Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries

Transcription

The President and Fellows of Harvard College
Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries
Author(s): YAROSLAV HRYTSAK
Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 24, LVIV: A CITY IN THE CROSSCURRENTS OF
CULTURE (2000), pp. 47-73
Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41036810 .
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theCenturies
Lviv: A Multicultural
Historythrough
YAROSLAV HRYTSAK
The history
ofLviv maybe toldin manydifferent
ways,andindeedhistorians
distincthistoricalaccountsof the city
have written
of assortednationalities
nationalperspectives.1
Thus,we haveUkrainian,
accordingto theirrespective
of
Lviv'
s
and
Jewish
versions
Polish,Soviet,
past.2Non-SovietUkrainian
historians
have focusedon thecityas thecapitalof theGalician-Volhynian
national
inthethirteenth
andfourteenth
on theUkrainian
centuries,
principality
as
seventeenth
centuries
andinthenineteenth
revivalsinthesixteenthcentury,
in
Western
National
established
well as on theshort-lived
Ukrainian
Republic
have devotedmostattention
to the city's
1918.3 TheirSoviet counterparts
bloom"undercommunist
rule(1944-1991).4Polish
alleged"periodofgreatest
historians
ofthecitypainttheimageofLvivas semper
fidelis,onealwaysloyal
to a Polishstatefrom1340 to 1772 and againfrom1919 to 1939.5In Jewish
the designationof Lviv as the "motherof Israel" may be
historiography,
encountered.6
each of theseversionsof urban
No matterhow detailedand well written,
to a
selectsor highlights
history
onlythosefactsandeventsthatbestconform
the same events,such histories
nationalparadigm.7Even whenpresenting
differ
Thus,the"national"accountsvaryin
radicallyin theirinterpretations.
theirdatingofthecity'sorigins,8
theintroduction
ofMagdeburglaw,9andthe
in Lviv.10
oftheuniversity
foundation
some of themorerecenthistoriesof thecityhave triedto
Nevertheless,
have increased
crossnationalboundaries,
and,in fact,such "transgressions"
It seemslikelythata newmulticultural
sincethefallofcommunism.11
history
of Lviv mayemergefromthesebordercrossingsand supersedetheprevious
definednarratives.
However,at presenteventhegeneraloutlinesof
nationally
are
sucha synthetic
approach unclear,forfartoo muchresearchremainsto be
done.12Thus,thisessay pursuesonlythe moremodestaim of compilinga
urbanhistory
basedin largeparton recently
multicultural
publishedresearch.
discoveriespresented
in thatresearchpertainsto
One of themoststriking
thecitywas thought
theearliesthistoryof Lviv. Traditionally,
to have been
foundedby the Galician princeDanylo Romanovych (1202-1264) several
intheGalician-Volhynian
mention
Chronicle(whichdates
yearsbeforeitsfirst
to 1256 or, accordingto anotherinterpretation,
1259) and was namedafter
13
Danylo's son Lev (1228-1300). Some historiansdoubtedthis story,and
believedthatthecitywas foundedseveraldecadesearlier,sometime
attheturn
HarvardUkrainian
StudiesXXIV (1/4)2000: 47-73
48
HRYTSAK
of the thirteenth
century.However,in 1992 archeologicalexcavationsreand thatthecity'ssitehad been
vealed thatLviv has a mucholderhistory,
since
the
end
of
the
fifthcentury.
This would make
inhabited
continuously
Lviv one of theoldestsettlements
in East CentralEurope.14Similarsettlements,such as thelargestknownone northof Lviv at Zymnoin Volhynia,
neverevolvedintourbancenters,
whileotherswhichdid,suchas neighboring
Chelm
or
became capitalsof earlymedieval
(Kholm), Volodymyr,
Halych,
statesonlyto fall intodecline.In contrast,
the settlement
thatevolvedinto
Lviv continued
to grow.
A combination
of factorscontributed
to thissteadygrowth.Firstand foremostamongthemwas thecity'sadvantageous
locationon thedividebetween
theBalticand Black Sea basins.In medievaltimesthetraderouteconnecting
thoseseas passed throughLviv, whichdevelopedas a markettownwhere
merchants
stoppedto sell goods fromtheNear East and fromtheBalticand
a Catalonianmap of theworld
NorthSeas. Alreadyin thefourteenth
century
come to thiscity,arriving
fromtheeast
displayedLviv and read:"Merchants
andleavingvia theGerman[Baltic]sea toFlanders."15
Situatedalongtheeastwesttraderoute,whichFerdinand
Braudeldescribedas "an essentialhingeon
Lviv flourished.
whichtheEuropeancomplexturned,"16
was boundto emergeon thecrossThus,somekindof a largersettlement
sectionofthenorth-south
andwest-easttraderoutes.The identity
ofthistrade
center'searliestinhabitants
remainsunclear."Croats"or "WhiteCroats"had
in whichitlies betweenthefifth
andthetenthcenturies.
inhabited
theterritory
One schoolofthought
considerstheseas a nomadicIrano-Alanictribethatwas
Slavs. Accordingto anotherinterpretation,
graduallyabsorbedby sedentary
formed
a
unified
Slavic
communitythatlater evolved into eastern
they
laterUkrainian)and western(Polish)branches.Polishand Ukrai(Ruthenian,
therewas a clear-cut
ethnicborder
nianhistorians
disputetheissueofwhether
and debate the matterof
betweentheirancestorsin the two communities
becausethereis
Neitherside,however,maybe correct,
regionalboundaries.17
no specialreasonto believethatat thattimeethnicand culturalborderscoinsometime
betweentheyears950 and
cidedwithpoliticalones.Mostprobably,
of Galicia became an easternfrontierland
of the Great
970 the territory
Moraviankingdom.Whatis morecertain,however,is thatin 981 thearea of
Lviv layon thewestern
borderlands
ofKyivanRus'.18
was
broken
in 1199,whenGalicia becamethe
This "borderlands"
pattern
whichat theheightof itspower
core of theGalician-Volhynian
principality,
of
state.This came aboutbecause
the
former
the
Rus'
controlled
capital
Kyiv,
in themiddleof the
of theMongol invasionsof the KyivanRus' territories
and northward
which
a
mass
westward
thirteenth
provoked
migration
century,
intoGalicia.The refugeesfromtheinvadingMongolsprovidedan economic
of thearea. At thistime,Lviv was
and politicalstimulusforthedevelopment
foundedin directresponseto theMongolcaptureand destruction
of theold
Galiciancapitalof Halych.Most likely,Lviv was firstestablishedas a new
LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY
49
and thengranteda specificjuridicalurban
quarterof a previoussettlement
status.19
Circa 1270thecitybecamethecapitaloftheGalician-Volhynian
principalityandremainedso untilthatstate'sdemiseinthe1340s.Thus,almostfromits
centerofa
bothas an administrative
functioned
thesettlement
verybeginnings
of whichextendedinto
stateand a tradecenter,thecommercialconnections
of
documents
Asia Minor,theVolga region,Crimea,andMoldova.Armenian
blessed
and
"the
most
in
as
Lviv
this
describe
thefourteenth
period
century
protectedby God" and "the most
dignifiedmotherof cities [metropolia],
ofcitiesthatbelong
blessedcapitalprotected
byGod, andthegloriousmother
Rutheniancities"
to Christiankings."20On the"List of nearestand farthest
thecityborethesobricentury,
compiledby thesecondhalfof thefourteenth
quet"GreatLviv."21
fromthe
character
Thereis no doubtthatthistrading
cityhad a multiethnic
as, mostprobably,
Ruthenians,
DanyloandLev wereOrthodox
verybeginning.
of thecity'spopulation.On theotherhand,theprincipality
werethemajority
contactswiththeCatholicworldthrough
hadintensive
dynasticintermarriages
andAustrian
withPolish,Hungarian,
royalhouses,earlyGermancolonization,
and special relationswithRome. Beside Catholicsand Orthodox,various
fundamental
Easternpeoples residedin thecity.The royalchartergranting
ofLviv
ethnic
a
clue
to
the
in
the
1356
to
composition
provides
city
privileges
at thattime.It mentions,
Tatars,Jews,and,rather
amongothers,Armenians,
"Saracens,"22whomhistorianshave variouslyidentifiedas
enigmatically,
Karaim,Turks,Arabs,orevenGenoese.23
AfterthelastGalicianprincedied withoutan heirin 1324 and a sixteenyear periodof interimrule,Polish, Hungarian,and Lithuaniankings and
in theyears1340-1387. The
princescontendedforthecityand principality
PolishkingCasimirIII laid siegetothecitywithhisPolishandGermantroops
and capturedit in 1340. In 1356 Casimirintroduced
(or, as some historians
intothecityaccordingto
a municipalgovernment
would say,reintroduced)
thepremisesoftheMagdeburglaw.24The cityexpandedanditscentershifted
rule
to the southwest.In 1380, duringtheperiodof joint Polish-Hungarian
a
law
that
Poi
I
Louis
Ludwik)implemented
(Hun.Lajos,
(1370-1387),King
fortified
which
commercial
certain
the
rights("prawoskladu")
granted city
that
Lviv's positionas an important
tradingcenter,becausethelaw stipulated
fourteen
for
there
to
were
the
all merchants
obliged stop
passingthrough city
daysand offertheirgoodsforsale.25ThisprivilegeenrichedLviv merchants,
whocouldnowvirtually
monopolizethetradecomingfromtheOrientintothe
Polishkingdom.Lviv was finallyannexedby Poland in 1387 and later(ca.
1435) became the capital of the "Ruthenianvoivodeship"(Województwo
Ruskie).
UnderPolishrule(1387-1772) thecityalso servedas a military
stronghold
untilit was sacked
fortress"
of an "unconquerable
thatenjoyedthereputation
Thisperiodofthe
oftheeighteenth
century.
bySwedishtroopsatthebeginning
50
HRYTSAK
city'shistorywas markedby a sequenceof calamities,includingepidemics,
foreign
sieges,riots,andfires.The woodenbuildingsofthecityweredestroyed
in a conflagration
in 1527;thereafter,
thecitywas rebuiltin stone.
as
a
safe
and tradehavenLviv
Nevertheless, comparatively administrative
attracted
a diversepopulation.Fromrecordswe knowthattheapproximately
one thirdof thecity'sresidents
who weregrantedcitizenship
rightsfromthe
fifteenth
tothefirst
halfoftheseventeenth
were
merchants
andartisans
century
in
eastwest
commerce.26
About
40
of
the
directly
engaged
percent
immigrants
came to thecityfromPolishand Germanlands.27Polishkingsalso promoted
the settlement
of Germansand Jewsin Lviv. Armenians,
Scots,Romanians
The
("Wallachians"),Hungarians,Greeks,and Czechs also settledthere.28
flowof immigration
intothecitycame mainlyfromthewestvia thecitiesof
Cracow and Przemysl(Peremyshl),and fromLviv newcomersfannedout
further
totheeast.Areaswhichwereon theperiphery,
of
especiallytothenorth
thecontinental
traderoute,wereforcedto use morelocal humanresourcesfor
theireconomies.29
About20-25 percentofLviv's population
derivedfromthe
local (ethnically
ofthePolishcrown.30
Ruthenian)
voivodeships
This mixedurbanpopulationgenerallyincreasedthroughout
medievaland
livedin Lvivduringthe
earlymoderntimes.Two to threethousandinhabitants
existenceoftheGalician-Volhynian
The population
roseto about
principality.
