"It Was like All of Us Had Been Raped": Sexual

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"It
Was
Raped":
All
like
Sexual
of
Us
Had
Been
Violence,
the
Struggle
and
Mobilization,
Community
African
American
Freedom
Danielle L. McGuire
On Saturday,
Florida,madea pact,one
May2, 1959, fourwhitemenin Tallahassee,
of theirfriendstestifiedin courtlater,to "goout and get a niggergirl"andhavean
"allnight party."That evening,they armedthemselveswith shotgunsand switchblades and crept up behind a car parked alongside a quiet road near Jake Gaither
Park.At about 1:00 a.m. on May 3, PatrickScarborough
presseda sixteen-gauge
the
driver's
nose
and
ordered
Richard
Brown
and his companions
shotgunagainst
out of the car. Dressedin formalgowns and tuxedoes,the four AfricanAmericans-
all studentsat FloridaA&M Universitywho had spentthe eveningdancingat the
Green and Orange Ball-reluctantly stepped out of the car. Scarboroughforced the
two blackmento kneel,whilehis friendDavidBeaglesheldthe two blackwomenat
knifepoint.When BettyJeanOwens began to cry,Beaglesslappedher and told her to
"shutup"or she "wouldneverget backhome."Wavinghis gun, Scarboroughordered
RichardBrownandhis friendThomasButterfieldbackin the carandtold themto
leave.As Brownand Butterfieldbegan to move towardthe car and then slowly drove
away, Edna Richardsonbroke free and ran to the nearby park, leaving Betty Jean
Owens alone with their attackers.Beaglespressedthe switchbladeto Owens'sthroat
and growled,"We'lllet you go if you do what we want,"then forcedher to her knees,
Danielle L. McGuire is a Ph.D. candidate in history at Rutgers University.This essay received the 2004 Louis
PelzerMemorialAward.
This article would not have been possible without the gracious historians, teachers, family, and friends who
alwaysseemed willing to go out of their way to provide encouragement,support, and intellectualengagement. For
this I am eternally grateful. Thank you especially to Steven Lawson, Nancy Hewitt, Tim Tyson, and Steve
Kantrowitzand the Harmony Bar Writers Collective, all of whom spilled gallons of ink on this essay.They are
members of a beloved community that is made up of some of the best folks around. A hearty thanks goes out to
Davarian Baldwin, Martha Bouyer, Herman Bennett, David S. Cecelski, Bill Chafe, Paul Clemens, Dorothy Sue
Cobble, John Dittmer, Lisa Elliott, Ann Fabian,Glenda Gilmore, ChristinaGreene, Darlene Clark Hine, Charles
Hughes, William Jones, Temma Kaplan, Le Club, Jan Lewis, Tim and Dee McGuire, Richard and Grace
McGuire, KatherineMellen, JenniferMorgan, PerriMorgan, Adam Rosh, Karland Marcia Rosh, Regan Shelton,
Phyllis St. Michael, Stephen Tuck, William L. Van Deburg, Craig Werner,and Deborah Gray White. I am also
grateful to Joanne Meyerowitz, Kathleen Brown, Victoria Walcott, and the anonymous refereesof this essay for
their insightful comments and criticisms.
Readersmay contact McGuire at <dmcguire@eden.rutgers.edu>.
906
The Journalof AmericanHistory
December2004
SexualViolenceandAfricanAmericanFreedom
907
slappedher as she sobbed, and pushed her into the backseatof their blue Chevrolet;
the four men droveher to the edge of town, where they rapedher seven times.'
Analysesof rape play little or no role in most historiesof the civil rights movement,
even as stories of violence against black and white men-from Emmett Till to
AndrewGoodman, Michael Schwerner,and JamesChaney-provide grippingexamples of racistbrutality.2Despite a growingbody of literaturethat focuses on the roles
of black and white women and the operationof gender in the movement, sexualized
violence-both as a tool of oppressionand as a politicalspur for the movement-has
yet to find its place in the story of the AfricanAmericanfreedomstruggle.3Rape,like
lynching and murder,servedas a tool of psychologicaland physicalintimidationthat
expressedwhite male domination and buttressedwhite supremacy.During the Jim
Crow era,women'sbodies servedas signpostsof the social order,and white men used
rapeand rumorsof rapenot only to justifyviolence againstblackmen but to remind
blackwomen that their bodies were not their own.
African American women frequently retaliatedby testifying about their brutal
experiences.I argue that, from HarrietJacobsto Ida B. Wells to the women of the
present, the refusalof black women to remain silent about sexualizedviolence was
partof a long-standingtradition.Blackwomen describedand denouncedtheir sexual
misuse, deploying their voices as weapons in the wars against white supremacy.
1New YorkAmsterdamNews, June 20, 1959, p. 37. Jimmy Carl Cooper, a white youth, testified that David
Beagles told him he planned to go out and get "somenigger 'stuff"'and noted that "stuffwas not the word used":
TrezzvantW. Anderson, "Rapists Missed Out on First Selection," PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959, p. 3. A
cleaned-upversion reportedthat Beagleshad plans to get a "Negrogirl":"FourConvicted in Rape Case," TallahasseeDemocrat,June 14, 1959, p. 7. "I Was Scared,"PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959, p. 1. "FourBegin Defense in
Trialon Rape,"New YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13. See also criminal case file #3445, StateofFlorida v. Patrick
GeneScarborough,David Ervin Beagles,Ollie Odell Stoutamire,and William TedCollinsworth,1959 (Leon County
Courthouse, Tallahassee,Fla.) (copy in Danielle L. McGuire'spossession). Thanks to the Leon County Courthouse for sending me the file. Becausethe original trial transcriptis no longer available,I have had to rely on newspaper reports, particularlythose in African American newspapers:the BaltimoreAfro-American,the Louisiana
Weekly,the New YorkAmsterdamNews, the PittsburghCourier,and the South Carolina Lighthouseand Informer.
The fact that the transcriptis missing is verified in the case file notes of PatrickG. Scarboroughv. State of Florida,
390 So. 2d 830 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App., 1980). See also RobertW. Saunders,"Reporton TallahasseeIncident,"May 9,
1959, box A91, series III, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Papers(ManuscriptDivision, Libraryof Congress,Washington, D.C.). Thanks to Timothy B. Tyson for finding this information for me.
2 The murders of Emmett Till in 1955 and Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner,and James Chaney in
1963 are consideredpivotal moments in the civil rights movement. Their stories are given prominent attention in
the PBsEyeson the Prize seriesand Hollywood films such as the 1988 thrillerMississippiBurning.For monographs
on these murders,see, for example, Nicolaus Mills, Like a Holy Crusade:Mississippi1964-The TurningPoint of
the Civil RightsMovementin America(Chicago, 1992); and StephenJ. Whitfield, A Death in theDelta: TheStoryof
Emmett Till (Baltimore, 1991).
3 Historians have only recently begun to explore how gender and sexualityaffected the civil rights movement.
Earlyefforts to include gender often took the form of "awomen'shistory tacked onto men'shistory of civil rights":
Steven E Lawson, "Civil Rights and Black Liberation,"in A CompaniontoAmericanWomen's
History,ed. Nancy A.
Hewitt (Oxford, Eng., 2002), 411. On the ways women changed the civil rights movement and how it changed
their lives as well, see, for example, Vicki L. Crawford,JacquelineAnne Rouse, and BarbaraWoods, eds., Women
in the Civil RightsMovement:Trailblazersand Torchbearers,
1941-1965 (New York, 1990); and Belinda Robnett,
How Long?How Long?African-AmericanWomenin the Strugglefor Civil Rights(New York, 1997). Recent works
place black and white women and their long-standing traditions of community organizing and resistancein the
forefrontof the movement; see, for example, CharlesM. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom:The OrganizingTradition and the MississippiFreedomStruggle(Berkeley,1995); and BarbaraRansby,Ella Bakerand the BlackFreedom
Movement:A RadicalDemocraticVision(Chapel Hill, 2003).
908
TheJournalof AmericanHistory
December2004
Indeed, their public protestsoften galvanizedlocal, national, and even international
outrage and sparkedcampaignsfor racialjustice and human dignity. When Betty
Jean Owens spoke out against her assailants,and when the local black community
mobilized in defenseof her womanhood in 1959, they joined in this traditionof testimony and protest.
The arrest, trial, and conviction of Owens's white rapists by an all-white jury
markeda dramaticchange in the relationsbetween this traditionof testimony and a
tradition of silence that Darlene Clark Hine has termed the "cultureof dissemblance."4The verdictnot only brokewith southerntraditionbut fracturedthe philosophical and political foundations of white supremacy by challenging the
relationshipbetween sexual domination and racial inequality.For perhapsthe first
time since Reconstruction,southern black communities could imagine state power
being deployed in defense of their respectabilityas men and women. As a result,the
1959 Tallahasseerape case was a watershedevent that remainsas revealingnow as it
was importantthen.
The sexual exploitation of black women had its roots in slavery.Slave owners,
overseers,and driverstook advantageof their positions of power and authority to
rape slave women, sometimes in the presenceof their husbandsor families. White
slave owners' stolen access to black women's bodies strengthened their political,
social, and economic power,partlybecausecolonial laws made the offspringof slave
women the propertyof their masters.5After the fall of slavery,when AfricanAmericans asserted their freedom during the interracialexperiment in democracy that
brieflycharacterizedReconstruction,formerslaveholdersand theirsympathizersused
violence and terrorto reassertcontrol over the social, political, and economic agency
of freedpeople.At the heartof this violence, accordingto GerdaLerner,rapebecame
a "weaponof terror"to dominate the bodies and minds of AfricanAmericanmen
and women.6
"Freedom,"as TeraHunter notes, "wasmeaninglesswithout ownershipand control over one'sown body."During Reconstructionand Jim Crow,sexualizedviolence
served as a "ritualisticreenactmentof the daily pattern of social dominance,"and
interracialrape became the battlegroundupon which black men and women fought
for ownershipof their own bodies. Many AfricanAmericanwomen who were raped
or assaultedby white men fought back by speakingout. FrancesThompson told a
congressionalcommittee investigatingthe 1866 Memphis raceriot that seven armed
white men broke into her house on a Tuesdayafternoon,"drewtheir pistols and said
4 On the "cultureof dissemblance,"see Darlene Clark Hine, "Rapeand the Inner Livesof BlackWomen in the
Middle West: PreliminaryThoughts on a Culture of Dissemblance,"Signs, 14 (Summer 1989), 912-20.
5 On the way gender and sexuality structured racial slavery,see, for example, Kathleen Brown, Good Wives,
Nasty Wenches,and AnxiousPatriarchs(Chapel Hill, 1996), 128-36; Kirsten Fischer,SuspectRelations:Sex, Race,
and Resistancein ColonialNorth Carolina(Ithaca,2002); and Deborah GrayWhite, Arn'tI a Woman?FemaleSlaves
in the PlantationSouth (New York, 1985).
6 Gerda Lerner,ed., Black Womenin WhiteAmerica:A
DocumentaryHistory(New York, 1972), 172. See also,
for example,JacquelynDowd Hall, "'The Mind That Burns in Each Body': Women, Rape, and RacialViolence,"
in PowersofDesire: ThePoliticsofSexuality,ed. Ann Snitow, Christine Stansell,and SharonThompson (New York,
1983), 328-49; and Leslie A. Schwalm,A Hard Fightfor We:Women'sTransition
from Slaveryto Freedomin South
Carolina(Urbana, 1997), 37, 44-45, 119-21.
SexualViolenceandAfricanAmericanFreedom
909
they would shoot us and fire the house if we did not let them have theirway with us."
