sinan`s autobiographies and the hagia sophia
Transcription
sinan`s autobiographies and the hagia sophia
SINAN’S AUTOBIOGRAPHIES AND THE HAGIA SOPHIA JOSEF ENGEMANN A - Salzburg, Moosstrasse 145a UDK: 726.2(560.118 Istanbul) 72 Sinan, M. Izvorni znanstveni članak Primljeno: 21. V. 2010. The edition of Sinan’s autobiographies by Crane and Akin indicates that it seems imperative to define the role of the poet Mustafa Sa’i Çelebi. The Hagia Sophia in Istanbul represents a high point of world architecture. However, it’s a well known fact that two essential static problems existed in this building. It had too flat a dome, replaced after its collapse in 558 by a higher structure. The second problem results from the two different support systems of the main dome. In spite of their important static relevance, two of Sinan’s mosques in Istanbul are not mentioned in his autobiographies: the Rüstem Pascha Mosque (1561-1563), with its eight piers under the dome and the Mirimah Sultan Mosque (ca.1563-1570) showing a dome above the square. The quoted autobiographical texts concerning the Süleymaniye illuminate Sinan’s conviction that as architect of this building he has proven himself already superior to the builders of the Hagia Sophia. Since 2006 we find ourselves in the possession of a critical TurkishEnglish edition of Sinan’s autobiographical writings edited by Howard Crane and Esra Akin. Due to this publication several passages have been made accessible, so far neglected in English literature when writing about the works of this great Ottoman architect. I should like to share with you, dear colleague Emilio Marin, the results of my readings, focussing on the Hagia Sophia in Istanbul. When around 1960 I began to occupy myself with the architecture and history of the Hagia Sophia, some years prior to my approach Ernst Egli had published his book on Sinan, citing a passage from Tezkiretū`lBūnyăn (TB)1, where a relation between Sinan’s Selimiye mosque in Ed1. EGLI 93-94. 817 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 irne2 and the Hagia Sophia3 is being established. In the new translation by Crane und Akin the text from TB reads as follows4, “And one [reason] the people of the world said [such a construction] was beyond human capability was that no dome as large as that of Hagia Sophia had been built in the lands of Islam. [Thus] those who passed for architects among the sinning unbelievers used to say, ‘We have scored a victory over the Muslims.’ Their statements in accord with their perversely false views, to the effect that, ‘The construction of a dome such as that is very difficult. Were it possible to build one like it, they [the Muslims] would have done it.’ pained and endured in the heart of this humble servant. I exerted myself in the construction of the above-mentioned Friday mosque, and, with the help of God, the Lord, the Judge, showed my capabilities during the reign of Sultan Selim Khan and made this exalted dome to exceed that one by six cubits (ziră‘) in height and by four cubits (ziră‘) circumference.” Egli in 1954 didn’t go into the details and restricted himself to the comment that the text of Sinan’s autobiography is to be attributed to the poet Sa`i5. I was satisfied with this statement since I could not conceive that the great Osman architect himself should have established a comparison between two structurally entirely different buildings. For that reason I was amazed to learn from Crane and Esra that “... it seems justifiable, therefore, to refer to all five texts, both drafts and completed versions, as Sinan’s autobiographies”6. Prior to devoting myself to the technical incompatibility of the domes of the Hagia Sophia in Istanbul and the Selimiye in Edirne and furthermore, to Sinan’s personal interest in the architecture of Justinian’s church, I am presenting several commentaries from literature pertaining to the afore mentioned passage from TB. In 1976 Marcell Restle corrects the size relations and states that the wrong measures shatter Sa`i’s credibility: “nobody would dare to claim that Sinan - having worked at the Hagia Sophia during these years - was unaware of the actual size of her dome7.” Aptullah Kuran places again the proper measurements of both domes in juxtaposition: Selimiye diameter 31,28 metres, 2. GOODWIN 1971, 260-269; SÖZEN 236-261; FREELY 36-40. 