
191
195
201
20S
204
205
207
210
211
216
220
225
234
247
253
256
259
288
2fi9
PAK.T IV'
BIBLXOOBAPHY
I.—Works by Eugenio M a r í a de Hostos
;i.~_Hostosiana:
A. Books about h i r a
B. Sketches a n d notes about Hostos
C. A few Reviews a n d newspapers
D. Bibliographies
E. Dictionartes a n d Encyciopedias
273
...
27B
280
301
308
310
"I wisib they Will e&y:
" í n that ísland (Puerto Rieo) a
m a n Was b o m who loved tratJb ?
deBÍred jastice, anci Worked for
ttlie good o£ inen."
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS.
La Peregrinación
d e Bayoán,
Madrid, 1863.
"Scientific faith aimomsces a moral
and intellectual NeW Worid. Patrialie faith amiouncea a Latía American
horaeiand which—adding to the poli(Jcal streugth oí the North American
thti difasive, intagínative, and her^íe
spíirit of our race—Will add to the
coiupletely American civslizaíion the
etliie and aeathelic alemente noW
miesing from civilization."
EUGENIO MARÍA D E HOSTOS.
{Reprint from Bul!, 10. De Rosto?
C«nteíiary Conimíseion, p . 47.)
"The áay my letters to SarniienioMitre, P a r d o , t h e Matta hrothers.,
Adolfo íháfies, and the Cuban Representativee in NeW York are prw
Iblished, it will b e acen that I have
not ceased to steuggle íor progresa
arad imity of the American peoples."
EUGENIO MARÍA D E HOSTOS.
(DIARIO)
ACKNO¥/LEDGEMENTS
I sincerely wish to reneew my deep appreciation to the
authors for their enlightened contributions to this book,
and in particular to the University of Miami Hispanic
American Studies for pei*mission to reprint "Eugenio María de Hostos: Hispanic America Public Servant" by
Prof, José A. Balseiro, to the Columbia Kncyclopedia for
permission to print their notice of Dr. de Hostos, and to The
Young Phüosopher for allov/ing me to reprint a fragment
of "I^atin American Philosaphy" by Mr. Joseph Térez; thus
to conmemórate t h e fiftieth anniversary of Father's death.
It ís & pleasure also to expresa my appreciation to the
Printers for their fine effort to print this book: in three
foreign languages, improvising some characters not used
in Spanish.
E, C. de H.
Castillo de Sotomayor,
Arcade, Galicia, 11, I, 1953.
INTRODUCTION
EUOENIQ MARÍA DEJ HOSTOS; FHILOSOPHER OF
PETRSONAMTY
BY
EDGAR SHEFFEEI^ BRIGHTMAK
Pr&fessor
Auth&r,
of Philosophy,
Boston
essttyisf-, lecturer, poet,
Universily;
publicista
An English-speaking American, when lie first becomes
acquainted with t h e life-work, t h e writings, a n d t h e personality of Eugenio María de Hostos, is overeóme with amasement. Here is a n authentically great m a n of our America, —a great m a n of whom many of t h e most highly
cultured citizens of t h e United States of North America
nave not even heard. T h e qualities of this great m a n a r e
comparable in some respeets to those of Emerson, of Bronson Alcott, and of Abraham Licoln. He liad t h e liberal mind
and universal soul of Emerson, t h e educational passion of
Bronson Alcott, a n d t h e lave of h u m a n i t y of Abraham Lincoln, a n d yet h e was in no possible sense a n imitator of
any of these. He was a philosopher, a sociologist, a publicista and a n educator; although h e attained in n o one of
these fields t h a t degree of transcedent excellence whieh
would raise h i m to pre-eminence yet he was without question one of the truly great personalities of his age.
I n t h e presence of the fact of Hostos, it is necessary to
pause to l a m e n t t h e ignorance of his work which prevails
in the United States. The average English-speaking scholar
relies for his primary biographical Information on t h e
18
aUQBHIO MABÍA OE HOSTOS:
standard works oí reference. He loofos in The Encyclopaeái^
Britannica, or in Webster*s Neta International
Dictionar¿/,
or in LippÍTiCQÍt's Biographical Dictionary, or in Mawson's
Internatiotial Book of Ñames. I n none of these is Hostos
even mentioned. If he consults his usual handy French
source, the Nouveau Peíit Larotisse, he will have the same
iíl fortune (although the Spanish Pequeño Larousse vvould
provide a short item for him). Uberweg's Geschichie det
Philosophie, he finds, devotes a pitiful half page to ali of
South and Central America and Cuba, but makes no mention of Puerto Rico or Santo Domingo or of the great
Hostos, He will find oniy one readiiy accessible account of
the man, namely, Carlos Pereyra's article in the Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (*): but even from t h a t he
would glean no Information about such hooks as the Tratado de Sociología and the Moral Social. T h a t the Englishspeaking world and its Frenen and Germán authorities are
so crassly ignorant of so important a m a n is deplorable and
it is to be hoped t h a t the Centenary of Hostos will provide
occasion for dissemination of Hght about this magnificent
American.
There are four outstanding traits of this thinker: love
of liberty, devotion to reason, moral idealista, and educa tional leadership.
His love of liberty animated his whole career, and
whether he was in Spain, in Santo Domingo, or in South
America, he never forgot his patriotic love for the liberty
of his native island. But he was no narrow patriot in the
petty nationalistic sense. He díd not love liberty for himself
or his land and wish to deny it to others; his spirit was so
large t h a t he cared more for t r u t h and justice than for
any special political plan for the realization of liberty.
í*) There
E. C. <te H.
is noW
anotber
in
The
Columbio
Encvclopaedia
Í19501,
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
17
Indeed, it may be said t h a t his love of liberty derived
its grandeur from t h e fact t h a t it was subordínate to his
devotion to reason. This comes to classic expression in his
famous address "To t h e Masters of t h e Normal SchooP*
before his first graduating class in Santo Domingo ín 1884.
"Give me t h e t r u t h " , said he, "and I shall give you a world.
Without t r u t h , you can destroy t h e world. I, with t r u t h
and nothing b u t t r u t h shall reconstruct it as often as you
destroy it". Such words are t h e foundation of culture and
of civilized society everywhere in t h e world, and for t h e m
alone the ñ a m e of Hostos is worthy of inmortality- They
were not a casual remark dropped in a n oratorical moment;
they expressed t h e passionate devotion to reason and
rational t r u t h which animated his whole thinking and
conduct.
His devotion to reason was joined to a n unfaltering
moral idealism. History shows more t h a n one m a n of acute
powers of reason who has been devoid of moral sense; a n d
even some men, who were possessed of reason to a high
degree and who pursued liberty, have lacked conscience*
But Hostos was distinguished, like K a n t and Fichte, for
his insight into t h e unity of t h e theoretical and the practical reason. I n fact, he might almost be called the Fichte
of Spanish-speaking America. For him, life m e a n t fulfilment of duty, individual and social in a n inseparable unión.
What was not right was not possible for him to consider.
Few men have felt a purer loyalty t o the moral ideal or
have possessed a more fundamental insight into t h e importance of morality for social life, as well as for individual
perfection.
His fourth great trait, t h a t of educational leadership r
is simply en application of the others. His moral idealism
made it obligatory on h i m to try to lead others to liberty
and reason. In Santo Domingo and in various South Ame-
18
E U G E N I O MAKÍA D E HOSTOS:
rican centers, h e developed educational experiments, always
with social aims, b u t yet allowing n o compromise with
social evils or abuses. He felt t h a t it would be useless to
continué teachmg anywhere where h e could not teach
freely t h e principies of reason and goodness; b u t h e continued long after others would have given up,
Looking on these traits and on his life work as a whole,
one is inclined to describe Hostos as a philosopher of personality. The dignity of free personality; t h e authority of
rational personality; t h e perfection of moral personality;
and t h e remaking of personality, individual and social,
by a sound educational method — such was the theme and
the purpose of Hostos. He believed in free personality. Interest in purely n a t u r a l science or in abstract studies was
secondary and almost absent from his development. Knowledge about personality, its supreme valué, its organic
social cooperation, a n d its cosmic dignity, — this was t h e
essence of t h e t h o u g h t of Hostos. No one who is concerned
with t h e interpretation of h u m a n valúes or with living a
noble life can fail to learn m u c h from this eminent American sage, truly a philosopher of personality.
Reprij.it from Buli. 12 P u e r t o Rico De Hostos Centenary Commisslon,
PART
THE MAN
I
E U G E N I O MARÍA D E H O S T O S : H I S P A N I C AMBBICA
PUBLIC SERVANT
BY
-JOSÉ A. B A L S E I R O
(1)
University
o/ Miami Hisp-anic America»
Sludies* Edíted fey J. Hiis Givíe^
P h D., Niimber Sis* Coral Gablee, F l o r i d a , J a n u a r y , 1949. Copyright b y
tbe Uuíversity of Míanss. Heprinted by permíesion from the Uuíversity oí
Míarai Hispanie A m e r i c a n Stíídies.
(1) F o r m e r l y Professor o£ B o m a n c e ILanguages and Literaiure», Uuíversity o£ Illinois (1930-1933), and Professor oí Spanisli Literature., University of P u e r t o Rico (1933-36), is noW Professor of Spanigh at tlie University
oí Miami. H e has leetured at the Universifcies of México, lowa, Wiseonsiii.
New Y o r k , Alábanla and P u e r t o R i c o ; has partieipated in cultural progratns at Madrid, Habana, Washington, D. C , Saint Louis, etc., and has
taught in sumiller sessions at Northwestern (1937) and D u k e (1947). I n
p u b l i c life: State D e p a r t m e n t Delégate to First International Congress o n
Teaching of Ibero-Ameriean Literature (México, 1938) ; Senator»at-íarge,
P u e r t o Rican Senate (1940-44) ; P r e s i d e n t P u e r t o Rico Stateliood Assocíation (1945).
A n t h o r of m a n y b o o k s , essayigt, lecturer, fiction writer
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS: Hisjxmic
Servant.
America
Public
We are facing a m a n essentially strong. We are facing
a thinker whose ideas were never for sale, whose pen was
priceless. We are facing a character who h a d n o ambition
to be considerad a great m a n , b u t who always tried to be
useful to his time. He was conscious of t h e fact t h a t t h e
world, a n d history itself, are ordinarily inclined to favor
the so-called great m e n to t h e negleet of those who are
useful; a n d h e advocated a n innovation for t h e Western
Hemisphere— namely, t h e placing of t h e useful m a n
anead of t h e great m a n .
Hostos is, t h u s , a vital moment in t h e conscience of
Hispanic America. "Teach t h e continent to think." T h a t
was his aim; t h a t his m á n d a t e . "Civilization or death/*
That was his warning; t h a t his peaceful, b u t determined»
battle ci*y.
A fighter for civilization a n d a champion for t h e prornotion of m a n ' s progress, there is a chapter in one of his
main works, Moral Social, t h a t speaks for its a u t h o r a n d
for itself: "Duties of Man Towards Morality," All t h e
spirit a n d purpose of Hostos 1 life a n d intellect are embodied
within those five words.
Hostos was a complete m a n , because he p u t ali t h e
strength of his soul into every act of his life. He claimed
t h a t all m e n are good when they are n o t influenced by
passion, interest or error. And, a rationalist himself, Hostos
pleaded for a system of education t h a t would include t h e
24
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
necessary acquaintance with scientific methods t o free t h e
mind from fanaticism. And, having reverence for t h e duties
a n d responsibilities of t h e individual towards h u m a n i t y ,
h e never acted as a petty patriot. We find ixim always alert,
ready and anxious to serve those in need of knowledge a n d
with thirst for justice, regardless of their nationalities,
wherever h e met t h e m (2). And, moved by moral idealism ?
with t h e faith of t h e apostles, he said once: "Give m e t h e
t r u t h , and I shall give you a world. Without t r u t h , you
can destroy the world. I, with t r u t h a n d nothing b u t t r u t h ,
shall reconstruct it as often as you destroy it."
Being a consummate teacher — a teacher of character
and citizenship as well as teacher of facts — his disciples
begged him once to publish his moral code. And Hostos
responded t h a t ethics should be consecrated not in books,
b u t in action: "Whoever leads a n evil life, preaches evil,
and whoever thinks evil and speaks evil leads a n evil life.J>
He condemned t h e lack of character as t h e worst tipe of
immorality; and believed t h a t gambling, repugnant to his
t h o u g h t as gambling was, is more worthy t h a n politics
separated from morality.
No wonder t h a t this creature of kindness a n d this master of austerity preached a message understood only by a
very small civilized minority. No wonder t h a t , without a
demagogic trap to catch the ignorant a n d without a fíattering voice to woo t h e strong ones, he never became t h e
official spokesman of his peoplesHostos used to assert t h a t t h e only revolution t h a t had
not t a k e n place in Hispanic America was t h e educational
revolution. His type of heroism — essentially dignif ied, selfsacrificing and without avarice for power — was of a su(2) I n one oí Hostos' letters addressed to Nicolás Salmerón (Barcelona, Jannary 16, 18868) we find this r e m a r k : Quienquiera
que padece por
la verdad y la justicia, ése es mi amigo.
PiíDMOTEH OF PAN AMEKICAKISM
25
perior quality. I t was not compatible with intrigue and
hysterics. I t was not aixned to add proselytes and to conquer t h e masses t h r o u g h t h e easy road óf elemental emo~
tionalism, I t was to build character a n d to edúcate the
intelligence. Hostos followed t h e hard way to arrive a t the
world of reason. He was born to work: to advance t o his
own tirne the seeds of t h e future. Wherever h e went he
acted like a h u m a n i t a r i a n and like a patriot* His life was
a long and dramatic struggle to ímprove his fellow-men
and to promote t h e welfare of each country where he
stopped. "To t r a i n a m a n for t h e concrete h u m a n i t y t h a t
is his own country and for t h e abstract country t r a t is
humanity." T h a t was his gospel.
Eugenio María de Hostos was born in Río Cañas, a suburb
of the town of Mayagüez, on the western coast of Puerto
Rico, J a n u a r y 11, 1839. At t h a t time, according to the
testimony of his distinguished contemporary, Alejandro
Tapia, a playwright and critic, Puerto Rico was still in t h e
sixteenth century. Hostos received his elementary schooling
in San J u a n . I n 1352 h e was sent to Spain. First he
attended the Institute of Bilbao; afterwards, a t t h e age
of 18, h e registered in t h e Law Scool of the Universidad
Central de Madrid. Here he became acquainted with
leading figures of t h e epoch, including Salmerón, Giner de
los Ríos, Ascárate, Pí y Margall and Leopoldo Alas. At 24
he wrote a novel with a purpose, La Peregrinación de Bayoán. The purpose was political as well as social, emphasizing the misgovernment of t h e Spanish West Indies. Pedro
Antonio de Alarcón said t h a t there were pages in this
fiction "which I can never forget". Nevertheless, Hostos,
so gifted literalily speaking, was not inclined to follow a
literary career exclusively. One night — St. Daniel's
night — April 10, 1865, t h e students of t h e University of
Madrid started a mutiny against the government t h a t was
26
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
attempting to suppress the free speech of tlieir professors.
I n the main lobby of t h e Ateneo, where t h e intellectual
élite and the liberal minds gathered, a young m a n was
protesting, with as m u c h courage as clear-cut words,
against t h e officíal action. The great novelist Pérez Galdós,
who was then 22 years oíd, witnessed t h e scene and recorded it in one of his "Episodios nacionales": Prim. Here
Caldos refers to t h e young, brilliant a n d energetic opposeT
of the government — Hostos, de ideas muy radicales, taléis
indo y brioso — who was fighting for academic liberty (3).
Three years later t h e queen, Isabel II, was overthrown,
Hostos' republican friends, whom he h a d helped by backing
their program, offered him a n important political position
ín the newly created system. T h a t was not what h e wanted.
That was not the promise with which h e was deeply concerned — t h e promise h e expected to see fulfilled. He was
not then, and h e never was, seeking a personal benefrt
He had been looking forward to autonomy for Cuba and
Puerto Rico. Castelar balked. Castelar did not deliver t h e
goods. Ah! but the great orator made one more rhetorical
phrase: Primero soy español que republicano ("I am first
a Spaniard, then a republican/*) Hostos pronounced a bitter
word against the m a n whose pledge was broken. He called
t h e president of the first Spanish Republic el afeminado
Castelar ("effeminate Castelar")* Furthermore, h e warned
the Spanish republican government. The Antilles had been
deceived. The Antilles have been t h e victims of traditional
despotism. The Antilles could not, must not continué united
to their metrópolis. Early in 1869 Hostos left Spain. He
carne to t h e United States. I n New York Hostos joined the
(3) Hostos himself explained bis participation in the eveiits in a lelter
he v;rote to Práxedes Mateo Sagasta (Barcelona, March 18» 1868): ¿Reciterda Ud, nuestra campaña del 65? Yo fui, gracias a Dios y a m í indignación, el primero en protestar contra las infames matanzas de San Daniel.
T^a protesta era un peligro, y mi firma al pie de la protesta lo desafió.
F R O M O T E B O F PAN ÁMERICANISM
27
Cuban Revolutionary J u n t a . He was appointed managingeditor of t h e official periodical La Revolución,
On August 19, 1870, Hostos realized t h a t i n New York,
among those countrymen a n d those Cubans who did not
seem to understand him, it was impossible t o m a k e t h e
revolution. He was already aware of t h e fact t h a t his own
sacriíice, so long, h a d been useless, And h e felt t h a t one
should not work without a clear goal to conquer. Theref ore
h e t h o u g h t of carrying t h r o u g h o u t Hispanic America his
message for t h e independence of t h e subjected Antilles,
Cuba a n d Puerto Rico.
He left for Cartagena on October 4, 1870. F r o m here to
Callao, by way of P a n a m á . F r o m Callao to t h e capital of
Perú, where we find h i m in November of t h a t year. Like
Sarmiento, first, like Martí, afterwards, Hostos could, a t
any time, m a k e a living as a journalist. I n Lima h e
associated with Federico Torrico t o found a newspaper*
La Patria) t o serve as his vehicle t o t r a n s m i t his liberal
creed. Three events occurred while Hostos was in Lima.
All of t h e m show t h e moral intelligence, t h e philanthropic
n a t u r e a n d t h e integrity of this m a n . The Chínese workers
laboring in t h e mines were t h e víctims of economic exploitation. And Hostos, in a series of articles, tuned-up
public opinión against such mistreatment. T h e educator
was never out of Hostos' t h o u g h t ; h e established a Society
of Friends of Learning to promote t h e development of
elementary a n d secondary teaching. Hostos was poor. I t
was n o t a secret t h a t h e was in need of money. B u t he
kept on t h i n k i n g of others a n d of t h e cause h e was engaged
in, n o t of himself, And his pocket grew emptier a n d emptier while his writings won more respect a n d exerted
wider influence on his Lima readers. At t h a t time t h e
republic of Perú was considering t h e project for t h e Oroya
railway. One of the bidders offered Hostos $200,000 to be
28
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS".
used for t h e Cuban campaign, as the contractor put it„
if La Patria would tender editorial support to his scheme.
Hostos thoroughly studied all the propositions submitted;
and when he was satisfied t h a t the design of his selfappointed benefactor was not t h e best, proceeded to
denounce publicly the clauses detrímental to the interés!
of t h e community. Henee the hidden toribe was rejected.
Once more Hostos shows t h a t with him duty ruled over
conveniente. A m a n of virtue, he never trafficked either
under false pretense or with unworthy people.
I n 1872 we find the wandering missionary of Liberty in
Valparaíso. He works for a local newspaper. But, a case
simüar to Rubén Darío*s in the years to come, Valparaíso
was just a station on his way to Santiago, The capital
seemed to ha ve been fertile ground for foreigners of genius
who were willing to devote themselves to teaching, to
orienting, to writing. There was t h e Venezuelan Andrés
Bello who, while living in England, was asked to go to this
same capital, in 1829. And the Argentinian Domingo Faustino Sarmiento who, in 1842, organized in this city t h e
first Híspanle-American normal school. While residing here
the former, who became president of the University in 1843,
published, in 1847, his famous Gramática de la Lengua
Castellana — a book t h a t followed, chronologically speaking, the latter's masterpiece, Facundo, whose first instalment was printed in the periodical El Progreso, on May
2nd, 1845.
The field was open to new adventures of t h e mind.
And Hostos was feeling the urge to bring more and more
of the future into the present.
Why was scientific education closed to women? Why
were women denied t h e right to study as men did? A
pioneer at that, Hostos became the champion of women's
cultural emancipation, and his campaign was decisive in
FHOMOTEB O F PAN
AMERICANISM
29
winning admission to tlie University for every qualified
woman willing to get a professional education.
Hostos m a d e n o t a few friends among statesmen and
intellectuals (4).
Wbuld t h e wide continental p a n o r a m a erase in his memory t h e picture of his tiny, far-awy island? I t is t h e n
t h a t he publishes La reseña histórica de Puerto Rico. Would
looking back home reduce t h e scope of his universal curiosity o n a world-renowned subject? I t is t h e n t h a t h e
prints his superb essay on Harnlet. Hostos continúes
proving t h a t t h e deeper our patriotism is, t h e more we
should search t h e polyphonic expression of numerous lands
and cultures for a better understanding of humanity.
T h e next station is Montevideo, where h e stops for a
day, in September 1873. Then to Buenos Aires. Everything
was not going to r u n smoothly here. Welcomed by the
Porteños, he was about to receive a caustic a t t a c k in t h e
editorial columns of El Correo Español. Hostos answered
back in his most piercing vein; and only when Cuban
friends interfered, was a duel avoided.
Again this servant of m e n was going t o be useful to
other Hispanic-American republics. He noticed now t h a t
Chile a n d Argentina should benefit reciprocally if a railway
were constructed t h r o u g h t h e Andes establishing communication between both countries. Hostos wrote a series
of articles in favor of t h e idea. His suggestion was accepted,
And t h e first locomotive t h a t crossed t h e huge cordillera
was named Eugenio María de Hostos (5).
T h e pilgrimage goes on. Here is Brazil. A m u c h larger
(4) H e always remenibered J. Victorino Lastarria, M a n u e l Antonio
Matta, Benjamín Vicuña M a c k e n n a , P e d r o León Gallo, etc. (Letter to
J. J . H e n n a , September 23, 1895, frora Santiago de Chile.)
(5) W h i l e i n Argentina Hostos visited Río Cuarto, Córdoba and Ro.
sacio. H e left Buenos Aires o n F e b n i a r y 22, 1874 on b o a r d t h e steamer
La VH1.& de Bahía.
30
EUGENIO MAEÍA DE HOSTOS:
nation but a people less interested a t the time in paying
attention to Hostos and hís mission.
I t is the year 1875. He finds out t h a t t h e Cubans are
organizing a revolutionary expedition to leave from New
York. And he moves northward. Perhaps he remembers
t h a t Bolívar thought of carrying his military campaign
against t h e Spanish government into Cuba and Puerto
Rico...
There is not a n opportunity t o land in Cuba (6). And
Hostos proceeds to Puerto Plata in Santo Domingo, Here
h e is t h e outstanding contributor to Las Dos Antillas, a
periodical founded by the Cuban Enrique Coronado. When
forced by the government to be discontinued, Hostos started
a new publication more to his taste and closer to his goal:
Las Tres Antillas. This paper stood for t h e confederacy of
three m a i n Caribbean inslands — a dear political obsessíon
throughout Hostos' life. His cry, "The Antilles must stand
or fall together", is one of t h e very rare rhetorical a n d
frenzied phrases from his usually sound, substantial a n d
íar-seeing mind. How could h e — so well informed in matters pertaining to Hispanic America, and having first-hand
Knowledge of t h e countries to t h e south — have forgotten
the failure of those like the Chileans Don J u a n Egaña and
J u a n Martínez de Rosas, and the Venezuelan Bolívar, a n d
t h e Ecuadorian Olmedo who aimed a t a n alliance of
Hispanic-American nations? Did Hostos ever stop to t h i n k
of t h e downfall of La G r a n Colombia? Even favorite
sons — Bolívar a n d Santander — from two of t h e three
states t h a t formed it were unable to keep together an
aiready settled political unión of geographically incor(6) The expedition, organízed under the eoznmand of the Cuban ge*
neral Aguilera, was a total failure. Departing from New Y o r k ( April 29»
1875) the boat, k c o w n as Charles Miller, was i n snch b a d shape that they
had t o go back*
PROMOTER OP P A H AMEÍtXCANISM
31
porated lands (7). There are also t h e u n í ortunate experienees of the G u a t e m a l a n Francisco Morazán, and t h e Honduran José Cecilio Valle, who worked persistently for the
confederacy of republics as cióse to eacli other as those of
the Central American group.
Hostos' Las Tres Antillas, as its predecessor, was
discontinuad toy order of González, t h e president of the
Dominican Republic.
The next move of the noble adventurer is towards Venezuela. He does not know it yet, but during the year and
eight m o n t h s t h a t h e will be there h e will enjoy, r a t h e r
late, a n epoch-making lyric intermezzo. Venezuela is going
to be, after his unpredictable love experience in Caracas,
the home of t h e most refined and attractive fifteen-year
oíd girl Hostos ever saw — Belinda, t h e daughter of the
Cuban doctor of medicine Don Filipo Carlos de Ayala.
We confront a n out-of-date romantic picture. Inda, as
Hostos calis her, loves the apostle of liberty. He is fascinated
by her voice — Una voz argentina repercutió en mi oído;
y él acento, casi en mi corazón. And Hostos is so vehemently
conquered t h a t h e would write, inaccurately, in his Páginas íntimas: Ha sido mi único amor, y es natural que todo
haya sido para mí trascendental. He seems to forget t h a t ,
according to his own Journal, while in New York (July 14,
1870) h e was in love with a young lady called Cara. B u t
despite this lapse, h e is truly a n d definitely captivated. I t
(7) I n a letter frorti Bolívar to O'Leary, in which the former discussed
the aeparation of Nueva Granada and Venezuela, one reads these word*
of discouragement and defeat— Este ensayo (la Gran Colombia) no pro'
»teíe las esperanzas que nos habíamos
figurado.
On t h e other hand, not a few of Santander*^ letters, addressed to Bolívar himself, show the incompatibility between the former, determined t o
the conatitution of G r a n Colombia, and t h e independent individualism of
the Veneznelan w h o , m o r e t h a n once, eomplained of Santander'» unWilling*
neas to cooperate with h i m .
32
E U G S N I O MAKIA D5S H O S T O S :
is refreshing to see h i m t a k i n g leave of his severity of
t h o u g h t to indulge himself in the light notes t h a t remind
us of a Beethoven scherzo, as when h e writes to I n d a , on
April 4, 1877 (8), Yes, how h e loves her!... B u t h e r p a r e n t s
are afraid to see their d a u g h t e r won by such a virtuous
a n d learned, and a t t h e same time unsettled and poverty
strieken, knight errant. Yes, h e h a s been working a t t h e
Colegio de la Paz where, besides teacher, h e was assistant
to Soteldo, t h e principal. But they know how quixotic his
n a t u r e is and how h e h a s already resigned his position.
Why did h e withdraw? There was a n oíd, n o t very worthy,
Cuban emigrant among t h e instructora. And Soteldo, arbitrarüy, fired him. Hostos did n o t t h i n k m u c h of t h e
ousted one; but, as a m a t t e r of h u m a n dignity, gave u p
his own job. And Inda's elders are reluctant to welcome
t h e Puerto Rican into their family. They have grounds to
believe t h a t in his lif e his country and t h e Cuban revolution
come first. Hostos makes it crystal clear t h a t t h e girl is
ready to honor his manly obligation towards his ideáis
a n d to encourage him to go forward... No, no; it is n o t
compatible; it is not feasible. They even t h i n k of entering
the girl in a college a t Curacao. Hostos, in t h e meantime*
is writing for La Opinión Nacional and El Demócrata. B u t
on J u n e 7, 1877, h e is appointed head of t h e Colegio Nacional — a school in t h e city of Asunción. Hostos realizes
t h a t if he goes away alone h e wül be always alone. And
the 9th of July, disregarding h e r parent's objection, t h e wedding took place, witnessed by t h e Cuban Bonifacio Tió and
his wife, the Puerto Rican poetess Lola Rodríguez, with
(8) Tan bien como piensa ?ni Belinda, y con tan mala ortografía
como
escribe lo que piensa! Como si quisiera imitar con sus benditos
grarabatos
el paso de locomotora
que ha llevado
nuestro
afecto, no pone ni un
punto, ni una coma, ni hace pausa, ni da reposo, y es necesario
seguirla
como va el pobre tren tras del vapor, sin
aliento.
FEOMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
33
the blessings of t h e archbishop oí Caracas. For t h e first
time, and Hostos is now thirtyeight —la felicidad era un
estado nuevo para él — h e enjoys personal happiness. A
short one, though. By August 5th Inda, not feeling well,
h a d to r e t u r n to Caracas. The following year they were
together again — this time a t P u e r t o Cabello where h e is
teaching in t h e I n s t i t u t o Comercial. I n May she sailed for
Puerto Rico a n d was welcomed by Hostos' family a t Mayagüez. A m o n t h later Hostos was painfully excited over
the dramatic news of t h e signing of El Pacto del Zanjón
between t h e Spaníards and t h e Cubans. It m e a n t t h a t t h e
revolution h a d been suppressed. The rebel was, thus,
compelled to i n t e r r u p t his duties as such (9). T h e road of
insurrection was closed. Hostos thinks of his family. He
realises t h a t he is living in absolute moral solitude. He is
now extremely sensitive and is inclined to distrust t h e
fellow-men about him. I n d a h a s written from Puerto Rico.
He t h i n k s of her; h e t h i n k s of his dead mother; he t h i n k s
of the coincidence t h a t I n d a was born the same year his
mother died. Would h e go to Puerto Rico? (10). He thinks
of working at Curacao. T h e n h e thinks of Santo Domingo,
I n Santo Domingo h e h a s friends; a n d there is t h e possibility of a field opened to reorganize public instruction;
and there is the hope of a reunión with Inda.
He embarks on t h e Lotharingia, on June, 1873. From
Puerto Cabello t o La Guaira. Then to Mayagüez — to his
own birth-place — in Puerto Rico. Here is Inda, here his
father, here his sister, Rosita. But Papa Hostos orders
him. not to land. He will be arrestéd by the Spaniards.
(9) Hostos wroíe in. bis Diario, at P u e r t o Cabello, on Monday, April
15, 1878: Cuba, pacificada.
Parece que es verdad, por mus mentira
que
parezca.. Según las noticias que me dan. todos los jefes importantes
se
han entregado con sus
fuerzas.
(10) En mi desesperación,
más de una vez he pensado ya, y hoy más
que nunca, en volver a Puerto Rico. (Diario, Fiklay, May 10, 1878,)
3
34
E U G E N I O MARÍA B E H O S T O S :
Hostos resents his father's letter. B u t he cannot t a k e
chances: it would h u r t his own family. So, without
seeing any of them, he remains on board. And t h e
«¡teamship saüs for S a n J u a n . He h a d never felt before
how beautiful our island is: Jamás creí que mi patria fuera
tan linda. So beautiful t h a t h e cannot describe it. And it
toeing so beautiful, and after so m a n y years of absence, h e
must n o t go ashore! And this despite t h e fact t h a t h e is
conscious t h a t no oñe else loves Puerto Rico as he does;
t h a t no one else would be as willing to give his life for his
country. This is one of Hostos' most pathetie hours. And
he asks himself if any other m a n suffered as m u c h as he
h a d suffered in such a short existence — ¿Quién, en tan
corta vida, ha consumido cantidad tan monstruosa
de
dolor?
The ship arrives a t Saint Thomas where Hostos meets
the Cuban general Vicente García. This is one of those
who accepted peace. And Hostos is bitter and confused
upon listening to García's explanations.
Hostos cannot stand any longer his separation from
Inda, his not having landed in Puerto Rico. And facing
every possible danger of persecution, he leaves for Mayagüez where h e remains just a short while. I n 1879 h e is
on his way to Santo Domingo.
I n his Panorama histórico de la literatura
dominicana,
Max Henríquez Ureña devotes chapter XVII to discussing
t h e activities and enormous influence of Hostos, t h e educator, from t h e time he founded, in 1880, the Escuela
Normal de Maestros (11), until 1888 when he decided to
(11) U p o n conferring the degreea to the first group of n o r m a l leachers
Hostos delivered such an epoch-making speech that the Mexican phi!o>
sopher Antonio Caso called it t h e master-work of ethical thought in Hispanie
America—la obra maestra del pensamiento
moral independiente
en la
América
española.
FKOMOTEK OF FAX AMJEEICAKISM
35
accept the iavítation tendered him by the government oí
Chile to go soutíi to help reform public instruction (12).
Américo Lugo, an historian, states t h a t what merits to be
called a national literatura in Santo Domingo díd not begin
there until after the fecund work accomplished by Hostos.
When the political atniosphere was poisoned under the
dictatorship of the despot Ulises Heureaux, Hostos left for
Santiago de Chile.
Hostos is going to remain about ten years here. He is
going to keep on warning the countries of Hispanic America: Civilización o muerte ("Civilization or death.") The
Chileans notice the progress of their system of education.
Hostos observes, more and more, t h a t America must be
herself instead of being condemned to imítate Europe — a n
idea advanced by Bello and also cherished by the Argentine
Esteban Echeverría and hy José Mármol in his poem La
América (13). But Hostos, despite his remarkable success
as a pedagogue, is not pleased. There is much talk of war
between Chile and Argentina. This is repugnant to him.
<6
With the rumors of war." he wrote on February 6, 1898,
"these countries t h a t care to see only their insensible
rivalries h a d finally disgusted me." Hostos has not been
quiet on t h e matter. And his sincerity h u r t s those t h a t do
not look a t national politics with the broadness and the
objectivity of a great and experienced servant of all Hispanic America.
(12) These are Max H e r m q u e z Ureña'a w o r d s ; Observa y estudia con
amor la condición
del pueblo dominicano,
lo alentaba a perseverar
en
la senda de la civilización,
le señalaba errores y deficiencias
que podían
subsanar, etc.
(13) Despite tliese precedents ít is neeessary to remeniber tíie eagemesi?
to emancípate the thonght and letters of the New World from Enropean
ínflíienc© was first expressed in the United States where, in 1873, N o a h
Web ster h a d eaíd that "America nra&t h e as independent in literatura as
rá politics.'*
36
EUGEIÍIO MAHÍA DE HOSTOS*.
On t h e cther hand, lie is more a n d inore homesick. But
his saudade is n o t limi-tecL to Puerto Rico. He t h i n k s a n d
feels in terms of antillano, Earlier, ín a letter to his dear
friend t h e Dorainican Gregorio Luperón, h e expressed — on
August 20, 1895 — his restlessness a t being away from t h e
Caribbean isiands: Yo estoy tan inquieto con esta -forzada
lejanía en que estoy de mis Antillas, que, si, no fuera por
la familia, ya me Jiábría acercado al centro de los sucesos.
Three years later — March 19, 1398 — h e stated his fear
t h a t there was n o t a piece of land where a conscientious
antillano could go to in search of tranquil and pleasant
hospitality. The health oí his family is pocr now. And in
Caracas there is Inda's mother íeeling very 511. His Chilean
friends are reluctant to let him go. Guillermo Matta suggests, as a compromiso, a ieave oí absence. By J u n e , 1898
Hostos a n d his dear oríes are in Venezuela. On July 6, he
advises Federico Henríquez y Carvajal t h a t , asked to do
so by a group of Cubans and Puerto Kicans, h e is about to
depart for New York. The 27th oí t h a t m o n t h he is in
Washington. He is t r y n g desperately to see t h a t Puerto
Bioo may be able to follow Cuba in obtaining her índependence. But t h e Cubans, including Enrique José Verona,
believe t h a t Puerto Rico will be annexed to t h e United States. If t h a t is going to be t h e case Hostos w a n t s to find out
w h a t are t h e intentions of t h e United States tówards Puerto Hico.
On J u n e 23, 1823, Jefferson wrote a letter to President
Monroe in which he stated: "I candidly coníess t h a t I have
ever looked on Cuba a s . t h e most interesting addition t h a t
could ever be made to our systeni of States.,. The control
which, with Florida point, thís island would give us o ver
t h e Gulf of México... as well as those waters which flow
into, it, wculd fill u p t h e rneasure of our political wellbej ng... Certainly her addition to our conf ederacy is exactly
FRGMOTEIí OF PAN AMSBICANISM
37
what is wanting to round out our power as a nation to
a point of its utmost ínter est... It is better to lie still in
readiness to reeeive t h a t ínteresting incorporation when
solicited by herself."
Had the Cubans known t h a t document soon after it
was written, would there be resonable ground to believe in
the probability of seeing Jefferson's idea brought to
realizatíon?
Why sucii'a question?
Because there is a second instance, with a different
developmeiit, t h a t took place in the second of the Greater
Antilles — Santo Domingo.
Ulysses S. G r a n t prometed t h e annexation of t h a t
Island to t h e United States while Buenaventura Báes becarne, for t h e second time, president of t h e Dcminican
Republic. I n Feforuary 1870 Báez' íellow-citizens approved
the treaty by a plebiscite. But in t h e United States, t h e
political inability of G r a n t was responsible for the failure
of his design. First, h e ignored his own secretary of state,
Hamilton Fish, senálng his private secretary, General O. E.
Babcock, to negotiats t h e treaty. Secondly, G r a n t ignored
also t h e c h a i r m a n of t h e Senate Committe on Foreign
Relations, Charles Sumner. Later h e tried to obtain
Surnner's approval by visiting him. But during t h e conversation G r a n t referred to t h e chairman of t h e Committee
on Foreign Relations as chairman of t h e Judicial Committee. Sumner did not f orgive him. A capable politician, and
a resentful one, eonducted t h e fight against the treaty;
and its ratification was defeated, J u n e 30, 1870, upon.
reeeiving as m a n y negative as positive votes: 28, while 18
were absent.
I n 1898 it was President MeKinley's t u r n . When the
Spanish-Ainerican War was over, Spain tried as liard as
possible to keep Puerto Rico. And McKinley niade it
3S
EUGENIO MAKÍA BU H O S T O S :
t r a n s p a r e n t t h a t there should not be t h e slightest doubt
t h a t t h e United States h a d resolved t o r e t a i n Puerto Rico
under its flag, a n d t h a t t h e island's annexation was a sirte
qua non condition to t h e signing of t h e treaty of peace.
Hostos was facing a most difficult task. For thirty years
he h a d been struggling for t h e independence of his people.
For almost t h e same number of years, on t h e other h a n d ,
h e h a d publicly expressed his admiration for t h e civilisation of t h e United States. He hated t h e colonial form. of
government. He believed in h u m a n equality as expressed
in t h e Declaration of Independence. A military regime
was repulsive to him—and t h a t was t h e type of rule
established ín Puerto Rico after t h e United States a r m y
landed there.
Therefore, in a public letter addresed to t h e Puerto
Ricans, and written in New York, Hostos encouraged his
people to demand from t h e Congress a t Washington t h e
recognition of t h e island's capacity to become a s t a t e of
t h e Union. He t h o u g h t t h a t Puerto Rico should not be
subjected to t h e cruel consequences of a war in which
Puerto Rico h a d n o part. And Hostos advocated also a
referendum so t h a t his fellow countrymen m i g h t decide by
themselves whether they wanted or n o t t o become citizens
of t h e United States. (14).
To promote such civic purposes Hostos founded t h e
Liga de Patriotas and left for his island on board thfe
steamer PhÜadelphia. He was not confident t h a t he would
(14) I n Hostos' book Madre Isla, the date of this is given as Sept e m b e r 10, 1898. Neverthelees, i n volrnne two of his Diario Hostos refer»
to his sailing from New Y o r k on Thursday, Septcmher 8, at £ P . M . His
text follows: Los recursos que el derecho escrito ftos da para salir del
gobierno militar y entrar en el civil; para pedir al Congreso de los Estados Unidos que reconozca nuestra capacidad de ser un Estado de In Unión
o que nos ponga en aptitud de servir gloriosamente
al porvenir de Americat etc.
FBOMOTKR OF PAK AMERICANISM
39
succed. His experience t h r o u g h o u t Hispanic America placed
him on the skeptic side: Necesariamente,
después de la
experiencia a que he sido sometido por los hombres de
nuestra familia étnica, no es mucha la confianza que llevo,
etcétera. B u t h e was obeying, once more, t h e voice of duty;
and he was once more moved by love to his country.
The farmers, m e r c h a n t s , factory owners and workers
of the towns of Ponce, J u a n a Díaz, a n d Peñuelas held a
general assembly a n d appointed Hostos, besides two other
members — Rafael del Valle a n d Julio J. H e n n a (15) —
to represent t h e m in Washington, and to demand from t h e
government of t h e United States t h a t it tender Puerto Rico
the same rights enjoyed on t h e mainland. Del Valle did
not come n o r t h ; b u t another outstanding Puerto Rican ?
Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía, joined Hostos a n d H e n n a in their
mission, Hostos, t h e n living at J u a n a Díaz, left for S a n
J u a n where he took t h e boat. On December 26 h e was
arriving a t New York, On J a n u a r y 17, 1899, Hostos, Henna
and Zeno G a n d í a went to W a s h i n g t o n , D. C. T h e
commissioners h a d planned in advance what to ask from
McKinley in carefully discussed a n d cautiously phrased
memorándums. Hostos was the a u t h o r of eight of these;
Zeno Gandía of three, a n d Henna, of one. Henna was,
though, t h e spokesman. Hostos knew his English as á
seholar; b u t h e did not nave t h e necessary fluency to
master it verbally. He felt a n d expressed his regret: por
raí parte y para mi caso personal, he sacado en limpio que
es una torpeza no hablar con fluencia el inglés. (16).
(15) D r . Herma was one of two notable P a e r t o Ricans who liad solieited from t h e preeident of the U n i t e d States to incltide t h e capture of
P u e r t o Rico among its objectives during t h e w a r w i t h Spain.
(16) H e h a d been aWay from the States for twentytw© years. E, C. de H .
40
EUGENIO MAItÍA DE H O S T O S :
Politically speaking, t h e delegates petitioned President
McKinley for a referendum to be conducted in Puerto Rico,
twenty-five years henee, after giving t h e island's peoples
t h e opportunity to get acquainted with American democratic principies. McKinley, on the other hand, although
attentive to other suggestions, expressed t h e government's
desire oí keeping Puerto Rico as a n already integral part
of the Union, according to Hostos* own words: expresó el
deseo del Gobierno de poseer a Puerto Rico como una parte
ya integrante de la Unión, etc. So, despite t h e fact t h a t t h e
other two members of the commission carne out oí t h e
White House in the highest spirit, Hostos f elt t h a t nothing
of importance had happened: estaban tan jubilosos los
otros dos comisionados, que yo hube de decirles que, en
realidad, nada habíamos sacado de la entrevista.
Back in Puerto Rico Hostos devoted his entire time and
energies to the activities of his Patriots* League, and to
informing his reatíers about t h e civic and judicial structure
of the United States, He was, again, proeeeding as a great
teacher of men. And this was not t h e place ñor the hour
for a philosopher. Two political parties were organized, and
¡both of t h e m failed to cali h i m or to hear him. Upon t h e
meeting of delegates to a n assembly of one of those parties*
a t t h e Municipal Theater, in San J u a n , Hostos voluntarily
attended. He was anxious to speak, in his willingness to
orient. He was already t h e author of a t least three masterpieces, his Moral social, his Derecho constitucional,
his
essay on Hamlet. He h a d already proved his integrity as
well as his authority, both intellectually and morally,
ihroughout years of apostleship. And yet, because h e did
not nave with h i m a n off icial credential, opposition rose u p
aimed a t preventing him from talking.
Hostos felt t h a t h e had lost his country, despite t h e
fact t h a t he had lived and struggled with his country in
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANI&M
41
his mind and in his heart. So, he could refer himself to la
hora de conturbaciones en que perdí mi patria...
At this time t h e despot of the Domínican Republic,
Heureaux, known as "Lilis", h a d been slain by R a m ó n Cáceres, who later on became vice president. And the govern m e n t of Horacio Vázquez invited Hostos to go back. Hostos
accepted, and in J u a n u a r y , 1900, left his country never to
seo it agaín.
He is about to walk t h e last stations of his vía crucis
For three years he works hard, very hard, His goal ís to
créate civíc leaders, inspirad by t h e highest democratic
ideáis. And one morning, March 23, 1903, Hostos learns
t h a t a new revolutionary movement is actually in progress
and t h a t some of íts pronioters are several of his owii
students. Thus, on April 20, h e realizes t h a t he h a s come
to Santo Domingo in a sad hour, to waste three years a n d
to be a witness to t h e ruin of t h e building t h a t he tried t o
erect with such men as its base (17). He realizes, also, t h a t
it is absolutely useless to a t t e m p t a n y t h i n g good in a nation
under a n ill control — que es completamente
inútil intentar
ningún oien en un país dominado por el mal. He feels
himself surrounded by a n unfriendly astmosphere — yo
mismo me siento rodeado de animosidades,
The former
president, Vázquez, h a d gone t o Puerto Rico as a political
refugee. Hostos t h i n k s t h a t Woss y Gil is one of t h e few
Dominicans competent to govern because h e h a d been able
to see how t h e executive works in t h e United States — es
uno de los pocos dominicanos aptos para el ejercicio del
Poder Ejecutivo, porque ha estado viéndolo años enteros
funcionar en los Estados Unidos, etc. Hostos wants t o resign
(17) Desde que llegué en mal hora a, perder los tres años perdidos
contemplar
como se viene al suelo el edificio que yo quise construir
tales hombres por cimiento* etc.
en
con
42
EUGENIO MARÍA P E HOSTOS:
a n d to leave the country. Woss y Gil begs him not t o do it,
Hostos insists t h a t tliere is no place for h i m here; he did
t h e utmost to edúcate, and be ñas failed; b e knows t b a t
m a n y of tbe so-called notables of tbe republic do not like
bim, and, thirdly, bis salary, reduced in its tbird part, was
reduced again in similar proportion. Tberefore Hostos
speaks referring to el sitio por hambre a que me han reducido (18). At tbe worst instant during t h e revolution, Hostos had to accept the hospitality offered him by t h e com»
mander of t h e U. B, cruiser Atlanta: nosotros, que por
el "Atlanta" nos salvamos de inquietudes, desamparo o
muerte.
And his regret and his melancholy seem to nave n o enú:
Qué tristeza, qué dolor... ¡Haber sacrificado tanta vida?
tanta savia, tanta mente, para tan poco fruto!
He is now a very ül m a n — physically and spiritualiy.
He is sixty-four. And, not less depressed t h a n Bolívar when
the L.iberator said, Aré en el mar, Hostos said: "I ana myself
convinced of t b e uselessness of any civic effort in these
eountries" — me creo convencido de la inutilidad de toda
esfuerzo altruista en estos países. And only the idea of tbe
futility of living occupied his brain on August 6, 1903 —
when he penned t h e last page of his Diary: mi cerebro, tan
poseído ya también del fastidio de la vida.
Five days afterwards this greatest of Hispanic America's
publie servants, this benefactor of humanity, was resting
for t h e first time.
He ir buried under his statué in Santo Domingo.
(18) H e wrote (Diario, May 5. 1903) : Si hasta por hambre me htm
sitiado! El Ministro de Hacienda de mi amigo Horacio me redujo
nti
sueldo en un treinta y tantos por ciento; el Ministro de Hacienda de mi
amigo Woss y Gil me ha reducido mi sueldo a un treinta por ciento <fc
lo que m e habían
dejado.
PBOMOTEK OF PAN AMERICANISM
4S
Do you remember Balzac's defiíütion. of gioiy when he
ealled it the sun of tlie ctead? (19).
(19) l u 1924 the author p r o m e t e d in Puerlo Rico the idea of erecting
a monuaiiettt, b y poblic sabscription* to Eugenio María de Hostos. T h e
Hon. Emilio del T o r o , thexi chief jnstice of the Supreme Coart, became
ehairman of the committee and the aisthor its secretary. The momimení,
the work of t h e Spatiish Sculptor Victorio Macho, was officially presentad
two years later—-AngTtst 24» 1926—oa the cainpus of the Umversity of P u e r t o
Bico. From t h e n o n the revaluatio», that was a discovery for BO many, o!
Hostos, his personality and his w o r k s and deeds, started not ©rcly ai
home b u t sn the Aznericas. I n 1939, to commemorate the first centenary
of his birth* the completo works (Obras completas)
of this master were
printed i n Havana, by order of the P e o p l e of P u e r t o Hico. T h e y consíst
of twenty volunte», preceded by one* América
y Hostos. oí esssays and
a n i d e s eontrihwted Iby wriiers of the Weetera Henaiepliere.
EUGENIO MARÍA D E H O S T O S : HIS INTERNATIONAL
SXONXFICANCE AS AN S D Ü C A T O R
BT
MUÑA LEE
(*)
An aádress elelivered August 33, 1939. at the H O S T O S Monumeirt
on tíie Campos of t h e ü n i v e r s i t y oí PuerU* Kic©, before the Delégales to
ihe Bieimíal Congress of the "World Federatioii of Edtiealion Associationa,
«pon the Occaaion of t h e Unveiliny of t h e Brousse P l a q u e perpetuating t h e
fíesohation of the VIII P a n American Coníereivee itamitig Eugenio María
<3e Hostos an Eminerat Citizen of America. R e p r i n t frora BulL 12 P u e r t o
-Rico D e Hostos Centenar-* Commissioíi,
(!:,i Member of the Supporiing
Council. World W ornan* s Parir:
member
of the NatioTiality Corrí mittee^ ínter American Comm-ission of W ornen of the
Pan American
Union; permanenl
member oí ¿he Advixory
CUnmciL Vo&try
Society of America;
member
o i ihe Bowíl oí Diretior.-i, Ibero
American
Institute
of the JJniversity
of Puerto Hico; ínter-American
Cultural
Kelalions División. State Department.
Washington? D. C\
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS: HIS INTERKATIONAt
SIGNIFICANCE AS AN EDTJCATOR
The Eighth Conference of t h e PAN AMERICAN STATES
which met in Lima in December of last year, paid tribute
to the memory of t h e Puerto Rican patriot and educator,
Eugenio María de Hostos. The Centenary Commission
authorized t h e casting in broze of a tablet commemorating this event.
I t is by a series of most appropriate circumstances t h a t
we have come to unveil t h a t tablet today, here on this
campus, a n d in t h e presence of these distinguished representatives of t h e educational associations of t h e world.
I t is appropriate t h a t t h e PAN AMERICAN CONFERENCE
should recognize t h u s offciaily the greatness of Hostos,
whose lif e was dedicated to enriching and extending educational opportunities among so m a n y of t h e peoples of
America; the more appropriate still, in t h a t our presiding
officer this afternoon, the Honorable Emilio del Toro, Chief
Justice of t h e Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, was a member of t h e United States delegation to t h e Eighth Conference, and has heen Chairman of t h e Hostos Committee of
Puerto Rico since its inception, as well as founder and for
a number of years director in t h e TJniversity of Puerto Rico
of a course based on Hostos' Moral Social. I t is further
appropriate t h a t t h e tablet should be affixed to this statue
of Hostos, t h e work of t h e Spanish Sculptor Victorio Macho,
and a tribute of t h e people of Puerto Rico to t h e memory
of t h e patriot educator. I t is appropriate t h a t t h e statue
48
EUGENIO MABÍA DE HOSTOS!
a n d tablet should stand upon t h e campus of t h e University
of Puerto Rico, a constant inspiration to its students, where
t h e College of Education bears Hostos' ñame. There are
indeed many foonds great and small uniting t h e University
of Puerto Rico to Eugenio María de Hostos, although h e
never saw t h e University for t h e establishment of which he
h a d longed, as h e died in 1903, t h e year in which it was
founded. I t is not out of place to ñ a m e a few of those bonds:
Dr. Antonio S. Pedreira, author of t h e definitive biography,
Hostos: Ciudadano de América, is head of t h e University's
Department of Spanish Studies, and h e and other members
of the faculty have long been active on t h e Hostos Committe to which reference has been made, and which was
founded in Puerto Rico six years ago at t h e instanee of the
University's t h e n Visiting Professor of Spanish, t h e Chilean
poet Gabriela Mistral. Dr. Concha Meléndez, also of the
Department of Spanish Studies, was awarded this year by
the Eugenio María de Hostos Round Toóle, t h e medal
awarded to t h e Puerto Rican woman of most distinguished
achievement, and t h e one who has most contributed to
Puerto Rican prestige abroad. The distinguished sons of
Eugenio María de Hostos have more t h a n once delivered
addresses in these halls; and the young grandson who
inherits his ñame was graduated from t h e University of
Puerto Rico two years ago. A still younger grandson has
just unveiled this memorial tablet. The University's new
Auditorium was inaugurated ofíícially, on J a n u a r y 11 of
the present year, by exercises in celebration of the centenary of Hostos' birth, with participation of the Insular
Government and of official representatives of other countries. Finally, and above all, it is appropriate t h a t this
commemorative tablet to a great educator, t h e seed of
whose sowing still springs green and fertile in m a n y countries, should be received solemnly and gratefully in the
PHGMOTER OF PAN AMERICAKISM
49
presence of these other educators from t h e four corners
of t h e earth, who, in thás world of our epoch, shakeh with
present violence a n d t h r e a t s of violence to come, find, as
Eugenio María de Hostos found in the troubled world of
his time, t h a t only t h r o u g h education can inward peace
and outward security be attained.
For indeed, one h u n d r e d years ago, in 1839, although
the world in external seeming was m u c h more stable t h a n
our present world of 1939, subterranean m u r m u r s and
occasional surface fissures hinted a t the volcanoes boiling
up u n d e r n e a t h .
I n 1839 in t h e United States, Van B u r é n was in t h e last
year of his onpopular presidency, a n d t h e turbulent political campaing of 1840 was brewing, so t h a t it is highly improbable t h a t it ocurred to anyone t h a t t h e really significant
event of t h a t year in the States was t h e first application
of t h e screw propeller to ocean steamer. I n 1839 in England, t h e twenty-year-old Queen Victoria announced her
engagement to Prince Albert a n d seemed n o t overly concerned with t h e proletarian riots and violence all over
the eountry, geater t h a t year t h a n ever before or since. I n
1839 in Prussia, Frederick William t h e Third, a sick oíd
man, was ending t h e forty-third a n d ultímate year of his
reing and nearing the cióse of his Ufe. I n Spain in 1839,
General Espartero quelled the Carlists, a n d t h r o u g h t h e
Treaty of Vergara became t h e most powerful figure of t h e
península, in opposition t o t h e Queen Mother, María Cristina. I n 1839 in France, Mole, puppet Prime Minister of
Louis Philippe, went down to defeat in t h e eleetions. I n
1839 Brazil, restless a n d dissatisfied, was being governed
by a regency for t h e fourteen-year-old Prince Pedro. J u a n
Manuel Rosas was still absolute dictator of Argentina
in 1839; General Fáez ruled Venezuela with a firm h a n d ;
and Joaquín Prieto was t h e strong conservative president
50
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
of Chile. Santa Anna continuad to dominate México; b u t
the dictatorship of General S a n t a Cruz over Perú was
ended in 1839 when h e tried to unite t h a t country a n d Bolivia under hís control. I n Colombia —or New Granada—
uprisings which began in 1839 soon acquired t h e proportions of civil war. Boyer was t h e military dictator of Haiti
and Sto. Domingo in 1839, although the spirit of revolution
a n d liberty which ultimately would make Santo Domingo
a republic already was stirring. I n 1839 the ill-starred Fetíeration of Central American States fínally disintegrated
after a troubled existence of some two decades, and t h e
five states assumed complete independence. I n Cuba in 1839,
t h e notorious O'Donnell h a d just been installed as CaptainGeneral. I n Russia in 1839, Nicholas I, who h a d limited a n d
eensored education, was beginning to feel t h e efects of
university reaction toward t h e very freedom of t h o u g h t
and extensión of learning which h e pretended to control.
The first war of China with Great Britain broke out in 1839;
a n d in J a p a n , where there was a famine, feeling r a n high
against t h e food monopolies of merchants guilds. I n Italy
in 1839, Mazzini entered into relations with t h e revolution a r y committees in Malta a n d Paris, in his aim to libérate
t h e Italian people from foreign and domestic tyranny.
And in 1839 in Puerto Rico, Eugenio María de Hostos
was born in t h e little city of Mayagüez on t h e western
coast.
At the time, nothing could have seemed more unlikely
t h a n t h a t one hundred years later, t h e republics of t h e
western hemisphere should unite in honoring t h a t birthdate in recognition of t h e múltiple service of Eugenio María de Hostos in m a n y countries to t h e universal cause of
freedom a n d the development of the h u m a n spirit.
If t h e year of birth seemed unpropitious, t h e place was
apparently even more so. I n Puerto Rico, during the pre-
PROMQTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
51
ceding year, the Conspiracy of 1838 to proclaim t h e Constitution oí Cádiz had been p u t down with a n iron h a n d , a n d
martial law was to r e m a i n in effect on t h e Island for t h e
succeeding 30 years. T h e Spanish poet Salas Quiroga,
who held a government post here, summed u p his impressions of Puerto Rico for t h a t very year, 1839, in one
devastating line:
Puerto Rico es el cadáver de una sociedad que no ha naeido.
(Puerto Rico is the corpse of a society whieh has not been born.)
There was little contact of t h e Island with t h e outer world;
not even direct communication with t h e mother-country,
Spain: shipping and mails went irregularly to Havana a n d
thence to Cádiz. Indeed, t h e Puerto Rican poet a n d dramatist Alejandro Tapia, a contemporary of Hostos f goes so
far as to say t h a t Puerto Rico in 1839 was stül in t h e
sixteenth century.
Padraic Colum, president of t h e Poetry Society of America, a n I r i s h m a n a n d therefore himself ísland-born, asks
in one of t h e most caustic of his poems:
Can it be tlsat never more
Men will grow on Islands?
Ithaka and Eriskey,
Iceland and Tafaiti!
Must the engines he has forged
Rayen so for spaces
That the Islands dwindle down,
Dwindle downl—
Pots that shelve the tap-rooí*á growth?
Must it I)e that never more
, Men will fiower on Iglands?
Crete and Corsica, Miiylene,
Aran and lona!
The Ufe of Eugenio María de Hostos, born on this isolated
tropical peak in t h e Caribbean a century ago amid every
disheartening outward circumstance, answers Colum with
shattering completeness.
52
EUGENIO MASÍA DE HOSTOS!
Hostos' first schooling was in Puerto Rico. He received
his seeondary instruction in Spain, in Bilbao. At the age
of 18 he entered t h e Law School of t h e Central University
of Madrid. In the capital, Hostos was the friend and
companion of t h a t brilliant group which included Giner
de los Ríos, Salmerón, Azcárate, Castelar, Pí y Margall,
Ruiz Zorrilla, Valera, and Leopoldo Alas, Pérez Galdós has
perpetuated in one of his most vivid Episodios Nacionales
a n early and characteristic appearance of Hostos as the
champion of academic liberty and free speech, Galdós, a
youth of twenty at the time, himself witnessed the incident
which he later recorded in his novel, Prirn, and which took
place on St. DaniePs night in 1865. Hiere was bloodshed
t h a t night in the streets of Madrid. The University students
were u p in arms agaínst the government's attempt to
suppress the free speech of University professors. Long
after midnght, says Galdós,
"in the main hallway of the Athenaeum, two flocks of
nighthawks still hovered. The largest and noisiest was
in a huddle the córner next to t h e Senate door. There
a n Antülean named Hostos, a brilliant and forceful
young m a n of very radical opinions, analyzed the earsplítting racket."
This young man of radical opinions was to espend his
brilíiance and his forcé during the remainíng years of his
life in threefold dedication to the ideáis of humanítarianism, education, and liberty. When he died in 1903, Hostos
had long been a prophet honored in his own country and
abroad. Five years after his death, upon publication in
París of the second edition of his Lessons in Constitutional
Law, t h a t same Athenaeum in Madrid h u n g his portrait
upon its walls; the Scientifíc Society of Chile held a memorial session in his memory; and the Legislatura of his
native Puerto Rico authorised the publication of his com-
PR0M0TEK OF PAtf AMERICANISM
53
píete works a t government expense; a project held u p t h e n
by executive veto, b u t again passed unanimously and put
into effect by the present Legislature, and the twenty
volumes of t h e complete works, now in press, Meanwhile,
the League of Nations h a s published the Selected Essays
of Hostos in French traslation as one of the volumes in
the Ibero-American Collection sponsored by its Committee
on Intellectual Coopera tion; a collection designed for distribution among t h e great libraries of the world in order
to make known the vigorous new literature of Ibero-America. In further tribute, the expenses of printing t h e Hostos
volume were defrayed by t h e governments of Chile, Venezuela and the Dominican Republic, and by the admirers of
Hostos in Puerto Rico.