Four of the men rapedFrances,while the other three choked and rapedsixteen-yearold Lucy Smith and left her close to death. In 1871, HarrietSimril testifiedin front
of a congressionalcommittee investigatingKu Klux Klan terrorduring Reconstruction that she was beaten and "ravished"by eight men in South Carolinawho broke
into her house to force her husband to "join the democraticticket."Essic Harris,
appearingbeforethe same committee, reportedthat "therapeof blackwomen was so
frequent"in the postbellum South that it had become "anold sayingby now."Ferdie
Walker,who grewup duringthe height of segregationin the 1930s and 1940s in Fort
Worth, Texas, rememberedbeing "scaredto death"by a white police officer who
often exposed himself to her while she waited at the bus stop when she was only
eleven years old. The sexual abuse of black women, she recalled,was an everyday
occurrence."Thatwas reallybad and it was bad for all blackgirls,"she recalled.7
John H. McCray,editor of the South CarolinaLighthouseand Informer,reported
that it was "acommonplace experiencefor many of our women in southern towns
... to be propositionedopenly by white men."He said, "Youcan pick up accountsof
these at a dime a dozen in almost any community."AfricanAmericanwomen that I
interviewedin Birmingham,Alabama, in March 2003 echoed FerdieWalker'sand
McCray'scomments. Nearly all of them testified about being sexually abused or
intimidatedby white men-particularly bus drivers,police officers,and employers.8
The acclaimedfreedomfighterFannieLou Hamer knew that rapeand sexualviolence was a common occurrencein the segregatedSouth. For Freedom's
Sake,Chana
Kai Lee'sbiographyof Hamer, is one of the few histories of the modern-daycivil
rights movement that openly deals with and documents the legacy of sexualassault.
Hamer'sgrandmother,Liza Bramlett,spoke often of the "horrorsof slavery,"including stories about "how the white folks would do her."Bramlett'sdaughterremembered that "thisman would keep her as long as he want to and then he would trade
her off for a little heifercalf. Then the other man would get her and keep her as long
as he want-she was steady having babies-and trade her off for a little sow pig."
Twentyof the twenty-threechildrenBramlettgave birth to were productsof rape.9
Livesand Laborsafterthe Civil War(Cambridge,
7 TeraW. Hunter, ToJoyMy Freedom:SouthernBlack Women's
Mass., 1997), 34. Winthrop Jordan, White overBlack:AmericanAttitudestowardthe Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel
Hill, 1968), 141. FrancesThompson quoted in Lerner,ed., Black Womenin WhiteAmerica,174-75; HarrietSimril quoted ibid., 183-85; see also Hannah Rosen, "'Not That Sort of Woman':Race, Gender,and SexualViolence
during the Memphis Riot of 1866," in Sex, Love,Race:CrossingBoundariesin NorthAmericanHistory,ed. Martha
Hodes (New York, 1999), 267-93. Essic Harris quoted in Elsa BarkleyBrown, "Negotiating and Transforming
the Public Sphere:African American Political Life in the Transitionfrom Slaveryto Freedom,"Public Culture,7
(1994), 112n8; FerdieWalkerquoted in William Chafe, Raymond Gavins, and Robert Korstad,eds., Remembering fim Crow:AfricanAmericansTellaboutLife in the SegregatedSouth (New York,2001), 9-10.
8
John H. McCray, "South'sCourts Show New Day of Justice," BaltimoreAfro-American,July 11, 1959.
Theralene Beachem interview by McGuire, March 19, 2003, audiotape (in McGuire'spossession); Gloria Dennard interview by McGuire, March 19, 2003, audiotape, ibid.; Linda S. Hunt interview by McGuire, March 19,
2003, audiotape, ibid.; Mrs. Lucille M. Johnson interview by McGuire, March 16, 2003, audiotape, ibid.
Sake: TheLife ofFannie Lou Hamer (Urbana, 1999), 9. On the "perilousinter9 Chana Kai Lee, For Freedom's
section of race, gender, and sexualizedbrutality,"see Timothy B. Tyson, Radio FreeDixie: RobertE Williamsand
the Rootsof BlackPower(Chapel Hill, 1999), 2, 94. Though over a half century old, two of the best articulationsof
the sexual subtext of segregationthat exist areJohn Dollard, Casteand Classin a SouthernTown(Madison, 1937);
and Lillian Smith, Killersofthe Dream (New York, 1949).
910
TheJournal
ofAmerican
History
December
2004
Hamergrewup with the clearunderstanding
that a "blackwoman'sbody was
neverhersalone."If shewasat all unclearaboutthislesson,the forcedhysterectomy
she receivedin 1961 andthe brutalbeatingshe receivedin the Winona,Mississippi,
jail in 1963 left little room for confusion.Afterbeingarrestedwith otherStudent
a restaurant,
NonviolentCoordinating
Committee(sNcc)activistsfor desegregating
Hamerreceiveda savageand sexuallyabusivebeatingby the Winonapolice."You
bitch,"one officeryelled,"wegoing to makeyou wish you was dead."He ordered
whileotherpatroltwo blackinmatesto beatHamerwith "along wide blackjack,"
men battered"herheadand otherpartsof her body."As theyassaultedher,Hamer
felt themrepeatedly"pullmy dressovermy headandtry to feel undermy clothes."
She attemptedto pull herdressdownduringthe brutalattackin orderto "preserve
some respectability
throughthe horrorand disgrace."Hamertold this story on
nationaltelevisionat the DemocraticNationalConventionin 1964 and continued
to tellit "untilthe dayshedied,"offeringhertestimonyof thesexualandracialinjustice of segregation.'0
By speakingout, whetherit wasin the church,the courtroom,or a congressional
usedby
hearing,blackwomenusedtheirown publicvoicesto rejectthe stereotypes
to justifyeconomicand sexualexploitation,and theyreaffirmed
whitesupremacists
AfricanAmericanwomen'srefusalto remainsilent
theirownhumanity.Additionally,
men
an
offeredAfricanAmerican
opportunityto assertthemselvesas menby rallying
aroundthe protectionof blackwomanhood.Manyothermen, however,remained
silent since speakingout was often dangerous,if not deadly.Most important,
women'stestimonieswerea politicalactthatexposedthe bitterironiesof segregation
andwhitesupremacy,
helpedto reversethe shameandhumiliationrapeinflicts,and
servedas catalystsin mobilizingmassmovements.11
Only afterlocal and nationalgroupswere organized,blackwomen'stestimony
beganto sparkpubliccampaignsfor equaljusticeand protectionof blackwomanhood. In this respect,WorldWarII servedas a watershedforAfricanAmericansespeciallyin the South.Blackwomen'stestimonyandthewillingnessof blackleaders
movements.
to protectblackwomanhoodmustbe viewedas partof theseresistance
infrastructure
thatmade
Forexample,in Montgomery,
Alabama,the organizational
the Montgomerybus boycottpossiblein 1955 stemmedin partfrom decadesof
blackwomen'sactivismand a historyof genderedpoliticalappealsto protectblack
women from sexualassault.The majorityof leadersactivein the Montgomery
10Lee, For Freedom'Sake, 9-10, 78-81. Although Lee argues that Hamer was "inclined to dissemble when it
came to sex, race, and violence" (ibid., 78-81), Lee'sown evidence suggests that Hamer testified publicly to the
sexualizedaspects of her beating in Winona, Mississippi,and her forced sterilizationas often as she kept them hidden; see ibid., 54, 59, 79, 80-81, 89, 198n42, 196n2. See also Kay Mills, ThisLittleLightofMine: TheLife of Fannie Lou Hamer (New York, 1993).
11See Deborah GrayWhite, TooHeavya Load:Black Womenin Defenseof Themselves,1894-1994 (New York,
1999), 60-66. John Lewis Adams, "'ArkansasNeeds Leadership':Daisy Bates, Black Arkansas,and the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People" (M.A. thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 2003).
Thanks to John Adams for sharinghis researchwith me. On "reversingthe shame,"see Temma Kaplan,"Reversing
the Shame and Gendering the Memory,"Signs, 28 (Autumn 2002), 179-99. Jo Ann Robinson, TheMontgomery
Bus Boycottand the WomenWhoStartedIt: TheMemoirof o Ann GibsonRobinson,ed. David J. Garrow(Knoxville,
1987), 37.
Sexual
Violence
andAfrican
American
Freedom
911
Associationin 1955 cut their politicalteeth demandingjusticefor
Improvement
blackwomenwho wererapedin the 1940sandearly1950s.12
In 1944, the kidnappingandgangrapeof Mrs.RecyTaylorby six whitemen in
Abbevill~,Alabama,sparkedwhat the ChicagoDefendercalled"thestrongestcamTaylor,a twenty-four-yearpaignforequaljusticeto Negroesto be seenin a decade."
old AfricanAmericanwoman, was walkinghome from the Rock Hill Holiness
ChurchnearAbbevilleon September3 when a carloadof six white men pulled
alongsideher,pointeda gun at herhead,and orderedher to get into the car.They
droveherto a vacantpatchof landwhereHerbertLovettpointedhis rifleat Taylor
anddemandedsheget out of the carand"getthemragsoff or I willkillyouandleave
you downherein the woods."Lovettheld her at gunpointwhileeachof the white
men took turns"ravishing"
her.Afterthe men rapedher, Lovettblindfoldedher,
pushedherinto the car,anddroppedheroff in the middleof town.Thatnight,Recy
Taylortold herfather,herhusband,andDeputySheriffLeweyCorbittthe detailsof
herharrowing
assault.'3
Within a few weeks, the Committeefor EqualJusticefor Mrs. Recy Taylor
formedandwasled on a locallevelby RosaParks,E. D. Nixon,RufusA. Lewis,and
E. G. Jackson(editorof theAlabamaTribune),
all of whomlaterbecamepivotalfigures in the Montgomerybus boycott. By utilizing the political infrastructure
designedto defendthe Scottsboroboysa decadeearlierand employingthe rhetoric
of democracysparkedby WorldWarII, Parks,Nixon, and theiralliessecuredthe
women'sgroups,
supportof nationallaborunions,AfricanAmericanorganizations,
and thousandsof individualswho demandedthat Gov.ChaunceySparksorderan
immediateinvestigation
andtrial."Therapingof Mrs.RecyTaylorwasa fascist-like,
brutalviolationof her personalrightsas a womanand as a citizenof democracy,"
wrote in a pamphlet
EugeneGordon,a reporterfor the New YorkDaily Worker,
about the case;"Mrs.Taylorwas not the firstNegrowomanto be outraged,"
he
it
is
make
her
"but
our
intention
to
the
last.
of
imitators
argued,
White-supremacy
Hitler'sstormtroopers[will]shrinkunderthe glareof the nation'sspotlight."Gordon closedby universalizing
the rape:"Theattackon Mrs.Taylorwasan attackon
allwomen.Mrs.Tayloris a Negro... but no womanis safeor freeuntilallwomen
12On the impact of World War see, for
II,
example, Timothy B. Tyson, "Warsfor Democracy:AfricanAmerican Militancy and InterracialViolence in North Carolina during World War II," in DemocracyBetrayed:The
WilmingtonRaceRiot of 1898 and Its Legacy,ed. David Cecelski and Timothy B. Tyson (Chapel Hill, 1998), 25475; and HarvardSitkoff, "RacialMilitancy and InterracialViolence in the Second World War,"JournalofAmerican History, 58 (Dec. 1971), 661-81. My preliminary dissertation research indicates that African Americans
throughout the South used World War II as a wedge to publicize southern injustice, especiallysexual violence by
white men. Between 1942 and 1950, African American women accused white men of rape, testified about their
assaults,and sparkedcommunity mobilization efforts in a number of southern towns, often securing convictions,
mostly on minor chargeswith small fines assessed.
13 Fred Atwater, "$600 to Rape Wife? AlabamaWhites Make Offer to Recy Taylor Mate," ChicagoDefender,
n.d., clipping, Recy Taylor case, folder 2, AdministrativeFiles, Gov. Chauncey SparksPapers, 1943-1947 (Alabama Department of Archivesand History, Montgomery); N. W. Kimbroughand J. V. Kitchens, "Reportto Governor Chauncey Sparks,"Dec. 14, 1944, ibid.; John O. Harris, N. W. Kimbrough, and J. V. Kitchens to Gov.
Chauncey Sparks, "Supplemental Report, December 27, 1944," ibid. See also "Grand Jury Refuses to Indict
Attackers,"PittsburghCourier,Feb. 24, 1945, folder 3, ibid.; "This Evening,"BirminghamNews, Feb. 21, 1945,
ibid.; and "SecondGrandJury Finds No Bill in Negro'sCharges,"Dothan Eagle,Feb. 15, 1945, ibid.
