The Social Lives of Ghanaian Fantasy Coffins

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PAPERS
DIVERTED JOURNEYS:
The Social Lives of Ghanaian Fantasy Coffins
Hannah Griffiths
2000
CENTRE OF AFRICAN STUDIES
Edinburgh University
Price: f 4.50 or U S $ 9.00
DIVERTED JOURNEYS:
THE SOCIAL LIVES OF GHANAIAN FANTASY COFFINS
Hannah R. Griffiths
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to the staff at the Kelvingrove Museum in Glasgow for their assistance,
to Gift Amu for his time and explanations, and to Chuck Jedrej for his invaluable help.
ABSTRACT
This dissertation is grounded in the belief that objects, like people, have social lives.
I t is concerned with the diversions of objects from their intended trajectory, and the
lives they lead once they have been diverted from their natural path as intended by the
maker. The study takes a group of objects, contemporary Ghanaian 'fantasy coffins'
and investigates how the diversion of the fantasy coffins affects their value, function,
and meaning.
The only way to investigate this, I suggest, is to follow the paths of the coffins
thernselves and the identities they assume, or are attributed to them, as they are
diverted from one context to another. To this end, the paper leads the reader through
four different cultural arenas, a small town in Ghana, an ethnographic exhibition, an
art museum, and a coffin auction, in each of which the meaning of the fantasy coffins
as intended by the maker is manipulated and transformed. I investigate the way in
which value is assigned to the coffins in each of these different contexts.
The theoretical base for the paper comes from the work of Appadurai (1986), and I
draw on his idea of looking at objects, in this case Ghanaian 'fantasy coffins', as if
they lead social lives. It is argued that as objects move from one context to another,
there are certain processes of value and exchange which work in different ways in
each context to delilie the object according to the context to which it is diverted.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1:
COFFINS IN CONTEXT
Introduction
Fantasy coffins and Ga funeral rites
Coffin as commodity?
Coffin as Art?
CHAPTER 2:
COFFINS ON DISPLAY
Introduction
The politics of representation
Coffins transforming
From ethnography to Art
CHAPTER 3:
COFFINS AS ART
Introduction
Constructing Art
Coffins for sale
CONCLUSION
INTRODUCTION
This study concerns the diversion of objects from their intended paths, and how such
diversions alter the meaning and significance of the object in question. It is argued that
the meanings of objects are transformed when removed from the normal trajectory as
intended by their makers. As objects are diverted from one cultural context to another,
they undergo not only massive changes in purpose and function, but also in value. In
this paper, my intention is twofold. First, I aim to explore the conditions under which
objects are diverted, and second, I propose to investigate the consequences of such
diversions for the meanings of the object itself.
The value of any object differs from one context to another, and is one of the key things
which changes as an object is diverted from its initial purpose and spatio-temporal
context. For example, the value of an African ritual piece will be judged in different
ternls by a western art dealer and by an African user of the object in ritual. Value, as
Simmel asserts, is never an inherent property of an object, but rather is an assessment
made by subjects, each with their own purposes in different cultural contexts (Simmel
1978). As the context in which an object is situated changes, so does the value. It is only
by charting the objects themselves as they are diverted and move between different
contexts that it is possible to understand fully the consequences of these diversions.
Appadurai (1986) touches on the consequences of the diversion of objects in his
volume, The Social Life of Things, and looks specifically at the circulation of
commodities in social life. According to Appadurai, a commodity is not one kind of
thing rather than another, but is one phase in the life of some things. He regards
commodities as having life histories, and objects in their life history can move in and
out of the commodity state. Appadurai draws on the typologies of Jaques Maquet (1971)
which make distinctions between different types of commodities. For the purposes of
this study, we are concerned in particular with one of the commodity types identified by
Appadurai, which is 'commodities by diversion'. To quote Appadurai, commodities by
diversion are 'objects placed into a commodity state though originally protected from it'
(1986:16). He continues, 'diversion frequently is aimed at drawing protected things into
the zone of commoditisation' (1986:26). By 'protected things', Appadurai is referring to
objects which are, for example, ritual pieces set apart from other commodities and in
varying ways are prevented from entering the realm of commoditisation. An example of
a ritual piece becoming a commodity by diversion could be the purchase or removal of
the piece by an art dealer for further sale.
In this paper then, I draw and elaborate upon Appadurai's notion of 'commodities by
diversion' to investigate the ways in which 'protected things' become commoditised as
they are diverted from their intended path and are presented in totally different cultural
contexts.
Having briefly outlined the theoretical approach I intend to take, 1 now turn to the
ethnographic material to which the above notions will be applied. Appealing to the idea
of 'commodities in motion', I take a specific group of things, and investigate how they
are transformed and become commodities as they are diverted from their intended
course and are circulated in 'different regimes of value in space and time' (Appadurai
1986:4).
This study traces three diversions from the intended path of a particular form of product
- Ghanaian
Fantasy Coffins, an indigenous functional craft. It is my argument that in
their normal path, the coffins are protected from commoditisation. However, as they are
diverted from this path and bought to the West they become increasingly commoditised.
The production of fantasy coffins is a relatively recent phenomenon and has attracted
increasing interest over the last ten years from art collectors, journalists, anthropologists
and museums. They are spectacular, colourful, customised coffins made by Paa Joe and
his colleagues in a workshop near Accra.
In order to fully understand exactly how the meanings, worth, and understandings of the
coffins change as they are diverted from their intended path, it is necessary to first
provide a detailed description of the coffins in their intended context. Indeed, as
Appadurai states, 'diversions of objects are only meaningful in relation to the paths
from which they stray ....' (1986:29).
The layout of the dissertation thus takes the following form. The study 'visits' the
coffins in a number of contexts, and each context forms a section of the paper. The first
chapter centres around the coffins as they follow their intended course in the context of
Teshi village in Ghana, the location where the coffins are made. The coffins are a local
functional craft. They are commissioned and then crafted and designed for sale by Paa
Joe and a small number of informally trained carpenters. Here our attention will be
focused on the intended path of the coffin and I argue that in this context they are
essentially removed from commoditisation. Attention will also be paid to local
conceptions of art and the meaning of the coffins.
From here, our attention is turned to the diversion of the fantasy coffins from their local
context to the wider international arena. As Myers asserts, such diversions involve a
series of disjunctions (Myers 1991), which result in a disjointed relationship between
'how the producers account for their [works] and what significance they are made to
have in other venues' (Myers 1991:30). This disjointed relationship can clearly be seen
in the presentation of the fantasy coffins in three specific contexts in the West. Indeed, it
will be argued that as a result of the diversions of the coffins, their significance and
meaning are transformed as they become increasingly commoditised.
The ensuing chapters chart the transformative journey of the fantasy coffins as they are
presented in the contexts of an ethnographic museum display, an art gallery, and a
'coffin auction'. The second chapter constitutes the main body of the study, and takes
the form of a detailed interpretation and critique of an exhibition of the coffins which
portrays them as ethnographic artefacts rather than as 'objets d'art'. The exhibition, in
Glasgow, presents the coffins with much contextual information and includes
photographs and traditional funeral garments. The third chapter concentrates on the
context of the art gallery. I investigate an exhibition held in Paris in 1989, Magiciens de
la Terre, where the coffins, as defined by the exhibition organisers, are 'high art', with
little accompanying contextual information so as not to detract from the aesthetics of the
pieces. Our final, slightly shorter, stop is at an auction room in Canada, 1996, where the
coffins are marketed as highly desirable collector's pieces. Here, of particular interest is
how the use of a rich vocabulary is used to transform the coffins from ethnographic
pieces to extremely valuable works of art, a very clear example of what one art collector
described as 'the more verbiage you can attach to an object's beauty, the more it will
have value' (quoted in Satov 1997:233).
These different contexts each have their own complications. For example, the very
methods of museum exhibition have become a burning issue in museum debate in recent
ycars, subject to intense scrutiny from both outside the museum world and from within.
One of the most frequently aired criticisms revolves around the very principle of
representation itsclf. As Durrans remarks, 'displaying is increasingly seen as overtly or
implicitly polilical' (1992:ll). The representation of another culture or tradition
involves decisions regarding the choice of objects, on what basis to classify the objects,
the status of objects as art or artefact, and the contents of contextual information
accompanying the object, and the authority forese decisions is a problematic matter.
Other complications can be found in the case of the coffins being displayed as 'art'
pieces, as in the case of the exhibition in Paris. The market for African 'art' in the West
has never been so active. Artefacts similar to those displayed in ethnographic museums,
made by nameless craftsmen and surrounded by contextual information, have recently
found a road to fame on the front cover of Christie's Catalogue, with the emphasis
placed on price tag, aesthetic beauty and the creator of the piece. Ethnographic
inforniation is kept to a minimum, and in its place can be found a lavish description of
the object embellishing the value and worth of the piece in question. In different
contexts then, similar objects are classified using the very different terms (with all the
accompanying implications) of 'ethnographic artefact' or 'objet d'art'. Essentially,
through the use of western classifications, the same objects are being reinvented with
different meanings, and the exhibition in Paris will be cited as a case in point.