126-127. 142-143; GOODWIN 1993, 69-71; KUBAN; GÜNNAY 83-90; YERASIMOS 2000, 270-273; ERZEN 89-91; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 238-256. 3. KÄHLER; MÜLLER-WIENER 84-96; THODE; MAINSTONE 1988. 4. CRANE/AKIN 130. 5. EGLI 93. 6. CRANE and AKIN 1. 7. RESTLE 1976, 503: “denn daß Sinan, der in diesen Jahren an der Hagia Sophia gearbeitet hat, über deren Kuppel und ihre tatsächliche Größe im Unklaren gewesen sei, wird wohl niemand behaupten wollen.” 818 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije height 43,40, Hagia Sophia diameter 30,90/31,80, height 55,60. In the end measurements were not the issue, “The Selimiye must have been a source of pride for Sinan not so much because its dome equalled the dimensions of the Byzantine church, but because, by it, he had achieved a surpassingly striking and meaningful expression of spatial integrity and structural cohesiveness8.” Kuran did not go into the technical difference between the Selimiye dome (Octagonal system) and the dome of Hagia-Sophia (Square basis system). Stéphane Yerasimos added 1990 to the quotation of the text in question solely a correction of the measurements9. In 1993 Godfrey Goodwin cites an assumed statement by Sinan, „But it is probably true that he himself said that the Şehzade mosque was his apprentice work and the Süleymanye the achievement of his yourneymanship, but that the Selimiye was his masterpiece10.” Gülru Necipoğlu contradicts, “... there is no suggestion in these sources [i.e. the autobiographies] to lend support to Sinan’s having uttered a saying reported by the seventeenth-century traveller Evliya Çelebi, which he allegedly heard from his father11. John Freely rightly added 1993 to a correction of the measurements the statement, “But the important thing is not whether Sinan could build a dome higher and wider than that erected by Justinian’s architects. It is that in developing classical Ottoman architecture to its logical conclusion he could design and build an edifice that compared in its grandeur with the great Byzantine cathedral12.” I myself detect a decisive progress in the statement of Marcell Restle, 1994. He attributes the wrong measurements to Sinan’s Biographer Sâ’i, “... Sinan, these years being in charge of the Hagia Sophia’s restauration and safeguarding works, surely should and would know better13.” Above all Restle’s indication is important, that in the strictest typological sense the Selimiye type dome octagon has nothing to do with the Hagia Sophia14. In 1997 Doğan Kuban, working on the autobiographical text of the Selimiye, presents the corrected measurements15 while commenting on the wrong statements, “It is unthinkable that Sinan could not measure correctly the diameter or circumference of the Hagia Sophia dome. (…) These dimen8. KURAN 169. 9. YERASIMOS 1990, 240-241. 10. GOODWIN 1993, 76. 11. NECIPOĞLU 2006, XI; cf. Id. 2005, 145. 12. FREELY 37. 13. RESTLE 1994, 124: “... Sinan, der die Sicherungs-und Restaurierungsarbeiten an der Hagia Sophia in diesen Jahren leitete, wird und muß es besser gewußt haben.” 14. Idem 125. 15. KUBAN 245 note 30. 819 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 sions must have been added by Sai Çelebi16.” Stéphane Yerasimos adopted this thesis in 2000, repeating however, Goodwin’s assumption of Sinan’s development in the indicative17. Jale Neydet Erzen, 2004, in regards to Sinan’s autobiographies emphasizes specifically, “The authors of Sinan’s books were poets. All texts are written in alternating prose and poetic form. This use of language indicates a special relation to the world18.” In 2005 Gülru Necipoğlu stresses the fact that the Hagia Sophia’s dome is higher than the Selimiye’s only when measured from ground level and not from the dome’s base19. As I now turn to the edition of Sinan’s autobiographies by Crane and Akin it seems imperative to define the role of the poet Mustafa Sa’i Çelebi. In the introduction his function as author finds repeated