912
TheJournalof AmericanHistory
December2004
are free."14Few AfricanAmericanswere surprisedwhen the Henry County Grand
Jury twice failed to indict the white men-despite the governor'sbelief that they
were, in fact, guilty. Still, Recy Taylor'stestimony launched a national and international campaignfor equaljustice that must not be ignored."
Five years later, African Americans in Montgomery, Alabama, rallied to the
defense of a twenty-five-year-oldblackwoman named GertrudePerkins.On March
27, 1949, Perkinswas walking home when she was arrestedfor public drunkenness
and attacked by two white police officers in uniform. After forcing her into their
squad car, they drove her to the edge of town and rapedher repeatedlyat gunpoint.
Afterwards,they threw her out of their car and sped away.Somehow,she found the
strength to stagger into town, where she went directly to Rev. Solomon Seay Sr.'s
house. Awakinghim, she told him the details of her brutalassaultthrough sobs and
tears. "We didn't go to bed that morning,"rememberedSeay; "I kept her at my
house, carefullywrote down what she said, and laterhad it notarized."Seay sent Perkins's horror story to the syndicated columnist Drew Pearson,who let the whole
country know what happened in his daily radio addressbefore Montgomery'swhite
leadersknew what hit them.16
The leaders of the local InterdenominationalMinisterial Alliance, the Negro
ImprovementLeague,and the NationalAssociationfor the Advancementof Colored
led by E. D. Nixon and the ReverendMr. Seay,joined together to
People (NAACP),
form the Citizens Committee for GertrudePerkins.Mary FairBurksand her newly
formed Women'sPolitical Council may have been involved since one of their early
goals was to "aidvictims of rape."Although the community mobilized on behalf of
Perkins,a grandjury failed to indict the assailantsa few weeks later,despite running
the full processof "theAnglo-Saxonsystem of justice."Still, Joe Azbell, editor of the
Advertiser,thought GertrudePerkins,who bravelyspoke out againstthe
Montgomery
men who rapedher, "hadas much to do with the bus boycott and its creationas anyone on earth."The Perkinsprotest did not occur in isolation. In February1951,
RufusA. Lewis,whose influencewas crucialto the 1955 campaign,led a boycott of a
grocerystore owned by Sam E. Green, a white man, who was accusedof rapinghis
black teenagebabysitterwhile drivingher home. Lewis, a WorldWar II veteranand
A Tragedyofthe AmericanSouth (New
14On Scottsboro'spolitical infrastructure,see Dan T. Carter,Scottsboro:
York, 1971); and James Goodman, StoriesofScottsboro(New York, 1994). Over thirty national labor unions and
many more locals supported Recy Taylor.See "Pressrelease,"Feb. 3, 1945, folder 4, box 430, EarlConrad Collection (Cayuga Community College Library,Auburn, N.Y.). Other organizationsthat played an active role in Recy
Taylor'sdefense include the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, the National Council of Negro Women,
the Southern Negro Youth Congress, the National Negro Congress, the InternationalLaborDefense, and the Bir"PartialSponsor List," Dec. 28, 1944, ibid.; Earl Conrad,
mingham and Montgomery branches of the NAACP:
Eugene Gordon, and Henrietta Buckmaster,"EqualJustice under Law,"pamphlet draft, ibid.
15See Kimbroughand Kitchens, "Reportto GovernorChauncey Sparks";Harris,Kimbrough,and Kitchens to
Sparks, "SupplementalReport."See also "GrandJury Refuses to Indict Attackers,"PittsburghCourier,Feb. 24,
1945; "Dixie Sex Crimes againstNegro Women Widespread,"ChicagoDefender,n.d., ScrapbookCollection, Conrad Collection; "AlabamaRapists Came from Church to Join White Gang in Sex Crime," ChicagoDefender,
March 24, 1945, ibid.; and "AlabamaHas No Race Problem, Claims Official," ChicagoDefender,n.d., ibid.
16See Montgomery
Advertiser,April 5, 1949, p. 8A; ibid., April 6, 1949, p. IB; ibid., April 7, 1949, p. 2A; S. S.
Seay, I Was Thereby the Graceof God (Montgomery, 1990), 130-31. "Drew Pearson Changes Mind; Criticizes
City,"MontgomeryAdvertiser,May 3, 1949, p. 1A; ibid., May 21, 1949, p. lA; "Anglo-SaxonSystem of Justice,"
ibid., May 22, 1949, p. 2B.
Sexual
Violence
andAfrican
American
Freedom
913
footballcoachatAlabamaStateUniversity,
organizedotherveteransandmembersof
the Citizens'CoordinatingCommitteein the successfulcampaignto closethe store
andbringGreento trial."
The 1955 Montgomerybus boycottitself can be viewedas the most obvious
exampleof the AfricanAmericancommunitycoming to the rescueof a black
woman,RosaParks,thoughnot becauseof rape.WhenParkssatdownin a bus's"noman'sland"andwasarrestedfor refusingto giveup herseatto a whiteman,Montgomeryblacksfound the perfectwomanto rallyaround."Humbleenoughto be
claimedby the common folk,"TaylorBranchnotes, Rosa Parkswas "dignified
enoughin manner,speech,anddressto commandthe respectof the leadingclasses."
RosaParksfit the middle-classidealsof "chastity,Godliness,familyresponsibility,
and was the kind of womanaround
and properwomanlyconductand demeanor"
in
African
whichall the
Americans Montgomerycouldrally.It is clearthathersymbolic roleas icon of virtuousblackwomanhoodwas decisivein Montgomery.Rev.
MartinLutherKingJr.'sfirstspeechat Holt StreetBaptistChurchstressedthispoint.
"Andsinceit hadto happen,"the youngpreachertold the crowd,"I'mhappyit happenedto a personlike Mrs. Parks.Nobodycan doubtthe heightof her character;
nobodycandoubtthe depthof herChristiancommitment."18
insteadof other,less exemBy selectingRosaParksas the symbolof segregation
plaryblackwomenwho hadbeenarrestedon busesearlierin 1955, blackleadersin
and adheredto whatDarlene
Montgomeryembracedthe "politicsof respectability"
of dissemblance"
asa matterof politicalnecessityamidst
ClarkHinecallsthe "culture
the burningwhitebacklashthatthe 1954 SupremeCourtdecisionin Brownv.Board
The White Citizens'Councils,a kind of uptownKu Klux
of Educationsparked."9
formassiveresistance
to schoolintegration
led
the
movement
Klan,
by relyingheavily
As a result,anygender
on sexualscaretacticsandwhitefearsof racialamalgamation.
on thepartof AfricanAmericans
couldbe viewedasthreatening
or racialimpropriety
of segregation,
the socialorder.Forthe supporters
alwaysmeantmisce"integration
"sex
genation."Headlinesin the Citizens'Councilwarnedthat "mixedmarriage,"
of
black
men
white
were
of
and
accounts
stories
"typical
raping
girls
orgies,"
filtering
backfromareaswhereracialintegrationis proceeding'withalldeliberate
speed.'"20
17 "Rape Cry against Dixie Cops Fall on Deaf Ears,"BaltimoreAfro-American,
April 9, 1949, p. 1; Stewart
Burns, ed., DaybreakofFreedom:TheMontgomeryBusBoycott(Chapel Hill, 1997), 7; Joe Azbell quoted in "Cradle
of the Confederacy,"transcript, Will the CircleBe Unbroken,Southern Regional Council Web site (March 1997;
not currentlyavailable;printout in McGuire'spossession). Rufus A. Lewis story in Townsend Davis, WearyFeet,
RestedSouls:A GuidedHistoryof the Civil RightsMovement(New York, 1998), 34.
Americain the King Years,1954-1963 (New York, 1988), 130. Marissa
18 Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters:
Chappell, Jenny Hutchinson, and Brian Ward, "'Dress modestly, neatly . . . as if you were going to church':
Respectability,Class, and Gender in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the EarlyCivil Rights Movement,"in Gender in the Civil RightsMovement,ed. PeterJ. Ling and Sharon Monteith (New York, 1999), 87. Branch,Partingthe
Waters,130.
19Black leaders in Montgomery decided against using the arrestsof Claudette Colvin, an unwed pregnant
teenager, and Mary Louise Smith, the daughter of a local drunk, as test cases for desegregatingthe buses; see
Branch, Partingthe Waters,123-28; Lynn Olson, Freedom's
Daughters:The UnsungHeroesof the Civil RightsMovementfrom 1830-1970 (New York,2001), 94-95; and Chappell, Hutchinson, and Ward, "'Dressmodestly, neatly
... as if you were going to church,"'84.
20 Neil R. McMillen, The Citizens' Council:
OrganizedResistanceto the Second Reconstruction,1954-1964
(Urbana, 1994), 184, 186; see also Numan V. Bartley, TheRiseofMassive Resistance:Raceand Politicsin the South
914
TheJournal
ofAmerican
History
December
2004
In this environment,respectability
and dissemblancerequiredthat silencesurthathelpedcounternegativestereotypes
roundblacksexuality,a "cultof secrecy"
and
the
inner
lives
of
African
Americans
from
hidden
white
This
selfkept
people.
Americanwomen]who
imposedreticence,Hineargues,"impliedthatthose[African
millsand,evenmoreominously,torethe prospokeout providedgristfordetractors'
tectivecloaksfromtheirinnerselves."21
Silenceasstrategydidnot emergein themidtwentiethcentury;it had been a stapleof blackclubwomen's
politicssince Reconstruction,whenwhitescontinuedto use racistviolenceandsexualabuseto shoreup
whitesupremacy.
The cultureof dissemblance
doesnot meantherewasan unbrokenwallof silence.
Therearemomentsin historywhenthe painof violationor the opportunityforjustice forcedwomento comeforwardto speakout againsttheirabusers.Yetthis code
of secrecy,a politicalimperative
duringthe Montgomerybusboycott,helpedcreatea
void in the historicalrecord.As a result,violencetowardblackwomenhasnot been
as "vividlyand importantlyretainedin our collectivememory,"
ElsaBarkleyBrown
of
as
the
and
violence
black
men.22
claims,
lynching
against
In manyways,this cultureof dissemblance
silencedmorethan the survivorsof
historians
of
it
also
trained
the
black
freedom
rape;
struggleto ignorethe subjectof
blackwomen'sdissemblance.
Overthe pasttwo decades,historianshavesharpened
theirfocuson the genderedmeaningsof respectability,
but theyhavelost sightof the
rolerapeandthe threatof sexualviolenceplayedin the dailylivesof AfricanAmericanwomenas well aswithinthe largerblackfreedomstruggle.23
Yetthroughoutthe
South
African
American
as
womensuch RecyTaylorin 1944, Gertrude
Jim Crow
Perkinsin 1949, and BettyJean Owens in 1959 refusedto shield their pain in
of the politicsof respectability.
Followsecrecy,therebychallengingthe pervasiveness
in
of
their
the
Reconstruction-era
testified
about
they
footsteps
counterparts,
ing
theirassaults,leavingbehindcriticalevidencethathistoriansmustfind the courage
to analyze.
To be sure,blackwomen'srefusalto remainsilentaboutsexualviolenceduring
andafterslaverysuggeststhatthe cultureof dissemblance
functionedin tensionand
in tandemwith a traditionof testimony.Evenafterrespectability
becamethe key to
blackwomen'ssymbolicplacein the civilrightsmovementin the early1950s,however,a numberof AfricanAmericanwomencontinuedto speakout publiclyabout
being raped,and AfricanAmericancommunitymembersralliedto their defense.
too manyof thesestoriesremainburiedin the archives,yellowing
Unfortunately,
during the 1950s (Baton Rouge, 1969), 83-84; and Tom P. Brady,BlackMonday:Segregationor Amalgamation,
America Has Its Choice (Winona, Miss., 1955). The White Citizens' Councils counted approximately250,000
members throughout the South.