Through these examples I hope to not only discuss the complications raised by
displaying non-western objects in the western world, but more significantly to
illuminate how the diversion of an object from its original path can result in a series of
transfornlations in value and meaning through the processes of commoditisation. My
intention is to exhibit the processes at work which transform an object from being a
'protected ritual object' to an ethnographic artefact, or to a collector's piece, or to 'art'
according to the context. The one thing that all these examples have in common, with
the exception of the analysis of the coffins in their intended role, is that in each instance
the coffins have been diverted from their normal course. In each instance of diversion, 1
argue that new layers of meaning are added to the coffins and other layers of meaning
are stripped away.
Fundamental to this account is the belief that the diversion of an object from it's
intended course to a different context has a strong influence on the meaning of an object
itself and on the way people construct their image of another culture and their
relationship with it. The way in which the Ghanaian fantasy coffins are portrayed, as a
result of diversion, whether evoked, as in these instances, as a piece of art with universal
appeal, or ethnographic artefact
- other and strange, or even as an auction piece, is an
issue which forms the crux of this study. I aim to illustrate how anthropological theories
can shed light upon the construction of identities for both objects and individuals in
relation
to
the
diversion
of
objects
from
their
intended
trajectory.
CHAPTER 1
COFFINS IN CONTEXT
INTRODUCTION
In order to understand how perceptions and meanings of the coffins change as they are
divclled from the paths for which they were intended, it is necessary to describe the
coffins in the conlexl initially intended by their makers. As Appadurai asserts, 'in
looking at the social life of commodities, part of the anthropologists challenge is to
define the relevant and customary paths so that the logic of diversions can be
understood' (1986:28). In the following chapters, as the coffins are diverted from their
nalural paths to a variety of different contexts, their categorisation as art or craft,
commodity or non-commodity, is shown to change markedly according to the
situation.
This chapter proposes that the coffins, in the context intended by their makers, are
protected from comnioditisation. Here I draw on Davenport's
concept of
'transvaluation", since it seems that the coffins move outside the realm of the
con~modity.Davenport uses this term to describe objects which are kept outside the
cult~lrallydemarcated zone of commoditisation. Indeed as Davenport states, in the
context of ritual, 'a nonmaterial or spiritual dimension is added to an object,
committing it to a domain in which social and religious values prevail over economic
ones' (Davenport 1986:106). Exhibiting these characteristics, the coffins are not
assigned a definite monetary value, and due to the particular purpose and inherent
finite nature of coffins, they have no exchange value. I put forward the proposition
' Davenport uses t h ~ sterm to descr~bethe value ofcanoes, which are cawed and are used in -murina
funeral observances in the Eastern Solon~onIslands.
below that these objects, in their natural trajectory, are beyond the reach of
commoditisation. In this intended path, the work of Paa Joe and his apprentices is an
example of what Appadurai calls 'a zone of production that is devoted to producing
objects of value that cannot be commoditised by anybody' (Appadurai 1986:22).
The principle aim of this chapter then, is to illustrate how commoditisation of the
coffins is restricted in one particular cultural framework -the framework in which the
coffins were originally intended. I suggest that they are decommoditised through the
terminal nature of the fantasy coffin and the aesthetic embellishment, specialised skill
and energy which are invested in the production of the coffin. I propose that this
aesthetic decoration and accompanying funeral rituals render the coffin, as an integral
part of the funeral ritual, sacred, and as such it is set apart from other commodities.
The first section of this chapter looks in detail at the role and understanding of the
coffins as they follow their natural course. Following on from this, attention is then
paid to concepts of the coffins as art or artefact, which sets the scene for a discussion
later in the paper which elaborates upon how the context in which an object is
presented affects, or indeed prescribes, its aesthetic status.
FANTASY COFFINS AND GA FUNERAL RITES
This section describes and analyses the production of, and local exegesis concerning,
the fantasy coffins among Ga people. The intention is to describe and show the role of
the coffins in their normal path, in order to later be able to exhibit how the meaning,
value, and significance of an object changes as it is diverted from its path. It is first
necessary then, to provide an outline of the origin and a brief history of the coffins and
how they have become fully integrated into Ga funerary observances. The
ethnographic niaterial in this section is based primarily on the work of Secretan
(1995), Kilson (1974) and Azu (1974). I have also drawn on information obtained in
personal comniunication with GiR Amu, a Ga informant from the town of Teshi, the
small village outside Accra where the fantasy cofins are made. Amu is a personal
acquaintance of Paa Joe, the main coffin carver who runs the workshop.
The Ga people mainly occupy southern coastal Ghana, and number around 400,000.
In the last 50 years, the Ga have developed a funerary practice which has become an
integral part of Ga funerary traditions. The idea of the first fantasy coffins came from
a local craftsman, Kane Kwei, in 1957. At this time, Kane Kwei was a local carpenter
and, the legend goes, had been commissioned to make a palanquin for a headman in
the form of a cocoa pod. The headman died before the cocoa pod was completed, so
the palanquin was transformed into the headman's coffin. Since this first chance
creation of a fantasy coffin, the coffins have grown in popularity and Kane Kwei's
Fantasy Coffins have become the focus of much curiosity, having been exhibited
world-wide, photographed, documented, and even captured on the internet. Since the
recent death of Kane Kwei in 1992, his cousin Paa Joe has taken over the workshop in
Teshi and is Kwei's most distinguished successor.
The coffins have been made in a variety of forms, and are normally made for people
who have been important or influential in a particular sphere. The form of the coffin is
always directly relevant to the person for whom it is made, and the form relates to Ga
proverbs and beliefs about the nature of the symbol chosen. The particular symbol
chosen for the coffin can celebrate particular personal characteristics and attributes,
such as wisdom or strength. For example, a fantasy coffin in the shape of an antelope
is used for a person who has been a wise or astute leader. Among the Ga, the antelope
is not regarded as a physically strong animal, but rather, is considered to be one of the
most intelligent leaders among animals, and is a symbol which is on the highest steps
of the social ladder. Thus, to have a coffin in the form of an antelope is one of the
highest honours a person can receive.
Similarly, people celebrated for their loyalty have been buried in a coffin in the form
of an elephant, considered by the Ga to be a strong and faithful animal. To be buried
in an eagle is the highest honour, and coffins in the form of this symbol are resewed
primarily for people of great prominence, such as a paramount chief. In Ga ritual
songs, the supreme God assumes the form of an eagle (Secretan 1995). This is an
example of how traditional concepts and proverbs have been incorporated into the use
of fantasy coffins and contemporary funeral rites.
The symbol chosen can also relate to an individual's professional achievements, such
as a successful fisherman or taxi driver. Indeed, one of the most memorable of Kwei's
designs is a coffin in the form of a Mercedes-Benz. The car has been used to bury a
popular Ga taxi driver, who himself drove a Mercedes-Benz. His relatives and friends
decided to honour the man by commissioning a coffin in the form of the car he used to
drive. Similarly, coffins have been made in the form of a tuna fish for a fisherman.
The fantasy coffins have also taken inspiration from more recent parts of daily life,
such as a Nike trainer being made for a shoe manufacturer.
To be buried in a Fantasy Coffin is a great honour, and only people who have been
10
successful or who are highly respected will be buried in such a way. Indeed, as a Ga
person who has been living in Britain for a number of years told me, 'to be buried in
one of these coffins is the highest honour .... in the same way that not everyone gets an
OBE in Britain, only the most respected people can be buried in this way''. Although
Bums (1974) states that most orders for the cofins are placed by the occupant-to-be,
Amu holds that a person would never order a coffin for his own funeral'. Instead, he
notes that family and friends decide on the form of the coffin and the most appropriate
way to honour the dead person.
Despite the history of Christianity in Ghana, where now two thirds of the population
are Christian, a large number of Christians take part in traditional rituals and in these
contexts the use of the fantasy funeral coffins has become increasingly popular.
However, the churches are strongly against the use of the coffins and forbid the
presence of the coffins in church. As a result of this, Paa Joe has started to make
coffins in the form of bibles. These are the only fantasy coffins that are permitted to
enter the church, and are used solely for the burial of deeply religious people.
Death for the Ga is not the end of a life, but rather the start of a journey into another
existence. Ancestors play a central role in Ga daily life, and offerings are always made
to the ancestors prior to the consumption of food and drink. Belief is strong in the
spiritual world, and the increasing expense of funerals signifies the importance of the
life afler death. For the Ga, the funeral is the most important stage in a person's life,
as it is crucial that the person travels well to their next life (Secretan 1995:7). Tying in
with this, the fantasy coffins, in forms such as aeroplanes, cars and animals have
!
Personal communlcat~onw ~ t hG ~ f tAmu, a Ga folklorist.
' Personal con~municalionwith Gift Amu, a Ga folklorist.
become a way of signifying a secure and comfortable journey to the future life. AS
such, this is another way in which they have become an integral part of funerary
observances, combining contemporary ideas with traditional symbols and funeral
practices.
Having provided a brief outline of the origins and significance of some of the fantasy
coffins and their role in funerals, I now turn to the main part of this chapter, where it
is argued that in their intended path the coffins, as ritual pieces, are rendered sacred
and thus in this context are outside the realm of potential commoditisation.
COFFIN AS COMMODITY?
The exchange of commodities forms the basis of social transactions among the Ga.
However, during funeral observances, the coffin stands apart from other commodities.