attention, “From evidence internal to the texts, it is established that both TE20 and TB21 were composed by Sinan’s friend, the poet-painter Mustafa Sa’i, while the structure and content of TM22, RM23, and AR24 leave little doubt that these were Sa`i’s work as well25.” These three texts TM, RM, and AR are considered as “sketchy drafts that never reached the public eye”26. In TE as well as in TB are parts indicating they were “probably based on Sinan’s oral testimony, which was then reworked by Sa`i into literary form27.” Sa`i’s own introduction to TB is quite clear, “One day, the chief of the fortunate padishah’s architects, Sinan son of Abdūlmennan, having become a weak old man and wishing that his name and reputation endure on the pages of time, enjoined this broken hearted servant without protector, the humble Sa`i, to record his conversation in verse and prose so that he would be remembered with prayers and blessings28.” If I’m not mistaken, Sa`i’s added request for tolerance by his critics was not commented in particular in the introduction of Crane and Akin. The poet wrote, “It is hoped and requested of those friends who read this epic 16. Idem 137. 17. YERASIMOS 2000, 270. 18. ERZEN 36. 19. NECIPOĞLU 2005, 144-145. 20. Tezkiretū`l-Ebniye (Record of Buildings). 21. Tezkiretū`l-Būnyān (Record of Construction). 22. Tuhfetū`l-Mārīn (Choice Gift of the Architect). 23. Risăletū`l-Mi’māriyye (Treatise on Architecture). 24. Adsiz Risale (Untitled Treatise). 25. CRANE/AKIN 1. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 6; cf. 9. 28. Ibid. 114. 820 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije that insofar as possible they veil its defects with forgiveness, and that they not, in accord with the saying ‘He who writes becomes a target,’ make this humble one a target of their criticism29.” This request points out how selfconscious an author of Sinan’s biography Sa`i really was. I am unable to comply with the poet’s wish. Not that the measurements only, cited at the beginning of the Selimiye text, are to be critizised, but the entire comparison to the Hagia Sophia could be his invention. There’s no question about the magnificence of Selimiye mosque. But is it at all possible to suspect that an architect of Sinan’s reputation would endeavour a comparison of domes without even mentioning the fundamental static distinctions between the octagonal structure of the Selimiye mosque and the cubic base system of the Hagia Sophia? While this discrepancy has been neglected by some of the above mentioned authors, Müller-Wiener points out the statical structure of each mosque. Metin and Zeynep Ahubay, when treating structural influence of Hagia Sophia rightly compare Ottoman mosques with a dome suspended on four arches and pendentives only30. Günay in his examination of Sinan’s mosques categorizes them into three groups according to their characteristics: Square based, Hexagonal based, and Octagonal based. Erzen is extremely precise in his analysis of the structural implications of the three geometries of support31. Necipoğlu in his introduction presents the ground plans of important mosques of the three groups, warning however against a sole formal distinction of Sinan’s mosques following a spatial typology of domes resting on square, hexagonal, and octagonal support systems32. But here the emphasis should rest less on spatial differences than on the distinction between the thrust supporting systems. The Hagia Sophia in Istanbul represents a high point of world architecture. However, it’s a well known fact that two essential static problems existed in this building. It had too flat a dome, replaced after its collapse in 558 by a higher structure. Mention of this problem is to be found in the autobiographical text TM, however with the erroneous assumption of the personal identity of the two domes’ builders - due to identical names33. The second problem results from the two different support systems of the main dome. In the east and west of the church semidomes supported the princi29. Ibid.; NECIPOĞLU (2005, 128) translates the saying differently, “The higher you reach, the harder you fall!”. 