And what had Eugenio María de Hostos done, between
that first dramatic apperance a s a young m a n of 26,
on the streets of Madrid during a night of turmoil, and his
death 38 years later on August 11, 1903, in Santo Domingo,
in order to merit such remarkable international recognition? The record of his achievements during those years
is so packed t h a t it can be given only briefly, and in outline;
but it is so fruitful t h a t even t h e briefest outline indicates
its importance.
Primarily, Hostos had a deep sense of the responsibilities
of eitizenship. Because of this, he not only devoted his
energies and his talent to bettering the condition of his
own country, but to improving t h a t of every other country
where he resided, however briefly. His nature being what
it was, he could not have done otherwise. His initial publie appearance on behalf of academic freedom is doubly
significant, for his ardent belief in the dual necessity of
liberty and education ruled his life.
Throughout his life, indeed, Hostos advocated the
establishment of a Federated Antillean Republic to be
54
EUGENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS t
cornposed of Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico.
Hever a n enemy of Spain, though detesting t h e Spanish
colonial policy, Hostos "traced a vast plan of Híspanle unión
eomposed of Cuba, Haití, Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico
a n d t h e Hispanic portions of t h e continent." I n preparation
for this Federated Republic, he wished to secure t h e judicial and economic autonomy of t h e three Antilles, t o be
succeeded duly by a democratic conf ederation representative in form.
Beüeving t h a t a free Cuba would be followed inevitably
by a free Puerto Rico, and t h a t in t u r n by a Federation,
Hostos began in 1863 the work for Cuban independence
which was to continué without pause until 1898. When
ín 1870 a law was passed by t h e Congress of the Republic
of Colombia giving t h e bases of a working alliance between
t h e Spanish-American republíes for furthering t h e independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, Hostos undertook his
great trip to t h e southern Republics on behalf of Independence; a t r i p which, encircling South America, was to
t a k e half a lifetime and leave íts record permanently
inscribed in t h e laws and t h e educational systems of t h e
countries wherein h e labored.
I n Santo Domingo, Hostos founded and directed t h e
íirst Normal School, wrote textbooks, and drew u p school
legislation. The Dominican historian Américo Lugo declares
t h a t what deserves to be called a national literature did
not begin in Santo Domingo until after t h e fructifying
presence there of Eugenio María de Hostos.
I n Perú h e founded a newspaper which as its primary
purpose advocated Cuban Independence. Its scope was not
limited to a single theme, however, and through its columns
Hostos worked for the rights of Peruvian workers, and also
roused publie opinión against t h e exploitation of Chínese
laborers in the mines. When t h e Peruvian government h a d
PROMOTER OF PAN
AMERICANISM
55
the project for t h e Oroya railroad under consideratíon,
editorials by Hostos pointed out clauses contrary to the
public interest; and he had the satisfaction of refusing
$200,000 offered h i m by t h e would be incorporators ostensibly "for t h e Cubans", as well as of seeing t h e offending
clauses deleted.
I n Chile, t h r o u g h añother newspaper eampaign incidental to his major theme of Independence b u t none t h e less
forceful for t h a t , Hostos won for Chilean women full
recognition of their right to enter t h e University and to
obtain professional training in Law and Medicine.
I n Argentina, Hostos defended energetically in t h e press
the idea of t h e Transandine railway, a n idea which h e had
been one of t h e first to propose. And when t h e railway did
come into existence, t h e first locomotive t h a t crossed t h e
Andes bore the ñ a m e of Eugenio María de Hostos.
I n Venezuela, in Chile, in his native Puerto Rico, he
contributed to raising t h e standards a n d developing t h e
systems of public education.
Colombia, Perú, Chile, Argentina and Brazil knew h i m
also as a brilliant journalist, never swerving from his eampaign for Cuban and Puerto Rican independence, and
always conscious of the responsibility a n d t h e power of
the press.
I n view of this tremendonsly productive a n d inspiring
Ufe, it is not too m u c h to say of Eugenio María de Hostos»
as he himself said of Hamlet in his famous essay on t h e
play, t h a t h e was "a m o m e n t of t h e h u m a n spirit"; n o t a
moment of gloom and doubt and indecisión, b u t a moment
of resolution and high-hearted courage and faith not t o be
extinguished even by t h e hazard of birth in a n impoverished seagirt Caribbean colony, in t h a t harassed and threatening period which was t h e year 1839.
The man oí action
1
A SKETCH OF DE HOSTOS' LIFE (*)
BY
ROGELIO E. ALFARO
Counscllor's
Office,
Pan American
Union,
Washington,
D.
C
Spanish America h a s produced m a n y great m e n and
all t h e southern republics have their national héroes. Only
a few of these famous leaders, however, are paid homage
in more t h a n one country. Bolívar is one of these. Engarnio María de Hostos, whose centenary t h e Americas are
eelebrating this month, is another.
Patriot, writer, educator, sociologist, Eugenio María de
Hostos was one of trióse Latin-American Da Vincis who
seemed to have heen able to do any a m o u n t of work in a
varíety of different spheres. Puerto Rico's most eminent
son, h e also left the imprint of his dominant personality
and traces of his genius in half a dozen other Latin-American countries in which he resided while working for t h e
realization of his supreme ideal — t h e emancipation of not
only his native land, b u t also Cuba, and t h e unión of these
two with the Dominican Republic in a n Antillean confederation.
I N S P A I N AT AGE OF T H I R T E E K
Hostos was born in Río Cañas, near t h e present city
of Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, on J a n u a r y 11, 1839. He recei(*)
F r o m the "Evening Sun", Baltsmore, Maryland, January 13, 1939.
60
EUGENIO MABXA BE HOSTOS:
ved his early schooiing ¿n San Juan, and a t thirteen was
sent to Spain, where he attended first the High School in
Bilbao and later the University in Madrid. While a law student in Madrid he started contributing to newspapers and
magazines, urging liberty for the Spanish West Indies,
Soon he became eonvinced t h a t the monarchy would never take this step, so he threw himself heart and soul into
the movement for the establishment of a republic, the leaders of which had promised him to grant Cuba and Puerto
Rico their autonomy.
Hostos performed such valuable services for the republican cause t h a t when the monarchy was overthrown in
1868, he was offered the infmential post of deputy for
Puerto Rico in the newly established government. However, the promise to grant the íslands their autonomy was
forgotten. Bitterly disappointed, Hostos refused the post
offered him, Instead, early in 1869 he left Spain for the
United States, and in New York offered his services to the
Cuban revolutionary junta. Hostos was named managing
editor of La Revolución, the official organ of the junta,
H I S FOUR-YEAR TOUR OF THE AMERICAS
I n an effort to secure moral and material help for the
cause of Cuba Libre from the Latin-Ameriean república,
Hostos embarked in 1870 on a four-year odyssey througli
South America, visíting Cartagena, Lima, Santiago, Buenos Aires, Río de Janeiro, and financing his pilgrimage by
writing for the daily newspapers.
When in Argentina he was one of the first to suggest
and was a most active propagandist of the idea of a TransAndean railway. Years later, when his sugestión was acted
upon, the first locomotive to traverse the barrier between
Chile and Argentina bore in his honor the ñame "Eugenio
María de Hostos".
PROMOTER OT PAN
AMKRICANTSM
61
When h e was in Perú t h e project of t h e Oroya railway
was u n d e r discussion. Knowing t h e tnfluence of Hostos*
pen, one of t h e engineers seeking t h e contract for construction of t h e railway offered h i m $200,000 for t h e cause of
Cuban independence if he would write in favor of his
plans. Hostos studied them, found t h e m prejudicial to
Perú, and being the very soul of honor, refused t h e tempting offer.
Back in New York in 1874 Hostos continued t o work
for Cuban independence a n d supported himself doing
translations for a publishing firm. The next year h e took
part in a n ill-fated revolutionary expedition, joining a
group of insurgents who were going to Cuba to fight under Gen. Francisco V. Aguilera. Shortly after sailing from
Boston, t h e ship which was carrying t h e insurgents to
Cuba encountered fterce storms a n d t h e sails a n d masts
were swept away. Several days later, t h e ship was miraculously carried back to Newport, R. I.
P U B L I S H E R OF MAGAZXNE I N DOMINICAN R E P U B L I C
Following this nearly fatal adventure Hostos moved to
Puerto Plata, Dominican Republic, where there were large
mimbers of Cuban refugees, and there publihed a magazine
ealled Las Tres Antillas. Here h e remained a year.
Hostos' next place of residence was Venezuela, where h e
supported himself by teaching. I n Caracas h e m e t a n d married Belinda Otilia de Ayala, d a u g h t e r of a Cuban emigré.
I n 1878, the Spaniards were finally able t o suppress t h e
bloody tenyear-old Cuban revolt, and with t h e signing of
the P a c t of Zanjón, Hostos was obliged to cease his revolutionary activities. T h e patriot now became a pedagogue. He
spent t h e next t e n years in educational work in t h e Dominican Republic. He t a u g h t at the National University
62
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS1
(chartered in 1538, nearly a eentury before Harvard),
íounded the eountry's first normal school, and wrote the
laws on public instruction,
NOVEL CALLEO "CUBAST tTNCLE TOM'S CABINA
An able educator, Hostos was a n equally able writer.
Possessed of vast knowledge and real literary abüity, be
wrote a great deal and on a wide variety of subjects. His
moving novel, Peregrinación de Bayoán, was to tbe cause
of Cuban independence what Harriet Beecher Stowe's
Únele Tom's Caoin was to the abolitioníst movement. His
masterly study of Hamlet is considerad the finest in the
Spanish language, and firmly established his reputation
as a literary critic. The Scientific Education of Wornenf
one of many works written by him, entitles him to a prominent place among the pre-cursors of the f eminist movement
ín America. The publication in 1888 of his textbook on Constitucional Law earned him t h e applause of the International
Juridical Congress then meeting in Lisbon and an invitation
to take part in the deliberations of t h a t body as a n extraordinary delégate. Finally, his studies in the field of sociology, Moral social, Estudios de sociología americana, and
others, point him out as one of the continent's foremost
thinkers.
TEN YEARS IN CHILE
Hostos* educational reforms in the Dominican Republic made him so famous and gained him such a reputation t h a t in 1888 he was invited by the Government of
Chile to undertake similar work in t h a t country. During
his ten year stay there Hostos repeated his triumphs in the
Dominican Republic and Chilean education advanced remarkably.
FROMOTER OF FAEF AMERICA2ÍISM
63
When Cuba gained its independence as a result of t h e
Spaiiish American War, Hostos rejoiced a n d hurriedly left
Chile for Puerto Rico, thinking t h a t his own land would
share a líke freedom, and t h a t the Antillean Confederation
he had long dreamed of might become a reality, The annexation of Puerto Rico by the United Sstates, however,
shattered his hopes and, disappointed, he returned once
more to the Dominican Repubiic where he had been invited
to become Inspector General of t h e country's schools.
There, in 1903, in t h e city of Santo Domingo, h e died a t
the age of 64.
Repsint
írom JJuM. 12 Puerto Rico De Hostos Centenat-y CorniüisMon.
II
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS, PUERTO RICAN
"DON QUIXOTE OF LIBERTY", PINDS FAITHFUL
BIOGRAPHER
BY
HARRY W. FKAIÍTZ
United
Press Staff
Corresponden!
Eugenio María de Hostos, Puerto Rican "Don Quixote
of Liberty", whose lance of Pan-American unity broke
against the windmills of nationalism, h a s iound a faithful
biographer in Antonio S, Pedreira of the University of
Puerto Rico.
Hostos — Ciudadano de América, }ust off t h e presses in
Madrid, by its title appropriately personifies a m a n who
distributed his immense talent as a journalist and educator among many republics and thereby deferred the day
of his greatest fame until some diligent student should
synthesize t h e scattered memories of his glorious toil.
Pedreira treats Hostos as "El G r a n Desconocido" —the
íllustrious unknown— and resurrects a vibrant personality whose cosmopolitan spirit was a coramon denominator
in the cultural progress of many countries and whose
journalistic power was uniquely attested in the ñ a m e of
the first locomotive to cross the Trans-Andean railway.
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
65
Hostos wrote fifty books, a n d his works on law, education and sociology are known throughout the Spanishspeaking world, but the narrative thread of his life has
been praetically unsought until t h e present biography,
This work fortunately traces in careful detail t h a t strange
four-year odyssey of Hostos around South America in t h e
cause of Cuban and Puerto Rican liberty which ís remembered in history as one of the most extraordinary publicity adventures of t h e I9th century.
Hostos' claim to Pan-American citizenship is easiiy demonstrated by his biographer. He was born a t Mayagüez
in 1839 of Puerto Rican parents, Dominican and Cuban
grandparents (*); educated in Spain; supported the Spanish republican revolution in t h e hope t h a t a Republic
would establish a n Antiliean Confederation; served the
Cuban Revolutionary J u n t a in New York; worked as a
journalist in Colombia, Perú, Chile, Argentine and Brazil;
married a Cuban in Venezuela; educated his family in
Santo Domingo and Chile; conspired against Spain at
St. Thomas, in t h e Virgin Islands; and died in Santo
Domingo,
Hostos' American odyssey began a t New York in 1869,
when h e projected a trip to Spanish American countries
to obtain recognition of Cuba's belligerency against Spain
and to develop support for the independence of Cuba and
Puerto Rico.
He left New York October 4, 1870, and went to Cartagena, thence to P a n a m á a n d Callao. He arrived in Lima
about the end of 1870 and joined with Federico Torrico in
founding a newspaper, "La Patria", to expound liberal po-
(*) Spaniards b o r n in the t h e n Spanish colonies of Cuba and Santo
Domingo.—The
Compiler.
5
m
EUGENIO MARÍA B E H O S T O S :
litical doctrine. His h u m a n i t a r i a n spirit manif ested itself
in t h e defense of Chínese laborera against mistreatment,
and in t h e founding of a Society of Friends of Learning,
to cooperate in t h e development of primary and secondary
instruction. He refused t h e offer of a n American capitalist to give $200,000 to the Cuban cause in exchange for
editorial support of a railway concession.
At t h e end of 1871 Hostos went t o Valparaíso where h e
worked for a time on a Chilean newspaper (**), b u t soon
went to Santiago to engage in literary a n d educational
pursuits. While at Santiago he wrote Reseña histórica de
Puerto Rico, and a n analytical essay on Hamlet which enhanced his literary prestige throughout South America.
In Chile also he published a treatise in favor of t h e scientifíc education of women, and through his influence Chile
took a n early leadership in the educational emancipation
of women. The biographer hints a love affair in Chile, b u t
Hostos was n o t ready to abandon his idealistic enterprise
for Cuba. I n September, 1873, he went to Montevideo and
shortly afterward to Buenos Aires.
Argentina warmly welcomed t h e visitor, and h e was offered employment on three different newspapers, t h u s
being relieved from t h e arduous work of tutoring and
translating on which h e previously h a d depended in part
for his livelihood. "El Correo Español" editoríally attacked
the Puerto Rican, who replied in ardent terms t h a t almost
led to a duel. He was dissuaded by the Cuban friends for
whom his facile pen was always working.
At this time, Pedreira wrote, Hostos* supreme ambition
was "to be the arm of a n idea of which he had been head
and heart", and his patriotic aspiration caused him to re-
(**)
Also called
£i
La Patria".—The
Compiler.
PROMOTER OF PAN AMBRICANISM
67
fuse a chair of philosophy at the University of Buenos
Aires.
While a t Buenos Aires, Hostos wrote a series of artícles
in favor of t h e construction of a Trans-Ándean railway,
and this service to international commerce a n d aniity was
recognized when t h e first locomotive on t h e new line was
named in his honor.
Hostos next went to Río de Janeiro, b u t evidently found
Brazil less responsive t h a n t h e Spanish Ameriian countries, for h e t u r n e d his attention to a series of articles for
"La T r i b u n a " of Buenos Aires.
Learning t h a t a new Cuban expedition was preparing
in New York, Hostos t u r n e d northward. He stopped a few
days a t St. Tilomas, and arrived a t t h e North American
metrópolis in April, 1374. During his four year voluntary
pilgrimage around S o u t h America h e h a d acquired profound insight into t h e social and political problems of t h e
American república which in after years were to serve as
the foundation for his distinguished works on sociology
and law.
F r o m New York ? Hostos went to Puerto Plata in Santo
Domingo, where h e was director of a newspaper, "Las Tres
Antillas", which propagandrzed t h e idea of a Confederation of t h e Antilles. His restless footsteps next took him
to Caracas, where he engaged briefly in educational work 5
and married. Subsequent years were divided among Santo
Domingo a n d Chile. He was prominent in t h e development
of t h e educational system in the Dominican Republic.
After t h e American occupation of Puerto Rico, Hostos
was a n active spirit in t h e League of Patriots, a n d agitated for a plebiscite t o determine t h e future Puerto Rican
status. He was member of a commission which presented
Puerto Rican views to President McKirüey ; and he assisted
68
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS'.
the American Commission which visited San J u a n to formúlate plans for the government of t h e island.
I n general, however, Hostos after a lifetime of agitation for Puerto Rican autonomy could not reconciie himself to t h e new status of his country, a n d he moved to
Santo Domingo where he remained until his death in 1903.
B e p r í n t i r o m Bnll. 12 Puerto Rico De Hostos Centenary Commission.
III
HOSTOS
BY
OTTO SCHOENRICH
(*)
An eminent Puerto Rican educa tor, Eugenio M. de Hostos, was responsible íor the intellectual renaissance of Santo
Domingo. This remarkable m a n was one of those talented
dreamers produced foy Latín America, a lover of the abstract ideal in government, philosophy and pedagogy,
erudite, eloquent, with an enthusiasm which fired his
pupils and hearers. Early in ufe he conceived the idea
which he preached unceasingly: t h a t of a Confedérate West
Indian Republic, in which the principal states were to be
Cuba, Santo Domingo a n d Puerto Rico. Inspired X>y the
Cuban War of índependence of 1868 and 1878, he wrote
and spoke throughout Spanish America in behalf of t h e
unión of the Spanish speaking peoples in the West Indies,
the first step to t h a t end to be the Índependence of Cuba.
In 1880 h e arrived for t h e second time in Santo Domingo,
where he was then less known t h a n in South -America.
Havíng obtaíned from the government a commission to
found normal schools in t h e Republic, he was appointed
director of t h e normal school of Santo Domingo City. He
0 : ) Santo Domingo,
IÍIIÍ, 1018. (Pp. 198-199.)
A
Country
icith
a Fu ture,
New Y o r k , MaeMil-
70
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
carne as the right m a n a t t h e right time. His teachings touched a responsive chord in t h e h e a r t s of t h e Dominicans;
his unsparing condemnation of oíd pedagogical methods
and eager advocacy of new ones gave rise to discussions
which awakened a general interest in education a n d letters;
and his aggressive e n t h u s i a s m smote t h e rock which held
Dominican literature bound. A prominent Dominican historian, Américo Lugo, says, "I believe t h a t w h a t m a y be
called national literature does not begin until after the
arrival in t h e Republic of t h e eminent educator Eugenio
Ivíaria de Hostos."
Hostos labored in Santo Domingo for nine years, during which time he h a d as pupils m a n y who have since
become prominent in t h e councils of t h e Republic. The
foaneful policies of Heureaux forced his departure, a n d h e
settled in Chile with his family, being appointed professor
af constitutional law a t t h e National XJniversity. Upon t h e
conclusión of the Spanish-American War, when it became
apparent t h a t Puerto Rico would be American a n d his
ideal of a n Antillean Confederation definitely shattered, h e
journeyed to Washington t o labor in behalf of Puerto Rico,
r e t u r n i n g later to his native island in t h e hope of uniting
the Puerto Ricans in a demand for autonomy, There political passion r a n high, a n d Hostos, disappointed, went back
to Santo Domingo, where his entry was almost triumphal.
He again assumed charge of public education t h o u g h t h e
civil disorders filled h i m with sadness. I n 1903 h e died in
Santo Domingo, b u t t h e seed h e sowed lives a n d f lourishes
a n d his memory is revered by t h e Dominicans.
R e p r i n t from Bu 11. 12 P u e r t o Rico De Hostos Centenary Gommission»
IV
HOSTOS AS SEEN BY AN AMERICAN SCHOOLGIRL
BY
SYJUVIA V l D R I N E (*)
Ladies a n d Gentlemen: I would like t o discuss with
you today a few of t h e facts concerning t h e life of one
of the greatest m e n ever produced by any of t h e Americas.
The Monroe Doctrine gave t h e United States t h e privüege
to act as more or less a big brother to the twenty-one other
Americas, a n d it was t h r o u g h this Doctrine t h a t this great
philosopher was free to express his views under protection
from t h e European powers.
We are going to pay tribute to Eugenio María de Hostos
of Puerto Rico, a great benefactor of humanity,
Hostos was a gifted writer a n d a profound thinker. We
have not yet begun to realize how valuable Hostos a n d his
teachings were to humanity. His knowledge in various fields
was so far in advance of his time t h a t only now do we
really appreciate his ideas, Only his very cióse friends a n d
a few others of his time were aware of t h e importance of
his teachings a n d writings. There is a saying something to
the effect t h a t "distance lends e n c h a n t m e n t " and this is
e e r t a i n l y t h e c a s e w i t h H o s t o s foecause w e a r e n o w Celébrate) A stndent at the Brackenridge Sénior High Scliool of San Antonio,
Texas, winner of a priase i n the school eontest condncted by the P a n Anue»
i'ieun R o u n d Table of Texas to commemorate the Hostos centenary.
72
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
tíng the hundredth anniversary of his birth and only now
are we beginning to praise his works.
After a careful study of the phüosophy of Hostos he
can justly be compared with two of our outstanding
personalities. One of them was the Father of our Country,
General George Washington, and the other, the well known
educator, Horace Mann, who is credited with the starting
of the movement of our great free public educatíonal
system in the United States which we know is the underlying principie of our Democracy, in t h a t Hostos was a
soldier in the forefront of the wars of ideáis, and he fought
for these with brain and brawn. He eriticized conditions
strongly lying about him with lusty blows, he pointed out
the defects in the Spanish colonial administration, politics,
educational system and the distribution of honors and
money.
He was the principal and leading lecturer of a Lyeeum,
made contributions as a n editorial writer for many
newspapers, was president of a scientific and educational
eongress, and he was a professor in a university. Although
Hostos fulfilled all the tasks and did a very good job of it,
his real calling was teaching. I t was in t h e Dominical! Republic t h a t h e undertook the task of reforming the educational system from top to bottom. He founded the normal
school, secured the passage of laws on education, trained
teachers, edited text books. It was here t h a t he reached
the dignified position of Director General of Education. It
was during this time t h a t he wrote many books t h a t may
be classifíed as directly pertaining to líteraturej science,
politics, constitutional law, educatíonal science, methods
of teaching, sociology and ethics.
Just as our leading educators advócate today, he fifty
years ago declared t h a t the whole m a n must be trained
morally, physically and mentally. He declared t h a t the
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICAKISM
73
"complete m a n " is t h e fundamental of noble people and
strong nations. He further asserted t h a t "half men, half
nations, partly eivilized, partly savage, are our greatest
weaknesses t h a t must be overeóme".
He maintained t h a t morality m u s t be founded on
principies of h u m a n sympathy and on the demands of
social service to mankind, and he considers the family
the cornerstone of society. He penned this beautiful
thought t h a t expresses his tenderness a n d the unselfishness of his h e a r t : "Indeed, as members of a family we are
so closely bound to it by gratitude t h a t we recognize its
effeets from the eradle to t h e grave. If we are born, we
owe it to the family; if we grow up, it is through the protection of the family; if we are edueated, it is the work
of the family; when we are with the family, we work for
it; away from it, we long for it; we are happy in the family
ana for its sake; if we are unfortúnate, we regret it for the
sake of the family; ill, we fear death for its sake, and
dying, we long for it."
Like other great m e n possessing analytical power, Hostos foresaw more t h a n fifty years ago¡ t h a t industrial power
would give rise to m a n y grave and disturbing probiems;
t h a t as science advances work should be less h a r d and
labor hours shorter, and when this time comes t h e m a n u a l
workers should be prepared to malee good use of their
leisure time. He advocated and engaged in a campaign for
popular free librarles, parks, clubs for workmen, evening
schools, theatres for the people, country excursions and
eommunity singing. It took a brilliant mind to f oresee the
probiems of our complex society as it is today. He always
had in mind t h a t a substantial gavernment could be accomplished only by reaching the masses and t h a t every
country should extend their benefits to the villages and
rural population rather t h a n just to the privileged classes
74
E U G E N I O MABÍA DE HOSTOSI
of larger cities. l á t e r a r y lectures, religious, political or
economic subjeets and t h e theatre are great institutions
for pastime a n d are educational, b u t they did very little
good, for they were not widespread. For this reason t h e improper employment of leisure time t h r o u g h m a n y centuries
h a s required of nations t h a t more time be spent in labor.
Hostos would be very pleased with the popularity of the
motion picture t h e a t r e a n d radios of today.
America should be proud of his declarations, his views
o n different subjeets, his writings a n d all the other things
t h a t h e contributed to society. Hostos s t a n d s before u s
today as a symbol of everything noble a n d ideal to be
admired by our Americas, a whole m a n , a hero of thought
a n d action. We should be grateful to t h e tiny tropical island of Puerto Rico, for it was from t h e depths of its serene
beauty t h a t Hostos carne,
R e p r i n t from B u l l . 12 P u e r t o Rico De Hostos CeiUeam-y Commission,
The Commemoration oí Eugenio
María de Hostos' centenary.
I
THE CENTENARY OF EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS (*)
The American Republics are uniting this month to pay
tribute to Eugenio María de Hostos, a great m a n who in
liis constant travels up and down the Continent left everywhere he paused traces of his genius; of his educational
activities; of his unselfish devotion to the ideáis of freedom;
of his work as a gifted writer and profound thinker, January 11, 1939, is the hundredth anniversary of his birth,
and in many countries public tribute will be paid to the
labors of t h a t "illustrious unknown" who, "venerated piecemeal throughout the American Continent", to use the
phrase of one of his biographers, "has not yet received the
just reward t h a t posterity confers on the great leaders of
cultures".
Hostos was born ín Río Cañas, near the present city of
Mayagüez, Puei'to Rico, on January 11, 1839, and went to
school in San Juan, the capital of the island. Later he
journeyed to Spain, where he attended first the High School
in Bilbao and later the University in Madrid. He plunged
with all his energy and enthusiasm into the cause of republican Spain, associating himself with the most prominent liberáis of the time. I n America h e championed specially the freedom of the Spanish West Indies. In an indefatigable and completely altruistic campaign for the liberty
(*) An editorial from the "Bulletin of the Pan. Amei-ican Limón", Washington, D. C„ January, 1939.
78
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
of Cuba, he visited Santo Domingo, Caracas, Santiago,
Lima, Cartagena, Buenos Aires, Río de Janeiro, New York,
París and Madrid, editing newspapers and writing prolifically, For this work he received no funds whatever except
those t h a t h e earned. Everywhere he left behind h i m a n
enviable reputation as a journalist, author and educator.
To t h e Dominican Republic, where he founded t h e first
normal school in t h e nation, h e gave the most fruitful years
oí his teaching, and it was in this adopted country t h a t his
life carne t o a n end in August 1903.
Among the most important works of Rostos are: La Peregrinación de Bayoán, a politico-social novel; Moral Social; Sociología; Estudios de Sociología Americana;
Tratado
de hógica; Derecho Constitucional;
Historia de la Pedagogía; and numerous other works on law, politics, science,
e&ucation, history and literary critícism. His Essay on
Hamlet is considered one of t h e most masterly commentaries on Shakespeare.
The Legislativa Assembly of Puerto Rico gave official
approval to t h e activities of the commission organized under
the honorary chairmanship of Governor Blanton Winship
and t h e chairmanship of Dr. Emilio del Toro Cuebas, Chief
Justice of t h e Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, to commemorate with due ceremony the anniversary of t h e island's
distinguished son. This Commission was authorized to
publish the works of Hostos as t h e most lasting monument
to t h e memory of this distinguished author.
The P a n American Union wül join in the continental
celebration of t h e centenary of Hostos' birth. Dr. Pedro
de Alba, t h e Assistant Director of t h e P a n American Union,
will deliver a n address entitled "La Moral Social of Hostos", which will be published in a n early issue of the
Btrr.LETrN.
Reprint froní BTIIL 12 Puerto Rico De Hostos Centenary Commission.
u
HOSTOS IN THE PAN AMERICAN UNION (*)
BY
L. S. E o w s , P H D., LL. D.
Director
General
of the Pan American
Union
On receiving t h e bu&t t h a t t h e Hostos Centenary Commission ín Puerto Rico h a s graciously offered the P a n
American Union, I have t h e honor of expressing t h e warm
t h a n k s of this institution for t h e Commission's generous
and signiñcant gift.
I t is highly appropriate t h a t Eugenio María de Hostos
should occupy a place of honor ín this edífice, which is
consecrated to peace and international cooperation. The
illustrious Puerto Rlcan thinker foresaw with prophetic
visión, years before his contemporaries, t h e high mission
t h a t t h e nations oí America were called upon to fulfilL The
fundamental principies formulated in his writing are millestones t h a t will always serve as a guide to t h e countries
of this hemisphere; his personality will f orever be a n inspiration to youth. I n several American countries h e trained
large groups of young people who gave h i m t h e honorable
title of Master; those of the present day who read his books
and study his life also venérate h i m as a guide.
He sowed t h e seed of ideas and preached by his exam(*) F r o m the " B u l l e t m
IX C , Febroary, 1939.
oí the P a n
American
Union",
Washington,
80
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS*.
pie; for this reason he is considered one of the most eminent
contributors to t h e civilization of t h e Americas. A m a n endowed with great serenity of spirit, with a profound critical sense, with c h a r m and persuasiveness, h e could clothe
even t h e driest topics with t h e beauty of expression.
A believer in scientific a n d construetive education, he
was nevertheless not a positivist in t h e strict sense of the
word; his was a flexible and eelectic mind t h a t utilized
t h e best in every school.
H!e was in advance of his time in various fíelos of
knowledge a n d in m a n y educational practices. It should not
be forgotten t h a t he was a n ardent Champion of the higher
education of women; in Chile this fact is clearly remembered, and some of t h e first women graduates of the university dedicated their theses to Hostos* memory.
His theories of education fill several volumes. He introduced and spread t h e idea of a gradual and integral education; h e was opposed to crowded courses of study a n d
insisted t h a t they should be replaced by a more orderly
a r r a n g e m e n t of subjects.
As a professor of law he had his own ideas on constitutional and international subjects. As a legislator h e left
proof of his ability in most of the education laws of t h e
Dominican Republic.
He travelled in Europe and visited almost all the countries of America. Everywhere he performed some useful
service, at the sarae time studying t h e problems of t h e
time with extraordinary ability and profound penetration.
I n making t h e P a n American Union a gift of this
magnificent bust of Eugenio María de Hostos, t h e Centenary Commission of Puerto Rico is aiding in t h e task of
forming a gallery of American intellectuals in this institution. Hostos will take his place beside Andrés Bello, Horace
Mann, Domángo Faustino Sarmiento, Enrique José Varo-
PROMOTEU OF PAN AMEBICANISM
81
na, Ricardo Palma, Victorino Lastarria and many other
illustrious sons of this contlnent, who shed luster on this
house of t h e Americas,
I t is significant t h a t one of the first resolutions passed
at the Lima Conference was a tribute to Hostos, t h e centenary of whose birth is being commemorated throughout
the western world. On receiving the bust, the P a n American Union desires to pay tribute not only to a great
citizen of the Americas but also to a great benefactor of
humanity.
Keprint from Bull. 12 Puerto Kico D e Ho8tos Cemenary Coramisason,
6
III
THE CENTENARY OF EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS
BY T H E
HONORABLE BLABTTON W I N S H I F
Qovernor
of Puerto
Rico
(*)
As Governor of Puerto Rico, it is my privilege and
pleasure to welcome those representatives of other nations
who are participating in the centenary of one of our island's
most famous sons. We in Puerto Rico are justly proud t h a t
Eugenio María de Hostos was a native of this beautiful
land. His ñame, his character, and his achievements have
shed lustre on our people; his memory is enshrined in our
hearts. But genius knows no territorial boundaries, and
we cannot claim him merely as a citizen of Puerto Rico,
ñor even of t h e Americas, for in t h e lar ge sense he was a
citizen of the world.
I n t h e commonwealth of literature, of science, of social
and political ideas, his place was eminent and his fame is
secure. It is for t h a t reason t h a t while we of Puerto Rico
honor him today, similar tributes are being paid throughout
t h e Americas, in Europe, and in all countries where his
writings and teachings have left their impress. He was a
(*) A n Address Delivered January 9, 1939, at tbo Asaembly H a l l of
the University of Puerto Rico upon the Gccaeion x>t the Inaugural Exercises
H e l d to Initiate the Commemoratioxi of the Centenary of the Bírth of
Eugenio María de Hostos-
PHOMOTER OF PAN AMEHICANISM
83
world figure. It is fitting t h a t the world should render him
homage on the hundredth anniversary of his foirth.
Were Hostos alive today y he would nave the satisf action
oí knowing t h a t his life and work nave born fruit beyond
his most sanguíne dreams. Educatíonal and social progress
in all the American nations has advanced with rapid strides.
With f ew exceptions, peace has reigned on this síde of the
Atlantic. I n place of jealousies and suspicions, a new spirit
of friendship prevails in our western hemisphere and a
wider appreciation of the different cultures of our two
continents.
As you are aware, one of the finest critical studies of
Shakespeare's masterpiece, "Hamlet", is t h a t of Hostos.
That so acute an analysis of this great work of English.
literatura should have been made by one schooled in Latín
tastes and traditions is to me signiñcant. It demonstrates,
I think, t h a t there is no foarrier between t h e cultures of
the North and South, and t h a t the wealth of each civilixation can be shared by the other to the mutual advantage
of both.
I a m happy to say t h a t this is increasingly realized in
the United States, and t h a t it is not limited to cultural
understanding, but includes political and economic understandíng as well.
The successful autcome of the Pan-American Congress
at Lima, where our distinguished presidíng officer was a n
honored representatíve of the United States, ís evídence
of the growing solidarity of the Americas.
Reprint from Bt¡3!. 12 Puerto Rico De Hostos Centenary Connnissíouu
IV
AMERICA Y HOSTOS
EDGAE SHEFFIEJLB BHIGHTMAN
Frofessor
of Pkilosophy,
Boston
University;
lecturer3
tvriter,. poet*
America y Hostos. Colección de ensayos acerca de Eugenio María de Hostos, recogidos y publicados por la comisión pro celebración del centenario del natalicio de
Eugenio María de Hostos. Cultural, S. A., Obispo y Bernaza,
Habana, Cuba. 1939. Pp. 391,
Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903), native of Puerto
Rico, Spanish-American polymath, sociologist, publicist,
and philosoplier, is known to North Americans chiefly
through the brief article in the Encyclopaedia of the Social
Sciences. The volume, América y Hostos, is a n official
publication of the Government of Puerto Rico, in connection with the celebration of the centenary of his birth. It
contains a biographical note, a complete bibliography of
Hostos' pubiished and unpublished writings, a n extensive
"Bibliografía Hostosiana" (pp. 357-391), and a series of articles, many oí them previously pubiished elsewhere, chiefly
by Spanish-American scholars, dealing with various aspects
of the life and work of Hostos. A short paper by Máximo
Gómez, the Cuban liberator, is reprinted, followed loy an
essay by the Chilean educator, Gabriela Mistral, and the
discourse of the Puerto Rican Chief Justice Emilio del Toro,
FROMOTEE OF PAN AHEBICAKISM
35
delivered in 1926. There is a literary evaluation of Hostos
by t h e P u e r t o R i c a n author» José A. Balseiro, now Professor
in t h e University of Illinois. J u d g m e n t s on Hostos by
various North American scholars ful t h e next t e n pagas.
Professor Concha Meléndez of Puerto Rico writes on Hostos
a n d N a t u r e with special reference to American geography.
The Venezuelan a u t h o r a n d dipiomat, R. Blanco-Fombona,
is represented hy a n essay, as is t h e Colombian scholar,
Carlos Arturo Torres*
Tlie socioiogy of Hostos is deseribed by t h e Dominican
Professor Pedro Henríquez Ureña. Professor Antonio S. Pedreira, of t h e University of Puerto Rico, writes on Hostos
as politician. The Mexican, Dr, Pedro de Alba, subdirector
of t h e P a n American Union, describes t h e social ethics of
Hostos, whüe another Mexican, Professor Antonio Caso,
writes on his moral philosophy. Mauricio Magdaleno, Merdcan novelist, contributes a brief appreciation. T h e Dominican Professor Camila Henríqiiez Ureña, presents the
pedagogical ideas of Hostos in one of t h e most extensive
monographs in t h e volume. The P u e r t o Rican José A.
Fránquiz, head of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Philosophy in t h e
University of Puerto Rico, summarizes t h e "ideological
essenee" of Hostos in a useful paper. T h e Spanish a u t h o r
and legal scholar, Adolfo Posada, writes on Hostos' treatise,
Constitutional Law. The Dominican physician, Francisco
Henríquez y Carvajal, president of his native lan<X in t h e
year 1916, writes a n o t e on t h e d e a t h of Hostos.
The boo& is well illustrated with excellent photographs
of Hostos, of scenes connected with his life, a n d of events
in t h e c u r r e n t celebration. As a whoie, it is a n impressive
volume.
This syxnposium is of importance in several respecta. I t
affords a n introduction to t h e work of a great personality !
who Interpreted a philosophy not unlike Fiehte's moral
86
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS.'
idealism in liis life a n d thought, even if h e did n o t make
original, creative contríbutions to technical philosophy. It
illustrates his influence t h r o u g h o u t t h e Spanish-speaking
worid, from Puerto Rico, S a n t o Domingo, a n d Cuba, to
Spain a n d South America. F u r t h e r it refutes t h e shallow
view of Spanish-American political aspirations held by
m a n y persóns in t h e United States, f or it shows t h e genuine
moral a n d social idealism which a n i m a t e d Hostos and
niany who are influenced foy him.
The book is a m o n u m e n t t o Puerto Rican scholarship
and should contribute to t h e growth of closer ties and
hetter understanding between Spanish-American a n d North
American cultures.
R e p r i n t from B o í l . 12 P u e r t o Rico D e Hostos Ceittenary Commisaíofi.
V
."THE DON QUIXOTE OF LIBERTY"
BY
BASII* G-ALLAGHER
Directorf
Puerto
Rican
News
Bureau
All Latín America and the United States will join in
solemn tribute on next J a n u a r y 11 (*) to honor t h e Centenary of the birth of Eugenio María de Hostos, educator,
socíologist, revolutíonist and orator, whose forceful and re~
markafoly versatile personalíty is still felt in the Spanishspeaking countries to t h e south of us, thirty five years
after his death.
On t h a t day a marble monument with a central rnotif,
a fountain, to symbolize the wisdom of t h e m a n who dominated t h e political and educational life of I*atin America
in t h e 1880's and continuing tmtil his death in 1903, will
be unveiled in the capital of the Dominican Republic,
In t h e historie city of San J u a n , Puerto Rico, a territory of t h e United States, representatives of México,
Chile, Santo Domingo, Cuba, Argentine, Venezuela and
the West Indies, will gather to honor the m a n who was
once flippantly b u t aptly called the "Don Quísote of Li-
(*>
1939.
88
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S ;
berty" by a n American journalist who reviewed a bic~
graphy of Hostos published in Spain (* e ).
On t h a t d a y t h e cities of Buenos Aires, Washington,
Havana, Santiago de Chile, Ciudad Trujillo, Bogotá, Caracas, a n d scores of lesser communities t h r o u g h o u t the
Amerieas will witness centennial exercises to extoll the
merits of t h e great promoter of democratic ideas in our
Continent, thereby strengthening the bonds of American
solidarity.
Distribution of one t h o u s a n d sets of twenty volumes
each of t h e works of Eugenio María de Hostos will be effected on t h a t day (***) to as m a n y institutions of learning
a n d notables t h r o u g h o u t Latin America a n d t h e United
States. Xjast April t h e Puerco Rico Legislature approprlated twenty-five thousand dollars for editing t h e complete works of t h e prolific writer. The Act also provides for
t h e publication of a series of essays about Hostos t o comprise t h e works of well-known writers from t h e following
countries: Chile, t h e United States, Puerto Rico, t h e Dominican Republic, Cuba, Venezuela, Colombia, Spain, México a n d Perú,
On J a n u a r y 11, too, replicas of t h e bust of Hostos
crowning t h e m o n u m e n t a t t h e c a m p u s of t h e University
of Puerto Rico will be placed in t h e Hall of American Thinkers in t h e Pan-American Union Building, Washington, D, C, a n d in t h e r o t u n d a of t h e capítol of Puerto Rico.,
at San Juan.
A contest for the best biography of Hostos —in Spanish
a n d English is now beihg conducted in Puerto Rico. Two
t h o u s a n d invitations to join t h e con test h a ve been sent td
<**)
(***)
H a r r y W, Frantz.—Tfee
Compiler.
Distribution t o o k place at tlie b e g i u m n g of 1940,
P K 0 M 0 T E B O F PAN AMEHICAKISM
89
universities, societies, academies, periodicals and individuáis tnroughout the world. It is expected t h a t t h e winners
of the prises of one thousand dollars each for the Spanish
and English versions will be announced sometime after
March, 1940.
A commemorative medal in gold, silver and bronze wül
be sent to institutions of learning and distinguished persona
tnroughout the world on the day of the opening of the Centennial.
All this and more is being done in Latin America to do
honor to a m a n who lived for a principie and spent half
his life as a fugitive from the iré of t h e home of his fathers.
Honored in life by the oppressed countries of Central
and South America and the West Indies for his valiant
efforts for their freedom, he saw his father impoverished
because of his activities* "A mysterious wanderer," he was
torced to go with his wife and famüy of six children from
country to country, all t h e wftüe earnlng their bread with
his pen.
His literary career was phenomenal — almost as phenomenal as his political, edúcational and other constructive activities. An ardent Spaniard, he renounced the country of his forefathers when the Spanish Republican revolution of 1868 was successful and t h e leaders of the revolt
refused Cuba and Puerto Rico their "autonomy." During his
life Hostos visited nearly all t h e American countries as a n
apostle of Cuban independence and of a federal unión of
Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, which he
advocated all his life as the wisest political organization for
the Antilles. Hostos a t one time was Professor of Constitutional Law a t the University of Santiago de Chile and also
held the chair of Constitutional Law, Sociology, International Law and Penal Law ín the Dominican Republic.
I n his active life Hostos wrote more t h a n fifty books on
90
BEÜGENIO M A R Í A 33E HOSTOS."
history, literary criticism, language, travel, litera-ture, philosophy, sociology and law. Throughout the Latin world
his Essay on Hamlet is considered one of t b e profoundest
commentaries on the Shakespearean tragedy. Max Daireaux, of the Sorbonne, translated it rnto French; the
Institute of Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Natíons published it. His first book was published in 1863, a
political novel, La Peregrinación de Bayoán (Madrid) which
pointed out the helplessness a n d exploltation of the Spanish colonists in the West Indies. His works nave been
translated into English, Germán and French. Since his
death hundreds of books, pamphlets, brochures and magazine and newspaper articles have been written by men
of m a n y nationalities either devoted to his life or mentioning him prominently in comments on Latin America,
The Hostos* bibliography grows steadily with t h e influence
of his writings in the Spanish American countries.
Hostos tried to f ound a new morality and sociology and
evolved a complete and original sociological system. He
regarded society as a n organism which developed along
certain formulated principies and considered t h a t t h e moral idea would ultimately triumph in accord with natural
law.
He was a constant protagonist for educational reform.
I n this respect he achieved notable success in Chile. In
Santo Domingo he was responsible for a n educational renaissance. Before his time in t h a t island the schools were
poor and few in number; h e establzshed a Normal School
and through his efforts a regular system of educational
adrninistration was inaugurated by t h e government,
Throughout his life Hostos constantly repeated and was
seemingly inspired by one ringing phrase: "Teach the
continent to t h i n k l " He referred, of course, to all Latin
America, not merely the continent of South America b u t
PKOMOTEK O F FAN
AMERICANISM
91
also the Spanish-speaking peoples whose beautiful islands
dot the Caribbean and the South Atlantic.
An intimate pieture of Eugenio María de Hostos was
given today by his son Adolfo de Hostos, Historian of Puerto
Rico, and one of the five living cliildren. The others are
Eugenio Carlos, now in Galicia, Spain; Filipo, President of
the Puerto Hican Chamber of Commerce; Bayoán, a planter
in Santo Domingo and a daughter, Mrs* María de Hostos
de Nadal, who lives in San Juan, Puerto Rico,
The widow of the eider Hostos died in 1917. She was
the daughter of a distinguished Cuban family who fíed to
Venezuela when Cuba agitated for freedom from Spain in
the 1870's. Of his eminent father Mr. Adolfo de Hostos says:
"He was a dynamic man — one of the hardest workers
I nave ever seen. In my childhood I aiways regarded him
as a mysterious rover. We seemend always on the move,
going from country to country, Not until mueh later did I
realize the import of those wanderings.
"Father was born in Mayagüez, on the western coast of
Puerto Rico. His father was a well-to-do lawyer whose ancestors had come to the coíony from Spain in the King?s
service, Later in life my grandfather saw his fortune swept
away, partly because of my father's activities. He assisted
him dutifully for several years fromafar."
While still in his teens, Hostos was sent to the University
oí Madrid to be educated, as was the custom at that time
among the colonial arístocracy. But instead of graduating
he took an active part in the Spanish Republican Revohition of 1868, only to renounce the revolutionists when they
failed to keep a promise to obtain political reforms for Puerto Rico and Cuba.
Before ñeeing to París Eugenio María de Hostos delivered an impassioned oration at the Athenaeum in Madrid
92
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOSI
to denounce the Spanish colonial regime. I n 1869 he left
Paris for New York and from t h a t moment began a lifetime
devoted to assist ín t h e forging of t h e young Latin American demoeracies and to free Cuba a n d Puerto Rico from
Spanish rule. It became then necessary for Hostos to make
a living by writing.
His work led him to Colombia, Perú, Chile, Argentine,
Brazil, Venezuela and the West Indies —always writing,
always preachíng his gospel of achieving national and
individual digniíy through freedom. He wrote travel books
as well as ess&ys on política!, educational and sociológica!
problema.
An ironic thing about his career a t this time is the faet
t h a t altliough he was with Martí one of t h e chief instigators of revolution in Cuba, he never in his life set foot on
the island —in peaceful times, because he would have been
arrested on sight; during the revolution of 1888-1878,
because he was shipwrecked on a saüing vessel, t h e "Charles
Miller", on t h e way to t h e island.
Santo Domingo a t this time was t h e center for Cuban
revolutionits and it was here t h a t Hostos went. His dynamic personality was such t h a t his revolutionary activities
were not enough. He viewed t h e educational system of
Hispaniola a n d found it lacking. I n his spare moments he
conceived a plan for educational reform and p u t it into
effect. I t was the first attempt a t organized education on
the island and is today the basis of the national school
system.
The year of 1877 found the active spiritual buüder of
American nationalities in Venezuela. I t was there t h a t h e
met and married Doña Belinda Otilia de Ayala, daughter
of Dr. Filipo Carlos de Ayala, a Cuban revolutionary exile.
He left his m a r k on Venezuelan education during his ona-
FROaiOTER OF PAN AMEKICANISM
93
year stay by founding the "Instituto Comercial", íirst
commercial school of t h a t South American country.
Soon after Hostos sailed for Santo Domingo where he
resided for nine years to continué the development of t h e
educational system. Xike Columbus, Hostos could n o t resist
t h e fascinaticn of Hispaniola, t h e "wondrous isle which
entombed t h e Diseoverer in her charms". He wrote m u c h
about his theories of "concentric" education which attraeted wide attention a n d was the direct cause of his beíng
ealled by t h e Chilean government to help in t h e ref orm of
the educational sjsbeui oí t h a t country.
Then carne t h e Spanish American War and Hostos
rejoiced when the American troops wrested Puerto Rico
and Cuba from the grasp of Spain. His faith in American
institutions was unbounded. I n Jury 1898 the exile returned
to his home in Puerto Rico for t h e first time in twenty
years. He formed the League of Patriots and journeyed to
Washington to negotiate civil rule for his native island
which was t h e n under a military form of government. He
was unsuccessfuL
However, his League of Patriots will forever stand as
a unique a t t e m p t ever made on this side of t h e world to
form and guide a national consciousness t h r o u g h educational principies involving the physical, mental a n d moral
aspects of associated lif e. The Greeks would not have done
it better. Truly, b u t it would have t a k e n t h e Greeks of
Pericles* times to m a k e a success of the plan.
I n 1900 de Hostos was ealled back to Santo Domingo
and made Inspector General of Public Education, a position
he held until his death on August 11, 1903.
"He was a m a n of médium height with a scholarly,
kindly face a n d ruddy complexión", says one of his disciples. "He wore a full beard and looked like what h e was
throughout his life —a Spanish gentleman". New York
94
EUGENIO MAHÍA DE H 0 S T G S :
newspapermen noticed in 1898 that he bore in personal
appearance a strxking iikeness to Sagasta, the Spanish
Premier. "When I consider his life today —the foooks he
wrote, the countries he traveled, and the vast scope oí his
activities— I am amazed that one man could do so much
in a lifetime."
Repriut from BuU. 12 F a e n o Rico De Hosíos Centenary ComralBsion.
VI
LAWS OF PUERTO RICO HONORING EUGENIO MARÍA
DE HOSTOS
THE FEOPLE OF PUERTO RICO
Office of the Execulive
Secretary
SAN JUAN,
P . R., March 14* 1924.
Administrad ve Bulletln, No* 255.
BY THE GOVERNOR OF PUERTO RICO
A PROCLAMATION
PK HOSTOS M E M O R I A L W E E K
Whereas, An organization has heen formed in this Island
to perpetúate the memory and life-work of one of its most
iilustrious sons, Eugenio María de Hostos, whose fame as
a teacher, wríter, philosopher and patriot has been uní»
versaliy recognized;
Whereas, The said organization lias desígnated the
week taeginning March 23rd and ending March 29th, 1924,
for special memorial exercises and for the purpose of soliciting and receiving contributions for the erection of a
monument in his memory; and
Whereas, A people honors itself by honoring its great
men;
Now, therefore, I Horace M. Towner, Governor of Puerto Rico, do hereby proclaím the week March 23rd-29th as
96
EUGENIO MARÍA BE H O S T O S :
Be Hostos Memorial Week a n d urge the people of Puerto
Rico to cooperate with t h e organization above referred to
m order to secure observance of t h e purpose of this proelamation by making March 23rd a De Hostos Memorial
Sunday, with due reference a n d observance as far as pos~
sible in t h e churches; t h a t the various secular organizatíons, a n d specially the Schools arrange for memorial
exercises; and t h a t contributions be given in such amouní
and in such m a n n e r as may be within t h e means and
desires of t h e people.
I n "witness whereof, I have hereunto set my h a n d ancl
caused to be affíxed the Great Seal of Puerto Rico, a t the
City of San J u a n , this 14th day of March, in t h e year of
Our Lord one thousand nine hundred a n d twenty-four.
(SEAL)
HOEACE M . T o W N E R
Qovernor of Puerto Rico
Promulgated, according to law, on March 14, 1924,
E. J.
Execntive
SALDAÑA
Secretar y of Puerto
Rico
(No. 25)
AN ACT
To recognize officíally the Board for the Celebration
of the Centenary of
the birth of Eugenio María de Hostos; to appropriate funds for the activities
of said committee;
to provide for the publictttion
of Hostos' works, and of
sitch opinions and críticisms of his personality and works as may have been
published by eminent writerst and for other
purposes.
"Be it enacted by the Legislature of Puerto Rico":
Section 1,—The committee "Pro Celebración del Centenario del Natalicio de Eugenio María de Hostos", already
constituted with t h e Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
FROMOTEB OF PAN AMEKICANISM
91
as chairman, is recognized as official, as well as all such
public ceremonies, festivities, and other activíties on the
program as, under the general organization of t h a t committee, may be carried out ín our Island during the months
of July to December, 1938, and January 11, 1939, which
date is the hundredth anniversary of the birth of the iliustrious Puerto Rican essayist.
Section 2.—For the purpose of worthily celebrating this
centenary and or erecting in Puerto Rico the most lasting
manument to the memory of the famous author, Eugenio
María de Hpstos, the committee for the celebration of the
centenary is authorized to proceed, pursuant to the report
rendered to the Legislature of Puerto Rico on March 29,
1916, by the Commission for the Publication of the Works of
Hostos created by Joint Resolution No. 11, approved March
11, 1915, to publish the volumes listed in said report; to
which end there is hereby appropriated from any funds
in the Treasury of Puerto Rico not otherwise appropriated,
the sum of twenty-five thousand (25,000) dollars, or such
part thereof as may be necessary, which the board shal!
spend with the intervention of the Auditor and of the
Treasurer of Puerto Rico, these officials being authorized
to pay, through the proper warrants, the sum or sums required as the publication hereby provided for progresses.
In addition to the unedited work of the learned educator,
there may be published one or more volumes containing
such opinions and criticism of his personality and works
as nave been published by eminent writers.
Section 3.—It shail be the duty of the board "Pro Celebración del Centenario de Hostos" to appoint a disbursing
officer, with the approval of the Auditor of Puerto Rico,
who shall issue the necessary warrants, approved by the
chairman of the board, for making payments in connection
with its activities.
98
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOSI
Section 4.—The board shall appoint, a t such compensation as it may deera proper, a person expert in publications
to t a k e charge of t h e editorial work, proof-reading, binding, etc., a n d b e shall be under t h e immediate supervisión of t h e c h a i r m a n of t h e board.
Section 5.—If, after such works of Eugenio María de
Hostos as t h e board m a y select for t h e celebration of the
centenary h a ve been published, there should remain any
sur plus in t h e a m o u n t herein appropriated, it shall be co~
vered automatically into t h e general fund of The People
of Puerto Rico.
Section 6.—All laws or parts of laws in conflict herewith
are hereby repealed.
Section 7.-—As J a n u a r y 11, 1939, is t h e d a t e of the centenary, it is declared t h a t , by reason of t h e a m o u n t of
work t o be done, a n emergency exists t h a t requires t h e
immediate affectiveness of this Act, a n it shall therefore
t a k e affect immediately after its approval.
(Approved, April 14, 1938.)
iSeprint from BuIL 12 Píierto Rico Dtí Hostos Ceuteuarv Commi&sioft,
PART
II
LIFE WORK OF EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS.
E U G E N I O MAHIA D E MOSTOS AND K I S I D E A S
O F SOCIAL M O R A L I T Y (*)
BY
P E D R O DE ALBA, M.
Formerly
Assistant
D.
Director. Pan American
Union; Mexicurt
Senotor. pedagogite. lecturer,
tvriter
(*) Froiu the "Bulletio
D. C., February, 1939.
»í lite Pan Ameiícaa
Antbassadort
Unioo''. W&sMtagíoEi,
EUOENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS AND HIS IDEAS
OF SOCIAL MORAIITY
THE MAN
An evocation oí t b e memory of Eugenio María de Hostos obliges us to measure our words and order our tboughts..
Having before us a m a n wbose life was notable for its
decorum, dignity and composure, we are forbidden oratorical periods or idle digressions. He was a n enemy of
academic pose and of conventional rhetorie. Of those wbo
lavished praise upon h i m b e asked performance; to tbose
wbo applauded b i m b e asked to listen in silence.
Biograpbers do n o t give us a elear idea of bis pbysical
appearance, b u t we can imagine bis personality from t b e
seintillation of bis ideas and t b e spotlessness of bis life.
Eugenio María de Hostos seems to us more like a moral
code t b a n a pbysical being. Persons wbo knew b i m in bis
youtb speak of b i m as a m a n wbo before b e was tbirty
years oíd seemed t o be sixty; tbis was wben he was a student
in Spain> a period of great storm and stress in national
affairs. Hostos* stay in t b e motber country was decisive
In bis apostlesbip. He is assoeiated in our imagination witb
ü n a m u n o ; Hostos, like the rector of t b e University of Salamanca, passed p a r t of bis life in Bilbao before b e went
to Madrid. Tbe strongest elements of t b e Spanisb race, t b e
Basque and t b e Castilian, infused in botb m e n t b e will to
resist a n d rebel t b a t never left t h e m in all tbeir eartbly
peregrinatians.
104
EUGENIO MASÍA DE H O S T O S :
T h e journey to Spain h a s been for some of our héroes
of t h o u g h t a n d action t h e Road to Damascus. Spain acts
as a stimulus a n d reagent in the life of t h e Spanish
American. The social environment of Spanish America
cannot be thoroughly understood or interpreted if it is not
examined in t h e light of Spanish history, I n Spain Hostos»
a son of Puerto Rico, was a soldier in t h e forefront of the
war of ideas; with brain a n d brawn h e fought for the
Republic of Castelar a n d Pi y Margall, b u t always with t h e
fortune of his own Antilles in view.
He criticissed conditions strongly, laying about h i m with
lusty blows; h e pointed out the defects in t h e Spanish
colonial administration, politics, educational system, and
distribution of honors a n d money.
When Hostos was t h u s fighting Spain, h e was Spanish
to t h e core. He reminds us how often Spanish Americans
in t h e Península find fault with everything i n their
surroundings, b u t as soon as they go away a r e overtaken
foy nostalgia, for they find t h a t for t h e m t h e Spanish
environment is a n inteilectual tonic more bracing t h a n
any found eisewhere in t h e world.
It is surprising how m a n y points oí similarity there are
between Hostos* time and our own. We nave known in t h e
Central University at Madrid Spanish American students
of great ability, who left t h e classes of t h e law school
foacause they considered t h a t t h e professors were a hindrance to their studies a n d h a d n o culture. This was just what
Hostos did in t h e 186G's, when in desperation a t antiquated
methods and ineffective and unscientific teaehing he
stopped attending classes t o become his own teacher.
I n Spain t h e most i m p o r t a n t lessons are those t a u g h t
by t h e people themseives t h r o u g h their daüy life and neverending struggle. Hostos formulated a n d maintained a
comprehensive theory, Against bad government, privileged
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
105
classes, decayed intellectuals, behínd-the-time professors,
he fought in Spain with proofs and documents taken from
Spanish thinkers; but h e was faithful to t h e Spanish
culture represented by such men as Padre Vitoria, Baltasar
Gracián, Miguel de Cervantes, Gaspar Melchor de Jovelianos. He defended t h e glories of Spain against its worst
enemies, which were t h e royal family a n d the nobility, the
military caste, and corrupt administraron.
With even t h e clearest reason and argument he failed,
however, to convínce Spain t h a t it should g r a n t a fitttng
autonomy t o t h e Antilles, where t h e inhabitants lived
under the horrors of martial law and t h e abuses of a n
irresponsible bureaucraey.
He returned to America to begin a crusade for t h e
freedom and federation of t h e Antilles, which he considered
a n indissoluble whoie, a geographic and cultural unity. To
this task he dedicated his lif e, and went from one country
to another preaching his crusade,
Hostos is one of t h e teachers who practícally circumnavigated the continent. There is hardly a republic in which
he did not piten his t e n t and teach his lesson: Colombia,
Perú, Argentina, Venezuela, Brasil, the United States, each
was his abiding place for a time. With three nations he
was as closely associated as with his beloved Puerto Rico,
the island of his birth; these were Cuba, Chile and the
Domtnican Republic.
He had Cuban forebears, and his wife carne of a promin e n t family of Havana patriots. These ties he ennobled
through his unílagging campaign ín behalf of Cuban
independence, a campaign t h a t h e carried on with great
intelligence and supreme unselfishness.
I n Chile he continued t h e work of Andrés Bello and
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. A noble and undying lesson
has foeen bequeathed to us by those standard-bearers of
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
108
liberal ideáis in America, who earned their bread as
journalists and teachers. Thus they nave become teachers
of all Spanish America, with the double prestige of talent
and toiL
Hostos never accepted gratuitous support or secret
favors; poverty was for him a Román virtue, as in Bossuet's
maxim* He took pride in rendering servíces many times the
valué of his stipend,
I n Santiago, Chile, he was t h e principal of t h e Amunátegui lijceum, a n editorial writer on t h e daily papers>
t h e president of t h e Atheneum and of scientific and
educational congresses, and a professor in the university,
Hostos real calling was teaching. His was t h e apothegm
t h a t the only revolution t h a t had not taken place in
America was the educational revolution.