5,500 by thebeginningof thefifteenth
centuryand to 8,000 by end of that
The mostdramaticincreasein populationcoincidedwithan increase
century.
in tradeat theendofthefourteenth
andduringthefirsthalfoftheseventeenth
centuries.
The city'spopulation
morethandoubledfromapproximately
12,000
between1572and 1591to 29,000between1592 and 1620.Nonetheless,
comwith
other
in
Lviv
more
western
cities
that
repared
Europeduring
period,
mainedonlya middle-size
Its
followed
a
of
city.31 development
generalpattern
in Easternand CentralEurope,wherecitieshad smallerpopulaurbanization
tionsthantheircounterparts
further
west.32
Whatdistinguished
Lviv fromothercitieswas thestarkly
multiethnic
characterofitspopulation.
the
second
of
the
sixteenth
the
ethnic
By
quarter
century
compositionof its populationwas dividedas follows:Poles (38 percent),
Ruthenians
(24 percent),Germans(8 percent),Jews(8 percent),and Armenians(7 percent).No othercityintheRzeczpospolita
Com(Polish-Lithuanian
in
or
all
of
could
claim
five
ethnic
monwealth,
1569-1772), perhaps
Europe,
over 5 percent of thepopulation.33
In its religious
groupseach comprising
the
exhibited
a
similar
ArmeCatholics,Orthodox,
composition city
diversity.
nian Christians,and Jews lived in Lviv. The GermanmerchantMartin
a seventeenth-century
chronicler
of thecity,vividlydescribesthis
Grüneweg,
diversity:
In thiscity,as in Venice,itbecamequiteusualto meetpeopleat themarket
fromall countriesof the worldin theirdress:Magyarsin theirmagerkas,
Cossacksin theirkuchmas,
Muscovitesin whitehats,Turksin whiteturbans.
51
andSpaniards
wear
whileGermans,
Allofthemareinlongclothes,
Italians,
own
Eachofthem,
whatever
short
clothes.
language
they
speak,willfindtheir
thesea.Still,
milesawayfrom
here.Thecityis morethana hundred
language
as sailors,
dressed
whenyousee... crowdsofCretans,
Turks,
Italians,
you
thecitygate.34
wouldberight
behind
thata seaport
havea feeling
lentLviv a greatculturaldiversity.
The mixof nationalities
However,one
has to keep in mindthatmedievalnotionsof "culture"and "nation"differed
significantlyfrom a modern understandingof these terms. Medieval
The citywas bothan interhad an explicitsocial dimension.
multiculturalism
- nobiliary,
of
medieval
culture
the
three
a
for
and
layers
mediary
meltingpot
in
terms
ofmaterial
was
different
not
Each
of
them
and
only
burgher, peasant.
and
in
of
but
also
terms
values,consciousness, lifestyles.35
culture,
of Polishkingsover
The old Ruthenian
nobilityreactedto thesuzerainty
This
a specific
to
Polish
culture.
Ruthenian
landsby assimilating
engendered
Poles by
and
typeof genteRutheninationePoloni (Rutheniansby origin
"nationof
a multiethnic
withethnicPolishnoblesformed
nation),whotogether
gentry"(szlachta).The szlachta,thoughPolishin culture,was initiallyconbased
It was a community
ceivedas a politicalandnotan ethniccommunity.36
Polishor
on a shared"Sarmatian"
mythof commonOrientalorigins.Whether
as ancesandScythians
thenoblesclaimedthe"RoyalSarmatians"
Ruthenian,
tors,who,in turn,were said to descenddirectlyfromtheBiblical Adam.37
thesenobleswiththeirlandedestatesdominated
Untiltheeighteenth
century,
Their"Sarmatian"
noreconomically.38
neither
however,
influences,
politically
as is evidentin thewritings
madea deep impacton thecultureoftheburgher,
of poetssuchas SebastianKlonowicz(SebastianusFabianusAcernus,15451602) and JanTurobiñski(Ioannes TurobinesRuthenus,1511-1575), who
wrotein oraboutLviv.39
The distinctrural culture surroundingLviv provided a facet of its
For centuriesLviv remainedan islandin a huge
multicultural
composition.
of thosegaininga
ruralsea of peasants,whocomprisedonlya smallminority
centuries
and
sixteenth
the
fifteenth
in
the
status
(ca. 15-20
cityduring
legal
the
of
In
all
however,
percentage peasantsresidingin the
probability,
percent).
if
those livingthereillegally.40
one
counted
have
been
would
higher
city
lower
social stratain thecity,but
the
local
these
peasantsoccupied
Generally,
and an Orthodoxpresencein Lviv.
influxsustaineda Ruthenian
theirconstant
"Therewere not thatmanyRuthenians[in Lviv]; still,therewas too much
is how the Polish historianWladyslawLoziñskiironically
Ruthenianness,"
thissituation.41
summarized
and dominated
controlledthemunicipaladministration
Catholicburghers
thepoliticalandculturallandscapeofthecity,fortheyweretheonlyresidents
underMagdeburglaw. In themedieval
accordedthefullrightsof citizenship
and early modernperiod,Catholicsmade up about 50 percentof Lviv's
population.Perhapsno othercityof theRzeczpospolitahad sucha dispropor-
52
HRYTSAK
tionaterepresentation
of Catholicsin comparisonwiththeirnumbersin the
countryside.42
The ethniccomposition
of thisdominant
Catholiccommunity
changedsigover
the
centuries.
Lviv's
first
chronicler,Józef Bartolemej
nificantly
Zimorowicz(1597-1677),dividedthepost-"Ruthenian"
ofthecityinto
history
two periods:"Leopolis Germanica"(GermanLviv) and "Leopolis Polonica"
Untilthisdate German
(Polish Lviv), proposing1550 as the watershed.43
influencewas predominant.
The majority
of theburghers
wereGerman,and
Germanwas the only languageof administration.
a
Still, lack of religious,
later
barriers
on, language
(withthe spreadof officialLatin
juridical,and,
insteadof Germanand Polish as thelinguafranca)facilitated
intermarriage
withintheCatholiccommunity
andled to a gradualassimilation
ofGermansto
Polishculture.44
WhiletheCatholiccommunity
becameincreasingly
polonized,theOrthodox Greeks,Wallachians,Serbs, and Moldovans assimilatedto the local
Ruthenianculture.In contrast,
the Armeniansremainedethnicallyhomogtheirdistinctiveness
theirseparateChristiandeenous,maintaining
through
nomination.
in themselves,
fortheywere
Still,theywerea diversecommunity
dividedbylanguageandbyorigins.A largergroupofArmenians
hadcometo
Lviv fromCrimeaand spoketheKipchak(Tatar)language;a smallergroup
had emigratedfromWallachiaand knewonlyArmenian.In the contextof
medievalsociety,theArmenians
composedtheurbanmiddleclass,andbythe
end of thesixteenth
the
number
of Armenianmerchants
exceededthe
century
number
ofPolishandRuthenian
in thecity.45
merchants
Yet theArmenians,
liketheRuthenians,
wereconsideredsecond-classcitizens(incolae).Suchdiscrimination
non-Catholic
Christians
was a local
against
uncommon
in
a
Polish
state
known
for
its
tolerance.
In
peculiarity
religious
othercitiessuchas theneighboring
non-Catholic
Christians
Przemysl,
enjoyed
equal rightswithCatholics.However,thisperiodof religioustolerancein the
wouldcometoan endinthelatesixteenth
Atthattime,
Rzeczpospolita
century.
a revolutionary
Protestantism
and therestorative
CatholicCounter-Reformationchallengedthe Orthodoxand ArmenianChurches.Compromising
with
Churchhierarchies
founded
Rome,a partofthelocal OrthodoxandArmenian
the Uniate (latercalled GreekCatholic)Church(1596) and the Armenian
CatholicChurch(1635), whichrecognizedthe authority
of the pope while
their
rites.46
This
the
to
a
more
intensive
Polishassimipreserving
opened way
lationof the two groups.Because of theirsmallernumbersthe Armenians
assimilated
morequickly.47
On thethreshold
of moderntimes,Catholicismseemedto have won the
battleforhegemony
withinthecity.Yet laterOrthodox
culturalrevivalswould
the
of
this
situation.
The
end
of
the
sixteenth
andthebeginning
expose fragility
of theseventeenth
centuriessaw theestablishment
of an Orthodoxconfrater- theDormition
- in Lviv,withitsown schooland printing
Brotherhood
nity
house.Lvivbecamea majorintellectual
centerforOrthodox
Ruthenians(later
53
Ukrainiansand Belarusians)in theRzeczpospolita.Somewhatparadoxically,
of theOrthodoxresurgence
theefficiency
dependedon culturalborrowings
fromtheirrivals. The confraternity
methods,
adoptedJesuitinstructional
Catholicscholarship,
and belles-lettres.48
GiventhisOrthodoxrevival,it is
IvanFedorov,whofled
perhapsnocoincidencethattheMuscovitebookprinter
hisbackwardhomelandwheretheprinter's
craftwas considereda "blackart,"
foundshelterundertheauspicesof theLviv confraternity
in 1572,wherehis
skillsprovideda weaponto counterCatholicpropaganda.Afteranothercenturyof bitterrivalrybetweentheCatholicand OrthodoxChurchestheresistanceof thelatterwas finallybroken,and theUniateChurchconsolidatedits
positionin Lviv andGalicia.
thatchallengedthe
Jewscomposedanotherlargeunassimilated
community
in thecity.Besides thePoles, theyweretheonlyother
Catholicdomination
groupin the citywhose populationincreasedsteadily.By the end of the
in Lviv.
bothRuthenians
andArmenians
sixteenth
Jewsoutnumbered
century,
ancientculturaltraditions,
As a diasporagroupwithdistinct,
theyweresegregatedsociallyandexcludedfromthepolity.In thissensetheJews,whocame
fromboththeEast andtheWest,wereverysimilarto theArmenians.