30. AHUBAY and AHUBAY passim. 31. ERZEN 84-91. 32. NECIPOĞLU 2005, 17-19. 33. CRANE/AKIN 66. 821 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 pal arches all the way up (Fig. 1), while the principal arches in the north and south were free standing, since the accompanying vaulted halls were not high enough (Fig. 2). Rowland Mainstone described the effects of both different supporting systems in detail, “The essential feature of this behavior is that longitudinal thrusts of the dome pass fairly directly through the semidomes Fig. 1,2 - Hagia Sophia, South and West Elevation, Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, p. 274, 276 and pendentives to the main piers and the secondary piers at the east and west ends, whereas major parts of the transverse thrusts pass only indirectly through the deep broad coupled arches at the north and south, thereby thrusting on the main piers not only transversely but also longitudinally34.” Consequently damages caused by earthquakes hurt the eastern or western dome sections, due to displacements of the principal arches and main piers in north and south. Important for their stabilisation are the four buttress piers on the northern and southern side of the building. Earlier the assumption was generally held that they had been added 131735. But it seems more likely that their lower portion must have been an integral part of the primary structural system and its completion executed under Justinian, too36. In Van Nice’s drawings of transverse sections37 the parts above the lateral galleries are marked by thinner lines, corresponding to the minarets38. These parts Mainstone dated into the construction time of the first dome39, Volker Hoffmann, however, past its collapse in 55840. The negative aesthetic impact of these attached buttresses is evident from the outside view (Pl. 1). 34. MAINSTONE 1992, 166. 35. KÄHLER 24, MÜLLER-WIENER 91; MANGO XLV. 36. EMERSON/VAN NICE 413-423; MAINSTONE 1988, 202 (with fig. 231a.b.) 209. 37. VAN NICE 1986, Pl. 4. 36; id. 1992, Pl. 4. 36. 38. In the horizontal sections (VAN NICE 1986, Pl. 27 and 28) no difference is marked. 39. MAINSTONE 1988, 205. 209. 40. HOFFMANN 2005, Text to Pl. 35 (Updating of VAN NICE Pl. 4). 822 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije Pl. 1. Hagia Sophia, Kähler Fig. 1 Pl. 2. Şehzade mosque, Günay p. 48 Even before Sinan’s time mosques in Istanbul have been erected, following the model of Hagia Sophia: the no longer existing Mosque of Fatih Mehmet II from 1463-147041 and the Mosque of Bayezit II (1501-1505)42. Here possible static problems were eliminated by piers of sufficient height and thickness at the corners of the square base. In the autobiographical draft TM Sinan seems to hold these buildings in less esteem than his own Şehzade Mosque from 1543 (Fig. 3; Pl. 2), “To the engineers of the age and overseers of auspicious monuments it is manifest and apparent that although [formerly] buildings constructed in the style of Hagia Sofia did not possess elegance, this servant perfected the noble Friday mosque of Şehzade Sultan Mehmed - may God illumine his tomb - which was the model for the noble building complex [and mosque] of his majesty Sultan Süleyman Khan43.” The problems of thrust transfer in the Hagia Sophia must have been well known by Sinan, because he doubly ensured the dome structure of his Şehzade Mosque (1543-1548/9): by half domes in all four directions and with four high piers at the corners of the basic square44. These piers are in their upper part securely connected to the pendentives and the base of the 41. MÜLLER-WIENER 405-411; GOODWIN 1971, 122-130; YERASIMOS 2000, 213-215; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 84-88. 42. MÜLLER-WIENER 385-390; GOODWIN 1971, 122-130; YERASIMOS 2000, 246-249; ERZEN 12-13; NECIPOĞLU, Age 88-92. 43. CRANE and AKIN 74; cf. text and commentary NECIPOĞLU 2005, 139. This lack of elegance corrects Sinan in TM with his Şehzade mosque, “The building gradually emerged from the ground and its domes raised up their heads like bubbles of the sea of elegance.” (Ibid. 117). 44. MÜLLER-WIENER 479-483; GOODWIN 1971, 206-211; SÖZEN 98-113; FREELY 23; GOODWIN 1993, 33-36; GÜNAY 25. 