Although strict rules of reciprocity apply in all spheres of Ga social life, I suggest that,
the coffins, as "terminal" commodities, are in fact totally removed from
commoditisation. This sets the scene for the following chapters where I suggest that it
is only when the fantasy coffins are diverted from their intended purpose do they
become commoditised.
Moreover, the combination of craftsmanship, skill, aesthetic embellishnlent and secret
ritual involved in creating the fantasy coffins places them in the category of
'transvaluation'. Aesthetic skills are highly regarded among the Ga and only certain
people can become coffin makers, and the training imparts secret knowledge which is
revealed to the coffin makers only. The coffins, through the very art of their
construction, and bearing in mind the purpose for which they are to be used, become
'sacra' '.
After the death of a Ga individual, there are particular funeral observances which must
be undergone in order lo ensure that their spirit can return to its celestial family
(Secretan 1995:7). The deceased person is buried with all that he or she may need. For
example, one Ga woman, on the burial of her cousin, remarked, 'we are giving him
everything so that he needs nothing in the spirit world ... if he wants a cup of tea, he
has a cup, if he wants cocoa, he has a spoon ...' '. Wives, children, and friends of the
deceased take the main role in organising and paying for the funeral. However, the
cost of funerals can be extremely high, and explicit rules of reciprocity ensure that
many give donations, known as futcrlii, to help cover the funeral expenses (Kilson
1974).
Despite the massive expenses incurred at funerals, a quiet confidence prevails that
sufficient money will be raised, evidenced by the following remark by an American
journalist, Stephen Buckley: 'Family members estimated that the funeral will
ultimately cost $1,400, and they had collected less than $100, but no one seemed
worried'. 'We'll get more donations in the coming week', he quotes a Ga woman as
sayingn. Indeed, people are keen to contribute to the expenses of a funeral in the
knowledge that when they die, they too will be ensured an elaborate funeral (Secretan
1995:26). These expectations of reciprocity are the basis of many transactions among
the Ga, and form a system of credits and debits upon which people can call at any
' Perso11~1
C O ~ I I I I U I I I C ~ I IwO~~ l h
Gift A~nu,a Ga folklorist.
' Stephen Buckley. Afiicrr~lLives, ~http:l/washingtonpost.comiwp-
...tem~africanlivesigI~anaigha~~a.htm].
22 December 1997.
Stephen Buckley, African LII,L.S,
[http:Nwashingtonpost.com/wp-
time. Commodities such as food and materials are continually exchanged and form the
substance of an ongoing system of economic contracts7. The commodities which are
exchanged form part of the wider system of debits and credits. However, as will be
discussed below, I suggest that once the coffin has been bought, there are processes at
work which then render the fantasy coffins outside the zone of commoditisation. In
order to illustrate this, it is important to focus on the journey of the coffin from birth
to grave, as it were.
As mentioned earlier, one of the defining factors of a commodity is its value and
potential for exchange. The exchange can be direct, involving the exchange of one
object for another, or it can be indirect, involving a monetary transaction. It cannot be
denied that at the point where the coffin is bought by one party from the maker, the
coffin is, for a short period, a commodity. But as pointed out by Amu, it is difficult to
place any real monetary value on the coflins, as they are produced first and foremost
as ritual pieces to honour a person's life without a price tag. Emphasising this, Amu
mentions that Paa Joe would never refuse to make a coffin for a deceased person if the
family of the deceased did not have enough money to purchase a coffin. However,
even at this stage of money exchanging hands for the coffin, in this context it will
only ever be, by its inherent purpose and nature, a terminal commodity, and as such is
restricted from further exchange. Thereafter, I argue, it is decommoditised, removed
from the sphere of exchange and 'deactivated" as a commodity. Aside from the
terminal nature of the coffins, a further factor which is instrumental in removing the
coffins from commoditisation can be found in the aesthetic skills involved in
producing the coffins, and it is to this which I now turn.
...termlafricanlivesighanaighana.html.22 December 1997.
' Personal comrnurlicationwith Gift Amu, Ga folklorist.
The talent of Paa Joe, the main carver of the Fantasy Coffins, is recognised by the Ga
people. Such skills are rare, and to have the ability to produce the carved coffins
requires a great amount of training and natural talent. Although I was pointedly told
by Amu, a Ga man himself, that the coffins were not artwork, he did not hesitate in
rccognising the beauty and skill invested in the creation and decoration of the coffins.
Such talent is a gift, which only a few people have. Indeed, very few people will ever
have the ability to become a master craflsman. The inspiration and ability to make the
carved pieces of work is said by the Ga to come from a higher deity, and thus in the
work of the coffins there is an element of divine inspiration and a relationship with the
spiritual. The colourful and elaborate decoration on the fantasy coffins sets them apart
from other everyday commodities. Touches such as the bright paintwork and fine
details on the coffins render them completely different from anything else in daily life.
Ordinary conlmodities are not lavishly decorated in this way with the exceptional skill
that is used to decorate the coffins. Ultimately, 'the use of exceptional aesthetic skills
is confined to objects used only in sacred and secular rituals' (Davenport 1986:106).
In addition, all the coffins commissioned are made for specific events and specific
people, and as such each coffin is personalised and individual. Indeed, each coffin is
unique for a number of reasons. The coffin is directly relevant to the person for whom
it is made. There are always personal touches which distinguishes even coffins of the
same form from one another. For example, coffins in the shape of hens have been
used to bury mothers, and are always personalised by the number of chicks
surrounding the hen, symbolising the number of the woman's children. Similarly, the
Mercedes-Benz coffin is always personalised by the number plate of the car, which
' I owe the use o f this term to Kopytoff (1986:76)
15
usually takes the form of the deceased's name or car number plate. Furthermore, each
coffin is individually commissioned and they are never made in batches9 To become a
coffin carver also involves undergoing secret training and ritual, which should also be
seen as investing spiritual worth into the production of the fantasy coffin1".
-
A further instrument in the decommoditisation of the coffin is the very nature of the
fantasy coffin itself. It is produced not simply for one person only, but equally
importantly, for one event only. Because of its very role to perforn~one journey only,
it cannot be exchanged for recycling. Thus, it is not only unique but also
unexchangeable.
1 propose then, that the combination of the use of exceptional skills, and the rituals
undergone to produce these skills, together with the event of the funeral itself and the
designated purpose and individuality of the coffins, defines the coffins as very distinct
from ordinary commodities. As such the highly decorated coffins are kept apart from
the sphere of secular and economic commodities. Furthermore, the majority of the
forms of the coffins draw on images in Ga proverbs which are inspired by spiritual
beliefs, and represent spiritual value. I suggest that manifestations of spiritually
inspired talent are not marketable, and this is another factor which renders the coffins
outside the zone of commoditisation. Bearing in mind that the primary role of a
carpenter or craftsmen is to produce commodities, the decomnioditisation of these
objects is even more remarkable.
' Iiere, information differs, as Bums (1974) states that Paa Joe keeps a store o f ready-made coffins.
Amu holds that t h ~ swould never happen and each coflin is made ~ndividually.
'" Personal communtcatlon with Gift Amu, Ga folklorist.
Thus, 1 suggest that this conlbination of factors places the coffins outside the realm of
commoditisation. The coffins, as a 'non-commodity', are correspondingly not
considered primarily as art, and to discuss this issue further let us now turn to the next
section of this paper.
COFFIN AS ART?
In this section I propose that locally the coffin is not defined as a form of artwork.
Undeniably, the coffins are elaborately decorated but I argue that the coffins in their
intended context are first and foremost considered by local people as a form of
functional craft. Indeed, I suggest here that one of the reasons for which the coffins
are
IIO!
considered as art is to further protects them from commoditisation.
Furthermore, as will be shown in a later part of the study, when the coffins enter the
realm of commodity as they are diverted from their normal path, terms such as 'art' are
readily used to describe the coffins. This is a transformation of meaning which merits
further attention in chapter two.
The terms 'art' and 'craft' are highly problematic, due primarily to the fact that in
western ideas of aesthetics, and what is and is not worthy of the term 'art' is very much
an idea which is conditioned by, and a product of, the culture in which we live. In the
particular geographical area of Africa with which we are concerned, a strong divide
exists between definitions of art and crafl
- between
the products of people who are
formally trained artists, and those who have been informally trained as craftsmen.
Svasek elaborates upon the differences between artists and craftsmen as explained by
Ghanaian artists. For them, 'the latter were (skilled) craftsmen producing commercial
goods ... in contrast, they defined themselves as free individual creators of noncommercial but genuine art' (Svasek 1997:43). Similarly, Svasek notes that the
majority of Ghanaian art producers also consider the fantasy coffins, initially
produced by Kane Kwei and afler him by Paa Joe, as 'functional crafl', as opposed to
genuine 'art' (Svasek 1997). Amu, a Ga informant, backs up this statement in a
conversation where he firmly states that, 'these coffins are not pieces of artwork ... Paa
Joe is not an artist'".
Thus given the information above, I would suggest that in their normal course, the
fantasy coffins are considered by both their producers and potential users, prior to
consumption, as highly decorative functional craft. Indeed, by reinforcing and
maintaining this idea locally, the coffins remain protected from becoming a
commodity to be further bought and sold. As such, they remain unique and spiritual
ritual pieces in funeral rites.
In the course of this account it will be shown how the coffins, as they become
increasingly diverted from their intended function and path, undergo transformations.
