scriptie identity strategies of the Pokot

MASTER’S THESIS
IDENTITY STRATEGIES OF THE AGRO-PASTORAL POKOT
Analysing ethnicity and clanship within
a spatial framework
By Kim de Vries
Student number 0100706
Supervisor Prof. dr. Ton Dietz
Second assessor Dr. Fred Zaal
Third assessor Dr. Virginie Mamadouh
Submission December 6, 2007
UNIVERSITEIT VAN AMSTERDAM
FACULTEIT DER MAATSCHAPPIJ- EN GEDRAGSWETENSCHAPPEN
ONDERWIJSINSTITUUT GEOGRAFIE, PLANOLOGIE EN INTERNATIONALE ONTWIKKELINGSSTUDIES
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis has come a long way and could not have been accomplished without the support
of many people. First and foremost, I want to thank Prof. Ton Dietz, my supervisor, for
guiding me all the way through, carefully reading chapter after chapter and providing me
with valuable comments that structured the research. His enthusiasm was what brought me
to Pokot, and I am grateful that, despite his already demanding schedule, he was willing to
accept my request for supervision. He allowed me time, both during the fieldwork as well as
the writing stage, to fine-tune my theoretical thoughts and combine them with the results
from the fieldwork. In addition, I benefited greatly from his extensive knowledge about the
Pokot community as well as his personal library that provided a true Pokot archive.
During the fieldwork, I received great help from my research assistants: Rachel
Andiema, Simon Lopeyok Lokomolian, Albino Kotomei, Moses Kamomai and Jacob Kalalyo
Aitaruk. I thank them for their interest and perhaps even more so, for their patience.
Introducing a foreign student, bridging a gap between two cultures which could not have
differed more, arranging transport and places to stay, translating what to them seemed
questions with obvious answers, working without structured questionnaires at hand, and
moreover reading through all the typed interviews again, meant hard work. In particular, I
would like to thank Rachel for providing me access to ‘the office’, where I could work quietly
and for her excellent lunches that kept me going, Simon for being an expert in interpretation
and making me laugh about ‘unheard-of things’, Albino for his interest in Pokot culture and
historical matters that led to revealing stories, Moses for his energetic appearance and his
eagerness to interview as many people as possible, and lastly, Jacob for assistance with
arranging interviews during the short time I returned to the area in 2007.
While I conducted the fieldwork, many supported me in terms of shelter. Above all, I
would like to thank the following for their hospitality; the health centre in Kacheliba, the AIC
primary school in Kodich, the secondary school in Konyao, the home of Grace in Amakuriat,
and the missions in Chepnyal and Kiwawa.
Furthermore, a number of institutions have allowed me to make use of their
facilities. In Kenya, the Documentation and Information Centre in Kapenguria offered
interesting information. In addition, the School of Environmental Studies of Moi University
and the Institute of African Studies of the University of Nairobi were helpful in letting me
work on their computers. In the Netherlands, the libraries of the African Studies Centre and
the University of Amsterdam provided important literature. Finally yet importantly, I was
allowed to make maps and images at the Geographical Information Systems’ centre of our
institute.
Then of course, I am indebted to the many respondents who openly shared their
stories with me, as without them this work would not have been possible in the first place;
“Sere Nyowow” (Thank you very much). Repeatedly I was moved by what the Pokot regard
as the art of storytelling, and I enjoyed familiarizing myself with the active style of listening
that accompanies this. In general, I felt warmly welcomed. People were curious and often
glad to see an outsider interested in their personal experiences. Especially the elderly people
thought the attention for cultural heritage, was something that was really needed. I can only
hope that I recorded their traditional knowledge accurately and that through this thesis it
may somehow be conveyed for future generations. Responsibility for the views expressed
however, as for any errors and omissions, is mine alone.