48-52; YERASIMOS 2000, 253-257; ERZEN 78. 84; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 197-207. 823 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 Fig. 3. Şehzade mosque, Axonometric drawing, Necipoğlu, Age, p. 193 dome. Sinan’s efforts are reflected in the autobiographical texts; prose in TB45, verses in TE46, “At that point, he (i.e. Sultan Süleyman) appointed me imperial architect and also commanded that I build an edifice for the Şehzade. At once, I designed a graceful Friday mosque. It was much applauded by the shah. I laid its foundation with consummate care, and spent endless effort and exertion completing it. By the grace of God, I worked for many days. Its completion with blessings became facilitated by God.” It seems that Sinan wanted to express his conviction having followed his own advice, given to architects in TM and added to the report about the collapse of Hagia Sophia’s first dome47, “In like manner no doubt, this slave, Sinan of Kayseri, too has suffered many troubles during the completion of each [of his] buildings, all of which, no doubt with the help of God, came into existence due to the auspicious government and lofty patronage of the kingdom-conquering Ottoman dynasty and the bountiful sincerity of our heart. In short, there is no art more difficult than architecture, and whosoever is engaged in this estimable calling must, to begin with, be righteous and pious. He should not begin to lay the foundations if the building site is not firm, and when he sets out to lay the foundations he should take great care that his work be free from defect and he reach the firm ground. And, in 45. CRANE and AKIN 117. 46. COUPLETS 32-36, CRANE and AKIN 89. 47. Ibid. 66; cf. text and commentary NECIPOĞLU 2005, 138-139. 824 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije Fig. 4. Süleymaniye mosque, Axonometric drawing, Necipoğlu, Age, p. 206 proportion to the abundance or paucity of piers, columns, and buttresses, he should close up the domes and half domes that are on top of them, and bind the arches together in an agreeable manner, without carelessness. And he should not hurry in important matters but should endure...”. As mentioned before, the Şehzade mosque in the TM draft is described as model for the Süleymaniye mosque (Fig. 4; Pl. 3). For this great building (1548-1559)48 Sinan made use only of two half domes on the sides of the main dome, imitating the Hagia Sophia. Süleymaniye’s dome is quite extensive: diameter 27,50 metres, hight 49,50 metres. As in the Şehzade mosque here also the four heavy main piers are connected to the pendentives and to the dome’s base. The drafts RM and TM praise in identical phrases the craftsmanship of the architect49, “He was the servant of three illustrious kings. During each of those three reigns he built many buildings and attained in his art [great] skill. And in the Friday mosque of the sainted Sultan Süleyman his abilities in this science he did perfect, fearlessly, with but the least of his art. In TM details of the building are singled out, among them the domes50, “And although the preparation of its domes and half domes was work [fit] for demons, thanks 48. MÜLLER-WIENER 464-469; GOODWIN 1971, 215-240; SÖZEN 151-171; FREELY 26-33; GOODWIN 1993, 36-45; GÜNNAY, 26-28; 52-63;YERASIMOS 2000, 260-269; ERZEN 81-83; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 207-222. 49. CRANE and AKIN 59. 65. 50. Ibid. 75. 825 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 be to God, all of them were feasible for humankind.” TE emphasizes in connection with the Süleymaniye Sinan’s architectural accomplishment, “On it as well I spent endless effort and exertion. In short, art reached its limit in it. Men of talent, from beginning to end, understand the arts manifested in it51.” Considering the irritating impact of the four large buttress piers when focussing on the Hagia Sophia’s northern and southern outside view (Pl. 1), Sinan’s satisfaction when contemPl. 