21
Hine, "Rapeand the Inner Lives of Black Women in the Middle West,"915.
22
Brown, "Negotiating and Transformingthe Public Sphere,"146.
23Historians of the modern day civil rights movement are beginning to build upon work that chronicled the
ways respectability,dignity, and manhood and womanhood shaped the strategiesand goals of the middle- and
working-classblack activists during Reconstruction and the ProgressiveEra; see, for example, Glenda Gilmore,
Genderand Jim Crow: Womenand the Politics of White Supremacyin North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill,
1999); and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, RighteousDiscontent: The Women'sMovement in the Black Baptist
Church,1880-1920 (Cambridge,Mass., 1993).
SexualViolenceandAfricanAmericanFreedom
915
newspapers,or the memoriesof the survivors,contributingto the historicalamnesia
about black women's experiences.And Montgomery, Alabama, was not the only
place in which attackson blackwomanhood fueled protestsagainstwhite supremacy.
Betty Jean Owens'sexperiencein Floridais evidence that a significantstory has been
missed acrossthe South.
When the four armedwhite men in TallahasseeforcedThomas Butterfieldand Richard Brown to get into their car and drive away,leaving Betty Jean Owens and Edna
Richardsonat the mercyof their assailants,the two blackmen did not abandonthem
but drovearoundthe cornerand waited.As the blue Chevroletdisappeareddown the
street, Brown and Butterfieldhurriedback to the scene. Edna Richardson,the black
woman who was able to get away,saw her friendsfrom her hiding spot, calledout to
them, and then ran to the car. Hoping to save Owens, the FloridaA&M students
rushedto the local police station to reportthe crime.24
Similar situations in other southern towns had typically left AfricanAmericans
without police aid. The officeron duty that night in Tallahasseewas Joe Cooke Jr.,a
nineteen-year-oldinternfrom the all-whiteFloridaStateUniversity.Much to the surprise of the three black students, he agreed to look for Owens and her assailants.
After a lengthy search, one of the students finally spotted the blue Chevrolet and
shouted, "That'sit!"It was just after4:00 a.m. Deputy Cooke turned on his flashers
and drove alongsidethe car.Attempting to escape,the kidnappersled Cooke "twisting and turning through the darkstreetsof Tallahasseeat speeds up to 100 miles per
hour." One of the white men suggested "dumpingthe nigger,"but William Collinsworthreplied,"wecan'tnow, he'son our tail."Finally,Collinsworthpulled the car
to the curb, grabbedhis shotgun, and got out of the car.Deputy Cooke drew his pistol and orderedall four to line up againstthe car or, he threatened,"I will shoot to
kill."25
As they waited for assistancefrom Cooke'ssupervisor,they heardmuffled screams
coming from the car. RichardBrown and Deputy Cooke peered through the rear
window and saw Betty Jean Owens, bound and gagged, lying on the backseatfloorboards. Brown tried to help her out of the car, but, as her feet touched the ground,
she collapsed. Cooke drove Betty Jean Owens and her friends to the local colored
hospital at FloridaA&M while Deputy SheriffW.W. Slappeyarrestedthe four white
men and drove them to the jailhouse.26
Laughingand joking on the way to the police station, the four white men apparently did not take their arrestseriously,nor did they think they had done anything
wrong. Collinsworth, for example,worried less about the chargesagainst him than
about the safety of his car. Deputy Sheriff Slappey revealedhis disgust when he
24"Deputy Tells of Confessions," Tallahassee
Democrat,June 12, 1959.
25Saunders,"Reporton TallahasseeIncident."
26"Deputy Tells of Confessions," Tallahassee
Democrat,June 12, 1959. Original reportsstated that Owens was
"bound and gagged,"but she later testified that she was only blindfolded; after she pulled the blindfold down, she
appearedto have been gagged.
916
TheJournal
ofAmerican
History
December
2004
handedthe menoverto SheriffRaymondHamlinJr."Theyall admittedit,"Slappey
said;"theydidn'tsaywhy theydid it and that'sall I'mgoingto sayaboutthis dirty
business."
WilliamCollinsworth,DavidBeagles,Ollie Stoutamire,
andPatrickScarboroughconfessedin writingto abductingBettyJeanOwensat gunpointandhaving
"sexualrelations"
with her.When SheriffHamlinaskedthe men to look overtheir
statementsandmakeanynecessary
DavidBeagles,smiling,bentoverthe
corrections,
tableand madeone minoradjustmentbeforehe andhis friendswerehustledoff to
jail.27
If the fourwhitemendid not taketheirarrestsseriously,
studentsat FloridaA&M
of
bus boyUniversityflewinto a rage.Manyof themwereveterans the Tallahassee
cott in 1957, a Montgomery-inspired
campaignthat highlightedthe trendin students' preferencefor direct action ratherthan the more respectableand slower
litigationfavoredby the NAACP
throughoutthe 1940sand 1950s.Whenthe students
heardnewsof the attackon Owensand the subsequentarrestof fourwhitemen, a
smallgroupplannedan armedmarchto city hallto let city officialsknowthatthey
white
werewillingto protectblackwomanhoodthe sameway whites"protected"
studentleaders
womanhood-with violenceor at leasta showof force.Mainstream
to
and patched
them
that
an
armed
march
was
"the
do"
persuaded
wrongthing
twelve
hours
afterBetty
on
a
demonstration
Sunday,May3, only
together "Unity"
JeanOwenswasadmittedto thehospitalandthefourwhitemenweretakento jail.28
FifteenhundredstudentsfilledLeeAuditorium,whereCliffordTaylor,president
of the StudentGovernment
Association,saidhe "wouldnot sit idly by and see our
sisters,wives,and mothersdesecrated."
Usinglanguagewhite men in powercould
studentleadersprofessedtheir"beliefin the dignity,respect,andprotecunderstand,
tion of womanhood"and announcedthat they would petitionthe governorand
otherauthorities
fora "speedyandimpartialtrial."29
the
next
Early
day,a thousandstudentsgatheredin the university's
grassyquadranwith
gle
signs,hymns,andprayersaimedat the nationalnewsmedia,whichsentout
and
storiesof the attackacrossthe country.The studentsplannedto showTallahassee
the restof the nationthatwhitemen couldno longerattackblackwomenwithout
consequence.Student protestersheld signs calling for "Justice";other posters
declared,"ItcouldhavebeenYOURsister,wife, or mother."Somestudentslinked
the attackin Tallahassee
to largerissuesrelatedto the blackfreedomstruggle:two
which read,
studentsheld up a posterdepictingscenesfromLittleRock,Arkansas,
of
How
Much
More
This
Can
We
Take."30
"MyGod
27
"FourWhites Seized in Rape of Negro,"New YorkTimes,May 3, 1959, p. A45.
On the Tallahasseebus boycott, see Glenda Alice Rabby, The Pain and the Promise:The Strugglefor Civil
A
Florida (Athens, Ga., 1999), 9-46. Robert M. White, "The TallahasseeSit-ins and CORE:
Rightsin Tallahassee,
Nonviolent RevolutionarySub-movement"(Ph.D. diss., FloridaState University, 1964), 65.
29White, "TallahasseeSit-ins and CORE,"
65.
30"RapistsFaceTrial,"Famuan, 27 (May 1959), 1, 3; "NegroesAsk Justicefor Co-ed
Rapists,"Atlanta Constitution, May 4, 1959, p. 2; "FourWhites Seized in Rape of Negro," New YorkTimes,May 3, 1959, p. A45; ibid.,
May 5, 1959, p. A23; "MassRape of Co-ed OutragesStudents,"LouisianaWeekly,May 9, 1959, p. 1; L'Osservatore
Romano,June 12, 1959; Herald Tribune-London,June 13, 1959; "Juryto Take Up Rape of Negro Co-ed,"Atlanta
Constitution,May 5, 1959, p. 5.
28
SexualViolence and AfricanAmericanFreedom
917
...
?- •L
,ZT•
i
,UL,
.Awr
i!t~i
..,
|,l:t
%iB?l
""
On May 4, 1959, over one thousand FloridaA&M students gatheredon the university'squadrangle to demand justice for Betty Jean Owens, a student at the historicallyblack college who
had been brutallyrapedby four white men two nights before. Courtesyof the Famuan,the Florida
A6&MUniversitystudentnewspaper,May 1959.
It was the deeply personalviolation that rape inflicts, however,that gave the students their focus. PatriciaStephensDue rememberedfeeling helplessand unsafe.She
recalled,"weall felt violated, male and female. It was like all of us had been raped."
The student leader Buford Gibson, speaking to a crowd, universalizedthe attack
when he said, "Youmust rememberit wasn'tjust one Negro girl that was raped-it
was all of Negro womanhood in the South."31By using Betty Jean Owens as a black
Everywoman,Gibson challengedmale students to rise up in protest and then placed
the protection of black womanhood in their hands. Gibson'sexhortation inspired
students at FloridaA&M to maintain their nonviolent demonstration,unlike white
men who historicallyused the protection of white womanhood to inspire mob violence againstblack men.
At about the same time, white men in Poplarville,Mississippi,used the protection
of womanhood as justificationfor the lynching of Mack CharlesParker,a black man
who was charged with the kidnapping and rape of a twenty-four-year-oldwhite
woman who could barely identify him in a police lineup. On April 25, 1959, two
days before his trial, a group of eight to ten white men obtained keys to Parker's
unguardedjail cell, savagelybeat him, and then draggedhim down three flights of
stairs and out of the building while he screamed"I'minnocent."FederalBureauof
Investigation(FBI)agents located Parker'sbloated body floating in the PearlRiveron
May 4, 1959, just two days after four white men gang-rapedBetty Jean Owens.32
31 PatriciaStephens Due telephone interview by McGuire, March 4, 1999 (notes in McGuire'spossession). See
also TananariveDue and PatriciaStephens Due, Freedomin the Family:A Mother-DaughterMemoirof the Fightfor
65.
Civil Rights(New York,2003), 40-41. White, "TallahasseeSit-ins and CORE,"
32 See Howard Smead, BloodJustice:The Lynching
ofMackCharlesParker(New York, 1988); Tyson, RadioFree
Dixie, 143; "LynchVictim Mack Parker'sBody Is Found," Tallahassee
Democrat,May 5, 1959.
918
TheJournal
ofAmerican
History
December
2004
The Parkerlynchingcast a shadowoverTallahassee,
brutallyremindingthe black
communitythat white women'sbodieswereoff limits,while the bodiesof black
womenwerefairgame.
mediacoverage,student-ledprotests,anda threatto boycottclassesat
Accelerating
FloridaA&M forcedJudgeW. MayWalkerto call membersof the grandjuryinto
on May6, 1959. Overtwo hundredblackspectators,
specialsessionin Tallahassee
into
the segregatedbalconyat the LeonCountyCourtstudents,
mostly
squeezed
houseto catcha glimpseof BettyJeanOwensandherattackers
beforetheyretreated
into the secrethearing.Stillundergoinghospitaltreatmentfor injuriesinflicteddurOwenswas accompaniedto the courting the attackand for "severedepression,"
houseby a nurse,the hospitaladministrator,
andhermother.33
and
moans
emanated
from
the
Gasps
balconywhen,aftertwohoursbehindclosed
and Ollie Stoutdoors,WilliamCollinsworth,DavidBeagles,PatrickScarborough,
amireemerged,calmlyfacedthe judge,andpleadedinnocentto the chargeof rape,
AfricanAmericansin the balconyroaredwith disapmakinga jurytrialmandatory.
Dr.
M.
C.
a
local
blackleader,shouted,"fourcoloredmen would
Williams,
proval.
be dead if the situationhad been reversed.It looks like an open and shut case."