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A special thanks to Dr. Karen Witsenburg of the University of Amsterdam and Prof.
dr. Joshua Akonga of Moi University, who provided me the opportunity to bring out some
parts of this research in a book about conflict and identity in Kenya, which is due to be
published next year. The book conference they organized in Nairobi this year, gave me a
chance to visit Pokot again, and reconfirm some of the data I had collected during the first
fieldwork period in 2005. Moreover, the discussions during the conference supplied me with
worthwhile comments from other researchers. Two of them I want to mention in particular,
Friederike Mieth and Dave Eaton, who both studied the raiding conflict in Pokot thoroughly
in the same period. I gained a lot from their critical insight knowledge and I am happy we
have been able to share our, at times very amusing, experiences.
Last of all, I am grateful to many friends for moral support. In Kenya, above all, Mark
Lolem, Jacinta Chebet, Aziza Njiro, and Teddy Odiambo Ochieng. In the Netherlands, in
particular, Eva Stegmeijer and Annemarie de Graaf. Also, I would like to thank fellow
researchers from the University of Amsterdam Aenne Post, Rob Smiers, Hanneke Gorter,
Judith van der Weerd and Boaz Van Muijen, with whom I could acclimatize to the research
area and share some witty experiences.
Finally, I thank my parents for making possible my studies. I appreciate their
forbearance during the course of this research. It is to them that I dedicate this work.
Haarlem, November 30, 2007,
Kim de Vries
Young Pokot girls in their colourful dresses
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ 7
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 9
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
THE POKOT AND THEIR ENVIRONMENT ................................................................................. 9
THE THEORETICAL DEBATE ............................................................................................... 10
QUESTIONS AND REPORT STRUCTURE ................................................................................. 10
THE RESEARCH AREA....................................................................................................... 12
CHAPTER 2: THEORY ....................................................................................................... 16
2.1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 16
2.2
CULTURE, SPACE AND IDENTITY IN SOCIAL SCIENCES .............................................................. 16
2.2.1 Cultural geography ............................................................................................... 16
2.2.2 The cultural turn and constructed space .............................................................. 17
2.2.3 Identity and its spatial dimension ........................................................................ 18
2.2.4 Grasping identities through narratives and myths .............................................. 20
2.2.5 Summary .............................................................................................................. 20
2.3
ETHNICITY .................................................................................................................... 21
2.3.1 Ethnicity arising out of interaction ....................................................................... 21
2.3.2 The cultural stuff .................................................................................................. 22
2.3.3 The spatial dimension of ethnicity ....................................................................... 22
2.3.4 Summary .............................................................................................................. 23
2.4
CLANSHIP ..................................................................................................................... 23
2.4.1 Clan identity.......................................................................................................... 23
2.4.2 Criticizing the segmentary lineage model ............................................................ 24
2.4.3 Summary .............................................................................................................. 25
2.5
PASTORALISM ............................................................................................................... 25
2.5.1 Pastoral spatiality and self-perception ................................................................ 25
2.5.2 The decline of pastoralism ................................................................................... 25
2.5.3 Summary .............................................................................................................. 26
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................... 27
3.1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 27
3.2
TIMEFRAME.................................................................................................................. 27
3.3
METHODS .................................................................................................................... 29
3.3.1 Semi-structured interviews................................................................................... 29
3.3.2 Informal talks and participant observation.......................................................... 30
3.3.3 Literature analysis ................................................................................................ 30
3.4
CONSIDERATIONS .......................................................................................................... 31
CHAPTER 4: POKOT ORIGINS AND MIGRATION HISTORY
REMNANTS; A FUSION OF HISTORY AND MYTH ................................................................ 33
4.1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 33
4.1.1 Classification......................................................................................................... 33
4.1.2 Sources of history ................................................................................................. 35
4.1.3 Clanship ................................................................................................................ 35
4.2
THE NORTH .................................................................................................................. 38
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4.2.1 Nilotes................................................................................................................... 38
4.2.2 Proto-Kalenjin at Koten ........................................................................................ 39
4.2.3 Merille and Siger .................................................................................................. 43
4.3