I t was in Santo Domingo t h a t he undertook t h e task
of reforming the educational system from top to bottom.
He founded the normal school, secured the passage of laws
on education, trained teachers, edited textbooks, drew up
courses of study; h e reached the position of Director General of Education. I t was at this epoch of his life t h a t he
wrote most of the books t h a t h e bequeathed to posterity.
His work may be divided into numerous sections:
láterature, science, politics, constitutional law, educational
science, methods of teaching, sociology, ethics, —fifty
volumes ín all.
On thís night of the centenary of his birth we shall
make a brief analysis of t h e Moral Social (Social Morality) (*), a book published at the urging of his students in
Santo Domingo and endowed with perpetual youth. It
reveáis the dominant trend of his ideas and expounds his
doctrines, stül timely today.
(*)
Tlíis book has been transíiittuJ into Engíiüli, hut m>t published:
7'fo<? CGznpiler.
PHOMOTEF,. OF PATí AMEKICANISM
107
PKOGRESS AND MOSAL VALÚES
It was fifty years ago t h a t Eugenio María de Hostos
warned his contemporaries. He f oresaw trie dangers involved
in mechahical progress if it were not closeiy followed by
spíritual and intellectual improvement.
He called attention to 'the increasing discrepancies t h a t
he observed between progress and morality, and made it
plaín t h a t the civilization a t t h e end of the 19th century,
oí which the raen of t h a t time were so proud, carried
within itself irritating contradictions and the seeds of barbarism. T h a t lack of accord between machine civilization
and the world of moral valúes, which the distinguished
philosopher Henri Bergson discussed not long ago in illuminating pages, was denounced by Hostos in t h e prologue
to his Moral Social, written in 1888.
Hostos was a classic thinker and a master of t h e best
humanism. Ideas of apparent harmony and profound similarity guided his medita.tions; as a teacher he aspired to
train t h e whole man. The mcompatibility between the material and t h e spiritual; t h e contradictions between material power and the ethical sense; the antínomies between preaching and practice, h e condemned in pages t h a t
are still fresh and applicable today.
The "complete m a n " , he said, m u s t be the fundamental
unit of noble peoples and strong nations.
Impressed by the panorama of his times he wrote thess
notable words: "Half men, half nations, partly civilized,
partly savage, we men and nations of this flourishing age
constitute societies outwardly as brilliant as t h e most powerful nations of ancient history and inwardly as benighted. Under the skin of every society barbarism throbs.
Thus, because of this contrast between material progress
103
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
and moral development, Europe and America nave again
witnessed the shame of wars of conques!, tiie shamelessness of the supremacy of might over right, t h e humillation of the idolatry of crirne enthroned a n d omnipotent
for twenty long years in the heart of Europe, and the indecency of t h e deification of brute forcé in the hrain of
the thinking continent. It is because of the immorality of
our civilisation t h a t it h a s agreed to the renewal of the
infamous and cowardly persecutions of the Middle Ages...**
If the Master of Mayagüez were living today h e would
have to make his jereniiad even more emphatic to scourge
those who poison the air of our times a n d exalt over every 4
moral standard of h u m a n i t y their caprices, their hates,
and their low appetites.
Perhaps h e would feel bitter wlien h e saw t h a t all his
preaching h a d been in vaín, but as he was not a m a n who
faltered in his task he would begin it anew. Hostos was
not a mere rhetorician or a n academic moralist, but a m a n
of action, who fought for civilization. His essentially constructive mind set h i m apart from all theoretical doctrines, from all arbitrary empiricism. He was never satisfied
merely with good intentions; ideas h a d to be set in motion, moral precepts had to be vitalized. Neither dogrnatic
ñor magisterial, he maintained t h a t morality m u s t be
founded on logical bases, on the principies of h u m a n sympathy, on the demands of social serviee.
Hostos h a d acquired a sound education a n d was familiar with t h e best in philosophical thought; at t h e same
time h e h a d creative intuition a n d t h e strenght of those
who are endowed with artistic temperament and apostolic
fervor. By his life and work h e showed t h a t aesthetic education and philosophic feeling determine personality, and
t h a t moral disciplines are the basis of character.
A glowing and attractive personality, a firm and resolute
PílOMOTEB OF PAN AMSEXCANISM
109
character, belongeá to this spirited champion; his artistic
taste and his phüosophic temperament were shown in his
studies of Hamlet, his ethical views and his professoriai *
temperament in t h e pages of his Moral Social. These
qualities were evident in his exemplary life. He could
maintain his moral principies with authority because his^
theories were reinforced by his acts. When his students
urged him to publish his lessons in ethics, he replied:
"Ethics should be imprinted n o t in books b u t in deeds.
Whoever leads a n evil life, preaches evil, a n d whoever
thinks evil and speaks evil leads a n evil life." Sinee the
students insisted, t h e professor agreed to publication on
condition t h a t the section chosen should be " t h a t p a r t of
the book referring to t h e duties of society." He deliberately
abstained from all dogmatism to take his stand in the
realms of ieaming, n a t u r a l law and h u m a n relations.
CÜHCSIFTS O F GRATXTUPE I N THE
(í
MOKAL S O C I A L "
Eugenio María de Hostos is a brilliant proof t h a t in
Spanish America there can be orderly studies and methodical and sustained efforts. Many of our thinkers are
excitable and volcanic; a passion for the fray makes them
appear inconsistent and contradictory; t h e pressing
demands of life do not permit them to p u t their ideas in
order.
Hostos gives us a n example of firm purpose and wellordered industry. When h e wrote his lessons in social
morality, h e emphasized scholarly and philosophical
principies. Logical sequence, relationship between topics,
correlation of t h e premises, a series of reasons supporting
each other, raised the harmonious edifice t h a t his intellect
had devised. On this well^planned foundation his work
was divided into two ampie parts, containing invaluable
110
EUGENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOSI
material on t h e problems of the moral code and their
solution. The first part is entitled Rélations and Duties,
•and the second Morality and the Activities of Life. We
shall comment on a few of t h e chapters t h a t are t h e most
interesting because of the author's originality in presenting
his theme.
The two phoses of Hostos' work t h a t have long impressed us most, t h e aesthetic and the scholarly, we find
reflected in many pages oí the Moral Social. The general
headíngs on social rélations are as follows: Relation of
KTecessity, Relation of Gratitude, Relation of Utility,
Relation of Law, Relation of Duty. We shall mention first
the Relation of Gratitude because to us it is the most
impressive title.
Hostos' discussions oí social gratitude disclose his
delicate sensibility and his profound h u m a n sympathy,
These sentences ring with a noble convietion:
"A little reflection will show us t h a t after our own
neeessities ít is gratitude t h a t binds us most closely to
other men.
"Indeed, as members of a f amily we are so closely bound
to it by gratitude t h a t we recogníze its effects from the
eradle to the grave. If we are born we owe it to t h e famóly;
íf we grow up, it is through the protection of the family;
jf we are educated, it is the work of the family; when we
are with t h e family we work fort it; away from it we long
for it; we are happy in the family and for its sake; if we
are unfortunate, we regret it for t h e sake of the family;
111, we fear d e a t h for its sake, and dying we long for it."
Hostos consíders t h e family the cornerstone of soeiety,
and in his discussion discloses the tenderness and
unselfishness of his heark He does not speak in terms of
mere convenience, although he reeogniges t h a t rélations
PRGMOTER OF PAN AMEEICANISM
111
of necessity come first; he leaves a place for the imponderables of sentiment.
This unselfishness and sentiment show t h a t t h e moralist
had a n aesthetic temperament. I t should not be believed
t h a t h e confines t h e stimulus of gratitude only to the
family, for it radiates therefrom in ever wider circles to
the city, the province, t h e nation, h u m a n i t y and nature,
At t h e end of t h e chapter on gratitude Hostos writes: "As
this relation of gratitude is extended to all m e n the power
of h u m a n dígnity hecomes increasingly vigorous, so t h a t
the m a n who most deeply f eels the gratitude t h a t we owe
to h u m a n i t y for its unceasing benefits is the most h u m a n . n
An optimistic declaration this, conceiving life as
something good, considering as one of t h e prized things of
life intercourse with one's fellow-beings, recognizing one's
Identification with t h e destiny of all humanity, The
contemplation of n a t u r a l beauty awakes in Hostos a sense
of well-being in whích his aesthetic emotions are nobly
shown...
Hostos had reason for complaint coneerning his era
and his contemperarles, b u t h e rose above trifles and
grudges to exalt his faith. Hostos' ideas were far removed
from t h e Voltairian a t t i t u d e of some present-day writers.
His doctrine is t h e antithesis of t h e dictum of t h e wellknown Frenen novelist and poet, Henri de Montherlant,
who takes a n attitude of resigned negativism when he
writes: "Men never do us all t h e evil t h a t they could/'
("Les hommes n e nous font jamáis tout le mal qu'ils
pourraient.")
Hostos, on the other hand, t h o u g h t of m a n as represen*
ting a positive moral valué and as being capable of gratitude for all t h e good things t h a t life gives him.
EUGENIO MABÍA DE HOSTOS I
T H E SOCIAL F U N C T I O N O F THE U S E F U L AS OPPOSED TO T H E
FEVER OF S E L F I S H
UTILITARIANISM
If when h e speaks of gratitude Hostos shows rus
aesthetic sensibility, when h e discusses ideas of utility he
displays his powers as a sociologist, sentimental only in
so far as sentiment is n o t a n antisocial menace; h e believes
t h a t generous and romantic impulses should be a t t h e
service of a well-halanced mind and a firm wÜL
He never postulated absolute renunciation ñor absurd
quietism, for h e was well aware t h a t t h e life of society is a
struggle and t h a t therefore it m u s t be decided how best to
toe useful in t h a t conflict for t h e general good.
The concepts of social utility upheld by t h e pragmatic
philosophers a n d educators, James, Dewey a n d Henderson,
had previously been expounded by Hostos in lessons to his
classes in the normal school a t Santo Domingo.
His logical mind insisted most strongly on defining the
term utüity. I t was for this reason t h a t h e explained his
ideas on this subject in t h e first section: "If we consider
useful only t h a t which serves our use a n d redounds
exclusively to our individual good, no d u t y would arise
from utility except t h a t of sacrificing everything to our
individual good. B u t since utility is a n a t u r a l property of
physical a n d moral objects to serve t h e purposes of
everyone, and since there is n o individual purpose t h a t
can be fulfilled outside of society, it is clear t h a t for a
thing to be useful t o us it is necessary t h a t it should be
naturally conducive t o t h e achievement of our social
purposes,"
Later he added: "To t h e common herd everything is
useful from which selfishness derives some benefit; utility,
therefore, is the property t h a t things have of being utilized
PROMOTER, OF PAN AMERICANISM
113
by m a n . I t is easy to comprehend t h a t , if w h a t is beneficia!
is used for individual selfishness, t h e property of utility will
be converted not into a source of duties, b u t into a n
inexhaustibie spring of selfish instincts. B u t this does n o t
arise from t h e fact t h a t t h e concept of utility is inexact,
or t h a t t h e useful is bad in itself; it arises from t h e fact
t h a t t h e common concept of utility is incomplete a n d
t h a t t h e idea of t h e useful is exclusive," "... according to
economics, t h e most useful things are those t h a t begin by
benefiting society, in order thereby to benefit t h e individual; t h u s there is n o t r u e utility except in t h e intelligent
combination of public interests with prívate, of general
interests with individual ones..,"
If we consider carefully Hostos' exposition concerning
utility and t h e useful we discover t h a t Hostos h a d a deeprooted conviction t h a t t h e interest of society should nave
preference o ver t h e special interest of t h e individual. The
idea t h a t education should be useful to society, whieh
American educators emphasize today, a n d t h e theories on
t h e social f unetions of wealth found in books by economists
a n d sociologists of various nationalities were analyzed i n
unequivocal and conclusive terms by Eugenio María de
Hostos.
I n vulgar minds t h e idea of utility carries with it such
a desire for lucre a n d for rising profits t h a t it is likely t o
constitute a danger t o social justice and collective welfare.
Right-minded m e n believe t h a t t h e idea of utility
should be subordinated to moral precepts, to t h e principie
t h a t t h e citizen best trained for t h e life of society is h e
who can best serve others. Produíction, technical skill,
wealth should derive from a n equitable distribution of
useful things so t h a t public a n d prívate interests are
intelligently combined, as Hostos believed they should be.
These ideas are not subversive, for in all ages and in
s
114
E U G E N I O MARÍA
DE H O S T O S !
all countries they nave been maintained by m e n oí diff erent
shades of philosophieal belief, by priests of various religions.
If we go back i n history, we shall find t h e m held by the
F a t h e r s of t h e Church; íor example, St. Augustine said
t h a t t h e rich should be considered t h e administrators of
t h e property of t h e poor.
P O L I T I C S , J O U R N A L I S M AND MORAL D U T I E S
Aristotle's sayíng t h a t m a n is a political animal was
echoed hy Hostos. A politician, a component of t h e polis,
t h e s t a t e or city t was a n expression of t h e highest Greek
culture, a social being first a n d foremost, However, t h e
terms politicians a n d political have been deprived of their
original meaning by being applied only t o electoral candidates a n d contests. Thís is one of t h e common limitations
t h a t Hostos discussed in speaking of t h e concept of utility.
I n the history of Spanish t h o u g h t t h e r e are essayists of
t h e highest intellectual standing, like Mariana, Saavedra
Fajardo and Feijóo, who consider politics one of t h e noblest
of h u m a n activities. Of this clan is Eugenio María de
Hostos.
I n t h e second p a r t of his Moral Social, which h a s as its
¡subtitle Morality and the Activities of Life, our author
considers ethics in relation to t h e most diverse factors in
eommunity life. There are, we find, such chapter headings
as these: Morality and t h e School, Morality a n d t h e
Philcsophic Reiigions, Morality and History, Morality a n d
Art, Morality and Industry. We will comment briefly upon
a few which are specially appropriate today and which
are treated in a n specially courageous a n d penetrating
manner.
I n Hostos' opinión, t h e practice of politics a n d of
journalism should have t h e dignity of a priesthood; the
PKOMOTEK O F FAIÍ AMEEICANISM
115
bad practitioners of these professions should be treated
as antisocial beings and as dangerous corruptors of society.
Not only in respect to politics, b u t also as concerns
Journalism, Hostos revolts against t h e false concept t h a t
success is its own justification. To him success obtained
outside the bounds of social morality, even t h o u g h it be
impressive and showy, is in reality despicable and
ephemeral.
When all Europe thought Bismarck a political genius,
Hostos attacked him, calling him "perniciously lucky", for
he was one of those who see in politics nothing more t h a n
the a r t of employing power against law, If in t h e realm
of international politics Hostos was implacable toward
imperialists, in the field of domestic politics he raised his
voice against those who trafficked in influence and against
t h e grasping. "Only absolute ignoramuses or consummate
hypocrites could nave t h e idea of separating what is by
nature inseparable and of taking írom t h e a r t of balancing
power with law the dignity conferred on it by its origin...
Politics without morality is unworthy; any game of chance,
unworthy as gambling isf is more worthy t h a n politics
divorced from morality, because a t least t h e only morality
at stake in the repugnant episodes of a game is t h a t of the
gambler and his accomplices, b u t t h e immoral politician
stakes by his example t h e public and private morality of
his country."
For Hostos, t h e journalist who works for petty interests
or the politician who sells his ideas are antisocial elements.
He considera t h a t the two poles of mercenary journalism
are power and wealth. "Journalism undertaken because of
a thirst for power is a daily, weekly, or fortnightly example
of inteliectual immorality, continuous in its effects.., and
of lack of character, which is t h e worst kind of immorality. Since power, its objeetive, is subject to constant change,
116
E U G E N I O MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
its judgment also becomes changeable,.. Journalism inspired by desire for gain is also a constant example of imniorality of feeling a n d will; it demoralizes public opinión,
because ít constantly exalts success a n d frequently jeers
a t all generous sentiments; it demoralizes t h e will of society,
which is constantly being urged to further activities to
secure physical benefits a n d t o remain inert in t h e face
of t h e moral evils of society..."
Hostos does, however, recognize t h e great good t h a t
journalism h a s accomplished by excoriating tyrannies,
privilege, judicial malfeasance, a n d t h e abuse of capitalisiri,
a n d also acknowledges its noble efforts t o promote free
competition a n d t h e recognition of real merit.
Ke urges jouxnalists to be as dignified as if they were
addressing n o t only their contemporaries b u t a l s o
posterity. He says t h a t since journalism is essentially
t h e continuous history of a p a r t of h u m a n i t y , it necessarily
m u s t expose unworthy deeds and wrong-doíng, and t h a t
they should be exposed as they are, in continual confliet
with uprightness a n d justice, and presented in such a way
as to uphold t h e moral order as t h e goal of h u m a n dignity.
To Hostos democratic ideáis, with their living expression
of freedom of thought, freedom of t h e press, freedom of
worship, a n d freedom of assembly, were n o t mere empty
words or u n a t t a i n a b l e ideáis. He believed, however, t h a t if
these powers were exercised without moral discipline and
without envisioning t h e public-good, they might result in
evil and t h a t they should, therefore, be subjected to t h e
requirements of individual responsibility a n d colectiva
justice.
All campaigns for freedom of spoken or written thought
should pay honor to t h e great sacrifices t h a t h u m a n i t y h a s
made to obtain it. I t would be a n empty and foolish formula
if it were not inspired in the highest principie of public
P R O M O T E R O F PAN
AMERICANISM
117
good. Every political idea should be a noble aspiration of
h u m a n i t y ; this in t h e iast analysis m e a n s effactive social
justice a n d not mere words.
THE E M P L O Y M E N T OF LEISTJRE T I M E
Like other m e n of analytical power a n d apostolic fervor,
Hostos, because of his sympathetic comprehension of t h e
problems of his fellowmen, was prophetic, although h e did
n o t set out to he.
The chapter of I-íostos1 book cailed Morality a n d Time
contains m u c h wise a n d foresighted comment, surprisingly
applicable to t h e present day. The psychologist, t h e social
reformer, a n d t h e teacher can there find t h e solution of
m a n y problems of our own time, the resulte of t h e study
of a serious a n d profound student.
More t h a n fifty years ago Hostos foresaw t h a t industrial progress would give rise to m a n y grave a n d disturbing
problems. He remarked t h a t progress proceeds in fitful
waves, leaving m a n y millions of men outside its benefits.
He considerad t h e pleasures of the intellect a n d of intellectual health as well as of t h e satisfaction of material
needs. He also believed t h a t v/ork is one of t h e greatest
blessings of t h e h u m a n race and t h a t it m u s t therefore be
made attractive to t h e individual a n d profitable to t h e
community...
He t h o u g h t of t h e people who lack culture, money,
means of communication with their fellowmen, healthful
recreation to help t h e m raise their moral standards. He
lamented t h e lack of opportunity for t h e rnasses in these
words: "The theatre, which is a good institution a n d a
pastime more educational t h a n any other since it reaches
t h e mind and h e a r t of t h e people most easily, is nowhere a
national institution for t h e people. I t is not for t h e people
118
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS!
because it does not reach t h e m systemátically; it is not
national because performances are given almost exclusively
in great cities, very seldom in small ones a n d never in t h e
country... Lectures on literary, scientific, religious, political
or economic subjects are also a privilege of large centers.
"Concerts for t h e people, which belie their ñ a m e because t h e price of admission is almost never within the
reach of t h e masses, should be a national institution in
every country and extend their beneñts t o t h e village and
r u r a l population."
I n ansv/er to tríese requirements of Hostos the present
age coiüd present t h e radio as a source of popular culture
a n d recreation. So powerful a n i n s t r u m e n t should be
eherished as a treasure of h u m a n i t y because of its possibilities; every country should promate education by
means of broadcasts and free t h e air from t h e ineptitudes
t h a t now contaminate it,
Hostos wo-uld be pleased a t t h e popularization of the
motion picture a n d t h e radio, for h e was torturad by t h e
idea of t h e misuse of leisure time with all its possibilities
of lurking vice, A proper use of free hours was to him one
of the surest Índices of culture.
"As long as a civilization does not know how to employ
time left over from daily toil, it will not be a t r u e civilization, for it will n o t be employing rightly its first a n d most
i m p o r t a n t source of wealth."
"No one, no m a t t e r how toilsome his life, but has now
and t h e n a moment's idleness in which h e may feel
overwhelmed with boredom... in need of a social solace
t h a t h e camiot find... Most m e n have more t h a n enough
time to become bored with themselves a,nd with others, to
be forced to choose between boredom alone or vice in t h e
company of others."
The great hope for the future of h u m a n i t y is t h a t as
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
119
science advances work should be less h a r d and hours of
labor shorter. T h e conquest of a n eight-hour day is fol~
lowed by t h e week of forty hours, a n d perhaps thirty or
thirty-five hours. Wlien this comes m a n u a l workers should
be prepared to m a k e good use of their free time. They
should be ready to contradict eff ectively t h e charge t h a t
their leisure hours are spent in vicious pursuits of mere
idleness. One of t h e divisions of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labor
Office in Geneva is at present engaged in a campaign in
favor of popular libraries, parks, casinos for workmen,
evening schools, t h e a t r e s for the people, country excursions, a n d community singing.
Sven in our days we may look forward to t h e realization of the Utopian d r e a m of Sir Thomas More t h a t m e n
should devote only six hours a day to labor a n d t h a t t h e
rest of their time should be used for enriching their minds
and cultivating t h e finest h u m a n relations.
Contemporaneous technology c a n secure production
sufficient for t h e necessities of everyone even Y/ith a thirtyhour week.
There a r e two factors hindering this; one is a desire
for u n d u e gain, a n d t h e other t h e hatred and uncertainty
fostered by t h e nations of prey, aggressive, insolent a n d
conquering. They have p u t other nations on che defensiva
and required more time to be spent in labor for war industries to meet t h e constant t h r e a t s of those who have
been "perniciously lucky", in Hostos' phrase, and are skilled
in t h e evil a r t s of tising power against law.
PREOCCUPATION FOR T H E D E S T I N Y OF ALL
HUMANITY
Antonio S. Pedreira, Hostos* excellent biographer, calis
him "Citizen of America", a title well won by his cultural
influence in all p a r t s of our continent, by his long stays in
120
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS!
the islands of t h e Caribbean as well as on t h e northern
a n d southern continents. I t is true t h a t the civilizing
apostleship of Hostos comprehended all t h e nations of the
new World, b u t it did not stop there, — it embraced the
intellectual scene of the whole world.
Of a noble line carne those American thinkers who had
a sense oí the universality of culture, and were faithful to
the belief t h a t men m u s t be nourished on t h e milk of human kindness.
The last chapter of t h e first p a r t of t h e Moral Social
is entitled Duties of Man towards Humanity. This was a
subject on which t h e master constantly pondered. It appears in the introduction to t h e book, a n d in spite of the
logical development of his work, Hostos feels himself so
much under the necessity of emphasizing this topic t h a t
he even interpolates it in his discussion of other themes.
When he speaks of social responsibility and rights, his
ideas are of broad scope. Before h e carne to the chapter
cited, he had already said, "Man is above everything a
h u m a n being... whatever his birthplace, his racial tradition, the influence of his family, t h e character of his
nation, t h e stamp of his civilization, h e is indissolubly
bound by his n a t u r e to every other m a n , because every
other m a n is like him, the same living expression of t h e
same biological and sociological necessities..."
The first sentences of the p a r t we are nov/ discussing
nave a familiar ring: "Social morality would be not only
incomplete, b u t also limited in its scope and m e a n in its
purpose, if it linked m a n only with t h e national society of
which h e is part. F a r from excluding his relation to humanity, social morality should include it to such a degree
t h a t the first t r u t h leárned and t h e last t r u t h practiced
should be t h a t m a n is part of humanity, for the n a t u r a l
place of every m a n is in the bosom of h u m a n i t y / ' .
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
121
This is not a rhetorical or empirieal proposition, but a
doctrine backed by a whole life of constant struggle for
the ideal, a salutary idea a n d a tower of strength. Hostos
relates it in a most admirable m a n n e r to trie duties of patriotism a n d to the profoundest and broadest h u m a n sentiments.
I n a n admirable passage, Hostos says: "One of the
greatest efforts, or rather seríes of efforts, t h a t t h e soul
feels obliged to make is t h a t of reconciling our duties as
patriots with our duties as men. Therefrom arises t h e
common incapacity of being a t once a good son of one's
country and a good son of humanity.
"But if it is recalled t h a t the society of nations of
which ours ís a member is a t r u e family of peoples in
which, as in a family of individuáis, each member is dependent on the prosperity of others; if this is borne in
mind, it will be understood t h a t patriotism is not incompatible with t h a t logical a n d due subordination of t h e affection and duties t h a t hiná us to cur country to the
affection and duties t h a t bind us to humanity. We should,
therefore, subordínate the latter to the former, consider
this subordination a duty, and carefully cultívate our duties of patriotism not towards our own country alone, for
the deeper our patriotism, t h e more conscientious will be
our subordiation to t h e great cause of humanity."
America should be proud of this declaration of principies by a citizen of our continent, a declaration in harmony with the noble apothegm: America for Humanity.
HOSTOS, r N T E I X E C T U A I , LEADER ANT> VOICE OF AMERICA
Under the title of Essays the Institute of Intellectual
Cooperation in París has published a beautiful translation
into Frenen of some of Hostos' work as a n example of the
122
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS 1
best t h o u g h t of Spanish America. His voice, however, is not
t h a t of America alone, b u t of almost t h e whole world, for
h e was t h e incarnation of w h a t he himself considered the
highest goal:
"To t r a i n a m a n for t h e concrete h u m a n i t y t h a t is his
own country and for t h e abstract country t h a t is humanity."
I n various pages of his- extensíve works, Hostos speaks
of t h e international relations of t h e family of nations. He
is, therefore, honored by Geneva, and in Spanish America
many of the greatest héroes a n d outstanding statesmen
nave quoted Hostos and his belief in m u t u a l respect and
assistance as t h e foundation of international order, and
his abomination of forcé as a n instrument of international policy,
Hostos was a Bolivarian of t h e t r u e s t type, n o t only
because h e t h o u g h t t h a t all America formed one family of
nations, b u t because in his theories of constitutional laWj
h e clearly developed Bolívar's idea on t h e neeessity of
supplementing* Montesqtüeu's three classical branches of
government with a fourth branch, which should have the
responsibility of t h e electoral function.
Antonio Caso, t h e illustrious teacher of Mexiean youth,
once said t h a t oniy three or four other m e n of t h e r a n k
of Hostos h a d lived in Spanish America. I n ' such a
classification the inclinations a n d preferences of the
speaker are, of course, preponderant.
Hostos h a d glorious forerunners on our continente Don
Andrés Bello, a master of learning a n d writing, is universally recognized, but others less well known t h a n Bello offer
first-hand material for a history of American culture.
The Ecuadorean Francisco Javier Eugenio Santacruz y
Espejo was in t h e v a n of new ideas. At t h e end of t h e 18th
century h e launched his message t o all t h e continent,
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
123
suífering persecution because of his nonconformity wítii
the colonial regime and because of his audacity in speaking
of the independence of America.
Impressive similarity exists between the ideas of the
great m a n of Central America, José Cecilio del Valle, anú
oí the Antillean Eugenio María de Hostos. Valle championed
the unity of the Central American countries and drew up
the bases for their federation. Hostos was obsessed with
t h e idea of an Antillean federation: "The Antilles must
stand or fall together!" he exclaimed in his desire t o found
a great Cañbbean nation. The idea of a n American family
of nations is found in Valle's work as often as in Hostos;
furthermore, both were well educated in the scholarly and
philosophical studies of their time, and it is difficult indeed
to find in Spanish America men of a spirit as constructive
as theirs. José Cecilio del Valle lived as the colonial period
was passing into t h e era of independence.
Another forerunner of Hostos was a Mexican, José María Luis Mora. Whenever Hondurans speak of their
compatriot, José Cecilio del Valle, they justly cali him "The
Wise Man". When the Mexicans refer to theirs, they cali
him "Doctor Mora". A doctor of theology and of law, he
had a place in the vanguard of political, social, and
educational reforms.
Dr. Mora's dissertations on political education agree
with Hostos* ideas, specially when the former declares
t h a t it is urgent to free public instruction from its dogmatic character so t h a t it may be based on experimental
and scientific principies,
Santacruz y Espejo and Bello; Valle, "the Wise", and
Dr. Mora were precursors of Hostos in Spanish America.
Among his eontemporaries there may be mentioned three
or four Hispanic Americans comparable to him. Some of
them had a similar generous capacity for love, sacrifica,
124
EUGENIO MARÍA 2>E HOSTOS:
a n d labor. Such were Sarmiento and Martí; Enrique José
Varona and José Enrique Rodó. They h a d different missions a n d lived lives sometimes parallel a n d sometimes
divergent. All burned with love for America. Martí was
marked for martyrdom, b u t Sarmiento, Varona, and Rodó
h a d t h e joy of realiza tion.
This enumeration of great continental figures in connection with Hostos is not superfluous, for a t this time
we m u s t again take stock of our fundamental doctrines
a n d of our representative men. Their ideas, the noble
example of their lives, t h e fruitful reputa tion of their
work should serve to nourish the t h o u g h t of t h e men of
taday and strengthen the faith and the character of those
who struggle for a free, educated, and united America.
Hostos, who was endowed with t h e great gift of
assimilating European culture and adding his own thought
to make a n organic whole, stands before us today as a
symbol of everything noble and ideal to be admired in our
America, a whole man, a hero of thought and action, t h e
clear, strong, and stimulating voice of America.
Hepriut frota BoJL 12 P u e r t a Rico De Hostos Centenary Commifisíon-
E U G E N I O MARÍA I>E H O S T O S Y BONIL.LA (1839-1903)
BY
W l L L I A M H E X C S A W F O S D (*)
From A Century of L/títin~Amerwmi Thought,
Reprinted by permission from the Author.
1 vol. 8.°, pp, 236-46.
(*) Ph. D, ? fornier Cultural Altaehé to tbe American Embassy in Río
Janeiro; Dean Foreign Students, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,
Pa.: author.
Eugenio
María de Hostos y Bonilla
(1839-1903)
Latin-American countries nave a laudable custom of
organizing commissions, sometinuas with t h e excuse of
a n anniversary, and doing homage impressively to t h e
great writers who are t h e glory oí their people. T h e works
of t h e great m a n are collected, rescued from t h e oblivion
of being out of p r i n t t h a t is so frenquent in these countries, and given condign publication by decree of t h e government, Bibliographies, critical introductions, funeral
orations, a n d a chronology of t h e events of t h e celebra tion
complete t h e picture. To such proceedings we owe t h e many handsome volumes of our thinkers, the most recent of
which are t h e sets of Hostos and of Martí, which facilitate
t h e task of the student enormously. Some contemporaries,
one can guess, are predestined to t h e same glorification;
some great figures of t h e past still lack this eonsecration,
and outeries a t t h e injustice of it all are raised by t h e faithful a n d enthusiastic, as in t h e case of Manuel González
Prada.
Rescue was needed for Eugenio María de Hostos. While
there nave been few men of his s t a t u r e in Latín America,
h e has missed wide acclaim. A m u c h more systematic
thinker t h a n Sarmiento, more deserving of t h e title sociologist, h e was also m u c h more of a n introvert, with less
of t h e inborn talent for being his own publicity man, The
consequence is t h a t Hostos and his works have suffered a
neglect t h a t it is difficult to justify. Even on t h e ground
of política! activity, Hostos is notable; in time h e learned
I2S
EUGENIO M A E Í A DE HOSTOSI
to discipline t h e refoellion t h a t was in him, b u t he continued
to fight for freedom, and in íts behalf made so great a n
Odyssey t h r o u g h Latin America t h a t it was only n a t u r a l
t h a t the first locomotive to cross t h e Andes should be
given his ñame.
Born in Puerto Rico, Hostos belongs to America, b u t
specially to t h e Dominican Republic, where during t e n
years h e labored to reform t h e educational system, and to
Chile, where he was a university proíessor. Cuba, strangely
enough, he never visited, although h e once was wrecked
on t h e way there. His secondary and university educatiqn
in law he acquired in Spain, and somehow there h e learned
the devotion to humanitarianism, education, liberty, a n d
reason which m a r k s his life and all t h a t h e wrote. Liberty
íor his beloved island was the goal t h a t sent h i m on his
four-years* trip t h r o u g h South America in 1870, a n d t h i r t y
years later took h i m to Washington to plead with President
McKinley. The method oí reason, t h e faith in education,
a n d the love of his fellow m a n which no one can help mentioning when h e describes Hostos, permeate even t h e most
schematic of his work. T h a t his writing can be not only
grave and severe b u t also brilliant is illustrated by his
prize-winning "In the Exposition," in which he draws t h e
lessons from Chile's exposition commemorating t h e winning of independence a n d demonstrating subsequent progress. The transform&tion of t h e country in every respect
is his theme, and his masterly handling of it established
h i m as a writer a n d as a sociologist. He yielded to t h e temptation to look into t h e future, as sociologists often do,
b u t with better luck t h a n most of t h e m nave. Thus, to
t a k e another instance, h e predicted revolution in Russia,
a n d great distress in Puerto Rico if his program were n o t
adopted. The revolution carne fourteen years after his
death; t h e distress is with us to this day.
PROMOTEK OF PAN A M E R I C A N I S M
129
Although Hostos settled down to t h e teaching of sociology a n d law, his life refuses to be told in ternas of courses,
for always h e was, and in m a n y ways, a "benefactor of
America," a living proof of t h e fact t h a t one m a y be a
professor a n d still have a great deal of talent. He t a u g h t
hy his life and t h r o u g h t h e periodical outpourings of t h e
press, for like most of our pensadores he was a journalist
of t h e kind t h a t is not for hire, b u t uses journalism as a n
i n s t r u m e n t for t h e uplift of a people.
TJplift would seem to be the keynote of a n early work,
a kind of novel in t h e form of a diary, The Pilgrimage of
Bayoán. Hostos introduced it with these words:
"This book, more t h a n a book, is a desire; more t h a n
a desire, a n intention; more t h a n an intention, a
thirst. Thirst for justice a n d t r u t h ; intention to prove
t h a t there is another happiness greater t h a n t h a t m e n
seek: desire t h a t t h e example bear fruit."
He addressed it only to "pilgrims"; let no others read it,
he says, a n d let no one merely t u r n its pages, which is
profanation. Pilgrims through life will find t h a t it strengthens their courage a n d teaches t h a t t h e very lack of happiness in their lives is something they would not willingly
exchange for t h e "useless happiness of t h e happy" (2).
Dreaming a n d thinking of America, of "our islands," Cuba
a n d Puerto Rico, is t h e ceaseless occupation of the characters, a n d the book ends with a n embarkation for America (3).
Nine years later we find h i m explaining t o t h e Chileans
t h e simple facts of t h e geography of t h e West Indies, with
Cuba and Puerto Rico "queens" among them, n a t u r a l paradises misgoverned by Spain, their native sons
treated as foreigners while Spaniards monopolized t h e best
(2)
(3)
9
Hostos, "La P e r e g r i n a c i ó n de Bavoán", Obras,
Id, at 286.
V I I I , 33.
130
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS".
of everything. A new day, he insisted, was dawning; Cuba
was poor, but heroic, ready to die if need be, but determined
t h a t t h e tyrants should go (4).
Once free, he explained to readers of Spanish in New
York, t h e West Indies could do their part to carry out the
four great positive progressive steps which modern history
reveáis. These began with t h e discovery of America, which
"was the most resounding demonstration in the whole
life of mankind of the superiority of science over ignoranee,"
as well as the chief cause of t h a t intellectual revolution
which brought with it the growth of modern science.
History will some day see a second great step in colonization
which marked a break in the age-long struggle of races
for national superiority and substituted
"the cooperation of all races in the work of civilization."
Not all the colonizing nations, to be sure, recognized in
the New World a new environment for something new in
t h e moral and intellectual order; the contrast betwen North
a n d South America is so striking t h a t it will lead to a n intellectual awakening, a n d out of ít will come a new moral
and intellectual world which with t h e native virtues of
t h e Latin race will perhaps combine those t h a t make of
the Anglo-Saxon t h e p a r t of liumanity t h a t is most useful
to civiliza tion. The fourth step is also in t h e future: the
transition from irrational to rational government of society.
For any p a r t of the New World to remain uníree is to handicap fatally the forward movement t h a t Hostos finds so
n a t u r a l and desirable (5).
In spite of its desirability, Hostos recognized obstacles,
chief among them the n a t u r e of society in Puerto Rico and
(4)
(5)
Hostos, "Temas Cubanos", Obras IX, 176.
Id. at 204-208.
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
131
Cuba, made u p as it was of suffering Negro slaves, of
whites who rnanaged to m a k e a good t h i n g out of their
slavery, of a greedy "dominant minority" t h a t exploited
t h e m to retire satiated. Where were t h e right m e n t a l and
moral conditions for directing t h e work of reconstruction
t o be found? He answered t h a t t h e very struggle for freedom would créate them, for struggle purifies and makes
virile; b u t they would be produced even more by education
"educating reason in accordance with a system of education
t h a t is common, universal, a n d includes women and children, t h e freedman a n d t h e free, t h e rich a n d t h e poor,
a n education t h a t will include enough acquaintance with
scientific method to free t h e m i n d from fanaticism;
a n education of t h e eonscience in the unlimited practice
of all t h e liberties which affirm a n d strengthen h u m a n
personality; a n edwcation of t h e spirit of nationalism
t h r o u g h laws which will immediately prove favorable t o
economic reconstruction t h r o u g h work, t h r o u g h commerce a n d índustry" <6).
I n 1874 h e explained to t h e people of Buenos Aires t h a t
t h e Cuban revolution was n o t the work of a single class,
a n d could not hope for success if it were, All Cubans were
behind it. Moreover, it was not revolution looking toward
annexation to t h e United States; nothing could m a k e t h a t
annexation acceptable. "The United States h a s been almost
as cruel a n d stupid with u s as Spain," he says, a n d we
detest t h e wrong when committed by the strong so m u c h
t h a t "we are sure they c a n possess us only after destroying
us, b u t with our will never (7).
Hostos continued to dream of more inclusive unions.
"Federation was t h e goal of t h e ideáis of the New World;
(6)
(7)
Id. at 216-217.
Id. at 290-291.
132
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS:
the unión of all nations." (8) Certainly, however, imperiaHsm is not the road to unión. Imperialism it will be unless
the peoples of his beloved islands rouse themselves from
íheir dreams. Either
"they organize themselves for civilízation, or civilization wül sweep them into its maw; the process of absorption has begun... Civilízation or death."
And so we find him quoting with approval Alberdi's "To
govern is to populate'% calling for a n immigration program
t h a t will bring selected farnilies and establish t h e m in agricultura! colonies, and even condescending to argüe about
whether the streets are too narrow for street cars (9).
The mental grasp of Hostos, indeed, permitted him to
comment enlighteningly on the most di verse topics; and
without attempting to impose any unity on this diversity,
we should like to offer a few samples.
The proof t h a t peoples fit for democracy do exist is the
history of the United States, of Switzerland, a n d of Colombia since 1863. These nations approach being true peoples, with clear commpn interests, well defined political
and national aspirations. But elsewhere in Latin America he finds instead those vicious social classifications
which correspond to forms of government absolutely opposed to democracy, and diversity of education, of mentality,
of hopes and aspirations (10).
"When you cannot be just through virtue, be so
through pride," he says. "If you would know what
justice is, let yourself be persecuted by injustice" (11).
"There are complete men and incomplete men.
If you would be a complete man, p u t all t h e strength
of your soul into every act of your Ufe."
(8) Hostos, "La Cuna cíe América", Obras^ X, 19.
(9) Id. at 387-393.
(10) Hostos, "Hombres e Ideas", Obras, XIV, 360-361.
(11) Id. at 290.
"
• |
PROMOTER O F PAN
AMERICANISM
133
"The foetter I know men, t h e more appalled
I a m a t t h e difference between w h a t they are and
w h a t they ought to be. Consider m e n to be children,
so t h a t your countenance m a y shine with benevolence. All m e n are good when they are not influenced
by passion, interest or error" (12).
"Fools are not free creatures because they are
not reasonable creatures" (13).
"Ignorance is as harmful as wickedness itself."
"Love is a n instinct, a passion and a virtue. As
instinct, it makes sick; as passion, it weakens; as
virtue, it strengthens. Almost all rational beings
love; almost none knows how to love, Almost all
m e n love as animáis; some love as wild beasts; oiüy
a few love as m e n " (14).
<f
The most fruitful of words is t h e spoken word,
for it is closest to action. The word is t h e action of
a t h o u g h t " (15).
And surprisingly enough, in t h e philosopher of d u t y
a n d work: "Why is dying sad? Because livíng is sad, And
why is living sad? Because it is work" (16). B u t h e adds
t h a t work may be a delíght, life may be harmonious, d e a t h
m a y be serene.
There is somethíng higher " t h a n being a great m a n
in t h e eyes of history, a n d t h a t is t o be a m a n useful to
one's time. The thoughtless world a n d history itself h a ve
preferred t h e so-called great m e n to those who are useful:
one of t h e innovations t h e New World is called upon to
introduce is p u t t i n g t h e second ahead of the first" (17).
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
(16)
(17)
Id.
Id.
Id,
Id.
Id.
Id,
at
at
at
at
at
at
291.
293,
294.
296.
298.
328.
134
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
I t was this "man useful to his time'* t h a t Hostos aspired
to be and was. In time he became convinced t h a t although
war and revolution might be necessary, they were not for
him, and t h a t his usefuiness lay in education. If we are
to find a core to his teaching it is in such works as t h e
treatises on Moral and on Sociólogy, which demand a t
ieast as much analysis as will send the reader to the origináis.
Most of the f ormer book is naturally devoted to social
morality, but there is briefer consideration of those moral
principies t h a t Hostos calis natural and individual. Natural
morality includes those duties t h a t grow out of recognition
t h a t we form a part of the physical world, t h a t we owe
nature gratitude and admiration, t h a t we should respect
oufselves as part of nature (and so refrain from homicide
and suicide), t h a t we should cultívate knowledge of nature,
and recognize the limits beyond which our knowledge does
not reach, spreading the scientific knowledge we nave
acquired but showing toleranee for those who differ from
us with regard to the Unknowable, or as yet Unknown.
Man's relations to himself give rise to t h e duties t h a t
constitute individual morality. These duties he classifies as
those toward the body, t h e will, t h e affective and rational
sides of our nature. Self-preservation and self-development
along physical Unes, avoidance of agitation, education of
t h e will to carry out necessary action energetically, and its
training for a life which is certain to require abstentions
and sacrifices, development of our rational factors and even
more of conscience—-all these are defined and defended as
imperatives of the good íife.
The thesis presented in the section on social morality is
t h a t duty is no austere, repulsive ideal, but is a t t h e same
time the purest source of morality and the natural m o d e of
development for individual and society; t h a t m a n is most
PROMOTER OF PATÍ AMERICAN ISM
135
a m a n when he does his duty, t h u s proving his rationality
and worth; t h a t to be civílized a n d to be moral is t h e same
thing, a n d t h a t morality and civilization are both attained
tay fulfilling one's duty in every relation of life (18).
Hostos develops a t length t h e n a t u r e of our relation to
the groups of which we form a part, and t h e debt of work
and obedience t h a t we owe them; thoroughly socially
minded, he preaches t h e duty of foeing useful, of cooperating, of finding a way to reconcile what is useful to t h e
we-group to w h a t is useful to the they-group. As Royce is
t h e phiiosopher of loyalty, so Hostos is t h e phiiosopher of
duty—of the duty of being dutiful, not with the impulsiveness of heroism on grand occasions, but to t h e level of
every day's most quiet neeá. For the solution of conflicts
between duties, he proposes the primacy of t h e "most
immediate, most extensive, most concrete" (19).
In a n extensive section t h a t belongs to social science
as much as to speculation, Hostos examines the relation
of moráis to other social institutions, such as t h e Church.
I n this instance, his emancipated conclusión is t h a t religious evolution is farther advanced in t h e United States
t h a n anywhere else,- specially when religión takes t h e
form of unitarianism and universalism. As a good positivist,
he also holds t h a t m e n of science live more conformably
to the moral order t h a n any others, a n d t h a t their ñames
are in general the purest and most honorable t h a t humanity can point to (20), Of art he is more fearful, thinking
of the vanity of t h e artist, his corruptibility by applause,
and h e c a n only hope t h a t artists will be true to w h a t
they glimpse in their moments of contemplation, will
(18)
(19)
(20)
Hostos, "Tratado de Moral", Obras,
Id. at 184.
Id. at 247-248.
XIX, 106.
136
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS 1
find theír mission within the larger framework of civilization, moralization, humanity (21).
I t is not, however, only social institutíons t h a t Hostos
analyzes in relation to morality, but individual men, for
he concludes t h e volume with a series of case studies of
virtue, taken in p a r t from the history of Hispanic America
but also including Franklin, Washington, and Peter Cooper.
The Sunday-school tone is avoided, a n d approach is made
to a n inductive ethics.
The Treatise on Sociology is also based on student notes,
b u t while the Moral dates from 1884, the lectures on sociology were given in 1901 * and the book was first published posthumously.
There are critics who would say t h a t there is something
about sociology which ruins writing. At any rate, it seduces
Hostos into a series of barbarous neologisms hard for a
purist in things Hispanic to accept. Sociology is divided
into socionomy, sociography, sociorganology, and sociopathy (22). Under t h e first heading fall the laws of society in
general, which are seven: the law of sociabüity, without
which there would be no society; the law of work, without
which it could not function and survive; t h e law of progress,
by which he seems to mean rather social continuity, for it
includes death and decay as weíl as génesis and growth;
the law of the ideal of the good, which ideal exists in direct
proportion to t h e development of morality, inversely to
the individual and social lack of capacity to comprehend
religious and moral goals; the law of conservation,
which point out t h a t t h e contlnued life of societies
depends on t h e vigorous functioning of their organs;
(21) Id, at 254-259.
(*) Hostos gave the first eourse on Sociology in 1883 E. C. de H.
(22) Hostos, "Tratado de Sociología", Obras XX, 61. Note. I beg to add
that Hispanic American tvríters have aecepted snit! neologisms. E. C» de H.
PROMOTER
OF PAN
AMERICAN1SM
137
and last, the law of means, acording to which social
agents are modified by the means they use, t h e circunstanees whicfr surround their operations; this last is Hostos'
curiously roundabout way of recognizing the importance
of environment and culture (23).
Sociography for Hostos means a rather sketchy account
of the State and other social institutions through history;
sociorganology, a decription of the organs of society a n d
their role in the body social, for Hostos is in a loóse sense
a social organicist, who does not insíst on the detailed comparisons of a Lilienfeld or Schaffle; his sociopathy makes
t h e idea of sickness its point of departurc, and diagnoses,
specially in t h e countries of Latin America, pathological
conditions of economic life, of t h e political system, those
t h a t he calis intellectual and moral, and deficieney or excess
of attention to the inmmediate environment. Social hygiene, which h a s a more limited connotation with us in North
America, is used to desígnate the whole appiication of our
knowledge of healthy functioning to the prevention of these
social ills. One must not expect to find in the skeletal
twenty-five pages on social pathology t h a t complete account of Latin-Ameriean social problems and t h e movements to combat them which to this day constitutes a
glaring gap in our libraries. Hostos has written t h e sociology of his day, which is the day of Spencer and Ward,
and it is a sociology without benefit of eharts, tables, or
photographs of housing conditions. Perhaps we can do
without t h e m and remain grateful for a life t h a t was noble
and devoted, for " t r u t h s t h a t contained quite a lot of t r u t h "
as Blanco-Fombona remarks, and for two or three seminal
foooks.
(23)
Id.
at 62-78,
HOSTOS, A M I L E S T O N E IN T H E L I F E OF AMERICA (*)
PROF, M A U H I C X O
MAGDAI.ENO
BY
Mexican
C*)
essayist
and jiction
writer,
poet
F r o m "Ibérica", New Y o r k , reprirtted from Repertorio
Americano,
HOSTOS, A MILESTONE IN THE LIFE OF AMERICA
While such leaders as were bred abundantly by the
nineteenth century in lands of America rent the air of
each á n d every one of t h e nations born of Spain with the
noise of their ambitions, a n d while the ideologists of all
faiths and leanings engaged in serving these leaders, in
singing their praises, or in combating them, Eugenio María de Hostos was giving to the world his unique, his fervent,
his great injunction:
"Teach t h e continent to t h i n k ! "
Such is the meaning of his exalted liberating message;
liberating in all t r u t h , integrally, essentially, a n d categox*ically liberating. The Puerto Rican was not a philosopher,
for he created no system, built no ontological conception
of the Universe, ñor speeulated in t h e field of philosophy;
yet ? in his own way —his American, prophetic, inspired
way— he is the most significant spiritual milestone of
America, a philosopher in the American way, a n organizer
of consciences. I n t h e years glutted with the lust of liberty,
in which the high tide of European revolutionary agitation
dashed upon our shores, when t h e principies of t h e Frenen
Revolution had full romantic sway, when everyone a n d
everything spoke of liberty, a n d hearts were intoxicated
with t h e abuse of rhetoric, Hostos, revolutionary a n d
uenovator, went straight to the crux of t h e d r a m a of our
people and summarízed in flawless teaching t h a t which
alone can give America a n exact measure of liberty: to
fchink for itself, to outgrow its barbarían condition of
142
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS :
colonial bondage, to transmute into a n orderly program
the turbulent chaos of its conduct. The voice t h a t rose in
merciless denunciation against tropical vileness, immorality? vanity, superficiality, weakness and ineapaeity, had
necessaiily to come from the most torrid p a r t of the tropics.
For in the balmy, enervating seat of the American man,
fche Puerto Riean disco ver ed pathological reasoris and
causes, jangling nerves, and thíek talood, overheated
verbosity and an atrocious simian craving for imitation.
On the other hand ? the admixture of the Spanish blood,
the indigenous and the black in these tropics, gave new
ímpetus to t h e softening process undergone by the miscegenate, and further weakened and degraded it. Eugenio
María de Hostos, honest thinker t h a t he was, revolted
against such barfoarism of the people of America, and
postulated, as the initial step towards a true and actual
íiberty, the injuctíon t h a t clothed the whole of his Ufe in
the light of an apostle: "Teach the continent to t h i n k í "
Why let one be carried away by the dreams born of wild
figures of speech conceived in frenzied raptures? Unformed
societies ha ve first to get a clear notion of their responsibiUty. "Liberty 1" cried the ideologists who were under the
sway of romantic hallucinations. At the same time, however,
they suggested servile copies of the Europeán revolutionary type of t h e hour. Liberty! What sort of Íiberty? No
one said what sort. Just Íiberty, nothing more, the Íiberty
of the red cap of the French, or of the "Rights of Man",
And when both the crowds and the ideologists slowed down
in the frenzy of their talk, and their mouths were parched
from talking; t h e illiterate despots, delayed fruits of the
high-pitched senseless talk, p u t in a n appearance, fatally
and irresistibly, to take advantage of the general exhaustion
ín order to get the whiphand over the people and enthrone
the basest and most sombre types of government. At the
PROMOTEH OF PAN AMERICAN I S M
143
very h e a r t of the American phenomenon we f ind t h a t both
the loud-mouthed doctrinaires a n d t h e illiterate t y r a n t are
the effect of one and the same generating cause. Tropical
multiloquence a n d t h e savageness of t h e '"machete" are
typical products of the American jungle. From t h e midst
of both, implacable and b u r n i n g with indignation, "talented
and courageous" as Galdós described him, Hostos issues
from t h e witches' sabbath as t h e first light of dawn t h a t
drives away t h e dark.
His life, as his work a n d his inspiration, gives one a
sense of his terrible solitude. He knew neither t h e caresses
of power ñor the sweetness of peace; h e did not enjoy t h e
fellowship of proselytes ñor t h e fruits of partizanship. Ñor
did h e enjoy t h e benefits or t h e encouragement usually
tendered to teachers. If h e was a teacher, h e m u s t haye
given out his fervent teachings in the most perfect disregard for conventionalities a n d empty scholastic formulas.
He who h a d n o other message t h a n t h a t of teaching his
continent to think, knew beforehand t h a t he would n o t be
popular, a n d m u c h less sought after as a fit object for t h e
attentions of the crafty natives —a mere by-product of the
chaos of t h e world— who never did approve of t h e expression of t h o u g h t or t h e searching analysis of free minds.
From t h e time h e r e t u r n e d to America from Spain and
began to journey around the continent, a mysterious
roamer, h e was surrounded by t h a t rarefied atmosphere of
solitude. He had no demagogic program to offer to those
below, ñor a n y mendacious flattery to offer to those above.
His commanding cry, soft-pedalled as it was, brought him
no friends a n d made h i m no enemies. It was simply a
voice from another world which found no echo within t h e
compass of t h e tropical jungle. Nevertheless, his was, and
still is, t h e only valid injunction for t h e helpless people of
America, t h e injunction leading to a superior liberty
144
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS 1
without whicli it is impossible to organize any knowledge
of t h e other liberties: "Teach t h e continent to t h i n k ! " i t
can well be assured, adhering strictly to t r u t h , t h a t in such
a gospel lives t h e most signif icant spiritual lesson f or these
lands. Whenever he spoke in the course of forty stormy
and fiery years, his voice was drowned in t h e din and the
quarreling of the vociferating people, a n d even now the
time is not yet ripe for his message. Furthermore, his Ufe
was not clothed in t h a t heroic aureole t h a t enveloped so
many of his contemporaries who joined battle against
current barbarism; a n d for this same reason h e is not
popular. And h e is not popular, in the ordinary sense of
the word, simply because the people never carne to know
h i m or experienced any reaction whatever t o his message.
His heroism, as t h e good water of subterranean springs,
was silent, deep, hidden a n d substantial. I n t h e hour of
t h e throaty, melodramatic, fiery voíces, h e raised his in
what seems to us t h e most unmelodramatic, yet dignified,
intimacy. His own apostleship lacks posing a n d highsounding speeehes, and will not be reconciled t o t h e noises
of the public square. However, he who lashed so mercilessly
a t his own race, at his race still in embryo, still in t h e
larval state, his h u m u s race, we might say, a n d who so
m u c h a n d so courageously assailed it on all four sides, was
a passionate missionary, a breeder of tempests, and one
who foresaw in t h e dim future, as if in a dream, t h a t his
people a n d his land would be t h e possessors of a superior
destiny, a n d free. His land was t h e whole of t h e territory
comprised between t h e Argentine Pampas a n d t h e Antilles.
His people were t h e offspring of all t h e half-caste breeds,
t h e Cholo Indians, t h e Araucanians, t h e Incas, t h e Mayas
a n d t h e Naboas.
Educated in Spain a n d uprroted from Puerto Rico while
he was still unformed, he lived in all t h e countries where
FKOMOTER OF PAN AMEHICANISM
145
Spanish ís spoken and in the country where English is
spoken, the country t h a t already held t h e continental
mándate. Yet in spirit and í>y blood h e beloged to the one
united, powerful people t h a t constituted the cherished unrealized dream of Bolívar,
A great deal more influence t h a n his, however, was
exercised with the crowds and with t h e intellectuals by
haif a hundred prattling mediocre ideologists. But n o one
has surpassed h i m or even equaled him in t h e signif icance
of his message, for while some dealt in anachronisms t h a t
are now out of date, others in insuff erable verbosity, most
ín mere lyric language, Hostos was t h e father of what was
and will continué to be the foremost injunctíon to America,
fche injunctíon t h a t will m a r k t h e beginning and end of
its destiny: "Teach the continent to think!"
It should be enough to consider t h a t there is still no
hope of emerging from the winding paths of the woods in
whinch we are lost, to realize t h e magnitude of this
injunctíon. Thirty years after t h e death of this foremost
Puerto Rican, t h e mysterious land of America is still lost
in local strife, and t h e voice t h a t was never popular is
extinguished like a fíame. Extinguished and dead. Sometimes it seems as if h e had never lived, as if this milestone
of America t h a t Hostos ís, was some sort of a m y t h or
symbol —symbol a n d myth of a mínd set upon creating
Ute light t h a t will dispel the first darkness.
Reprint from Bull. 12 Puerto Rico De Hostos Cexrtenary Commission,
1©
A COMBáKMORATIVE EOXTION O F D E HOSTOS'
COMPLETE W O R K S
BY
JOSÉ A.
Profesaor
FKÁIÍQUIZ, F H ,
D.
af Phi£osophy3 UniversUíes of Puerto Rico and Westleymi
Uege, BitekhunoTts W. V.r lecturer,,
tvriter.
Co-
Heprint froat Tfae Liata Re&oíutioK, t h e Essay a n Haiíilet aud Otlaei'
Papera, Harvard Urtlvereiíy Prese. Cambridge., Mass.
A COMMEMORATIVE EDITION OF DE HOSTOS'
COMPLETE WORKS
Obras Completas.
20 volumes. Havana., C u b a :
Cultural,, S. A., 1939.
H O S T O S , EUGENIO MARÍA © E :
The Government of Puerto Rico has puhllshed t h e complete works of Eugenio María de Hostos, a great Puerto
Rican thinker a n d statesman. This is a n event in American
scholarship . Up to this time there h a d prevailed a n ígnorance of Hostos' place in t h e worid of thought, for aside
from his Moral Social, Tratado de Sociología, Derecho Constitucional, and his Essais (1), Hostos was unknown even
in his native land.
The twenty volumes containing his writings were preceded foy t h e publication of a sepárate volume, América y
Hostos, which includes eighteen essays by distínguished
writers from North and South America dealing with
different aspects of Hostos* ideology, I t also contains a
biography of t h e m a n , forty eight pages of bibliography
a n d sixty pages of illustrations.
T h e first two volumes of his complete works include
his Diario:— a memoir of events, hope and despair,
disillusion a n d expectations, feelings and extraordinary
t h o u g h t s of this m a n of visión and action. The present
reviewer would not find it strange t h a t in t h e coming of
time, a knowledge of Hostos' Diario may finally result in a
Browning resetting and understanding of t h e political
checkerboard of t h e Caribbean.
(1) E. M. de Hostos'-Essaís. T r a d u i t de Tespagnol p a r Max D airea ux.
P a r i a : Institnt I n t e r u a t í o n a l de Cooperatio» Intelleettielle. 1936.
150
EUG-ENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS!
The third volume, Páginas íntimas, contains the romance of his love and the stories and plays written íor
the entertainment of his children. Although of no special
philosophical value ? this volume gives the scholar interested in the ideology of Hostos, a glimpse into the inner
life of this m a n of visión who was as h u m a n and tender in
t h e intímate experiences of his home affairs, as he was
objective and scientifically analytic when dealing with the
problems of society.
The fourth volume, Cartas, contains the correspondence
of Hostos with the Cuban and Puerto Rican Revolutionary
Boards, and other letters which depict the moral tone of
his daily life and his consciousness of prophetical mission.
Hostos* wi-itings in connection with the political freedom
of Puerto Rico, the famous issue of the Puerto Rican
Plebiscite, and his profound studies of American Public
liaw as applied to Puerto Rico, are contained in his fifth
volume, Madre Isla,
The sixth and seventh voiumes, Mi viaje al sur and
Temas sudamericanos, include his observations and studies
made of Colombia, Panamá, Perú, Chile, Argentina and
Brazil between 1370 and 1874, during his campaign in
favor of the freedom of Puerto Rico and Cuba. The fundamental character of these observations is mainly sociological, but is of paramount importance not only in the sense
of these observations, being t h e data upon which Hostos
based his social theory of later years, b u t also in cohsideration of the fact t h a t these sociological observations are
ríen content of social philosophy and philosophy of history.
La Peregrinación de Bayoán, eighth volume of the
complete works of Eugenio María de Hostos, is a memoir
in form of a novel, with a political and social content of
critieism against the Spanish ideáis and institutions in
the early sixties.
PKOMOTER OP PAN
AMEKICANISM
151
Tne ninth volume, Temas cubanos, contains Hostos'
writings about heroic Cuba during the Spanish dominión
and the Cuban Revolution.
La Cuna de América, the tenth volume, includes his
scholarly works on history dealing with the discovery of
America* It also contains his studies of men and events
of importance in the histórica! evolution of the nation of
Santo Domingo. I t ends with this famous apostrophe to
the nations of Latin America:—Civüization or Death!
The eleventh volume, Crítica, deals with aesthetic criticism in general. Music, painting, sculpture, and literatura
are among the subjects discussed. His famous criticism and
analysis of Shakespeare's Hamlet is included.