Defenseattorneysfor Collinsworthand Scarborough
arguedfor a delay,insisting
thatpublicexcitementthreatened
a fairtrial,butJudgeWalkerignoredtheirobjections.Forthe firsttimein Floridahistory,a judgesentthewhitedefendantscharged
with rapinganAfricanAmericanwomanbackto jailto awaittheirtrial.Echoingthe
sentimentsof the peoplearoundhim, a youngboy traced"wewantjustice"in the
duston the railingof the segregated
balcony.34
Justicewasthe lastthingthe blackcommunityexpected.In the thirty-fouryears
sinceFloridabegansendingconvictedrapiststo the electricchairinsteadof the galAfricanAmericanschargedwith raping
lows,the statehad electrocuted
thirty-seven
whitewomen.Beforethis,Floridaled the countryin percapitalynchings,evensurpassingsuchnotoriouslyviolentstatesas Mississippi,Georgia,andLouisiana.From
1900 to 1930, white Floridianslynched281 people,256 of whom wereAfrican
American.Throughoutits history,Floridaneverexecutedor lyncheda whitemanfor
rapinga blackwoman.In this respect,Floridafollowedthe entireregion.Florida's
violent history includedthe "little Scottsboro"case involvingSamuelShepard,
WalterIrvin,and CharlesGreenlee,blackmen accusedof rapinga whitewomanin
Groveland,Florida,in 1949. Afterthe U.S. SupremeCourtoverturnedtheirguilty
verdicts in 1951, SheriffWillis McCall picked up Shepardand Irvin from Raiford
State Prisonto transferthem backto the county. On the way there, McCall pulled to
the side of the road and asked the two handcuffedmen to change the tire and then
33"4 Indicted in Rape of Negro Co-ed," New YorkHerald Tribune,May 7, 1959, p. 5; Moses Newson, "Leaves
Hospital to Give Testimony,"PittsburghCourier,May 16, 1959, pp. 1-2.
34 M. C. Williams quoted in "PackedCourt Hears Not Guilty,"PittsburghCourier,May 16, 1959, pp. 1-2;
"JudgeInstructsJury Here," TallahasseeDemocrat,May 6, 1959, p. 1; "Sobbing Co-ed Bares Ordeal,"Baltimore
Afro-American,May 16, 1959, p. 1; "Indictment for Rape,"criminal case file #3445, Florida v. Scarborough,BeaDemocrat,n.d., clipping, folder 4,
gles, Stoutamire,and Collinsworth;"FourPlead Not Guilty to Rape," Tallahassee
box 912, W. May WalkerPapers(Special Collections, Robert Manning StrozierLibrary,Florida State University,
Tallahassee).
SexualViolenceandAfricanAmericanFreedom
919
shot them both in the chest. He radioedhis boss and muttered, "I got rid of them;
killed the sons of bitches."WalterIrvin survivedthe shooting, but Samuel Shepard
died that day.35
In Tallahassee,memoriesof the "littleScottsboro"case hung over many members
of the AfricanAmericancommunity in 1954 when the state electrocutedAbraham
Beard, a seventeen-year-oldblack youth accused of raping a white woman. Apart
from the racesof the accuserand the accused,the Beardcase featureda cast of charactersalmost identicalto that of the Tallahasseecase five yearslater:an all-whitejury
had tried and convicted Beardin the same courtroomwhere BettyJeanOwens faced
her attackers.JudgeW. May Walkerpresided,and William D. Hopkins servedas the
state prosecutor.Harry Michaels, PatrickScarborough'sattorneyin 1959, served as
Beard'scourt-appointedattorneyin 1954. Both the "littleScottsboro"and the Beard
cases revealedthe extent to which the protection of white women servedas the ultimate symbol of white male power and the foundation of white supremacy.When
AfricanAmericansin Tallahasseedemandedequal justice for Betty Jean Owens, that
foundation began to crumble.36
News that four white men would actually face prosecution for raping a black
woman plunged both whites and blacksinto largelyunfamiliarterritory.It not only
highlightedthe bitter ironiesof segregationand "socialequality"but allowedAfrican
Americansto publicize them. According to the PittsburghCourier,the arraignment
made the "argumentsfor white supremacy,racialdiscrimination,and segregationfall
by the wayside"and the arguments against school desegregationseem "childishly
futile." "Time and again,"another newspapereditor argued, "Southernspokesmen
have protestedthat they oppose integrationin the schools only becauseit foreshadows a total 'minglingof the races.'The implication is that Negroes are hell-bent for
intimacy,while whites shrink back in horror.""Perhaps,"the writer argued,"asLillian Smith and other maverickSouthernershave suggested,it is not quite that simple."37
While prominent members of the white community expressedtheir shock and
horrorat the rape, they continued to stumble into old narrativesabout raceand sex.
The indictment helped incite age-old fearsof miscegenationand stereotypesof the
so-calledblack beast rapist.William H. Chafe arguesthat "merelyevoking the image
of 'miscegenation'could often suffice to ring the alarm bells that would mobilize a
solid phalanxof white resistanceto change."For example,white women aroundTallahasseebegan to speak openly about their "fearof retaliation,"while young white
couples avoidedparking"in the country moonlight lest some Negroes should be out
35Claude Sitton, "Negroes See Gain in Conviction of Four for Rape of Co-ed," New YorkTimes,June 15,
1959, p. Al. Statistics are from David R. Colburn and Richard K. Scher, Florida'sGubernatorialPolitics in the
TwentiethCentury(Gainesville, 1995), 13. Willis McCall quoted in Steven E Lawson, David R. Colburn, and
Darryl Paulson, "Groveland:Florida'sLittle Scottsboro,"in TheAfricanAmericanHeritageofFlorida, ed. David R.
Colburn and Jane L. Landers(Gainesville, 1995), 298-325, esp. 312.
36 See Moses J. Newson, "The Wind Blew, the Sky Was Overcast,"BaltimoreAfro-American,June 20, 1959;
Moses J. Newson, "Abraham'sShadow Hangs Low over Tallahassee,"ibid.; and Moses J. Newson, "His Mother
Can Never Forget Him," ibid.
37"AnotherDixiecrat Headache,"
PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959; "The Other Story,"n.d., clipping, folder
1, box 912, WalkerPapers.
920
TheJournalof AmericanHistory
December2004
hunting in a retaliatorymood." Reflectingthis fearas well as the largerconcernwith
social equality,Floridalegislators,like other lawmakersthroughoutthe South, passed
a seriesof racistbills designed to segregatechildrenin schools by sex in orderto circumvent the Brownv. BoardofEducationdecision and "reducethe chancesof interraThe extent to which the myth of the black beast rapist was a
cial marriage."38
of
white
fearswas neverclearerthan when the gang rapeof a blackwoman
projection
conjuredup terrorof black-on-whiterape.The fact that the black community rallied
aroundBettyJean Owens and her womanhood threatenedwhite male power-making the myth of the blacksavagea timely political tool.
Black leadersfrom all over the country eagerly used the rape case for their own
political purposes as well. Most focused on the lynching of black men in similar
cases, placing the crime against Betty Jean Owens into a largerdialogue about the
power strugglebetween black and white men. As A. D. Williams, a black businessman in Tallahassee,put it, "thewhite men areon the spot."Rev. Dennis H. Jamison
felt that the indictment of four white men indicateda "betterchance at Justicethan
any involving the racesin the South,"but, he added, "stillno white men have ever
been executed."Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Nation of Islam, expressedthis
viewpoint forcefully.Using almost the exact same languageas white supremacists,he
accused the "four devil rapists"of destroying the "virginity of our daughters."
"Appealsfor justice,"he fumed, "willavail us nothing. We know there is no justice
under the Americanflag.""39
Nearly all the editorialsin major black newspapersechoed his sentiments.
felt
Ella Baker,directorof the Southern ChristianLeadershipConference (SCLC),
that the evidence in the Tallahasseecase was so strong that "not even an all white
Floridajury could fail to convict."Remindingwhites of their tendency to mete out
unequaljustice towardblackmen, she warned,"withmemoriesof Negroes who have
been lynchedand executedon farless evidence,Negro leadersfrom all over the South
will certainlyexamineeverydevelopmentin this case. . . . What will Florida'sanswer
be?"The New YorkAmsterdamNews called for equal justice, noting that the "law
which calls for the death sentencedoes not say that Negro rapistsshould be punished
by death and white rapistsshould be allowed to live."The PittsburghCourierbet on
acquittal,despite the fact that the case "isas open and shut as a case can be."40
Martin LutherKing Jr., at the annual SCLC
meeting in Tallahasseea few days after
the indictment, praisedthe student protestersfor giving "hopeto all of us who struggle for human dignity and equal justice."But he temperedhis optimism with political savvy,calling on the federalgovernmentto force the country to practicewhat it
preachedin its Cold War rivalrywith the Soviet Union. "Violencein the South can
not be deplored or ignored," King declared, directing his criticism at President
38William H. Chafe, "Epilogue from Greensboro,North Carolina,"in DemocracyBetrayed,ed. Cecelski and
Democrat,June 14, 1959, p. 1; "PentUp Critique on
Tyson, 281-82. "Senateto Get RacialMeasures,"Tallahassee
the Rape Case,"ibid., May 14, 1959.
39PittsburghCourier,May 30, 1959, p. 3; "Mr.Muhammad Speaks,"PittsburghCourier,May 16, 1959.
40Ella Bakerquoted in PittsburghCourier,May 30, 1959, p. 3; see also Ransby,Ella Bakerand the BlackFreedom Movement,210. "Enforcethe Law,"New YorkAmsterdamNews, May 9, 1959; "WhatWill FloridaDo?,"PittsburghCourier,May 16, 1959.
Sexual Violence and African American Freedom
921
Another Sample of Separate But Unequal?
FOUR
ATTACKERS
ADMlTED
OF
FLA. COED
OF
SOUTHS
HISTORY
CONDEMNING
NEVER
A
RAP
iAl FOR
WOMAN
ACOLORED
- WH••TE
This cartoon,featuredin anAfricanAmericannewspaper,
placessexualviolenceat the cenAfricanAmericans'
ter of the civil rightscampaignfor equaljustice.It also demonstrates
southernwhite men went unpunishedfor sexuallyassaultingblack
beliefthat historically,
Baltimore
Afro-American,
women,evenwhentheyadmittedto the crime.Courtesy
May16,
1959.
Dwight D. Eisenhower;"withouteffective action, the situation will worsen."4'King
exploited a political context in which America'sracialproblemswere increasinglyan
internationalissue. The British BroadcastingCorporation (BBC)broadcastsegments
of the Florida A&M University student speeches condemning the rape and racial
injustice,while newspapersthroughoutEuropecloselywatched the case unfold. "Itis
ironical that these un-American outrages occur as our representativesconfer in
Geneva to expand democratic principles . . . it might well be necessary and expedi-
ent," King threatened,"to appeal to the conscience of the world through the Commission on Human Rights of the United Nations." This internationalangle was a
strategysharedby mainstreamintegrationists,leftist radicals,and black nationalists
alike. Audley "Queen Mother"Moore, leaderof the UniversalAssociation of Ethiopian Women, Inc., petitioned the United Nations Human Rights Commission in
person to end the "plannedlynch terrorand willful destructionof our people."She
Baltimore
41 "KingAsksIketo Go to Mississippi,"
Afro-American,
May23, 1959;seealsoMartinLutherKing
Jr.to CliffordC. Taylor,May5, 1959, in ThePapersofMartinLutherKing,ed. ClayborneCarsonet al. (vol.6,
Thanksto KieranTaylorforsendingme thisinformation.
Berkeley,
forthcoming).