Indeed, the diverted coffins go from being a piece of functional crafl which is
protected from commoditisation through its very clear intended purpose, elaborate
design and ritual, to becoming 'art' (as defined by art museum curators), a highly
desirable collectors pieces,
and a museum artefact. Accompanying these
transformations in status, is a journey in which the coffins move in and out of the
sphere of commoditisation. I have attempted to show in this chapter that once the
coffin has been bought, and used for its intended purpose, it is in effect rcmoved from
commoditisation, and becomes a 'protected' object.
"
Personal Cornmun~cationwith Gift Amu. Ga folklorist.
However, as the coffins are diverted to different cultural arenas, they move back into
the realm of commoditisation. This is an example of how 'the spirit of commodity
enters under conditions of massive cultural change' (Appadurai 1986:22), and also an
example of how the same things may be treated as commodities in one spatiotemporal context and not in another. Each diversion from the intended path and
function of the coffins both adds and removes layers of meaning from them. From the
protected status of the coffins in funeral observances among the Ga in southern
Ghana, we now turn to look in more detail at different contexts in which the
commodity value of the coffins becomes a primary factor in their definition. Whereas
enclaving, asserts Appadurai, has as its goal to protect objects from commoditisation,
diversion is frequently aimed at drawing protected objects into the zone of
commoditisation (Appadurai 1986:26).
It remains to elucidate exactly why and how certain objects become the targets of
diversions. I join with Appadurai in suggesting that the restrictions on the exchange of
certain objects which render them 'protected' provides the context and targets of
strategies of diversion (Appadurai 1986:25). Indeed, the sale of the fantasy coffins for
purposes other than their intended path is an example of 'the calculated and interested
removal of things from an enclaved zone to one where exchange is less confined and
more profitable' (Appadurai 1986:25). As the coffins become further removed from
their intended contexts in space and time the knowledge surrounding the cofiins also
becomes more distanced. In this way the diversion of the coffins has serious
consequences for the way in which they are appropriated in the contexts in which they
are placed. Following Appadurai, the knowledge concerning an object takes two
forms, the knowledge which is involved in producing the object, such as the type of
wood, and the knowledge which is required for the consumption of the object. The
distribution of this knowledge changes as the coffins are diverted from one context to
another.
In the next chapter then, our attention is focused on a group of fantasy coffins which
have been diverted from their intended paths to different cultural contexts. The first
context to which we turn is an ethnographic exhibition of the coffins in 'Going out in
Style', a museum display of twelve of the fantasy coffins in Glasgow. This section
takes the form of an in-depth analysis and interpretation of the exhibition. Following
this, we turn to a display of the coffins in an exhibition held in Paris, Magiciens cle la
Terre. After these discussions, we examine the transformation in a different context, a
'coffin auction' fundraiser, held in Canada in 1995.
CHAPTER 2
COFFINS ON DISPLAY
INTRODUCTION
The diversioti of objects from their normal paths leads objects to be found in a number of
locations it1 which they are given an identity other than the one intended by the maker of
the object. The sanie objects in different contexts are 'viewed differently by the person
who makes it or uses it, the artisan or artist, the anthropologist, the art historian, and the
dealcr' (Cote 19925, quoted in Hart 1995:145). In the last chapter it has been suggested
that in their original nexus the coffins are effectively removed from the sphere of
cornmoditisation. Indeed, once the coffin has been commissioned, it cannot be further
exchanged in its intended context. It performs only one joumey - to the grave, and once
that joumey has been completed the coffin cannot be involved in any further transactions
or exchanges. However, once the coffin has been diverted from its intended path and
forms part of a museum display, the function and purpose of the coffin is undeniably and
irrevocably transformed. Indeed, the collection of coffins presented in Glasgow has
travelled worldwide, and individual coffins in the collection have been purchased, sold,
and purchased again'. This collection of the coffins has been transformed into a
commercial exercise, where they have been drawn into the position of a commodity and
are becoming a prized possession for museums and galleries.
' e g. Two of the coffins are in the process of b e ~ n gbought by the National Museum of Scotland in
Ed~nburghand another two are to be bought by Glasgow Galleries and Museum Commission.
Within this transformation, a number of issues are raised and must be investigated. From
one context to another, a series of disjunctions occur. It must be acknowledged that in this
new context the coffin will never fulfil its intended purpose. As Potter (1994) has argued,
'it is almost always the case that when an object is put on display in a museum, those who
put the object on display are doing something different with it than was intended by the
makers' (1994: 103). In the ensuing discussion I look at the power of museum exhibition
in influencing this transformation, and investigate the way in which the fantasy coffins
are presented in the exhibition, 'Going out in Style
-
Fantasy Coffins from Africa', in
Glasgow. To quote Cannizzo, 'museum specimens illustrate the transformational power
of context and suggest that the meaning and significance of an object change according to
the context in which it appears and is understood' (1989:12). Steiner echoes this opinion,
holding that objects presented for display are 'stripped of their original meanings and
manipulated to fit the agenda of the moment' (1994:107). Ames also reminds us of the
many different ways in which an object can be considered, 'the object as commodity, as
artefact, as art, or sacred emblem: these are different ways of seeing the same thing'
(1994:101), and the way in which we 'see' an object is influenced by a number of factors,
including the qualities it is prescribed by the context in which it is presented.
The presence of the fantasy coffins in the museum is a pertinent example of how objects
are categorised according to the requirements of the particular context as they are diverted
from their normal course. It is my argument that the museutil exhibition of fantasy
coffins, removed from their intended spatio-temporal context, become categorised as
objects which are representative of an exotic distinct other. As the solid distance between
the producers and consunlers of the products increases, the trajectories of the coffins
become layered with diversions from museum to gallery to sale room. Hand in hand with
diversion after diversion, the history of the object becomes increasingly segmented, and
the knowledge surrounding the object becomes fragmented, contradictory, differentiated,
and fodder for commoditisation (Appadurai 198856).
The forn~atof this chapter takes the following form. The first section of the chapter
focuses on some of the debates surrounding the exhibition of non-western artefacts in
Western museums, and the relevance of these debates to the particular exhibition of
fantasy coffins in Glasgow will be examined. Following this overview of some of the
main issues in museum debate, the second section investigates the practices used to
display the fantasy coffins, and discusses the representations which are on offer to the
viewer. Our attention is then turned to the third section and an essential component of this
chapter, which discusses the broader implications of museum display on the
commoditisation of the coffins. It is proposed that museum displays are instrumental in
commoditising objects further by introducing them to the wider international art market.
Thcy play an integral role by raising the profile of a particular object or group of objects,
which in turn, influences the trends of the art market, and further diverts the coffins from
functior~alcraft as in their intended paths, to museum artefact, to a highly collectible and
valuable piece of Art.
POLITICS O F REPRESENTATION
Museums are founded on the principle of representation, which in itself is inherently
problematic. It is the recognition of the infinite and diverse possible methods of display
that proves problematic and has resulted in a number of scathing reports against museum
exhibition. Some critics seem to be upholding a type of ideal relating to a 'true reality'
concerning the objects on display, and consequently denounce the curator for deviating
from a true and accurate representation. For example, when the exhibition 'Bolivian
Minds' was mounted at the Museum of Mankind in 1987, it was criticised for not
providing enough background and historical information, creating false impressions, and
failing to portray an accurate image. The exhibition was condemned for 'lacking thematic
direction ...confused, and politically irresponsible' (Platt 1987: 16). Other exhibitions have
no commitment to an objective truth as regards representation, and recognising that what
is represented also reflects a point of view, or interest, seek to make this explicit. An
example of such an exhibition is the 1988 'Fluff and Feathers' exhibition of Indians in
Ontario, which sought to encourage people to look at their own images of native Indians
and displayed different attitudes to Indians as portrayed by the media, history, arts and
literature (Ames 1991). Moreover, it follows that given a heterogeneous audience,
whatever may have been the intentions of the exhibitors, the exhibition, as text, will be
subject to different readings and interpretations.
Ultimately, any museum exhibition can only ever provide partial truths, as it is clearly
impossible to present any type of true reality in contexts far from the one of the origin of
the object in question. Being removed form their original contexts of space and time,
objects are reconceptualised; thus the very nature of objects removed form other cultures
and bought into our own will always be problematic. It is impossible to convey the
history, cosmology, and purpose of an object to a public who may have a limited
knowledge of the culture in question, Given that it is impossible for a 'true reality' to be
attained in museum display, 1 suggest that it is more fruitful to turn our attention to the
meanings assigned to objects through museum display, and more significantly, to
investigate the processes at work which transform an object according to context.
As has been mentioned, there are many different ways of exhibiting objects in a museum
context. However, in general there are two very distinct approaches which exhibit the
difference between the ethnographic exhibition we are to discuss in this chapter and the
exhibition in the art museum which forms the crux of the following chapter. These two
approaches can be described broadly as follows: first, the approach which favours
extensive contextual information to accompany an object, which is known as the
reconstructive, or ethnographic approach, and second, the approach which prefers to
display objects with minimal contextual information, emphasising primarily the visual
aspect over the contextual importance, known as the aesthetic, or formative approach
(Tugonvik 1990:129). As Hart (1995: 139) points out, at the heart of these differences in
approach are the western ideological oppositions of craft and art. The differences in these
approaches reflect the different ways in which the fantasy coffins are presented in the
contexts of 'Going out in Style', an example of the ethnographic approach, and
'Magiciens de la Terre', an example of the aesthetic approach. I suggest that as the
amount of contextual information lessens, the fantasy coffins become recognised
primarily as art (as opposed to craft) and as such are going though a continual process of
increasing commoditisation. As they go from one context to another, from museum
exhibit to a celebrated piece of art to auction piece, they are transformed into different
items each time and become increasingly commoditised.