THE KALENJIN MIGRATORY VEIN THEORY ............................................................................ 44
4.3.1 Proto-Kalenjin at Mount Elgon ............................................................................. 44
4.3.2 Pokot as first offshoot .......................................................................................... 46
4.3.3 Individual clan origins ........................................................................................... 47
4.4
CRADLE LAND ............................................................................................................... 48
4.4.1 Harmonica-like migratory movement .................................................................. 48
4.4.2 Remnants at Mwino ............................................................................................. 50
4.5
EARLIER INHABITANTS AMONG POKOT CLANS ...................................................................... 54
4.5.1 Oropom................................................................................................................. 55
4.5.2 Oropom traces among Pokot clans ...................................................................... 57
4.5.3 Sirikwa .................................................................................................................. 58
4.5.4 Sirikwa traces among Pokot clans ........................................................................ 59
4.6
FURTHER ORIGINS AMONG POKOT CLANS ........................................................................... 61
4.6.1 Various origins ...................................................................................................... 62
4.6.2 Clan adoption as a survival strategy .................................................................... 66
4.7
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 69
CHAPTER 5: ESTABLISHING THE POKOT TERRITORY
CORE-PERIPHERY RELATIONS; ETHNIC UNITY THROUGH DEPENDENCE .............................. 70
5.1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 70
5.2
SPREADING FROM THE CORE AREA..................................................................................... 70
5.2.1 Territorial sections ................................................................................................ 70
5.2.2 Eastward expansion ............................................................................................. 72
5.2.3 South and westward expansion ........................................................................... 76
5.3
DICHOTOMY OF SUBSISTENCE LIFESTYLE ............................................................................. 78
5.3.1 People of the grains .............................................................................................. 78
5.3.2 People of the cattle .............................................................................................. 80
5.3.3 Links between farmers and pastoralists ............................................................... 82
5.3.4 Pastoralism as the superior lifestyle..................................................................... 83
5.3.5 Respect for the highlands ..................................................................................... 87
5.4
WESTWARD EXPANSION .................................................................................................. 89
5.4.1 Cultural fusion ...................................................................................................... 89
5.4.2 A dual system of age-organization ...................................................................... 94
5.4.3 Merkol as a hero ................................................................................................... 96
5.4.4 Survival factor explaining ethnic unity ................................................................. 98
5.5
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 99
CHAPTER 6: CONFLICT AND CULTURAL CHANGE .............................................................101
6.1
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 101
6.2
THE TRADITION OF RAIDING ........................................................................................... 103
6.2.1 Warriorhood and violence against ‘the other’ ................................................... 103
6.2.2 Resource scarcity as an explanation? ................................................................ 106
6.2.3 The authority of the elders and prophets ........................................................... 107
6.3
CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OF ‘DEPASTORALISATION’ .......................................................... 109
6.4
GUN CULTURE AND INEFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT SECURITY .................................................... 112
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6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
POLITICS AND THE DISCOURSE OF MARGINALIZATION .......................................................... 117
COMMERCIALIZATION OF LIVESTOCK TRADE....................................................................... 120
THE GUN SYMBOLIZING A REBELLIOUS YOUTH .................................................................... 122
‘DEVELOPMENT’ AND CULTURAL CHANGE ......................................................................... 123
PEOPLE FROM THE BUSH ............................................................................................... 129
CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................. 132
APPENDIX A: RESEARCH AREA........................................................................................135
APPENDIX B: ETHNIC MAPS ............................................................................................137
APPENDIX C: LIST OF INTERVIEWS ..................................................................................143
APPENDIX D: LIST OF CLANS ...........................................................................................145
BIBLIOGRAPHY...............................................................................................................168
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List of figures
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
The research area.........................................................................................................13
Mount Kacheliba with the Suam River at the forefront…………………….........................14
Suam River in Kacheliba...............................................................................................15
Steep earth walls caused by soil erosion......................................................................15
The state of the roads in the research area.................................................................15