3. Süleymaniye mosque, plating his Süleymaniye mosque Yerasimos, Konstantinopel, p. 265 is easily understood. The last quoted sentence from TE is being repeated in TB52, and extensive explanations devoted to the course of construction and to the furnishings of the mosque follow53. The comparison between Süleymaniye’s dome and the vault of heaven appears in TB, “... its highest dome is like the revolving heavens54.” This image is known already in Roman literature (e.g. Martial55, and Dio Cassius56). In spite of their important static relevance, two of Sinan’s mosques in Istanbul are not mentioned in his autobiographies: the Rüstem Pascha Mosque (1561-1563)57, with its eight piers under the dome already pointing towards the Selimiye Mosque in Edirne, and the Mirimah Sultan Mosque (ca.1563-1570) showing a dome above the square, its thrust not being supported by half domes in any direction58. 51. Ibid. 89. 52. Ibid. 122. 53. Ibid. 123-124. 54. Ibid. 124. 55. Martial, Epigr. 8,36. 56. Cassius Dio, hist. 53,27. 57. MÜLLER-WIENER 453-455; GOODWIN 1971, 249-252; SÖZEN 189-195; FREELY 33; GOODWIN 1993, 105-106; GÜNNAY 79-82; YERASIMOS 2000, 282283; ERZEN 85-89; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 321-331. 58. MÜLLER-WIENER 441-443; GOODWIN 1971, 252-255; SÖZEN 189-195; FREELY 33. 36. 122. 136-139; GOODWIN 1993, 66-67; GÜNNAY 37-40; YERASIMOS 2000, 280-281; ERZEN 87; NECIPOĞLU 2005, 305-314. 826 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije The exterior view of Edirne’s Selimiye mosque (Fig. 5; Pl. 4) - a highlight of Osman architecture - easily reveals how carefully and gracefully the eight main pillars are buttressed on the outside. The dome reaches a height of 43.40 metres from the pavement (Hagia Sophia 55.60, Süleymaniye 49.50). I doubt that Sinan allowed a lesser hight to Selimiye only due Fig. 5. Edirne, Selimiye mosque, to static precautions59, Axonometric drawing, Necipoğlu, Age, p. 240 as he could have reinforced higher piers and buttresses as well. However, unlike the four piers in a mosque like Süleymaniye the eight pillars in the octagon are standing very close to each other - any further elevation would have ruined the harmony of the interior. The versified introduction to TE offers some couplets60 for this mosque, indicating what has been treated in the long passage in TB quoted in the beginning as starting point for my contribution61. The comparison between the Moslem Selimiye Mosque and the Hagia Sophia of the sinning unbelievers is being mentioned briefly once again in the following poem62. Furthermore this text contains an extensive description of Sinan’s opponent’s claim that the mosque would never be completed, and finally a detailed “Encomium for the noble Friday mosque”63. Here a whole sequence of comparisons is presented: the mosque and its dome versus buildings and poetic pictures of Islamic tradition. Crane and Akin are to be commended for their commentary in the notes. The already introduced comparison between Süleymaniye’s dome and the vault of heaven appears in TB once more for Se59. YERASIMOS 2000, 270. 60. CRANE and AKIN 89, couplets 53-57. 61. Ibid. 130. 62. Ibid. 131. 63. Ibid. 131-133. 827 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 limiye, “Its exalted dome is like the highest heavenly sphere64.” This, however, is surpassed by another, three times repeated picture for the “floating” dome in Edirne. In TE, “In truth, beneath the [heavenly] vault, unsupported by columns, that dome became a suspended sphere”65, in TB almost identical, and then again in TB, “Its dome seems suspended from the mosque of the spheres with the Milky Way66.” With this image as well as with the measurements Sa’i strives for a comparison with Hagia Sophia, since it is amazingly similar to ProPl. 4. Edirne, Selimiye mosque, cop’s statements about JusYerasimos, Konstantinopel, p. 272 tinian’s church. He wrote about his spherical dome (σφαιρoειδὴς θόλoς), “Yet it seems not to rest upon solid masonry, but to cover the space with its golden dome (σφαίρᾳ) suspended from Heaven67.” Just as the adaptation of such images cannot be attributed to the architect Sinan and indicates Sa’i’s fantasy, it goes without saying that the equation of the dome above eight piers (Selimiye) with the dome above the four arches of a basic square (Hagia Sophia) is a poet’s idea. The above quoted autobiographical texts concerning the Süleymaniye (e.g. “art reached its limit in it”) illuminate Sinan’s conviction that as architect of this building he has proven himself already superior to the builders of the Hagia Sophia. 