922
TheJournalof AmericanHistory
December2004
tied issuesof race,gender,sex, and citizenshiptogetherby demandingJusticeDepartment assistancefor Betty Jean Owens'srape case, an FBI investigationof the Mack
CharlesParkerlynching, and basicvoting rights.42
RobertE Williams, militant leaderof the Monroe, North Carolina,chapterof the
NAACP,suggestedAfricanAmericansstand their ground and defend themselves.The
Parkerlynching, the Tallahasseerapecase, and two Monroe, North Carolina,casesin
which white men stood accusedof attackingblackwomen forcedWilliams to defend
racialpride and black womanhood. On May 6, 1959, B. E Shaw, a white railroad
engineer,had been exoneratedon chargesof beatingand kicking a blackmaid at the
Hotel Monroe, even though he did not show up for court. That same day, white
jurorsgiggled while Mrs. Mary Ruth Reed, a pregnantblack woman, testified that
Lewis Medlin, a white mechanic, beat and sexuallyassaultedher in front of her five
children. Medlin'sattorney argued that he was just having a little fun, that he was
marriedto a "lovelywhite woman . .. the pure flower of life,"whom he would not
dare leave for "that."The jury deliberatedfor less than ten minutes beforereturning
the not guilty verdict. It was the defilement of black womanhood and the humiliation of blackmanhood that inspiredWilliams to hurl his infamousvow to "meetviolence with violence."His exhortationset off a national controversy,culminating at
the 1959 NAACP convention where ExecutiveSecretaryRoy Wilkins suspendedWilliams for his remarks.Williams defended his position by citing the tragedyin Tallahassee. Had the "young black men who escorted the coed who was raped in
Tallahassee"been able to defend her,Williamsargued,they would have been justified
"eventhough it meant that they themselvesor the white rapistswere killed."43
Roy Wilkins sharedWilliams'sgender and race politics but not his methods for
achievingthem. In a letter to FloridagovernorLeRoy Collins, Wilkins invoked the
lynchings of Mack Charles Parkerand Emmett Till, noting that the victims' skin
color alone kept them from receiving a fair trial and that their deaths threatened
political embarrassmentat home and abroad."Fullpunishmenthas been certainand
swift in casesinvolvinga white victim and a Negro accused,"he said, "butthe penalty
has neither been certain nor heavy in cases involving a Negro victim and a white
accused . . . for these reasons,"Wilkins warned, "alleyes will be upon the state of
Florida."44
On June 11, 1959, at least four hundredpeople witnessedBettyJean Owens face her
attackersand testify on her own behalf. Owens approachedthe witness box with her
head bowed. She wore a white embroideredblouse and a black-and-salmonchecked
skirt with gold earrings.The African American press had cast her in the role of
42
"Reportfrom Europe,"BaltimoreAfro-American,May 23, 1959; "KingAsks Ike to Go to Mississippi,"ibid.
For the impact of the Cold Waron civil rights, see, for example, Mary L. Dudziak, Cold WarCivil Rights:Raceand
the ImageofAmericanDemocracy(Princeton, 2000); and Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold Warand the ColorLine:
AmericanRaceRelationsin the GlobalArena(Cambridge,Mass., 2001). "Appealto U.N. to Stop Race Violence,"
Louisiana Weekly,May 9, 1959, p. 1.
43Tyson, RadioFreeDixie, 145-5 1, esp. 148, 149; ibid., 163-65.
44 Roy Wilkins to LeRoy Collins, May 6, 1959, box A91, series III, NAACP
Papers.
Sexual
Violence
American
andAfrican
Freedom
923
womanhoodby characterizing
heras a God-fearing,
middle-class
respectable
college
co-ed "raisedin a hard-working
Christianhousehold"with parentsdevotedto the
Unlikewhite
"simpleveritiesof life thatmakeup the backboneof our democracy."
were
often
able
to
the
role
"fair
who
of
maiden"
before
a lynchmob
women,
plaiy
workedits will on theirallegedattackers,BettyJeanOwenshad to tell her story
knowingthat the four white men who rapedher might go unpunished.Worse,
Owenshadto describethe attackin frontof hundredsof whitepeoplein a segregated
institutionthatinherentlydeniedherhumanity.45
Thoughit mayseemunnecessary,
evenlurid,to bearwitnessto the detailsof hertestimonytoday,it is crucialthatwe
hearthe sametestimonythatthe jurorsheard.Owens'swillingnessto identifythose
who attackedherandto testifyagainstthemin publicbrokethe institutionalsilence
surroundingthe centuries-longhistoryof white men'ssexualviolationof black
women,madea whitesouthernjudgeandjuryrecognizeherwomanhoodand dignity, and counteredeffortsto shameor stereotypeher as sexuallyunchaste.As a
result,hertestimonyaloneis a momentousevent.
Owensremainedstrongas stateprosecutorWilliamHopkinsaskedher to detail
the attackfromthe momentshe andher friendsleft the FloridaA&M dance.This
"WewereonlyparkednearJakeGaitherParkfor
shedidpowerfully
andemotionally.
fifteenminutes,"she said,when "fourwhitemen pulledup in a 1959 blueChevroas the manwho pressedthe shotguninto her
let."SheidentifiedPatrickScarborough
date'snoseandyelled,"Getout andget out now."WhenOwensbeganto cry,David
Beaglespresseda "wickedlookingfoot longknife"to herthroatandforcedherdown
to the ground.He thenpulledherup,slappedher,andsaid,"Youhaven'tanythingto
worryabout."OwenstestifiedthatBeaglespushedherinto the carandthen"pushed
my headdownin his lapandyelledat me to be quietor I wouldneverget home.""I
knewI couldn'tget away,"she stated;"I thoughttheywouldkill me if I didn'tdo
what they wanted me to do."46
Shecontinuedwith the horriddetails.As the carpulledoff the highwayandinto
the woods, "theone with the knife pulledme out of the car and laid me on the
ground."Owenswasstillwearingthe goldandwhiteeveninggownastheytuggedat
the dressand "pulledmy pantiesoff."She pleadedwith themto let hergo and not
hurtherwhenBeaglesslappedheragain.Shethentoldhoweachone rapedherwhile
shewas"beggingthemto let me go ... I wasso scared,buttherewasnothingI could
do with fourmen,a knife,anda gun ... I couldn'tdo anythingbutwhattheysaid."
Owenstestifiedthatthe men eagerlywatchedone anotherhaveintercourse
with her
the firsttime aroundbut lost interestduringthe secondround."Twoof themwere
workingon takingthe car'slicenseplateoff,"shesaid,"whilethe oldestone"offered
her some whiskey."I neverhad a chance to get away,"she said quietly;"I was on the
Democrat,
May4, 1959.On the "fairmaiden,"seeHall,"'TheMindThatBurnsin EachBody,"'
45Tallahassee
335.
Courier,
Democrat,
46"IWasScared,"
June20, 1959;see also "DidNot Consent,"Tallahassee
June
Pittsburgh
Amsterdam
News,June20, 1959, p. 1;AtlantaConstitution,
11, 1959;"RapeCo-edsOwn Story,"New York
June
12, 1959;"NegroGirlTellsJuryof Rapeby Four,"New YorkTimes,June12, 1959,p. A16. Coverageof Owens's
cited.
testimonywasnearlyidenticalin newspapers
924
ofAmerican
TheJournal
History
2004
December
groundfortwo or threehoursbeforethe one with theknifepushedme backinto the
andBeacar."Afterthe menhadcollectivelyrapedherseventimes,OllieStoutamire
her
with
a
her
onto
the
floorboards
of the
blindfolded
and
babydiaper pushed
gles
all
felt
car
When
she
heard
the
sirens
and
the
and
drove
car,
away.
they
stop,
police
she pulledthe blindfolddown and beganyellingfor help.Afterpoliceorderedthe
menout of the car,Owensrecalled,"Iwasso scaredandweakandnervousthatI just
fell on the ground and that is the last thing I remember."47
BettyJean Owens then describedthe physicalinjuriesshe sustainedfrom the
useless"to herfor several
attack."Onearmand one leg,"she said,"werepractically
A
while
was
she
at
the
nurse
had
to
days
hospital.
accompanyherto the grandjury
hearinga few daysafterthe attack,andshe neededmedicationforseveredepression.
She alsohad a largebruiseon her breastwherethe bodicestayfromher dressdug
into her skin as the fourmen pressedtheirbodiesinto hers.Askingher to identify
some of the exhibits,Hopkinsflippedopen the switchbladeused the night of the
the fourdefenseattorneysjumped
attack,startlingsomeof the jurors.Immediately
for
and
called
a
that
mistrial,arguing "byflashingtheknifeMr.Hopvehemently
up
kinstriedto inflamethejuryandthisprejudiced
theirclients'constitutional
rightsto
a fairtrial."JudgeWalkerdeniedtheirmotion,signalingHopkinsto continue.When
askedwhethersheconsented,OwensclearlytoldHopkinsandthejury,"Nosir,I did
not."48
DefenseattorneysgrilledOwensfor morethanan hour,tryingto provethatshe
consentedbecauseshe neverstruggledto get awayandthatshe actuallyenjoyedthe
sexualencounter."Didn'tyou deriveanypleasurefromthat?Didn'tyou?"the attorHe keptpressingher,"Whydidn'tyou yell
ney HowardWilliamsyelledrepeatedly.
or screamout?""Iwas afraidtheywouldkill me,"Owenssaidquietly.She showed
signsof angerwhenWilliamsrepeatedlyaskedif she was a virginin an attemptto
characterize
her as a stereotypicalblackjezebel.Owens retainedher composure,
refusedto answerquestionsaboutherchastity,andresistedeffortsto shameher.The
defensemadea last-ditcheffortto discreditOwensby arguingthat,if theyoungmen
hadactuallyrapedherandthreatened
herlife,shewouldhavesustainedmoresevere
injuries.49
Proceedingwith the state'scase,WilliamHopkinscalledthe doctors,both black
andwhite,who examinedOwensafterthe attack.Theytoldthejurythattheyfound
her in a terribleconditionand thatshe "definitely
had sexualrelations"
thatcaused
the injuriesthat requireda five-dayhospitalstay.RichardBrown,ThomasButterfield, and Edna Richardsontook the stand next. They all corroboratedOwens'stestimony, adding that after the attack Owens was "crying,hysterical,and jerking all
Democrat,June 11, 1959; ibid.; ibid.; "I Was Scared,"PittsburghCourier,
47 "Did Not Consent," Tallahassee
Democrat,June 11, 1959; ibid.; see also CharlotteObserver,
June 20, 1959, p. 1; "Did Not Consent," Tallahassee
June 12, 1959, p. 1A.
Democrat,June 11, 1959; "I Was Scared,"PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959;
48 "Did Not Consent," Tallahassee
"State'sexhibits"(knife) in criminal case file #3445, Florida v. Scarborough,Beagles,Stoutamire,and Collinsworth,
1959.
49 "RapeCo-eds Own Story,"New YorkAmsterdamNews, June 20, 1959, p. 1; "I Was Scared,"PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959, p. 1; see also "FourBegin Defense in Trialon Rape,"New YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13.
Sexual
Violence
andAfrican
American
Freedom
925
over."BrowntestifiedthatScarborough
pointedthe shotgunintohis carwindowand
to kneelin frontof its headlights.DefenseattorneyJohn
orderedhim andButterfield
was it a "singleor doublebarrelshotgun
RuddaskedBrownon cross-examination,
they pointedinto your car?"Brownreplied,"I only saw one barrel,sir."Laughter
rolleddownfromthe balcony,upsettingRudd."Icannot workwith thisduressand
disorderat my back,a boy'slife is at stakehere!"JudgeWalkercalledfor orderand
the spectators.50
When the prosecutionfinallyrestedits caseat 8:30
reprimanded
on
defense
11,
June
attorneysmovedfora directedverdictof acquittal,claiming
p.m.
the statefailedto proveanythingexceptsexualintercourse.
JudgeWalkervigorously
the
motion
denied
and insistedthe defensereturnthe next day to presenttheir
defense.