Though
theJewsdid notenjoyburgher
rightsin Lviv, thekinggrantedthemspecial
of theroyal
As his subjects,theystoodunderthedirectjurisdiction
privileges.
Lviv
of
elders.
The
Jews
of
and
a
council
Jewish
engagedin trade,
governor
but
theJewishpopuand
other
financial
activities;
handicrafts,
moneylending,
lationalso compriseda largegroupof laborers,who had no specificoccupatheeconomicactivitiesof theJews,Lviv's
restricted
tion.Thoughregulations
thecity.AtbesttheChristians
oftencomplainedthattheycontrolled
Christians
theJews;at worstJewsbecamevictimsof numerous
tolerated
pogromsinstithe
Christians.49
gatedby
Lviv had becomea majorcenterof
century,
By theend of the sixteenth
and
Armenian
cultures,the influencesof which
Jewish,
Polish,Ruthenian,
in
all of Easternand CentralEuropebybooksprinted
werespreadthroughout
urban
thecityand by thosewho had studiedin its schools.This flourishing
culturecame to an end by the middleof the seventeenth
centuryas Lviv's
of the
this
decline:
a
reorientation
factors
led
to
declined.
Several
prosperity
toward
overseas
trade
from
continental
commerce
whole European
routes,
of the secondhalfof the seventeenth
centuryand the
catastrophes
military
and an increasein the influenceof the Polish
beginningof the eighteenth,
nobility.
Miserableconditions
by the
prevailedin Lviv at thetimeof itsannexation
of
Austrian
officials
and
travelin
1772.
The
first
accounts
Austrian
monarchy
ofthestreets
andthat
theextremely
ersvisiting
thecityreported
poorcondition
in
When
the
either
ruins
or
uninhabited.
houses
were
Habsburgemperor
many
coachbecametrappedin mudin a
JosephII firstvisitedLviv andhissix-horse
hadto
thissenta clearmessagethatsomething
centralbutimpassablestreet,50
thecity'sconditions.
be donein termsofimproving
54
HRYTSAK
Lviv became the capital of Galicia - the largest of the Austrian
- whichincludedthe formerRuthenianand Belz voivodeships
crownlands
withtheiroverwhelming
Ruthenian
thecrownland
was
populations.
Officially,
calledtheKingdomof Galicia and Lodomeria,a namethatharkedbackto the
medievalGalician-Volhynian
(RegnumGaliciae et Lodomeriae).
principality
Yet if the name evoked a past era, the Austrianadministration
aimed to
modernizetheregionand thenew crownlandcapital.Lviv had lostits tradias a tradecentertoBrody,whichstoodclose totheAustriantionalimportance
and
tothecityofPrzemysl.
Russianborder, itsroleas themaineasternfortress
werepulleddown
Thus,between1777 and 1825,all of Lviv's fortifications
andboulevardstooktheirplace.Thoughsucha pattern
ofurbanreconstruction
in theexpandedempire,in Lviv it
was a hallmark
of Habsburgadministration
tookplacemuchearliereventhaninVienna( 1857) orinPrague( 1870).51Only
afterthebuildingofrailwayconnections
betweenViennaandRussianseaports
inthe1860swas thecityable toreemerge
as an important
center.These
trading
led to an increasein thecity'spopulation:from29,500in 1776
developments
to 212,000in 1913.52
ComparedwithotherEuropeancities in the nineteenth
century,Lviv's
was impressive
butnotextraordinary.
Lviv did notbelongto the
development
listofthe"topforty"
Europeancities,butwas certainly
amongthe"topforty"
citiesin theeast-central
of
the
continent.53
Other
cities
in theregionhad
part
much
more
dramatic
the
end
of
thecentury;54
experienced
development
by
however,Lviv stoodapartdue to a specificeconomicconjuncture.
Exceptfor
theestablishment
oflocal oil production,
industrialization
leftAustrian
Galicia
untouched.
It
remained
of
one
the
and
most
largely
poorest
populatedagriculturalregionsin all of Europe.This backwardness
became apparentin two
industrial
exhibitions
held in Lviv, in 1877 and in 1894.55Still,thelack of
industrialization
offeredadvantages.The citywas sparedtheexcessivepressureson urbanservicesand resourcesthatwerecommonto othercitiesthat
of maximumuse of
experienced
large-scalemigration.
Judging
by thecriteria
infrastructure
for
the
needs
of
life
and
the
city
everyday
supportof urban
the
turn
of
the
Lviv
had
become
a
modern
culture,
by
century
cityand one of
thefewmoderncitieswithintheterritories
oftheformer
Rzeczpospolita.56
Lviv oweditsspectacular
to itsroleas thecapitalofGalicia.57After
growth
the1860s,whenGalicia gainedautonomy,
thecenterof administrative
power
shifted
fromViennatoLviv.Thisresultedin a concentration
ofadministrative,
in thecity,one whichdistineconomic,educational,and culturalinstitutions
it
from
the
other
Galician
Cracow,
guished
major
city.58
Throughitsstatusas a
crownlandcapital,Lviv garneredlargestateinvestments,
and theréintroductionof self-government
in 1870 allowed the municipality
to channelthose
investments
intothedevelopment
ofurbaninfrastructure.
Austrian
rulethusintroduced
a peculiarkindofmodernization,
the
whereby
main agentof changewas not industry
or privatecapital,but the state.59
ofthenineteenth
officialscomAlreadyat thebeginning
century,
government
55
prisedone of the largestsocial groupsin the city.60This "modernization
Lviv in itsownway,makingdeep inroads
bureaucratization"
affected
through
a typeof nationalismthrough
intoGalician societyand even engendering
II
is
sometimes
evencreditedforcreatbureaucratic
practice.EmperorJoseph
his enlightin
the
nations
themselves
the
HabsburgEmpirethrough
ing
very
In thespecificmultiethnic
milieuof Galicia,one nationalism
enedreforms.61
another.The firstbureaucrats,
mostlyGermansor
inspiredand reinforced
of
the
Czechsfromthecorelands
empire,chargedPolishnobility
germanized
forthedrasticdeclineoftheregionandconsidered
witha directresponsibility
beastsintohumanbeings."62Initially,
ittheirmission"toreeducateSarmatian
and
theHabsburgbureaucrats
occupiedmostpositionsinthelocal government,
In 1825,Germanwas
as governor.
until1849no nativeGalicianwas appointed
and also
insteadof Latinas theofficiallanguageof administration
introduced
at Lviv University.
as thelanguageof instruction
By the 1830s,fora German
travelerLviv had a totallyGermanappearance,and lookedlike Magdeburg,
stemmednotonlyfrom
Its "Germanness"
or Frankfurt-am-Main.
Nuremberg,
theMagdeburgplanningof theold city,butfroma feelingof beingprotected
froman emphasison order,and lastbutnotleast,from
by a just government,
the"Germanic"coffee-houses.63
fromthePolishelite.By
ofthecityprovokedresistance
The germanization
culturehad dividedinto
the
urban
themiddleof thenineteenth
century, high
and
the
of
Schiller"
the
twoantagonistic
"partyofMickiewicz."
camps, "party
called the
The centerof the Polish activitieswas a culturalinstitution
of theAustriangovernOssolineum,foundedin 1815 in Lviv by permission
thathad
ment.Polishculturalactivismwas onlypartofa growingnationalism
a clear political aim in the restorationof the Rzeczpospolitawithinits
former("historical")borders.At times of Habsburg weakness- during
Napoleon's offensivein 1809 and therevolutionof 1848- Polish nationalists attemptedto wrestcontrolof the city. Their failurefinallyforced
themto compromisewiththeHabsburgs.For itspart,theAustriangovernmentwas forcedto come to termswiththePolish elite in the 1860s, after
being weakenedby a series of militarydefeatsand by tensionsand strife
withinthemultinational
empire.Withthegrantingof autonomyto Galicia
the
in the 1860s,
polonizationof thecrownlandbecamethesine qua nonof
coexistence.64
Austrian-Polish
further
As in thelate medievalera,by thelast quarterof thenineteenth
century
German"Lemberg"had becomePolish"Lwow" again.The Polishacculturationof AustrianGermanofficialscouldbestbe illustrated
bythefactthatthe
last mayorappointedby Vienna,Franz Kröbl,asked to be buriedwearing
Polish kontusz(i.e., "Sarmatian")dress.65Less hamperedby politicalconthespecialroleofa "national
thePolishelitesaw Galicia as fulfilling
straints,
as a corefora rebornPolish
which
would
serve
the
Piedmont,"
i.e.,
territory
state.Lviv was to serveas a centerof nationalrevivalforall the areas of
itselfon
of thecitymanifested
Poland.This Polishunderstanding
partitioned
56
HRYTSAK
to
of Poles in thelocal administration
different
levels,fromthepredominance
ofstreets
afterpersonages,
therenaming
events,andplacesin Polishhistory.
of the citywas a directresultof Polish political
The "re-polonization"
dominanceduringthe periodof autonomy.However,otherfactorswere at
andrevoluhad ratherstrongdemocratic
work.Firstof all, Polishnationalism
non-Poles.
The
for
it
which
made
veryappealing many
tionaryconnotations,
in theareasofeducation,
Poles dominated
better
educatedandmorenumerous
and
in a citythathad an impoverished
and representation
culturalproduction,
one.
and
a
small
Jewish
elite
tinyRuthenian
ofHabsburgruleinLviv,theimperialgovernYet fromtheverybeginning
mentcarriedoutpoliciesthatputan endto themostextremereligious,ethnic,
and social discriminationtoward Rutheniansand Jews in the former
and Jewsreciprocated
BothRuthenians
loyalty
by expressing
Rzeczpospolita.
to theHabsburgrulers.In thecase of theJews,access to educationled to a
oftheirelites.From1815to 1840,Lvivbecameone ofthemost
germanization
thatclaimed,among
centersofHaskalah(theJewishEnlightenment)
important
of
otherthings,thatJewswere a partof the Germannation.Introduction
A new
Galician autonomyled to a new crisis in the Jewishcommunity.
insistedthatGalicianJews
of "progressive"
Jewishintellectuals
generation
rose in Polish
sentiments
becomemembersof thePolishnation.Antisemitic
to assimilateto Polishculture.By theturnof the
societyas Jewsattempted
hadbegunto lose theirmoredemoPolishnationalstrivings
twentieth
century,
anddevolveintoa xenophobicnationalism.
craticimplications
Rejectedbythe
turnedto Zionismand theconPoles,someof theyoungJewishintellectuals
Jewishnation.By theend of thenineteenth
century
cept of an independent
ofZionistorganizations.66
Lviv hadbecomeone ofthefirststrongholds
culunderAustrianruleevincedshifting
Not unliketheJews,Ruthenians
The earlyphaseof theirnationalrevivalfrom
turaland nationalorientations.