64. Ibid. 131. 65. Ibid. 89. 66. Ibid. 131. 67. Procopius, Buildings 1.1.46 (Loeb ed. 7,20-21). 828 J. Engemann, Sveta Sofija i Sinanove autobiografije LITERATURE AHUBAY, METIN and ZEYNEP, Structural Influence of Hagia Sophia on Ottoman Mosque Architecture, in: MARK and ÇAKMAK, 179-194. BURELLI, AUGUSTO ROMANO and GENNARO, PAOLA SONIA (Eds.), Die Moschee von Sinan, Ausstellungskatalog Frankfurt/Main 2008 (Tübingen 2008). CRANE, HOWARD and AKIN, ESRA, Sinan’s Autobiographies (Leiden 2006). EGLI, ERNST, Sinan, Der Baumeister osmanischer Glanzzeit (Stuttgart 1954). EMERSON, W. and VAN NICE, ROBERT L., Hagia Sophia, Istanbul: Preliminary Report of a Recent Examination of the Structures: American Journal of Archaeology 47, 1943, 403-436. ERZEN, JALE NEJDET, Sinan. Ottoman Architect. An Aestetic Analysis (Ankara 2004). FREELY, JOHN and BURELLI, AUGUSTO ROMANO, Sinan, Architect of Süleyman the Magnificent and the Ottoman Golden Age (London 1992). GOODWIN, GODFREY, A History of Ottoman Architecture (Baltimore 1971). GOODWIN, GODFREY, Sinan. Ottoman Architecture and its Values Today (London 1993). GÜNAY, REHA, Sinan, the architect and his works (Istanbul 1998). HOFFMANN, VOLKER (Ed.), Der geometrische Entwurf der Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Ausstellung Istanbul / Berlin 2005 (Bern 2005). KÄHLER, HEINZ, Die Hagia Sophia (Berlin 1967). KUBAN, DOĞAN, Sinan’s Art and Selimiye (Istanbul 1997). KURAN, APTULLAH, Sinan. The Grand Old Master of Ottoman Architecture (Washington D.C. 1987) MAINSTONE, ROWLAND J., Hagia Sophia (New York 1988). MAINSTONE, ROWLAND J., Questioning Hagia Sophia, in: MARK / ÇAKMAK 1992, 158-176. MANGO, CYRIL and ERTUĞ, AHMET, Hagia Sohia, a Vision for Empires (Istanbul 1997). MARK, ROBERT and ÇAKMAK, AHMET Ş. (Eds.), Hagia Sophia from the age of Justinian to the present (Cambridge 1992). MÜLLER-WIENER, WOLFGANG, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls (Tübingen 1977). NECIPOĞLU, GÜLRU, The Age of Sinan (Princeton u.a. 2005). NECIPOĞLU, GÜLRU, Preface, in: CRANE and AKIN 2006, VII-XVI. RESTLE, MARCELL, Reclams Kunstführer Istanbul, Bursa, Edirne, Iznik (Stuttgart 1976). RESTLE, MARCELL, Die Hagia Sophia und die Istanbuler Moscheen, in: VOLKER HOFFMANN (Ed.), Die Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Akten Kolloquium Bern 1994 (Bern 1998), 109/26. SÖZEN, METIN, Sinan, Architect of ages (Ankara 1988). 829 Kačić, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43 THODE, DIRK, Untersuchungen zur Lastabtragung in spätantiken Kuppelbauten (Diss. Darmstadt 1975). VAN NICE, ROBERT L., Saint Sophie in Istanbul. An Architectural Survey (Washington D.C. 1986). VAN NICE, ROBERT L., Appendix, Selected Survey Drawings of Hagia Sophia, in: MARK/ÇAKMAK 1992, 227-249. YERASIMOS, STÉPHANE, Légendes d’empire. La fondation de Constantinople et de Sainte-Sophie dans les traditions turques (Paris 1990). YERASIMOS, STÉPHANE, Konstantinopel. Istanbuls historisches Erbe (Köln 2000). SAŽETAK - SUMMARIUM SVETA SOFIJA I SINANOVE AUTOBIOGRAFIJE Sinanove autobiografije (ur. Crane i Akin) pokazuju da je nužno odrediti ulogu, koju je u opisu arhitektova djela, imao pjesnik Mustafa Sa’i Çelebi. Sveta Sofija u Istambulu, premda predstavlja vrhunsko djelo svjetske arhitekture, ipak je imala dva bitna statička problema: preniska kupola (koja je bila zamijenjena višom, nakon što se ona prvotna bila srušila 558.) i dva različita sustava podupiranja glavne kupole. Unatoč svojoj statičkoj važnosti, dvije Sinanove džamije u Istambulu nisu spomenute u njegovim autobiografijama: Rüstem Pašina džamija (1561.-1563.), s kupolom i svojih osam potpornih stupova, ni Mirimah Sultanova Džamija (ca.1563.-1570.) s kupolom nad četverokutnom osnovom. Navedeni autobiografski tekstovi u svezi Sulejmanove džamije, pokazuju Sinanovu samosvijest da se kao njezin arhitekt već dokazao sposobnijim od graditelja Svete Sofije. 830