Amida seaof peoplein the tiny courtroom,DavidBeagles,an eighteen-year-old
high schoolstudent,sat rigidlyon the stand,pushinga ringbackand forthon his
fingeras he answeredquestionsfromhis attorney.His motherburiedherheadin her
armsas she listenedto herson tell the juryhis sideof the story.Beaglestestifiedthat
he hada knifeandWilliamCollinsworth
hada shotgun.The fourof themwereout
"lookingaroundfor Negroeswho had been parkingnearCollinsworth's
neighborhood andbotheringthem."Whentheycameuponthe FloridaA&M students,Beabut thensaidhe put it awaywhenhe sawthey
glesadmittedholdingthe switchblade
weredressedin formalwear.He admittedthattheyorderedBrownandButterfield
to
driveawaybut insistedthat he "askedthe girlsto get into the car."He deniedthe
rape,arguingthatOwensconsentedandevenaskedthemto takeher"backto school
to changeherdress."Undercross-examination,
Beaglesadmittedthathe "pushedher,
...
once
not
into
the
"Ifyou do whatwe wantyou to,
that
he
hard,"
car,
said,
just
we'lllet you go,"andthathe blindfoldedherwith a diaperafterthe attack.Defense
attorneyHowardWilliamsthen askedJudgeWalkerto removethe juryas Beagles
detailedthe confessionhe madethe nightof the crime.Williamsarguedthatwhen
policeofficersarrestedthe youngmen,they"werestillgroggyfroma nightof drinking," makingtheir confessionsinadmissible.Under Hopkins'scross-examination,
to sayanything,thathis confeshowever,Beaglesadmittedthathe wasnot pressured
sionwasvoluntary,andthathe actuallylookedoverthewrittenstatementandmade
an adjustment.51
PatrickScarborough,
who admittedthathe wasmarriedto a womanin Texas,testifiedthathe hadintercourse
with Owenstwicebut emphatically
deniedusingforce.
When Hopkins questionedhim, Scarboroughadmittedthat Owens pleaded,"please
don'thurt me,"but he insistedthat she offered"no resistance."He denied kissingher
at first and then said he kissedher on the neck while he had sex with her.52
50 Doctors quoted in "RapeCo-eds Own Story,"New YorkAmsterdamNews, June 20, 1959, p. 1; also in "Four
Begin Defense in Trialon Rape,"New YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13; friends quoted in "Did Not Consent,"
TallahasseeDemocrat,June 11, 1959; John Rudd and Richard Brown quoted in "Deputy Tells of Confessions,"
ibid., June 12, 1959.
51Anderson, "RapistsMissed Out on First Selection," PittsburghCourier,June 20, 1959, p. 3; "Four Begin
Defense in Trial on Rape,"New YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13; Howard Williams quoted in "Rape Defendants Claim Consent," Tallahassee
Democrat,June 13, 1959.
52"Negro Co-ed Gave Consent, Rape Defendants Tell
Jury,"Atlanta Constitution,June 13, 1959.
926
TheJournalof AmericanHistory
December2004
Defenseattorneysfocusedon discreditingOwensinsteadof defendingtheirclients becausethe prosecutionrepeatedlydrewself-incriminating
informationfrom
them.StateprosecutorHopkinsarguedthat"theysimplyhaveno defense."Defense
attorneystriedto useeachman'signoranceto provehis innocence,highlightingtheir
low IQ'sandpooreducations.Whenthatfailed,theydetailedthe dysfunctional
historiesof eachdefendant,as thoughto diminishtheviciousnessof the crimeby offering
witnessesforWilliamCollinsworth,
a rationaleforthe men'sdepravity.
Character
for
his
home
life
member
and
described
sordid
example,
drinkingproblem.Nearlyevery
of Collinsworth's
familytookthe stand,spillingsorrowfulstoriesabouttheirpoverty
anddysfunction.His sister,MaudineReeves,brokedownon thestandandhadto be
rushedto the hospital.His wife,Pearlie,told thejurythroughsobsandtearsthathe
was"nothimselfwhenhe wasdrunk,"butwhenhe wassober"youcouldn'taskfora
betterhusband."
On thestand,shefailedto mentionwhatherletterto thejudgehad
beather.Whenthatdid not seemto work,
madeexplicit:thatherhusbandregularly
switched
and
defenseattorneys
gears attemptedto portraytheirclientsas reputable
youngmenwhowereincapableof rape.Friendsandfamilymembersalltestifiedthat
a cousin
OllieStoutamire,
theseyoungmen "weregoodboys,"andthatin particular
moral
intenbut
and
of Tallahassee
chief
Frank
had
Stoutamire, "nothing pure
police
tions."53
Finally,the defenseappealedto the jury'sprejudices.Collinsworthblamedhis
actionson the "Indianblood"pulsingthroughhis veins;the Pensacolapsychiatrist
Dr.W. M. C. Wilhoitbackedhim up whenhe argued,"Itis a knownfactthatindividualsof the Indianracereactviolentlyand primitivelywhen psychoticor intoxicated."WhenCollinsworth
addedalcoholto his "Indianblood,"Wilhoitargued,"he
wasunableto discernthe natureandqualityof the crimein question."The attorney
The defenfor Ollie Stoutamire,city judgeJohnRudd,blamed"outsideagitators."
dants are "beingpublicizedand ridiculedto satisfysadistsand people in other
places,"Rudd yelled duringclosingarguments."Lookat that little skinny,long
boy. Does he look like a mad rapistwho shoulddie . . .
leggedsixteen-year-old
thatlittleboy becausehe happenedto be in the wrong
shouldwe kill or incarcerate
placeat thewrongtime?"54
In theirsummationsto the jury,defenseattorneysS. GunterToneyand Harry
MichaelsfollowedRudd'slead.Michaelsinsistedthat"thecrimehereis insignificant
. the pressure,clamor,and furorarecompletelyout of proportion."
Pointingto
in Rape Case; Escape Chair; 2 hr 45 min Verdict Calmly
13 William Hopkins quoted in "Four Convicted
Received in Court," Tallahassee
Democrat,June 14, 1959, p. 1; PearlieCollinsworth and friends quoted in "Rape
Defendants Claim Consent," ibid., June 13, 1959; Maudine Reeve'shistory of Ted Collinsworth, "State'sexhibit
#15," criminal case file #3445, Floridav. Scarborough,Beagles,Stoutamire,and Collinsworth,1959; letter from Mrs.
W. T. Collinsworth, "State'sexhibit #16," ibid.
54W. M. C. Wilhoit's testimony in "Motion for Leave to File Notice of Defense of Insanity,"May 28, 1959,
criminal case file #3445, Floridav. Scarborough,Beagles,Stoutamire,and Collinsworth,1959. "FourBegin Defense
in Trialon Rape,"New YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13; John Rudd quoted in "FourGuilty of Raping Negro;
FloridaJury Votes Mercy,"ibid., June 14, 1959, p. 1; Arthur Everett, "Four Convicted in Florida Rape Case,"
WashingtonPost, June 14, 1959; "InsanityPlea Preparedas Rape Case Defense," TallahasseeDemocrat,May 28,
1959; "Mental Exam Set for Collinsworth,"ibid., May 29, 1959; "Four Begin Defense in Trial on Rape,"New
YorkTimes,June 13, 1959, p. A13.
Sexual
Violence
andAfrican
American
Freedom
927
Michaelstold thejury,"hismotives,intentions,anddesignsthatnight
Scarborough,
were wholesome,innocentand decent."The fact that Owens could "haveeasily
walkedten feetinto the woodswherenobodycouldfindher,"Michaelssaid,proved
she consented.Wavinghergoldandwhitegownin frontof the jury,he pointedout
that it was "notsoiled or torn,"which he said provedno brutalitywas involved.
Finally,he calledforan acquittal,arguingthatthejurycouldnot possiblyconvicton
the basisof "onlyone witness-the victim,and confessionsthatadmittedonly one
fact-sexual intercourse."
balcony,CharlesU. Smith,a sociSittingin the segregated
at
Florida
said
he
A&M University,
ologist
gaspedwhenhe heardHowardWilliams
yell,"Areyou goingto believethisniggerwenchoverthesefourboys?""55
In hissummation,prosecuting
attorneyWilliamHopkinsjumpedup, grabbedthe
and
Owens's
BettyJean
shotgun
promdress,and appealedto the juryfor a conviction.
twocoloredboysandtheirmoronfriends
attacked
Mrs.Beagles'
Suppose
daughter
... hadtakenherat gunpointfroma carandforcedherinto a secludedplaceand
of whethertheysecuredherconsentor not, hadintercourse
withher
regardless
seventimes,leaving
herin sucha condition
thatshecollapsed
andhadto behospitalized?
BettyJeanOwens,he said,"didn'thavea chancein the worldwith fourbig boys,a
loadedgun anda knife.Shewaswithinan inch of losingherlife ... she wasgangrapedSEVENtimes.""Whenyou get to the questionof mercy,"he told the jury,
thattheywouldn'tevenlet thatlittlegirlwhimper."56
"consider
Restlessspectators,
courthouse,piled
squeezedinto everycornerof the segregated
backinto theirseatswhen jurorsemergedafterthreehoursof deliberation
with a
decision.An additionalthreehundredAfricanAmericansheld a silentvigiloutside.
A. H. King,the juryforemanand a local plantationowner,slowlyreadaloudthe
for mercy."
jury'sdecisionfor all four defendants:"guiltywith a recommendation
The recommendation
for mercysavedthe four men from the electricchairand,
clearthatthe death
"madeit inescapably
Afro-American,
accordingto the Baltimore
for
for
men
is
accused
white
women."
A. H. King
colored
by
penalty rape only
defendedthe mercyrulingby arguingthat "therewas no brutalityinvolved"and
insisted,implausiblyenough,that the decisionwould havebeen the same"if the
defendantshad been fourNegroes.""57
JudgeWalkerdeferredsentencingfor fifteen
the
sent
the
cleared
and
fourwhitemento Raifordprison.
courtroom,
days,
AfricanAmericanswho attended the trial quietly made their way home after the
bittersweet verdict. Betty Jean Owens's mother told reportersthat she was "just
happy that the jury upheld my daughter'swomanhood."Rev.A. J. Reddick,former
55"FourGuilty of Raping Negro; FloridaJuryVotes Mercy,"New YorkTimes,June 14, 1959, p. Al. CharlesU.
Smith interview by Jackson Lee Ice, 1978, in Jackson Lee Ice Interviews, Florida GovernorsManuscript Collection (Special Collections, StrozierLibrary);verified in Charles U. Smith telephone interview by McGuire, March
9, 1999 (notes in McGuire'spossession).
56 "PrecedentSeen in Rape Trial,"TampaTribune,June 15, 1959; Tallahassee
Democrat,June 14, 1959, p. 1.
57 "Verdict,"June 14, 1959, criminal case file #3445, Florida v. Scarborough,Beagles,Stoutamire,and Collinsworth,1959. "Guilty as Charged,"BaltimoreAfro-American,June 20, 1959; A. H. King quoted in "No Brutality Proof, Says FloridaJury,"Atlanta Constitution,June 15, 1959, p. 1.
928
ofAmerican
TheJournal
History
2004
December
headof the FloridaNAAce,
snapped,"Ifit hadbeenNegroes,theywouldhavegotten
he said, "hasmaintainedan excellentrecordof not
the deathpenalty.""Florida,"
veeringfromits patternof neverexecutinga whitemanforthe rapeof a Negro,"but
thatthe convictionwas"astepforward."
he acknowledged
BettyJeanOwensshowed
in
Amsterdam
News."Itis somea similarambivalence an interviewby the New York
thing,"she said;"I'mgratefulthat twelvewhite men believedthe truth,but I still
wonderwhattheywouldhavedoneif one of ourboysrapeda whitegirl."58
FloridaA&M students,who had criticizedButterfieldand Brownfor failingto
protectblackwomanhooda weekearlier,werevisiblyupsetafterthe trial.In fact,letcondemnedthe two men
tersto the editorsof manyAfricanAmericannewspapers
women.Mrs.C. A. C. in New York
and all blackmen for failingto protect"their"
City felt that all Negromen were"mice"and not worthyof respectbecause"they
standby and let the white men do anythingthey want to our women."She then
warnedallblackmenthatthey"wouldneverhavefreedomuntil[they]learnto stand
a blackmanacceptedher
up and fight."In a letterto the Baltimore
Afro-American,
he
to
our
own
we
decide
"unless
women,"
protect
argued,"noneof them
challenge:
A
will be safe."SomeAfricanAmericanwomenfelt theyshouldprotectthemselves.
whitewomansentherblackmaidhomeone dayaftershecameto workwitha knife,
Democrat.