1810 to the1840stookitscue fromGermanand Polishexamples.Duringthe
receivedsupportfromthecentral
1848 Revolutiontheirnationalaspirations
saw
in
them
the
meansto counterPolishstrivings
which
Austrian
government,
for independence.From 1848 until the demise of the AustrianEmpire,
Rutheniansstrove to divide Galicia into western(Polish) and eastern
withLviv as thecapitalofthelatter.67
(Ruthenian)
provinces,
the
Even thoughunitedin theirresentments
againstPolish domination,
In
matter
of
their
national
orientations.
was
on
the
Ruthenian
disunited
camp
theirethnicidenandprogressing
theage of modernnationalism
assimilation,
Theywerelookingfora solutionthatwouldelevatetheir
titywas threatened.
withina largernation.Starting
smallethnicgroupto thestatusof membership
intoproelitewas fragmented
from1848anduntilWorldWarI, theRuthenian
orientations.68
andpro-Ukrainian
Russian,pro-Polish,
leadersofthe
wonoutwhen,owingtorepression,
The Ukrainian
orientation
in theRussianEmpiremovedthecenteroftheir
Ukrainian
nationalmovement
Lviv andassignedtoGaliciatheroleof
fromRussianKyivto Austrian
activity
57
a "Ukrainian Piedmont." Ukrainian activitywas concentratedin the
finanScientific
Shevchenko
Society,foundedinLviv in 1873withsubstantial
in theRussianEmpire.The famousUkrainian
cial assistancefromUkrainians
fromKyiv headedthis
historianand politicalleaderMykhailoHrushevsltyi
this
1897
and
1913.
between
During periodintheGaliciancapital,
organization
themodernUkrainianliterary
languagewas codifiedand a new nationalverLviv experiencedthe foundingof the first
was
elaborated.
sion of history
ofpoliticalindependence
Ukrainian
politicalpartiesandtheinitialpropagation
and Lviv
In thisperiod,Ruthenians
forUkraine.69
finallybecameUkrainians,
becameone of themostUkrainiancitiesin termsof bothpoliticalinfluences
andcultural
production.
ruleinLviv fullyrevealedtheambiguouscharacThe lastyearsofAustrian
terof theHabsburgheritagein thecity.On theone hand,each ethnicgroup
in
andliberalpracticesthatstillhada positiveinfluence
inherited
constitutional
On theotherhand,thelegacywas marredby
theirpoliticalorganizations.70
This
acutenationaltensionsthatcarriedtheseeds of futureviolentconflicts.
as the
mostofthetwentieth
secondtendency
century,
throughout
predominated
nationalconflictin Galicia led to ethniccleansings
violentPolish-Ukrainian
world
wars.Thoughthepoliticalleadersfromthetwo
both
and
after
during
rivalcampsdeservecreditforbanningthemostviolentformsof theirconflict
of becomingwhatSarajevowas in
fromLviv,71thatcityhad all thepotential
theearly1990s.
resultednot
The large-scaleloss oflifein Lviv duringthetwentieth
century
over
to
assert
their
control
butfromwarring
fromethnicconflict
powerstrying
associated
turmoil
EastCentralEurope.Lvivenduredthepoliticalandmilitary
From1914to 1991politicalcontrolofthe
withtheworldwarsandtheireffects.
of World
a
short
times.
For
seven
periodat theverybeginning
citychanged
War I (September1914 to June1915) Russiantroopsoccupiedthecityand
At theend of WorldWar I, in November
administration.
installeda military
the
Lviv
was
1918,
proclaimed capital of the WesternUkrainianNational
in January1919 withtheUkrainianNaunification
which
declared
Republic,
and unitedUkrainian
tionalRepublicin Kyivto becomethefirstindependent
had a rathersymbolicmeaning,forby themiddleof
state.The proclamation
inthe
theUkrainians
1919thePoleshadtakencontrolofGaliciaafterdefeating
as
Lviv
came
to
serve
War.UnderthePolishinterwar
Polish-Ukrainian
regime
After
name
its
thecapitalof a voivodeship
Lwowskie).
(Województwo
bearing
thefallof Poland,theSovietsoccupiedLviv fromSeptember1939 untilJune
1941. The GermanNazi occupation,whenduringthe 1941-1944interim
peas a separateDistrikt
riodGalicia was includedin theGeneralgouvernement
Lviv was relegatedto thestatusof a provincial
Galizien,proveddevastating.
the
Distrikt
while
became
Cracow
bytheRed
capital.Afterbeingretaken
city,
the
the
Soviet
Union.
was
annexed
in
Galicia
Throughout
by
again
Army 1944,
wholeSovietperiodas well as afterthebreak-upoftheUSSR, Lviv servedas
centerof the Lviv Oblast,firstin the UkrainianSoviet
the administrative
58
HRYTSAK
SocialistRepublic(UkrainianSSR), and then,after1991,in an independent
Ukraine.
eventsof the twentieth
Lviv continuedto
Despite the turbulent
century,
in
much
as
it
had
the
nineteenth
its
grow
century,
doubling populationevery
40-50 years.Althoughtwocaesurasinterrupted
thistrendowingto theworld
the
recovered
1921
the
ofLvivhadexceeded
wars, city
quickly.By
population
thatof 1910 and by 1955 thatof 1943. In 1990 it reacheditshighestpointof
790,000,makingLviv thesixteenth
largestcityin East CentralEurope.72Part
of thecity'scontinuedgrowthin the firsthalfof thetwentieth
centurydetheneighpendedon itsexpansionintoa "GreaterLviv,"whichincorporated
boringvillages.This idea had alreadybeen suggestedduringthe Habsburg
butwas onlyrealizedin 1930,whenthecitydoubleditsterritory
from
period,73
32.40 square kilometersto 66.68 square kilometers.74
The incorporation
gainedthesupportof thePolishelite,whichworriedaboutthedeclinein the
city'sprestigeduringtheinterwar
periodand whosoughtto counterthistrend
to revivetheformer
by instituting
specialprograms
capitalstatusof thecity
and its political,economic,and culturalimportancein a rebornPoland.75
Thoseplansfailedlargelydue to suchcontingent
factorsas theGreatDepression of 1929-1933, althougha more specificreasoncan be foundin the
of themostqualifiedPolishand Jewishprofessionals
to othercities
departure
of Poland,wheretheyfoundbettercareeropportunities.
A simultaneous
emiofUkrainians
tookplace,directed
toPrague,Berlin,ortotheUkrainian
gration
ukrainianization
of the 1920s offeredtheman
SSR, wherethe short-lived
to
make
full
use
of
their
The Ukrainians
andJews
opportunity
qualifications.76
weredrivenaway by theextremely
nationalistic
of
the
new
Polish
policies
whichfoundtheirmostsevereapplicationin theeasternprovinces.78
state,77
interwar
statistics
revealthattheassimilation
of Jewsand GerNonetheless,
mansinLviv progressed
on a largerscale thaninCracow,notto mention
Lodz
orWarsaw.79
Suchpolonization
oftenborea superficial
character
anddid notlead to any
decreaseof nationaltensions.80
The social and culturaldisenfranchisement
in thePolishstatehelpedspawnextreme
experienced
byJewsand Ukrainians
movements
influenced
communist
and nationalistideologies.81
political
by
The extremism
of politicalgroupsin Lviv mirrored
thegrowinginfluenceof
communismand fascismthroughout
Easternand CentralEurope.Both the
Soviettroopsin 1939 and Nazi troopsin 1941 werethusmetenthusiastically
by alienatedand radicalizedsegmentsof thelocal population.A partof the
JewisheliteoptedforStalin,whilesomeUkrainiannationalists
imaginedthe
realization
oftheirnationalaspirations
Hitler.82
through
The Nazi and Soviet regimes combined to destroythe historically
multicultural
character
of thecity.From1772 to 1939 theethnicstructure
of
Lvivhadevolvedin a rather
stabletripartite
manneramongthedominant
Poles
of Jews(30-35 percent)and
(from50 to 55 percent),and thetwo minorities
Ukrainians
The
German
Nazi
invaders
(15-20 percent).
totallydecimatedthe
59
Jewishpopulation
while
(onlysome2-3 percentsurvivedthemassmurders),83
theSovietregimedeportedPoles and repopulated
thecitywithpeople from
otherpartsof the Soviet Union (Russians,Ukrainians,Jews,Belarusians,
Moldovans,and others)and withUkrainianswho had been deportedfrom
allottedto postwarPoland. The remainingUkrainiansand Poles
territories
wererepressedby theSovietregime;manyfledto WesternEuropeor North
America.All told,Lviv lost about 80 percentof its prewarpopulation.84
transformed
Lviv intoa predominantly
East Slavic cityofUkraiResettlement
of the
niansand Russians.The Ukrainianssteadilyincreasedtheirproportion
in 1989,whiletheRussian
in 1955to 79.1 percent
from44.2 percent
population
droppedfrom35 percentto 16 percentduringthesameperiod.By
proportion
No
1989 Jewsand Poles comprised1.6 percentand 1.2 percent,
respectively.
otherminority
constituted
morethan1 percent
ofthepopulation.85
Withtherepopulation
of thecity,theSovietregimelaunchedan ambitious
Lviv intoan industrial
center.Thisplanwas announcedin
projectto transform
thecity'srateofindustrial
1946and,ifone believestheSovietofficialreports,
growthduringthe 1950s-1970ssurpassedthatof therestof Galicia, of the
entireUkrainianSSR, and indeedof the Soviet Union as a whole.86This
in bothurbanand
a bold attempt
to breakwithtraditional
patterns
represented
As a resultofthesepolicies,Lvivbecamea leaderinthe
regionaldevelopment.
oftelevisions,
technibuses,industrial
machines,and sophisticated
production
As partof Sovieturbandevelopment
cal devicesused mainlyin themilitary.
withnew slab-styleapartment
thecitywas surrounded
blocksthatformeda
"New Lviv" and thatwas meantto houseengineersand workersfromother
Sovietcitiesand,mostof all, fromotherpartsof westernUkraine(about60
came fromsurrounding
percentof the migrants
regions,accordingto some
industrialization
so that
However,
estimates).87
outpacedurbandevelopment,
therapidgrowthof new plantsand factories,
forexample,broughtaboutan
acuteshortage
inthewatersupply.Thisforcedindustrialization
failedtohavea
economic
on
the
one
of the most
Galicia
remained
impact
region.
general
least
and
areas
of
Ukraine.