Forjando el porvenir americano is t h e title of the next
two volumes, twelfth and thirteenth, which contain his
philosophy of education, His campaign for the scientific
education of women in 1873, his reformation of the school
system and his emphasis on what he repeatedly calis
"Concentric Education" on the basis of "organic philosophy," are among the most interesting features of all the
educatíonal writings contained in these two volumes. Curricular justiee to all facts of experience seems to be the
keynote of his philosophy of education. Even such opposing
extremes as military training and relígious instruction
find place in his system,
The fourteenth volume, Hombres e ideas, comprises Hostos* writings about Segundo Rui2 Belvis, Washington,
Johnson, Quinet, Mitchel, Manuel Antonio Matta, Ramón E. Betances, and others, It also includes numerous
articles on miscellaneous subjects of literary interest.
Volume fifteen, Lecciones de derecho constitucional, is
one of the most important boofcs Hostos ever wrote. I n it
he discusses his philosophy of law and applies it to the
needs of t h e American nations, The State for Hostos is not
152
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS I
a n individual entity apart f rom t h e lif e of the individuáis
within the State. I t derives its being from t h e actual existence and conditions of society. But the State is not a n abstrae tion. I t is a living organism, in which t h e individual,
t h e municipality, t h e province, the nation, and the different institutions, cooperate, I t is not made u p of t h e group
of publie officials, but is society itself in its legal aspect.
Apart from its component individuáis, however, t h e State
h a s no reason for existence. Hostos gives profouhd eonsideration to the problems of Democracy, and such issues as
might and right, or power and law, sovereignty, jurisdiction, social and political regime, freedom and duty.
nation and forms of government, legíslation, church and
state, are objeets of penetrating insight in t h e legal system
of Hostos, the underlying thought of which seems to be
t h e valué of personality, the dignity of m a n and the telic
n a t u r e of all legal organization and enterprise.
I n the opinión of the present reviewer, Hostos*most important contribution to thought is his sixteenth volume.
Tratado de Moral which includes his well known Moral
Social and the rest of his works on ethics. This volume
begins with ten chapters of prolegomena to ethics, followed
by the corresponding divisions of Natural Morality, Individual Morality, Social Morality, and Social Objective Morality. The volume is a monument of thought, a treasure
of America, a Magna Charta of personalistic empiricism.
Almost of equal importance to the Tratado de Moral is
the seventeenth volume, Tratado de Sociología, as solid and
scholarly, as fair and coherent as any other system of social
theory worth its ñame. Long before Giddings, Hostos had
introduced Sociology into the curriculum of academic
studies at the üniversity of Santo Domingo, and in his
Tratado de Sociología had anticipated even Roscoe Pound
and Cardozo in the postulates of the so-ealled "Sociológica!
PROMOTER O F PAN AMERICANXSM
153
Jurisprudence." (For a more comprehensive discussion of
the two books mentioned above a n d t h e Ideology of Hostos
as a whole, t h e reader is referred to the present reviewer's
essay, "Esencia Ideológica de Hostos" in Luminar} Spring,
1939. México. Pp. 180-203; also in América y Hostos, Habana, Cuba: Cultural, 1939, Pp. 305-325. Cf. also the essay
by t h e same a u t h o r on "La Visión de K a n t y el Ensueño
de Hostos/' in Bulletin No. 10 of The Centenary
Commission of Hostos. San J u a n , Puerto Rico, pp. 113-131.)
The last three volumes of Hostos' complete works all
come under a common heading, Ensayos didácticos, and
include his writings on Science a n d History of Education,
Penal Law, Constitutional Law.
HOSTGS, EUGENIO MARÍA DE, 1839-1903
Latín American philosopher, sociologist, writer, and
political a n d educational reformer, b. Puerto Rico, educated
in Spain. He advocated a federation of t h e Antilles, including Puerto Rico, Cuba, a n d t h e Dorninican Republic, a n d
devoted his life to seeking the political independence of
Cuba a n d Puerto Rico. I n Santo Domingo (1879-88), h e
founded t h e first normal school a n d introduced advanced
teaching methods. As professor in t h e Univer. of Chile, h e
was i n s t r u m e n t a l in having women admitted. He is widely
known t h r o u g h o u t L a t i n America as a publicit of civic
reforms, as a rationalist in ethics, who believed t h a t "to be
civilized a n d to be moral is t h e same t h i n g " , and as a writer
of sober, grafecul, and didactic prose — He wrote some
50 volumens, among which are La Peregrinación de Bayoán
(1863), a political novel; Moral social (1887); Lecciones de
Derecho Constitucional
(1888); a n d a superb essay, Ham~
Ut (1873).
Colombia *Encyclopedia, 2ná* etU p.» 999. HepriHt by eonrtesy oí
Encyclopedia.
Columbio
EUGENIO MAFvIA DE HOSTOS (*)
Latin American publicist, sociologist and educator.
Hostos was.born in Puerto Rico and a t the age of thirteen
was sent to Spain, where lie studied at the universitíes. His
Hterary activity began in 1863 with the publication of La
peregrinación de Bayoán (Madrid) f a novel written to point
out the helplessness and exploitation of the Spanish
eolonists in the West Indies. For six years he collaborated
with such eminent men as Salmerón, Azcárete, Giner de
los Ríos, Valera, Martos, and Castelar on Spanish reviews
and newspapers. He was affiliated with the republicans of
Spain in the belief t h a t a republic would accord the colonies
their independence in a federal system but left Spain when
the Spanish Republicans refused Cuba and Puerto Rico
their independence. After a brief residence in New York h e
visited nearly all the American countries as a n apostle of
Cuban independence and of a federal unión of Cuba, Puerto
Rico and the Dominican Republic, which he advocated throughout his Ufe as the wisest political organización for t h e
Antüles. He was professor of constitucional láw a t
the University of Santiago in Chile and held the chair of
sociology, international law and penal law in the Dominican Republic.
Hostos distinguished himself not only as a revolutionary
publicist but also as a sociologist and educator. He tried to
íound a new morality and sociology and evolved a complete
(*) Frotn. Encyclopaediti
of the. Social
New Y o r k , vol. V I I , page 472.
Sciences;
Tire MacMülon €©.
156
E U G E N I O MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
sociological system. He regarded society as a n orgarüsm
whieh developed according t o certain formulated principies
a n d considered t h a t the moral idea would ultimately
t r i u m p h in aceord with n a t u r a l law. Morality was t h e basis
of order a n d d u t y t h e basis of morality.
Hostos, convinced of t h e efficaey of t h e educational work
of t h e government, represents a tendency quite general at
t h e time to admire Protestantisra and to atribute to the
Catholic tradition the decline of Spanish civilization. He
was a constant protagonist of educational reform. I n Santo
Domingo he was respohsible for a n educational renaissance.
Before his time the schools were poor a n d few in number;
h e established a normal school and t h r o u g h his efforts a
regular system of educational administration was initiated
by t h e government. He was a n intellectual forcé throughout
L a t i n America a n d his powerful educational influence, like
t h a t of Andrés Bello, was felt in various branches of
learning.
He was the a u t h o r of works of literary critieism, political
theory, law, pedagogy a n d sociology. Of his numerous
works, comprising more t h a n fifty titles, t h e following are
specially worthy of mention: Lecciones de derecho constitucional (Santo Domingo 1877, new ed. Paris 1908); Reforma de la enseñanza del derecho, in collaboration with
Valentin Letelier a n d Julio Bañados Espinosa (Santiago,
Chile, 1889); Decentralización
administrativa
(Santiago,
Chile, 1890); a n d Cartas públicas acerca de Cuba (Santiago,
Chile, 1897).
H e p r i n t from BulL 12 P u e r t o Rico De Hostos Centenary Coromissión.
HOSTOS
Yet to Spanísh America and —as one day wíll be discovered— to t h e world, Puerto Rico gave the imposing
figure of Eugenio María de Hostos, a n investigator, a thinker, critic, sociologist and m a n of action, who is one of
the crests of the continentes culture. Literally he overflowed the banks of his "tight iittle isle" into the numerous
nations of the same speech and traditions, carrying wherever he went the massage of toleration, progress, freedom,
and a deep comprehension of h u m a n fraiities and poteníialities.
ISAAC GOLDBERG,
Late Profmsor of Romance Literctiures, Harvard
Universüy.
An Anthology
of Spanish'American
Poetry
(Reprochiced from "Boeton Evening Transcript", Aug. 31, 1921.) R e p r i n t
Crom Bnll. 12 P u e r t o Rico D e Hostos Centenary Commissio»,
LATÍN AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY
BY
JOSEPH PEKEZ (1)
To exemplify the wealth and infinite possibilities of
philosophy in Latín America, let us illustrate with just
one of their major thinkers of t h e past century, Eugenio
María de Hostos.
Hostos, who was born in Puerto Rico on J a n u a r y 11,
1839, received his early training in San Juan> and when
but thirteen went to Spain to finish his education. I n 1852
he entered the Instituto of Bilbao, and later entered the
XJniversity of Madrid. While a student in Madrid he became
associated with a group of liberáis who were plotting t h e
formation of a republic. Realizing t h a t t h e Crown would
never free Cuba and Puerto Rico and t h u s enable t h e m to
íorm a n Antillean Confederation, h e assiduously worked
íór the revolution in Spain, having been assured t h a t t h e
new government would g r a n t t h e islands independence.
I n 1868 when t h e revolution proved suecessful, Hostos
realized he h a d been deeeived, and thereupon left Spain,
which m e a n t t h e ená oí all ties with his homeland,
Hostos arrived in New York City in 1869 where he
joined the revolutionary Junta organization which was
working for Cuban independence, I t is a curious fact t h a t
(1) Undergradaate stadent of the Bota Chapter of Pi Epsilon Theta,
West Virginia Weeleyan College.
PROMOTER QF PAN AMERICANISM
159
Hostos spent the greatest part of his life crusading for the
independence of Cuba, a Iand upon which he never set
foot. Whüe in New York h e was named the managing
editor of La Revolución, the official newspaper of the
revolutionary movement.
In 1870 in a n attempt to gain moral and material
stipport for the Cuban cause, Hostos made a four year
journey through most of South America, financing the
trip by writing for local newspapers. On this odyssey he
visited Cartagena, Lima, Santiago, Buenos Aires and Rio
de Janeiro, enhancing his reputation by his literary
productivity and gaiixing a profound insight into the
social and political problems of the American republics.
This experience was of tremendous influence on his later
writings in sociology and law (2).
Four outstanding traits of Hostos thought may be
summarized as: (1) iove of liberty, (2) devotion to reason,
(3) moral idealism, and (4) educational leadership (3).
Hostos's whole life is evidence of his love of liberty.
Throughout his life he never forgot his primary goal
—- freedom for Puerto Rico and Cuba, and the establishment
of an Antillean Confederation. But his love of freedom was
not so one-sided as to threaten or deny the independence
of others. It was tempered by his devotion to reason.
Epitomizing his love of reason is his classic expression,
"Give me truth, and I shall give you a world. Without
truth, you can destroy the world. I with t r u t h and nothing
(2) H. W. Frautz, "Eugenio Maris de Hosíos, Puerto Rican "Don Qníxote oí Liberty" finds faithfttf biographer",, The Luna Resolution,
The
Essay on Hamlet, and Other Papers, (Cambridge: Harvard Uraversity Press,
1940), p. 41.
(3) E. S. Brightman, "Eugenio Maria de Hostos: Pfailoeepher of Personality", The Lima Resolution, The Essay on Hamlet^ and Other Papers*
(Cambridge: Harvard TJniversity Press, 1940), p . 10.
(4) Jbid., p . I I . •
160
EUGENIO MARÍA DE MOSTOS I
b u t t r u t h shall reconstruct it as often as you destroy it (4) "
As Dr. B r i g h t m a n states:
"Such words are the foundation of culture a n d of
civilized society every where in t h e world, a n d for
t h e m alone the ñ a m e of Hostos is worthy of immortality. They were not a casual remark dropped
in a n oratorical moment; they expressed t h e passionate devotion to reason and rational t r u t h which
animated his whole thinking and conduct" (5).
Hostos like K a n t and Fichte combined his love of reason
with a moral idealism. I n fact Dr. Brightman calis Hostos
t h e "Fichte of Spanish speaking America" (6), Life for
Hostos was a devotion to duty, a loyalty to the moral ideal.
His moral idealism compelled him to lead others in t h e
p a t h of liberty and reason, b u t would n o t allow any
compromise with social evil or abuses. T h u s the first three
traits combine in his fourth great trait, educational leadership. The m o n u m e n t s to Hostos' educational ¡achievements
are the educational systems he established in t h e Dominican Republic, where h e worked from 1879 to 1888 in the
National University, and Chile where h e labored from 1889
until the Spanish American War when h e h e a r d of
Cuban Independence. Believing Puerto Rico would soon
also be freed, he rushed to his homeland only to be disappointed when by virtue of t h e Treaty of Paris of 1898 the
island became a possession of the United States.
Throughout his life Hostos was a prolific writer. His
first products were written in Spain where h e wrote
newspaper articles calling for a n Antillean Confederation
and denouncing t h e martial law t h e n in existence in
Puerto Rico and Cuba, From t h e n untii his death in 1905
(5)
(6)
Ibíd„ p , 12.
Ibid.
FBÜMQTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
161
Hostos, although traveling extensively and working on
educational reforms, constantly produced articles calling
íor Cuban and Puerto Rican freedom. I n addition to this
revolutionary propaganda, as it might be called, Hostos
wrote copiously, as is evidenced by t h e twenty-volume
complete work which was published in 1939 (7). His more
prominent works are Moral Social, Tratado de Sociología,
Derecho Constitucional,
and his Es sais. Except for these
works Hostos was unknown even in his native land, until
the before mentioned complete works were published commemorating his one-hundreth birthday, Probably his two
most important works were Moral Social, which Dr. F r a n quía considers Hostos most valuable contribution to
t h o u g h t (8), and Tratado de Sociología with which he
introduced sociology into the American Curriculum a t the
University of Santo Domingo.
Moral Social displays the classic quality of Hostos'
writing in t h e discussion of problems which are vital to
every individual in every age. Before t h e t u r n of t h e century h e saw t h e dangers concurrent in mechanical progress
without a correspondent spiritual and intellectual advaneement. The "complete m a n " was his hope for a strong
people and humanity. I n striving for this goal he did not
merely speak about theories of morahty b u t was rather a
m a n of action for whom "ideas had to be set in motion,
moral precepts h a d to he vitalized". His whole life was an
a t t e m p t to fulfill his moral, social and educational ideáis.
Thus for Hostos morality and ethics were not mere abstract
realms b u t endeavors vital to the very existence of man.
(7) Eugenio María de Hostos, Obrtis Completas,
(Habana C u b a : Culttoral, S. A „ 1939), 20 volumes.
(8) F r a n q n i z , "A commemorative edition oí De Hostos' complete works**,
The Lima Re&oluti&n, The Essay on Hántlet, and Other Papers, (Camb r i d g e : H a r v a r d University Press, 1940), p, 40.
iI
162
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS:
Endeavors which each individual has to decide upon, and
strive toward, for himself.
But how, in t h e search for moral law, is t h e individual
to know whether his strivings are a step forward or a
step baekward? Hostos* reply would probably be one
word — reason- Only by fitting all the known facts and
experiences into a meaningful whole do we advance in the
search for t r u t h . When experiences arise bringing forward
new facts, the new facts must be introduced and integrated
with t h e c u r r e n t hypothesis so as to produce a coherent
whole. It was in this premise t h a t h e became one of t h e
first critics of David Hume's Associationistic psychology.
Summarizing some of t h e main points in Hostos'
t h o u g h t we find in his writing:
(1) a belief in t h e dignity of the h u m a n person;
(2) a belief in free will;
(3) a belief t h a t moral laws are a system of principies
as valid as n a t u r a l laws, and are to be discovered in t h e
same way;
(4) a belief in the creativity of thought;
(5) a love for concreteness;
(6) one oí the first critics of the associationistic
psychology of David Hume.
Thus Hostos, who exemplifies Latin American thinkers,
shows not only a n interest in problems of philosophic
importance, b u t also a creative mind which h a s contributed
much toward a n insight into m a n ' s place in t h e universe.
I n this brief survey it h a s been seen t h a t Latin American philosophy, which dates more t h a n two centuries before
the Declaration of Independence, has evolved through
different periods, with eaeh period producing representativo men of great stature. So t h a t although North American
philosophy has tended to overlook Latin American philosophy, t h e philosophic heritage south of t h e border is older,
PHOMOTER OF PAíí AMERICAMISM
163
if not better, t h a n t h a t found in t h e United States,
Altliougli as lias been related earlier in this paper, some
steps nave heen taken to irnprove the exchange of Information and students, there are opportunities availabie to
those who wish to further understanding a n d peaceful
relations in this hemisphere. One such step which American colleges and universities can begin is t h e offering of
courses dealing witñ Latin American history, language,
culture, a n d philosophy, which migñt give some insight
into problems peculiar to Latin America. Obviously this
is n o panacea for misunderstandings and tensions due to
economic, political, cultural, and linguistic difficulties, b u t
it certainly is a n important step in t h e right direction.
Only by such steps m a y m a n k i n d look forward to eventual
"peace on earth, good will toward men".
Presentad before West Virginia Philosophical
PhilosopheTt
v*jl. I, no, I. A fragment.
Society, May 1952. The
Young
Reprinted by p e r a u s s i o n .
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS ON CONSTITUTIONAL
SCIENCE
BY
A. F. H U K T , JK,
II,
D.¿ jurist, transistor
from the Spani&k &} ^Derecho
Constitucional"*
^Moral SociaV\ and ''Sociología"
by Eugenia María d& Mostos
The passage of t h e years a n d contemporaneous events
liave only served to confirm my original impression of
Hostos as a political philosopher who lived before his time,
b u t whose timeless ideas are sadly needad by the world
today.
The moral philosophy of Hostos (as I understand it)
furnishes a n universal standard, a n d its particular
application to Representativo Democracy, as expounded in
his work on Constitutional Science, gave m e my first
insight what Constitutional Law reaily constitutes and
why it is w h a t ít is.
W h a t has happened a n d is still happening to democratic
institutions t h r o u g h o u t t h e world and how f a r man-made
law can correct or ameliorate t h e destructivo changes t h a t
have come into h u m a n life, far from being a n academic
question, is t h e most practical question facing m a n k i n d
today and, despite its complexity, is front page news in
t h e daily press and is even beeoming t h e subject of nation
wide broadcasts by radio.
Oratifying as this popular interest is to those who
recognize it as a n unconscious tribute to t h e free institu-
FROMOTER OF PAN ÁMEUSlCAííISIvI
165
tions in American life which make its public expression
possible, the pobiem of Self-Government still retains the
essentially philosophic character whieh has so long caused
it to be considered a n academic question of no immediate
practica! importance even to legal specialists, and its public
discussion wül continué to genérate more heat t h a n light
until accurate knowledge of what juridical liberty reaüy
means is more widely disseminated t h a n it actually is now
even in the iand t h a t h a s given it the highest political
expressíon it has yet receíved.
Hostos, basing himself on the absoiute existence of a n
universal moral principie underlying all law, of which t h e
non-recognition is as disastrous in the immaterial sphere
of organic h u m a n relations as the faiiure to observe t h e
law of gravity is in the material sphere of ínorganic nonh u m a n relations, is the first political phüosopher (within
the range of my i^eading) to expound Representative
Democracy as a phenomenal manifestation of a principie
of sociaiity by which manmade law can be rationally
correlated to n a t u r a l law; and he has actually accomplished this demonstration hy t h e inductive-deductive method
of Science with the data furnished by History. The prof ound
significance of his work is shown in the complete confirmation of his theories ín the Zaboratory of contemporaneous fact.
The English publication at any time oí his "Constitutional Science" would be a notable contribution to the
Philosophy of Government, but it would be particularly
opportune in this period of confused thought regarding the
function of Government and specially appropriate a t a
time when the South American Kepublics are honoring
themselves by commemorating the one hundredth arniiversary of Hostos' birth.
Reprittt from BwD» 12 Puerto Bleo De Hostos Centenary Commissioix.
A fragnient.
•
ACTVAJLITÉ DE E. M. DE HOSTOS
FAB
MAX DAIRSATJX
Ce que doit éire une
(1)
ctmstitution
Peu d'années a v a n t la guerre, r i n s t i t u t de Coopération
Intellectuelle publia u n volume de Pagss Choisies de Eugenio Maria de Hostos, Essais. Chargé de la traduction, j'eus
ainsi le grand honneur de faire connaitre en F r a n c e — mais
pas assea — le n o m et Toeuvre de cet íiomme exceptionnel
qui, par l'élévation de son esprit, la noblesse de son caractére, la prcíondeur de son intelligence, demeure u n e des
plus purés gloires $e i'Amérique latine. Fhilosophe, sociologue, homme d'action, épris de liberté, il l u t t a toute sa
xñe pour l'indépendance des Antilles — II était n é á PuertoKico— et 3 chassé de sa terre natale, apotre et animateur,
U propagea ses idees et son action á travers tous les pays
d'Amérique, oü son nom est demeuré justement célebre.
F a r m i ses nombreux ouvxages, il en est u n : "La philosophie du droit constitutionnel'Y dont la traduction est
depuis longtemps pro jetee. II est regrettable que les circonstances en aient retardé la publication, car cet ouvrage
d'une étonnante pénétration eüt été d'une lecture profitable pour ceux qui, aujourd'hui, dans u n monde bouleversé, ont assumé la tache de donner á leur pays une constitution nouvelle.
(1)
Dx. en Phílosophie.
Sorbonne;
liitpaiúste,
puMiciste,
tratlucteur.
PBOMQTER.
OF PAN
AMERICAJSTISM
167
M m e Gabriela Mistral, dans le discours familier qu'elle
fut amenée á prononcer récemment á la Société des Gens
de Lettres, dísait: "La F r a n c e tente aujourd'hui une grande expérience sociale, elle va se donner u n e constitution!
Faites bien attentionl Car, en engageant votre destín, c'est
íe notre aussi, le destin de toute l'Amérique latine que vous
engagerez. Depuis 1789» en effet, FAmérique latine, attentive á la parole de vos philosoplies, de vos juristes, de vos
legisla teurs, vous a toujours suivis. Elíe vous suivra cette
fois encoré et, compte t e n u des modifications suggérées p a r
son tempérament, elle vous imitera."
Je n e sais si le prestige séculaire de la France conserve
ixitacte aux yeux de l'Amérique latine cette vertu entrain a n t e que Gabriela Mistral lui préte si généreusement.
Mais c'est la u n e voix d'Amérique, á laquelle nous n e pouvons refuser Tautorité qui s'attache au nom de Gabriela
Mistral, et l'avertissement qu'elle nous donne nous n e pouvons le négliger,
Or, s'il nous faut en teñir compte, ne serait-il pas utile
de connaitre les aspirations, la pensée, la position de l'Amérique latine en ce qui concerne le probléme constitutionnel,
et, oü trouverions-nous mieux que dans l'ouvrage de Eugenio Maria de Hostos, cette pensée, puisque, p e n d a n t u n
demi-siécle, la voix de cet homme fut la voix m é m e de
FAmérique et qu'elle se reconnait en lui?
Certes, nous ne pouvons prétendre á résumer e n quelques lignes les cinq cents pages de cette philosopnie du
Broit constitutionnel "cette brancne de la jurisprudence
qui a pour objet rorganisation juridique de la Société fondée sur les principes de la sociologie". Du moins pouvonsnous en détacher quelques idees essentielles.
J e ne m'étendrai pas sur les rapports que Hostos établit entre l'Etat et la Société, sur la nécessité qu'il apergoit
d'adapter le régime politique a u régime social, celui-ci étant
168
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS ¡
la resultante des traditions économiques, religieuses et juridiques, des habitudes mentales, affeetives et spirituelles,
toutes choses qui seront toujours plus fortes que les institutions artificielles au moyen desquelles FEtat prétend les
régenter.
Etablir u n régime politique sans teñir eompte de Fétat
social et de ses aspirations, c'est á la fois contraindre et
fausser le jeu des institutions. Car c'est de Fincompatibilité
entre le régime social et le régime juridique que naissent
les revolutions: la Hevolution Francaise, r i n d é p e n d a n c e des
Etats-Unis, la révolte des E t a t s de FAmérique latine contre
FEspagne* Dans tous ees cas, la Société en avance sur le
régime politique en a fait éclater les cadres, mais le contraire est également vrai. Que le nouveau régime politique
imposé soit en désaccord avec le régime social, en avance
ou en retard, les mémes troubles se reproduisent: c'est le
secret de la plupart des revolutions qui, p e n d a n t u n siécle^
se sont succédées en Amérique latine: u n e société á tendance démocratique se révoltant contre la forme dictatoriale du pouvoir, u n e société aristocratique se soulevant
contre la forme démagogique de l'Etat. Ce sont des alternances en vue d'un equilibre qui ne pourra étre établi que
p a r u n e sage constitution qui tienne u n eompte exact de
Fétat de la société.
Or, une telle constitution n e pourra étre Fceuvre que
des philosophes et des juristes á t e t e froide, comme ce fut
le cas aux Etats-Unis, et, en a u c u n cas, elle ne pourra na'tt r e de Fenthousiasme révolutionnaire ou des passions politiques: elle peut étre Fceuvre de quelques sages a y a n t la
connaissance de leur milieu et la sérénité de Fexpérience,
elle n e peut étre Fceuvre d'une foule, ni m é m e d'une assemblée.
Une autre partie importante de Fouvrage de M, de Hostos traite des rapports de la liberté et de Fautorité.
FROMOTBR OF PAN AMERICANISM
169
La Constitution est la lo! qui établit les ordres et les
íiiérarchies de FEtat: les ordres, q u a n t aux droits, les hiérarchies q u a n t aux pouvoirs. Mais, alors que Findividu se
reserve tous les droits humains, car sans eux ü n e peut
réaliser son destín, la Société n'accorde a FEtat d'autres
droits que ceux qui sont nécessaires a Fexercice des fonctions dont elle le charge. La liberté est u n droit essentiel;
reconnu et garanti á chacun des éléments qui composent
la société: individu, commune, province, nation, et Fautonomie de ees éléments é t a n t également reconnue, ils fonctionneront en harmonie, comrne Fensemble des organes
dans Forganisme d'un étre bien constitué... Or, p a r un
inconcevable paradoxe, ce n'est pas au droit mais á Fautorité que Fon a voulu soumettre la liberté... L'ordre est le
íruit de la liberté... Si FEtat soumet la liberté á son autorité, il pourra obtenír u n ordre illusoire, fruit de la contrainte, mais ce sera u n ordre mécanique, done stérñe et
non juridique... La centralisation de Fordre ressemble á
une mécaníque, seule sa décentralisatíon ressemble á une
existence; le premier est engendré par la notion fausse
d'unité et d'autorité, tandis que Fordre juridique n a í t spontanément de Faction continué de la liberté: liberté de Findividu, comportant ses droits et ses devoirs; liberté coromúñale limitée aux activités naturelles de la commune;
liberté de la province qui se manifesté par son autonomie;
liberté nationale qui régit la marche des organismes inférieurs et veille á proteger la liberté de chacun...
Plus loin, M. de Hostos revient sur la notion de liberté.
**La constitution, dit-il, est u n pacte bilateral entre Findividu qui veut préserver ses droits naturels, inhérents á la
personnalité humaine et FEtat qui s'engage á les proteger... Les droits naturels sont les droits places chez Findividu par la n a t u r e pour Faccomplissement de son destin;
ils sont á la source de toute éducation, de tout progrés, de
170
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS:
toute dignité, ieur importance est si vaste et bienf aisante
qu'on s'étonne qu'au lieu d'y découvrir le principe d'harmonie qu'ils contiennent on y ait vu u n élément subversif
qui n'existe pas, et que, par suite, l'Etat, suivant en cela
les anciens régimes, cherche á les contraindre a u lieu de
les proteger... L'imtiative individuelie qui a fait l'étonnante grandeur des Etats-Unis, resulte uniquement du libre
exercice des droits individuéis. Mais on refuse de le voir.
Que l'individu ait conscience de ses droits garantis par
la constitution, alors, satisfait, il s'élimine du probléme
social L'Etat, n'ayant plus á s'occuper de lui, peut se consacrer á sa tache qui est de résoudre les problémes collectifs„ sociaus, humains.
"Craint-on que la reconnaissance inconditionnelle des
droits h u m a i n s soit subversiva ou perturbatrice? N'est-ce
pas au contraire la contraíate qui produit Féclat?... II est
vrai, historiquement, que Pabus des droits individuéis a
été funeste á la liberté, mais Fafous du pouvoir l'a été davantage... ce n ? est que p a r l'usage d'un droit qu'on apprend
á en user et done á n'en point abuser...
"Ces droits naturels sont absolus, et la nécessité de les
afürmer est si grande qu'ils ne doivent point flgurer dans
la constitution, comme concedes, rnais a u contraire sous
u n e forme prohibitive: on n e dirá pas: "la Constitution
reconnait les droits de Pilóname..." mais: "En aucun cas
le Congrés n ' a u r a la faculté de légiférer en ce qui concerne les droits naturels de Fétre humain, car ees droits sont
absolus."
On voit dans quel esprit M, de Hostos envisage ees
questions primordiales, Mais peut-étre n'ai-je pas réussi á
faire sentir de quel flot de ciarte il penetre la société telle
qu'il la congoit, á Fabri de toute intrusión de PEtat dans
le libre exercice des facultes de l'individu et, pour tout diré,
dans Faccomplissement de son destín.
FltOMOTEH OF PAN
AMSRICANISM
171
Sur le mode d'élection, le pouvoir législatif, exécutif et
judiciaire, son étude tres large, a la fois historique et píiilosophique, est ricne en suggestions. Les lois, dit-il quelque
part, devant s'appliquer á tous, quels que soient l'age, la
condition, la f ormation de 1'individu, doivent étre étudieés
par des nommes de tous ages, de toute condition, de toutes
formations. De la la nécessité de trois chambres: une "précnarabre" (ce sont nos commissions parlernentaires) cnargée de donner u n e forme aux projets de lois; u n e cbambre
nationale representant les opinions, tendances, aspirations
de la société, u n Sénat representant les ínteréts des groupes ou sociétés partieuliéres dont 1'enseñable constitue la
nation.
n condamne le m a n d a t impératif; exige pour l'exécutif; l'uníté, l'énergie, la x-apidité, la responsabüité, Vindépendance...
Maís nous ne pouvons ici, entrer dans le détail méme
de ses conclusions, fruits d'une étude approfondie de ITaistoire et d'une longue reflexión, ni rendre le sentiment d'élévation que la lecture de cet ouvrage nous laissa.
í>e " 1 / Amerique Latine", Journal des Nationg Ax&éricaines, Hebdomadáirc,
París, 9-16 Jtrin 1946.
O HUMANISMO DE EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS
POR
ERNESTO MONTENEGRO (1)
1
OÍ , en DereeJbo, diplomático, periodista, publicista cíiíleuo.
Embora reservem os eruditos o formoso qualitativo de
Humanista para os doutos em letras clássicas, assenta
ainda melhor, no meu entender, aplicá-lo aqueles escritores
que nao fiseram dos livros urna preocupacáo absorvente e
exclusivaj senáo que como é justo,.deles serviram á guiso de
experiencia suplente n a obra capital de conliecer o honien
vivente e compartir das suas preocupacoes e interesse. Devíamos 1er a "humanidade" do carácter de Hostos, ali onde
indicamos o seu humanismo por mais que éste n a sua
acepc&o estrita compreendesse urna das culturas mais simples e bem assimiladas úo seu mundo ambiente.
Se tivesse de buscar urna definic^o mais característica
p a r a Hostos, eu preferiría chamar-lhe u m pensador democrático, proque jamáis a d i a m o s n a sua obra ésse falso orgulno, essa vaidade do saber livresco que afeia t a n t o semlculto ñas Américas. Mais consequente que Montalvo, nao
pretenden instruir o povo n u m a linguagem calcada no
Séeulo de Ouro, por mais que a educac&o peninsular de
Hostos houvesse podido justificar, no seu caso com vantágem sobre o equatoriano ilustre, urna propensao para o
<1)
De "Peneamento íla America'% Río de Janeiro, 27-1-1946, Tradugao
de Dr. Acacio Franca.
FROMOTEK OF PAN AMERICANISM
173
periodo polifónico e o vocabulario arcaico. Hao exagera
Blanco Fombona, como a miúdo Ihe ocorre, quando poe
Hostos quase, quase ácima de Marti, escritor, porquanto
éste padece de u m retorcimento e de urna afetacao crónicos
apenas desculpáveis com aquela sagaz advertencia de Baudelaire de que h á estilos os quais sao naturalmente af etados.
Como se explica, ent&o, nao ter tido Hostos urna influencia muito maior que a que teve sobre os seus contemporáneos? Eis aquí u m escritor em quem achamos reunidas
muitas das virtudes intelectuales de Sarmiento, Alberdi e
J u a n María Gutiérrez. Pensador dinámico, isto é, publicista
n a imprensa diaria como o autor do "Facundo"; jurista
que se consagra a conspirador, tal é a sua devocao do
díreito e o seu odio ativo á tiranía, como o pensador das
"Bases", foi, ao mesmo tempo e durante a sua vida intensa,
u m educador e um pedagogo tal como o mestre compilador
da "América Poética". Em semi desterro permanente, pois
se nao podía considerar de todo proscrito u m homem que,
como Hostos, confessou, em toda a sua vida, o ideal da Patria Grande da raga e da lingua comuns, nunca faltou ao
füho de Porto Rico essa autoridade e essa seguranea do
ánimo, que poucos homens tém enquanto sao meros hospedes de outra nacao. Espanha era, ent&o, a metrópole, e,
em Madrid, em pleno Ateneu, Hostos levantou a voz emocionada, pedindo garantías constitucíonais para todos, sem
esquecer os mesmos espanhóis da sua época. Hostos, porém,
passou os memores anos da existencia ganhando o próprio
pao do ostracismo como funcionario subordinado de educacao em Santo Domingo e no Chile, e tal era a delicadeza
de sentimentos naquele fidalgo crioulo, que, em cada página, que ele escreveu no estrangeiro, sentimos o tremor da
tensao interna entre a sua severa consciéncia e a sua exquisita cortezia.
174
E U G E N I O MÁJSÍA DE
HOSTOS:
TJM S O N K A B O R C O M OXHO B E
VIDENTE
J á devem a n d a r e&palhados por toda a América, como o
mereceni, os vinte volumes em que se compilaram, por orúem d a legislatura Insular, as obras dispersas do grande
portorriquenho.
(É pena que se n a o tenha acrescentado outi*o volume
com as inumeráveis erratas, os nomes transtrocados e a
pontuacao defeituosa dessa edicao d a Cultural
habanera.
A corregao de provas, por desgraca é minucia demasiado
pedestre para as funcoes intelectuais de muitos dos nossos
confrades de lingua).
Tenham-lhe dado ou nao a merecida circulagao, os escritos de Hostos devem ser recomendados á atengao do público, porque a melhor parte, continua viva neles, muitos
dos seus problemas sao ainda, depois de meio século, os nossos problemas e, mais do que tudo, porque déste escritor
também pode dizer-se que se por alguém em contacto com
as suas idéias é tocar n u m homem.
Muitos sao os exemplos de humanidade nesse cavalheiro
cristáo e anticlerical, Em certa ocasi&o, o seu olho sempre
alerta Ihe revela a presenta de u m espiEo, e, enquanto reprime u m arranco daquele temperamento impulsivo que o
levou n a juventude a mais de urna tentativa de duelo, vai
ganhando vivissima compaixáo pelo miseravel, chegando a
condoer-se dele pelo seu avésso destino... De outra feita,
surpreende-se em pecado de vaidade, e aponta no seu Diario : "Se tenho suficiente resignac&o para fazer caso omisso
dos elogios dos homens, contentadome, como tenho logrado
aprender a contentar-me, com o beneplácito secreto d a
minha consciéncia incorri n u m delito contra a austeridade
da minha causa e dos meus fins ao fazer-me, eu mesmo,
apologista da minha austeridade". E sua visita ao Brasil
PHOMOTER OF PAN AMEKICANISM
175
vemo-lo ultrapassar-se no seu zélo pela democracia ao condenar o regime paternalista de D. Pedro II, sobre o qual fas
recair a vergonha da escravidáo, sendo, como agora sabemos, que a dinastia estava destinada a perder pelo seu
próprio empenho em apressar o fim da Senzala e decretar
a mariumissao dos últimos escravos.
Algumas das frases de Hostos o p i n t a m melhor que u m
retrato de corpo inteiro. Na s u a primeira viagem á América do Sul, vé-se forcado a tomar passagem de coberta p a r a
Callao. O enipregado da agencia de navios adverte-o de que
a coberta n a o é lugar onde d u r m a m cavalheiros. Ao que
Hostos replica: "Nao váo outros homens ali? Fois eu, a n t e s
de ser cavalheiro, sou hornern". E possivel que, n o subconciente, isso fósse t a m b é m urna, paráfrase á m a n e i r a de
réplica tardia á objecao que o seu antigo c a m a r a d a de exilio
em Paris, D. Emilio Castelar, ihe após quando ihe pedia
que como ehefe da primeira República Espanhola, reconhecesse a autonomía das colonias a n t i l h a n a s : "Antes de
ser republicano, sou espanhoV\
A antipatía de Hostos contra o regime colonial n a América t o m a proporcoes de obcessáo. O seu liberalismo democrático subleva-se contra a prolongacao de institugoes medievais, "essas catacumbas políticas, dentro do século dezenove e j á no limiar do século vinte". O seu inerente
espanholismo torna-o mais exigente com os seus. Mas, apenas se insinúa, n a sua presenca o desdém de certos europeus
pelo a t r a s o cultural do Novo Mundo, Hostos adverte que
a civilizagáo européia tomou dezenove séculos p a r a se desenvolver, enquanto que as repúblicas iberoamericanas
outros t a n t o s lustros de livre progresso.
Ñas suas idéias h u m a n i s t a s e h u m a n i t a r i a s , o portorriquenho está e n t r e os pensadores e estadistas mais avanzados da sua geracáo. Democracia p a r a ele significa democracia total. E n q u a n t o o bem-estar económico nao se houver
176
E t J G S m O MiKKÍA DE HOSTOSI
estendido através da sociedade, ou, por outras palavras,
u
n&o h a verá urna verdadeira civilizacáo até que naja urna
yerdadeira democracia". Con ólho profético, faz notar aos
seus insulanos que a programacáo de cana de agucar pode
por em perígo o equilibrio económico, pois u m país, pode
enriquecer do mesmo tempo que os seus cidadáos empobrecen. Hostos é u m estadista que navega com rumo seguro nos mais abstrusos problemas de política internacional, mas que nao se esquece, no momento oportuno, de averiguar quanto custavam esta manila os legumes no mercado.
O BEAXOSMO DE U M R O M Á N T I C O
É muito significativo o conceito de Hostos sobre a prosa
de Victor Hugo e do seu romanticismo "gótico". O seu
conceito literario é funcional, e todos aqueles atavíos e antíteses o tornam dessaborido. Com a sua vocacao de pedagogo, Hostos tinha u m conceito quase utilitario da Arte,
e a poesia, fora da mais simples, é para ele u m jardim vedado. A sua penetracáo aicanga, nao obstante, u m grau
excelso n a critica de "Hamlet", em cuja interpretadlo do
carater enigmático delirante do protagonista, Hostos vé asondagem mais profunda d a alma h u m a n a jamáis aleancada pela imaginacáo de u m poeta.
Ñas suas atividades políticas, afanou~se Hostos d u r a n t e
quarenta anos, por convencer a E s p a n h a que devia reconhecer o direito das suas últimas colonias n a América
de serem independentes. P a r a as grandes Antilhas havia
imaginado algo assim qual urna Liga Anfictiónica, ao estilo
da antiga Grecia, com pontes de comunícamelo ao-longo das
vestingas e dos baixios do Caribe. Um plano pao menos
ambicioso nom o tráfego fluvial n o interior da América
do Sul, sugere (antes de se descobrir o rio Casiquiare) cañáis
PEOMOTEK OF PAN AMSRICANISM
177
de ligac&o do Orinoco ao Amazonas e dos afluentes do suldéste ao rio de Prata. E ja era 1873, por ocasi&o da sua
víagein á Argentina, ao Uruguai e ao Brasil, vé a necessidade de rasgar-se a Cordilheira com urna ferrovia transandina.
Estados Unidos, tracara Hostos, de antemáo, o seu proprio destino, indicando qual havia de ser a atividade absorvente d a sua juventude e sua idades m a d u r a , o que o
ievou a propór as aspiracoes individuáis ao bem coletivo
que Hostos o vé como o defensor obrigado da integridade d a s
nacoes vizlnhas. En Nova York move-se e fala em favor de
u n a intervengáo a r m a d a em Cuba dirigida por antühanos,
e, quando as tropas estadunidenses ocupan Cuba e Porto
Hico vem com urna delegacao a Washington pedir ao
presidente Me Kinley que pr orno va a preparac&o dos
portorriqueños para a vida democrática e u m govérno
autónomo. Quando se convence de que n a d a disso é possí vel, se possa a Santo Domingo, onde mor re anos
iríais tarde, em 1903, ao cumplir os sessenta e quatro
anos de vida. Cubano de adocao, dominicano pelo
labor educativo que se lhe havia confiado ali, vinculado
no Chile como mestre d u r a n t e u m decenio e á Venezuela
por ser a térra onde encontrou esposa, Hostos havia de dizer de Porto Rico: "Nenhuma térra menos m i n h a que
aquela em que nasci, m a s eu fiz da América a m i n h a patria". •
Com Alberdi e Sarmiento, Hostos propugna pela imi~
gracáo como o meio mais eficaz de encher o vazio do Novo
Mundo; e, como D. J u a n Maria Gutiérrez, busca urna cult u r a enciclopédica e cosmopolita para os estímulos de que
necessita urna raca transplantada para se incorporar ao
movünento do progresso universal. Como éles, advoga t a m ben a incorporacao da mulher á cultura geral e ás atividades sociais; prega a necessidade de estabelecer industrias
13.
178
EUGENIO MARÍA B E H O S T O S :
próprias e mostra a falacia da independencia política sob
a dependencia económica.
Em La Peregrinación de Bayoan buscava n a independencia de Cuba e Porto Kico. No seu "Tratado de Sociología" segundo a s doutrinas positivistas de Comte e Spencer,
demonstra a solidaridade do progresso e a concatenacáo
da cultura mental e religiosa, e na sua ''Ética' 1 , nota-se
que os seus anelos de virtude coletiva váo muito rnais além
do que as suas capacidades p a r a a sintese filosófica.
A louvavel obra dos compiladores dessa colee, áo de escritos de Hostos ficaria completa se f ora confiada a u m escritor
d e reconnecida capacidade a tarefa de reunir ou extratar,
désses vinte voiumes, u m tomo compacto contivesse a
esséncia do pensar do nobre mestre.
EUGENIO MAHIA DE HGSTOS
POK
S. TAVAHES
í*h. !>., S«cretary Portuguese Institute oi: Piiiloaophy, and
autiior.
Tejada f F r a n c . E. de.—Las D o c t r i n a s Políticas de Eugenio M a r í a
Mostos.—Vol. d e 165 x 115 m m . e 209 págs., Ed. C u l t u r a Hispánica,
Madrid, 1940.
C a r r e r a s , C. N . — M o s t o s Apóstol d e la Libertad-— Vol. de
214 x 150 m m . e 214
págs., Madrid, 1950.
Hostos, Eug. M. a —Antología.—Vol. de 224 x 159 m m . e 462 págs.,
Madrid, 1952.
Varios AA,—(Eugenio M a r í a ) Hostos, Hispanoamericanista.—
Vol. d e 234 x 160 m m . e 431 págs., Madrid, 1952.
Eugenio Maria Hostos é entre nos u m nome quase desconhecido. E, no entanto, a sua vida de cavaleiro a n d a n t e ,
as suas Hitas por u m ideal de cultura, e as suas ideias reformadoras, sobretudo em Sociología, mereciam de n á muito urna palavra de apresentacáo ao público portugués. Fazemo-lo agora com t a n t o mais gosto porque nos servirá de
guia o Prof. Elias de Tejada, que se enamorou da figura
gentilmente fidalga de Hostos. Com efeito é ele que nos
conta, no primeiro dos livros enunciados, a vida de Hostos,
tomándolo desde o berco, em térras longínquas de Porto
Rico, onde nasceu a 11 de Janeiro de 1839, e a c o m p a n h a n do-o, no seu longo peregrinar, ora de vontade, ora exilado,
através da Espanha e das duas Américas, seguindo-o por
toda a p a r t e com amor e simpatía. Desenvolve ainda as
suas ideias religiosas, filosóficas, sociológicas e juristas.
Estas, eram n a t u r a l m e n t e as do seu tempo, predominantemente eivado de u m liberalismo u m t a n t o cru, anti-escolástico, m a s onde briUiava, quase sempre, urna sincera
180
EUGENIO MARÍA JDE .HOSTOS -
aspiracao de Deus. Tal é, em rápidos tragos, a vida religiosa e idealogica de E. M, a de Hostos, como no-la conta
Elias de TejadaOs outros tres volumes focam aspectos particulares da
actividade social e política de Hostos. C. N. Carreras tece
n o seu volume o elogio de Hostos, como apostólo d a lifoerberdade das Américas, essa liberdade que defendeu sempre
pela s u a palavra e pela sua pena, que fez dele "la voz más
alta y autorizada de la libertad continental, basada en el
derecho y la democracia" (pág. 210) e que o coloca ao lado
de Bolívar, u m criando a liberdade, outro fazendo que tomasse conciencia dessa liberdade: "Bolívar creando la Libertad en América; Hostos forjando la conciencia y enseñ a n d o a pensar al Continente, p a r a que esa libertad se
sostenga, viva siempre y n u n c a m u e r a " (pág. 210).
O vol. 3.° é urna Antología sobre as ideias hostosianas
em Sociología, Direito, Moral, comida em diversas partes
das suas obras. Bom livro, á falta de melhor, á falta das
suas obras completas, felizmente editadas j á e m Porto Rico,
em 20 volumes (Edición Conmemorativa del Gobierno de
P u e r t o Rico, vols. de 222 X 150 m m . e 8.500 págs.) para u m
contacto rápido com o espirito de Hostos.
O mesmo diremos do último volume, obra de conjunto,
em que conhecidos admiradores de Hostos contam, n u m e
1. a parte, a sua vida, El hombre, e n a 2. a , as suías ideias,
Sus Ideas, estas encaradas de preferencia sob o aspecto político e sociológico, manifestadas sobretudo através do seu
americanismo.
Estas duas últimas obras devem-se ao carinho e amor
ñlial de Eugenio Carlos de Hostos que continua dignament e a linria dos seus maiores.
F r o m Revista
Portuguesa
de Filosofía, Braga, Portugal, vol, I X faro. I.
(SopL n, 7,), 1953,
CARIBBEAN WAS CRADLE OF GREAT MTERARY
WHITERS *
BY
HAKHY W. FBAKTZ
United
Fres» Sí a//
Correspoiideiit,
The Caribbean, famed as "the Cradle of Admirals'% h a s
also been a imrsery for men of letters renowned in Europe,
Korth and South America, according to Harry W. Iprantg,
United Press staff correspondent.
The Caribbean brought distinction to such naval celebrities as Nelson, Rodney, a n d Schley, Frantz pointed out,
b u t t h e blue sea of t h e Americas also is associated with
such Iiterary aces as O. Henry, Rícliard Harding Davis,
Lafcadio Hearn, Exquemelin, Barón von Humboldt, HostoSj José Martí, and Rubén Darío,
Frantz discussed "Reportera of t h e Caribbean" a t a session of t h e Inter-American Forum here, reviewing t h e careers of men whose service to letters or statecraft was a t
least for a time i n t h e field of current events. He suggested t h a t t h e ñ a m e of t h e late Louis Jay Heath might
well be added to t h e Caribbean roll, since Heath's fifteen
years of Latin American correspondence for t h e United
Sumxuary o£ a n Audbress before t h e Iuter-Amerícan F o r u m , at George Washington University, F e b r u a r y 6, 1939.
Followed by talks ou t h e same topíc, with extensive m e n t í a n of
Hostop. before the "Washington Newspaper G u i l d ; at a m e m o r i a l sessiou for
Louis H a y H e a t h ; and before the Grcenhelt Jonrualism C l u b at Greenbelt.
Marflímt?.
382
EUGEHIO MAHÍA DE HOSTOS!
Press h a d made his by-line familiar a n d respectad in Havana, México, S a n J u a n , Port-au-Prince t P a n a m á a n d other
cities in t h a t región, as well as throughout the Western
Hemisphere.
Heath was specially acquainted with Antillean isiands
throug'h two assignments in Havana a n d his coverage of
the first flying-boat cruise to t h e east coast of South America. For years he wrote special stories for Havana or México almost daily and diplomats of Cuba and México paid
hím the highest tributes a t his death.
F r a n t z pointed out t h a t although Heath's cable correspondence was n o t in a literary form, h e h a d been the
author of unpublished poems of special distinction, and
had written various special articles of unique literary quaüty. Before joining t h e United Press, Heath h a d been an
instructor in English a t several American universities.
Among t h e more celebrated ñames identiñed with the
Caribbean, F r a n t z advanced a list of eleven writers who
have rendered historical service to t h e American Republics.
I n addition, h e made note t h a t Alexandre Dumas, Frenen
tiovelist, was in fact a "grandson of Haití", since his grandfather Marquis Alexandre-Antoine de la Pailleterie. was a
Frenen planter in the district of Trou-Jeremie,
Among the writers who made hfstory for Middle America, F r a n t z pointed out, was Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a n oíd
Spanish soldier, who a t Guatemala City in 1568 wrote t h e
"True Account of t h e Oonquest of New Spain" which immortalized the adventures of Cortés a n d his meeting with
Montezuma, Díaz del Castillo was born a t Medina del Campo, Spain, in 1493; emigrated to the New World in 1514 as
a soldier under Pedro Arias de Ávila, and served with exploration expeditions in Yucatán, Florida, and Cuba. As a soldier in the ranks of Cortés h e found the materials which
helped to malee t h e ñame of Cortés legendary".
PJiOMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
183
A. O. Exquemelin, presumably a native of Holland, sailed
from Havre de Grace on the ship St. John, May 2, 1666, in
the service of t h e Frenen West Indies company; arrived a t
the island of Tortuga off t h e coast of Haiti on July 7th.
Soon h e bought his liberty for 100 "pieces of eight." From
his subsequent adventures among t h e Buccaneers of the
Caribbean was born "De Americaniche Zee-Robers," first
íssued a t Amsterdam in 1678, b u t subsequéntly appearing
m m a n y languages a n d editions. This book, F r a n t z said,
was a sourcebook for t h e "pírate tradition" which still is a
favorite topic of American letters a n d introduced such
eminent "Brethren" as Pierre le Grand, Bartholomew Portugués, Roche Brasiliano to t h e world a t large. I t contained
also a n eye-witness account of Sir Henry Morgan's expedition to P a n a m á , which culminated in t h e firing and sacking of P a n a m á City.
Lafcadio Hearn, although better known to the world of
letters as a n interpreter of J a p a n , was a t a n early stage of
bis career a repórter in New Orleans, whence h e m a d e a
two year tour of t h e Frenen West Indies. His articles coneerning t h e Antilles first b r o u g h t h i m literary distinction
as a master of exotic themes a n d fantastic description,
After r e t u r n from St. Pierre to New York, Hearn reappraised his literary ideas, and accepted a n editorial assignment
to J a p a n .
F r a n t z called attention to t h e recent celebration of t h e
centenary of Eugenio María de Hostos, perhaps t h e most
distinguished Puerto Rican m a n of letters. Hostos, h e said.
h a d a n extraordinary experience as publicist a n d journalist
in m a n y American republics, a n d is even credited with a
large influence toward t h e construction of t h e Trans-Andean railway. Several years ago a biography of Hostos referred t o h i m as "El G r a n Desconocido" (The Illustriouf
Unknown), b u t t h e honors more recently given h i m by edi~
184
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS!
tors, literary m e n and officials throughout t h e entire American Continent appear likely to assure h t m a lasting fame,
F r a n t z called attention to t h e fact t h a t the supreme
patriot-martyr of Cuba, José Martí, was long a contributor and repórter of the Neto York Sun, and t h a t his work
had been highly praised by the famous editor "Dana of
t h e Sun", often called "the Júpiter of American Journalism". Martí "covered" the unveilíng of t h e Statue of Liberty in New York harbor, a n d F r a n t z suggested t h a t
event might in some degree nave quickened his intense
fervor for freedom.
Richard Harding Davis, during his Caribbean assignment invented t h e magnificent literary tradition of "soldiers of fortune" and brought diplomats and consuls
within the work-a-day terrain of letters. O. Henry, selfexiled in Honduras, developed the fascinating powers of
vivid description a n d bizarre characterization which so
powerfully aided his genius for the "surprise ending", The
strange book, "Cabbages and Kings", reflects his Caribbean mood.
Barón von Humboldt, traveling in South America, México and Cuba early in the last eentury introduced trie»
Caribbean scene (albeit in semi-scientifíc terms) to the literary salons of Europe.
William E. Curtís, columnist for the Chicago ínterOcean, born in Akron, Ohio f November 5, 1850, publicized
t h e Caribbean a t t h e time of t h e F o u r t h Centennial of Columbus* Discovei'y. He was perhaps the fírst repórter to
make Latin America a m a t t e r of regular and intense interest to North American newspaper readers, and became
first director of the Bureau of American República, late-r
known as t h e P a n American Union.
Rubén Darío of Nicaragua h a s heen recognized by both
European and American critics as a poet of extraordinary
PROMOTEK OF PAN AMERICANISM
1&5
genius. He was foorn in tíie Department of Segovia, January 18, 1867. Before his poetic talent was fully aflame
he wrote "Sports" in Valparaíso, a n d "covered" t h e Spanish-American war from Madrid. Darío epitomized his
own amazáng spirit in the lines:
... imth oíd
And very m o t l e m ; b o l a , eosmopolite.
L i k e H u g o daHng, l i k e Verlaine halí-told,
And thirsting íov ¡Ilusione infinite.
An ardent campaigner against "Yanteee imperialismo
he lived to establish a n Empire of the Spirit in which the
United States is a mere dependency.
The Lima R&solution, tka Essay an Hamlet,
Vnwersíty
Press, Cambridge, M&&5.
and Otker
Paper s,
Harvttrd
PART
III
PAPERS BY EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS
THE GREATE3T EVENT IN MODERN TIMES: THE
FOURTH OF JULY, 1776 *••
Yesierday — from seven o'clock in the m o r a i n g to six
o'clock in t h e afternoon — I spent the day contemplatíng
a o d admiring these people.
I went out a t seven in the m o n ü n g and the always
anímated Broadway was more animated t h a n ever. O n
one side of t h e avenue the Militia was deployed; to t h e
otiier side millions of men, women, youth and children, oíd
people, Negroes, a n d Europeans; noise and sounds resounding on neighboring streets; everybody in t h e street celebr&ting a past event, the greatest event in Modern times.
I t was t h e fourth of July, and on the fourth of July 1776
was foorn independent the people today respected by t h e
míghty of the world. I compared t h a t day to the present
one; t h e situations t h e n a n d now, the progress made, t h e
p a t h traversed, a n d cordially folessed the arrival of these
people. I asked myself where the people t h a t filled t h e
streets and the Volunteers who represented t h e State carne
from, w h a t were they, if Americana or Europeans, and I
eoncluded t h a t most of them where foreigners, and I felt
t h e most pious desire for a successful future for this hospice of t h e world, and I saw beforehand confirmed in a n
embryo reality the prepotent reality t h a t — dreaming —
I have attributed to all this Continent.
T h e n I went to Central P a r k ; people everywheres, a n d
(* I
Di&ri-Oi O. C
v o l . I , p . 341.
190
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS'.
— there too — charming hospitalíty attraeting the foreigner. The Picase ke&p off the grass sign had been substituted by cards with t h e printed word Common scattered all
about on t h e grass, and on a bigger tablet the explanation:
"Visitors are allowed today on t h e lawn, where the word
Common is put".
GEORGE WASHINGTON AS AN EXAMPLE OP
PATRIOTTSM *
Since History is such> no m a n has foeen more fortúnate
than George Washington in his virtue: t h a t is why his
virtue shines so brüliantly.
He was really a great patriot, he really was a great
vírtuous man, a n d he also was very fortúnate.
Long before t h a t first skirmish in 1775 when Massachussetts gave the signal t h a t the other twelve Colonies foilowed to Independence, giving Washington the first place
in war and in peace, long before, and since his youthful
years, George Washington began to figure with fortune in
his country.
As the son of a n influential Virginia family and destined by it to the Army — the most influential mean to
prosper — the future patriot began by becorning the pet
chüd of the Virginia Governor.
To this, Washington owed his fasfc promotion in the
Army, and his being placed in charge of one of t h e greatest
tasks the Colonial Government could undertake. It was
nothing less t h a n to stop the incensant incursions of neighboring Indians, pushed by the Spaniards from Florida and
the French from Louisiana, to continually harass the Virginia territory. I t was real war, not only on account of
the indomitable Indian valor and sufficient organízation,
but also because of t h e political importance to the English
(*)
Tratado
de Moral,
O. C„ vol. XVI., p. 324.
192
EUGENIO MABÍA 0 E HOSTQS:
colonists to m a k e themselves respected by t h e Frenen and
Spanish Colonies.
Washington had to insist more t h a n twice to carry out
the p l a n h e was in charge of, as t h e valient children of the
woods h a d never been more irressistible, but Washington
won in t h e end* And he won with sueh moderation, keeping
himself within his duties as a soldier and humanity, that
he began to attract t h e attention of the inhabitants of
t h e thirteen Colonies t h a t not m u c h longer afterwards
would constitute the United States of America.
When, shortly after, Virginia was invited by the four
New England Colonies to join in the well t h o u g h t out rebellion against the metrópolis, Virginia placed Washington
al t h e head of its army contingent. He did not delay in
becoming the commander of the ever growing a r m y of the
independents. I t was he who by attacking when apportune
and retiring when convenient, taking advantage of all the
favorable apportunities, and cooly weighing t h e advantages
a n d disadvantages of every position, a n d never faüing to
know the circumstances t h a t might favor his opponent,
h e succeeded in seven years of furious war, to carry in
triunph his patriotism a n d t h a t of his fríenos.
Carry it in t r i u n p h no. There were yet hardest triáis for
t h e patriotism of t h a t good man. There were yet the
rivalries between t h e patriotic and civil elements, rivalries
t h a t h e could a n d did nos exploit. There were yet uncertainties as to t h e form of government to adopt; uncertinties from which h e could obtain advantages and did not.
He could be the king where he had been the Commanding
General; h e could be first magistrate impossed by forcé,
where h e h a d been the first citizen by his virtue; but he
did not t h i n k in what he should not think. He could allow
to pass the petition from t h e díscontented Army to offer
PHOMOTEK
O F FAJNT A A L É R I C A N I S M
193
him the crown, b u t instead of lettíng t h e petition pass h e
promptiy advised Congress and obtained from it t h e disoJlution of t h e Army.
By just letting pass t h e dangerous disagreements t h a t
broke a u t a t t h e beginning of t h e political organization of
the States, h e could — from, h i s exalted post of President of
the Federation — favor t h e intentions of those opposing
the Republic for love of t h e monarchy, and — far from
doíng it — Washington— who knew they wanted h i m t o
be t h e head of t h e monarchical government — resttlessly
fabored to appease the disagreement and help the completion of the Constitución.
Washington was elected to be the first President of t h e
Federation as soon as the profound and wise Constitution
t h a t still governs t h e American Union was passed.
He was reelected on complition of his four year t e r m
The people wished to reelect him. But t h e n this good man's
patriotism shone again, and not only refused to be reelectedf
b u t did to his country t h e inmense service of setting as a
precedent t h a t t h e exercise of t h e Executive Power m u s t
n o t prolong itself beyond two terms of four years each.
After rendering this last service to his country, Washington retired to his s t a t e in Mount Vernon. There h e lived
as a n honest patriot, aspiring only to live quietly, t h u s
making his example more patriotic.
Not long after he passed away serenely. The same as
t h e big stars — following their inmense orbits — seem to
cLisappear forever when, in reality, they are only placidly
following their path, so — when a benefactor of peoples
passes away — it looks as if h e h a d forever extinguish ed
himself, when — in reality — he has only substituted
his life's example for the more persuasive one of his memory.
13
194
EUGENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS:
George Washington was an effective benefactor oí men;
best amongst the best; patriotic amongst the most patriotic; desinterested amongst the most desinterested; and he
also was fortúnate amongst the fortúnate in history.