Let us first turn to the coffins in the museum exhibition 'Going out in Style', in Glasgow.
One of the first things which must be said about the presence of any object in a museum
immediately identifies that object as having some type of worth in order to be in included
in a museum in the first place. The exhibition itself makes use of a great deal of
contextual information and photographs in an attempt to provide an informative account
of the origins, production, and use of the fantasy coffins in Teshi. As the visitor enters the
exhibit he or she is greeted with an informative panel board describing the craft of coffin
making and introducing the area of Africa in which the fantasy coffins are made. Beside
each fantasy coffin, contextual information is provided about the nature of the symbol,
the funeral rituals and the skills involved in producing the coffins. The coffins
themselves, in the introductory information, are introduced as 'craft' (as opposed to art)2.
The approach adopted here is undoubtedly one which respects the coffins themselves and
their creator. Contextual information plays a central role, and the exhibition presents the
coffins as ethnographically meaningful and strives towards informing the audience about
another culture. Indeed, the display of the fantasy coffins seeks very much to provide the
point of view of the Ga and their meanings of the coffins, so much so that there is even a
Ga person at the exhibition to act as a spokesperson on behalf of Paa Joe and the coffin
makers.
COFFINS TRANSFORMING
Museum exhibitions are important in that not only do they provide images of another
culture but equally inlportantly they tell us about us, showing what we are or more
significantly what we are not. One of the main reasons why museums are so well attended
is due to a certain sense of curiosity about other cultures in order to establish a sense of
our own identity. One of the ways in which people secure a sense of identity is through
thinking about their relationship with other cultures. Boon (1982) argues that the selfawareness of individuals is constituted by their reflexive awareness of others, asserting
that cultures are inherently comparative. Similarly, Cohen asserts that, 'we are always
engaged in contrast and comparison' (1994:137). This influence of material culture is one
of the most important and challenging issues raised by museum collections. Given the
importance of the display of material culture from other areas of the world, it is crucial
that attention be paid to how the context in which an object is presented affects and
changes the significance and meaning of the object itself. Thus the discussion below
focuses on a number of issues raised by the exhibition of the fantasy coffins in Glasgow.
The exhibition of the coffins raise a problem in a particularly acute way. I propose that
they are an anomaly for the majority of viewers in the west, not fitting into western
conceptions of what a funeral coffin should look like. Indeed, the fantasy coffins are
entertaining and celebratory, but at the same time they do not fit in with western concepts
of coffins - they fall outside our culturally demarcated zone of how a coffin should be.
Indeed, such sentiments are evidenced by comments in the visitors book at the exhibition
' See 'Going out in Style' publicity leaflet, published by Glasgow Galleries and Museum Commission.
27
in Glasgow. For example, comments such as 'these coffins are sick', 'these are more like
objects from children's dreams than coffins', and 'how can these be called coffins?' can
be found throughout the book. Such comments are evidence that for a number of the
visitors to the exhibition, the words 'vibrant and entertaining' and 'coffin' do not sit
comfortably side by side. The coffins fall between classificatory boundaries, as they are
indeed coffins but at the same time, due to their entertaining nature, it is easy to believe
that they are not. In the words of Soppelsa, reviewing a 1994 exhibition of the coffins in
America, 'their association with funerals seems contradictory with Western viewers.
Opulence would be understandable .... but the entertainment factor seems somehow out of
place' (1 994: 14). Here I turn to the work of Douglas (1966) to provide one possible way
of investigating this anomaly.
Boundaries, rules, and all classification systems create clear cut categories of things - but
there will always be exceptions. Douglas's analysis of 'dirt' and 'pollution' centres upon
objects which do not fit neatly into a system of categories. Indeed, objects which fall
between classificatory boundaries 'confuse and contradict cherished classifications'
(Douglas 1966:36). They become deviant or odd, and generate feelings of awe and
danger. The coffins, by not fitting in to our scheme of classifications, 'offend against
order' (1966:2). Following Douglas, there different ways in which the anomaly of the
fantasy coffins can be experienced. First, the coffins can remain an ethnographic artefact
from another culture and remain 'cordoned off as exotic and extinct. Second, the context
from which the coffins have been diverted can be denied and the coffins presented as a
universal form of 'art'. By looking in this chapter at the coffins in a museum, and the
next, looking at coffins in an art gallery, examples of both can be seen. In the context of
the museum exhibition in Glasgow, I propose that the coffins are construed as something
other and exotic, the reasons for which are expanded below.
The museum communicates values through the way in which the coffins are displayed,
and I propose that it is the exhibition of the fantasy coffins which conveys an image of
the coflins and their makers as distinctly exotic and other. In light of this, the pertinent
qucstion which must now be addressed is what exactly it is about the exhibition of
fantasy coffins that induces people to contemplate them as exotic and other. This question
entails a discussion of the experience offered by the museum, and below I discuss a
number of components which 1 suggest have the effect of compounding the experience of
the coffins as 'other'.
The first factor to be mentioned is the physical detachment of the exhibition pieces.
Altliough they are not encased, some of the coffins are cordoned off, which I suggest
creates a sense of
distance. As Kramer (1982:62) remarks, 'design facilitates
detachment ... it soothes and rationalises'. There are two points to be made here. First, due
to the physical detachment of the viewer from the coffin, the potentially disturbing
anomaly of the fantasy coffin is suppressed. Indeed, this is compounded by signs ordering
'Do Not Touch'. Second, the physical barrier also immediately offers an experience of
the coffins as 'other' and distinct from familiar objects. As Pearce reminds us, 'the
physicality which we and objects share creates a relationship between us' (1992:16),
However, in the display of the fantasy coffins in Glasgow this physicality is denied, and
the coffins are rendered literally untouchable
This conceptual division between 'us' and 'other', I suggest, makes the coffins th
product of an exotic other, which is rendered not only physically but also mentall
intangible. Here I turn to the work of Said (1978). The crux of Said's argument is that th
Orient as been used as a means of comparison, through which the West has created it
own identity. This notion of the Orient is rooted to a certain extent in exleriority - the fac
that the West is exterior to what it describes, and due to this exteriority the West is able tc
use the Orient as its contrasting image. The wider implications of Said's critique arc
highly relevant to the process of identity formation in the display of fantasy coffins a1
Glasgow. The museum visitor is also in a position of exteriority. He or she is excluded
from the display both physically and conceptually. Due to this image of 'other' portrayed
by this type of museum display, the visitor secures a sense of identity through being
unquestioningly different from the image on display.
Kahn describes museum exhibition as a 'kind of magic' and a means employed by
museums for rendering acceptable objects which otherwise seem out of place (Kahn
1995:324). Foucault (1970), similarly considers museums to be classifying houses, and
labels them as 'heterotopias'. Such heterotopias are sites which house all things
displaced, marginal, or ambivalent, and are constructed through a mix of 'displaced' or
'marginal' objects. They are spaces which allow for objects to be re-contextualised and
attempts are made to render the objects intelligible through the use of contextual
information.
In contrast, however, this sense of order has also been described as 'jarring and dissonant'
(Kahn 1995:325). Such heterotopic sites can be seen to facilitate feelings of resistance
due to the 'monstrous anomalies' present (Foucault 1970). Hetherington (1996) in a
similar vein to Foucault, asserts that within museum heterotopia there is a certain tension
between chaos and order - the chaos arising from the marginal nature of the exhibits and
the contrasted imposed order. I suggest that this tension is indicated by feelings of
resistance to the coffins expressed by comments in the visitors book and in conversations
with visitors who found the coffins 'weird', 'bizarre', and 'unnerving', thus conferring
upon the coffins the status of 'other'.
A further issue to be mentioned is the authoritative power of the exhibition to create the
illusion of accurate representations of a culture by making the objects stand for more than
they actually do. Here I draw upon two particular instances from the 'Going out in Style'
exhibition, which exemplify what Stewart describes as museums creating the illusion of
adequate representation of a world, or category of objects, by 'first cutting objects out of
specific contexts and making them "stand for" abstract wholes' (quoted in Clifford
1988:2 18). First, the fantasy coffins as portrayed in the exhibition are made to stand as a
representation of coffins in Africa, described in the publicity information as 'coffins from
..?/ricti ' (emphasis
added). As such, the fantasy coffins become an ethnographic metonym
for all African coffins. This title gives the impression that the coffins are representative of
the entire continent, when in fact they are only from one small locality in Ghana. I
suggest that this is a misleading descriptive technique used by the museum and creates
the illusion of purporting to represent a wider group of objects than the ones which are
actually on display.