overcrowded, productive, poorestpaid
WithintheSovietUnion,Galicia bore thereputation
of beingone of the
leastsovietizedregions.Althoughthepre-1939political,civic,and religious
institutions
(includingtheGreekCatholicand ArmenianCatholicChurches)
had been disbandedas centersof "bourgeois"and "nationalistic"
influences
in
afterWorldWarII, anti-Soviet
continued
to
the
guerillas
operate
regionuntil
theearly1950s.This had twooppositeresults.GalicianUkrainianswerenot
considered
reliabletoholdthehighestpositionswithinandoutside
sufficiently
of theregion,and so duringthehalfcentury
of Sovietrulethelocal partyand
administrative
elitewerelargelyimported
fromRussia or easternUkraine.88
On theotherhand,theSovietregimedidnotdareto fostera rapidrussification
andsovietization
ofthis"contaminated"
tootherpartsofthe
region.In contrast
Polishstateannexedin 1939bytheUSSR, in western
former
Ukrainethebulk
oflocal newspapers
andmagazineswerepublishedin theindigenous
language
60
HRYTSAK
as opposed to Russian.While all othercities in the UkrainianSSR were
andlanguage,LvivexhibbecomingmoreRussianin termsofbothpopulation
in
itedan oppositetendency.
the
Moreover,
postwardecades Lviv becamea
of
an
for
all of Ukraine,a sortof "secret
center
intellectual
ferment
leading
Ukrainiancapital."Lviv providedcadresand a leadershipforan anti-Soviet
movement
opposition
duringthe1960sand 1970s,andplayeda crucialrolein
at theendoftheGorbachevperiod.89
Ukrainian
attaining
independence
Lviv
Nonetheless,
post-Soviet
appearsnotto have gainedmuchin thefirst
of
muchas theinterwar
Ukrainian
years
independence,
cityseemedto have
benefitedlittlefromthe reconstitution
of the Polish state.90Accordingto a
conservative
estimate,by thebeginningof 1999 close to a thirdof all Lviv
workershad losttheirjobs as thecity'smilitary
production
complexesclosed
down. In the wordsof an Americanjournalist,"no Ukrainiancityis more
And feware poorer."91
Since 1994,Lviv has
Europeanor moredemocratic.
so thattheonceprojectedgrowth
to 1,000,000inhabitbeenlosingpopulation,
antsby 201092now seemsfarfetched.
Hopingto reversethisdecline,thecity
councilhas beenreorienting
thecityawayfromindustry
and towardtourism.
However,untilnow it has onlybeen able to achievethemodestsuccess of
havingLviv declareda WorldCulturalHeritagecitybyUNESCO (1998).
In reviewingthemulticultural
of Lviv,one discernsa doublemeshistory
sage. On theone hand,thestoryis one of a failedmulticultural
experience.
and cooperationamongcitizensfailedto crossthereligious,
Civic solidarity
social, ethnic or, later, national boundaries.93In medieval times the
multicultural
a mosaicinwhichdifferent
ethnicgroupsmade
pictureresembled
mix
and
did
not
with
each
other.
Different
ethnic
andreligious
separatepieces
in
a
the
cases
of
the
Armenians
and
common
(as
groupsmightspeak
language
theTatars)or have the samejuridicalstatus(theUkrainiansand theArmewererather
rare.94
nians),buttheylivedin isolationandintermarriages
Theseculturaldivisionsleftvisibletraceson theveryplanningof thecity.
CatholicsoccupiedthecentralMarketSquare(Pol. Rynek/Ukr.
Rynok),while
in adjacentstreets
the
all othergroupslivedseparately
Armenian,
Jewish,
(i.e.,
have
More
some
of
these
borders
been
Serbian,orRuthenian
Streets).
recently
but theyneverceased to
erasedand othershave become moretransparent,
andPolishregimesprovidedsome,iflimited,
exist.The Austrian
opportunities
forthe civic activityof all nationalgroups,but mostof the moderncivic
institutions
and places forpublic exchange(includingLviv's famouscafe
staffed
and attendedaccordingto thenationalidentities
of their
were
houses)
civilsocietmembers.95
As a result,insteadofa singleone,severalcompeting
ies developedalongnationallines.96
is a situation
inwhich
If,inthewordsofAndrzejWalicki,multiculturalism
othercultures,97
thensucha situation
a dominant
culturedoes notsubordinate
cultures
was ratherrarein thehistoryof Lviv. A dialoguebetweendifferent
often
meant
an
assimilation
of
a
subordinate
a
dominant
culture,
quite
groupby
whilesubordinate
cultures
remained
alien
to
each
other.
a
number
Thus,
largely
61
of Lviv-bornJewsbecameleadingPolishintellectuals,
buttherewas littleif
Ukrainian-Jewish
cultural
even
an assimilation
toa
Moreover,
any
exchange.98
dominant
cultureas a surrogate
of encounters
betweendifferent
culturesbein an increasingly
came problematic
nationalizedworld.Throughcontinued
of
social
and
exclusion
assimilatedpersonswereconfronted
degrees
political
withtheir"alien"ethnicorigin.The fateoftheassimilated
PolishJewsinLviv,
whowererejectedby Polishnationalism
in interwar
Polandand destroyed
by
theNazis duringWorldWar II- notas Poles by theirchoice,butas Jewsby
theirorigin"- mayserveas sad corroboration
ofthisthesis.
On theotherhand,themulticultural
mix influenced
each nationalgroup.
The diverseethnic,religious,and social structure
of the city's population
- JosephRoth,
broughtforthrenownedPolish,Jewish,and Germanwriters
MartinBuber,StanislawLern who spenttheirformative
JózefWittlin,
years
in Lviv.100An outstanding
"nativeson" nurtured
in thismilieuwas theUkrainianwriter
andpoliticalactivistIvan Franko(1856-1916). A trilingual
author
who wrotein Ukrainian,
and politicalworks
Polish,and German,his literary
drewon interchanges
betweentheUkrainian,
Polish,andJewishcultures.101
The questionremains:Whatis thelegacyof thismulticultural
environment
afterit ceased to exist?Its impacthad been apparentin manyof thecultural
markers
eachethnicgroupinthecity.The Yiddishlanguagespoken
identifying
byGalicianJewswas a GermandialectmixedwithHebrewelementsandlocal
Slavic (PolishandUkrainian)borrowings.
The Armenian
statute
of 1519comJewish,
Islamic,andEasternRomanlaws as well
prisedelementsofArmenian,
as WesternPolishand Germanlegal codes.102Such hybridelementsdid not
ofJewsandArmenians
last,andthenumbers
todayarenegligiblecomparedto
thepast.However,in one case, thatof theUkrainianGreekCatholicChurch,
ofthemixofculturesremains.Whileitsoriginalidea- a synthesis
something
- was neverfullyachieved,theChurchin
of EasternandWesternChristianity
its modernnationalizedUkrainianformdid manageto survivetheharshest
Soviet repressions,
Thus,perhaps
therebyprovingits extremeviability.103
thereis a silverliningto thedarkcloudthestoryof Lviv castson theidea of
in a singleplace andterritory.
cultural
heterogeneity
GartonAshremindsus:
However,as Timothy
Ithasbeensomething
closetoa ruleinthe1990sthatthegreater
theethnic
mixin a post-communist
themorelikelyit has beento takea
country,
nationalist
authoritarian
thana liberal
democratic
one.Thosethat
pathrather
havedonebestarealsothosethatareethnically
mosthomogenous:
Poland,
theCzechRepublic,
of
and,yes,Slovenia. . . The 1980srevival
Hungary,
theCentral
idea involved
a celebration
of theregion'spre-war
European
ethnicand cultural
or
mélange:mixedcities,likePragueor Czernowitz
wherepeoplehabitually
three
to
four
miBratislava,
spoke
languages;
large
Jewish
andGerman
avantla lettre.
norities,
ones;multiculturalism
especially
Yetitseemsthat
oneofthepreconditions
forbeingseenas partofthepolitical
62
HRYTSAK
inthis
nottobe Central
Central
European
Europeinthe1990swasprecisely
sense.104
earlier
and culturally
theethnically
homogenouscityof
by thosecriteria,
Judging
chancefora quickerrecovery
Lvivhas a better
than,say,themixedUkrainianRussian and highlysovietizedcities in easternUkraine.In the words of
thetitleofhonorary
whoin September1998was granted
ZbigniewBrzezinski,
Lviv citizen:
itscultural
connecLvivsymbolizes
a European
Forall ofUkraine,
identity,
Lvivplaysa major
self-determination
tionsandpolitical
[...]In thisrespect,
... I am
reforms
successandUkrainian
role,whileitis a leaderofUkrainian
and
free
united
of
a
willbe a worthy
surethatUkraine
Europe, Lviv
partner
willplaya specialroleinthisprocess.105
Lvivhas to
Hereis theparadox:to fulfillitsmission,thelargelyunicultural
its
evoke,and come to termswith,its multicultural
heritageand to construct
new Ukrainianidentity
writinga multicultural
along thoselines.Therefore,
itssuccessor
becomesmorethanan academicexercise;to someextent,
history
of bothLviv and Ukraine,
failuremighthavean impacton thepoliticalfuture
ofthewholeCentralandEast Europeanregion.
and,in a largercontext,
63
NOTES
1.
For historiographical
analyses of the literatureon Lviv, see Józef
Skoczek,"Dotychczasowystan badan nad dziejami miastaLwowa,"
KwartalnikHistory
czny 39 (1925): 336-350; Lucja Charewiczowa,
i milosnictwo
Lwowa (Lviv, 1938) [=Biblioteka
Historiografia
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Lwowska, 37]; AndrzejJaneczek,"Studia nad pocz^tkamiLwowa.
inRocznikLwowski1993-1994
Bilansosiogni^ci potrzebbadawczych,"
Isabel
(Warsaw, 1994), pp. 7-36;
Röskau-Rydel,"Stan badan nad
w
Lwowa
latach
1772-1848,"in HenrykW. Zaliñski and
dziejami
Kazimierz Karolczak,eds., Lwow: Miasto, Spoleczeñstwo,Kultura.
Studiaz dziejówLwowa, vol. 2. (Cracow, 1998), pp. 363-73; Helena
Madurowicz-Urbañska,"Lwow- stolica Galicji. Stan badañ nad
i cywilizacyjnym
gospodarczym
rozwojumiastadoby
demograficznym,
StudiaAustro-Polonica
5 (1997): 167-72. Richbiblioautonomicznej,"
istoriimista
graphicdata can be foundin ludi S. Zaiats',Bibliohrafiia
L'vova u dvokhvypuskakh(Lviv, 1948); E. M. Lazeba and T. O.