The thirteen States he helped to make independent and
federated were as deeply moved a t his death as the home
of a virtuous family is shaken when their beloved father
passes away.
They carne fron all over the States to look at him for
the last time; all eyes shed tears for him; all hearts were
pierced foy the same solemn sadness. And when the sad
intelligence reached tne august Palace of the United States Congress and the speaker of the House x'ose to interpret
the public feeling, it was Washington's good fortune that
the lips charged to tribute him the first funeral eulogy
knew to tell of him as nobody had ever talked of any body
else:
I n such a moment it is manly to weep. "The first in
war, the first in peace, the first in the hearts of his country
men is dead".
And to be fortúnate beyond death, Washington continúes to be "the first in tne hearts of his countrymen".
PACIFIC OCEAN: YOU WILL BE THE TRANSMITTEK
OF THE AMERICAN & VELIZ ATION! *
The great ocean was about to be lost sight oí: I would
n o t see it a n y longer. Pacific Ocean cxorrents from t h e great
ocean, were yet t h e quiet waters in t h e channel t h e ship
would soon disturb; b u t they would n o t be t h e great masses
of water r u n n i n g from Pole to Pole t h a t wash t h e coasts
of t e n Hispanic American republics a n d t h e Anglo-American
countries; thinking t h a t perhaps my eyes would never
again look a t them, I associated t h e ideas t h a t occurred t o
m e t h e first time I saw them, to t h e feeling they awe&ened
in me a t seeing t h e m f or t h e last time.
Chüean sea, Peruvian sea, Colombian sea — remembering t h e three republics I nave lately visited for m y reason
and experience; — Bol!vían, Ecuadorian, Costa Rican, Salvadorean, Nicaraguan, Hondurean, Guatemalan, Mexican,
American a n d Canadian sea, may the n a t u r a l course of
h u m a n ideas m a k e t h a t soon come to you, soon come
t o t h e countries you traverse the day auxiously awaited by
those t h a t hope for a new civilization. You will be its center,
its nucleus, its intermediary, and over your surface will
n m t h e ships t h a t one day will carry from t h e New World
to the maritime Cbntinent, from America to Oceanía, men;
products, science, art, ideas, feelings, and t h e experience
of a more rational h u m a m t y t h a n t h e one living today.
Before your historie centuries you saw perhaps — lost
(*) Á p r o p h e s y when enteriíig the MageÜan Straíght en route frota
Valparaíso to Buenos Ais-es in Sept. 1873. Mi Viaje al Sur, O. C , vol. VI
péjrlsja 200.
196
EUGENIO MASÍA DE HOSTOS *.
i n your irimensity — t h e light ships t h a t peacefully
brought to Columbas land the new race t h a t h e was the
orQy one to respecta With the advent of history began for
t h e race t h a t peopled the unknown land the fight of barbarie pasions t h a t still ferment,
When the new day commences, 5rou will be t h e conductor — between one continent and the other — of all the
peaceful means developed by h u m a n i t y to p u t m contact
one world with the other.
Many years, many seore years, many centuries will pass;
may be t h e boom of the malefactor thunderbolt framed
by ambition and líate will resound over your present silent
solitude to decide peoples prepotense; t h e men-peoples who
boldly, hypocritically substitute themselves today in our
nations to w h a t should be the decisive will of society, will
continué for some time to imitate or invent Providence; the
child — peoples who today imitate t h e vicious exteriorities
of the oíd peoples will take years and years to cure themselves from their vices; m a n y years will pass before democracy becomes a n inviolated law — before from t h e spirit of
t h a t law —• will flaw t h e standard of individual and social,
moral and intelleetual life t h a t it contains: one by one the
lessons of the times will pass over the concience of the new
American generations before t h a t concience is awakened
by t h e light radiance of t h e future, before the bleurred aspiration of the New Continent's spirit is converted into light; b u t these peoples will grow, these lands will be peopled,
races will melt togather a n d you will—Great Ocean—now
dedicated to their commercial activities only—you will become open and free space to the intelleetual expansión of
these countries, you will lull the eradle of the new humanity!
Then will stop looking to the Orient the great family
FBGMGTEPL O F P A N A M E H I C A N I S M
197
t h a t in North and South. East a n d West, Equator and trópica' spends t h e time-that should be employed in following
nature's inspirations — trying to find and obey the inspirations from another social and intelleetual world.
T h e n all t h a t misguided family wül look t o the Occident because t h e r e ís a world to p u t in motion and t h a t
wül be its great task!
But between now a n d then, Pacific Ocean, m a n y wül
go to you a n d wü! leave you without thinkíng t h a t your
curren ts wül impelí t h e American eivílizatíon to your
Oceanic Continent, t h e same as t h e Mediterranean was
t h e channei for t h e Greco-Román civilization f and the
Atlantic was a n d continúes to be the transmitter of the
European civili^ation to t h e New World.
A N E S S A Y O N " H A M I ^ T " (1>
BY
E U G E N I O M A K Í A DE H O S T O S
(1839-1903)
"The Essay on Httmlet is a masterpiece, and the best of its kind i n Spaeisb abont the dreraa of ¿he great Ewglishtna»."
MAKCKXINO M E N É N » E Z
(Obra*
p. 307.)
Completas*
PEIAYO
1948 ed.., vol, L
(1) Traslated from the Spanish by Maricela D o d g e JHowland and Guilermo Rivera, Profesaor of Romanee Lattgiiages, Harvard.
AN ESSAY ON HAMLET
Eugenio María de Hostos is one of t h e major prophets
of Híspanle America. Bolívar, S a n Martín, Sucre, t h e older
generation of soldiers and statesmeñ, freed t h e Spanish
colonies from their European political bondage a n d made
t h e m nominally independent. The turmoil t h a t followed
on t h e heels of independence showed t h a t t h e task was
not completed. I t required a second generation of another
type of statesmanship t o lay t h e foundations of democratic rule in t h e emancipated colonies. Sarmiento, t h e Argentine, and Hostos, t h e Puerto Rican, are the outstanding
figures of this second line, t h e civil emaneipators of Hispanic America. They were aggressively American. They
realized t h a t it is not enough to win battles a n d to adopt
constitutions, t h a t t h e people m u s t be aroused to a sense
of their opportunities a n d responsibilities and educated to
enjoy their privileges a n d t o discharge their duties. They
were great teachers, with a view of their mission which
embraced t h e entire Western Hemisphere.
Hostos was born in Puerto Rico on J a n u a r y 11, 1839.
He went to Spain for his secondary a n d university education. He was a law s t u d e n t in Madrid when t h e Revolution of 1868 broke out. He h a d t a k e n a n active p a r t in t h e
preliminary struggles t o secure constitutional government
for Spain, b u t h e became disillusioned when h e realized
t h a t t h e Revolution would not give Cuba and Puerto Rico
home rule. Convinced t h a t t h e only way to end colonial
misgovernment in t h e Antilles was to m a k e Cuba and Puer-
202
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS *.
to Rico independent, he became one of t h e most active and
effective agents of t h e Cuban Revolution. I n this role Hostos
traveled over the Iarger part of Spanish America and
broadened his American visión. After t h e failure of the
Cuban Revolution h e served as a teacher in Santo Domingo and Chile. He áieá in 1903.
During his long life Hostos lectured and wrote extensively on a lar ge variety of subjects, speciaily on pedagogy, sociology, and constitucional law. He felt t h a t there
was too rnuch basic social work to be done in America for
hím to waste his time on creative literature or even literary criticism. His writings in these fields are in t h e nat u r a of holiday excursions, but they are arnong his best.
The essay on Hamlet is justly famous. The section on PoLonius, "a good m a n gone wrong", is probably t h e best m
any language.
The translators of the essay on Hamlet cannot be
praised too highly for their labors, The translation is not
only faithful, b u t it preserves t h e flavar of t h e original. The
works of Eugenio Maria de Hostos have been recently
published in twenty volumes. I t is no exaggeration to state
t h t t h e essence of his philosophy is contained in this essay,
in t h e same m a n n e r t h a t S a n t a y a n a ' s is contained in
T H E LAST PURITAH a n d Voitaire's in CANDIDE, and t h a t those
who cannot read t h e collected works of Hostos may get a
very fair a n d complete picture of the quality of his mind
by reading w h a t h e h a s written on Hamlet,
JOSÉ PADÍN (1)
(1) LL« D „ formerly Commissioner of Education oí P u e r t o Rico, Mem*
b e r American Commission for Cultural Interchange (1931),
R e p r i n t from Btill, 12 P u e r t o Rico D e Hostos Centenary Comntission.
AN ESSAY ON " H A M J L E T "
INTRODUCTION
We are about to witness a revolution, "Hamlet" is a
revolution. As there is a n unfolding in nature, so there is
a n unfolding in t h e soul. The idea is so evident t h a t even
the heedless Laertes expresses it when, instead of sheltering
Ophelia with his brotherly love, he warns her: "For nature
crescent, does not grow alone in thews and bulk; but as
this temple waxes, the inward service of the mind and soul
grows wide withaL"
As there is a mass progress, so there is a n individual
progress. And thus while the one nianifests itself by means
of stnaggle, pain, sacrifice and bloodshed, the other manifests itself by means of struggle, pain, sacrifice and tears.
Each onward step is the result of a revolution in a
h u m a n idea or in a h u m a n passion, Each revolution represents a n endeavor toward progress in the passions or in
the ideas of mankind.
A civilisation frees or subjugates itself, and social progress triumphs or falls back. An individual triumphs or
fails, and the individual progress is consummated or abandonetí.
A soul in the throes or evolution; a spirit in travail, a
moral revolution; an inner battle for the triumph of self
within self — a n upheaval of the soul: the most impressive
spectacle which can be offered to h u m a n consciousness.
This is t h e spectacle which Shakespeare offers us in
"Hamiet."
204
EUGEHIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS:
GENEBALITIES
As in all the works of t h a t very sufotle psychologist, there
is in the Prince of Denmark a charm superior to that of
the legend itseif— t h e charm of the characters, Shakes T
peare does not créate action in order to adapt personalities
to it; he creates men 3 h u m a n beings, whose determined,
positive, eonsistent eharacter gives rise to the action.
More t h a n once we meet aimless people in the tragedies
of t h e actor-author; never, no matter how aimless h e is,
does t h a t person cease being a man, an individual» a character—whether he be a personality or a type.
The even-tempered Moratín (3) became irate in transíatíng and annotatlng "Hamlet"; the choleric Goethe showed
himseif dispassionate in solving t h a t century-old problem
of art; yet both alike believe t h a t there are in "Hamlet"
many useless characters which, as t h e academician remarks
with disdain and the classical romanticist of Goetz and
Werther observes with respectful timidity, could well be
combined with others. When Moratín wishes to elimínate
t h e gravediggers, he wishes to elimínate a n entire specie.
When Goethe contemplates combining in a single personality the characters of Kosencrantz and Guildenstern, he
fínds in them such forcé of individuality t h a t he dares not
tamper with them. Yet Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are
mere personifications of a vice — fawning servility. But
they complement each other so admirably; each one oí
(3) Leandro Fernández de Moratín, 1760-1828. H e followed the originad
more closely than Voltaire or Letourneur, but in his Notes to bis transíation, he frequently finds fault with Shakespeare as a dramatist and psychologist. Among other tilinga, he objects to the early appearance of the ghost,
the dis&ipation of time ir» certain seenes and the large rtumber of character*.
H e believed that the action of the tragedy coisld have been developed i«three aets. (Notes hy the Translators,)
PBQMOTEK OF PAN AMERICAÍÍISM
205
t h e m characterizes so adequately a n aspect of the vice
which the author abominates, t h a t the blending of these
two characters in one would falsify the failing. Not all
phases of a vice or a moral defect are to be found in a single
man, because a man's dominating vice or failing is modiñeú aecording to his particular makeup. For no m a t t e r how
overwhelmíng a vice in a man, t h a t defect cannot comprise
the whole man. Along with the evil dwells the good; and
unhappiiy, side by side with w h a t is only a silly weakness,
we fínd many times, a vice t h a t is criminal or repulsivo.
Fox-oNius
So keenly had Shakespeare anatyzed the heart of man,
so understandingly liad he traced the labyrinth of his soul
that, not content with sketching in the characters of Rosencrantz and of Guüdenstern two aspects of the courtier's
servüity, modiñed by the restraint of the one and the extravagante of the othei% he paints in Folonius a less simple
form, more varied, more complex, less generic, more personal, more capricious — but none the less real — of the
identieal vice.
The critics of "Hamlet" pass disdainfully over Polonius.
They consider him, they compare him hastily with the type
unfortunateiy immortal, of the familiar toady of the powerful; they shrug, and exclaiming: "There are so many
líke him! '* pass on. They are unwise. Polonius is a ridiculous
representative of the most ridiculous of all adulations—the
inoffensive, But, still, he is a person.
Polonius is "a good m a n gone wrong." Where there is
no positive charaeter, there is the possibility of an interesting charaeter. I n this silly entity there is dormant soxnething of pathos. He is a perversión of Realíty. Guiding
himself by it in his experience, violating it in his act, he
206
EUGEKIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
preaches the good it teaches but which h e does not practise.
He is influenced only by the wickedness which Reality inspires. Honorable a n d decent by instinct, h e is ignoble by
choice. Simple in his duplicity, naive in his malice, ingenuous in his fatuity, he is sincere in his loyalty. Adulation
is his modus vivendi — t h e breath of life to him. An expression of weakness, not of evil, his adulation is affectionate, benevolent, optimistic. He fawns because he knows
himself to be inferior — not to win power, b u t love; n o t to
enslave the fawned-upon, b u t to serve t h e m better, love
them more: to gain a right, and not a weapon.
When he speaks with Claudius and with Gertrude, ir»
each flattering phrase of t h e courtier beats t h e devoted
heart of t h e loyal vassal. When h e acquiesces in the ap~
parent absurdities of Hamlet a n d is startled on discovering
in t h e m more sagacity, more wit, more commonsense t h a n
in m a n y sententious statements made by t h e wiseacres.
there are in his astonishment a tenderness a n d a kindly
quality which move t h e audience to sympathy. I t is evident t h a t he seizes with joy every occasion which presages
t h e r e t u r n to health of t h a t infirm b u t beloved mind, If
he had read Séneca, he would have commented on every
mental vagary of his prince, saying to deceive himself, to
have the pleasure of continued hope in Hamlet's ultimate
recovery — "If.alla m a g n u m ingenium nisi mixturae dementiae" — "There is n o great genius who h a s n o t a taint
of insanity." He harasses and opposes Hamlet, b u t this he
does to aid in w h a t he supposes to be the noble purposes
of the King.
Meanwhile t h e royal spies viólate the sanctity of t h e oíd
friendship which unites t h e m to Hamlet, To flatter
Claudius and to win power for themselves t h r o u g h t h a t
flattery, they spy upon a n d seek to e n t r a p t h e insane man
whom they really believe to be a sage.
PHOMOTEH OF FAH AMERICANISM
207
Polonius, who singles out and praises the lucid moments
of the "madman", does not wat en him in order to surprise
in hirn a deception which masks a peril, but to be able to
assert t h a t the madness is not dangerous. Of all the
actors in the play» he and his daughter are the only ones
who credit the dementia of Hamlet. And as they agree
in their belief, so they agree upon the cause to which they
attribute it. The father says:
T h a t h e is m a d , *tis t r u e : 'tis t r n e 'tie pity.
And pity s tia *tis t r a e (4),
The daughter, interrogated by the father, to this
question: "Mad for thy love?" (5) replies, "Truly, I do fear
it" (6). In the entire tragedy there is perhaps no more
pathetic coincidence t h a n this one: t h a t the only creatures
who pity him whom they consider mad are the two predestined victims of his horrible sanity — the two most
innocent of his sick reason, the two whom he chastisés and
slys in absolute cold blood. They weep for him as lost and
pardon him beforehand. "I am slain!" (7) is the only
plaint breathed by the unfortunate oíd man. His faílure
to complain shows him doubly faithful. It is his prince
who murders him, and he is the voluntary slave of his
prince; t h e murderer is a madman, and Polonius does
not reproach him.
HORAXIO
Contrast with these characters, t h a t of Horatio: beside
the devotees of power, the devotee of the man.
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
Act I I . «c. 2.
Act II» se. 1.
Ibid.
Act I I I , PC. 4..
208
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
Here is the perfect type of unquestioning friendship.
He iinposes no conditions on his friend in order to love
tórn, none on himself in order to respect him.
Here is a h e a r t full of generosity. Horatio gives without
demanding any return. He loves Hamlet because the Prince
is a lovable m a n , worthy of love, not because h e is powerful,
ñor because he is a prince, ñor because he is his superior
ín t h e hierarchy. Horatio is bound to Hamlet by a fáith
which makes devotees of races as well as individuáis — the
religión of m u t u a l memories. He is his friend because he
was his schoolmate, inseparable since he was the comrade
of his adolescence; and as he was t h e conf idant of Hamlet's
early secrets, so is he t h e confidant of the secret gloom
which now weighs upon the Princeps soul.
To Horatio's friendship, there is no time, no change.
The same Hamlet who studied, argued, played pranks,
philandered and grew u p with him a t Wittenberg is the
Hamlet who today makes terrifying confessions to him.
Tlie duty of loving Hamlet which impelled Horatio at
t h a t time still persists. Horatio knows no gradation in affection; he does not know t h a t love is one degree and
respect another. Blind devotion, the spontaneous impulse
of t h e heart is w h a t moves him — he knows only t h a t he
loves Hamlet, he does not know why he loves him. There
is not a jot of self-interest in his affection. He comes to
Msinore to take p a r t in the wedding festivities, to pay a
tribute of respect to his sovereigns; and he departs from
the celebration to bear his friend company in his dark
adven tures; leaves t h e King and Queen in order to stand
by the Prince, accused of ambitious scheming. Where
Kamlet is, there is Horatio. Where Hamlet is not, neither
is Horatio. Horatio is worthy of t h e confidence which
h e inspires. T h a t suspicious n a t u r e which distrusts everyone, trusts him implicitly.
PKOMOTER OF PAH AMKRlCAKISM
209
To fulfii t h e solemn oath "to remember", elicited from
h i m by his father's ghost, t h e Prince employs three m e a n s :
his feigned madness, t h e presentation of t h e play which
recapitulates t h e crime of Cláudius, and t h e unexpected
r e t u r n from England. The only one to whom Hamlet
confides his plans; t h e only one who is aware of t h e tricky
intent in t h e presentation a n d of t h e p u n i s h m e n t presaged
by Hamlet's r e t u r n from England, is Horatio,
This character, in himself interesting, acquires by contrast a n intense interest. If in himself h e represents t h a t
happy abandon of affection which neither judges ñor
reasons, those tender feelings which concéntrate in one
passion so m a n y aspects of life, which owe to t h a t concentration their very spontaneity — Horatio also represents
foy contrast t h e moral interest of t h e action which h e
shares. He is t h e highlight of t h e painting in which
Rosencrantz a n d Guildenstern are t h e shadow. He is t h e
affirmation of a n artistic theme in which Hamlet is t h e
negation. The unselfish tenderness of his friendship is in
prodigious contrast with t h e greedy disloyalty of these
others. While Hamlet does h a r m seeking t o do good, Hora j
tio does good without endeavor. Even as Horatio quietly,
humbly strives t o comfort with his loyalty t h e tormented
spirit of his prince, Hamlet does not shrink from pronouncing t h e inexorable sehtence: "I m u s t be cruel, orüy
to be kind" (8).
W h e n Goethe characterized in three words "the simple,
noble a n d excellent Horatio", h e helped to explain the
effect produced upon spectator or reader of t h e tragedy:
one of a n utterly generous n a t u r e . Horatio wins t h e h e a r t
with his simplicity; t h e nobility of his conduct reconciles
us to his lesser faults a n d by t h e sterling quality of his
<8)
u
Aet. III, se. 4.
210
EUGENIO MABÍA DE KOSTOS:
eharacter, he preaclaes a süent sermón. I n life on the stage,
as in real life, t h a t is sufficient. When we come upon a
sound m a n among a thousand corrupted by passion and
greed, "the world is not so bad, after all", we say, "since
among repulsive deformities we find forms incorruptible",
IiAERTES
Shakespeare's contrasta are not those of absolute antithesis. Shakespeare knew t h a t a r t is not a means of
proof. He knew life too intimately to group antithetical
characters upon t h e scene, characters t h a t one never, or
rarely, encounters in real life. So, by presenting Laertes as
the opposite of Hamlet, he does not seek contrast in radical
differences ñor maintains t h a t contrast by continual clashes, ñor personifies in one a virtue, in t h e other the opposing vice. The personages of Shakespeare are men, and generally, decent men. They believe themselves capable of the
good and evil worked by men, and so they seem to partake
of the; life we live. If t h e quality or defect which dominates
them, which comprises their moral personality, contrasts
with other qualities or defects belonging to the other people
who share t h e action, it is not the contrast which gives
them prominence, ñor the antithesis set u p by a contrary
personality.
Laertes is a youth, in the traditional sense of the
word—frivolous, thoughtless, passionate, with no other
aim. in life t h a n to live, Quick to judge, like all his kind, he
judges those about him according to his own sins; he
commits them, therefore everyone commits them. From
this proceeds his cynicism. He has for his sister t h a t careless affection which centers less in the object t h a n in
itself; and when he learns t h a t Ophelia loves Hamlet, and
t h a t Hamlet loves Ophelia, he doubts the integrity of t h e
PHOMOTER OF PAN AMERICAKISM
211
man because he has no íaith in his own integrity; he
doufots the strength of tlie wornan because lie thinks there
ís no wornan strong enough to r e s i s t a weak man* He
advíses his sister, a n d there is a healthy affection in his
counsel, but there is more seifishness t h a n affection.
Instead of advising her, he should protect her; but rather
t h a n protect her, he leaves her to her own devices and
goes back to his pleasures.
He is a m a n of impulse; he resolves and accomplishes;
in fact, h e accomplishes more t h a n he resolvesí A folly, a
passion, a n absorbing interest, and he is off! Today pleasure calis him and h e abandons his duty to his sister. To~
morrow grief will overtake him and he will arrive to avenge
his father and sister against unknown enemies; to agita te
the people against the King, since he judges h i m to be
guilty; to compound with the King a criminal cowardice,
since Claudius supplies him with the opportunity for revengo. He has all the vices and virtues of a m a n of action.
and tlms is in direct contrast with Hamlet, the m a n of
thóught. He has all the forcé of a firm will; therefore he
does so much so badly in such a short time and in so
íimited a scope. He does not shrink from danger: there, he
is brave. He does not shrink from erime: and there, he is
á coward.
CLAimius
Claudius ís this same type, in the final surge of the
drama. Claudius is a wrongdoer who is not essentially eviL
There are two impulses in his n a ture which reveal t h e
unfertilized seed of good in his soul — remorse, and love.
He loves Gertrude, his wife, even though she is one of t h e
factors in the crime which gnaws his conscience, and in
order to escape the remarse caused by his first crime, h e
212
EUGENIO MABÍA DS HOSTOS:
contemplates another. Had he been allowed to reign and
love in peace, he would have been a worthy king and; a
good husband. Had Laei^tes, amid hís primrose paths, not
conceíved t h e mere necessity of a revenge, h e might nave
heen a noble man. Life is fuil of such instinctive decisions.
The historical figures admired by hero-worshippers are like
Claudius. The complaisant critic absolves them; Suetonius
lauds Augustus; Valerius exalts Tiberius; Thiers deifies
Napoleón; indeed Europe prostrates itself in admiration
before Napoleón.
The only difference between the unmalicious sinner of
Shakespeare and those bad "good rnen" of history is a
variance of purpose, The villain of this tragedy commits
bis crime in order to occupy a throne and a bridal bed,
while the other "héroes" seek a throne in order to trample
underfoot half of humanity.
Claudius was ambitious; he aspired to the kingdom andthe wife of the King, his brother. A crime was necessary,
a n d he eommitted it, A crime once accomplished is a state
of actual being, just as t h e inabüity to commit it is the
state of innocence. As the one h a s its virtues, so t h e other
has its necessary vices, From this proceed the hypocrisy,
t h e suspicion, the duplicity and the implacability demonstrated by Claudius. He attributes to motives of commonsense, prudence a n d politics, t h e crimes already committed
by him, and those which he contemplates. He hates Hamlet
because he suspects t h a t Hamlet has read his souL The
more he hates him, t h e more h e outwardly favors him.
Claudius is the only one in all the court who, by instinct,
detects his enemy and lives in fear of him; h e is t h e only
one who is aware of Hamlet's mental state, and he is not
misled by t h e vagaries of Hamlet, by the reports of t h e
spies, by the compassíon of some and t h e uneasiness of
t h e court. If the good Polonius, after telling him t h a t
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Hamlet is m a d for love of Ophelía, leads Claudius to secrete
himself in order to overhear t h e conversation of t h e two
lovers, t h e sinister King is not convinced: <(!Love!" he
exclaims:
H i s affections do not that way tend. „ ;
There's somethrag i n his soul
O'er w h i c h h i s nselancholy sits 011 fcrood,
And I do d o u b t the h a t c h and the dxselose
Wil b e some danger (9).
I t is imperative to prevent t h a t danger, a n d he ímmediately determines t o prevent it.
W h e n Napoleón said t h a t t h e world belongs to t h e coldblooded, h e uttered a cynical t r u t h . The world does belong
t o t h e cold-blooded because t h a t network of relationships
a n d interests which we cali t h e world is endurable only t o
those who coldly, impassively a n d skeptieally convert into
a n o r m of conduct t h e petty greeds a n d passions of
m a n k i n d ; b u t for those who, on t h e contrary, t a k e as their
s t a n d a r d of living t h e i n n a t e worthiness a n d inherent good
of h u m a n beings, t h e network is impenetrable. T h e first
victimize by their ruthiessness, their pessimism, a n d their
swift will t h e world which they scorn. The second group
aire victims of t h e world, which they profoundly pity.
Those called raen of action, a m o n g whose n u m b e r
Shakespeare placed Claudius, belong to t h e category of
t h e cold-blooded. Not because lymph predominates more
t h a n blood in their physical makeup, b u t because t h e will
overrides reason in their spiritual n a t u r e .
The will is a n essentially perverse faculty.
Perhaps, in opposing a supreme personification of evil
t o a supreme personification of good, t h e positive religions
nave intended n o t h i n g less t h a n t o empha-sise in t h e
(9)
Act I I í 5 &c. 1.
*
214
EUGENIO MARÍA DE B U S T O S :
upheaval of the spirit, of society, a n d of universal law, the
omnipotence of a prevailing wül toward evil, I n t h a t inner
govemment possessed by every m a n which we cail "the
soul", there are phenomena idéntica! t o t h e govemment of
societies, I n t h e latter, t h e dominance of t h e executive
power invariably determines the degree of despotism, Despotism is a n overthrow of t h e laws of society. The wül is
t h e executive of t h e spirit; subordinated t o reason and
íeeling, it produces good; dismembered from reason and
feeling, it produces evil, A great stirring of passion, spurred
by t h e will, culminates in crime. Some sin against themselves; these are suicides. Others sin against their brother,
their parent, their friend, a n d in a h u n d r e d other ways
all set down in t h e penal code. Still others betray a people,
and these are tyrants, despots, autocrats. Others wrong
humanity, a n d are called conquerors, héroes, demigods.
They are all simply formula-e of t h e same cruel will,
b u t with different circumstances. Caesar would have been
a suicide h a d h e not crossed t h e Rubicon. Ñero would have
been a mere incendiary h a d he n o t been a n emperor.
T r o p m a n n would have been a famous strategist íf h e had
n o t h a d the soul of a hired man. Every Spanish soldier,
gold-greedy, was a conquistador in the sixteenth century.
All m e n are good when they are n o t tempted by passion or
avarice, All m e n are bad when, tempted by passion or
a-varice, they have only t h e will to satiate themselves.
Claudius, Shakespeare's villain, possesses a n implacable
will to satisfy his ambitions a n d on detecting a danger to
himself in Hamlet's mental state, h e sets himself immedia tely to forestan it. With a little caution, h e m i g h t have
blocked it without h a r m i n g Hamlet. With a little judgment,
h e m i g h t have t u r n e d it to his own benefit, But it was his
wül which dominated him, and so he planned another
crime.
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Here, i n t h e tragedy just a s in life, in tiie t h e a t r e Just
as i n history, begins t h e second phase of t h e character.
Made t r i u m p h a n t by his first a c t of violence, t h e m a n of
action does n o t liesitate. He conceives it imperative to
eommit further crimes and he will eommit them. If remorse
or pity should seize h i m — alas for h i m — the world would
be closed t o him, even though heaven be open.
Claudius, like all m e n of his stripe, h a s t h a t instinct.
He knows t h a t with t h e first hesitancy comes weakness,
a n d h e will n o t waver. Before assuring himself of t h e
danger which t h r e a t e n s him i n Hamlet's gloomy taciturnity, a sally of Polonius' against hypocrisy causes t h e King
to feel a pin-prick of conscience a n d sighing, t o exclaim;
4í
How s m a r t a lash t h a t speech doth give my conscience!
Jaeavy burden!'* (10).
YeSj Conscience is a bitter burden, a n d one m u s t fling
it aside t o t r i u m p h — o r endure it a n d succumb t o t h e
heady delights of ambition a n d power.
After learning of t h e danger menacing him in Hamlet ?
Claudius n o longer listens t o his conscience. He tries, i n a
mornent of heartbreak, t o bribe it by means of a prayer,
and finds t o his dismay t h a t Conscience is incorruptible.
My words fly up, my thoughts remain foelow;
Words without thought neveí* to heaven go (11).
Why not, evil will, if t h a t be t h e price of your tenacity?
Concience recognises only t h e prayer of virtue, a n d eviTs
punishment is its ver y inability t o t u r n to good.
I n this mornent, t h e character acquires a tremendous
tragical intensity, a n d i t is impossible t o follow its u n foldment without pitying Claudius acutely, without a
(10)
(11)
Act III, se i.
Act III, 8c. 3.
216
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOSI
breathless desire t h a t h e have a moment of hesitation,
dictated by good. Hesitation, however, is n o t possible, and
Shakespeare, obedient to relentless logic, oblíges his character to drive himself to t h e bitter end. Thus in Life.
When, weary of evil, t h e dominant WU1 seeks t o enjoy the
fruits of puré feeling a n d t o restore t h e impulse provided
by Reason, feeling h a s been enfeebled, and Reason lacks
impulse.
The action of t h e will, without judgment, is evil. So
villainy is created by a will abandoned to itself. From that
abandonment emerge sorrow, grief, catastrophe. Shakespeare, who paints these to t h e uttermost detail in Macbeth
and !Lady Macbeth, only sketches t h e canvas in Claudius,
G-ERTRXJDB
Every m a n h a s met, a t one time or another, t h e problem
which t h e most h u m a n of all poets h a s depicted in the
character of Gertrude. Gertrude is t h e sensual woman.
She loves with t h e senses, learns by t h e senses, obeys the
senses. If she did n o t possess t h e delicate instincts of a
woman she would possess only t h e animal instincts of the
female creature. She would have only sensuality m her
heart, if she did n o t h a p p e n to have sensitivity too. She
h a s sufficient imagination t o give w a r m t h and color to
h e r desires; by this means she raises t h e m to t h e higher
level of affection. B u t she is not able to convert into
affection all her desires, and so she is inconstant in her
loves.
She is a true daughter of nature, living only for happiness. Happiness is h e r right, and since she h a s not been
t a u g h t t h a t this right involves correlative duties, and t h a t
every right is consummated only by fulfilling its ensuing
duty, she never suspeets t h a t her desire to be happy can
PBOMOTEK OP PAN AMERICANISM
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become a n evil thing, Yet she is guilty, without knowing
it, without wishing it, without feeling ít, of a n evil which
would cause her to weep should she ever come to realize
her culpability.
For every fault committed foy a woman some m a n is
responsible; either t h r o u g h injustice, ineptitude or wüful
vileness. A Claudius is always the author of t h e faults of
women like G-ertrude — either t h r o u g h selfishness, lust, or
malice. Woman lives by m a n , as t h e moon relies upon t h e
sun; and as t h e latter gives light to his lesser luminary,
so m a n reflects his virtues and vices in woman. Trained
foy hím, she is his work. A goodly work if t h e a u t h o r be
good; a fiasco if h e be evil.
I n spite of Hamlet's deification of his father, t h e dead
Mng, his father was only a soldier. During t h e frequent
absences of King Hamlet, his wife h a d no other advisor,
no other guide t h a n her brother-in-law, Claudius, a n d no
other training-school save the adulation and silly flattery
of her courtiers.
Her wili was satisfied, her eaprice complied with,
Content with her life, she was happy. She required no
more of others ñor of herself.
Her husband, the king, dies — a n d happiness dons
mourning. With t h e h a n d which h e offers to her, Claudius
restores her royal precedence a n d her happiness. She loved
her first h u s b a n d : why not a second?
There is, for her, no mcompatibility in the two affections. To lo ve one m a n , after having loved his brother,
is no crime. Xnstead, it is a posthumous proof of love to
t h e first-beloved; it is a continuing to love him in his own
flesh a n d blood.
She does not know t h a t her Kamlet died of poison, and
even says in perfect guííelessness to her son: "All t h a t lives
218
E U G E N I O M A R Í A D E HOSTOS.:
must die" (12). She does not know t h a t her former brotherin-law and present husband is responsible for her bereavement, and since she owes to him her reléase from that
unhappy state, she repays her benefactor with love,
It is certain t h a t a single month between the grief paid
to the first and the caresses ceded to the second husband
is a very short time indeed. Certainly also, as the prince
her son says bitterly, ''the funeral bak'd nieats did coldly
furnish forth t h e marriage tables" (13), indeed, as h e has
already said: "Thrift, thrift, Horatio" (14). It was not only
a proof of thrift, but a proof of the na'iveté, the irresponsibüity and the blind sensuality of Gertrude. The dead
kíng must nave been thoroughly aware of her weakness
when, on appearing to his son to charge him to avenge
hím, he insisted t h a t Hamlet lay no blame upon his mother.
She is a mother, she loves as mothers do, she has the
second-sight of mothers, and she is the first to discover in
her son's spirit one of the- griefs t h a t besiege him. When
she cónsults with Claudius and Polonius concerning Hamlet's condition, she denies all their feeble conjectures and
says with unerring instinct: "his father's death and our
o'erhasty marriage" (15) are the causes of his malady.
And how, loving her son, did she not consider the
effect necessarily produced in his sensitivo soul by that
speedy forgetting of his father? That is the question the
poor mother never ceases to ask herself and which she will
never succeed in answering because she does not know
that, in acting in so indecorous, though not criminal, a
fashion, she obeyed the dicta tes of her nature, never directed, but always humored. She is a good mother, but
without moral conscience as a femaie. Only when the
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
Act I , se. 2.
Aet l, se. 2.
lUd,
Act Í L se. 2.
PHOMOTER
O F P A N AMERICA2STSM
219
mother enlightens t h e female, do w& finally behold a
woman. T h a t shameless female, t h a t sensual creature
without fastidiousness in her affections who, because of
her lack of shame, h a s insulted t h e memory of her husband,
a n d for lack of delicacy of feeling h a s marred her one
worthy love (that for her son), proceeds in t h e development
of t h e action t o raise lierself slowly to some conception
of t h e dignity of womanhood — to some idea of responsitoility t h r o u g h remorse, which t h e mere female could not
compass: to a recognition of evil committed unintentionally, to t h e tenderness expected of her sex, a n d to the
realizatíon of spiritual love. T h a t sensual woman is remct a n t l y moved to compassion; a n d when, after seeing her
í'ree herself by degrees from h e r sensual shell, we see her
follow her son with a m a t e r n a l eye; sound his love for
Ophelia; recognize in their love a happiness so different
from her own; open t h e eyes of her conscienee to a fault
committed heedlessly; l a m e n t t h e - d e a t h of Ophelia with
her own h e a r t a n d also with the h e a r t of her son; scatter
flowers on t h e t o m b of t h e sensitive girl whom a single
Mow of adversity h a s cut down; dry with h e r own kerchief
t h e torturad sweat on her son's brow, confident of his
t r i u m p h as every mother is confident of t h e triurnph of
her children; and utter, on dying, t h e supreme exclamación: "O my dear Hamlet" (16) as if t h a t cry contained
a t t h e same time t h e forgiveness of h e r sin, h e r redemption,
t h e transfiguration of a mere female t o a mother and t h e
victory of woman over female — we t u r a to real life and
in each prototype of Gertrude we see what, with the
xeverence of t h e spiritually great 5 Shakespeare saw so
clearly: a statue brought to life, a h e a r t inflamed, a soul
jlluminated.
í 16 >
A c í V , se. 2.
220
EUGENIO MABÍA BE KOSTOSI
OPHELIA
The English translator oí "Wilhelm Meister" transíate»
thus the comparison in which Goethe sums u p his judgment
of Harnlet: "An oak tree is planted in a costly vase, which
should nave borne only beautiful flowers in its bosom; the
roots expand, and the vase is shattered." But this is not
Hamlet; ít suits rather, Ophelia — a crystal spirit, shattered
a t a blow.
The author of "Wilhelm Meister" who was guilty of the
irreverence of passing so lightly over t h a t most delicate of
creations, did not know how to valué Ophelia's finest
atribute — her divine ethereality.
In the dark nights of the Pacific skies, when even the
nearest stars hardly daré to cast their radiance, there
gleams unexpectedly amid the mists a light which glowsr
glides a n d flickers-out. I t is a sigh, a blazing meteor, a
shooting star; although it has lived so short a space, it
has not failed to light the heavens.
So Ophelia is to "Hamlet"; a shooting star against the
sky of t h e tragedy. Hardly does she appear before she
vanishes; she gleams, only to be extinguished. Her outlines
are so vague t h a t they seem to us almost formless; her
flight so rapid t h a t she seems hardly to nave existed. And
yet there is no expression of Ophelia's face, no word from
her lips, no gesture of her hands, or cry of her heart that
does not remain graven upon our minds, t h a t our
consciousness does not treasure indelihly. The shooting star
has fallen and our eyes barely perceive its glowing aura.
Whoever has beheld t h e angelic creature listening 'to
her brother's counsels, submitting her love to her father*s
commands, recounting the unexpected visión of her lover,
stirring his love by her virtue, his virtue by her love,
FROMOTER Oí* PAN AMERICANISM
221
receivlng upon lier sensitive soul t h e laceration of his
amorous brutalities; whoever has beheld her flinging h e r
enlightened spirit into t h e shadows of t h a t chaotic love
which transports her, piunging from t h e suxamit of every
hope to t h e afoyss of sudden madness, singing her tuneless
songs, scattering flowers, throwing herself into t h e water
— as into life, incognizant of t h e risk she r u n s — abandoning herself t o t h e c u r r e n t as she abandoned herself t o
h e r love, without realizing t h a t she was abandoning herself
to t h e rnaelstrom; whoever h a s seen her live a moment,
sufíer so m u c h , die so quickly, sinking into t h e water with
t h e light of a smüe still on her lips, as t h e light of t h e
shooting s t a r disappears in t h e heavens — h a r d of h e a r t
a n d conscience is h e who does n o t waü with h e r in t h e
m o m e n t when she wails: "To h a ve seen w h a t I h ave seen,
see w h a t I seeí" (17) Hardhearted indeed; because there
is a Hamlet in t h e depth of every h u m a n h e a r t a n d in t h e
mases of t h e conscience of t h a t Hamlet there is always t h e
reflection of a light h e could n o t quite capture. T h e light
fades or passes, b u t its afterglow remains, and never, even
when t h e light of Beason illumines t h e dark labyrinth of
Conscience, will t h e heavenly smile r e t u r n to lend joy to
existence.
First love is t h e first form of happiness, perhaps t h e
only form; vague, impalpable, fugítive, like Ophelia. Like
Ophelia, fleeting in reality, b u t eternal in t h e memory a n d
the heart. Lrike Ophelia, a plea in life, a reproach in death.
Like Ophelia, a foam swallowed u p in t h e torrent. Like
Ophelia, a heaven proffered and withdrawn. Never h a s a r t
produced a purer creation, immortalized a more h u m a n
reality, conceived a more luminous t r u t h ,
Art does not declare a fact, it simply suggests it. And
(17)
Aet I I I , se. 1.
222
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOSI
it is permissible to t h i n k t h a t Shakespeare, on giving life
t o his divine t h o u g h t foresaw t h a t in it h e emfoodied forever
t h e eterna! yearnings of t h e h e a r t in all climes, all states,
all qualities of m a n .
To w h a t does feeiing aspire, to w h a t do all normal
beings in t h e heyday of feeling aspire? T h e a t t a i n m e n t of
t h e goiden visión of life. And w h a t do they ask? T h a t
whích Ophelia offers — gentleness, simpücity, t r u t h , sincerity, delicacy of feeling a n d conduct, u t t e r innocence in
all h e r t h o u g h t s a n d desires, a capacity for all t h e affeetions, r a n g i n g from her devotion to h e r brother to the
humble ofoedience vouchsaf ed her father, from t h a t which
makes h e r tremole in the presence of h e r lover to t h a t
which makes her shudder in h e r delirium. And when the
dream of happiness is realizad and t h e forcé of t h a t
t r a n s p o r t surpasses reality a n d there begins a conflict
between t h e ideal a n d t h e real, which is present and yet
remote, a n d reality t r i u m p h s as is right a n d proper t h a t
it should, t h e n m u s t t h e ideal vanish since necessity combats it, doubt besmirches it, impure realities m a k e a mock
of it and it is "thrice denied". B u t if by chance, there
arrives t h a t m o m e n t of heightened reason in which one
sees t h a t there was n o genuíne incompatibility between
the real a n d t h e ideal there is left only t h e memory, a t
once pieasant a n d painf ul, t h e sting which remains fixed in
t h e mind, the insatiable nostalgia which m u s t forever torm e n t feeling,
Such is Ophelia to Hamlet: t h e ideality of the feelings
as opposed to t h e reality of reason. Hamlet's fight to despise a n d deprecíate w h a t h e loves, to m a k e carnal what
h e idolizes, to debauch t h e divine purity of his idol is the
fight which every strong being sustains. The grief, the
agony of Ophelia is t h e grief and agony of every delicately
organized spirit.
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Ophelia is not a character in either the ethical or the
esthetic sense oí the word. Not in the ethical, because she
is a creature without responsibüity. She is too innocent to
recognize evil and too deiicate to resist it. Not from the
esthetic point of view, because the combination of quilities
which she embodies and the combination of circumstances
which surround her do not produce shock or conflict,
victory or defeat, She lores; t h a t is her life and her history.
Through love for her father and her lover she loses her
reason at the first clash. Would she have conquered the
grief of her father's death if, less simple and innocent, she
had been capable of understanding the contradictory love
of Hamlet? Here her character would have been born,
because there would have heen born the determination of
her will toward a fixed end, But here Ophelia would have
reached completion. Ophelia in conflict, in struggle, in moral chaos, in spiritual gestation, her initial attributes
worked upon by sorrow and sophistication, by passion and
adversitjr, would have been a character, a wonian, a heroine.
But — she would not have been Ophelia!
The charm, the delight, the harmony of t h a t ineffable
personality consist in her representing t h a t state of the
human spirit, full of gleaming shadows, of wavering light,
of precious vagueness, of intellectuai and moral twilight,
of celestial chiaroscuro, of doubt and faith, of blind hope
and timid distrust which comprise feeling when feeling
contémplales the harmony of Ufe, when feeling believes
t h a t life is created for it, when it abandons itself joyfully
to life, creator and creatíon of its happiness. Let a dissonance creep in, and feeling draws within its shell, never
again to enjoy on earth or in heaven that harmony of
happiness, t h a t happiness of harmony.
This state ís called love, and it is a state as universal
as it is ephemeral. Every reasoning foeing knows it because
224
EtJGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS:
every reasoning being ñ a s t h e gift of feeling, of appreciatíng, of lovíng t h e beautiful; and the right (properly
exercised) to be happy — to taste t h e beauty which is
found in love.
This universality of feeling, with its very qualities of
vagueness and transiency, never h a s been expressed and
probably never will be expressed with greater verisimilitude
t h a n the expression Ophelia gives it. Life, hístory, stage
a n d novel are full of loves. Of this particular love, the
most universal because it embraces a n entire h u m a n faculty a t the inception of t h a t faculty, there are several
examples in life and in history; in a r t it has only one
expression — Ophelia.
Those who have seen her live as she did, in the perfect
sincerity of her innocence; become mad as she did become
m a d — " T h o u g h t and affliction, passion, hell itself, she
t u r n s to favor and to prettiness" (18) — as her brother puts
ít; die as she did die, passing "from her melodious lay to
muddy death" (19) as Gertrude says ; those who have seen
her with so sweet a brevity declare her love, defend it
with integrity against t h e onslaughts of doubt, subordínate
it to her dignity and her modesty in the happy moment
when she has her lover a t her feet, are prone to fall into
slanderous conjecture on hearing her sing, in her madness,
the provocative ditty of St. Valentine, and therefor doubt
her virginal purity. T h a t doubt is the most complete proof
of the perfection of her ideality. They doubt because every
perfection, real as well as ideal, provokes doubts. Instead
of doubting, they will marvel when they remember t h a t
madness is a disease of the cerebrum, which is t h e center
of the neuro-spinal system, t h a t the sensations produced
(13)
(19)
Act IV, &o. 5.
Act IV, SÍU 7.
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
225
by t h e dementia of these organs are transmitted t o those
most sympathetic to tíiem; t h a n t h a t transmisión a n d t h a t
sympathy, purely organic, cannot be hidden or controlled
when reason, ruler of t h e sensations, is dead; a n d t h a t if
sensation appears to be confused with memory in t h e dementia, it is not memory which dictates t h e sensation; ñor
is the sensation a memory of reality.
Restored to t h e afosolute perfection of her mental and
physical loveliness, Ophelia is more beautiful, purer t h a n
before, because she is no longer a dream bbrn of fancy,
b u t a pulsing reality, a creature of flesh a n d blood, with
functions which stop at nothing in the sublime ideality of
her beauty.
She was a brollen vase, where a n oak was planted
instead of a violet and the vase shattered. Hers was a
erystal heart; instead of submitting it to the gentle tempering of love, it was tried by the pressur-e of the passions — and it broke.
T H E PEINCE
The center of all the characters — as he is of t h e action — t h e feelings, t h e thoughts, t h e judgments, t h e conflict of the prince of Denmark constitute t h e supreme aim,
t h e essential unity of this tragedy. To understand t h e one,
we m u s t understand the other. To understand him, we
m u s t study him, not so m u c h in relation to t h e circumstances in which the poet presents h i m as in t h e reality
whence he h a s drawn him, and in t h e first observation
which h e has made concerning Hamlet.
If Hamlet were not a product of reality h e would be a
monstrousity of sickly ideality. Were h e not a n esthetic
expression of a t r u t h , he would be a repulsive distortion.
But if he were a distortion, he would now be obsolete anct
15
226
E U G E N I O MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
If h e were a monstrousity, h e would be repellent. He is not
obsolete, h e does n o t repel. Aceordingly h e m u s t possess a
foasis of reality. Therefore, h e possesses intense h u m a n interest.
W h a t interest? T h e most h u m a n of all, t h a t which, for
t h e collective good, comes from t h e development of a being
within himself.
Shakespeare h a d observed (and t h e psychological intention of all his creations proves this) t h a t every connict
of reasoning beings in life h a s a personal quality, a deeplying cause, a subjective motive, as a philosopher of art
or of t h e spirit would express it. To relate t h a t inner spring
of actíon to t h e external d e m a n d s of life —- to explain t h e
outer by t h e inner impulse, t h e elements of t h e varied facts
of life hy t h e unfolding of t h e inscrutable t r u t h of t h e spirit — t h a t was t h e purpose of Shakespeare. A chronology
of his works would serve as proof; and should t h e enroñology produce this sequence — Cordelia, Juliet, Desdemona,.
Gertrude, King Lear, Romeo, Othello, Hamlet — t h e sequence would epitomize t h e efforts of t h e poet to proceed
by degrees to t h e first concept which inspired him.
T h a t concept is t h e influence of t h e moral life upon
everyday livíng; t h e influence of each crea ture upon his
adversity or his good fortune; of every idea upon t h e concept of life; of every feeling upon pleasure or pain; of
every act u p o n t h e tranquillity of chaos of our being; of
every manifestation of t h e soul upon the purity or impurity of our relations with mankind; of every ímpetus to
power, moral or intellectual upon the impotency or the
omnipoteney of actual life.
From such a point of view, Hamlet represents a n interlude of the h u m a n spirit, and every m a n is Hamlet a t
some m o m e n t of his life. Hamlet constitutes t h e period óf
transition from one spiritual state to another —. from th&
P B O M O T E R O F FAW
AME3UCANISM
227
state of emotion to the state of reason; fron ideality to
reality, from uneonsciousness to t h e realization of life.
The h u m a n creature begins to live through the senses,
doubles t h a t life by emotion, and intensifies it through
imagination. He feels himself alive, imagines life as h e
feels it, and is happy. Life would be one long sweet dream
if h u m a n heings could remain in t h a t state. E u t they can»
not, for the fabric of the spirit is complex and every hum a n being develops accordlng to the greater or lesser intensity of certain of his faeulties.
This difference of intensity arnong the individual faeulties comprises reality, and this reaiity creates conflict.
The confíict endures, for some, only the spaee of a clocktick; for others ? a fui! period in their life; and for certain
ones, a n eternity in the conscience. The outeome of the
confiíct is seíaure of reality. The poor ín spirit (in Voltaire's sense of t h e word, and ín Christ's) are those who most
quickly seize t h a t reality, the speediest victors in the fight.
Voltaire's "poor in spirit" laugh; Jesus's "poor in spirit"
smile, the former with the relentless triumph of the insensitive, the latter with the benevolent resignation of t h e
humble. The conquerors do not appreciate the cost to
others of t h a t which cost them so little* The conquerors
do not understand why those who fight so long to seize
reality should so resist it. The insensitive commend their
uves to blind chance and chance sweeps them away. The
humble commend their lives to blind faith and faith guides them.
He who entrusts his life to himself and enters the combat realizing his responsibility, desiring to change reality
according to his own judgment, wavers, stumbles, falls. He
rises, retreats, presses forward — and if he succeeds ín
grasping t h e reality of existence, in fulfllling himself therein, in perfecting himself thereby, he will nevertheiess
228
E U G E N I O MARÍA £>E H O S T O S :
always t u r n his spiritual eyes baekward, he will always
have his heart fíxed on t h a t first period of his life, and
will always go on fighting to bring to reality t h a t earlier
conceptíon of life, thus to establish harmony in his soul.
If he establíshes it, he wül be a sound m a n reposing in
victory- But if he does not, his will be a tormented spirit,
eondemned to die in the struggle.
Had Goethe followed thís line of refiection, instead of
perceiving a frail soul torn by the pangs of doubt, he would
have seen what Shakespeare pictures — the h u m a n soul
sounding the depths of reality, in the transit from joy to
sorrow, from the ideal to the real, from the life of the senses to the lífe of the mind, from unconscious life to consciousness.
Let the reader or spectator of "Hamlet" place himself
in thís current of thought and he will have the key to the
enigma, the open sesarne of the mystery, the torch to illum i n e ' t h e obscurity. For the obscurity is not outside, but
within us. And since we are not in the habit of groping
through it, and only the searchlight of the intellect will
pierce it, there is not confusión greater t h a n t h a t of
"Hamlet", for there is no greater obscurity t h a n t h a t of
the innermost processes of our being.
I do not seek to prove t h a t Shakespeare, in creating
his gloomy personification of a soul crisis, thought what I
think. His period spared him the misíortunes of this age.
What I do intend to show is that he conceived the reality
of the truth which I have tried to explain. Surely, guiding
oneself by this truth, the great work may be understood
in all its parts. The exposition of character and the development of the action in "Hamlet" confirm the ideas
which I attribute to the playwright.
Hamlet was young; at the most, he was only thirty
PROMOTER OF PAN AMEBICANISM
229
years oíd, since Yorick, according to the grave-digger (20)
had died twenty-three years before and the prinee, on
pieking up the skull of the clown, recalls the time when
Yorick earried h l m upon his shoulder. At thirty, one is
still capable of love, and Hamlet loved his father, of whom
he held the highest opinión t h a t can be held of any m a n :
"He was a m a n " (21); his mother, the beloved of his father;
his friends for whom he has the same noble words he addresses to Horatio: í£Sir, my good friend" (22); mankind,
for whom he expresses the niost optimistic admiration in
his enthusiastic exelamation: "What a piece of work is a
man! how noble in reason! how infinite in facultyf... how
like an angelí... how like a god!" (23); the world, whose
terrain appears to him to be marveliously constructed,
whose sky seems to him a royal canopy in the beauty of
whose awesome firmainent he reveis. All these affections
are inspired by a lo ve of the Truth, which he seeks in his
studies, and are warmed by his love for the beautiful,
which he concentrates in Gphelia.
I n this one speech we find the entíre mental state of
Hamlet before the changes begin; the pleasure of natural
senses; the pleasure of feeling natural affection; the pleasure of fancying his concepts a certainty and beauty fulfllled. The result: within himself, happíness. Flowing
outward from him towards others, kíndness. He is even
optimistic concerning those primal enemies wno are created not so much through social relationships, as through
intellectual contact with men.
But there is more. The scion of a powerful dinasty,
surrounded by prejudiced friends, ñattered by ohsequious
(20)
(21)
(22)
(23)
Act V, se- i .
Act I, se. 2.
Ibid.
Act II", se. 2.
230
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS!
courtiers, he has no ambition. When, disposed to arouse
this ín him, his uncle's spies maliciously interpret his
eriticism of Denmark as the outcry of baf fled ambition he
answers them: "I could be bounded in a nut-shell and
count myself a king of iníínite space." (24) This lack of
ambition, even in the second stage of his personality, when
ambition might nave aided in the execution of his dark
scheme for vengeance; this contenting himself with little
when his every desire might h a ve been law; this philosophic
estimation of life for what it is worth in itselí, and not
for what externáis can make it, is expressed with intense
terseness in his phrase: "For there is nothing either good
or bad, but thinking makes it so." (25) This denotes in
Hamlet's spirit t h a t deveiopment of ideality which ends
in absolute indifference to reality and which counts reality as nothing.
Ignoring all these instances, Goethe fixes upon only
one to show t h a t Hamlet was a weak m a n wlio, of necessity,
gave into the task he had imposed upon himself. The
premise on which the author of "Faust" founds his arbitrary opinión is this; When Hamlet has just learned from
the lips of his father's ghost t h a t he is chosen to be the
avenger h e exclaims: "O cursed spite! T h a t ever I was
born to set it right! (26), This imprecation is far from being
the key to Hamlet's conduct. It is merely a manifestation
of his innate kindliness, and the first sign of the moral
change which is to engulf him.
Láke all natures ruled by feeling, he is an idealist and
regards life ín terms of beauty, in a desire for good, in the
iight of Truth. Henee the disinterested quality of his life
and the accompanying morality of his actions. Henee also,
(U)
(25)
(26)
Ihid.
IbicL
Act J. se. 5.
PROMOTER OF P A N
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231
t h e terror h e experiences in the first moments of his new
Jife; when a cruel project shapes his existence; when he
m u s t consort with evil, which h e neither knows ñor
uinderstands; when h e must search his conscience, not to
ask its approval of a generous act, but to persuade it of
t h e awful necessity for a vile act. He has ioved; now he
m u s t hate. T h a t is t h e terrible necessity which he encounters in the first step on his new path, and t h a t is the necessity which h e abominates.
Like all idealists, Hamlet lacked the corrupt Reason
which, on a á m i t t m g evil into being, declares it necessary.
The offspring of t h a t corrupt Reason is the Will, essentially
corrupt, which we nave already found in Claudius, Not
having in his spirit t h e ímpetus toward evil, Hamlet must
cultívate t h a t Will which commits speedily, calmly, and
unscrupulously t h e crime deemed obligatory. The Will is
t h e h u m a n faculty most closely relatad to t h e animal in
m a n . For this reason, the Will obeys so unquestioningly
t h e instincts and is so variable in its deeds. I n animáis a n
instrument of t h e ínstínct of self-preservation, t h e violence
of the Will is in direct ratio with the impulsión of t h a t
instinct. An instrument for good in reasoning foeings, evil
would not exist if the reasoning being had no instincts.
But he h a s them, and when they most domínate t h e
Reason, then do they most wickedly influence t h e Will.
Animáis work injury, b u t not evil, because with Reason
lacking, moral responsibility for their actions is lacking
also. Rational beings work evil because, possessing Reason
to control their animal instincts, yet they direct their Wül
by those instincts instead of directing it by their Reason,
a faculty which can well distinguish between good and
evil, and which is responsible for whatever acts it permits.
As Reason is sometimes purely theoretical a n d sometimes practical and ecléctica!, so there is a rational Will
232
E U G E N I O M A R Í A DE H O S T O S :
and an instinctive Will. The rational Will is always secóndary, a faculty subordínate to another, simply a tool of
Reason. The instinctive Will is most predominant. The
former accomplishes both good and evil, aceordíng to the
mandates laid upon it, and nearly always obeys the
impulsión toward good. The latter inevitably works evil
because it is evil — in spite of the good it occasionally
accidentally produces, obeying a depraved Reason, a corrupt feelíng, a base instinct.
If, in a spiritual struggie, Instinct conquers Reason,
the malign Will is victorious. If Reason conquers Instinct,
the rational Will is victor. Which Will is stronger? That
which instantly obeys the instincts, forcing Reason to
withdraw, or t h a t which continually resists the instincts.
submitting itself always to Reason?
Ordinarily, History and Society say the first, Conscience
and Truth the seeond. But as History realizes its duties,
and Society its rights, both pay tribute to the virtuous Will
which yields to Reason, even while they continué to reward
the corrupt Will which triumphs over moral hesitations.
Claudius represents the triumph of a wicked Will;
Hamlet exemplifies a virtuous Will which succumbs. Here.
leaving aside all prejudice, puré Reason is the judge. It
íinds evil in Claudius and good in Hamlet.
Hamlet, obedient to the voice of Reason, hearkening
to the dictates of his Conscience, accustomed by the generosity of his life to idealize everything, transmuting
Ufe into the ideal, and thereby patterning his own life
after t h a t iideal, never uses his baser Will. The World,
Society, individuáis, the very mystery of his being, all are
a part of him. When Reality contradicts his ideal he
withdraws into the ideal to forget Reality; when the world
shatters his conception of it, he rebuilds t h a t conception
within his mind; when society betrays him, he turns to
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
233
t h a t rosy drearn in his heart of a perfect brotherhood;
when men disgust him, h e seeks in himself the first type
of h u m a n being, and, opposing this to t h e repulsive forgeries, t h e vile parodies and shameful mockeries encountered in Reality, he fortifíes himself by pride and a will
toward good to remain w h a t h e is. He fortifies himself
with his own optimism and modesty in order to continué
Judging others as h e judges himself.
And if pride says to him, "You will never cease to be
w h a t you nave been", modesty persuades h i m t h a t since
he is no better t h a n t h e others, the others must be the
same as he.
Aíl education, no matter how uninspired, necessarily
develops spiritual powers, and in every spirit are evolved
those powers which naturally predomina te in the personality. Hamlet's home training — beloved by his íamüy,
cherished by affection, spurred on by every hope — nourished the development of sensibility; his mental training
nourished t h e development of idealíty. If his life t a u g h t
him to love because he was lovable, his books t a u g h t h i m
to take for reality those happy perspectives of his life,
since he was prone to convert into general truisms and
concepts t h e practieal deeds, varied beliefs a n d prejudiced
conclusions of Reality. This was his conception of life: a
flawless satisfaction. This was his conception of mankind:
all m e n must be like my father a n d me. MI women must
be like my motlxer a n d Ophelia. This was his conception
of Society: a fraternal pact among men who loved one
another as he loved his friends.
Up to this point, h e had no need of Will because he
lived in himself a n d of himself. But real life is a maze of
relationships — with Nature, where there is belief in a
principie, with Society, where there is belief in a law, with
oneself where there is belief in unity. So long as Nature,
234
E U G E N I O MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
Society aixd one's own entity concur, harmony obtains.
When discord enters, there is strife. In the structure of
liarmony, Nature has a ñame-—that of Creator; a personificaron, the darkly luminous one of God. Society has a
form — Brotherhood; a representative — majestic Humaníty. The Ego has a n essence, Spirit; an aspect, the
august one of primitive Man. But in the structure of
strife, Nature, Society and. Being are all devoid of everything; no God, no Humanity, no Man.