Along similar lines, a further misleading issue in the information about the fantasy
coffins surrounds the notion of artistic individualism. The exhibition implicitly presents
the fantasy coffins as the work of a single man. Indeed, Paa Joe is the only name we are
ever given during the exhibition. However, the coffins at the exhibition are in fact the
work of a number of men', and although Paa Joe may be the master craftsman, many of
the coffins were also constructed and decorated by his apprentices. This distortion may
not seem of huge importance but I propose that it is significant as it completely ties in
with western notions of celebrating artistic individualism but slights the collective
production of the coffins in their original context4. It also matches with the art versus
craft dichotomy mentioned earlier, in that when an object is elevated to the status of 'art',
as will be seen in the following chapter, the name of the producer of the object is
celebrated, rather than the anonymity which is ascribed to the producers of the coffins as
craft. It is an example of 'the Western opposition of art and craft, with art valorised and
displayed in the art museum, while craft, shown in the ethnographic museum, is
devalorised' (Hart 1995: 139).
Drawing on the work of Kramer, Kahn, Douglas and Stewart, I have argued that the
context in which an object is displayed strongly influences the meaning and significance
of the object, in this case fantasy coffins. I have suggested that this particular type of
-
-
-
' Polnt made by Glft Amu
' Thts polnt 1s made by Torgovn~ck,wrth reference to an exhlblt~onof work by Baule caners
museum display presents the objects very much as a craA which is the product of an
'other'. Combined, these theorists provide a variety of ideas which can effectively
elaborate upon Douglas's notions of the categorical anomaly of the coffins. As such, they
provide a further insight as to how this type of display influences the significance of the
exhibition pieces.
FROM ETHNOGRAPHY TO ART
In this section I turn to investigate the role museums play in the transformation of
'artefacts' to the more valuable status of 'art'. Indeed, 'the distinction between an artefact
and a work of art,' writes Steiner, 'can mean a significant difference in an object's price
tag' (1994: 110). In the following chapter this shift from artefact to objet d'art, with all
the implications that this shift carries, will be elaborated upon in more detail. In the
following section however, our attention will be focused on the role of the museum in
this shift. Although at first not particularly obvious, I argue that in fact the museum is
inslrumental in the commoditisation of objects. It is argued that the museum plays a
particular role in bringing to light the existence, and raising the profile of, certain objects
relative to others.
Although the first documentation about the coffins was written by Bums in 1974, one of
the main ways in which knowledge has spread about the fantasy coffins has been through
museum displays which have generated further interest from the media, anthropologists
and art lovers alike. The role of the museum cannot be underestimated in bringing the
existence of the fantasy coffins to international attention and, moreover, in playing an
integral role in the processual circulation of the coffins from artefacts to art. Following
the purchase of twelve fantasy coffins by a Dutch women, this particular collection,
currently in Glasgow, has made its way around the world, rising to prominence in places
as diverse as America, Scotland and Cambodia.
The format of this brief section is as follows. First our attention will be turned to the
words of some art dealers and critics in order to emphasise the very real influence that
museum exhibitions have on the wider art market. Their comments will be evidenced by
detailing the repercussions of exhibitions of fantasy coffins around the world. Following
on from this, and tying all these threads together before moving on to the next chapter, we
will turn to look at what Appadurai and Breckenbridge (1988:l) have termed the 'global
cultural ecumene', while describing how all the different parts of the art and museum
world function to keep the trade in non-western arts alive in a process where non-western
objects are becoming increasingly commoditised. Appadurai and Beckenbridge's 'global
cultural ecumene' brings together museums, art galleries, and dealers, and they use the
term to show how all spheres such as museums, art museums and art markets, all form an
integral process of influencing how objects come to be known as either 'art' or 'artefact',
and how objects move between these two spheres.
This influence of the museum on markets is witnessed by comments made by the Head of
the Tribal Arts section at Sotheby's, Bacquart. He explains that museum exhibition is one
factor which is instrumental in influencing the art market. Emphasising this point more
strongly is the Head of Tribal Arts at Christies, who asserts that museum exhibitions are
most influential in bringing attention to groups of objects or producing cultures, and he
considers that auction houses are definitely the followers of trends rather than setting the
trend themselvesJ.
One such example of this is how the fantasy coffins have become increasing popular
commodities following museum displays. After numerous exhibitions of the fantasy
coffins, orders placed in Ghana for the coffins have increased in number, and in particular
have increased from Europe and from America, both of which are places which have had
a number of exhibitions featuring the coffins and also great media coverage of the
exhibitions. Thus, far more than just displaying exhibits, the museum not only plays a
role in influencing how people construct an identity for themselves vis-a-vis others, but
also plays a central role as part of the 'global cultural ecumene' in influencing the art
market, and drawing the coffins into the process of commoditisation.
In this chapter, then, I have suggested that the fantasy coffins in the ethnographic
exhibition are explained through the use of elaborate contextual information, detailing the
production, use, and role of the coffins in Ga funeral practices. However, I have proposed
that the display of the fantasy coffins in this way has the potential to distance the viewer
from the exhibits rather than engage the viewer. As we shall see in the following chapter,
the very same objects, displayed in an art exhibition, become more spatially privileged,
and the contextual information lessens with more emphasis on the aesthetic qualities of
' 'l'h~sinformation IS taken from an article by Satov (1997) in which he interviews the above mentioned
people.
the coffins. The isolation of the coffins in this way and the lack of contextual information
and the very fact of being in an art exhibition, I propose, lifts the coffins out of the realm
of 'artefact' and bestows upon them the title of 'art'. Furthermore, I argue that this
transition also implies an increase in the value of the coffins. The process of an
ethnographic museum piece transforming into an art object is accompanied by a raise in
the amount of money the coffins are deemed to be worth and a move away from the
emphasis on the function of the coffinsto the main focus being on the aesthetic worth and
beauty of the coffins.
CHAPTER 3
COFFINS AS ART
INTRODUCTION
In the previous chapter it was suggested that in the display, 'Going out in Style', the
fantasy coffins were presented primarily as ethnographic artefacts. They were
surrounded by ample contextual information and presented as a functional crafl. The
emphasis was on attempting to render the coffins intelligible by detailing historical
and ethnographic information, through the use of informative labels and photographs.
In this chapter, we turn to study the coffins at another stage in their life history, where
they are presented as 'art', with the emphasis being on the aesthetic worth of the piece
rather than on the function.
The shiff from an existence as an ethnographic piece in a museum, to a much admired
piece of art to collectors item in the commercial art world, is effected by the
manipulation of the coffin's identity. A point which must be considered before further
discussion is the problematic use of the category of 'art'. The term art, as MacClancy
points out, raises problems as western ideas of art and aesthetics are themselves
culturally conditioned, and are the products of European history (MacClancy 1997).
Miller makes a similar point, asserting that the notion of art, 'stems from an
essentialist foundation.... but has become an established perspective through
particular cultural and historical conditions' (Miller 1991: 50). However, although it
is important to acknowledge the problematic nature of the term 'art', my particular
interest in this chapter is not concerned with defining the term 'art', but rather to
establish how an object's status and meaning is transformed as the object goes
through an increasingly intense process of commoditisation.
My aim in this chapter is to show how the coffins have been diverted from their
37
normal paths not only to become museum artefacts, as witnessed in the previous
chapter, but also how in this context they have 'crossed the proverbial threshold into
the world of art' (Steiner 1994: 1I I). In this context they play an even more direct
role in the international art scene. The ever increasing market for contemporary
African art reveals an expansion of the category 'African art', and an increasing
number of artefacts have been crossing the threshold and have been bestowed with the
title of 'art' (Steiner 1994). Indeed, Clifford (1994) also emphasises the increase in
the number of objects, formerly known as ethnographic artefacts for placement in
museums, which are becoming recognised as 'art', stating that 'things of cultural
value may be promoted to the status of fine art.... examples of movement in this
direction, from ethnographic "culture" to fine "art" are plentiful' (Clifford 1994: 263).
Stocking too makes a similar point, asserting that 'objects that once went into
museums of ethnography as pieces of material culture have become eligible for
inclusion in museums of fine art' (Stocking 1985: 6).
The fantasy coffins are one such group of objects which have moved between these
categories of artefact and art. I suggest that such a diversion is not a permanent
transition, but rather just one of many stages in the social life of objects, and that the
state of art and artefact can be moved between in the same way that an object moves
in an out of the realm of commoditisation. Indeed, as Steiner remarks. 'the shift of
African objects from artefact to art has little to do with an objective change in the
quality of the objects themselves' but rather is a result of meanings assigned by the
West, where objects, he continues, 'are stripped of their original meanings and
manipulated to fit the agenda of the moment' (Steiner 1994: 107). Accompanying the
movement towards the category of 'art' comes a sure step to commoditisation. As
Price remarks, 'the continuum from ethnographic object to objet d'Art goes hand in
hand with increasing monetary value' (Price 1989: 86). Indeed, the movement of the
fantasy coffins into the wider international art scene has generated interest from a
wider range of buyers and is accompanied by an increase in their price tags.'
The chapter is composed of two sections. In both the first and the second sections the
coffins are recontextualised and presented as 'art', with the emphasis in both
instances being on the aeslhetic beauty of the coffins as opposed to the emphasis on
contextual information and the function of the coffins. The first section turns to
examine the fantasy coffins in an exhibition held in Paris where they are promoted to
the status of works of art, as defined by the exhibition organisers. Here, a number of
issues are raised. First, we touch upon the problematic category of art itself and we
examine in more depth exactly how objects are transformed to art in the exhibition.