Vorobiova,700 rokivm. L'vova: bibliohrafichnyi
pokazhchyk
literatury
(Lviv, 1956); Paul RobertMagocsi, Galicia: A HistoricalSurveyand
BibliographicGuide (Toronto,Buffalo,and London, 1985); Zdzislaw
Budzyñski, Bibliografia dziejów Rusi Czerwonej (1340-1772)
dzherelado istoriimisti sil
(Rzeszów,1990); O. D. Kizlyk,Inshomovni
(Lviv, 1995).
literatury
Ukraíny:
pokazhchyk
here:
Owingtospacelimitations
onlythemostrecentonesarementioned
VladimirMelamed,Evrei vo L'vove: XH-pervaiapolovina XX veka.
A. V.
Sobytiia,obshchestvo,liudi (Lviv, 1994); V. V. Sekretariuk,
Borzenko,and M. V. Bryket al., IstoriiaL'vova (Kyiv,1984); Iaroslav
Isaievych,Feodosii Steblii,and MykolaLytvyn,eds., Lviv. Istorychni
narysy(Lviv, 1996); Leszek Podhorodecki,
Dzieje Lwowa (Warsaw,
thatincludes
1993).Each oftheseworksprovidesa generalbibliography
ofLviv.
themostrecentworkson thehistory
Mykola Holubets',L'viv (Lviv, 1935); Nash L'viv. Iuvileinyizbirnyk,
1252-1952(New York,1953).
In thelastmajorSovietpublication
on thehistory
of Lviv,publishedin
1984, 60 percentof theentirevolumewas devotedto thecommunist
a mere5 percent
periodin thecity,eventhoughthatperiodrepresented
ofthecity'shistory.
See Sekretariuk
et al., IstoriiaL'vova,pp. 226-97.
Podhorodecki,
Dzieje Lwowa,pp. 162-73.
Majer Balaban,Zydzilwowscyna przelomieXVI i XVII wieku(Lviv,
1909),p. xx.
Cf. the followingentries on Lviv: A[tanas] Figol, V[olodymyr]
Kubijovych,and A[rkadii] Zhukovskyi,"Lviv," Encyclopedia of
64
8.
HRYTSAK
Ukraine,vol. 3 (Toronto,Buffalo,and London,1993),pp. 217-29, and
1971), pp.
[E. Br.], "Lvov," EncyclopediaJudaica,vol. 2 (Jerusalem,
610-15. Ifthelattermentions
Ukrainians
mostlyina contextofrelentless
on
in Lviv, theformer
does notprovideany information
antisemitism
Lviv
in
at
all.
anti-Jewish
pogroms
"Studia
nadpocz^tkamiLwowa,"pp. 12-16.
Janeczek,
TetianaHoshko,"Z istoriiMagdeburzicoho
pravau L'vovi(XIII-XVIII
in
L'viv.
45-60.
st.),"
Istorychni
narysy,
pp.
10. ViktorHiugoLein [VictorHugo Lane],"Datyna sluzhbinatsii:pol'sTcoukraïns'kadyskusiia kintsia XIX-pochatku XX st. navkolo daty
u LVovi,"Ukraïnamoderna2-3 (1999): 122-31.
zasnuvannia
universytetu
conference
11. Thistrendhas beenrepresented
proceedings
bythefollowing
and individualarticles:PeterFäßler,ThomasHeld, and Dirk Sawitzki,
eds., Lemberg,Lwow,Lviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt
europäischer
Kulturen(Cologne,1993); BohdanCherkes,Martyn[Martin]Kubelik,
XIX-XXst.
andElizabet[Elisabeth]Hofer,eds.,Arkhitektura
Halychyny
24-27 travnia1994 r.}
sympoziumu
Vybranimaterialymizhnarodnoho
150-richchiuzasnuvanniaDerzhavnohouniversytetu
prysviachenoho
uL'vivs'kaPolitekhnika"(Lviv, 1996); Zaliñskiand Karolczak,eds.,
Lwów,voi. 2; MarianMudryi,ed., L'viv: misto,suspil'stvo,kul'tura.
Zbirnyknaukovykhprats', vol. 3 (Lviv, 1999); Alois Woldan,
"
- Modell einerMultikulturellen
Stadt,"in "/. Nezalezhnyi
"Lemberg
kul'turolohichnyi
chasopys(Lviv) 13 (1998): 57-71.
9.
to
researchprojectson topicspertaining
12. Fora listof themostimportant
the earliestperiod of Lviv, see Janeczek,"Studia nad pocz^tkami
no one has triedtocompilesuch
Lwowa,"pp. 27-28. To myknowledge,
a listforlaterperiodsofthecity'shistory.
13. Leonid Makhnovets',trans.,LitopysRus'kyi.Za Ipats'kymspyskom
(Kyiv, 1989), p. 417; AleksanderCzolowski, Historja Lwowa od
zalozeniado roku1600 (Lviv, 1925),pp. 4-5.
14. VolodymyrPatehyrychand Vasyl' Ivanovs'kyi, "Seredn'ovichna
in Halyts'ko-Volyns'ka
arkheolohiiaL'vova: pidsumkyi perspektyvy,"
derzhava:peredumovy,
istoriia,kul'tura,tradytsiï
(Lviv,
vynyknennia}
1993),pp.41-43.
mistopidnazvoiuLViv,"in
15. As citedin IaroslavIsaievych,"Iak vynyklo
eds.,L'viv.Istorychni
narysy,
p. 20.
Isaievych,Steblii,andLytvyn,
Worldin
and theMediterranean
16. FernandBraudel,The Mediterranean
theAge ofPhilipII, vol. 1 (New York,1972),p. 224.
see IaroslavIsaievych,Ukraïnadavniai
17. For conflicting
interpretations,
nova.Narod,relihiia,kul'tura(Lviv, 1996),passim;MichalParczewski,
18.
65
siepolsko-ruskiej
ksztaltowania
PoczQtki
rubiezyetnicznejw Karpatach.
na odlam wschodnii zachodni
U zródel rozpadu Slowiañszczyzny
(Cracow,1991),passim.
see Magocsi,Galicia,pp.46-50.
ofthisdiscussion,
Fora generaloverview
19. Isaievych,"Iak vynyklomistopid nazvoiu L'viv," p. 14; Mykola F.
Kotliar,Formirovanieterritoriii vozniknovenie
gorodov Galitsko163-64.
IX-XIII
vv.
Rusi
(Kyiv,1985),pp.
Volynskoi
ta virmensicoLViv u virmensTcykh
"Davnii
Iaroslav
20.
Dashkevych,
1
v
Ukraïna
dzherelakh,"
mynulomu(1992): 7-13.
kypchatsicykh
mistopidnazvoiuLViv,"p. 22.
21. Isaievych,"Iak vynyklo
22.
MyronKapral',ed., PryvileïmistaL'vova (XIV-XVIIIst.) (Lviv, 1998),
pp. 27-28.
23.
Iaroslav Dashkevych,"Rus' i Syriia: vzaiemozviazkyXIII-XIV st.,"
ZapyskyNTSh 228 (1994): 10; Janeczek,"Studia nad pocza_tkami
Lwowa,"p. 27.
24.
Seenn. 9, 21.
25.
mistaL'vova(XIV-XVIIIst.),
Fora textofthelaw,see Kapral',ed.,Pryvileï
pp.44-45.
26.
"Armenians
andJewsin MedievalLvov. Their
EleonoraNadel-Golobic,
Role in OrientalTrade, 1400-1600," Cahiers du Monde russe et
1979: 352.
soviétique20(3-4) July-December
27.
L'vovaXV-pershoïpolovynyXVI st.,"in
MyronKapral',"Demohrafiia
eds.,L'viv.lstorychni
narysy,
p. 74.
JerzyMotylewicz,"Spolecznoscmiejskaa grupynarodowosciowew
w XV-XVIII w. Problemyprzemianw
miastachczerwonoruskich
inJerzy
trwalosci
ed.,Miastoi kultura
wiçzispotecznych,"
Wyrozumski,
ludowa w dziejachBialorusi,Litwyi Ukrainy(Cracow, 1996), p. 92;
"Armenians
andJewsin MedievalLvov,"p. 368.
Nadel-Golobic,
28.
29.
30.
31.
oblicza etnicznego
JózefPólcwiartek,
"Miejsce religjiw ksztaltowaniu
obszarów
miast
Rzeczypospolitej
poludniowo-wschodnich
spolecznosci
in Wyrozumski,
w czasachnowozytnych,"
ed.,Miastoi kulturaludowa,
p. 218.
L'vova,"pp. 74-75.
Kapral',"Demohrafiia
In the fifteenth
centuryCracow had 12,000 inhabitants,Wroclaw
(Breslau)- 19,000,Gdansk (Danzig)- nearly20,000, while Cologne,
andPraguearound50,000.The largestmedievalcitieswere
Nuremberg,
Venice, Milan, and Naples in Italy,each witha populationof over
100,000.
HRYTSAK
66
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
Paul M. Hohenbergand LynnHollenLees, The Makingof UrbanEuMA, andLondon,1985),pp. 53, 109.
rope,1000-1950(Cambridge,
L'vova,"p. 72.
IaroslavIsaievych,"Al'tanaposeredraiu: L'viv u 1582-1602 it.," in
eds.,L'viv.Istorychni
narysy,
p. 35.
JózefBurszta,Kulturaludowa- kulturanarodowa.Szkice i rozprawy
(Warsaw,1974),p. 35. As quotedin Pólswiartek,
"Miejsce religji,"pp.
211-12.
Andrzej Ziçba, "Gente Rutheni,natione Poloni. Z problematyki
swiadomoscinarodowejw Galicji,"Polska
ksztaltowania
sic ukraiñskiej
2 (1995):
Prace
AkademiaUmiejetnosci.
KomisjiWschodnioeuropejskiej
61-63.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
over
AndrzejWalicki,PolandbetweenEast and West:TheControversies
in PartitionedPoland (Cambridge,
and Modernization
Self-Definition
MA, 1994),pp. 9-1 1 [=HarvardPapersin UkrainianStudies].
álusarek,"Szlachtamiejskaw Galicji.Studiumna przykladzie
Krzysztof
inZaliñskiandKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, p. 97.
Lwowa i Obertyna,"
See Vasyl' V. Iaremenko,ed., Ukraïns'kapoeziia XVI stolittia(Kyiv,
1987),passim.
L'vova,"pp. 74-75.
Iwowskiew XVI i XVII
WladyslawLoziñski,Patricyati mieszczanstwo
wieku(Lviv, 1892),p. 307.