"incaseanywhitemancameafterher,"reportedthe Tallahassee
Still,many
felt that"someoneshouldhaveburned."59
Despitetheirangerat the unequaljusticemetedout, someAfricanAmericansin
the communityconsideredtheguiltyverdicta victory.The ReverendC. K. SteeleJr.,
saidit showedprogress,remindingothers
headof theTallahassee
chapterof the SCLC,
haveevenbeenarrestedtwentyyearsago."The Reverthatfourwhitemen "wouldn't
sawa strategyin the mercy
end LeonA. Lowery,statepresidentof the FloridaNAACP,
He thoughtthatit couldhelp "Negroesmorein the long run"by
recommendation.
AfterJudgeWalkerhanded
settinga precedentforequaljusticein futurerapecases.60
down life sentencesto the fourwhite men, someAfricanAmericansin Tallahassee
applaudedwhattheyfelt wasa significantstep in the rightdirection;manyothers,
however,exhibitedoutrage.RoyWilkinsopenlypraisedtheverdictas a movetoward
in a privateletterthe "glaringcontrastthatwasfurequaljusticebut acknowledged
verdict."In light of the recentlynchingof MackCharles
nishedby the Tallahassee
Parker,no one reallyhad to wonderwhatwouldhavehappenedhad the attackers
been black.Editorsof the LouisianaWeekly
calledthe triala "figmentand a farce"
58Sitton, "NegroesSee Gain in Conviction of Four for Rape of Co-ed,"New YorkTimes,June 15, 1959, p. Al;
"I'mLeavingDixie," New YorkAmsterdamNews,June 20, 1959.
59Apparentlystudents at FloridaA&M ostracizedThomas Butterfieldand Richard Brown for failing to protect Betty Jean Owens and Edna Richardson;students thought they ought to have shown some "physicalresistance"ratherthan run away from the "pointof a knife and gun":"I'mLeavingDixie," New YorkAmsterdamNews,
June 20, 1959. "Hits Negro Men," ibid., June 6, 1959, p. 8. "WilliamsWas Right,"BaltimoreAfro-American,June
27, 1959; "Four Convicted in Rape Case," TallahasseeDemocrat,June 14, 1959, p. 7; "I'm Leaving Dixie," New
YorkAmsterdamNews, June 20, 1959.
60Sitton, "NegroesSee Gain in Conviction of Four for Rape of Co-ed,"New YorkTimes,June 15, 1959, p. Al.
"NegroesSay They Will Use TallahasseeCase as Precedentin Rape Trials,"TampaTribune,June 15, 1959. Later
that summer, Leon A. Lowery and others helped launch a successful campaign to highlight the unequal justice
meted out for black men accused of rapingwhite women. See also TrezzvantW. Anderson, "FourFloridaRapists
Near Chair,"PittsburghCourier,July 4, 1959.
SexualViolenceandAfricanAmericanFreedom
929
and insistedthat anyonewho praisedthe verdict"confessesthat he sees nothing
wrong with exacting one punishment for white offendersand another,more severe
for others."6'
Any conviction was too much for some whites who felt that sending four white
mento jailforrapinga blackwomanupsetthe entirefoundationof whitesupremacy.
conMany believedthe guilty verdictwas the resultof a Communist-inspiredNAACP
Lettersto JudgeWalkerfeaspiracy,whichwouldultimatelyleadto miscegenation.
tured a host of common fearsand raciststereotypesof black men and women. Fred
G. Millette remindedthe judge that a conviction "wouldplay into the hands of the
WarrenCourt,theNAACP,
andallotherradicalenemiesof the South... eventhough
the niggerwench probablyhad been with a dozen men before."Mrs. LauraCox
wrote to JudgeWalkerthat she fearedthis case would strengthendesegregation
efforts,posing a direct threatto white childrenwho might attend integratedschools.
"Ifthe Southis integrated,"
sheargued,"whitechildrenwill be in dangerbecausethe
all the time."Petitioning
Negroescarryknives,razors,ice picks,andgunspractically
JudgeWalkerfor leniency,Mrs.BillArenremindedhim to rememberthat "Negro
women like to be rapedby the white men"and that "somethinglike this will help the
SupremeCourt force this low bred raceahead, makingwhites live and eat with him
andallowhis childrento associatewith the littleapes,growup andmarrythem."62
It is ironicthata rapecaseinvolvinga blackwomanand fourwhitemen would
conjureup imagesof the blackbrutechasingwhitewomenwith the intentto moncaseatteststo the persistenceof suchimages
grelizethe white race.The Tallahassee
decadesafterReconstruction,
when the mythological"incubus"
took flight,justifymob
violence
a
of
and
terror
the
South.
Anxieties
aboutthe
ing
reign
throughout
blackbeastrapistandfearsof miscegenation
when
white
surfaced
men
conveniently
fearedlosingtheirmonopolyon power.As Frederick
Douglassnotednearlya century
earlier,the mythof the blackmanas a rapistwasan "inventionwith a well defined
The rapeof BettyJeanOwensremindsus thatthe maintenance
motive."63
of white
reliedon boththe racialandsexualdominationof blackmenandwomen.
supremacy
Whiletheverdictwaslikelythe confluenceof localizedissues-a politicallymobilizedmiddle-class
AfricanAmericancommunity,the lower-class
statusof the defendants (who werepoliticallyexpendable),Florida's
statusas a "moderate"
southern
statedependenton northerntourism,andmediapressure-it had far-reaching
conThe
Tallahassee
case
national
attention
on
the
focused
sexual
exploitasequences.64
tion of blackwomen at the handsof white men, leadingto convictionselsewherethat
61
Roy Wilkins to FredrickCunningham, June 23, 1959, box A91, seriesIII, NAACP
Papers;"This Is Not Equal
Justice,"LouisianaWeekly,
July 4, 1959.
62 FredG. Millette to Judge W. May Walker,June 15, 1959, box 912, folder 1, WalkerPapers;Mrs. LauraCox
to JudgeWalker,June 15, 1959, ibid.; Mrs. Bill Aren to JudgeWalker,June 15, 1959, ibid.
63On the "incubus,"see Glenda Gilmore, "Murder,
Memory, and the Flight of the Incubus," in Democracy
Betrayed,ed. Cecelski and Tyson, 73-93. FrederickDouglass quoted in MarthaHodes, WhiteWomen,BlackMen:
Illicit Sex in the Nineteenth-CenturySouth (New Haven, 1997), 206.
64 For information on Florida's"moderate"racial politics, see Tom Wagy, GovernorLeRoyCollins of Florida:
Spokesmanof the New South (University,Ala., 1985); and Steven E Lawson, "FromSit-in to Race Riot: Businessmen, Blacks, and the Pursuit of Moderation in Tampa, 1960-1967," in SouthernBusinessmenand Desegregation,
ed. ElizabethJacowayand David R. Colburn (Baton Rouge, 1982), 257-81.
930
TheJournal
ofAmerican
History
December
2004
summer.In Montgomery,
Alabama,GradyE Smith,a retiredairforcecolonel,was
sentencedto fourteenmonthsof hardlaborfor rapinga seventeen-year-old
African
In
North
Lee
a
Americangirl. Raleigh,
Betts, thirty-six-year-old
Carolina,Ralph
white man, was sentencedto life imprisonmentfor kidnappingand molestingan
AfricanAmericangirl.And in Burton,SouthCarolina,an all-white
eleven-year-old
sent
a
white
marinenamedFredDavisto theelectricchair-a firstin thehistory
jury
AfricanAmericanwoman.In each
of the South-for rapinga forty-seven-year-old
blackwomenwho testifalteredin the faceof the courageous
case,whitesupremacy
fiedon theirown behalf.65
BettyJeanOwens'sgrandmother
recognizedthe historicandpoliticalsignificance
of theverdicts."I'velivedto see the day,"shesaid,"wherewhitemenwouldreallybe
broughtto trialforwhattheydid."JohnMcCray,editorof the SouthCarolinaLightandelsewherepointed
houseandInformer,
wonderedif the convictionsin Tallahassee
the
South
to
to
to "defensive
taken
try disprovethatit discrimiby
"belatedly
steps"
nates againstcoloredpeople."Still, he realizedthe importanceof guiltyverdicts.
he argued"goesbackto the daysof slaverywhenourwomen
"Thisforcedintimacy,"
werethe chattelpropertyof whitemen."ForMcCray,the life sentencesindicateda
new day:"Arewe now witnessingthe arrivalof our women?Are they at long last
they'veneeded?"66
gainingthe emancipation
betweenthe convictionof whitemen for rapingblack
connection
JohnMcCray's
womenand blackwomen'semancipationraisesimportantquestionsthathistorians
anddigarejustbeginningto ponder.How did the dailystruggleto gainself-respect
in
men
out
the
black
in
of
what
it
meant
to
be
and
rooted
ideas
women,
nity,
play
freedomstruggle?It is not just a coincidencethatblackcollegestudents,struggling
for theirown identityand independence,sparkedthe sit-in movementsoon after
PatriciaStephensDue, who felt
BettyJeanOwenswasbrutallyraped.In Tallahassee,
thatthe rapesymbolizedan attackon the dignityandhumanityof allAfricanAmericans,organizedthe city'sfirstCongressof RacialEquality(CORE)
chapterjust six
memberslaunchedan uneventfulsit-in
weeksafterOwens'strial.FloridaA&MCORE
like
black
that
other
students
fall,
but,
throughoutthe South,successfully
campaign
local
lunch
and
counters,theaters, departmentstoresin the springof
desegregated
andSNCC.67
1960.The studentslaterled the "jail,no bail"tacticpopularized
by SCLC
Whilethe rapealonemaynot havebeenthe galvanizing
forcethat turnedstudents
into soldiersfor freedom,the sexualand racialdynamicsinherentin this casespeak
to largerthemesin theAfricanAmericanfreedomstruggle.
65Cases cited in KimberlyR. Woodard, "The Summer of African-AmericanDiscontent," unpublished paper,
Duke University,1992 (in McGuire'spossession). See also "Death to Be Demanded in Rape Case,"BaltimoreAfroAmerican,July 4, 1959; John H. McCray, "MarineDoomed to Electric Chair in S.C. Rape Case,"ibid., July 11,
1959, p. 1; ClarenceMitchell, "Separatebut EqualJustice,"ibid.; "GirlfriendTurns in Rape Suspect,"ibid., Aug.
1, 1959; TrezzvantAnderson, "NegroesWeep as Georgia White Is Acquitted,"PittsburghCourier,Sept. 2, 1959.
66 "The TallahasseeCase: A Turning Point in South," New YorkAmsterdamNews, July 18, 1959; John H.
McCray,"South'sCourts Show New Day of Justice,"BaltimoreAfro-American,June 11, 1959.
67RichardHaley, "Reporton Events in Tallahassee,October 1959-June 1960," folder 7, box 10, series5, Congressof RacialEquality Papers(Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison).
Violence
andAfrican
American
Sexual
Freedom
931
her
The politicsof respectability-BettyJeanOwens'smiddle-classbackground,
her
and
have
enabled
African
Americans
on
the
education,
chastity-may
college
localandnationallevelto breakthroughthe "culture
of dissemblance"
andspeakout
of the politicsof respectability,
Owens's
againstherrape.But it wasthe convergence
African
Americans'
and
on
the
national
influence
and
testimony,
growingpolitical
internationalstagein the late 1950s that madethe legalvictorypossible.Still, the
long traditionof blackwomen'stestimony,stretchingbackto slaveryand Reconcasewerenot aberrastruction,makesit clearthatsomeelementsof the Tallahassee
tions. The testimoniesand trialsof BettyJeanOwens,GertrudePerkins,and Recy
Taylor,to namejust a few,bearwitnessto theseissues,forcinghistoriansto reconsiderthe individualthreadsthat makeup the fabricof AfricanAmericanpolitics.
Blackwomennot only dissembledwhereit wasnecessarybut testifiedwhereit was
possible.Not only silence but often protestsurroundedthe sexualizedviolence
the roleof genderand
againstAfricanAmericanwomen.If we arefullyto understand
in
for
freedom
and
we
must
sexuality largerstruggles
equality,
explorethesebattles
overmanhoodandwomanhood,frequentlyset in the contextof sexualized
violence,
thatremainat thevolatilecoreof the moderncivilrightsmovement.