Attention will be paid in particular to the techniques used to display the coffins and
how these transform the significance and purpose of the coffins. Issues such as the
power of the West in defining what is worthy of the term 'art' will also be examined
with direct reference to the example of the fantasy coffins. Other issues surrounding
the insatiable desire of the art market for new fantastic pieces of work and the
importance of African art untainted by western influence will be discussed.
The second section of the chapter is devoted to the coffins in a context where they
have become the ultimate commodity
- a coffin
auction. Here, a number of fantasy
coffins are being marketed as the ultimate collector's piece. Particular attention will
be paid here to the commoditisation of the coffins - the way in which they are made
valuable through the assignment of specific values by the auctioneers and descriptions
the coffins are given. The discussion also touches upon exactly what makes a piece of
non-Western art valuable and the desire for authenticity in non-westem art.
' The Fantasy coffins have reportedly sold for as much as $35,000 since the increasing number of art
displays exhibiting the coffins.
39
CONSTRUCTING ART
The movement in classification between the categories of art and artefact is one which
is complex, and has been discussed by a number of art historians and anthropologists
alike. As Marcus and Myers have recently argued, there has been an 'historic shift in
the classification of non-Western objects particularly from artefacts to ohjets d'Arr'
( 2 9955). Price (1 989) gives a brief explanation of how an 'artefact' can be placed in
the realm of 'art' through the subtle differences in display techniques between art and
ethnographic exhibitions. She explains:
An ethnographic object is typically explained through extensive prose, in~tiatingviewers
into the knowledge o f it's manufacture. use, role in society, and religious meaning. But for
the same object, displayed in an art museum, its presentation becomes more spat~ally
privileged and all contextual information disappears" (Price 1989: 86).
Similarly, Clifford describes the difference between the two modes of presentation.
He remarks that 'whereas in an ethnographic museum the object is culturally or
humanly "interesting", in the art museum it is primarily "beautiful" or "original"'
(Clifford 1994: 265). This shift in methods of display can be seen very clearly
between the 'Going Out In Style' exhibition, which made great use of contextual
information, and Magiciens de la Terre, in which little background information was
given about the pieces and they were celebrated primarily for their visual appearance.
First then, let us examine the display of the Fantasy Coffins at the art exhibition
Magiciens de la Terre in Paris.
The exhibition, Magiciens de la Terre was held in Paris in one of the main art
niuseums in France, the Musee d'Art Modeme. The exhibition presented the work of
100 individuals, half of whom were from Western countries and the other half from
non-Westem countries. The relatively unknown fantasy coffins sit alongside works by
well known western artists such as Nancy Spero and Anselm Keifel.2. The main aim of
the exhibition, as explained by Hart was to, 'present all work on equal terms, as
aesthetic objects in and of themselves, without concern for the cultural origins of the
artists' (Hart 1995: 137).
The exhibition of the fantasy coffins displays this approach of disparaging contextual
information, which we have described earlier as the aesthetic, or formative approach.
The contextual information is kept to a minimum and the emphasis is placed on the
aesthetic qualities of the coffins. The name of Kane Kwei, the coffin maker, is
mentioned, giving minimal details about his background, nationality, and scant
information concerning the construction of the coffins. The fantasy coffins effectively
stand on their aesthetic merits and, tying in with the above mentioned aims and
intentions of the exhibition, no attempt is made to situate the coffins in context.
Here, I suggest that a clear message is being conveyed by the art exhibition. This type
of presentation has as it's effect the emphasis on the universality of the notion 'art'.
The exhibition highlights the aesthetic qualities of the coffins by minimising any
contextual information to accompany the pieces. As such, the message is conveyed
that the coffins belong to the universal category of art, and hand in hand with this
elevation to the status of art comes an increase in an object's worth and a step on the
route to increasing commoditisation. The very inclusion of the fantasy coffins in an
exhibition which represents art from around the world brings the coffins into the
realm of potential commoditisation. This inclusion immediately marks the coffins as
an outstanding piece of artwork, which immediately places a type of value on the
coffins.
This complete change in description and presentation of the fantasy coffins renders
' Here, information on the exhibition is provided by Hart (1995).
them to be considered first and foremost as pieces of art, displayed with information
similar to that which we would see accompanying paintings in an art gallery. Along
with this transformation in method of presentation comes all the implications which
accompany the shift. First, Kane Kwei has risen to stardom as an individual artist,
celebrated in a way which is far removed from the way in which he was considered in
the context in which the fantasy coffins were originally intended. This is not to say
that he was not recognised for his craftsmanship by the local Ga people - indeed, he
was - but rather to say that the extent of the West's preoccupation with the individual
genius artist is not shared among many of the makers of non-Western arts, and the Ga
are a case in point.
Buchloh summarises the issue succinctly, stating that this type of approach which
favours minimal contextual information 'excludes from the beginning such notions of
anonymous production and collective creation' (quoted in Hart 1994: 139). This
shows that as the fantasy coffins become increasingly diverted from their intended
paths, the information surrounding them becomes equally transfomled from how they
are understood in their natural context.
A further issue to be examined concerns the very choice of the coffins for the
exhibition in the first place. A wide range of paintings and sculptures could have been
chosen from Ghana to go in the exhibition, but the final choice taken by the
exhibition organisers was to exhibit the fantasy coffins. Svasek (1997) details how the
art work of a number of formally trained Ghanaian artists was rejected in favour of
the work o f Kwei. I suggest that this is particularly significant in two respects. First, it
shows the power o f people in the west, and in this case the exhibition organisers, to
influence what we come to recognise as 'art', disregarding indigenous feelings over
what should and should not be presented as art3. As Svasek remarks, the decision to
' In the case o f the exhibition, Magiciens de la terre, for example, there was strong feeling among
Ghanaian Art Historians that Kwei's crafts were chosen unfairly and incorrectly over the an of
display Kwci's coffins over other important Ghanaian artists demonstrates that, 'the
history of art is still mainly written by Western and Western oriented art historians
and critics' (Svasek 1997: 54). Turgovnick makes a similar point, raising the issue
that 'the elevation of objects into art... reproduces, in the aesthetic realm, the
dynamics of colonialism, since western standards control the flow o f the mainstream,
and can withhold or bestow the label "art"' (1990: 82). Are perhaps museum curators
the 'cultural imperialists' of our modem day society? (Ames 1994: 103), the selfappointed appointees of what is and is not worthy of the classification 'art'.
Secondly, and equally iniportant, is the question of what the significance is of the
fantasy coffins being chosen over other forms of art work. For the answer to this
question, I propose that we need to turn to examine the needs and functioning of the
western art market in more detail.
The inclusion of the fantasy coffins in Magiciens de In terre is also revealing about
the nature of the western art market. One of the main challenges for the western art
market is to attempt to satisfy the seemingly insatiable desire for 'authentic', unique
and original objccts. The coffins, are undeniably unique and original in their style. As
MacClancy remarks, 'western exhibitors are often more interested in exhibiting
displaying unusual fornls of modem African art... than works on canvas directly
comparable with those produced by their counterparts in the West' (1997: 14). The
choice of Kane Kwei's fantasy coffins for inclusion in Magiciens de la terre over the
work of other contemporary artists is a case in point. Indeed, as Myers asserts, the art
world is 'fuelled by novelty and "difference" to offer buyers' (1995: 79). Similarly,
Naine et al. remark that the 'the art market trades on exciting a desire for the "touch"
of an original hand' (1987: 14). Such comments would appear to suggest that the
western art market trades in on, and indeed, needs, difference in order to maintain the
fornially tralned Ghanaian professional artlsts.
43
art market itself. This explains the choice of the fantasy coffins over other pieces. As
Satov has recently suggested, "all the players in the [art world] network earn their
livelihoods by satiating the Western appetite for the 'other' culture' (1997: 237).
However, as MacClancy recently argued, this desire for and emphasis on difference
by the art market could be considered as a new distancing and restricting brand of
exoticism (MacClancy 1997).
In this first section, then, I have proposed that the fantasy coffins have undergone a
further diversion from their original intended purpose in life. Now, they are
considered as 'art', worthy of a privileged place in the art exhibition Mngicietls rle lo
terre, and Kane Kwei also, simply through the presence of the coffins in the
exhibition, reaches the status of a celebrated and individual artist. As a result of the
exhibition and type of method used to display the fantasy coffins, they are seen in this
context as primarily aesthetic pieces, judged on their artistic merits. As such, they
have gained a new market, a new respect as an acceptable form of art work, and above
all, they have moved further into the realm of commoditisation. As we turn now to the
second section, we will see the fantasy coffins in the position of the ultimate
commodity.
COFFINS FOR SALE
In this section our attention is turned to the sale of ten fantasy coffins. Diverted from
their original nexus, here we see how the increasing distance between the producer
and consumer becomes 'fodder for commoditisation' (Appadurai 1986: 56). As will
be shown below, 'facts' told about the coffins are incorrect and the identity of the
coffins is manipulated accordingly to attract potential buyers. The main aim of the
auction, put plainly, is to sell the coffins for as much money as possible. No respect is
kept for the intended purpose of the coffin, rather, the emphasis is solely on the
potential monetary value of the coffins. In this section, then, we will see that the
coffins become increasingly commoditised and are constructed as valuable and
unique collectors pieces through a number of methods. First our attention will be
turned to the coffin auction itself, following which we will discuss in more depth the
increasing commoditisation of the fantasy coffins.