Pólswiartek,
"Miejsce religji,"p. 222; ZbigniewBudzyñski,Ludnosc
pogranicza polsko-ruskiegow drugiejpolowie XVIII wieku,vol. 1
1993),p. 329.
(Przemysl-Rzeszów,
43. J. B. Zimorowicz,Opera quibus res gestae urbisLeopolis illustrantur
(Lviv, 1899),p. 37.
42.
44.
45.
46.
47.
JerzyMotylewicz,p. 96. In a strictsense, this culturewas neither
Slavic norCatholic,especiallyin thesixteenth
century,
homogeneously
Protestants
becamea signifiwhen,withthecomingoftheReformation,
cantelementin thelocal population.
andJewsin MedievalLvov,"passim.
"Armenians
Nadel-Golobic,
the
BorysA. Gudziak,Crisisand Reform.TheKyivanMetropolitanate,
and theGenesisof the Unionof Brest
Patriarchateof Constantinople,
MA, 1998).
(Cambridge,
IaroslavR. Dashkevych,
sviazi v XVII veke.
ed., Ukrainsko-armianskie
Sbornikdokumentov
(Kyiv,1969),p. 25-26. In theeighteenth-twentieth
Armeniansin
centuriestherewereonlyseveralhundredunassimilated
Lviv. See Rudolf A. Mark, "Polnisches Bastion und ukrainisches
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
67
Piémont:Lemberg1772-1921," in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds.,
Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, p. 48; Grzegorz Siudut, "Pochodzenie
wyznaniowo-narodowoscioweludnosci Malopolski Wschodniej i
Lwowa wedle spisuludnosciz 1931 roku,"in Zaliñskiand Karolczak,
eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, p. 275.
Ihor Sevcenko,UkrainebetweenEast and West:Essays on Cultural
(EdmontonandToronto,1996),
Historyto theEarlyEighteenth
Century
4.
p.
Isabel Röskau-Rydel, "Die Stadt der verwischtenGrenzen. Die
GeschichteLembergsvon derGründung
bis zur erstenTeilungPolens
in
and
Sawitzki,eds.,Lemberg,Lwow,Lv/v,pp.
(1772)," Fäßler,Held,
34-35; Melamed,Evreivo L'vove,pp. 90-92. See also theexpressionof
inSebastianKlonowicz'spoem"Roksolania"
antisemitic
attitudes
strong
in Iaremko,ed., Ukraïns'ka
poeziia XVIstolittia,
p. 151.
FranzKratter,
Briefeüberden itzigenZustandvonGalizien.Ein Beitrag
undMenschenkentnisse,
vol. 2 (Leipzig,1786),p. 155.
zurStatistik
transformatsiï
tsentral'noï
mista
MykolaBevz, "Urbanistychni
chastyny
LVovau XIX-XX st.,"in Cherkes,
Kubelik,andHofer,eds.,Arkhitektura
XIX-XXst., pp. 53, 69; OlgierdCzerner,"Przeksztalcenia
Halychyny
architektoniczne
Lwowaw latach1772-1848,"ibid,p. 79.
IgnacyDrexler,WielkiLwów/LegrandLéopol (Lviv, 1920),pp. 14-15.
Hohenbergand Lees, The Making of Urban Europe, pp. 226-29;
Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,p. 96.
Withits populationof 196,000in 1910 and its 125 percentgrowthin
1870-1910,Lviv yieldedto Vienna(populationof 2,031,000and a 143
percentgrowth),
Budapest(880,000 and 175 percent),Prague(640,000
and 154 percent),Warsaw(771,000 and 150 percent),Odesa (520,000
and 181 percent),Breslau[Wroclaw](512,000 and 114 percent),Lodz
(352,000 and 803 percent),Kyiv (323,000 and 154 percent),Stettin
[Szczecin] (236,000 and 191 percent),Vilnius(168,000 and 166 percent),Cracow(150,000and 200 percent),and Minsk(100,000 and 178
percent).See Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,p. 96. In
thecase of Lviv, Magocsi has mistakenly
giventhe 1880 numbersfor
1870andhas slightly
the
size
of
thepopulationin 1910.
exaggerated
Jan M. Malecki, "Lwow i Krakow- dwie stolice Gãiicji,"Roczniki
i gospodarczych
50 (1989): 122-23.
dziejówspolecznych
KrzysztofPawlowski, "Miejsce Lwowa w rozwoju urbanistyki
europejskiejprzetomuXIX i XX wieku,"in Cherkes,Kubelik,and
XIX-XX st., pp. 125-30; idem,
Hofer,eds., Arkhitektura
Halychyny
in
Sztuka
miasta,"
"Narodziny
nowoczesnego
drugiejpolowyXIX wieku
(Warsaw,1973),pp. 57-58, 61-68.
HRYTSAK
68
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
StanislawHoszowski,Ekonomiczny
rozwójLwowaw latach1772-1914
107.
(Lviv, 1935),p.
JacekPurchla,MatecznikPolski. Pozaekonomiczneczynnikirozwoju
Krakowaw okresieautonomiigalicyjskiej(Cracow,1992),p. 127.
WaltraudHeindl, GehörsameRebellen. Bürokratieund Beamte in
ta teoriï
Österreich1780-1848(Vienna, 1990); idem,"Modernizatsiia
1
moderna
modernizatsiï:
HabsburzTcoï
Ukraïna
biurokratiï,"
pryklad
89-100.
(1996):
VadymAdadurov,"L'viv u napoleonivsicu
epokhu,"in Mudryi,ed.,
Lviv: misto,suspil'stvo,kul'tura,p. 211; Hoszowski,Ekonomiczny
rozwójLwowaw latach1772-1914,p. 16.
Hugh L. Agnew, "Josephinismand the PatrioticIntelligentsiain
Bohemia,"HarvardUkrainianStudies10 (3-4) 1986:577n3.
Citedin Adadurov,"LVivu napoleonivsToi
epokhu,"p. 212.
63.
JohannG. Kohl, Reisen im Innerenvom Russland und Polen. Die
Bukovina.Galizien.Mähren,vol. 3 (DresdenandLeipzig,1841),pp. 88,
103-105; MykhailoKril',"L'viv u opysakhinozemtsiv(kinets'XVIIIpershapolovynaXIX st.)," in Mudryi,ed., L'viv: misto,suspil'stvo,
kul'tura,
p. 300.
64.
PiotrWandycz,"The Poles in theHabsburgMonarchy,"in AndreiS.
and thePoliticsof
Markovitsand FrankE. Sysyn,eds.,Nationbuilding
Nationalism:Essays on AustrianGalicia (Cambridge,MA, 1989), pp.
68-93.
65.
i obyczajowym
Marian Tyrowicz,Wspomnieniao zyciu kulturalnym
Lwowa1918-1939(Wroclaw,1991),p. 208.
66.
For details,see Ezra Mendelson,"JewishAssimilationin Lviv: The
Case of Wilhelm Feldman," in Markovits and Sysyn, eds.,
and the Politicsof Nationalism,pp. 94-110; Leila P.
Nationbuilding
Everett,"The Rise of JewishNationalPoliticsin Galicia, 1905-1907,"
ibid.,pp. 149-177; JerzyHolzer,"Vom Orientdie Fantasie,undin der
im Lemberg
LebenundAkkulturation
BrustderSlawenFeuer:Jüdishes
in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds.,
des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts,"
Lwow,Lviv,pp. 75-91.
Lemberg,
67.
Jan Kozik, The UkrainianNational Movementin Galicia: 18151849 (Edmonton,1986), passim; John-PaulHimka, "Germanyand
the National Awakeningin WesternUkrainebeforethe Revolution
of 1848," in Hans-JoachimTorke and John-PaulHimka,eds. German-UkrainianRelations in Historical Perspective(Edmontonand
Toronto,
1994),pp.29-44.
68.
69.
70.
71.
69
in Galician Rus':
of Nationality
John-PaulHimka,"The Construction
Icarian Flightsin Almost All Directions,"in Ronald G. Suny and
and Articulation
MichaelD. Kennedy,eds., Intellectuals
of theNation
109-154.
(AnnArbor,1999),pp.
Ivan L. Rudnytsky,
Essays in Modem UkrainianHistory(Edmonton,
and
329-46
375-87; Iaroslav [Yaroslav] Hrytsak,Narys
1987), pp.
istorii Ukraïny.Formuvanniamodernoïukraïns'koïnatsiï XIX-XX
stolittia(Kyiv,1996),pp. 73-82.
RomanSzul, "Perspektywy
regionalizmu
galicyjskiegow Polsce na tie
tendencji miçdzynarodowych," Jerzy Chlopiecki and Helena
Madurowicz-Urbañska,eds., Galicja i jej dziedzictwo, vol. 2:
i gospodarka(Rzeszów, 1995),pp. 86-88; MartinÂberg
Spoleczeñstwo
inTranandJanuszKorek,"Mosaic ofChange.Institutional
Trajectories
sitional Wroclaw and Lviv" (paper presentedat the conference
Per"Institutionalising
Democracy.Polandand Ukrainein Comparative
spective,"University
College of South Stockholm,13-16 November
1998).
See Maciej Kozlowski,MiedzySanem a Zbruczem.Walkio Lwow i
Galicje Wschodniq,1918-1919 (Cracow, 1990), pp. 134-53; Ryszard
Torzecki,Polacy i Ukraiñcy.Sprawa ukrainskaw czasie II Wojny
(Warsaw,1993),p. 270.
Swiatowejna terenieII Rzeczypospolitej
72.
Olena Stepaniv,SuchasnyiLviv (Lviv, 1992),pp. 78-79; Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,pp. 96, 169.
73.
Drexler,WielkiLwów/LegrandLéopol,passim.
74.
Grzegorz Hryciuk,"Zmiany demograficzneludnosci polskiej we
Lwowie w latach1931-1944,"in StanislawCiesielski,ed., Wschodnie
losyPolaków(Wroclaw,1997),p. 10.
75.
For more details, see Andrzej Bonusiak, "Niedemokratyczna
demokracja:Rzecz o Lwowie w latach 1918-1934," in Zaliñskiand
themostambiKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, pp.215-34. Paradoxically,
tiousplan to createa "GreaterLviv" was conceivedby the German
of the
increasein theterritory
occupationregimethatordereda fourfold
from
That
66.68
kilometers
to
260
kilometers.
city
square
square
target,
of Lviv encomhowever,was neverreached,and in 1990 theterritory
See IuriiKryvoruchko,
passed 155 squarekilometers.
HalynaPetryshyn,
and Uliana Ivanochko,"Terytorial'nyi
rozvytokL'vova kintsiaXVIIIXX stolit',"in BohdanCherkes,Martyn[Martin]Kubelik,and Elizabet
ta terytorial'ne
[Elisabeth]Hofer,eds., Mistobuduvannia
planuvannia
144-52.