Makutano; the economical centre of West-Pokot District..........................................15
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
4.11
Ethno-linguistic classification of the Pokot and affiliate Nilotic groups………...............34
Ear-cuts; the marks that signify livestock as clan property..........................................37
“Peoples of West Turkana”..........................................................................................40
“Tentative Tribal Movements 1000 – 1800 AD”..........................................................41
Kalenjin migratory vein theory.....................................................................................45
Honey production in Pokot..........................................................................................49
“Irrigation” in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location.......................................................51
“Hillside Terracing” in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location...........................................51
Mwino, the cradle land of the Pokot............................................................................53
Sirikwa Territory, c. AD 1200-1700 (after Azania, 1982)”............................................60
Origins of Pokot clans...................................................................................................64
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
5.11
5.12
5.13
5.14
Intensive crop cultivation along the Weiwei River near Sigor.....................................71
“Pokot core and extent: 1880-1930”...........................................................................73
“Pokot Territory around 1880”...............................................................................……75
Part of “General map illustrating Count Samual Teleki’s Expedition in
East Africa 1887-1888”.................................................................................................77
The huts of agricultural and pastoral Pokot.................................................................78
Terracing in the Mnagei highlands...............................................................................80
Views from Kiwawa......................................................................................................81
“Pastoral Suk showing head-dress (siolip)”..................................................................91
“The fashion which the Suk call ‘Siolip’”......................................................................91
“Young Suk of Tirioko”.................................................................................................91
“Suk at the District Commissioner’s House at Baringo”...............................................92
“Young Suk displaying their desert finery”...................................................................92
Part of “Approximate delimitation of southern Nilo-Hamitic tribal areas”.................93
Part of “Tribal & Ethnographic” map of Kenya............................................................93
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
Soil erosion in the surroundings of Kacheliba………....................................................102
Elderly man and young boy.…….................................................................................108
Border pillar on the road from Amudat to Konyao..............................…...................114
Fire-arms collected during the disarmament operation in 2005………..........…..........115
Livestock market in Chepareria…….................................……......................................120
Wall paintings at the catholic missionary clinic in Amakuriat....................................124
Sign at a school compound mentioning “English Please”………………….......................126
Woman selling vegetables at Konyao market………………………………………………………130
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A.1
A.2
Statistics West-Pokot District.....................................................................................135
West-Pokot District, administrative borders..............................................................136
B.1
B.2
B.3
B.4
B.5
B.6
“Administrative and Ethnic Regions: NW Kenya, NE Uganda, 1986”.........................137
Linguistic map “Kenya”..............................................................................................138
Linguistic map “Uganda”............................................................................................139
“The area in which most Kalenjin-speaking people live today”.................................140
“A physical map of Marakwet”..................................................................................141
“Karamoja”.................................................................................................................142
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 The Pokot and their environment
“These enclosed people in the warmth of a psychological and material security. The
Pokot have tamed their wilderness and learned how to live with it. They are not bend
on replacing it with some other man-made environment. They see no need for change
or improvement, even though change may be trust upon them. They live much as
dozens of other African peoples once lived, before Europeans began to interfere.
Miraculously they have survived the intrusions of missionaries, conquerors and
colonizers, who could never bear to leave Africans as they found them. They tried
instead to impose their own ideas of progress. What the Pokot have now, may seem to
provide little comfort and much hardship, but they are ready to remain content with it,
leaving the outside world to its strange ways and destructive ambitions.” (Davidson,
1984)
This rather romanticized comment about the Pokot and their environment is given by the
notable Africanist historian Davidson, who made a documentary about the Pokot in his
‘Voyage of Discovery’ through the African continent. By showing how a group of Pokot
herders sophistically used the natural environment to their advantage, he aimed to
demonstrate that African civilizations were not ‘backward’ or ‘uncivilized’.
The commentary of Davidson is obviously situated in postcolonial theory, wherein
the ‘primitivism’ of other than the Western civilizations was attested. However, even though
he was still trapped in seeing the community as static and conservative to change, Davidson
is right in the sense that the Pokot live in close relation to their natural environment,
something which has made them to integrate pastoralism, agriculture and to a lesser extent
hunting and gathering in their lifestyles. Pastoralism traditionally has the highest value, also
among the agriculturalists, as for all Pokot livestock is integrated in every aspect of their
lives.