Between one structure and the other there is an abyss
which destroys or redeems when we pass from one spiritual
state to another. The profundity of this abyss, the unknown
which lurks within its depths, the light or gloom which
emanates from it, the necessity of plumbing it to its
nethermost retreat, in order to ascend from the eaverns
to the peaks, from darkness to radiance: t h a t is what constituyes a moral upheaval.
Such was the travail suffered in the spirit of Hamlet.
Such is the struggle unfolded in the action of the tragedy.
E X P O S I T I O T í — T H E ACTXQN
Hamlet is studying in Wittenberg when his first
misfortune befalls in Elsinore: his father dies. He leams
of it and comes home. On bemoaning his grief upon his
inother's heart, he fails to find there the answering grief
which he has sought and expected. His mother is incapable
of sharing his feelings because shé is not bereft as he is:
she has married agaln. With his first sorrow, therefore,
comes his first disülusionment.
But whom has his mother married? The orüy m a n that
Hamlet cannot admire, because he is the m a n who, though
he should resemble Hamlet's father most, resembles him
least: his únele. Claudius is as like his brother as is a
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
235
satyr to Hyperion (27). Here, witb. t h e first sorrow a n d
t h e first disillusionment, comes Hamlet's first contempt.
And how long since his father died? A single month. A
single m o n t h and Gertrude wed again! At this, the
contemp is heightened by desperation. And why h a s his
mother married his únele? His únele is a satyr, a miserable
slave to t h e flesh. Can it be t h a t his mother, too, bears t h e
same stigrna? Hamlet h a s loved his mother because h e
foelieved her worthy of his father. Is she not? He feels t h e
first pangs of t h e most horrifying* of doubts.
And what motive h a d his únele in marrying t h e queen
so speedily? Were it a n ordinary motive, surely h e would
have waited. B u t he did not wait, a n d this h a s caused t h e
eountry to marvel and conjecture. Was it ambition? When
ajnbition h a s no generous impulsión, it has the aspect of
crime! Before t h a t tremendous fact all Hamlet's spirxt
writhes. He sees his father, good, healthy, robust, full of
irigor, suddenly struck down, and sees his únele occupying
his conjugal hed and his throne.
W h e n sotrowe come, tbey come rjot « a g l e sples,
But m b a n a l i o n s (28).
And the suspicion of a n awful erime, under t h e most
terrible of circumstances tortures Hamlet's spirit along
with the loss of his father; t h e loss, still living, of his
mother; t h e wreekage of his dearest illusions; t h e imminent
slaughter of his happiness. He h a s been trusting; now h e
is doubtful. The era of faith h a s vanished, as a t a lightning
stroke, to give place in his soul to the terrifying era of
doubt.
One thing he h a s salvaged from his shipwreck: h e loves
(27)
(28)
Act I, se. 2.
Act IV, ac. 5.
236
E U G E N I O MARÍA B E HOSTOS".
Opheüa. The gentle girl confesses it to her father: "He
has of late made many tenders of his affection to me" (29).
Polonius confirms this when, shortly afterwards, he reads
to the sovereigns the letter whieh the filial Ophelia has
yielded to him — addressed by Hamlet to "The celestial,
and my soul's idol" (30). In that letter which goes on:
''Doubt truth to be a liar;
B u t n e v e r d o u b t I l o v e . , . I h a v e n o t art t o reason m y goans;
fout t h a t I love t h e e Lest 5 o most best, believe i t . . . " (31).
there is, not only the confession of his love, but the hope
of redemption through love. Since he has taegun to doutat
everything, he is willing that his beloved should share
that doubt, but as in order to permit himself to love her.
he finds it necessary to invoke her as 4<0 most bestí" and
glorify her in his mind to the extent of endowing her with
all the virtues, he puts trust in their love, his for her, hers
íor him, the only happiness he dares hope for, and thus he
begs her not to doubt his love.
She will not doubt, ñor die in doubt; he, however, will
mortify his love in order to justify his doubt.
If, In Ophelia, love constitutes faith, in Hamlet it is
more hope than faith; he does not wholly give in to it.
Instead of calling upon it to assuage his grief, he shuts it
off from his grief, and never, either alone, or among others,
either hugging or hiding his heartbreak does he allude
to it. He has confessed his love, he has bound himself to
it by the tender confession, and here he is: solitary, as
he is seen always in the critical moments of the drama,
as he sentenees himself to be, wronging the memory of the
(29)
(30)
(31)
Act I, se. 3.
Act Í I , se. 2.
IbiíK
FROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
237
f inest of women hy eondemning in a single a n a t h e m a , t h e
Jírailty of woman. "Frailty, tíiy ñ a m e is w o m a n ! " (32).
For, n o m a t t e r how good Ophelia, how can she n o t be
irail, since lie h a s found his mother so? And despite his
great love for t h e only creature he can still love, despite
his need of t h a t love, how can h e submit himself t o it
utterly, when he m u s t probé and probé the mystery which
toefogs it?
His mother married to his únele not two m o n t h s after
t h e d e a t h of his f ather — a n d m u s t h e look u p o n it silently, m u s t he feel his h e a r t so t o r n a n d not cry out? If
Ood h a d not denounced suicides, he would kill himself. He
prefers suicide to crime a n d h e realizes t h a t he will be
called upon to commit a crime: "It is not, ñor it cannot
come to good" (33). For a m o n t h h e h a s been repeating
this phrase, for it is a m o n t h since his mind separated
itself from t h e t h o u g h t a n d feeling of the world around
him, it is a m o n t h since he fell from his oíd a n d lofty state
to t h e d a r k abyss of t h e new life he m u s t now pursue. He
has nothing in common with other beings; they are of his
kind, b u t n o t of his composition. They do wrong, a n d they
praise the wrongdoing. He cannot endure it. They sin for
convenience or pleasure; he shrinks from sinning even a t
t h e demand of duty. He isolates himself because he m u s t
analyze his new state; he seeks solitude because he needs
It in order to think, undistracted; he forswears t h e society
of m e n because they are toadies to F o r t u n e and instmetive
enemies of distress. He weeps alone, laughs and jests in
company; here, all t h e world lurks in ambush for him;
there, only his Conscience judges him.
Even the company of his friends disturbs him, and when
Horatio comes to him, he t u r n s to flee; b u t this is Horatio,
(32)
<33)
Act I, se. 2.
IbicL
238
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
his friendj his intímate, and for a moment, the oíd Hamlet
emerges and in the confidence oí oíd affection, tells his
íriend t h a t he sees his father within his "mind's eye".
Iloratio:
Hamlet:
Horatiai
Hamlet:
Horacio:
Hamlet;
Horatio:
Hamlet:
My lord, I think I saw him yesterjnight.
Saw? W h o ?
My LordL, the king y erar father,
Th© King my father!...
But where waa ibis?
My lord, upon the platform wheee we watehed.
Did yon not apeak to i t ?
My lord» I did,
But anewer made it neme...
'Tís very strange (34).
And Hamlet is silent awhile. Whether it be the ghost of
his Conscience or of his father, Hamlet hímself has seen
it in his fancy, and knows why it appears; thus he is
struck speechless and thus he ponders upon its strangeness.
He recovers, to demand:
Hatul&t:
Hold you the watch tG-uight?
\
í
Ber.
W e do, my lord (35),
And Hamlet returns to his meditation; but the coincidence of the ghost intrigues him and exclaíms:
Hamlet:
Mes-,
n
Ber.
Hamlet:
„
*
Ber+
Hamlet:
(34)
(35)
Arm'd» yon say?
}
s
^
A r m dv luy lord.
F r o m top to toe?
>
My lord, from head to foot.
\
T h e n saw vou not Ms fae«?
Act I, se. 2.
Ibid.
FBOMOTKK OF PAN AMSRICANISM
Horotio:
Hamlet;:
Horotio:
Hamlet:
Horaiio:
Hamlet:
Horotio:
Hamlet:
Hatatio:
Hamlet:
Horotio:
Hamlet:
Horotio:
Hamlet:
239
Oh, yes, ray l o r d ; he wore his beaver upS
W h a t , iook'd h e frownmgly?
A eotmtenanee m o r e i n sorrow than in anger.
P a l é or r e d ?
Nay, very palé.
A n d fix'd his eyes u p o n you?
Most eonstantly.
I vvotild I liad been there.
I t would bave nmch amaxed you.
Very líke, very like. Stay'U it long?
"While one with modérate baste migiht tell a htmdred...
H i s beard was grizzled? N o ?
I t was, as I bave seeat it i n bis life, a sable silver'd.
1*11 watch to-níght; Fercbancft 'twili walk again... If ít assauíe iwy
noble íather'a person, FU speak to it... Aitd wbatsoever else
shalí hap tonjght, Give it a n underatasiding but no tongrae: I
I w í l l requite yowr leves. So fare ye well (36).
And lie remains alone. No. He continúes in the same
company as before: the same extraordinary circumstances;
t h e same consternation, t h e same presentiment t h a t t h e
mysterious apparition is about to confirm his suspicions.
My fallieras spirit in a r m s ! . , . Wotiid tbe ni#ht were «orne!
Till then, sit slill, my soul: foul deeds vrill risej
Though all the earth o'erwhelm them, to raen1» eyes (37).
Then there toas a foul deed! Hamlet has declared it in
his Conscience, b u t it is Conscience, rulad by f eeling, which
speaks, a n d it fears to err; it vacillates and every vacillation
deepens t h e utter darkness of his spirit.
The scene is overcast with this- moral gloom when
Ophelia appears and illumines it. She discusses her
awakening lo ve for Hamlet with her forother and defends
it against her father's doubts. She has spoken four words.
(36)
(37)
Ibid.
Act l, se. 2,
240
EUGENIO MAKÍA BE HOSTOS!
They are enough. No one can f ail to realize two things —
t h a t Ophelia loves Hamlet; and t h a t her ehildlike and
angelic love should suffice to heal the young prince's heart.
Will it suffice? And as the gifted poet-psychologist divined
on interposing this touehing scene between two of the
play's most decisive ones, the interest heightens, the
breathless anxiety of the spectator is doubled.
And when, in the following scene he presents Hamlet,
and not long after calis forth the awesome apparítion,
tnose who see in it no more t h a n a visualization of the
prince's Conscience, as well as those who see in the ghost
a soul in pain which has struggled to win its way from
\mknown regions to set in raotion a vengeance which
should have been renounced, hope t h a t the revelations of
the supernaturai will not verify Hamlet's suspieions, and
lecalling Ophelia, hope for her sake and Hamlet's, that
the prince's mind raay he healed, his only cure Ophelia's
love.
Love! "His affections do not t h a t way tend" (38). The
road he takes is hatred and vengeance. And it is fatal.
Where one end is opposed by another, the weaker is ever
swallowed up by the more powerful. A weak, shadowy hope
is his love; a strong and bitter conviction is his doubt.
Hamlet thinks only of viewing with the eyes of his soul
the actual figment of his suspicion—the hellish or heavenly
confirmation of the doubt which gnaws a t his heart.
And here is his doubt incorporated in an actual visión —
the ghost of his father. He has been anxious for night to
fall t h a t he may see it, and now he sees it, he trembles.
With fear? But why? "What should be the fear?" (39)A thread is worth mor^ t h a n this existence of his. And
he is right. Existence without some useful aim is surely
(38)
(39)
Claudius to Polonius. Act III, se, 1.
Act I , se. 4.
PROMOTBR O F PAN AMERICANISM
241
worth less t h a n a thread; with t h e t h r e a d even a child's
h a n d m a y work something useful. Then why does h e
tremble? Por his soul? How could t h e ghost affect him,
"foeing a t h i n g immortal as itself"? (40). Why does h e
tremble? Because n o one encounters t h e u n k n o w n wíthout trembling. The unknown, for Harnlet, is n o t the revelation to be m a d e to h i m by t h e dead, b u t t h e dreadful
power with which h e will t h e n be armed. He knows w h a t
the apparition h a s to say to him, for his prophetic soul
h a s forewarned h i m ("O, m y prophetic soul!") (41).
Accordingly h e possesses a terrible power; w h a t will h e do
with it? He doubts his únele a n d h e believes in his doubt.
Doubt once confirmed is no longer a n uncertainty. W h a t
remains? The inheriting of a crime which repels him, t h e
patrimony of a vengeance which he abhors; a n d t h e
horrendous power of visioning beyond the semblance of
men a n d things, the bitter reality of things a n d men. "O,
horrible! O, horrible, most horrible" (42). A power, a
liundred times, a thousand, t e n t h o u s a n d times more
horrible t h a n the injustice which t h e p h a n t o m mourns.
Hamlet divines t h a t no good can come of it, and t h e
apparition suggests to h i m t h a t he is not in error. Hamlet
knows now t h a t there has been a crime a n d there is yet
a crime — t h a t in the crime is enmeshed t h a t which is
sacred to him: his mother. He is sure t h a t t h e placid a n d
obsequious únele was the a u t h o r of the supposed crime
and is alone the villain. And now Hamlet m u s t employ
evil to work good. He reminds himself t h a t h e has sworn
to remember forever t h a t his father dies poisoned by his
únele, to work the vengeance t h a t his father requires
of him.
(40)
(41)
(42)
16
Act I, se. 4.
Act L se. S.
Ibíd.
242
EUGEHIO MARÍA BE HOSTGS*.
O, all yon host of heaven! O, eartii! Whíít vise?
And shall I couple h e í l ? . . .
Hold, Iiold, my beart...;
Rememfoer t h e e !
Yea, from the taihle of ray memory
F l l wipe away all fond trivial record»,
All gaws oí books, all forras, all presstires pagt,..
O most pemicious woman!
O villain, villain, smiling, daimied villain!
My tables»— Meet it is I get it dowu,
That one tnay smile, and smile, and be a villain (43).
Hosts of heaven and earth and thou, too, hell, shall be
witnesses t h a t Hamlet has sworn to remember forever that,
aithough he once dreamed securely in his faith in good,
evil has enveloped and wounded him in the death of his
íather, in the loss of faith in his mother's purity; in the
loss of the confidence which men inspired in him, loss
of the love with which he once regarded every living
creature. Be witnesses t h a t never, never, will he forget
this, and t h a t the better to hold it foefore him so long as
he lives, from today forth, he severs himself from his past ?
he wrenches from his heart the last affection which clings
there, he erases from his mind the dogmas of t h a t wisdom
he once admired. And t h a t he may not despise his mother,
he despises t h a t most pemicious of h u m a n beings — Woman. The more firmly to set himself against evil men, he
seeks to drive himself to t h a t point whére h e will be sure
t h a t he can do evil with the same smile with which he
f ashioned good.
The first step, then, in the revolution is determined.
When we say of a man, "A certain thing happened to him
and he has changed", we say t h a t he has suffered the
(is)
ibia.
PROMOTEK OF PAN AMEKICANISM
243
impact of a new spirit with which h e knew or did not
know how to deaL When Hamlet ereets a barrier agaínst
t h e past, which for h i m is irrevocafoly dead, a n d enters
upon a n unknown epoch, he does not say what h e will do,
lie does n o t plan his deed, h e wishes r a t h e r to do nothing;
h e only feels, h e only realizes t h a t between the past a n d
the present there is a dreadful abyss, t h a t t h a t abyss
engulfs a memoiy, t h a t in t h a t memory lies his certainty
t h a t a m a n m a y smile and be a villain, a n d t h a t Woman
is perfidious. When a revolution takes place in a belief,
a n institution, or a society, no one knows what m a y follow;
one knows only t h a t between the point of departure a n d
the goal, there is a gulf. W h a t we do know is t h a t Society,
t h e nation, the soul, the m a n , moved by cataclysm, will
not emerge from it as they entered.
The gentle, benevolent, optimistic, generous Hamlet
h a s just experieneed a moral convulsión. Now h e is not
what he was. Now he does not even retain confidence in
Horatio. To the queries of his friend, he replies with
ambiguities which h ave significance only for himself — to
the proofs of devotion offered him, he responds only with
injury, a n d he insists ten times t h a t Horatio swear to keep
secret w h a t he h a s seen. To the simplest phrases Hamlet
gives a n intensity of meaning which Horatio, ignorant of
the storm which has seized the mind of his friend, a n d
ignorant too t h a t with each mental transforma tion, there
appears a n outer one, takes for madness, Hamlet, amazed
a t the change in his speech occasioned hj his inner suffering, determines to profit by it and feigns madness. It
is n o t necessary t h a t h e feign it. To be sure, h e is n o t
mad, ñor will he become mad, But he h a s convered in a
single stride all the distance t h a t lies between ideal
optimism a n d t h e extreme of pessimism, and it is sufficient
only t h a t those around h i m misunderstand his speech, his
244
E U G E N I O MAHÍA B E H O S T O S :
actions, his desires and his feelings, in order fox* them to
believe him mad,
He has lost all the support, mental and moral, which
once resided within him, and he ís helpless. He must gird
hímself with an artificial strength, and he seeks it in his
slyness, his rudeness, in the irony generated by his intention, in the sarcasrns, which flow from his lips, in mockery,
in disdain, in the hatred with which, from his new point
of view, he comes to regard life, society and mankind.
Hamlet believes t h a t he alone is responsible f or his present
moods, but there is really nothing here which is not a
direct or indirect result of his new state. A transitory state,
in individuáis as in Society, characterized by the kind of
fury evidenced in reaction against the former condition,
hurling to earth idols once adored, elevating doubt and
cynicism to the category of high reason, taking for a
sign of strength t h a t which is a mark of weakness,
numbering among the evils most repellant those vhich
once — ideas, persons, relations, emotions — were blessed
and loved as good and God-given. Behind this transitory
state, there is strength because in t h a t which folíows lies
progress, and progress is only the addition of achievements
newly effected to those previously attained. He denies all
good categorically and he is dedicated to evil.
To cap his weakness, and also as a fatal result of the
crisis he has already entered upon, he will nave strength
to work the undesired evil, yet he will abstain from t h a t
which seems to him necessary — he will be heroic refraining
from becoming a n instrument of evil, and he will be
powerless to make evil an instrument.
He will commit the evil which he abhors, and his Joy
in the evil will be in proportion to his suffering. He will
believe t h a t thus he may accustom himself to the grief of
sinning.
FBOMOTER OF FAH AMERICANISM
245
W h a t was it t h a t Hamlet most loved when he conceived
himself obligated to disenchant himself of all love? Ophelia?
Then it is certain t h a t he will seek out Ophelia, to t o r m e n t
himself by tormenting her. Here is t h e one idol of his
past, a n d h e feels the need to fling it to t h e ground,
trample it underfoot. He will go —• driven by a n instinct
for self-preserva tion, to seek solace in h e r innocence, light
from her spirit to oppose t h e shadows from which h e is
íleeing, a n d seeing her, h e will marvel to see t h e woman
in t h e ángel a n d will shrink from t h e ángel because h e
h a t e s Woman. Seeing in her a t t h e same time, t h e hope
of t h a t good which he h a s held of angels» t h e conviction
of evil which h e senses in women, h e will express in silence
his terrific struggle. He will take her violently by the h a n d ;
he will gaze a t her, stare a t her, examine her; h e will move
his head a s one shakes one's head to express t h e deep
anguish of doubt united with a farewell to all hope; h e
will take leave of his idol in gloomy silence, a n d once
removed forever from its graces, will be far from all graces,
a n d from the idol which evoked them, his eyes still t u r n i n g
backward.
Esthetics predicate psychoiogy; art, science, reality,
t r u t h . Here is Ophelia, her eyes a n d her soul fixed upon
ínfinity, í g n o r a n t of w h a t h a s happened, in spite of her
description to her father.
Polonius;
Ophelia:
Polonius:
Ophelia:
How now. Oplielia? Whal's tbe matter?
O, my lord, my lord, I have been so afírighted.
With what, i' the líame of God?
My lord, as I was Bewing m tny eloset,
Lord Hamlet, with his doublet all umbraced,
No hat upon his head, his stockings fonPd,
Ungarter'd and down-gyved to his ankle;
Palé as his shirt, his knees knocking each other,
And with a look so píteoiss in pnrport,
246
Potoniun:
Ophelia,:
Poloniíís:
Ophelia:
EUGENIO MARÍA. DE HOSTOS^
As if he liad been looíred otit oí hell,
To apeak of horro rs, he comes before me.
Mad for thy love?
My lord, I do not know.
But truly, I do fear it.
What said h e ?
H e toofc me by tlie wrist and held me h a r d ;
Then goes he to the length oí ali bis arm.
And with his other hand thua o'er his brow,
H e faíLs to surli perusal of my face
As he would draw it. Long 6tay*d he s o ;
At last, a little shaking of mine arm,
And thrice his head ¿bus waving mp and down,
H e raised a eigh «o piteous and profotmd
As if did aeem to shatter all his b u l k
And end his b e i n g : that done, he lets me go:
And with bis heaá over his shonlder ínmM,
He seem'd to find his way withont his eye&;
For out o* doots h e went withom their lielps,
And to ihe last hended their Hght on roe {44),
This silerxt scene would have been incomprehensible if
enacted, and so the poet has not presented it, b u t has
descritaed it.
Never has art offered a more delicate testimonial of
its faeuity for diviníng the truth. Had the poet staged
t h a t scene, he wonld have obscured the light it radiated;
ciescríbíng it, and placing the description on the lips of
Gphelia, not only has he suceeeded in expressing with
claríty the state of Hamlet, but he has envisaged the deep
grief which it presages, The spectator has hoped t h a t the
moral crisis of the unhappy Hamlet may be ended by the
redemptory love of Ophelia; t h a t most innocent of creatures harbored the same hope. But one has no ríght to such
(44)
Aet I I , se. 1,
PfíOMOTER
OF PAN
AMBRICANÍSM
247
a n expectation. The unf olding of t h e action a n d the moral
development of the protagonist are t h e same t h i n g in
^Hamlet". The action follows t h a t of t h e hero like the echo
of his voice. When t h e workxng of t h e doubt is ended, so
will be ended t h e exposition of t h e tragedy.
T h u s in the intellectual, moral, political crises of
humanity. When all is destroyed, both good a n d evil, there
begins the task of reconstruction. One reseues from the
shards t h e good which was shattered; one knits together
t h e good a n d even t h e ill which h a s survived; a n d slowly»
laboriously, t h e edifice is re-erected,
D E V K L O P M S N T OT T H E P L O T
Hamlet n o longer doubts. He knows t h r o u g h t h e voice
of his Conscience or from t h e other world t h a t his father
died from poison, t h a t t h e poisoner was his únele; t h a t
t h e motive for t h e murder was ambition; t h e incentive of
t h e crime, lust. He knows t h a t t h e t r i u m p h a n t murderer
oceupies t h e throne a n d t h e concupiscent villain oceupies
t h e marriage bed of his father. He knows t h a t his mother's
dishonor is t h e work of the criminal. He knows t h a t from
these things proceed all t h e disillusionment t h a t h e h a s
suffered in his beliefs, his hopes, his love.
W h a t will h e do? Since t h e populace love h i m so m u c h
(as Claudius says, Act IV, scene 7) one m o m e n t of determined action would avenge him. His vengeance approved
from t h e very tomb, a single bold stroke could satisfy it.
B u t h e does n o t seize t h e opportunity which ambition
offers him, a n d before killing t h e criminal outright, h e
m u s t probé with intrepid Reason t h e depths of t h e problem.
T h a t this state disturbs his enemy; t h a t t h e latter
sends for two of Hamlet's oíd playmates to convert t h e m
into spies upon t h e prince's t h o u g h t s and acts; t h a t Po-
248
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
loníus importunes him, obeying a t the same time his desire
to please the King and his own determination to prove
t h a t t h e princeps madness is not dangerous; t h a t Gertrude
begins to lose her complacence in her sensual felicity; t h a t
Ophelia mourns the loss of her happy iliusions; t h a t
Claudius is pondering the new crime which is suggested to
him by his instinct for self-preservation, deepened by his
evil n a ture — none of this matters a t all to Hamlet. He
appears indifferent to it all, the more keenly h e realizes it.
He is absorbed only in himself, only in the changes
taking place within his own spirit. If he could control
t h a t change he would save himself. He is struggling to
control it, to make it his creation, the product of his reason
and his own strength. He h a s overeóme all reasonable doubt
and he is calm. But the doubt of conscience has begun, and
h e is involved in the struggle. He is certain t h a t evil has
been done. But he is not so certain t h a t he h a s the right
to do evil too,
Of all his inner forces, the only one which up to now
has accepted the necessity for evil is his n a t u r a l feeling.
F a r from urging h i m toward evil, his reason halts him
a t each step, a n d in every impulse of outraged sentiment,
in every uprush of hate, in every tremor of his mutilated
affections, h e is bridled by his reason, which sometimes
lays upon him the necessity to investígate t h e most abstruse
causes, which other times forces him to search himself,
the subject and object of his contemplation, with the cold
scrutiny which he formerly applied to the study, examination and analysis of external life.
Reason is merely cognizant; it neither approves ñor
disapproves what oceurs; however, there is a more austere
counsellor, a sterner voice within Hamlet which, the more
it disapproves a n d condemns the evil which Hamlet contemplates, the more it urges abstention from t h a t evil.
FHOMGTER OF PAN AMJ3RICANÍSM
249
The Will, briedled and denied, chafes a t the bit, demands
to respond to feeling, elamors to hurí itself forward, to
destroy, annihilate, glut itself, conciude a t one blow this
searing comfoat; and in every circumstance of the action, in
every event, every deed, it finds a pretext to forcé the action, to impel t h e event, to demand deeds; to bring out
into the open t h a t fearful struggle taking place in the
labyrinths of t h e spirit.
The players who are performing a t Elsinore provi&e
Hamlet with t h e opportunity which his inflamed Will and
his hate-poisoned heart require,
If t h e actor plays t h e role which Hamlet offers him and
Claudius involuntarily betrays himself on seeing enacted
before him t h e infamous crime h e has eommitted — with
what right, in whose ñame, must Hamlet's conscience continué to restrain h i m from t h e evil which will save hím
from further evil and evüdoers? T h a t the crime did occur,
Reason assures him; t h a t another crime is necessary, his
heart asserts; t h a t t h e second crime is justified, his tormented Will declares. Is it not t h e duty of his conscience
to consent?
The actor who has just recited in Hamlet's play, abashes the prince. He has pronounced the words of a hero
and h a s been moved thereby, has wept and h a s moved and
made to weep all those who heard t h e declamation. But
Hamlet, who bears in his soul the sharpest sorrow, who
suffers a real bereavement, who h a s witnessed the dishonor of his mother and the t r i u m p h of his únele, who
mourns a n iniquitous death brought upon his father by
the daring malefactor, feels nothing, does not suffer, and
has not even succeeded in causing to suffer those who
nave embittered his whole existence. Has he no will, no
courage? Is he a coward? From no one would he endure a
personal affront; from no one would he tolérate a n open
250
E U G E N I O MARÍA IHE H O S T O S :
insult; a n d yet he allows to go unptmished this crime
which he so curses and ahominates!
He remains alone a n d meditates t h e mystery in his
anguish:
Now I ana alone,
O, what a r o g u e and peasant slave am ÍI
Is it not monstrous t h a t this player liere,
B u t i n a fictioo, i n a dream of passioii,
C e u l d íoixe his son! so to his own conceit...
A n d all for n o t h i n g !
F o r Heettba!
What's Hecviba to liim or he to Hecuba,
T h a t h e should ween for h e r ?
W h a t would he do
H a d h e the motive and the ene Sor pasaio»
T h a t I h a v e ? H e would díown. the stage ivith tears...
M a k e niad the goilty...
Yet I ,
A dull and muddy-niettled rascal, jaeak,
L i k e John-a-dreams...
A n d can say n o t h m g . . . ;
Ani I a coward?
W h o calis m e villain? (45).
And h e continúes his magnif icent monologue. A monologue t o t h e spectator, a dialogue to himself, for ín h i m
struggle t h e Conscience which will n o t let h i m decide a n d
his Will, determined to overthow irresolute Conscience,
Such secret stmggles take place daily within t h e h u m a n
spirit. I n proportion to t h e revolution within t h e soul
are t h e depth a n d difficulties of t h e combat. A good m a n
is almot always weak. Why? Because h e loses in those
secret struggles t h e swift oceasion to enforce his will, since
he fears to exercise it in t h e cause of evil. The stronger his
(45)
Act II, se. 2.
PROMOTEK OF PAN AMERICANISM
251
reason, the more complete his conviction of evíl, the clearer
his appreciation of the reality and the stronger and surer
sind clearer his judgments of the world and of himself:
then all the greater must be his obstinacy against doing
evil and the deeper-rooted in his soul must be that tranquil
Will which prizes virtue and which heroically opposes the
Will toward evil.
These prodigious conflicts are silent and unwitnessed,
and those who possess the greatness to endure them, arrive
at a moment of desperate anguish in which, judging
themselves with the wisdom with which they hope to he
judged by others, they accept evil as a eategorícal mándate of reality, as a necessity of existence.
Hamlet arrives at t h a t moment, when he communes
with himself thus. And he determines upon eviL
To provoke hün, to make him alert and suspicious,
tliere are the exterior circumstances: there are Claudios
mná his spies, tacitly allying themselves for a crime. Up
till now, the hypocrisy of Claudius has concealed from.
the spies his designs, but now comes the moment to reveal
them, and Claudius knows t h a t he can count upon. the
two xnexi to carry out his purpose. Claudius is about to
íearn for himself what he can anticípate; he is about to
secrete himself with Polonius to overhear what Hamlet
says to Ophelia, who, with her father and even Gertrude,
belevies so f irmly t h a t love can heal the prince's madness
t h a t Claudius decides to see with his own eyes and hear
with his own ears the vagaríes of a passion which he does
not credit. Once determined upon his own crime, a further
eonfirmation of his fears will be yet another proof to justify his murderous intent.
He hides and he sees Hamlet approach alone, his head
bowed, wrapped in thought. What is it t h a t h e ponders
and meditates so? He is thinking out his cloudy problem;
252
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
pondering the uttermost cause; exploring the final and
recondite principie. He h a s determíned to do evil, and t h a t
evil m u s t t a k e for its expression, Death. W h a t is Death?
The cessation of being. But w h a t is being? A problem of
two unknowns; a n abyss between two invisible frontiers.
To solve t h e problem, to bridge t h e abyss, t h a t is the
question. For Claudius if h e kills him; for himself if h e
decides neither to pardon him ñor kill him.
And which is worthier of the soul, of t h a t soul of Man
with its power to think, to feel, to love: resignation t o
suffering or rebellion against it? To kill or to die oneself ?
"To die: to sleep; no more." (46) And h e smiles. Death.
which heretofore, h e h a d conceived as a n idea, he now conceives as a reality. As a n idea, it terrified him. As a reality,
it a t t r a c t s him.
"And by a sleep, to say we end the heartache." (47) Fai*
from fearing it, h e desires it. And he desires it so m u c h
t h a t h e eompletely forgets the anterior determination of
his Will; there disappears from his mind the motive of
his meditation; a n d h e no longer thinks of t h e breath of
being which h e is about to destroy, either in himself or
another. Instead, h e thinks of the cessation of being, which
h e craves with all t h e forcé of his misery. He lingers over
t h e idea, as his reason lingers over the t r u t h s discovered
in his Gethsemane: "To die: to sleep." No emphasis; no
affectation. To die is t o sleep; a t r u t h a n d nothing more.
The t r u t h is simple and luminous. Simple in t h a t it costs
n o effort; luminous because it makes itself seen and makes
others see.
He shrugs; to die is to sleep. And to sleep? W h a t is sleep?
"To sleep: perchance to dream." t h e n death cannot be
t h e serene sleep which he desires. Who knows the troublous
(46)
(47)
Act I I I , se. 1.
Ibid.
FK0MOTEK
OF PAN
AMERICANISM
253
aspects of that dream? Ah, here he sees a difficulty; points
it out, and pauses to consider it.
Here is the Will to evil confronted by the disadvantages
of evil. If the Will ruled alone, if Hamlet were moved only by
fiery impulses of imagination and feeling, he would not
besitate and would either ignore the stumbüng-block or
dash himself against it. But he is dedicated to a struggle:
Beason and warning Conscience accompany the Will and
block it. In vaín it exerts its natural character, its native
impulse, its inherent violence; and it ridicules Reason and
Conscience, reminding theni t h a t this obstacle is the very
hindx'ance which makes the burden of living so long-drawnout; t h a t this is the very fear whieh, by recoiling from
the peral of the rnoment, filis life with calamity— but
Reason and Conscience do not listen. However, both are
in agreement with the Will and with the inflamed feelings
t h a t if it were not for the fear of this obstacle which inevitably presents itself along with the idea of death, no one,
no man born of woman "would bear the whips and scorns
of time, the oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contume^
jy... to grunt and sweat under a weary life" (48).
And when feeling complains of the tardy will, which
it accuses of preferring "those ills we h a ve" (48) to those
"we know not of" (48) and sharply rebukes Conscience as
that which "does make coward of us all" (48) converting
to nothingness "enterprises of great pith and moment" (48),
we see in the spirit of Hamlet t h a t inner tumult which, in
individuáis as in societies, denotes the apogee of a struggle.
THE
SOLIX,OQUY
Let us converse with the recalcitrant guest which we
shelter in one knows not what recess of our being; ask him
(48)
C l H a m l e t ' s solilo cfuy, whielí folloWs (p. 25.°»).
254
EUGENIO MARÍA 2XE HOSTOS:
wiíat lie is; where h e comes from; whither he is bound:
his origín, his destination; his ends, his means, his principies; his rights, his duties, his character; his essenee,
relationships and affinities; what is God, if he comes
thence; what is the material, if he be only a manifestatioii
of the material; what is Infmity, if he represents that;
what is absolute, if h e is bound by that; what is eternity,
what is death: and all t h e various forces of one's being
will acquire tremendous intensity and will clash violently
amongst themselves, and since all are equal in power, they
will weary of strugglíng without winning any victory.
Desperate Feeling will seek death; passionate Will will
determine upon action; meditative Reason will seek light:
dispassionate Conscience will strive for a n harmonius
reconciliaron. More and more days will pass and Feeling
will suffer, the Will will grow irate, Reason will find only
half-light, until Conscience shall have achieved its harmony and reduced to its even orbit those forces which are
disruptive if allowed full sway, and are harmonious if
wisely controlled.
Conscience has not achieved harmony in Hamlet and
in order to make h i m realize and admit this, Shakespeare
places on his lips the gloomy Solüoquy, T h a t Solüoquy is
in itself a tragedy, since it is the apogee of a moral upheval, the supreme moment of spiritual chaos. Fortúnate
indeed are those who pass through life without ever being
moved to bow a weary head and ponder deeply, saying in
the very recesses of the soul:
To he oí' not to b e ! That is the question:
Whether 'ti3 Bobler in tlie uiind to suííev
The simes and arroyes of otitx'ageous forttimí,
Or to take arme againgt a s«a o I troublee,
Aud by opposiug end tkem — T o die: t& sleep;
PHOMOTKR OF PAN AMERICANISM
255
N o i n o r e : and by a sleep, to say u r e end
T h e heartaehe and tlie thotisaiid n a t u r a l shoeks
T h a t flesh is heir t o , — ' t i s a conamnmation
Devoutly to b e wísh'd. T o d i e : to s l e e p ;
F o r in t h a t sleep of death what dreams may eome,
W h e a we have shuffled off this mortal eoii,
Must give us p a u s e : there'g the respect
T h a t m a k e s ealamity of so long life;
F o r v h o w o u l d bear the whips and scorns of time,
T h e oppressor's wrong, the p r o u d man's eontttinely,
The pangs of despis'd Iove, the law's delay,
T h e insoíeiice of office, and the spnrns
T h a t patient merít of the u n w o r t h y takes,
W h e n h e himself m i g h t his quietus maíce
With a h a r é b o d k i n ? "Who'á these fárdela bear,
To grcmt a n d gweat u n d e r a weary life,
But that the d r e a á of soxnethíng after death,
T h e imdiscovered courttry from whose b o u r n
N o traveller rettírns» puzsles the will,
And m a k e s us r a t h e r henr those ills we have
Thstn fly to others that we k n o w not o í ?
T h u s Consciente doea niake cowards of us a l l :
And thus the native liue of resolntion
Is sicklied o'er with t h e palé cast of thought,
And euterpríses of great p i t h and retoment,
W i t h this regard their eurrents t u r a awry,
A n d lose the ríame of action (49).
And he would have continued to mediate, no longer
with the passive refleetion of Reason, b u t with t h e active,
poignant, inflamed desperation of every forcé within his
soul; but although he has resolved to punish his enemy
with death, h e h a s ended by desiring for himself t h e doom
h e h a s intended for another. I t h a s occured t o h i m t h a t
dying is a delight, b u t now h e encounters t h e fact t h a t
ceasing to Uve m a y prove t h e sharpest torment for t h e
(49)
Aet Til, sk. 1.
256
E U G E N I O M A K Í A DE HOSTOS t
spirít. He has decided t h a t all his íaculties unanimously
applaud the idea of death, only to discover a cüssension
among t h e íaculties of his spirit.
He has been rationalizing the finite and he now is
obliged to take account of the infinite,
There is in every revolution just such a moment. When
the unhappy peoples of Spanish America broke forever
the chain which for three centurias had impeded their
progress, they were launched against a void, and they
were startled; they were confronted by anarchy and they
were terrified. When Jesús was presented with the problem
of transforming humanity by his doctrine, he sweated
blood and cried out to the infinite: "Father, if Thou willeth
it, let this cup pass from me!"
For the Christ, there was a Light— t h a t of his divine
conscience. He drew from it faith in his sublime mission,
and fulfilled it. For the peoples of Spanish America, there
was a light — t h a t of progress. They drew from it faith
in their destiny, and triumphed.
DIALOOUE
There was a light for Hamlet too — t h a t of Ophelia.
She illumined the twilight of his soul, b u t he extinguished
t h a t light. He was terrified of himself, not of the light. He
was f rightened a t not seeing thereby the consummate good
which lay there, dismayed t h a t it should serve only to
make him see the terrible darkness in wihch he was enenveloped.
No one lo ves her as he does; no one yearns to sink
himself in her as he does; but no one is so pitifully cut
off from her as h e is, and so he renounces her.
Ophelia is light to him; but this light only reveáis to
him a facet of his desperation: his mother was good,
PKOMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
257
beautiful, virtuous, a n d continúes to seem beautiíul in
spite of having caesed being good, Ophelia is good, beautiíul a n d virtuous; b u t she is a woman like his mother;
lie eannot, MUST not believe or hope t h a t tliere may be a
woman more nearly perfect t h a n bis imperf ect mother — a
woman who can resist temptations which his mother was
unable to resist- His mother h a s sinned because she is a
woman; it is absolutely necessary thereíore t h a t , like his
mother, every w o m a n m u s t obey her woman's nature.
Frailty, then, is the essential state of woman. If Ophelia
h a s not fallen, she will fall. And in order to deprecíate her
utterly, h e takes for granted t h a t downfall. "Are you
honest?" (50). Why does he crush her with t h a t brutality?
Because she is beautinil! And, "Could"-—asks Ophelia
gently — "beauty, my lord, h a ve better commerce t h a n
with honesty?" (51) "Ay, truly; for the power of beauty
will sooner transíom honesty from w h a t it is to be a bawd
t h a n t h e forcé of honesty can transíate beauty into his
likeness" (52). And since, on pronouncing this cynical
heresy, he is thinking not of Ophelia, b u t oí his mother,
h e says with iacerating bitterness: "This was sometime a
paradox, b u t now" — (53). And looking upon Ophelia, so
puré, so simple and so loving, so beautiful a n d genuine,
he u t t e r s in the same breath the t h o u g h t : "But now t h e
time gives it proof" (54) a n d the s t a t e m e n t which he makes
to his beloved: "I did love j^ou once" (55).
I did love yon once means 1 lave yon, On the lips of
Hamlet it signifies even more: I love you, but I must not
(50) Act III, se- i.
(51) Act III, se. 1.
(52) Ibid.
(53) Ibid.
(54) Ibid.
(55) Ibid.
17
258
EtFGBUNTO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
love you, I t is a battle to tlie death between the desire for
vengeance and t h e desire for love, never so imperious as
at this moment. It is the continuation of t h a t same spiritual
upheaval, risen to its utmost horror in t h e Soliloquy,
maintained in utmost patitos in this dialogue. And if the
struggle of a strong spirit against ínstinct and t h e desire
to be happy is pathetic, the victorious struggle of a defeneeless spirit against a strong one is sublime. There is no
forcé superior to t h a t which Hamlet finally conquers
excepting t h a t which sueceeds his present state; but a t
t h e moment t h a t forcé is inactive, There is no defencelessness equal to t h a t of an innocent soul like Ophelia;
all the realitíes of Ufe are in arms against her.
-""
The terrible reality of life possesses Hamlet; the
weakness of innocence lies in Ophelia. Forcé a n d weakness
are a t their apogee; they meet and clash. Froni t h a t
encounter, weakness emerges t n u m p h a n t . Forcé, challenged, is shattered and succumbs. Weakness, resisting, asseris
itself.
I n effect, Hamlet says to Ophelia with the bmtality
of seeming candor: "I did love you once. I do not love you:
I need to love you, I cannot, because I must not"; and
finishes by saying, convinced of t h e virtue he has denied:
Get thee to a nunnery "to a haven where your soul need
not suffer martyrdom". And even as he leaves her, his eyes
still fneed upon the happiness h e h a s forsworn, twice
cursing himself, not only for his unfitness to receive happiness b u t for his inability to bestow it7 remorseful at
having f ailed to accept it: Ophelia, who in a single moment
has run t h e gamut of hope, desperation, joy, sorrow, love
and pity, has pardoned all the insults, all t h e wrongs, all
t h e cruelties of her lover, and sure of herself in her
weakness and innocence, knows t h a t she, ónly shé, has
sufficient power to restore his sick spirit. Deploring his
FROMOTEK QF PAN
AMERICANT5M
259
misfortune more t h a n his acts, siie exclaims: "To lia ve seen
w h a t I liave seen, see what I see!" (56).
These two scenes, clear though they are in themselves,
appear obscure: it is because over them drifts the impalpable mist of t h e indescribable.
CLIMAX
F r o m this moment, the action becomes involuntary
a n d hastens to its climax with a speed equalled only by
t h e slowness with which it h a s heretofore proceeded.
T h a t which is most clear in itselí is apt to seem most
obscure, a n d a t first glance, it is incomprehensible t h a t ,
since t h e action of this tragedy t u r n s upon the moral
development of its protagonista there can be a moment of
greater vacillation t h a n t h a t in the spirit of Hamlet whence
t h e d r a m a acquires motivation.
B u t everything is clear and logical to one who has
understood t h e somber Soliloquy, t h e twilight Dialogue
which follows; t h e purpose of Shakespeare in setting Claudius to spy upon t h e significant meeting between the two
lovers. This is clear to one who h a s reaiized t h a t , since
t h e preceding Soliloquy, Hamlet no longer argües with his
conscience because all is now decided and h e is possessed
of a definite character which requires only a n opportunity
in order to become manifest. One who has perceived t h e
fusión of t h e internal action with the externa! which
oceurs a t this point in t h e tragedy — when Hamlet h a s
decided "to be" and when Claudius, sensing t h e danger to
his life? decides to rid himself of Hamlet — wili understand
why t h e action at this point rushes forward. Hamlet now
sets about his revenge. Claudius, on his part, proeeeds
unhesitatingly toward his second crime.
(56)
Ibi-d.
260
EUGENIO MAHÍA DE HOSTOS'.
Now we can observe the transformation which has
come over Hamlet. He talks with the actor whom he has
hired to present the play about G-onz-ago; and in order to
heighten the effect which he expects í'rom it, he gives the
player a lesson in declamation. Thus presented, this scene
is n a t u r a l because it demonstrates the selfpossession of
Hamlet and the calmness with which he now pursues his
objective, but which, were it presented merely as a pointless
incident, would be ridiculous. After this comes a scene
which compiements it; t h a t in which Hamlet,-who up to
now, because of his hesitancy, has been alone in his project,
eonfides in Horatio whom he adjures to scrutinize closelj
the face of the King when Claudius sees enacted before
hirn the crirne which won him his throne.
The decisive moment has arrived. The entire court is
grouped about the stage. The usual "Prologue" of the
classic play has stepped forth to apologize for the presumed
shortcomíngs of the actors, and Hamlet, who is in the
merry h u m o r which he assumes in order to compénsate
for his somber traits as he nears the a t t a i n m e n t of the
objective he h a s pursued so resolutely, chats jovially with
the King, who inquires the ñame and theme of the play:
"What do you cali the play?" (57) asks the King. "The
Mouse-Trap", says the prince with malicious intent. And
he adds: "This play is the image of a murder done in
Vienna. Gonzago is the duke's ñame; his wiie, Baptista."
They present scenes similar to those which led up to
the death of King Hamlet, and Claudius betrays himself:
he starts, grows palé, trembles, rises and departs. And
when all the courtiers, dismayed by t h e uneasiness he has
shown, follow him, Hamlet begins to sing. The song
amounts to a commentary. Hamlet sings. because, since
(37)
Act I I I , se. 2.
PEOMOTER OB1 PAN AIvlERICAKISM
261
irresolution ís a brooding anxiety, so t h e first moment of
resolution is u t t e r joy. Hamlet is sure now t h a t h e can
avenge himself and he breathes forth his satisfaction •— the
intense satisfaction of a soul which h a s been burdened
with apathy. And ií} when Horatio confirms Hamlet's
conviction, t h e prince feels a n d expresses regret, it is not
t h a t he again vacillates, b u t t h a t his generous spirit is
saddened by t h e necessity for evil. T h a t is why h e calis
for music, movement, noise, to drown out his sadness.
And now come Rosencrantz a n d Guildenstern, t h e more
obliged to w a t c h Hamlet now t h a t Claudius is disturbed.
And Hamlet, who previously feared t h a t h e might not have
sufficient skill to ward off their vigilance, is so sure of
himself t h a t , employing the matchiess m a t a p h o r of t h e
fluíe, h e says to t h e m : "You would play upon me; you
would seem t o know my stops; you would pluck out t h e
h e a r t of my mystery; Cali me w h a t i n s t r u m e n t you will,
t h o u g h you can fret me, you cannot play upon m e " (58).
And h a r d upon t h e ernissaries of t h e Kíng, comes one
írorn t h e Queen. Poionius in her behalf begs Hamlet t o go
t o his mother's apartments. Before he does so, Hamlet asks
to be leít alone and, as is his custom, and according to t h e
mood which dominates him, h e communes with himself.
Not a doubt, not a vacíllation. He who has doubted whether
h e h a d t h e right to commit a crime; h e who h a s hesitated,
horror-stricken a t t h e idea of murder, says with certainty:
"Now could I drink hot folood" (59).
Companied l^y this terrible desire, h e goes t o his
mother's chamfoers, passing t h r o u g h t h e chapel of t h e palace. He perceives his únele kneeling before t h e altar,
struggling to forcé from himself a sterile prayer. Hamlet
starts forward, draws his sword, prepares to stab him..,
(58)
(39)
íbítí.
Ihid.
262
EUGENIO MAHÍA DE HOSTOS:
Does h e halt because he is afraid to murder? No. He stays
his h a n d because such a murder does n o t satisfy him. The
villain is praying, and if h e dies in the act of praying, h e
will go to heaven. An ironic vengeance, indeed, t h a t which
would send to heaven t h e demon who, by killing Hamlet's
father after a d r u n k e n orgy, consigned him to hell!
No — Hamlet is still firm in his resolution, bufc h e is content
t o wait for its fulfilment until t h e culprit shall be in
circumstances fitter for a cowartVs death. And Hamlet
enters his mother's presence.
Queen:
Hamlet:
Hamlet, thou hast thy father raach oifended.
Mother, yon liave m.y father imicli offendecl (60).
A dialogue which begins t h u s cannot proceed tranquüly.
If h e is bent upon murder» why should h e not also be bent
upon punishment? So m u c h does t h e Queen fear t h a t punish m e n t t h a t she cries out for help, Polonius, eavesdropping,
echoes t h a t cry. The prince, believing a n d hoping t h a t it
is his únele who is concealed behind the arras, slashes it
with his sword and with it a h u m a n body which, groaning,
falls to t h e ground, T h a t of his únele? The fiery joy of
revenge lights Hamlet's oye a n d the roar of glutted hatred
wells from his h e a r t : "Is it t h e King?" (61). When h e lifts
t h e a r r a s a n d beholds Polonius, h e curses t h e mistake, b u t
h e is not remorseful. He m e a n t to kill the King; it is not
his fault t h a t , instead of the King, his victim is Polonius.
"O, what a r a s h and bloody deed is t h i s ! " remonstrates
his mother. "A bloody deed", he replies bitterly. "Almost
as bad, good mother as kill a king and m a r r y with his
brother" (62). I n t h e furious intensity of his rancor h e
(60)
(61)
(62)
Act I I I , se. 4.
Ibid.
Ibid,
PROMOTER OF PAN A M E M C A N I S M
263
completely forgets the respect wliich he has always shown
liis mother a n d which his father's ghost h a d exacted of
hím. The ghost liad besought him to have pity on the
mother; b u t h a d sealed t h e oath of hatred and vengeance
against Claudius. T h a t ghost is Hamlet's conscience and
it will never again appear, for everything which Hamlet
now proceeds to do h a s been already pardoned by Conscience. T h a t which Conscience would not now forgive is
írresolution. Abandoned completely to t h e violent impulse
of t h e active Will, Conscience eagerly seeks those pretexts
and occasions which it previously rejected, and everywhere
encounters motives for action, examples of t h a t power
possessed by men who do n o t resist their Will, but obey it.
Hamlet sees before him the army of Fortinbras which
is about to kül a multitude "for fantasy a n d trick of
fame" (63). And h e ponders, in the most prof ound soliloquy
ever pronounced by h u m a n lips the tremendous social and
moral advantages enjoyed by him who Uves in a n unquestioníng reality and, submitting himself to it, submits
himself to t h e current of life, meeting obstacles perhaps,
but undeterred by any of them. He will be shattered when
lie winds u p his dizzy career, b u t he will have lived, because
to live, in t h e social sense of t h e word, is to move, to act,
to fulfill oneself, difíuse oneself in t h e common destiny
of the c u r r e n t generation.
Let us give the spirit a goal: let us seek t h e niost
insuperable barrier to impede its progress; let this be placed
forever between the spirit a n d its goal a n d we shall have
martyred t h e spirit; b u t he who would cali u p a visión of
hell, let him plant án t h e h u m a n soul a vehement desire f
greedy for action, a voracious Will accompanied by the
t<53)
Act IT., ¿t> A.
264
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
capacity for an infinite reflectxon upon one's acts — and
h e will have placed hell in the one state where it actually
exists: the Conscience.
Hamlet seeks a prapitious opportunity and does not
find it. He has passed through all phases' of sorrow, through
all the torments of inner conflicto through all the agonies
of every desperation, and has not yet heen aole to unleash
his bridled Wül, to sate hís hungry vengeance. More t h a n
one opportunity has been presented him, a n d he has each
time let it vanish. And even while he suffers from his
passivity and curses his impotence, he sees before him,
triumphant in action, selfsatisfied like all those who
triurnph, those men who, in order to obtain their desire,
need only abandon themselves t o t h a t desire. While h e
fails his opportunity by analyzing it and waiting for the
perfect circumstance, Claudius, his enemy, the murderer
of his faith, his hope and his affections, has succeeded in
rendering him powerless by exiling him forever from
Elsinoi'e.
As Hamlet finds himseif obliged to set out for England,
thereby removing himseif farther and farther from his
revengo, Fortinbras, a youthful prince and budding tyrant,
takes his army to Poland, sacrificing to his purpose, unhesitatingly and relentlessly, thousands of men, The
contrast is agonizing. It is the contrast which Caesar
beheld when, dreaming of t h e dominión of the Román
world, he let his twenty-fifth year pass without attaining
it, and remenabering Alexander, already at t h a t age the
Conqueror of Asia, frantically beat his breast!
All men then, save Hamlet, are active for either good
or evil because they do not pause to dissect their action.
Previously Hamlet had discovered t h a t conscience makes
cowards. Now again he realizes t h a t conscience makes him
a coward and t h a t reason renders him impotent to sin
FRQMGTER OF PAN AMBRICANISM
265
T h e soliloquy in which h e recognizes this í u r t h e r conf iict
m his life, is indescribabiy profound:
How all ote aeúorts cto iníorm against me,
And spur my duli revenge! Whnt is a man,
If his cíiieí good and niark»>t of his time
Be hut lo sleep ¡UK¡ i'eed?...
Exampíes sxoss as earth exbort me,
"Witness this ai-my, oí susch mass and i* bar ge,
Led by a delicate and tender prínee f .
Whase spirit, with divine ambition puH'd,
Makes moiítíiá at the invisible event...
Rightly to he great
Is rsot to stir witliímt srreat argutnem.
But greatiy lo find q u e r r é ! in a straw
W h e n h o n o u r s at the stake. How ¿tand í thcit,
T h e n have a fether kiiPd, a moiher sUíin'á.
Excitenientíí of my reason antf voy bíood.
And let all sleep, while to my shame I áee
T h e imminem. death of twenLy thousatul uien,
That for Jtantasy air.d trick oí' fame
Ge> to íheir graves like heds
F r o m this tinte .Eotlh
My tfconghts he faíootíy, or he utOÉhiiig wot'ih! (64-!.
So profound is t h e s t r u g g l e t h a t everx h e who suííers
it is i g n o r a n t of its real c h a r a c t e r . He does n o t a r g ü e a
bloody deed; t h a t h e h a s a í r e a d y a r g u e d a n d decided. He
merely curses t h e mysterious fate which, impelled by ext e r n a ! or i n t e r n a ! motives» p r e v e n í s t h e victim of this m o r a l
s t a t e from emerging from it determínedly a n d in a single
m o m e n t of action s h a k i n g it off. H a m l e t knows t h a t h e
will c o n s u m m a t e his desire, h e knows t h a t every forward
step carries h i m t o w a r d it, bilí h e does n o t u n d e r s t a n d
h o w it is t h a t o t h e r m e n more speedily o b t a i n m o r e from
(64)
Áe.t IV, se. 4.
266
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
themselves and f rom otliers by exnploying in t h e a t t á i n m e n t
of their desire and the choice of means, efforts infinitely
less painful t h a n those which he h a s h a d to employ merely
in deciding to proceed!
While Hamlet is absent from t h e seene there arise two
n a t u r a l consequenees of his previous conduct: Ophelia
goes mad, a n d Laertes, new-arrived from his journey, stirs
t h e populace against the King. Ophelia Js madness and
Laei'tes' rebellion are consequences of t h e death of Polonius.
Polonius died by Hamlet's sword, a n d just as upon learning
this Laertes has translated his revengeful hatred against
t h e King into aetion against Hamlet, so Ophelia, who also
laiows the identity of t h e slayer, is, in her aberration,
vaguely cognizant of t h e beloved enemy of her bappiness
and sanity. Even in his absence Hamlet is forever present
in t h e aetion of the tragedy.
To arrive a t its conclusión, t h e aetion requires oniy
t h e reappearance of the character who motivates it. Some
mariners bring letters from Hamlet which announce his
r e t a r n. Claudius pians with Laertes t h e treacherous duel
with which they intend to revenge themselves upon t h e
prince, a n d to m a k e t h a t revenge even more justifiable,
t h e queen enters to tell them how t h e gentle Ophelia,
playing on the riverbank with the "fantastic garlands"
which she fashions and wears, h a s fallen into the water,
and floated there, "incapable of her distress", singing
contentedly and smüing, until she drowned.
DENOTJEMEHT
Hamlet is in the graveyard. He has just arrived, scoffing
at t h e danger which Claudius has in store for him; and
chance has brought him to t h e spot where lie those who
FROMOTER
OF P A N
AMERICANISM
267
knew neither the restlessness of the foody ñor the spirit,
as vell as those who7 forever restless in Ufe, believed firmly
t h a t everything resulted in the transformation of being,
from the eradle to the tomb, and from the tomb to the
eradle of eternity. A tomb in the maternal cloister — t h a t
of the body; another tomb in the body — t h a t of t h e souL
Just as it is necessary to unseal the maternal crypt to be
taorn into corporeal rife, so is it necessay to break down
the body to be born into the independent life of the spirit.
A holy mother is death; b u t it seexns sad, not only
because it cuts short the sweet illusion of Life, but because
ít presents the t r u t h in a skeleton. This sknll which the
gravedigger impatiently disinters with his shovel, belongs
to a corpse which once perceived, suffered, felt, acted;
which was good or bad, treacherous or honest, jovial or
imelancholy, buffoon or hero. Yorick or Alexander. Why
does the lawyer no longer plead, the courtier fawn, the
jester jeer, the hero weep? This skull is Yorick's, poor
Yorick, so witty, so lively, so vivacious. What has become
of his witticisms, his charm, his cheer? And even as the
smile, the grace, the sparkle nave disappeared from the
empty head of the jester, so too nave the heroic ideas
departed from the skull of Alexander, and so one day shall
vanish the beauty of the unforgettable Ophelia!
The melancholy which invests this scene, all the more
intense because of Hamlet's serenity of mind, is increased
by the dolorous outcry of the procession which now advances. What lawyer, what courtier, what buffoon, what
conqueror, what fair lady has lost the comely garment of
the flesh?
Hamlet has envisíoned death in his imagination; he
has looked upon it in its desoíate reality; and now he
sees it in its actuality. ITpon whom has it now fallen?
208
JSUGENIO M A R Í A DE H O S T O S :
Hainlet is overeóme with horror when Laertes assures the
priest: "A ministering ángel shall my sister be" (65).
Ophelia, wliose charms, like those of poor Yoríck, Hamlet now realices as Ueeting, no Ionger exists. In a little
while, just as he has sought in vain for the jester's joy,
he may come to seek ín vain in the cmmbling skeieton
of his beloved, the adoring look, the innocent smile, the
kiss so deeply desired and never demanded: "What! The
fair Ophelia!" (66), Here is a declaration of love — the only
one which Hamlet permits himself— but futile now, since
it cannot be rewsrded by a glow upon the face of the loved one.
He longs to retire to weep his fírst tears, but someone
outrages his grief. Laertes, despera te, groans forth his agony, and curses Hamlet.
Irresolute H&rolet, he who has always bten susceptible
to the obstacie presentad by a thought, encounters in this
fresh torture the strength which overéame his past griefs,
and he advances determmedly toward the merciless declaimer of his misfortun.es, and in one crowning outcry of
his soul (up to then repressed), says and does more t h a n he
has been able to úo and say since the beginning his struggle
with his inner selí.
Upon the heels OÍ the unexpected explosión, follows the
intented explosión, and into ít the m a n hurls aü his forees.
Claudius has coneurred with Laertes in the means of
destroying their mutual enemy. Hamlet is so honorable
t h a t he will deem himself obliged to accept their challenge
to a duel; he is so unsuspicious t h a t he will take without
examining it the s.word which they place in his hand. Laertes' sword is po-soned and Hamlet will die. An accidental
(65)
(66'J
ACE
Ibiíh
V. so. !..
PROMOTEK
OF PAN A M É R I C A ¡ I S Í á
289
death over which no one wiil shed more a b a n d a n t tears
t h a n those responsible for ít — and people wül forget the
dead m a n and fawn upon t h e assassins: ti "perfect crime".
The duel is proposed and although Horatio begs him to
refuse, Hamlet accepts the challenge.
He is wounded a t the very moment in which he disarms
his adversary; in the scuffe rapiers are exchanged, and
Laertes falls wounded. And now the Queen falls to the
ground too. "VYith her dying breath, she cries t h a t she has
been poisoned. Laertes, ín his death ag-ony, confesses t h a t
he has poisoned t h e queen and t h a t Claudius h a s poisoned
the rapier which Laertes had used. in astaking Hamlet,
b u t which "turned itselt" on the wicíder,
By this means transpires the event so bitterly desíred
by Hamlet. The prince flings himself OJI the ELing and
atabs him. The "single moment of active Wiil" consummates Revenge.
CONCLUSIÓN
Hamlet dies; but he küls. Therein líes his ecstasy. He
küls, but he dies. Therein lies the poigmmt moi*al of t h e
tragedy. The m a n of virtue, who for tove of virtue h a s
heroically fought the obligation to do evil,. is led at last to
t h a t evil — but himself suecumbs to the deed.
Satán pronounced through the líps of Milton a phrase
which has hellish gleams of t r u t h : ".BYÜ, be thou my
good." Thus the very personifioation of Evil recognizes
the necessitv for G-ood.