The publicity announcement made on the internet to attract buyers to this auction of
fantasy coffins in Canada was "CofjinArt - A Fundraiser to die for"'. The idea of the
coffin auction came from the Canadian Organisation for Development through
Education (CODE), as a means of making money for the charity in face of dwindling
funding from government sources. Dyck, the national director of the organisation,
commissioned ten of Paa Joe's coffins in a number of forms, including the popular
designs of the Mercedes-Benz and the eagle.
One of the ways in which the context in which the coffins appear influences their
presentation is that now the coffins are being marketed quite clearly for sale. This is
done in a number of ways, but one of the most striking manipulation of the coffin's
identity is the value which is ascribed to the coffins through the use of lavish
description. It is a clear example of what one art collector described as 'values that
can be ascribed to objects is the basic business of the market. The more verbiage you
can add to an object's beauty, the more it will have value' (Quoted in Satov 1997:
233). In the publicity text released at the time of the auction, the emphasis is not on
contextual information, but rather boldly underlines the aesthetic beauty of the pieces.
For example, the coffins are, according to the text, 'fine carvings... elaborate
designs.... ornate". Compare these descriptions with the ones found accompanying
the fantasy coffins in the ethnographic display and one could be forgiven for thinking
that the descriptions are of two totally different things, which, given the
transformational nature of context, in effect constructs the coffins in each context as
completely different types of objects.
Furthermore, the text emphasises the fact that the fantasy coffins are becoming
'prized possessions for collectors around the world': By virtue of the embellished
description of the coffins, they are immediately moved into the sphere of a valuable
commodity. The fantasy coffins, which were once protected from the realm of
commoditisation, have now become the ultimate commodity and fashion accessory.
Indeed, a very definite price tag is fixed to the fantasy coffins, and potential buyers
are instructed to make a minimum $5000 bid on the coffin of their choice.
As objects shiA from their original context to other contexts, Appadurai remarks that
'knowledge about them tends to become partial, contradictory, and differentiated'
(1986: 56). Indeed, this point is evidenced by a newspaper article about the fantasy
coffins, which states incorrectly, that the tradition of fantasy coffins is 'centuries
old". However, this inaccurate information panders to 'fascination for antiquity
which runs deep in Western culture' (Steiner 1994: 103), and thereby increases the
coffin's appeal. Other information surrounding the coffins becomes increasingly
contradictory. For example, in the research carried out for the purposes of this paper,
a number of incompatible stories were found concerning the form of the first ever
fantasy coffin and the origin of the fantasy coffins. For example, one account holds
that this style of coffin making began in 1951 when Kane Kwei made a coffin for his
grandmother in the shape of an aeroplane because she had always wanted to fly in an
aircraft8. A second account, however, explains that Kane Kwei made the first ever
fantasy coffin for his seriously ill uncle, a fisherman. Knowing that he did not have
long to live, he asked Kane Kwei to make him a coffin in the shape of his boat (Bums
'htrp:l/www.charityvillage.codcha1ityvillagelresearc~rf~l3.html
'The Globe and Mail. Monday November 27 1995.
V o i n g our irr Syle, Glasgow Museums Publicity Leaflet.
1974:25). A third history explains that the fantasy coffins came about when Kane
Kwei was making a palanquin for a local chief. He died before the palanquin was
completed so it was adapted and used for his coffin instead (Secretan 1995).
A further issue to be raised at this point concerns the Western image of African art.
As Steiner has recently pointed out, 'one aspect of the western image of Africa which
resonates throughout the African art collecting world is that authentic Africans, and
by extension authentic pieces of African art, no longer exist' (1994: 104). He
continues by discussing the popular notion held by western collectors that
contemporary art objects from Africa are considered to be tainted by the degenerative
impact of western influence (ibid.: 104).
This type of sentiment can be seen strongly in an article concerning the fantasy
coffins. The article in question appeared in an American furniture magazine,
Metropolis, and first describes the forms of the fantasy coffins. The author continues
by stating, as if the western viewer of the coffins had been cheated into believing that
these coffins were 'authentic' African pieces of work, that the coffins 'actually betray
a Western influence...the designs are just as likely to portray cars or tennis shoes as
folkloric imagery' (Speigler 1996: 57). Somehow the author seems slightly
disappointed that these coffins, in his eyes, have been contaminated by western
influences and are not the 'genuine article'. Indeed, he continues, 'One of Kwei's
most memorable designs features an eagle, but this one was styled after the American
Express logo' (Speigler 1996:57). These comments, then, are evidence of the
widespread preoccupation with 'authentic' pieces of art. I suggest, however that this
obsession with 'authentic' African art and the belief that it is somehow spoiled by
western influence is naive but, more dangerously, could almost be considered as a
means of attempting to exoticise the 'other' as a way to establishing the superiority of
the West.
One of the ways in which the coffins are elevated to the category of valuable art is
through the denial of their former use value (Steiner 1994: 160). An example of this
can be seen the way in which the cof!ins at the coffin auction are marketed. The
former use value of the coffins is denied, and they are marketed as accessories for the
home or sculptures for restaurants. Indeed, Dyck, the national director of CODE, says
'we feel our biggest market will be from people who want them as coffee tables or
decorations in their homes or businesses .... a seafood restaurant, for example, might
want a lobster for its foyer". Indeed, the former US ambassador to Ghana bought a
fantasy coffin in the form of a red pepper which his wife uses as an entrance table in
the hall"". In these contexts their usage could not be further away from the original
functions for the fantasy coffins as intended by their makers.
These last two cases of the coffins exhibited as art and the coffins presented for sale
are instances of the fantasy coffins being diverted from their original nexus and
function as intended by their makers. These examples have been particularly pertinent
in showing the increasing commoditisation of the coffins. Furthermore, in these cases,
it has been shown how both the object and the maker himself have undergone a series
of transformations and manipulations to make the coffins fit the need the context
prescribes.
As Hart discusses in reference to the transformation of Indian paintings, such shifts in
which objects become increasingly commoditised involve a transformation in
economy, meaning and identity (Hart 1995: 138). Taking each in turn, the
transformation in economy has involved the coffin moving from originally being a
sacred funeral coffin, which I argued was effectively removed outside the sphere of
commoditisation, to being given a high value and labelled with a price tag. The
' Press release from CODE. Quoted in The Townro Star. Monday, Apr~l29 1996
'"The Globe and Mail. Monday November 27 1995.
transformation in meaning has involved the function of the coffin, as essentially a
functional body carrier to the grave, being transformed not only to a piece of art, but
also to being presented as a potential coffee table or restaurant decoration piece. The
transformation in identity has involved the spiritual value and collective production of
the coffin being effectively put to one side and the fantasy coffin celebrated as an
individual's piece of work, in contexts where both the coffin and maker rise to
stardom. In this chapter, then, we have seen the coffins as they have moved between
two contexts, 'the spirit world from which the objects are artfully removed and the art
world into which objects are spirited' (Steiner 1994: 160).
CONCLUSION
At the start of this paper I asserted that objects, like people, lead social lives.
Furthermore, I suggested that the value and meaning assigned to an object, and in this
case Ghanaian fantasy coffins, change at different stages in the object's life. Artefact,
-
art, ritual piece, or even coffee table, are all ways of seeing the same thing the fantasy
coffin
-
and are all potential stages in the coffin's life. However, the meaning of the
fantasy coffins and the qualities assigned to them in different contexts are more a
statement about the manipulation of an object's qualities for the purpose required than a
statement about the qualities of the object itself.
In examining the diversion of the coffins from one context to another, I have attempted
to show how the coffins, as they are diverted from their normal paths, are stripped of
their original purpose in life and lead a journey which has involved a process if
commoditisation. We have traced the transformative phases of the coffins from the
small village of Teshi, where the fantasy coffins are protected from commoditisation, to
the sprawling cities and art centres of the West where the coffins are launched to
stardom overnight and marketed as the ultimate commodity. At each stage, I have
pointed to the various mechanisms, such as context, use of language, approaches in
presenting the coffins, and so on, by which values are assigned to the coffins in each
cultural context.
As such, 1 have not only illustrated the power of context to transform the identity of an
object, but more significantly I have attempted to exhibit how certain processes are at
work which prescribe the value and worth of an object. In order to exhibit such
processes, particular attention has been paid to the role of the global art market in
defining the value and status of the fantasy coffins. Indeed, it has been shown that the
increase in value of the fantasy coffins has little to do with any objective change in the
quality of the coffins themselves, but rather results from the context in which it they are
placed and the meaning assigned to the coffins by various actors each with their own
agenda, such as 'art', 'collector's piece', or simply 'coffin' under the larger umbrella of
the Western art world which brings together Ghanaian craftsmen, art critics, curators
and collectors.
The fantasy coffins have been diverted from their original nexus, bought, sold,
transported around the world, stripped of their context, redefined in new settings, sold
again, and reconceptualised. The coffins, as objects in motion, move from one sphere of
classification to another, and by looking at how value is assigned to objects as they are
diverted from their conventional paths, I have presented an alternative framework in
which to consider the social life of objects.
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