1999),
(Kyiv,
pp.
Tyrowicz,Wspomnienia,
pp. 34-35.
76.
70
77.
78.
79.
80.
HRYTSAK
"PolnischeStadtundukrainische
For details,see Anna-HaljaHorbatsch,
in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds.,
NationaleGegensätze,"
Minderheit.
Lwow,Lviv,pp.92-112.
Lemberg,
Nationhoodand theNational
NationalismReframed:
RogersBrubaker,
in
the
New
Question
Europe(Cambridge,1997),pp. 84-103.
ludnosci
GrzegorzSiudut,"Pochodzeniewyznaniowo-narodowosciowe
i
"Zmiany
MalopolskiWschodniej Lwowa,"pp. 275, 279-80; Hryciuk,
ludnoscipolskiej,"p. 16. This was not the case with
demograficzne
whohad a higherlevelof nationalconsciousnessin thecity
Ukrainians,
thanelsewhere.Still,polonizationtooka heavytollamongthem,too.
A Polishclandestinenewspaperclaimedin 1942 that"numerousLviv
havedefiledtheir
andSudhoffs,
citizens[ofGermanorigins],Hoflingers
traditions
.
. . Frombeneath
kontusz[Sarmatiandress]
[Polish]riflemen
revealed
a cunning
there
was
thePolishculturalgildingofmanypersons
Ukrainiancharacter."Quoted fromHryciuk,"Zmianydemograficzne
ludnoscipolskiej,"p. 53nl76.
8 1.
TheseweretheCommunist
PartyofWesternUkraine,thatunitedleftist
and the militantOrganizationof
Ukrainianand Jewishintellectuals,
Nationalists
Ukrainian
(foundedin 1929).Formoredetailsandliterature,
see John-Paul
Himka,"WesternUkrainebetweentheWars,"Canadian
SlavonicPapers34(4) December1992:391-412.
82.
Narysistorii'Ukraïny,
passim.
Hrytsak,
in Ostgalizien
Dieter Pohl, NationalsozialistischeJudenverfolgung
1941-1944. Organisation und Durchführungeines staatlichen
2d ed. (Munich,1997),p. 81.
Massenverbrechens,
83.
84.
85.
86.
inFäßler,Held,andSawitzki,eds.,Lemberg,
Lwów,Lviv,
"Einführung,"
p. 14.
ViktorSusak,"Etnichnita sotsial'nizminyv naselenniLVova v 19391999.Magistersica
pratsia"(M.A. diss.,IvanFrankoNationalUniversity
ofLviv,2000),passim.
i materialakh:
U. Ia. IedlinsTcaet al., IstoriiaL'vova v dokumentakh
et al.,
i materialiv
dokumentiv
(Kyiv,1985),p. 245; Sekretariuk
Zbirnyk
IstoriiaL'vova,pp. 273, 302-303.
87.
Blau-Gelb.DerWandelvonsowjetischen
unter
Zlepko,"Aufbruch
Dmytro
inFäßler,Held,andSawitzki,eds.,Lemberg,
zumukrainischen
Lemberg,"
Lwów,Lviv,p. 182.
88.
oblastei Ukraïny(Lviv, 1997),
Ivan Terliuk,Rosiiany zakhidnykh
passim.
RomanSzporluk,"The SovietWest- or Far EasternEurope?"East European Politics and Societies 5(3) Fall 1991: 474-77; idem, "The
89.
90.
71
in Zvi
StrangePoliticsof Lviv: An Essay in Searchof an Explanation,"
and theErosionof theUSSR
Gitelman,
ed., The PoliticsofNationality
(London,1992),pp. 215-31; idem,"WestUkraineandWestBelorussia.
HistoricalTradition,Social Communication,
and LinguisticAssimilaSoviet
Studies
1979:
tion,"
76-98; Iurii Zaitsev,
31(1) January
rukh
in
L'viv.
Istorychni
narysy,pp.
"Antyrezhymnyi (1956-1991),"
543-611; Liubomyr Senyk and Bohdan Iakymovych,"Forpost
nezalezhnosti(L'viv u 1988-1996 rr.)," ibid., pp. 611-38; Zlepko,
"Aufbruch
unterBlau-Gelb,"p. 167-206.
AndrzejBonusiak,"Niedemokratyczna
p. 234.
demokracja,"
91.
MichaelWines,"Struggling
UkraineTeetersbetweenEast and West,"
TheNew YorkTimes26 February1999.
92.
et al., "Terytorial'nyi
LVova," p. 152. In 1991Kryvoruchko
rozvytok
decreasedfrom790,700to 775,500.
1997Lviv's population
93.
Alois Woldan("Lemberg,"pp. 63-64) has suggestedthatin timesof
calamitiestheidentity
of a "small"motherland
tookover"larger,official" identities
to an episodefrom
amongLviv citizens.He was referring
theKhmeinytsTcyi
refusedto
siege of Lviv (1648), whentheburghers
surrender
localJewstoCossacksforpunishment.
Evenifone acceptsthe
of thisaccount(fora discussionsee Melamed,Evreivo L'vove,
veracity
pp. 88, 97), thewartimesolidarity
amongcitizenscould nothave had a
- sufficeit to say thatin 1664 Lviv becamethesceneof a
lastingeffect
largeanti-Jewish
pogromled byCatholics(ibid.,pp. 90-91).
L'vivs'kaRus' u pershiipolovyni
See, forexample,Ivan Kryp'iakevych,
i materialy
XVI st.: doslidzhennia
(Lviv, 1994),p. 11.
94.
95.
96.
Walentyna Najdus, "Ksztaltowanie siç nowoczesnych wiçzów
ludnosciukraiñskiej
Galicji Wschodniejw
spoleczno-organizacyjnych
inZaliñskiandKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, pp.
dobiekonstytucyjnej,"
166-167;Tyrowicz,Wspomnienia,
pp. 186-87,196-97,200-201.
The persistence
ofthistendency
is attested
The
byrecentdevelopments.
in
anticommunist
1988-1991
was
characterized
an
amazopposition
by
ing solidaritybetweenUkrainian,Polish, Jewish,and Russian civic
did notendure,however,beyondthefall from
groups.This solidarity
Post-SovietLviv becamea siteof Ukrainianpowerof thecommunists.
Polish and Ukrainian-Russian
conflictsaroundhistoricaland cultural
symbolsin thecity.In one case thisled to thetragicdeathof thelocal
UkrainiancomposerIhor Bilozir,who in June2000 was killed in a
skirmish
overthematter
of whereRussianpop songscouldbe sung(see
AndrewJack,"EthnicRussiansFeel theHeat of UkraineNationalism,"
FinancialTimes19 July2000: 3). The chronology
oftheseculturalwars
72
HRYTSAK
maybe followedin thelocal newspaperPostupin 1998-2001 (see the
website<http://postup.brama.com/>).
97.
98.
Trzytradycje
polskiegopatriotyzmu
AndrzejWalicki,TrzyPatriotyzmy.
i ichznaczeniewspólczesne(Warsaw,1991),pp. 43^44.
of a Jewish
A rareexceptionwas thecase of Ida Schpiegel,thedaughter
of
a
the
who
married
a
son
Greek
Catholic
rabbi,
priestagainst willofthe
twofamilies.Aftertheearlydeathof herhusband,she raisedall of her
Her grandsonwas thefamous
fivechildrenas Ukrainianintellectuals.
UkrainianhistorianIvan Lysiak Rudnytsky.See my article,"Ivan
Lysiak-Rudnyts'kyi
(Narys intelektual'noïbiohrafiï),"Suchasnist'
November1994:73-96.
This point is made by Hryciuk,"Zmiany demograficzneludnosci
polskiej,"p. 16.
100. Thistendency
continued
evenafterthecityhad lostitsold multicultural
Russianculturaland
character.
It is represented
by somecontemporary
politicalfigureswho spenttheirformative
yearsin Soviet Lviv. This
Yavlinsky,the
groupcomprisestheleaderoftheYablokopartyGrigory
cinemacriticAndreiPlakhov,the violinistIuriiBashmet,the theater
and the
directorRomanViktiuk,thecinemaactorLeonid Iarmol'nyk,
writerIgor Klekh.For a recentRussianperspectiveon thehistoryof
Lviv, see Igor Klekh,Intsidents klassikom(Moscow, 1998); idem,
"KartaGalitsii(Pis'maiz Iaseneva[22 December1998]),"in thefollowforthesubjectof Russiansin posting website:<http://www.russ.ru>;
"Russkievo LVove. Bostonskii
SovietLviv, see ValeriiSerdiuchenko,
nezavisimiial'manakh
Lebed [23 April2000],"in thefollowing
website:
<www.lebed.com>; Roman Lozyns'kyi,"Rosiiany u suchasnomu
LVovi,"PostupJuly2001: 8.
99.
101. Yaroslav Hrytsak,"Ivan Frankoand the GalicianTriangle,"in Israel
vol. 12
BartalandAntonyPolonsky,
eds.,Polin.StudiesinPolishJewry,
"Zum
(Londonand Portland,1999), pp. 137-146 ; GustawWytrzens,
Frankosindeutscher
literarischen
Schaffen
Sprache,"in1.1.Lukinov,M.
V. Bryk,H. D. Verves et al., eds., Ivan Franko i svitovakul'tura.
IuNESKO (L'viv,11-15 veresnia
Materialymizhnarodnoho
sympoziumu
1986 r.) (Kyiv,1990),pp. 51-59.
102. Nadel-Golobic,"Armeniansand Jews in Medieval Lvov," p. 361;
Pólswiartek,
"Miejscereligji,"p. 224.
103. Thispointwas madebyChrisHann,"GalicianGreekCatholicsbetween
at theconference
"Galicia:A Region's
East andWest"(paperpresented
ofAarhus,Aarhus,Denmark,
26-28 May 1998).A
University
Identity?"
surveyof 1994 revealedthat"Ukrainian"and "GreekCatholic"are
in Lviv (see YaroslavHrytsak,
identities
amongthetwomostpreferred
73
"NationalIdentitiesin Post-SovietUkraine:The Case of Lviv and
Donetsk,"HarvardUkrainianStudies22(1-4) 1998:263-281.
104. TimothyGartonAsh, "The Puzzle of CentralEurope,"The New York
ReviewofBooks66(5) 18 March1999:22.
"
misTcoiu
"PromovaperedL'vivsTcoiu
105. ZbigniewBrzezinski,
radoiu,""/.
kul'turolohichnyi
chasopys14 (1999), pp. 9, 11.
Nezalezhnyi

Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries

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