Those who in life recognize t h a t evil is fatal, wiil read
this tragedy thoughtfully, wiil observe revolution in words,
societies and the soul of individual Man; and if they would
suffer more t h a n Hamlet suffered, advancíng even further
in spiritual revolution, resing victorious over Evil, emer-
270
E U G E N I O MAHÍA DE MOSTOS:
ging triuniplxant from death, let t h e m say to their conscience: "Oood, be thou m y evil!"
Ho sorrow will remain unknown; b u t as there is n o
deeper sorrow t h a n t h a t which is not known, there wül
n o longer exist a deep sorrow, a n d t h e soul will find t h a t
Olympic repose of indtfference which to m y delight I have
so frequently seen in t h e victorious Venus de Milo.
Kejtrixít froui Bull. 12 P u e r t o Rico De Hostos Ceiiteoary Commission.
P A RT
IV
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I
W O R K S BY E U G E N I O MARTA, D E HOSTOS (*)
Obras Completas, 20 volé., 15 1 / 2 x 2 2 cnis., 8.500 págs.; dos ediciones, conmemorativa del Gobierno de Puerto Rico, u n a ; comercial, otra; Cultural, S. A., P i y Margall, 625, H a b a n a ; ene. tela azul, $2,50 el ejemplar.
Vols. I y II, DIARIO {La Sonda), 397 y 438 págs., d e 11.I.1839-3.X.70
y de 24.XI.70-6.VIII.1903.
Yol. I I I , Páginas Intimas, 398 págs. Contiene: "Inda", "Libro de mis
hijos", "Cuentos a m i hijo", "Comedias" (infantiles) y "Cartas familiares".
Yol. IV, Cartas?, 287 págs. Doce pro-libertad en España, Barcelona, 1868,
dirigidas, entre otros, a Olózaga, P r i m , Sagasta, Salmerón y Sanz del
Río. El resto escritas en Nueva Y o r k , 1870, 74 y 98; Chile ,1872
y 1889-98; Buenos Aires, 18734; Santo Domingo, 1875, 1879-88,
1900-03; Caracas, 1876-7 y 1898; y P u e r t o Rico, 1878 y 1898-1899.
(NOTA.—Vol. III, Páginas Intimas, págs. 131-398, contiene "Cartas
familiares"; v&l. V, Madre Isla, págs. 249-319, contiene las "Cartas
Públicas" acerca de Puerto Rico de 1898-1902; vol. IX, Tema» Cubanos? págs. 341-456, "Cartas Públicas" acerca de Cuba. E n otros volúmenes aparecen cartas sueltas.)
Yol. Y, Madre Isla (Puerto Rico), 392 págs.
Yol. VI, Mi Viaje al Sur (Mi Viaje a la América Latina), 442 págs.
Yol. V I I , Temas sudamericanos,
456 págs.
Yol. V I I I , LA PERECRÍNACK>IH BF- BAYOAN, 320 págs,, con el prólogo de
la 2. a edición, que cuenta la historia del libro.
Vol. IX, Temas Cubanos, 498 págs.
Vol. X, La Cuna de América (Santo Domingo), 442 págs,
Vol. X I , Crítica, 307 págs., incluyendo HAMLET.
Yols. X I I y X I I I , Forjando el Porvenir Americano, 486 y 382 págs.
* F o r m o r e details of contente oí the OBRAS COMPLETAS, see Índice J¥émero-Bíbliográfico
de Eugenio María de Hostos by Adolfo de Hoatos*
274
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
VoL XIV, Hombres e Ideas? 435 págs.
VoL XV, D E R E C H O C O N S T I T U C I O N A L , 441 págs.
VoL XVI, Tratado de Moral, 464 págs., incluye M O R A L SOCIAL.
Vol. X V I I , SOCIOLOGÍA, 249 paga.
Vola. X V I I I , X I X y XX, Ersayos Didácticos, 414, 412 y 370 págs.
Contenido de los vols. V a V I I , IX, X I , X I I , XIV, X V I y XVIII-XX (*).
VoL V (MADRE ISLA) : "La Liga de Patriotas P u e r t o r r i q u e ñ o s " , "La 1. a
Comisión de Puerto Rico en Washington", "El Plebiscito", "El Derecho P ú b l i c o Americano aplicado a P u e r t o Rico", Entrevistas con
periódicos americanos.
Yol. V I (Mi V I A J E AL, S U R ) : Colombia, P e r ú , Chile, Argentina, Brasil.
VoL V I I (TEMAS SUHAMERICANOS) : "Tres Presidentes y tres Repúblicas:
P a r d o , Errázuriz, Sarmiento-Perú, Cbile, Argentina"; artículos sobre
Chile y Argentina.
VoL I X (TEMAS CUBANOS) : Plácido; Retrato de Francisco Vicente Aguilera; artículos varios; Cartas Públicas acerca de Cuba; otros artículos.
VoL X I (CRÍTICA) : "Crítica en g e n e r a l " ; Romeo y Julieta;
HAMLKT;
trabajos varios.
VoL X I I (Forjando el Porvenir Americano) :
T o m o I ; "La Edneación Científica de la M u j e r " ; El, P H O P Ó S I T O
DE LA N O R M A L ; "El P r o b l e m a de l a E d u c a c i ó n " ; La
Verdad;
"Reforma del P l a n de Estudios e n la Facultad de Leyes" (de
C h i l e ) ; trabajos varios en Santo Domingo y en Chile.
T o m o I I : La defensa del "Proyecto de Ley General de Enseñanza Pública 1 '.
Vol. XIV (HOMBRES
E IDEAS) : Trabajos varios sobre España, Perú?
Cbile, Argentina, Venezuela, y Descentralización
Administrativa
(fragmento).
VoL X V I (TRATADO DE MORAL) : Prolegómenos, Moral Natural, MOBAL
SOCIAL, Moral Social Objetiva
(ejemplos) y tres discursos.
VoL X V I I I (ENSAYOS DIDÁCTICOS) :
T o m o I : "Nociones de Ciencia e Historia de la Pedagogía";
"Nociones de Derecho Penal'*; "Nociones de Derecho Constitucional".
T o m o I I : "Tratado de Lógica"; "Historia de la Lengua Castel l a n a " ; "Historia de las Civilizaciones semítica y china".
T o m o I I I : Geografía Evolutiva:
"Manejo de Globos y M a p a s " ;
"Geografía Política Universal''.
NOTE.—The four fir&t voluntes were printed from the original MSS.,
PROMOTER OF PAN
AMERICANISM
275
though deteriorated b y time and moth. DIARIO parts in English and
F r e n e h were p u t in Spanish by E„ C. de H .
Vols. V, VI, VII, IX, XII, XIV, XVI (exeept MORAL SOCIAL) and
X V I I t o XX w e r e p r i n t e d frorn boofcs, pamphleta, reviews and períodieals -—not revised i>y the Author— and full of misprints and
errors, Were corrected b y The Compiler as best h e conld, b u t unfortunately rnany faults escaped h i m smd the proof-veaders.
Vols. XV to XX were p r e p a r e d ¿"rom the notes taken i n the Classroom
by tlie Authors devoted Dotnímcan pupils who tried to follow in
loug hand the Magter's ixnprovisatioiis.
The Author ouly could revise and proof-reed the Dominican editions of LECCIONES DE D E R E C H O CONSTITUCIONAL and MORAL SOCIAL,
being great pity that he could not revise the TRATADO DE SOCIOWJGÍA
which course was given b y him iii extraordinary crircunstances,
iiíakmg a auperhuinan, effort.
MSS. from the Author are o fíen difíicull to read as bis braiii work e d so fast that his hand could hardly follow it. I n DIARIO (28-8-1868).
h e laments it for the many mísprints with which his articles appeared
in reviews and periodicals.
To me verbally in 1898, and to bis good friend Di\ Manuel. Guzmún.
Rodríguez in Puerto Rico, by letter i n 1899, father instructed us not
to pühíish anything by him that eonld h u r t individuáis.
H e wrote with patriotíc ardor what reíerred to Híspame-America,
and with a fine spirit of eomprehension Don. Luis de Zulueta, well
krtown Spanish writer said; "Hostos escribía como hijo de la casa,
sus palabras no ofenden y deben tornarse como las de hermano." V . " A
través del Océano. El Monumento a Hostos". "La Libertad". Madrid, 1926.
Juan Boseh, wellknown fietion writer and lecturer, devoted indirect
pupii of Hostos attended to the pvinting oí the OBRAS COMPLETAS in
( Havana.
PEREGRINACIÓN I>E BAYOÁN, 1 voL, 15 1/2 X 22 cms*, 472 págs., 4 eds. esp*
(Madrid, Santiago de Chile, H a b a n a ) . V. Obras Completas, vol. V I H .
H A M L E T , 1 vol., 15 1/2 X 22 cms., 112 págs., 11 eds. esp. T r a d . al francés y
al inglés (Santiago de Chile, San Juan de P u e r t o Rico, Habana, París, Nueva Y o r k ) . V. Crítica, O. C , vol. X I , págs. 123-190.
LECCIONES DE D E R E C H O CONSTITUCIONAL, I. vol., 13 1/2X22 e m s ,
482 págs., 1 eds, esp, Trad, al francés y al inglés (Santo Domingo, Habana,
París, Nueva Y o r k ) , V. Derecho Contitucional,
O. C , vol. XV.
M O R A L SOCIAL, 1 voL, 12X18 1/2 cms., 262 págs., 12 eds. esp. Trad. al fran-
276
E U G E N I O MARÍA DE H O S T 0 S 1
ees y al inglés (Santo Domingo» H a b a n a , Buenos Aires, P a r í s , Nueva
Y o r k ) . V. Tratado de Moral, O . C> vol XVI, p á g . 94-304.
T R A T A D O D E SOCIOLOGÍA, 1 vol., 11 1 / 2 x l T 1/2 cms., 272 págs., 4 eds.
esp. T r a d . al inglés (Madrid, Habana, Buenos Aires y Nueva Y o r k ) . V . Sociología, O. C , vol. X V I I .
Meditando,,,,
1 voI„ 12,3X19 cms,, 321 págs, P a u l OUendorff, P a r í s (1910).
Essais, 1 vol., 12 1/2X19 1/2 cms., 282 págs. T r a d . al francés p o r Max Daireaux, Collection I b e r o a m e r i c a m e , Instituí I n t e r n a t i o n a l e de Coopération
Intellectuale, 12 vols. Librairie Stock, Place d u T b é á t r e Fraileáis, París,
(1936). F . francs 175. Prólogo de P e d r o H e n r í q u e z U r e ñ a ; contents: Ham~
let; Moróle Social; Sur FEnseignemeut (the 1884 o r a t i o n ) ; La Déconverte de l ' A m é r i q u e ; Paysages (Beauty of Brasil, tlie Andes, P a t a g o n i a ) .
Hostos (Antología), vol. X I I I de la Colección "El Pensamiento de América".
Prólogo y selección de P e d r o de A l b a ; 1 vol., 2 4 x 1 8 cms., XXV-266
págs. Edición de la Secretaría de Educación Pública de México, 1944, $5
mes.
M O R A L SOCIAL-HAMLET, 1 vol., 19X13 cms., LIV-345 págs., vol. X X V I I
d e la "Colección Panamericana", W. M. Jakson, Inc., editores, Bueno*
Aires, Nueva Y o r k , México, Habana, Caracas, Bogotá, Lima, Santiago de
Chile, M o n t e v i d e o ; 32 vols., 2. a ed,, ene. de lujo.
C H I L E {Memoria de la Exposición
Nacional de Artes e Industrias).
Santiago,
Chile, I m p . de ''La República", 1873; 1 vol., 24X16 cms., XC-173 págs. Prim e r p r e m i o del Gran J u r a d o de la Exposición. V. Ternas Sur americanos,
O.C., Vil, págs, 209-324.
Los Frutos de la Normal, ed. oficial. Santo Domingo, R. D., 1881; 2 5 x 1 5 cms.,
100 págs. Exposición de Pedagogía práctico-científica, escrita p o r encargo
del Gobierno. V. Forjando el Porvenir Americano,
O. C , vol X I I , paga.
335-414.
La Rejorma de la Enseñanza del Derecho. Santiago, Chile, Imp.: de "La Libertad Electoral", 1889; 1 7 x 1 2 cms., 209 págs. Escrita e n colaboración
con Valetín Lételier y J u l i o Bañados Espinosa, profesores de la Universidad de Chile. V. Forjando el Porvenir Americano,
O. C , vol. X I I , paga.
171-202, fragmento.
Repartición
de premios en el Liceo de Chillan, Chile, I m p . "La Discusión",
Chillan, 1890; 16X12 cms., 19 págs.
Programas de Castellano, ed- oficial. Santiago, Chile, 1893; 16X12 cms., 34
págs. P r i m e r p r e m i o en Concurso Universitario del Consejo Superior d e
Instrucción Pública. V. Forjando el Porvenir Americano,
I, O. C„ vol.
X I I , págs. 439-468.
Programa de Historia y Geografía, ed. oficial. Santiago, Chile, 1893; 16X12
PROMOTER OF P A N AMEíUCANISM
277
centímetros, 30 págs. P r i m e r p r e m i o en Concurso Universitario del Cojisejo Superior de Instrucción Pública- V . Forjando el Porvenir
Americano, I , O, C, vol. X H , págs. 469-486.
GEOGRAFÍA EVOLUTIVA; Roberto Miranda, editor. Santiago, Gbile, 1395; do»
cuadernos, 16 X 12 cms., ¿3 y 61 págs., ene. cartón: c o m p r a d a p o r el
Gobierno p a r a texto en los Liceos- V. Ensayos Didácticos, t o m o I I I , O. C,
vol. XX, págs. 7-114.
EXAMEN CRÍTICO DEL, D E S E C H O DE CUBA A LA INDEPENDENCIA (las Cartas Públicas acerca de Cuba, reproducidas en folleto p o r ^Letras y Ciencias"».
Santo D o m i n g o , R. D., 1897; 24 X 16 cms., 115 págs* Y. Temas
Cubanos, O. C , vol. I X , páginas 341-456.
Estatutos de la Liga de Patriotas Puertorriqueños,
ed. S. Figueroa, Nueva
a
Y o r k , 1898, 16 X 12 cms., 7 págs.; 2 . ed. T i p . "Listín Comercial", P o n c e ,
P . R., 1898, 16 X 12 cms., 16 p á g s . ; 3 . a ed. I m p . "El R e p u b l i c a n o " . Mayagüez, P . R., 1900, 16 X 12 orna., 16 págs. V. Madre Isla, O. C» vol. V , páginas 323-335.
The Case of Puerto Rico, New Y o r k , 1899 (colección de documentos presentados al Presidente Me Kiuley el 21-1-1899, p o r la Comisión d e P u e r t o
R i c o , d e q u e t a m b i é n formaron parte los doctores J» J. H e n n a y M, Z e n o
G a n d í a ) , P u b l i c a d a en español El Caso de Puerto Rico p o r Lallemaml
y Cía., Nueva Y o r k 1,917.
Proyecto de Ley General de Enseñanza Pública, ed. oficial. Santo D o m i n g o ,
R« D. t 1901; 23 X 15 cms., 99 págs. V. Forjando
el Porvenir
Americano, I I , O. C , vol. X I I I , págs. 275-374.
Programas oficiales preparados
expresamente
para el uso de las Escuetas
Normales de la República,
p o r la Escuela N o r m a l de la Vega (directorLuis A. W e b b e r ) . La Vega, R. D., i m p . Cruz Torrea, 1904; 16 X 12 centímetros, 39 págs.
Romeo y Julieta. Edición y notas d e M a n u e l Negrón Nogueras. P r ó l o g o d e
Lidio Cruz Monclova. Editorial Publicaciones Cagnax, R í o P i e d r a s , P . R.,
1939; 1 vol., 93 págg., 19 1/2 X 13 1/2 cms.
ANTOLOGÍA, 1 vol. 15 1 / 2 x 2 2 cms. p p . 462 (62 of B i b l i o g r a p b y ) . M a d r i d ,
I m p r e n t a , E n c u a d e m a c i ó n y Litografía. J u a n Bravo* 3, (1952) bluecloth.
C o n t e n t s : Prólogo b y P e d r o H e n r í q u e z U r e ñ a ; La Peregrinaciónd-e Ba>yoán; Sociología? Chile; Filosofía Política; Moral Social; Moral Sochi?
Objetiva; El propósito de la Normal (the 1884 oration) ; Lo que
intenta
Bolívar;
Francisco
Vicente Aguilera;
El siglo XX; Diario;
Hamtet;
Biographical s k e t c h : Bibliograpby,
i
I
HOSTOSIANA
A.
Books
about
him,
Eugenio M. de Hostos. Biografía
y Bibliografía
(colección de artículos y
poeBÍas recogidos y publicados p o r su liijo Eugenio Carlos), 1 volumen,
25 X 15 cms., 384 págs. Santo Domingo^ R. D.» I m p . Oiga s 1904.
Hostos, Ciudadano de América, p o r Antonio S. P e d r e i r a ; I Y©1„12 1/2 X 18
1/2 centímetros, 264 págs. Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 1932 ( * ) .
Hostos el Sembrador,
p o r J u a n Boseh; 1 voí.» 13 X 20 cms,, 304 págs. Habaña, Editorial T r ó p i c o , 1939, ene.
Hostos en Santo Domingo* pov Emilio Rodríguez D e m o r i z i ; homenaje d e la
República D o m i n i c a n a ; 2 vols., 16 X 24 1/2 cms., XXXIII-362 y XXIX-35A
páginas. Ciudad Trujillo, R. D. s Vda. García Sues.» 1939, ( * ) .
América y Hostos, colección de ensayos recogidos y publicados por la Comisión P r o Celebración del Natalicio de Eugenio María de H o s t o s ; 1 vol.,
15 X 23 1/2 cms., 395 págs. Habana, Cultural, S. A., Apartado 605, 1939;
60 págs. de ilustraciones; ene. en tela aiini, $2,50; 65 páginas de bibliografía.
Boletines de l<i Comisión Pro Celebración del Natalicia de Hostos, 9 folletos
y 2 vols., 14 X 22 cms. San Juan, P u e r t o Rico, 1938-1939, Los Boletines 16
y I I , 133 y 209 págs,, llevan el subtítulo La Conmemoración
en
América,
E l Boletín mira. 7 es u n índice bibliográfico de 51 páginas.
Hostos y Cuba, p o r Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring; 1 voL, 15 1/2 X 23 1/2
centímetros, 423 págs. Municipio de La Habana, 1939.
Host,oss Apóstol de la Independencia
y de la Libertad de Cuba y Puerto
Rico,, por Emilio Roíg de L e u c h s e m i n g , Municipio de la H a b a n a , Administración del Alcalde, D i \ Antonio BeruH Mendieta, 1939. 1 volumen,
21 X 14 % cms., p p . 104.
The Lima Resolution,
the Essay on Hamlet, and Other Papers. De HosCoiitains a bibliography.
FÜOMOTER OF PAN
AMEEICANISM
279
tos Cemenary Commisión. San Juan, P u e r t o Rico, Bulletiii núm, 12, 1940;
1 voI«, 14 X 32 1/2 cms., 117 págs. H a r v a r d University Press, Cambridge,
Mass.
Eugenio María de Hostost Hombre Representativo
de América, p o r Tulio
M. Cestero; 31 págs., 18 X 27 1/2 ems. Academia de la Historia, Buenos
Aires, 1940. Adcnda al Boletín. Fig. como Introd. a Hostos,
hispanoamericanista.
índice
fíemero
Bibliográfico
de Eugenio
María de Hostos,
1863-1940.
p o r Adolfo de H o s t o s ; 1 vol., 16 X 22 1/2 cms., 756 págs. San Juan,
P u e r t o Rico 1940 (impreso p o r Cultural, S. A-, P i y Margall 625, Habana) ;
encuademación tela axul.
Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903). Vida y obra. Bíblí o grafía- Antología;
18X26 cms., 45 págs. Hispanic Institute i n the United States, New Y o r k ,
1940.
Hostos, Biografía para Niñas? p o r Rafael Estenger; 1 vol, 13 1/2 X 18 CHIS.,
125 págs- Editorial Alfa, H a b a n a , 1942.
Las Doctrinas Políticas de Eugenio María de Hostos, p o r Francisco Elias d e
T e j a d a ; 1 voL, 16 1/2 X 12 eras., 209 págs. Ediciones Cultora Hispánica,
Madrid, 2949. 4 Santa y Seña.
Eugenio María de Hostos t Hispanic America Public servant by José A. Bal»
seiro. N u m b e r six. Coral Gables, Florida, January 1949, 21 1/2 X 15 centímetros, págs. 24. (Umversity of Miami Hispanic-American Studies)Hostos? Apóstol de la Libertad, p o r Carlos N. C a r r e r a s ; 1 vol., 20 1/2 X 14
1/2 centímetros, 208 págs. Madrid, Imprenta, Litografía y Encuadernación, J u a n Bravo, 3, 1950; ene. tela roja.
peyendo y Recordando,
por J. Arisinendi Roblón, Editorial. "El Diario*.
Santiago, B . D.> 1951, 1 vol., 2 1 1 / 2 X 15 1/2, p p . 53.
Hostos, hispanoamericanista,
colección de ensayos recogidos y publicados
por Eugenio Carlos de Hostos; 1 vol., 16 X 23 eras., 431 págs. Madrid,
I m p r e n t a , Litografía y Encuademación, J u a n Bravo, 3, (1952), retrato,
encuademación en tela azxil. 52 págs. de esquema biográfico, bibliografía
y lista de amigos y correspondientes de Hostos, p o r E. C. de H.
Contiene: T u l i o M. Cestero, Introducción:
Eugenia
María
de
Hostos, hombre
representativo
de América;
Concha Espina,
Hostos;
Margot Arce de Vázquez, Patriota ejemplar; Leo S. Rowe, Hostos en la
Unión Panamericana;
Emilio del T o r o Cnebas, Hostos en el Capitolio d&
Puerto Rico;
Francisco Henríquez Carvajal, Hostos;
Max Henríquea
Ureña, Actividad
de Hostos en Santo Domingo;
Emilio Rodríguez Dexnoriüi, El P. Billini y Hostos; P e d r o de Alba, Peregrinación
heroica de
280
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOSI
Hostos; Andrés í d u a r t e , Rebeldía y Disciplina en Mostos; Justo Pastor
Benítez, El Procer que se quedó sin Patria; Luis Galdaraes, Hostos; J u a n
Bosch, Mujeres en la vida de Hostos; Francisco Elias de Tejada, Doctrinas
Políticas de Hostos; Rafael Estenger, Sociopatía americana; José María
Velasco Ibarra, Derecho Constitucional
en Hostos; Víctor Domingo Silva,
Ilustre Antillano Procer de Chile; Max Daireaux, Actualidad de Hostos;
William Rex Crawford, Hostos; Richard Pattee, El sentido
americanista
en Hostos; Fernán Félix do Amador, Hostos y el sentido solidario
de
Latino América; Adolfo de Hostos, El Americanismo
de Hostos,
¿Biografía de Hostosf por D r . P e d r o Aran, Prólogo de Américo Lugo, 1 yolumen, 8.°, 297 págs. Nueva York (1952), medio lujo (citado por referencia) .
ÍÍOS Trabajos literarios de Eugenio M. Hostos, p o r Américo Lugo. Fondo de
Cultura Económica, Panuco, 63, México, D. F., Mex.
B,—SKETCHES
AND 34 O I ES
ABOUT
KOS-COS
P e d r o A. de Alarcón: "Juicio acerca de L>a Peregrinación
de Bayomi, por
Hostos". V . Adenda al Tratado de Sociología, Hostos. Edit. BaiKy Baiíliere e Hijos. Madrid, 1904.
P e d r o de A l b a : "Eugenio María de Hostos and his ideas oí Social Morality". Bulletin of the P a n American Union, Washington, D. C , volum e n L X X I I I , núin. 2, february 1939, 24X17 ems., 57 págs. V. págs. 85-95.
P e d r o de A l b a : ' X a Peregrinación heroica de Eugenio María de Hostos".
Prólogo de Hostos (Antología). Vol. X I Í I de la "Colección el Pensamiento de América". México, Ediciones de la Secretaría de Educación
Pública, 1944; 1 vol., 24X17 ems., XXIX-266 págs. V. págs. VII-XXIX
I , La Peregrinación heroica de Eugenio María d e Hostos. I I , Hostos
siempre' fiel a sí mismo, I I I , Universalidad y permanencia de Hostos.
IV, Breve semblanza. V, Cronología d e Hostos.
Álbum del Centenario de la República
Dominicana.
Artes Gráficas, S. A.»
Habana (1944); 35X26 1/2 « a s . , 273 págs., apaisado. V. cap. "La Educación Nacional".
Fernán Félix de A m a d o r : "Hostos y el sentido solidario de Latino América". Conferencia p o r "Radio Splendíd", Buenos Aires, 9-11-1938. Rep.
p o r "Revista de la Asociación de Mujeres Graduadas de la Universidad de Puerto Rico", año I, vol. I I , San J u a n , P u e r t o Rico, diciem*
b r e 1938; 24X18 cms., 56 págs. V. págs. 44 y sig.
Francisco Ayala: Tratado de Sociología. Losada (Sebastián de Aruorriirlu
PROMOTER OF PAN
AMERICANISM
281
e H i j o s ) . B u e n o s Aires, 1947; 3 vol., 25X16 eins. V. "Historia de 1*
Sociedad'*. H o s t o s ; vol. I, págs, 241-2 y 256-7.
G u m e r s i n d o de A z c á r a t e : Juicios acerca d e Derecho Constitucional
y Moral Social-, de Hostos. V., respectivamente, "La Libertad Electoral", San*
tiago, Chile, 24-2-1897, y "La V o z de la P a t r i a " , Mayagüez, P . R.,
2-6-1907. V. Adeuda al Tratado cíe Sociología,
Edit. Bailly B a i l l i e r e e
Hijos, M a d r i d , 1904.
G u m e r s i n d o de Azcárate: "Carta a E n r i q u e Deschampe", M a d r i d , 21-1-1916,
Dice d e H o s t o s ; " H o m b r e extraordinario, cuyo m e m o r i a yo no puedo
olvidar." V . índice Remero-Bibliográfico
de Eugenio María de
Hostos.
p o r Adolfo de Hostos, Edit. Cultural, S. A., H a b a n a , 1940.
Azorín (José Martínez Ruiz) : "Jnicio acerca de Hostos", estudiando Hostos, Ciudadano de América,, p o r Antonio S. P e d r e i r a , "La P r e n s a " . Buenos Aires, R. A., 1932,
José A. B a l s e i r o : "La significación del centenario en c o n m e m o r a c i ó n de
Eugenio María de Hostos", discurso de clausura p r o n u n c i a d o e n el Paraninfo d e la Universidad de P u e r t o Rico el 9 de e n e r o de 1939. "El
M u n d o " , San J u a n , n ú m . 8.103, 11-1-1939. "Alma Latina", San J u a n , P . R.f
28-1-1939, págs. 16 y 44-45; y Bol, Com. Cent. Hostos, n ú m . 11 págs. 13-2©.
José A. B a l s e i r o : "Crítica y estilo literario en Eugenio María de Hostos''.
" P u e r t o Rico I l u s t r a d o " , rev., San J u a n , P . R., 14-1-1939, págs. 3 y 7 1 ;
"Revista i b e r o a m e r i c a n a " , México, D. F., vol. I, 1939, págs, 17-27; y
América y Hostos, págs. 55-63.
José A. B a l s e i r o : En vela mientras el Mundo duerme. Novela, 1 volumen.
20X14 era., págs. 241. Biblioteca de Autores P u e r t o r r i q u e ñ o s ( M a d r i d ) ,
1953. V. Hostos, páge. 36, 106 y 233.
Antonio Ballesteros y B e r e t t a : Historia
de España y su influencia
en laHistoria Universal. Salvat Editores, S. A., Barcelona, C. Mallorca 49, 1927.
9 vol. 24 1/2X16 1/2 of about, págs. 800 etch. V. Hostos, t. I X , p á g . 252.
Julio Bañados E s p i n o s a : Reforma de la Enseñanza del Derecho, I n i p . "La
L i b e r t a d Electoral", Santiago, Chile, 1889, 1 vol., 209-240 págs. V . Hostos, págs. 110 y sigs., 162-3. V. t a m b i é n su libro Derecho
Constitucional
Concordado
y sus artículos en "La Libertad Electoral" (1889) y en
"Los D e b a t e s " (1891), a m b o s de Santiago, Chile.
Hugo D . B a r b a g e l a t t a : Ensayistas Hispanoamericanos.
V. Hostos.
Felice B a t t a g l i a : Curso de Filosofía del Derecho, t r a d . d e l a 3 . a ed< ití*liana y anotado p o r Francisco Elias de T e j a d a y P a b l o Lucas V e r d ü .
Instituto E d i t o r i a l R e n s , Preciados, 6 y 23, Madrid, 1951; 3 vol. V . vol u m e n I, 2 2 X 1 4 1/2 eme,, 410 págs. V . Hostos, págs. 368.
Francisco A. B e r r a : "Juicios acerca de oforas de H o s t o s " (escritos en La
282
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
Plata, R. A., 1895). Y. Adeudas a Tratado de Sociología y Moral Social,
p o r Hostos. Edit. Bailly Bailliere e Hijos, Madrid, 1904.
.lean Toussaint Bertrand: Histoire de L'Amerique
Espagnole des origines á
nos jours, Preface p a r Víctor Andró Belaunde. Editions Spens. París, 1929. Illustré et snivie d'nne Bibliographie. V. Hostos, vol. I I , páginas 413.
Rufino Blanco F o m b o n a : Grandes Escritores de América. Siglo XIX. Imp,,
Renacimiento, Madrid, 1917; 19 1/2x12 1/2 cms., 339 págs. V. Hos
tos, págs. 173-221, I, Hostos, figura representativa, I I , Hostos r o m p e con
España. I I I , Hostos comienza su odisea benefactora. IV, Hostos, maestro. V, Hostos, literato. VI, A propósito de Hostos, literato, el tupé de
los europeos. V I I , HGstos, filósofo moralista. V I I I , Hostos, sociólogo.
IX, HoBtos, tratadista de Derecbo Constitucional. X, Hostos, h o m b r e de
ideales y h o m b r e de bogar. Rep. en América y Hostos, págs. 97-129; en
"Cuba Contemporánea". Habana, ario I I , r o l . I V , abril 1914, págs. 400-427,
y en "Alma Latina", San Juan, P . R.„ marzo 1951, y como prólogo a
Moral Social, p o r Hostos. Edit. Amériea, Madrid, 1917. Capitulos sueltos han sido reprodncidos en muchas revistas y periódicos de España
y América
Rufino Blanco Fornbona: Literary History of Spanish Amerita,
Mac Milían Co., N e w York, 1916. V. Hostos, págs. 434-442.
H'ofino Blanco F o m b o n a : "E. M . de Hoatos", "ínter America", rev. norteamericana, vol. V I I , núm. 6, 1924, págs. 534-539, trad., frags, p n b . en la
"Revista de Filosofía", Buenos Aires, 1924, págs. 203-209, y agrega una
noticia biográfica de Hostos.
Rnfino Blanco F o m b o n a : "Un eeenltor de España y un pensador de América", "La Voz", Madrid, enero 2, 1926. (Monumento a Hostos, por
Vítorio Macho.)
NOTA.—V. oíros fragmentos de Blanco Fombona sobre Hostos en
" Clio", rev. de la Acad. Dora, de la Hist.. sept.-oct. 1933, pág. 118; "Boletín de la Biblioteca Iberoamericana y de Bellas Artes", México, D . F.,
enero 1.939, pág. 5, y en "América", rev. de la Asoe. de artistas y escritores americanos. Habana, vol. I I I , núm. 7, julio 1939 .
Tomás Blanco: Prontuario Histórico da Puerto Rico, I m p , J u a n Pueyo, Madrid, 1935. V. p p . 72, 110-1.
Juan Boscb: "Hostos y la Revolución Cubana",. "Boletín de la Unión Pan
Americana", vol. LXXIH, núm. 1. "Washington, D. C , enero 1939; 24)^17
centímetros, 69 págs. V. págs. 10 y sigs.
Juan Boscb: Mujeres en la vida de Hostos. Conferencia. Publicación de la
''Asociación de Mujeres Graduadas de la Universidad de Puerto Rico".
PHOMOTER OF PAN AMEHICANISM
283
San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1938; 2 t X l 9 cms,, 52 págs. Prólogo p o r Concha
Meléndez. 1, Exordio. 2, Las mujeres de la infancia. 3, ¿ U n amor en
P u e r t o Rico? 4, Doña Hilaria, o la lucha. 5, Marien. 6, La rival afortunada de Marien. 7, Candorina, o el descubrimiento de América. 8,
Manolita, o la pasión. 9, Carmen Lastarria, o la fuga. 10, Los fantasmas
del pasado. 11, Inda, remanso y estímulo. 12, Las dos últimas amantes.
Dr. Edgard Sheffield Rrightman (de la Universidad de B o s t o n ) : "Eugenio
María de Hostos: Philosopher of Personality", Bulletin
12, De Hostos
Centenary Commission, págs, 10-12. Trad* al castellano por el Dr. José
A F r á n q a e z : "Hostos, filósofo de la personalidad", "La Correspondencia
de Pnerto Rico", San J u a n , 25.9.1938; "Unversidad de L a Habana",
revista, año V I I I , núm. 23, 1939; "Luminar", México, D . F „ n ú m e r o de
primavera, 1939; "La Nueva Democracia", Nueva Y o r k , marzo 1939;
"El Universal", Caracas, Venezuela, 29.12.1938; Bol. Com* Cení. Hostos
número IX y en America y Hostos (fragmentos).
Proí. Edgard Sheffield Bríghtiaarc "Hostos, Eugenio María d e : Amériett
y Hostos", "Philosopbic Abstraéis",, New York, vol. C, epring 1940, y Bu»
fletim 12, De Hostos Centenary Cammision,
págs. 36-37.
Prof. Edgard- Sheffield B r i g h t m a n : "Las Obras Completas de Hostos"; traducción al e s p a ñ o l "El M n n d o " . San Juan, P . R.7 12-2-1940.
Carlos N„ Carreras; Bemnces y Hostos, "El Mtmdo'% San Juan, P . R., 22«6r
1941. V. Otros cuatro títulos en índice. Hémero-Bibli-ográfico
de Eugenio
Mafia de Hostos, p o r Adolfo de Hostos.
Klyseo de C a r v a l h o : Príncipes
del Espíritu Americano,
T r a d . del portu*
gués por C. A. Comet. Edit. América. M a d r i d ; 16X12 c w s 4 259 págs.
V. páginas 239-241.
Amonio Caso: "La Filosofía Moral de Hostos". Conferencias del Ateneo de
ía Juventud. I m p . Lacaud, México, 1910; 26X18 cms., 123 págs., pági~
ñas 11-31. Kep. en America y Hostos, págs. 209-222.
•Emilio CasteJnr: "Carta a Hostos". Madrid, 3-2-1868, ofreciéndole pedir en
las Cortes responsabilidad al Gobierno Provisional p o r su política reaccionaria en las Antillas. V. "Correo de P n e r t o Rico", edición extraordinaria consagrada a don Eugenio María de Hostos por el cariño y
la admiración de sus amigos, Ponce, P . R., 18-1-1899; Eugenio
M.
Hostos, Biografía y Bibliografía, Santo Domingo, R. D., I m p . Oiga,
1904, pág. 33L
Ttiíió M, Cestero: Por el Cihao. Santo Domingo, R. D., I m p . Cnna de América, J. R. Roqnes, 1 vol., 12.°, 451 págs-, 1901, Y. págs. 37-46,
Tiílio M. Cestero: Eugenio Muría de Hostos, hombre representativo
de
284
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
América. Disertación de homenaje en la Academia Nacional de la His*
toria, sesión pública del 28 de noviembre de 1939. Buenos Aires, 1940*
2 5 x 1 7 eme., 31 págs. Aparece como "introducción" en Hostos,
hispanoamericanista, 8.°, 431 págs., Madrid, 1952.
V. otrog siete títulos en índice Hemero-bibliográjico
de Hostos, p o r
Adolfo de Hostos.
Manuel Chavarría F l o r e s : "Eugenio María de Hostos,. educador", "El Iniparcial", Guatemala, A, C , agosto 14, 16, 21, 23 y 28, septiembre 4
y 14, y octubre 2 y 26, 1939. I, Revolucionarios de América. I I , Platón. I H , Dos Maestros. IV, Bandera de América. V , Sentido de la Educación. VI, Significación de Educador. V I I , El Maestro. V I I I , el P r o fesor, y IX, el Pedagogo. (Ensayo premiado en concurso.)
Alfred Coester: Literary Histary of Spanish America. The Mac Millan Co<ít
New York, 1916, y nueva edición 1921. V. Hostos, págs. 442-43. Noticia llena de errores. Trad. al castellano p o r Rómulo de Tovar, 1929.
Cayetano Coll y Tosté: Boletín Histórico de Puerto Rico. Cantero Fernández. San Juan, P . R., 1918. V. vol. V, págs. 260-262.
Diego Córdoba: "Odisea y Actualidad de Hostos*'. "Revista Nacional d&
Cultura". Ediciones del Ministerio de Educación, Caracas, Venezuela,
números 87-88, julio-oetubre 1951; 1 vol. 2 3 x 1 5 1/2 cms., 390 págs.
V. páginas 199-225. R e p . p o r "El Diario", Nueva York, 2-3-52,
Wiílian Rex Crawford: A Century of Latin American
Thought.
Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1945, 1 vol. 1 3 x 2 0 cms. V, Hostos t
páginas 236-246.
Lidio Cruz; Monclova: Romeo y Julieta. Prólogo a la edición Caguax del
Ensayo de Hostos. Río* Piedras, P . R., 1939.
Max Daireaux: ''Aetualité de Eugenio M. de Hostos", "L'Amerique Latin e " ("France-Amerique"). 23. e année, núms. 766-67, París, 9-16.6.1946.
Rubén D a r í o : "Carta; Prólogo de Renglones Cortos". Anales de la Universidad de Chile, ano XCVI, l. Q y 2,° trimestre 1938. Santiago Chile.
Prensa de la TJniver&idad, 1938. V. págs. 145.
X Deleito P i ñ u e l a : Lecturas a m e r i c a n a s . Editorial América. Madrid, 1920;
18 1/2X12 c m s s 237 págs. V. Hostos, pág. 36.
Francisco Elias de T e j a d a : Las Doctrinas Políticas de Eugenio María de
Hostos. Ediciones Cultura Hispánica. Santo y Seña 4. I m p . Arba. Cicerón, 16, Madrid, 1949; 17X12. cms., 209 páge. I, El Don Quijote de
Puerto Rico. I I , Bases religiosas. I I I , Bases filosóficas. IV, Etica. V, Sociología. VI, Derecho. VII, Derecho político. V I I I , Filosofía de la Historia. IX, La herencia de Eugenio María de Hostos. Apéndice "La*
FROMOTKB OF PAN AMERICAKISM
285
Obras Completas de Eugenio María de Hostos", por Eugenio Carlos
de Hostos.
Francisco Elias de Tejada: "Hostos, 1949", Conferencia dictada al iniciar
el Ciclo de Conferencias: "Hombres de América" (organizado p o r la
Asociación Cultural Hispánica de Salamanca), en su calidad d e Catedrático y Héctor del Seminario de Derecho Público, el 10 d e marzo
d e 1949.
Francisco Elias de T e j a d a : Traducción y notas del Curso de Filosofía
del
Derecho, p o r Felice Battaglia. Instituto Editorial Reus. Madrid, 1951.
V. Hostos, vol. I, pág. 368.
R a m ó n T. Elizondo: Sociología d e la Educación. "Colección Argentina de
Sociología". Edít, Araújo, Buenos Aires, K. A., 1940, V. Hostos, vol. I ,
páginas 17, 20, 152, 156 y 158.
Concha E s p i n a : "El Viento Aaul". "Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San Juan P . R.,
4-3-1940.
Rafael Estenger: Sociopatía Americana, Comentarios a Hostos. Molina y Cía,.
Muralla, 313. Habana* 1939; 19X12 cms., 15 págs.
Antenor F e r m í n : Lettres de Saint Tham-as. Giart et E. Briére, París, 1910;
426 págs. V. cap. I I I .
Virgilio F e r r e r Gutiérrez: "Sobre el homenaje a Hostos". por A. Lámar
Schweyer. 4,E1 País", Habana, Cuba, 11-1-1940.
Viriato A. FiaJlo: "El Intuicionismo filosófico (de Hostos)''. 4*CHo'rf revista bimestral de la Academia Dominicana de la Historia, vol. V I I ,
1939, págs. 62-4.
Y. A. Fiailoí "Der philosophische institutionismus des Denkers Eugenio
María de Hostos". Deutseb yon G. Henning. "Ibero Amerikanische Rundschau", H a m b u r g , 1939, IV 9 págs. 317-18.
José A. F r á n q u i z : "El ensueño de Hostos". "Horizonte'*, San Juan, P . R«,
febrero 1939; xep. BoU Com, Cent, de Hostos, núm-, 104 págs. 113-131.
José A. F r á n q u e z : "El idealismo personalista en Eugenio María de Ho3t©s*',
Conferencia dictada en el Ateneo Puertorriqueño, 9-12-1938.
José A. F r á n q u i z : "Esencia ideológica de Hostos", discurso pronunciado
en el Paraninfo de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 9-1-1939. R e p . e n
América y Hostos, págs. 307-325, y "Luminar", México, D . F., núra. 2,
septiembre 1939, págs. 1S0-203. Citado en "Philosophic Abstracts", Boston, Mass., núm. 1, 1939-40.
José A. F r á n q u i z : "Hostos, Eugenio María d e : Ohras Completas" (20 vols.)
"Philosopbic Abstracts", New York, N . Y., vol. I, n ú m . 2, 1940, pág. 35,
R e p , en Bulletin, núm. 12, De Hostos Centenary Commision, págs. 32-44*
286
EUGEHIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS:
COR ei título "A Conimemorative Edition oí De Hostos complete works",
Harry W. F r a n t z : "Eugenio María de Hostos, P u e r t o Rican D o n Quísote oí
Liberty, finas faíthful blographer". (United Presa Dispatch) New York.
1932,
Hilda F r o m m : "Eugenio María de Hostos ein leben fiir Ibero-Amerika"
I b e r o anierican Archive, Jabrg 14, heft 1, april, págs. 68-75). Cit. p o r
Handhooh of Latín American Studies, Washington^ D, C„ 1939.
Bisiori Frondizi (Catedrático de la Universidad de Tucnmán, Argentina) :
Handhooh of Latín American Studies. Washington, D . C , 1940» V . stis
juicios sobre América y Hostos y sobre Obras Completas de Hostos.
Alejandro Fuensalida Gran.dón: Lastarria y su tiempo (1817-1888). Santiago.
Chile, Imprenta, Litografía y Encuademación Barcelona, 1911; 2 vols, I.
pág. 5.
Luis Galdanies: Valentín Letelier y su Obra, 1852-1919, Santiago, Chile.
I m p . Universitaria, 1937; 1 vol., 806 págs. V. Hostos, págs. 164-165, nota
ÁÁ (producción mental de Hostos en Chile de 1871-73 y de 1889-98,
págs. 166-69 y ñola AC.}
Lnis Galdames: "El Americanienao de Hostos". Conferencia en la Academia de Ciencias de La Habana. "El Diario de la Marina", Habana,
30*6-1938. R e p . en Bol. Com* Cent, de Hos£o$r núm. \. págs^ 2 : El Centenario de Hostoa. Familia y educación. Estudios y Relaciones políticas
en España (1857-1369). En Nueva Y o r k ; labor p r o Antillas. Labor revolucionaria en Perú, Argentina y Venezuela. En C h i l e : Plácido;
Hamlet;
sus amores. Ideal auierieaitigta. E n Santo D o m i n g o : labor educativa. De
nuevo en C h i l e : labor pedagógica, labor c«bañista: "Cuba ante América" (Cartas Públicas acerca de Cuba) (1897). E n Puerto Rico: lo representa en loe Estados Unidos (1899). Sus últimos años. Su muerte
(1903). Obras de Hostos. Su americanismo.
Luis Galdames: ''La personalidad de Hostos*'. Conferencia dictada en el
Salón de H o n o r de la Universidad de Chile, diciembre 9, 1938. "El
Mercurio'*, Santiago, Chile, diciembre S, 9 y 10, 1938.
Luis GaMames: ''Hostos, Maestro y Sociólogo". Discurso pronunciado en
el Salón de H o n o r de la Universidad de Chile, enero 19, 1939. "Ei
Mercurio", Santiago, Chile, enero 19, 1939 (referencia).
Luis Galdames: "Hostos. Semblanza de una Vida 1 '. Revista "Nosotros",
Buenos Aires, R. A., año IV, enero 1939, págs. 16-29; rep. en ; 'E1 Mundo",
San Juan, P . R., diciembre 1939, ilustrado.
Joeé Gaos: Antología de Lengua española en la Edad Contemporánea.
Vol. V
de la "Colección Laberinto". Edít. Séneca, México, D. F., 1 vol., 17X11
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
287
1/2 ems., LVM412 págs. V. Hostos, págs. XXIX, XXX, XLI, XLIV,
XLIX, L y 536-54.
Francisco García Calderón: La Creación de ira Continente. París, 1910;
22 X 15 cms. V. cps. I, II y I I I .
Francisco García Calderón: Les Democratics Latines de FAmeriqíct. Prcfa.ee
de M. Raymond Poincare; Ernest Flammarión, editeur; París, 1912;
22X15 cms., 377 págs. V. págs. 150 y 317. Trad. al ingles con el título
Latín America its raise and progress, NeW York y Londres, Cíiarles
Seribners, 1913, 406 págs.
Francisco García Calderón: Ideas e impresiones, Edit. América, Madrid,
1909; 19X12 e m s , 256 págs.; págs. 32, 50-51, 78 y 153.
Francisco García Calderón: Profesores de Idealismo. París, Sociedad de
Ediciones Literarias y Artísticas, tifo. Paúl Ollendorff; 22x15 cms., 304
págs. V. pág. 157.
Federico García Godoy; "TJíxa Gloria Antillana''.
"El Fígaro", Habana,
junio 10, 1912; rep. "'La Cuna de América", Santo Domingo-, R. 33»,
número 12, julio 17, 1912, y "Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San Juan, R. P.,
mamo 22, 1924.
Federico García Godoy: La Literatura Americana- en Mientras días. Madrid,
Edit. América; 19x12 1/2 cms., 304 págs. V. págs. 119, 122-26, 134, 216
y 275.
Federico García Godoy: "La Literatura Dominicana"- "Revue Higpaniqpue",
París, R. Fonlché Delbose, 1916. V. tomo 37, págs. 87*88.
Vicente Geigel Poíanco: "Hostos y la independencia de Puerto Rico". 'Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San Jnan, P . R., 14-1-1939, págs. 15 y 67. ("El ideal
hoatoeiano de patria libre envolvía la emancipación de Puerot Rico, la
federación de las Antillas y la confederación de España y de sus hijos
de América.")
Vicente Geigel Polanco: "La vida de Hostos, *u mayor legado", Puet'ío
Rico ilustrado", San Jnan, P . ÍL, 28-1-1939, págs. 2 y 72.
Vicente Geigel Polanco: ;< Hostos, realidad actuante en nuestro inundo
moral". Discurso pronunciado en el Paraninfo de la Universidad de
Puerto Rico. "El Mundo", San Juan, P . R., 12-2-1939. Rep. Bol. Com.
Cent. Hostos núm. 11; "Revista de Educación'', Ciudad Trujillo, R. D.,
año XI. núm. 52, julio-agosto, 1939, paga. 4.<5 y sigs,, y "Ateneo Puertorriqueño", revista trimestral, San Juan, P . R., vol. III, núm, 1, aforil-mayojnnio 1939, págs. 3-21.
Vicente Geigel Polanco; "Las Obras Completas de Eugenio María de Hostos",
288
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
ilustrado. ' P u e r t o Rico Ilustrado", revista, San Juan, P . R., vol. XXVIII,
mím. 1.560, 10-2-1940, págs. 12 y 55.
Francisco Giner de los R í o s : "Carta a Eugenio María de Hostos". "La Libertal Electoral", Santiago, Chile, 1895, y otra (fechada en Madrid, j u l i o
3, 1897), enero 18, 1898. (V. "Boletín de la Asociación Libre de Enseñanza, Madrid, 1932).
Francisco Giner de loa R í o s : ''Dereeh© Constitucional de Hostos*'. Adeuda
al Tratado de Sociología de Hostos. Bailley Bailliere e Hijos, Madrid,
1904.
H. Giner de los R í o s : Historia Crítica abreviada de Literatura Nacional y
Extranjera Antigua y Moderna, Catedrático de Literatura en la Universidad de Santiago, 1. a y 2 . a partes, 2. a ed. Barcelona, Antonio Virgili,
e d i t o r ; 1 vol», 20 cms., 208+175 págs. V. Hostos, 2. a parte, págs. 124,
Isaac G o l d b e r g : Studies in Spanish American
Literatura,
Brentano's, Ne>*
York, 1930; págs. 330. T r a d , al español con el título La
Literatura
Hispano-americana.
Edit. América, M a d r i d ; 19 1 / 2 x 1 2 cms., 415 págs. V.
págs. 373 y 374.
Isaac G o l d b e r g : "An Anthology oí Hispanic American Poetry". V. "Eugenio
María de Hostos". "Boston Evening Transcript", Boston, Mass., aug. 31,
1921. R e p . p o r "El T i e m p o " , San Juan, P . R., 26-3-1924; Bulletin
número 12, De Hostos Centenary Conzmisión, pág. 1. T r a d . al español p o r
"Heraldo de Puerto Rico", P . R., 26-3-1924; "Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San
Juan, P . R., 10-9-1921 (fragmento), y "El M u n d o " , San Juan, P . R., 25-3-1924.
Carmen; G ó m e z Tejera: La Novela en Puerto Rico. A p u n t e s para «u historia. Cuadernos de la Universidad de Puerto Rico. Departamento de Estudios hispánicos, 2. Junta Editorial. Universidad de P u e r t o Rico, 1947;
1 vol., 2 2 x 1 4 cms., 138 págs. V. Hostos, págs. 48-50.
Handbooh of Latín American Studies: 1939, n ú m , 5, Edited for T h e «Committee on Latin American Studies of the American Councii of Learned
Societies by Lewis H a n k e and Mirón Burgess, Library eí Congress,
Cambridge, Mass., 1940, vol. 5, 476 págs. V. págs. 331, 421, 422; números 2.816, 2.827, 2.847, 2.849, 3.449-3.564 y 4.401-4.410.
Handbook of Latín American Studies: 1940, vol. 6, 570 págs. Mirón Burgess,
Library of Congress, editor; "History: Caribbean Área. T h e National
P e r i o d " , by Herminio Portell-Vila, Universidad de La Habana. V. Hostos.
Págs. 284, 291, 353 y 363.
Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch: Apuntes para un Catálogo de periodistas
madrileños. I m p . Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, Madrid, 1894; 2 7 x 2 0 cms.,
415 págs. a dos columnas. Y. Hostos, págs. 229 y 240.
FROMOTER OF PAN AMERICANISM
289
Federico Henríquez Carvajal; "Informe especial sobre los exámenes y la
investidura de los primeros maestros normales" (discípulos de Hostos).
Santo Domingo, R. D., "Gaceta Oficial" núm. 532, 11-10-1884.
Federico Henríquez Carvajal: "Ante la tumba del Maestro", discurso en la
tamba de Hostos, 11-8-1903.
Federico Henríquez Carvajal: "Hostos a través de su vida y de mis recuerdos". Eugenio M. Hostos. Biografía. y bibliografía. Santo Domingo,
R. D., I m p . Oiga, 1904; págs. 353-65.
NOTA.—La bibliografía de las cartas, discursos y obras del centenario y noble Maestro dominicano ocupa siete páginas enteras, 320-327,
en el índice Homero-Bibliográfico
de Eugenio María cíe Hostos, por
Adolfo de Hostos, Habana, Cultural, 1940; 756 págs,
Francisco Henríquez Carvajal: "Mi tributo". "Cuba Literaria", Santiago, Cuba, 7-4-1904. Reproducido en múltiples obras y revistas de la cuenca del
Caribe.
Camila Henríquez Ureña: ''Ideas Pedagógicas de Hostos'". "Revista de Instrucción Pública", Habana, enero 1928, págs. 47 y sigs.; "Revista de la
Facultad de Letras y Ciencias", Universidad de la Habana, Imp. La Propagandista, vol. XXXIX, enero-junio, págs. 10-84, y julio-diciembre 1929,
págs. 142-202; "Revisa de Educación", Santo Domingo, I m p . La Nación,
1932, 1 vol., 130 págs.; "Repertorio Americano", San José, Costa Rica, I,
14.1939, y en América y Hostos (la 2. a parte), págs. 231-303. I, La Vida.
I I , Las Obras. I I I , Las ideas: posición filosófica y m o r a l ; Sociología;
Psicología; Pedagogía; Plan de Estudios; Concepto de la Educación
de la mujer; Educación física; Educación intelectual; Educación m o r a l ;
el sueño del patriota. IV, La acción educativa. V, Conclusiones- Reeu»
Bien. Bibliografía.
Max Henríquez U r e ñ a : Panorama Histórico de la Literatura
Dominicana,
Conferencias dictadas en la Facultad de Filosofía de la Universidad del
Brasil. Río de Janeiro, 1945; 1 vol., 23 1/2x16 cms., 349 págs. V. cap.
XVII, "Hostos y la enseñanza*', págs. 243-51.
Pedro Henríquez U r e ñ a : Literary Currents in Hispanic America, 1949, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massacbussets; 3. a ed. f 1 voL, 21X14
centímetros., 345 págs. V- Hostos, págs. 151, 155-57, 158, 160, 163, 178 y 262.
Pedro Henríquez Ureña: Historia de la Cultura en la América
Hispánica.
Fondo de Cultura Económica, Panuco, 63, México, D. F., Mex. 1 vol.
21 1/2X14 cms., pág. 241, V. "Hostos" págs. 109, 110, 113, 119, 120, 142.
Pedro Henríquez Ureña: "Reseña de la Historia Cultural de la República
Dominicana" e n Enriquillo* por Manuel de Jesús Galván. Colección P a n
19
290
EUGENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS:
Americana. 28. Wrn. M. Jaekson, Inc., Editores» Buenos Aires, R. A...
1 vol. 19 1/2X12 1/2, págs. XXVII-504.. Y. "Hostos", pág. XIX.
P e d r o H e n r í q u e z U r e ñ a : "La Sociología de Hostos". Horas de
Estudio.
Sociedad do Ediciones Literarias y Artísticas. París, 1910; 1 vol-, 18
1/2X12 1/2 cms., 303 págs. V. págs- 75-88. Rep. en varios libros y
revistas, incluyendo América
y Hostos, págs. 149-155. I , I n t r o d u c c i ó n .
II, EZ Tratado de Sociología. I I I , El más alto mérito de Hostos como sociólogo. I V , El concepto hostosíano de la libertad . "V, Una virtualidad
que tiende a la acción.
P e d r o Henríquez U r e ñ a : "Prefacio" de Essctis por Hostos. Instituí Internationale de C o o p e r a d o » Intellectuelle. P a r í s , 1936; y de la Antología^
Pedro H e n r í q n e z U r e ñ a : "Biografía mínima de Eugenio Marta de Hostos
(1839-1903)". "Boletín del Instituto de Cultura Latinoamericana de la
Facultad de Filosofía y Letras". Universidad de Buenos Aires, R, A.,
enero-lebrero 1939.
Tifee Hispanic uctivities of ¿he Library oj Congre.ss with an address by Ardhibald Mac Leich. Washington, D. C , 1946; 2 4 x 1 7 cms,, 36 págs.* ihtst,
V. pág. 7. Se inscribe el n o m b r e de Hostos al lado del de Sarmiento en
e l Friso de la Fundación Hi&pánica, Biblioteca del Congreso.
Adolfo de Hostos: Hostos como educador. Memoria premiada p o r la Asociación de Maestros de P u e r t o Rico, en el Certamen del 28-12-1910.
" T h e P o r t o Rico School Review", San Juan, P . R., vol. de 1920, págs,
45 y sigs. Boceto biográfico. Labor pedagógica en Santo Domingo. Labor intelectual en Chile. Labor patriótica en Puerto Rico. Legislador
de la enseñanza pública de la República Dominicana. Juicio ocerca de
la labor pedagógica de Hostos. Finalidad social de su plan de enseñanza. P í a n de estudios. Enseñanza mtutitiva-induotiva. Examen del
plan. Influencia de su labor en Chile y en la República Dominicana»
Texto d e l P r o g r a m a de las Escuelas Normales. Reformador de la enseñanza en; América. Campeón de la mujer. Su muerte. BibliografíaAdolfo de H o s t o s : Al sercivio de Clío. San Juan, P . R., 1942; 1 vol., 23
1/2X15 1/2 ems., 335 págs., dos planos, 19 págs. de grabados y fotograrías, ene. en tela castaño claro. Parte I I en inglés. Y. pág. 14, "Colocación
del retrato de Hostos en la "'Biblioteca H o s t o s " ; págs. 72-86. "Pedreira.
hostosíano"; .126-31, "El americanismo de H o s t o s " ; 132*4 "Cómo se escribió el Tratado de Sociología''' {,*), 134-88. "Hostos como educador".
* Introducción a la edición argentina de la Sociología,
por Hostos.
V. vol. I I de la "Colección Argentina de Sociología", ed. en 1941 por el
Dr. Ramón T. Elizondo.
FROMOTER OF PAXÍ AMBRICANISM
291
Adolfo de Hostos; Ciudad Murada. Ensayo aeerea del proceso de la civilización en la ciudad española de San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico^
1521-1898. V. "E. M. de Hostos en la ciudad", págs. 390.
Editorial Lex, Habana, 1948; 23 X 15 1/2 ems., 543 p p ^ ihist., piel azuL
NOTA.—Su índice Heinero*Bibli gráfico de Eugenio Marín de Hasto^
contiene nota de quince trabajos suyos más.
Bayoán L* de H o s t o s : Eugenio: María de Hostos, íntimo* Santo. DwmingtS
R. D., I m p . Montalvo; 24X15 cms^ 145 págs. Anécdotas dominicanas:
Monseñor Merino, Di*. Carranza, Biblioteca de San Carlos. Escuela
N o r m a l . Relinda Ayala de Hostos, María A. de Hostos. Ley de enseñanza. Jarabacoa. Presidente J u a n I. Jiménez. Mariscal de Campo Gen. U.
Heureaux. La influencia de H e u r e a u x . Política y sociología en la República. R e p . e n las Antillas y Buenos Aires (fragmentos).
Eugenio Carlos de H o s t o s : "Noticia biográfica" (que encabeza)
Eugenio
M. Hostos.
Biografía y Bibliografía. Santo Domingo*
R. D., I m p .
Oiga, 1904; 21 X 14 cms. 384 págs. V. págs. 5-26. T a m b i é n encabeza
anónimamente América
y Hostos, Habana, Cuba, 1939; 23 X 15 ems-,
395 p p , V. p. 9-33, e igualmente (recortada) Lecciones de Derecho
Constitucional de au p a d r e . París, Edit. P a ú l Ollendoríf, 1908; págs. VIT-XYL
Rep. en varias publicaciones antillanas.
El índice, Hemero-bibliográfico
d& Eugenio Marín de Hostos?, p o r su herm a n o Adolfo, contiene mención de 25 artículos y trabajos más,
Eugenio Carlos de Hostoa: "Las Obras Completas de Hostos", trabajo leído
en el Paraninfo de la Universidad de Salamanca, 10 marzo 1949 (*).
Jorge Huneeus C a n a : Cuadro Histórico
de la producción
intelectual
de
Chile, Santiago, 1910 Y. págs. 171-172.
Andrés I d u a r t e : "Rebeldía y disciplina en Hostos", "Revista Hispánica Moderna", Intitulo de las Españas, Nueva York-Buenos Aires, vol. V. mhji. 4,
oet. 1939, págs. págs. 289-300, ilust. R e p . en Eugenio María d& Hosto.%
1839-1903. Vida y Obra. Bibliografía, Antología, Híspanle í m t i m t e i n
die United States, New York, 1940.
Samuel Guy I m n a n ; Problems iu Paiiamericanism.
George H . Doran CoNew York, 1.921. Y . "'Eugenio María de H o s t o s ' , págs. 27-28. Rep. p o r
" P o r t o Rico Progi*ess"f y tv. por "La Democracia", J, La Correspondencia
de P u e r t o Rico", "El í m p a r c i a l " y "El Tiempo", todos de San Juan
25*3-1924.
Samuel Guy í n n i a n : Trailing the conquistadores.
Misionary Edueation Mo* Y. Las Doctrinas Políticas de Eugenio
cisco Elias de Tejada, ''Apéndice".
María
de Montos, p o r Fran-
292
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS:
vement, Friendship Press, New York, 1930, 236 págs. V. Hostos, págs,
69, 70, 76 y 202.
Ranrón ínsita R o d r í g u e z : Historia cí« la Filosofía en Hispanoamérica.
Universidad de Guayaquil. Departamento de Publicaciones, Ecuador, S. A-,
I m p . de la Universidad, 1945; 1 vol,, 2 5 x 1 7 cms., 203 págs. V. Hostos,
págs. 184-186.
J u a n Isidro Jiménez G r u l l ó n : Lu-cJiemos por nuestra América, Prólogo jde*
.Toeé Vasconcelos» Sociedad Edit. de Publicaciones, Habana, 1936. V . HostosJ u a n Isidro Jiménez G r u l l ó n : "Función y per-vivencia de Hostos en Santo
Domingo". "Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San J o a n , P . R., 14-1-1839; paga.
5 y 70.
Juan laidro Jiméne?: G r u l l ó n : Ideal y doctrinas políticas contemporáneas.
Asoa
ciación de Mujeres Graduadas de la Universidad de P u e r t o Rico. 1. e d „
San Juan, P . R.5 160 págs. V, Hostos, págs. 21 y 137.
Prof. Cari. Kelsey. " T h e American Intervention i n Hayti and Santo Domingo", "Annals of the American Academy oí Political and Social Science",
voL C, nú ni. 189. Editorial Office 29th and W o o d l a n d Ave., Philadelphia,
8.° (americano), 220 págs. i n two colnmns. V. De Hostos, edttcational
w o r k í n Santo Domingo, pág. 174,
A. Lámar Schweyer; "La Sagrada deuda con Hostos". ' E l País", núm. 7,
Habana, Cuba, 8-10-1940.
l o s é V . Lastarria: Recuerdos
Literarios. Edit. Servat, Santiago, Chile, 1885.
1 r o l . 605 págs. V. pág. 488.
Mtina L e e ; "Eugenio María de Hostos. His International signiíicance as an
educator'*. A n address before the Delégales to the Congrees of the W o r l d
Federation o£ Education. "The P u e r t o Rico Herald'*, San J u a n , P . R.,
vol. V I I I , n ú m . 147, august 1939; "Books Abroad", University of O k l a h o m s
Press, Norman, O k l a h o m a , U. S. A., voL 14, n ú m . 2, 1940, págs. 122-124;
"Gongressional Record", Proceedings and debates of the 76tb, U . S. Congrega, Washington, D . C , voL 86, april 23, 1940, págs. 7502-7504; BulUtin
12, D e Hostos Centenary
Commissián,
págs. 4-10. T r a d , e n "Isla"1, Sara
Juan, P . R., nov. 1939, págs. 7-9.
Julio A. Leguizamón: Historia de la Liberatura Hispanoamericana.
Editoriales Reunidas, S. A. Arg., Buenos A i r e s ; 2 vols,, Ilust,, ene. tela castaño,
2 1 x 1 4 centímetros, 705 y 708 págs. V. Hostos, tomo I í , págs. 27-32 y
retrato a página entera. §12 arg.
K. Lepervanche P a p a r s e n : Hostos. Introducción al estudio "Hostos. Sus idea»
constitucionales". Caracas, Edit. Bolívar; 16X12 1/2 eros., retrato de
Hostos, 40 págs.
PROMOTER OF FAN
AMERICANISM
293
Valetíu L e t e l i e r : Reforma de la enseñanza del Derecha. Santiago, Chile, Imp r e n t a "La Libertad Electoral", 1889; 1 vol., 124 págs. V. Hostos.
Valentín Letelier, Eugenio María de Hostoa y J. Bañados E s p i n o s a : Reforma
de la Enseñanza del Derecho. Santiago, Chile, I m p . "La Libertad Elector a l " , 1889; 1 vol., e n 8. a , 209 + 40 págs. V. juicios de los coautores sobre
Hostos, págs. 2, 110, 112 y 163.
Valentín L e t e l i e r : "Juicios acerca de las obras de Hostos", " A d d e n d a " ai
Tratado de Sociología p o r Hostos. Bailly Bailliere © Hijos, M a d r i d , 1904.
Ricardo Levene^ editor e n j e f e : Historia de América. W . M . Jackson, I n e ^
B u e n o s Aires, 1940; 14 vols„ 2 1 X 1 5 cms., ilust. V . Hostos, vol. V I I , páginas 420-22-424 y r e t r a t o .
Samuel A . L i i l o : Espejo del Pasado. Memorias Literarias. Edit. Nescúnenío,
Santiago* Chile, 1947, 1 vol. 424 p p . 2 2 X 1 5 1/2 cms. V . p . 132.
Tito V, L i e o n í : " D o n Eugenio María de Hostoa". Conferencia en la "Soeieté
Scientifique d u CMli 5 í , Santiago, Chile, 1915; 2 0 x 1 5 cms.
A m é r i c o L u g o : A punto largo. I m p . "La Cuna de A m é r i c a " , Santo D o m i n g o ,
R. D., 1901 V. "La Religión y la reforma educacional", paga. 217-222.
Américo L u g o : "La Cuarta Conferencia Internacional Americana". Imíp, F .
de P . Dsaa, Sevilla, 1912; 4.°, 48 págs. Y. Hostos.
N O T A . — V . t a m b i é n doce trabajos más mencionados e n índice
Hemero~Bíbliográfico
de Eugenio María de Hostos,, p o r Adolfo de Hostos. Cultural» S. A „ La H a b a n a ; págs. 428-430.
E l D r . Lugo dejó terminados los l i b r o s : Biografía de Hostos y Los trabajos literarios de. Hostos.
Maurieio M a g d a l e n a : Rango. Edit. Americalee, Buenos Aires, 1941, I YGL,
19X13 1/2 cms., $3 arg. V. Hostos. págs. 155-161.
Jorge M a ñ a c h : "Hostos"* Dircurso en el Instituto de las Españas* Nueva
Y o r k , 10,1,1939.
Jorge M a ñ a c h : "Hostos revolucionario", discurso e n el Horaee Mami Audit o r i u m . <La P r e n s a " , Nueva Y o r k , N« Y., 11-1-1939.
Víctor M a s s u h : "Hostos y e l Positivismo Hispanoamericano", "Cuadernos
Americanos",, año I X , vol. L I V , México, D . F., 1959, 2 5 X 1 5 eras., 29S + X
págs., ilust. V . págs. 167-190.
G u i l l e r m o M a í t a : "Discurso en el Senado de Chile". Santiago. "Hostos es el
extranjero de m á s vasta cultura intelectual q u e b a venido a Chile desp u é s d e B e l l o " . R e p . del " D i a r i o de Sesiones" p o r "La P l u m a " , Santiago
de los Caballeros. R. D*, agosto 3, 1894; f í E! Eco de l a O p i n i ó n " , Santo
D o m i n g o , R . D.» j u l i o 1894; " L a P a t r i a " ' , Santiago, C u b a , julio 1894, y
" E l Día w 9 San J u a n , P . S., Julio 1394.
294
EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS *.
Gnillermo Matta: Nuevas Poesías. Berlín, 18159; 1 vol., 8.° V, "En las Montañas".
Guillermo Matta: "Juicio sobre Moral Social"* V. Tratado de Sociología, p o r
Hostos, Bailly Bailiere, Madrid, 1904,
Gnillermo Malta. Antonio Orrego y Juan Bamville: Exposición Nacional de
Artes e Industrias, Santiago, I m p . de "La República", 1873. V. i - I»forme
del Gran J u r a d o asignando a Hostos el p r i m e r premio por su CHIT.E'%
Memoria sobre la Exposición de 1872.
Manuel Antonio Matta; "Jnicio acerca del D E R E C H O CONSTITUCION A L " , pr>r Hostos. Y. "La Libertad Electoral". Santiago, Chile, marzo 1887.
.Aí>igaü Mejía de F e r n á n d e z : Historia de la Literatura Castellana e Hi$pan#>Amm,icana> 2 . a ed. Casa Editorial Araluee, calle de las Cortes, 392, Barcelona; 1 vol^ 2 1 x 3 5 cms.) 488 psgs. Y. Hoatos, paga. 303-04» 466 y otras,
Co&eba Meléndea: " J u a n Bosch ante Hostos", V . Mujeres en la nido, dm
Hostos. Conferencia p o r J u a n Bosch» Publicación de la Asociación de Mujeres Graduadas de la Universidad de P n e r t o Rico. San Juan, P . R, r
1938; págs. 7-9.
Concba Meléndez: "Hostos y la Naturaleza de América", "El M a n d e " , Sa»
Juan* F . IL, 5.2.1939; "Bol. del Inst. de Cultura Latino americana de la
Facultad de Letras", Buenos Aires, R. A., año I I I , nton. 16, julio X939,
pág. 164 (un p á r r a í o ) ; "Revista Hispánica Moderna". Instituto de las
Españas» Nueva Y o r k , año V, núru. 4 , octubre 1939, págs. 309-319; TioL
Com, Cent, Xiost&s? San Juan, P . R., m l m . 11, págs, 52-70, y América y
Hostos, CalturaL S. A^ Habana, págs. 82-95.
Alvaro Melián-Lafimir: Figuras Ameri^an-as.
texto.
París, 1926; 1 voL V, Prefacio j
Marcelino Menéndez P e l a y o : Historia de la Poesía Hispanoamericana,
lomo I,
cap. IV. Santo Domingo^ voL XXVII, Obras Completas* Santander, Aldas,
S. A. d e Artes Gráficas, 1948. E d . preparada p o r E n r i q u e Sánchez Reyes,
2 vols. V. Hostos, vol. I, pág, 307.
Paúl G. Miíler: Historia de Puerto Rico, Rand Me Nally and Co., Cbicago,
new edítíon, 1939; 1 voL, 603 págs. V. págs. 272, 284, 524, 525, 541, y 542Gabriela Mistral: "Una biografía de Eugenio María de Hostos", Ñapóles, septiembre 1932; "El M a n d o " , San J u a n , P . R., 9.10.1932, y América y Hostos,
págs. 41-45.
NOTA.—V. cuatro trabapos más citados e n el índice
Hemero-Bibliográfico de Eugenio María de Hostos, por Adolfo de Hostos.
PBOMOTEJR
O F PAN AM3SKICANISM
295
Bartolomé M i t r e : "Juicio acerca del H A M L E T " . Y. "Addenda" al Tratado de
Sociología. Bailly Baillierej Madrid, 1904.
Ernesto M o n t e n e g r o : "El H u m a n i s m o de Eugenio María de Hostos". Rep a
p o r "Alma Latina", San Juan, P . R., año X I I I , mím. 394,, págs. 4-5 y 42.
T r a d . al portugués por el Di*. Acacio Franca para "Pensamento de Araérica", Bío Janeiro, 27.4.1946.
Prof. Rafael María Mosco s o : Gatalagus Florae Domingensis.
Ispermatopbi~
ta New York, 1943; 1 vol-^ 732 págs. Dedicado a Eugenio María de Hos
tos: "Magistro carissimo viro illustriasimo edticatori ad que pliilosophc
eminente factorio benevolentissimo". Cit. p o r el D r . T. M. Cestero en
"Darío y la cultura americana". Entrevista a "El Nuevo T i e m p o " , Bogotá, 1.7.1944.
Dr. Fabio A M o t a : *'E1 Ideario de Hostos". Conferencia en el Congreso de
Filosofía de Quito. 1953. Reprod. p o r "La Nación", Ciudad. Trujilio^
R. D ^ 17-4-1953.
Arturo M. N i e t o : "Hostos, u n Precursor Americano", "La Nueva Democracia", Nueva York, núxn. E n e r o 1953.
J u l i o N o m h e l a : Impresiones
y recuerdos. Edit, "La Ultima Moda", Madrid*
1909-12, vol. I I . V. "Bnjsu Belvis y Hostos en Madrid", págs. 337 y siga,
"Bol. Hist. de P u e r t o Rico", I m p . Cantero Fernández y Cía., San Jaam,
P . R., 1918, vol. Y,-págs. 323-324: 'La Democracia", San Juan, P . K-,
24.5.1924, etc.
Luis O'NeíH de Milán: Eugenio María de Hostos. Revista "Los Catorce",
año X V I I , San Juan, P . R., 1.1.1939. V. págs. 18 y sígs.
Cktilleraio O n k e n : Historia Universal. Edit. Montaoer y Simón, Barcelona,
1949; 46 vols-, ilust. V. vol XIX, pág. 470.
Manuel Osorio B e m a r d : Ensayo de un Catálogo de Periodistas
Españoles
del siglo XIX, Madrid, I m p . y Lit. de J. Palacios, Arenal, 27, 1903-4;
1 vol., 2 4 x 1 7 cms., 508 págs. a dos columnas. Y. Hostos, pág. 201.
José P a d í n : Eugenio María de Hostos, revolucionario". V. Eugenio
Marm
de Hostos < 1.839-1903}. Vida y Obra, Bibliografía. Antología. Híspame
Instituto in the United States. N e w Y o r k , 1940; 26 X 17 cms, págs. 17 y
siguientes.
Ignacio A. P a n e : Ensayos Paraguayos.
"Colección
Pmi Ámericana'\
voL
XXIV, W. M. Jaskson, I n c . ; editores, Buenos Aires, Nueva York* México. Habana, Caracas
Bogotá, Lima, Santiago de Chile, Montevideo; 2 . a
edición (1946), 1 vol., 1 9 x 1 3 cms., 382 págs. V. Hostos, págs. 273-4.
José Paniagua Serracante: "Ensayos B r e v e s : Sociología hostosiana". "Alma
Latina", San J u a n , P.R., ntíra. 5, diciembre 1930.
296
EUGENIO MAKÍA JDE HOSTOS:
José Paniagua Serracante: "Hostos: Ubicación filosófica en América y Política en Puerto Rico 3 '. "Puerto Rico Ilustrado", San Juan, P . R,, 14X1939.
págs. 9 y 67.
NOTA.—Se anotan otros seis trabajos swyos en el Índice
Hem^ro-Bibliográfico de Eugenio María de Hostos, por Adolfo de Hostos.
Justo Pastor Benítez: "O procer que ficou sem patria". "O Jornal*', Río Janeiro, Brasil, 16.1.1947.
Justo Pastor B e n í t e z : El Solar Guaraní (Panorama de la Cultura Paraguaya en el siglo xx). Edit. Ayaeucho (Buenos Aires, 1947) ; 1 voL, 20X1&
1/2 centímetros, 254 págs., $5 arg. V. Hostos, págs* 96 y 110.
Justo Pastor Benítez: Temas de la Cuenca del Plata. Instituto Histórico y
Geográfico del Uruguay, Montevideo. I m p . '"El Siglo Ilustrado", Yi 1,276,
1949; 2 6 x 1 9 cms», 123 págs. V. "Corrientes del Pensamiento Americano
en la segunda mitad del siglo xtx". Hostos, págs. 3, 5, 60-61, 63, 65, 66, 69,
70, 78-80, 84, 87 88.
Richard Pattee "El sentido americanista en Hostos". Y. Eugenio Marta &e
Hostos (1839-1903). Vida y Obra. Bibliografía, Antología. Híspame Inatitute i n the United States» New York, 1940; 2 6 x 1 7 cms. V. págs. 23 Y
siguientes.
Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : "Hostos y Martí". "Hostos", revista de San Juan, P . j&.?
núm, 1, septiembre 1928; "Revista Bimestre Cabana/', Habana, Cuba, volumen XXVI, núm, 2, diciembre 1930, pág, 249.
Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : Hostos, Ciudadano de América* Espasa Calpe, S. A.,
1932, 1. a ed., 264 págs. Introducción, I, Infancia y juventud. H» El Político (en España). La Odisea de América. Retorno a Pnerto Rico. Su con
tribución al Derecbo Político. I I I , El Maestro: ideas pedadógicas. I V , ES
Sociólogo. V, Filosofía, Religión y Moral. VI, Literattira y Crítica. Apéndices: complemento biográfico, bibliografía.
Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : "Notice biographique ? '. Essais (Antología e n francés),
p o r Eugenio María de Hostos. Institut Internationale de Coopóration IntellectuaUe, París, 1936.
NOTA.—En el índice Hémero~Biblio gráfico de Eugenio María de Hostos, por Adolfo de Hostos, ee citan veinticuatro trabajos más de Pedreira
sobre Hostos, V. págs. 512-515.
Carlos P e r e i r a : Historia de la América española. Ed. Saturnino Calleja, Madrid, ocbo tomos. V. vol. V, pág. 414.
Carlos P e r e i r a : "Hostos, Eugenio María de (1839-1903)". Encyclopedia
of
Social Sciences, T h e Mac Millan Co^ New Y o r k .
Ciríaco Pérez Bustamente: Historia Liter<cria Universal (dirigida p o r ) . M¡»«
FRCMOTER OF PAK AMERICAND3M
297
drid, Edit. Atlas, Imprenta Estado, 1946; 1 vol., 24 1/2 ems., XVI-992 pá
ginas, tela negra. V. Hostos, pág. 660.
Benito Pérea Caldos: Episodios Nacionales. Prim. Perlado Páez y Cía-, Madrid, 1906. V- Hostos, pág, 139.
Adolfo P o s a d a : Tratado de Derecho Político, Lib. Victoriano Suárea, Madrid, 1893, pág. 104.
Adolfo P o s a d a : "El Derecho Constitucional de Hostos". R e p . en revistas de
España y América y en América y Hostos, págs. 329-335.
José Ramírez Santíbáñez: "Estudio crítico-biográfico de Engenio María de
Hostos". Premiado con Medalla de Oro en el Certamen literario de la
Logia. "Adelphia", n ú m . 1 de Mayagüez, P . R., Mayagüez, P . R., 1912,
Dr. Charles Richet: Historia Universal. Seguida de la Civilización española
y la Cultura hispanoamericana. Edit. Araluce^ Barcelona. V, segunda
parte, pág. 294.
Emilio Rodríguez Demoriai: El P. Biüini y Eugenio María dé Hostos. Editora Montalvo, Ciudad Trajillo, Santo Domingo, R. D,, 1941; 23 1/2X16
centímetros, nueve páginas.
Emilio Rodríguez D e m o r i z i : Discursos Históri-cosi y Literarios. I m p . San Francisco, Ciudad Trujillo, D . S. D., R. D., 1947; 23 1/2 x l S e m s , LYI.6H p»~
ginaa. V. XL» X L I I , 230, 231, 294-96, 297-316.
.Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi: Dojninicarddad de Pedro Henríques Vreña. Discurso pronunciado en el acto académico celebrado el 29.6.146, en hosnenaje postumo al ilustre compatriota. P o l Hermanos, Arzobispo Merino.
Ciudad T r u j i l l o ; 2 3 X 1 5 cms., 88 páge. V, Hostos, paga. 11, 15. 13, 22, 30,
41, 50, 60, 62, 65, 66, 68 y 76.
Emilio Rodríguez D e m o r i z i : huperón y Hostos. Editora Monta!va, Ciudad
Trujillo, R. D . ; 22 X 15 1/2 cms., SO págs.
JECmilio Rodríguez D e m o r i z i : Martí era Santo Domingo.
Impresores Ucar
García, 8. A „ La Habana, 1953. 1 vol. 23X15 eme, pp. 621. Y. Hostos,
págs. 38, 52, 68, 129, 204, 401, 437, 453-57, 532, 539, 591, 607.
Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring: Hostos, apóstol de la Independencia
y Í¿S ks
Libertad de Cuba y Puerto Rico. Municipio de la Habana, 1939, 1 vol.,
104 páginas, 21 1/2X14 centímetros.
NOTA.—El índice Hémero-Bibliográfico
de? Eugenio Marta de Hostos,
p o r Adolfo de Hostos, cita otros dieciocho trabajos suyos.
Gen. A. Ros de O l a n o : "Juicio acerca de LA PEREGRINACIÓN DE BAYOAJM T:,
por Hostos. "Addenda" a MORAL SOCIAL. Bailly Bailliere, Madrid, 1906.
Dr. Leo S. R o w e ; "Hostos 3n t h e P a n American Union". "BuUetin. of the
P a n American Union", Washington, D. C , febrero 1939, págs. 61-62; Bol.
298
EUGENIO MAKÍA DE HOSTOS :
Com. Cent. Mostos, tiúm. 10, págs. 32-33; "El Mundo", San Juan, P . R.t
17-1-39; "Claridad", Buenos Aires, E. A. ano XVIII, n m n . 336 junio 1939.
Manuel Raíz Zorrilla: "Juicio acerca del DERECHO CONSTITUCIONAL",
de Hostos". "Addenda", al TRATADO DE SOCIOLOGÍA. Bailly Baillie
re, Madrid, 1904,
Félix de Rújula: Certificación de Armas a favor del señor don Eugenio Caertos de Hostos y de Ayate, Madrid, 1918; 31X22 tras., 35 págs. miniadas,
cabra roja, grecas, escudo de España, con el Toisón de Oro, contraeantíss
en papel jaspeado.
Bieardo Salas Edwards: BaZmaceda y el Parlamentarismo
en Chile. Irnp, y
Lit. Universo, Santiago, Chile, 1914, 2 vols. Y tomo I, págs. 140 y 161-2
L\iis Alberto Sánchez: Nueva Historia de la Literatura Americana. Ed. Americalee, Buenos Aires; 1 vol„ 22 1/2X16 cms,, 480 págs- tela verde, $ 12 arg„
V. Hosíoa pág. 245, 255, 258-60, 299, 388 y 466.
Eroeterio S. Saníovenia; "Hostos, precursor de Martí", "Hostos y la Revolución Cubana" y "Aguilera y Hostos", Y. "Carteles", Habana, 1938 volu»
m e a XXXII, núms. 44, 45 y 46, de OCL 30 y nov. 6 y 13, págs. 15, 5& y
13-14, respectivamente.
Otto Schoenrich; Santo Domingo c conntry wUh a /wíare, Mac Mállan Co^
New York, 1918, págs. 198-199. Rep. "Porto Rico Progresa", San Jnais,
P. B„ 29*3-24; "El Tiempo", San Jijan, F . R., 26-3-1924, y Buüetin
»»
nher 12. "De Hostos Centenary Coramission", págs. 59-60.
Shakespeare: Hamlet en sus tres versi&nes. Las Cien Obras maestras de Ja
Literatura y del Pensamiento Universal, 31. Editorial Losada, S. A„ Buenos Aires; 1 voL, 18x12 cms. V. Hostos, págs. 255-61 y 276.
Víctor Domingo Silva (diplomático chileno); "Un. ilustre antüllano procer
de Chile", Don Eugenio María de Hostos, mensajero de la libertad y
maestro de Derecho Constitucional. Influencia de sus ideas en la política
interna de Chile. Su amistad con gobernantes ilustres de aquella República. Hostos y la revolución de 1891. Cómo lo juzgan sus adversario» y
cuál ha sido el fallo de la experiencia. "La Nación", Ciudad Trnjillo, ÍL
» „ 24-2-1940, pag. 5 : "El Mundo", San Juan, P . R-, 10-6-1940.
La Sociedad de Enseñanza Racional a la Memoria del ilustre pedagogo dou
Eugenio María de Hostos, como homenaje de reconocimiento. T i p . d«
UUsee Franco Bidó, Santiago de los Caballeros, R. D., 1905; 18X12 ero»»,
29 páginas.
Henry and Harold Lester Smith: Educution in Latín America* AmericaK
Book Company, 1924; 1 voL, 8.°, 431 págs. V. Hoeto*.
Prof. Fausto Sqtiillace: Le Datírine Sociologiche. Trad. al alemán por el
PKOMOTER OF PAN AMSRICANISM
290
Dr. Rudolplí Eisle: Die Sociologischen
Theoriert, Dr, W. Kliufcardt. Edít,
Leipzig, 1923, 1 vol. V. póg. 345.
3. Tavares: Las Doctrinas Políticas de Eugenio María de Hostos;
Hostos,
Apóstol de la Libertad; Antología; Hostos, hispanoamericanista.
"Revista
Portuguesa de Filosofía", vol. IX, lase. I (Supl. núm. 7), 1953, 245x160
mm. V. pág». 424-3.
Joao Jacintho Tavares de Medeiros: "Carta a Eugenio María de Hostos",
Lisboa, oct. 8, 1888. "La Libertad Electoral", Santiago. Chile, 1S97; "Día
río del Oeste", Mayagnez, P . R.5 25-3-1924.
Joao J. Tavares de Medeiros: "Juicios sobre D E R E C H O CONSTITUCÍONAL y MORAL SOCIAL. "Addenda" al T R A T A D O D E SOCIOLOGÍA.
Bailly Bailliere, Madrid, 1904.
Humberto T e j e r a : Maestros Indoiberos, Ediciones Minerva* S. de R. L. México, D . F., 283 págs. 20X13 1/2. V. Hostos, p á g . 51.
líoberto H . T o d d : ¿Exist& crisis de hombres? (A propósito de Hostos.) "FÁ
Mundo", San Juan, P . R., 14-1-1940. V. otros títulos suyos en el índice
Hémero-Bibíiográfico
de Eugenio María de Hostos, p o r Adolfo de Mostos.
ifiraiíio del Toro Cuebas: "Discurso en la inauguración del monumento a
Hostos en la Universidad de P u e r t o Rico" el 11 de agosto d e 1926- "El
M u n d o " , "El Tiempo'% "La Democracia" y "El íraparcial", San Juan,
P . R „ 12-2-1926; América y Hostos, págs. 49-51.
Smilio del Toro Cuebas: ''Diecurso (a n o m b r e de la Delegación de los Estados Unidos) expresando el agradecimiento de Puerto Rico p o r el Proyecto de Resolnción sobre la conmemoración del nacimiento de Hostos",
«n ía 2 . a Sesión de la V Comisión de la Octava Conferencia Internacional Americana el 19-12-1938. "Diario de Sesiones", Lima, P e n i , 1939* paginas 687-688.
Mmilio del Toro Caobas: "De Hostos J'tié «no cíe los grandes béroes civiles
de la H u m a n i d a d " . Discurso de presentación (como Presidente de la Con».
P . R. de la Conmemoración del Cent, de Hostos) del busto de Eugenio
María de Hostos al Senado d e P u e r t o Rico» "El Imparcial" y "El Mondo**, San Juan, P . R„ 12-1-1939, Bol, Com. Cent, de Hostos, n ú m . 11, páginas 24-25.
NOTA,—El índice Hemero~Bibliagráfica
de Eugenio María de Hostos,
p o r Adolfo de Hostos, anota otros treinta trabajo» sobre Hostos debidos
al antiguo Presidente de la Corte Suprema de P u e r t o Rico. V. paginan £14-618.
Carlos M. Trelles G o v i n : Un gran amigo de Cuba: Eugenio M. de Hostos.
Revista "Cuba y América'% año V I I , n. 9, Habana, 29-1M9G3, págs. 259-
300
EUGENIO MAHÍA DE HOSTOS!
262. V. Lambién su Bibliografía Cubana desde 1492 hasta nuestros días,
Matanzas, I m p . "El Escritorio", 1907, 1 vol., 8.°, XI-229-XXXVH págs,
Manuel de Jesús Tronco so de la Concha; Elementos de Derecho
Adminisa
trativo. 3 . ed., E d k . Montalvo, Ciudad Trujíllo, K, D. ; 1949, 1 v o i , 4fe£
paginas, 23X16 1/2 cms. V. pags. 34, 85, 141-2, 176, 305, 390.
Pedro Troncoso Sanche»: Hostos y nosotros. "Clío", Revista bimensual de 2a
Academia Dominicana de la Historia. Cindad Trujillo, R. D„ año VIL
número 34, paga* 35 y siga. V- también su "Prólogo" a Luperón y Hosí«>.
por Emilio Rodríguez DeraorizL
Rafael Heliodoro Valle: "Bibliografía de Hostos* Ciudadano de América"*
p o r Antonio S. Pedreira. "La Opinión", Los Angeles, California, 8-5-193$.
José María Velasco I b a r r a : "El Derecho Constitucional en Hostos". Estudio*
Vario», Escuela Tipográfica Salesiana, Quito, Ecuador, págs* 52-75,
Carlos A. Vilíanueva: El Imperio de los Andes, Edit. Pan! OUendorft, Par í s ; 1 vol., 379 paga. V. pág, 134.
Luis Vilíaronga: Hostos, personaje Hamletiamt.
"El Mundo", San JUÍÍO, P,
R., 13-1-1941. V. otros seis títulos suyos en el índice Hém^rro-Biblia<gráfív&
de Eugenio- María de Hostos, por Adolfo de Hostos.
Medardo Vitier: "La Cultura de Hostos", discurso pronunciado e s Lepra
acotación del Ministro de Instrucción Pública de Cuba en el homenujn v.
Hostos en el Palacio Municipal de La Habana» 20-1-1939. Hostos y Cufr&r
p o r Emilio Roig de Leucheenrmg, Municipio de La Habana, 1939; 1 voI v .
23 1 / 2 x 1 5 1/2 cjns,, 423 páge. V. págs. 35-36; Bol. Com. Cent. Homo*.
núm. 1, pág. 142,
NOTA.—El índice HémerO'Bibli&grájíco
do Eugenio María de Ha&t&¿t
por Adolfo de Hostos, anota tres trabajos más.
Alva Curtís Wilgus ( e d i t o r ) : The Caribbean Área. The George Washington
Press. Washington, D. C , 1934; 1 vol., 604 págs., 8.° 23 1 / 2 x 1 5 1/2 cías.V. paga. 67-69.
Dr. Manuel Zeno Gandía: Cosas que fueron (La L a Comisión de Puett^
Rico en Washington). "Heraldo de Puerto Rico", San Juan, P . R.» WÍ*<zo 18, 19, 20 y 24; abril 5 y 8 de 1924. V. otros once títulos sayos e®
el índice Hémero-Bihiiográfico
da Eugenio MarUt d& Hostos. p o r Adolfo
de Hostos.
Luis de Zulueta: "El Monumento a Hostos", f 'La Libertad'% Madrid, 1926,
Rep. "El Imparcial", San Juan, P . R., 11-8.1926; "El Mundo", San i u a n ,
P . R., agosto 1926; "Los Quijotes", San Juan, P . R„ 27-4-1926; , s P a t r l a \
Santo Domingo, R. D., 11-8-1926, etc.
PHOMOTEU OF PAN AMERICAHISM
C.
A
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KKV1EWS
AiVB 7ÍEW5PAFEHS
301
,
Á^tna tstítintii Semanario de Cultura Hispánica al servicio de la raza, Sara
Juan, P . R., 28-1-1939, año IX, núra, 165, I m p , Venezuela. Editores propietarios, Eduardo y Ed. E, F r a n k l i n ; 2 9 x 2 2 ems., 66 págs,, 50 ilust. Homenaje a Eugenio María de Hostos. Quince artículos.—Umbral; Miranda
Arenilla: "Hostoe y los enanos"; Homenaje a Eugenio María de Hostos;
Isabel A n d r e a de Aguilar: "Hostos, mantenedor de los derechos de la
m u j e r " ; "Hostos, anecdótico"; Graciany Miranda Arenilla: "Oración sencilla al señor Eugenio María de Hostos"; Vicente Geigel P o l a n c o : "Meditación del Centenario de Eugenio María de Hostos"; J u a n Bosch: "Hostos y la Revolución Cubana"; Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : "Hostos, Ciudadano
de América"; Iniciativa de Boíseiro para rendir homenaje a Hostos; Teat r o infantil de Hostos; "El Cumpleaños"; José A. Balseiro; "La significación del centenario en conmemoración de Eugenio María de Hostos";
Teatro infantil de H o s t o s : " ¿ Q u i é n p r e s i d e ? " ; Carmelina Vincarrondo:
*'U» juicio crítico de Hoetos a la obra de Ventura Ruiz Aguilera"; Marfha L o m a r ; "Una página para los n i ñ o s ; Hostos"; Carmen Alicia Ca*
dilla: "Hostos para los n i ñ o s " ; Federico Henríqueai Carvajal; "El libro
de Hostos; ESSAIS"; La Voz de América: "Hostos y el sentido solidario de Latino América; Gráficas del centenario: Tributo de Puerto Rico.
Ofrenda de Santo Domingo.
IJAmerique
Latine, Journal des Natiene Americaines. Hebdom adaire, 28e.
année, núms. 766-7. Paria, 9 et 16 juin 1946. Max Daireaux: "Actualité
de Eugenio María de Hosto&".
B&ímín de la Academia Nacional de la Historia. Vol. X I I I t San Martín, 336,
Buenos Aires, R. A., 1940, 27X18 cms., pág. 54. V. "Hostos", paga. 339-65.
Boletín de la Unión Panamericajta;
Dir. Gen., L. S, Rowe; S u b d i r e c , P e d r o
de Alba. Washington, D . C , enero 1939; 23X16 1/2, 60 págs. ilnst. Portada: Busto de Hostos, dibujo de Herbert Hicks. Foto de Hostos a página entera. "El Centenario de Hostos", edít., pág. 9; "Hostos y la Revolución Cubana", J u a n Boach, pág. 19.
BnUetin of the Pan Am. Unisn; L. S. Rowe, DU\ Gen.; P, de Alba, Ase. Dir.
Washington, D . C„ feb, 1939; 2 3 x 1 6 1/2 cms. } 60 págs. ilust. "Hostos in
the P a n American Union", by L. S. Rowe, pág. 83. Foto del busto de
Hostos, p o r Vitorio Macho, colocado en la Galería de H o n o r del Palacio
de la Unión Panamericana. "Eugenio María de Hostos and his Ideas of
Social Morality", b y P . de Alba, pág. 85.
302
EUGENIO MARÍA DE H O S T O S :
Boletín de la Biblioteca ibero-Americana
y de Bellas Artes* n á m . 2„ México,
D. -F.T enero 1939. En el Centenario
de Hostos (1839-1939). Retrato dv
Engento María de H o s t o s ; Rufino Blanco F o m b o n a : "Semblanza"; "Hostos en M é x i c o " ; "Bibliografía de H o s t o s " ; "''En la m u e r t e de Hostos 1 'T
" ¿ D ó n d e nació H o s t o s ? " ; "Obras, artículos y ñolas sobre Hostos"; Y
''Concurso para «na biografía de Hostos".
El Carnaval, s e m a n a r i o ; director, J o a q u í n E. B a r r e ñ o . San J u a n , P . R..
1-9-1903, "Edición especial dedicada a Hostos". J o a q u í n E. B a r r e i r o : " N o
hay r e d e n c i ó n " ; V. Mattei C o l ó n : "Siempreviva"; Luis Torres Colón:
"A m i q u e r i d o e d u c a d o r " ; J u a n P . T o r r e f o r t e : "Eugenio María de Hos
t o s " ; R a m ó n H , Rodríguez F l o r e s : "Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; Mariano
Alfar©: " E n la m u e r t e d e Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; José M o r í » : "Ai
insigue patriota y educacionista Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; Juan Marchan S i c a r d ó : " P e n s a m i e e t o " ; M. Guarnan R o d r í g u e z : " U n a Carta de
H o s t o s " ; Carlos Casanova: " P r o justicia"; J. A. D a u b ó n : "Un 'compañero de e s t u d i o s " ; Mercedes T o r r e s L a b o r d e : " H o s t o s " ; "Fragmento deif
discurso de Hostos en el Ateneo de Madrid el 20-12-1868"; T o m á s Garrió»*.
M a d u r o : " H o s t o s " ; F*. Lópea Sáitehesj: "Mi c o t o n a " ; E. M. de Hostos;
"Recuerdos d e Batanees"; José Reyes C a l d e r ó n : "Apóstol y M á r t i r " :
J. A. N e g r ó n Sanjurjo: "Sie V o s . . . " ; M. Betances: "Eugenio María de*
" H o s t o s " ; Francisco Vieentí: " H o s t o s " ; F e r d i n a n d K. C e s t e r o : "Al sabií*
m e n t o r " ; Virgilio D á v i l a : " P e n s a n d o e n H o s t o s " ; U. S. C ó r d o v a : "A
Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; Luis J u a n B r a s c h í : " H o s t o s " ; M. Negror)
F l o r e s : " H o s t o s " ; Luis A. T o r r e g r o s a : "Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; R.
H e r n á n d e z L ó p e z : " P e r d ó n a n o s , H o s t o s " ; Fidela M. de R o d r í g u e z : "Al
gran educador y patriota don Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; P e d r o María
Descarte: "Descansa en País"; Loreto 3. M o m a l v o : "A Eugenio María de
H o s t o s " ; Josefina Gerardino Bosch: "A H o s t o s " ; P. Manzano A v i ñ ó ;
"Eugenio María de Hostos r ? ; J. Coutreras R a m o s : " P o r el M a e s t r o " ; Vicente P a l é s : "A p r o p ó s i t o de H o s t o s " ; Mariano Riera P a l m e r : "Una flor
p a r a H o s t o s " ; R . R o u r a : "Una ñor de u l t r a t u m b a " ; M. Quevedo Báea:
" H o s t o s : ]Ante tu m u e r t e , s i l e n c i o ! " ; Félix Muñoz G r i l l o : " H o s t o s " :
Rosendo Matíenzo C i n t r e n : "En h o n o r de H o s t o s " ; Alberto María Mar i ó n : "Vivirá s i e m p r e " ; E. Márquez H u e r t a s : " ¡ H o s t o s ! " ; Ana R o q u e :
"Al ilustre educacionista Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; E d u a r d o M a r í n :
" P o r Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ; R. del V a l l e : "Hostos í u é u n s o ñ a d o r " ;
Luis A, Chavier: " H o s t o s " ; Agustina Guffain: " P e n s a m i e n t o " ; Victor i a n o M» F e r n á n d e z : " H o s t o s " ; Quintín N e g r ó n S a n j u r j o : "A Eugenio
María de H o s t o s " ; J. Calderón A p o n t e : "Eugenio María de H o s t o s " ;
PROMOTSR OP PAN AMERICANISM
303
José Muaoai Rivera; "A Hostos'*; P e d r o R. de Diego: "Hostos"; S. Gerardioo Boseh: "En la muerte de Hostos"; S- Gerardino Acosta: "En. la
muerte de Hostos, Reflexiones"; Clemente Ramírez de A t e l l a n o : "Al
malogrado patriota Eugenio María de Hostos"; R. Cordero Rodriguéis:
"Hostos"; Mercedes Mota: "Homenaje"; M. Martínez Roselló: " í L o o r ! " ;
Luís Venegas: "Eugenio María de Hostos"', y Félix Matos Bernier: La
última página. Reproducido en Eugenio M. Hostos.
Biografía 3' Bibliografía. Santo Domingo,, R. D., I m p . Oiga, 1904, págs, 168-235.
Ltfs Catorce* San Juan, Puerto Rico, enero 1, 1939, año X V I I ; 2 9 X 2 3 cms,,
35 págs. üust. "Eugenio María de Hostos", por Mamiel Fernández Juncos; cabeza de Hostos» dibujo de George A m y ; "Eugenio María de Hostos", p o r Luis O'Neíll de Milán.
Claridad. Revista de Arte, Crítica, Letras, Ciencias Sociales y Políticas. Buenos Aires, R. A., Casilla, 736 ,año X V I I Í , núni. 336, junio 1939, 2 7 x 1 8
centímetros. Homenaje a Hostos» Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : "Biografía mínirata de Eugenio María de Hostos"; "Hostos, anecdótico"; Pedro de A l b a :
"La Moral Social de Eugenio María de Hostos"; Engenio María de Hostos: ''La experiencia vital"; Leo S. R o w e : "Hostos en la Unión Panamericana"; R. Medina Ramírez;: "Puerto Rico, talón de Aqniles de la democracia americana"; "Boletín: "Comisión Pro Centenario del natalicio
de Hostos" (de redacción).
Qlitt, Revista Bimestre de la Academia Dominicana de la Historia. Ciudad
Trujilío, R. D., año VII, n ú m . XXXIV, marzo-abril 1939; 2 9 x 2 0 cms,,
53 págs. "Centenario del Sabio Maestro e ilustre antillano Engenio María
de Hostos". Dieciocho artículos y discursos: Página liminar. Ateneo Dominicano: Discursa del Líe. P e d r o Troncoso S.: "Hostos y nosotros",locuela Normal Superior: Discurso del Lie. Juan Francisco Mejía, Intendente de Enseñanza; Homenaje de la Junta del Centenario; Discurso
del Dr. Arturo Grullón; Ante la tumba de Hostos: Discurso del Lie.
Virgilio Díaz Ordóñez, Ministro de Justicia; Academia Dominicana de la
Historia: Discurso del Dr. Federico Henríquej? Carvajal, Presidente de
3a Academia; Discurso panegírico de orden de don Félix E. Mejía; Acto
universitario; Discurso de orden del Dr. Pedro Emilio de Marehena, Catedrático de Medicina; Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi: "Hostos y M e r i n o ;
licenciado Guido Despradel Batista: "Hostos y La Vega'*; Dr. Viriato
Fialío: "El Intuieionisrao Filosófico de Hostos"; Pablo P i c h a r d o ; "Hostos a los cien a ñ o s " ; Dr. Pedro Henríquez U r e ñ a : "La concepción sociológica de Hostos"; Lie. Manuel Ubaldo Gómez Moya: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; Mercedes Laura Agnilar: "Salve"; Dr. Francisco Henrí-
304
SXJG3SNIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS.*
quez Carvajal: "Mi tributo"; Dr. Amérieo Lugo: ' L a Normal"; Dr. Fe*
derico Henríquez Carvajal: ¿í Hoatos. Investidura y despedida"; y "El
Centenario en Provincias".
Al Correo de Puerto Rico» diario. Poiace, P. R., 8-1-1899. "Edición extraordinaria dedicada a don Eugenio María de Hostos por el cariño y admiración de sus amigos"- Eugenio Deschampa: "Apóstol"; Isidoro Colón y
Colón; "Eugenio María de Hostos"; José Liorens Echeverría: "Un hombre símbolo"; J. Contreras Ramos: "Hostos, revolucionario", y Eugenio
Astol: "Hostos".
La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico, diario, San Juan, P . R., 24-3-1924, "Edición en honor del gran antillano", Dr. Antonio Rosell; " D . Eugenio Ma
ría de Hostos"; "Hostos: su labor revolucionaria"; "Eugenio María de
Hostos; patriota puertorriqueño"; "Hostos: su labor patriótica en Puerto
Hieo" 9 y "Hostos: su labor política en España".
El Doctrinario. Santo Domingo, R. D„ año 1, núm. 1, 16-8-1903, Número
consagrado a la memoria de Hostos: Prólogo de MORAL SOCIAL; Leonor
M. Feltz: "Palabras de tributo"; R. J. Castillo: "Eugenio María de Hos
tos"; Ana J. P u e l l o : "Párrafos"; (Arístides) Fiallo Cabral: "Párrafos de
un libro en preparación"; Dr. Francisco Henríquess Carvajal: "Pensamiento"; Fabio Fiallo: "En la muerte del Maestro" (poema); A. Arredondo filiara: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; América Lugo: "La Religión y
la Reforma educacional"; J. T. Mejía H.: "El amado Maestro" (poema);
Manuel Lovelace; "Pensamiento"; Eurípides Roques: "Artículo necrológico"; Federico Henríquez Carvajal: "Inmortal"; M. Lamarche García:
"Eugenio María de Hostos", y Andrés J. Montolio: "Eugenio María de
Hostos".
La Nueva Democracia. Nueva York, pub. por el "Commitíee on Cooperarios*
in Latin America", í-evisía mensual, marzo 1939; 2 9 x 2 2 ems., &2 págs.
"El Fichte de la América española", por Edgard Sheffield Brightiuae.
losé A. Fránquiz.
La Nueva Demcracia. Nueva York, Enero de 1953, vol. XXXIII, núm. 1,
24X14 ems., 128 págs. V. Arturo Mejía Nieto: "Hostos, un Precursor
americano", págs. 72-5.
Ln Prensa. Nueva York, 18-5-1927. El Eco de las Aulas, El homenaje a Eu<
genio Mtiría de Hostos en la Universidad de Columbio., celebrado en el
"Pbilosophy Hall" el 14-5-1927. Martín Travieso: "El Homenaje"; se
descubre el Retrato de Hostos por George Amy; A. S. Pedreira: "La Per«
sonalidad de Eugenio María de Hostos"; Dr. F . Sánchez de Fuentes:
"Cuba y Hostos"; Poema "Cuba y Puerto Rico son de un pájaro ras
PROMOTER OF PAN AMERIGANISM
aos
c\ob atas"; Patria Ti ó: "En memoria de Hostos" (poema); Enrique Deschampe: "Santo Domingo y Hostos"; Félix Córdova Dávila: "Discurso
de Clausura".
The Puerto Rica Herald. San Juan, Puerto Rico, vol, VIII, mmu 147, au>
gust 30, 1939; 28X21 ems., 14 págs. "Eugenio María de Hostos", fcy
Mana Lee.
Puerto Rico Ilustrado; editares, Puerto Rico Ilustrado, Inc. Saú Juan, P . R.,
14-1-1939, vol. XXVIH, mun. 1,504; 35x28 cías., 80 paga. Portada: retrato de Hostos en colores a página entera (óleo por F . Díaz Me Keima.
que figura en el Ateneo). Diecisiete artículos, 43 ilustraciones. Editorial 1 .
El primer centenario de ana eternidad; Juan Boseh: ''Hostos y la Revolución Cubana'"; José A. Balseiro: "Crítica y estilo literarios en Eugenia
María de Hostos"; Eugenio Astoh 'Hostos y la Liga de Patriotas"; Dr.
J. 1. Jiménesí Grullón: "Función y supervivencia de Hostos en Santo
Domingo"; Roberto H. Todd: 'Hostos y la pobreza"; Dr. Francisco
Henríquez Carvajal; "Mi tribnto"; Dr, José Padín: ''Personalidad de
Eugenio María de Hostos"; .1. Paniagua Serracante: "Hostos: Ubicación
filosóíica cu América y política en Puerto Rico"; Emilio del Toro Cuebas: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; J. Ramírez Santibáñess: "Cartilla biográfica de Hurtos"; Pedro Henríqnez Üreña: '"La concepción sociológica
de Hostos"; J. Zacarías Salinas: : 'D. Eugenio María de Hostos"; Eugenio María de Hostos: Diario; Vicente Geígel Palanca: "Hostos y la independencia de Puerto Rico"; Antonio' S. Pedreira: "Filosofía^ Religión
y Moral"; Luis Galdames: "HOKIOS, visto por na chileno"; Emilio Rodrigue?. Demorissi: "Camino de Hostos"; Eugenio Carlos de Hostos; "Noticia biográfica'*; generalísimo Máximo Conten: "Eugenio María dv
Hostos",
Repertorio Americano, semanario de Caltura Hispánica, £. XXXVI. aúm. 7,
San José. Costa Rica, 14-1-1939. Palabras de Hostos en el Ateneo do
Madrid ÍI868) ; Antonio S. Pedreira: "La significación de Eugenio María
de Hostos"; Redacción: "En el primer centenario del nacimiento de Ho&«
tos"; "Un veto del Dr, Zambrana"; Juan Bosch: "Una anécdota de Hosilos"; Camila Henríques Ureña: "Las Ideas Pedagógicas de Hostoa" (fragm e n t o ) ; "A propósito de la Geografía Evolutiva"; "Hostos, viajero"; "El
Tiempo es vida" y "Hostos murió el 11 de agosto de 1903.
Revista de la Asociación de Mujeres Graduadas de la Univ&rsidud da Puerto
Rico, pub. trimestral, año I, vol. II. San Juan Bautista,, Isla de Puerto
Rico, diciembre 1933; 24x18 cn\s., 56 págs,, ilust. Retrato de Hostos
{foto Moreno, Nueva York, 1898}5 siete artículos.
306
E U G E N I O M A R Í A DE H O S T O S :
Revista Colombia: 21 "VVest Street, 'New York City, febrero 1939. Portada:
Basto de Hostos, Notas editoriales: "Homenaje a Hostos en el Auditorio de la Sagrada Familia: Discursos, Poesías, Canciones". Abraham Martínez; "La personalidad del gran pensador puertorriqueño".
Hevista de Ifí Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales de Guatemala. Guatemala, A. C , época III, núm. 4, enero-febrero .1939. Editorial. Antonio
S. Pedreíra: 'Biografía mínima de Eugenio María de Hostos"; Margot
Arce: "Hostos, anecdótico"; Antonia Soez: "Dos piezas del teatro infantil de Hostos"; Isabel Andréu de AguiJar: "Eugenio María de Hostos.
mantenedor de los derechos de la mujer"; Eugenio María de Hostos: f, La
Educación Científica de la Mujer"; Fermín Félix de Amador: "Hostos y
el sentido solidario de Latino .América-". Noticias del Centenario de
Hostos.
Revista Hispánica Moderna, órgano del Instituto de las Españas. Nueva
York-Buenos Aires, arto V, núm. 4„ octubre 1939, ilustrada. Andrés íduart e : "Rebeldía y disciplina en Hostos"; José P e d í n : "Hostos, revolucion a r i o " ; Richard Pattec: 'El sentido americanista de Hostos"; Concha
Meléndez: "Hostos y la naturaleza de América"; Sidonía C. Kosenbauxn:
"Eugenio María de Hostos: Bibliografía"; Mauricio Magdaleno: "Hostos
y Albizu Campos"; A. Tudesco: "Bibliografía Hispanoamericana; Eugenio María de Hostos".
Revista Portuguesa de Fiíosofút: Las Docirinas Políticas de Eugenio María
íle Hostos; Hostos, Apóstol de la Libertad; Antología; Hostos, hispnnoamericmtista^ por S. Tavaras, Vo'l. IX,, fase. I íSupl. n. 7)» 1953, 245x160
'milímetros. V. págs. 4243.
Trópico, edición especial; directora-propietaria» Soledad Romero. V.; Ave, San
José t núm. 45; Guatemala, septiembre 1939; 31x23 cms., 56 págs. sin numjerar. Portada: retrato de Hostos a toda página, 17 fotografías, 3,0 artículos. Editorial: ''Nuestro homenaje a Hostos"; Federico Hernández dfc
León: "Hamlet tras el diáfano espíritu de Hostos"; David Vela: "Eugenio
María de Hostos, voz americana": Rafael Arévalo Martínez; "Hostos";
Luís Martines! Mónt: "Hostos"; César Bruñas: "Coloquio con Eugenio
María de Hostos después de la alabanza"; Miguel Ángel Asturias: "Iti*
fluencia de Hostos en la generación de 1920"; Alfredo Carrillo Ramírez:
"Eugenio María de Hostos"; Marco Alberto Díaz Laparra: "Paraje biográfico de Eugenio María de Hostos", y Juan Bosch: "Mujeres en la
vida de Hostos".
El Mundo, diario. San Juan, P. R., núm. 8.102, enero 10; 1939. "Proclama del
Gobernador sobre el DUt de Eugenio María de Hostos"; "Desfile cívico e*>
PROMOTEK OF PAN AMERICAN 1SM
307
Mayagüez, mañana, en homenaje al patricio Eugenio María de Hostos";
"Homenaje a De Hostos en San Juan. Lo rendirá la Junta de Comisionados"; "En homenaje a De Hostos trasmite mañana un programa
la NBC" (desde Washington) ; "Brillante inauguración de la Semana de
Hostos, El acto celebrado ayer en la Universidad de Puerto Rico resultó
muy lucido".
El Mundo, diario. San Juan, P. I?., núm. 8,103, enero 11, 1939. Editorial:
;t
Eu genio María de Hostos, Eí glorioso centenario que hoy se conmemora"; "La celebración del centenario de Eugenio María de Hostos";
Iniciativa de Balseíro para rendir homenaje a Hostos"; "Programa del
centenario de Hostos", y "Palomas mensajera» volarán de Puerto Rico
a Washington portando un mensaje hostosiano que se cablegrafiará a
toda América",
U'l Observador, semanario enciclopédico; director, Áínérieo de la Rosa. La
Vega, R, D., aíio V, núm. 51, enero 11, 1939 .Pahlo Piehardo: "Hostos a
los cien años"; Guido Despradel Batista: ''Hostos y La Vega"; Mamael
Ubaldo Gomes Moya: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; ProL Ercilia Pepín;
"Juan P . Duarte y Eugenio María de Hostos"; Prof. Ramón del Orbe del
Orbe: "A Eugenio María de Hostos"; Muerte del Sr. Hostos, Ante la
tumba del Maestro. Poesías; Virgilio Dávila: "Pensando en Hostos";
Valentín Giró: "Dolor"; Gastón F. Deligne: "Eugenio María de Hostos";
Mariano Riera Palmer: "Hostos", y Ferdinand R. Cestero: "Al sabio
menor". Eugenio Astol: "Hostos; M. M. del Orbe, hijo: "Hostos, alma
fulgente"; Félix E. Mejía: "In Memoríam", Pelegrín L. Castillo: "Eugenio María de Hostos 3 '; América de la Rosa: "Don Eugenio María de
Hostos*'; (Generalísimo) Máximo Gómez: "Eugenio María de Hostos";
Luis Emilio Ayhar: "Eugenio Hacía de Hostos''; Prof. Melitón C. Rnia;
"Eugenia María de Hostos". y Félix Manuel Avalles: "Honremos Ja
memoria de un gran lio miare'".
El Porvenir, diario, Puerto Plata., R. D., náiti. 17,675, enero 11, 1939. "Edición conmemorativa de Hostos".
La Tribuna: director, Enrique Deschampa; núm. 9. Santo Domingo, R. D.,
9-6*1901. Edición extraordinaria consagrada a manifestaciones de adhe*
sión a Hostos.
ÍM Voz de la Patria, diario. Mayagüez, P . R.s 18-8-1903. "Edición especial
dedicada a Hostos". Editorial: "Hostos"; Mariano Riera Palmer: "Hostos" (poema); R. Roura: "Hostos"; M. Riera Palmer: "Eugenio María
de Hostos y Bonilla"; Manuel M. Sama: "Eugenio María de Hostos";
Manuel Guzmán Rodríguez: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; Jóvino de la
308
EUGENIO MARÍA BE HOSTOS:
Torre¿ "Eugenio María de Hostoe", y José Ramón F r e y r e : "¡Hoelos...?"
(Reproducido en Eugenio M, SOMOS. Biografía y Bibliografía. Santo
Domingo, R. D„ Irap. Oigo, 1904, págs. 155-168.)
La Vos de les Patrm, diario. Mayagüez, P . R.s 11-8-1904. "Página de honor
dedicada a conmemorar el primer aniversario de la muerte de Hostos"
Mariano Riera P a l m e r : "¡11 de agosto de 1903!"; Esp eraiiza Prats de
Caeanova; "Madreselvas" ( p o e m a ) ; Lino Vázquez Morales; "Hostos";
Enrique Montee de Oca: "Eugenio María de Hostos"; Eugenio Astol:
"Síntesis"; Luís A. B e r m á d e s : "Hostos"; Manuel Guarnan Rodríguez;
"Eugenio María de Hostoe"; Enrique Jimenes: "Civilijcacioii o muerte".
y Víctor M. de Castro: "Eugenio María de Hostos".
D.
B JBí J.OCftA P H LES
Manuel María Sama: Bibliografía
Puertorriqueña.
Puerto Rico, 1837.
L Geígel Zenón y A. Morales F e r r e r : Bibliografía Puertorriqueña.
Edil. Araluce, Barcelona* 1934; 1 YO!., 24X15 eme., 453 págs. V. págs. 265-267.
Algunos de loa trabajos de Hoscos en íavor de Cuba de 1863-1902". linp.
Flor deí Ossama* Santo Domingo. R. 1)., 1903. Hoja «numerando 61 títulos
de artículos y ensayos.
Memorial Z?«y, May 30. 190-1. Department oí Eduealion. San íuan- V. R„
páginas 13-14* 43 títulos.
E. M. Hostos: TRATADO D E SOCIOLOGÍA. Baiiíy Baillíere, Madrid» 1904,
V. "Obras del minino autor", 56 títulos.
Anónimo (E. C, d e Hostos) : Eugenio M. Hoatos. Biografía y Bibliografía»
I m p . Oiga. Santo Domingo. R. D„ 1901. "Bibliografía general hasta
1874", págs. 26-30. 49 títulos.
E. M. Hostos: MORAL SOCIAL. Baiiíy Üailliere, Madrid, 1906. V. 'Obra*
del autor", 55 títulos.
Carlos M- Trelles Govín: Bibliografía cubana desde, 1492 hasta
nuestros
í££#s. Imp, Eí Escritorio, MatanKas. Cuba. 1907; 1 vo'L. 3 4 x 1 5 centímetros XI-229-XXXVII paga.
Herminia Eigueta de Oebsenkis: Suplemento
y udi-ciones a ¿«
"Biblwgrafía
de Bibliografías Chilenas**, que publicó en 1915 D. Ramón A, IMVOL Santiago* Giiííe, I m p . Cervantes, 1930; 3.°, 71 págs. V. páge,. 32-44.
Camila Henriqnez Ureña; Ideas pedagógicas
Habana, 1930. V. págs. 201, 26 títulos.
Guillermo Rivera: A tentative bibliography
de Eugenio
Muría de
of the letters
of Porto
Hostos.
Rico.
PROMOTER OP PAN AMURICANISM
309
Harvard Ujiivereiíy Presa. Cambridge, Mass., 193Í; págs. % 18» 19, 2?, 52, 56^
Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : Hoslos> ciudadano de América. Espasa Calpe, S. Á., Madrid, 1932; 264 págg. V. págs. 249-252: Obras de Hostos. Traducciones,
Págs. 252*253: Alganos trabajos periodísticos. Págs. 254-255: Obras inédi*
tas. Págs. 255-264; Estudios y referencias ¡sobre Hostos.
Antonio S. P e d r e i r a : Bibliografía Puertorriqueña (14934930). Edií. Hernando*
S. A., Madrid, 1932; I voL, 23 1 / 2 x 1 5 1/2 eme. 709 págs. V. págs, 258,
387, 5ÍM., 545, 552, 555, 557. 631, 647, 64$ y 650. Pág. 603, veintiuna referencias a Hoíitos.
Cora, Pro Cent, de Hostos de Puerto Rico: "Boleíín imam. 7". San Juan, P , R.,
1938; liémero-foiMiografía de Hostcs. 472 títulos.
Com. P r o Cení, de Hostos: América y Hostos, Cultural, S. A. ; Habana, 1939;
1 vol., 21X15 1/2 cuta., 391 págs. ilnst. V. 909 títulos.
Boletín de i» Biblioteca Ibero-Americana y de Bellas Aries: "Bibliografía tta
Eugenio María de Hosios". México, D. F., enero 1939; págs, 842.
ÍL B. LaqnitiiiE: ¡Spaitish American hkerature
hi lite Y ais University. Y ale
University Prese, New Haven, Conn.,, 1939: 1 vol.» 335 págs., níne tírles.
S
E1 M u n d o " : "Bibliografía Puertorriqueña de 1939". &m Joan, P, K„ 27 <l«
abril 1940.
Hispanie Instilóte ia the United States: Eugenio M. de Hostos (19394903).
Vida y Obra, Bibliografía. Antología. New York, 1940; .1 vol,* 26XJ7 1/2
centímetros* 45 páginas. V. "Eugemo María de Hostos. Bibliografía", by
Sidenia C. Kaeenbanní, pág&, 38-42, ciento nueve títulos.
Adolfo de Hostos: índice Hémcra-Bibliográfico
4e Eugenia María del llo&os
(186349=40). San Juan, P . EL, 1940. Edil. Cuitara], 5. A,, Habana, Cuba;
I voL, 2.1 1/2 X 16 ceíitínieírosj 756 págs. Y. pág. 1, Libros, folletos, artículos periodísticos, escritos, reproducciones, notas, citas y referencias a
Hostos. Pág. 653, Adenda a la primera parte. Pág. 681, Libros, folletos, artículos periodísticos, cartas y escritos de Hostos. Pág. 729, Iconografía.
(E&geni© María de) HOSTOS: (Antología) Prólogo y selección de Pedro de
Alba* Ediciones de la Secretaría de Educación Pública, México, D. F ^ 1944.
(Vol. X I I I de la Colección "El Pensamiento de América"). 1 voL, 24X17
1/2 cuas., XXIX-266 pág». V. pág. 261, Bibliografía de Eugenio María de
HoBtos. Obras completas; págs, 262-264, algunas referencias bibliográficas
sobre Hosios, Ciñen ewta y siete títulos.
310
B U a E N l O MASÍA DE HOSTOS!
K.
DlCTfOKAKlES APíJl ENCICLOPEDIAS
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