The view Davidson expresses by talking about the Pokot as ‘enclosed people’ who see
‘no need for change or improvement’ has its actual origins in colonial times, when policy
favoured agricultural interests and focused on the more centrally located areas of Kenya.
The remote area inhabited by the agro-pastoral Pokot, became a closed zone during this
time, and has therefore been entered sparsely by modernization forces, even in the postcolonial setting. Because attempts to modernize the Pokot failed to a large degree,
especially among the pastoralists, they were long seen by outsiders – both governors and
scientists - as ‘conservative people’ who were ‘resistant to change’ (e.g. Schneider, 1959;
Patterson, 1969). Dietz (1987: 281) strongly criticizes this ethnocentric perspective; in his
study of survival strategies among the Western Pokot, he found “remarkably ‘adaptive’
people, ‘forced to change’ and doing so with an ingenuity which is striking”. It is against this
background that ethnicity of the Western Pokot is studied.
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1.2 The theoretical debate
The debate concerning ethnicity has long been divided by the camps of primordialists and
instrumentalists. While the former define ethnicity as a fixed category that comes forth from
a pre-existing set of cultural givens – most notably biological descent, the latter argue that
ethnicity is to be seen as a fluid category, whereby the boundaries are open to debate and
can be invoked upon according to circumstances. While most social scientists came to agree
on the instrumental character of ethnicity, this is not to say that the importance of
primordial notions should be denied (Jenkins, 1997). As Waller (1993: 302) notes: “The fact
that identity is fashioned – not given – does not, however, rob it of its evocative power; it is
the very means of survival”.
In this thesis, ethnicity is analysed through the preliminary theory of integration and
conflict proposed by Schlee (2001, 2003, 2004). In this theory, identity consists of certain
markers, such as descent, language, social organization, religion, etc. Strategies of inclusion
and exclusion can be negotiated upon through changing the importance of these markers,
and conditions can be identified under which it is advantageous for individual or collective
actors to define either wider or narrower identities. The focus is on strategies aimed at the
control of resources, both natural/physical as well as political and socio-economical. The
narrative approach is used to investigate how these strategies are ‘storied’. In order to
become aware of how people ‘make sense’ of these strategies, it is important to examine
which aspects of identity are emphasized and remembered, and which are forgotten or
repressed.
Schlee (2004) reminds us that if we want to study identities from a constructivist
perspective, we have to acknowledge that they cannot just be ‘invented’, but rather - as the
metaphor suggest: “they consist of elements which support each other, and they make use
of local materials”. These local materials, the cultural contents, are formed within a specific
historical and regional context (Lentz, 1995). It is within this context that ethnic identity is
studied, thereby stressing the dimensions of time and space equally.
This cultural geographic study is attributed specifically to investigate ethnicity within
a spatial framework. This is significant because research about the role of place and space in
the construction of ethnic identity and the process of boundary making is still limited. Space
is looked at from a constructivist perspective, meaning that it is both shaping and being
shaped by society. Place - or rather territory, when we emphasize the control of resources –
is an identity marker in itself. Place matters for identification, because who we are is related
in fundamental ways to where we are, and how we make use of the place we live in. The
spatial framework allows us to go further: it lets us think of how place relates to the other
non-spatially defined identity markers.
1.3 Questions and report structure
The case study presented in this report, forms a contribution to the above-mentioned
debate, whereby the main goal is to add the spatial dimension into the analysis of ethnicity.
The following research question will be answered in this thesis: How has the spatiality of
Pokot ethnicity and clanship been defined by the control or regulating access to the
resources crucial to survival, and which identity strategies aiming at the security of those
resources, can be recognized?
This question is divided into three sub-questions, whereby each is answered in a
subsequent chapter. After having set out the theoretical framework and the methods used
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in the research, chapter 4 will start with the first sub-question: How is common descent
defined by the Pokot and which ‘stories’ and explanations prevail about the early
formation of their community? Definitions of both ethnicity and clanship are principally
drawn around the common descent of the group’s members. This common descent is based
on ideas of blood ties, a shared past as well as a history of union. The literature about the
Pokot does not provide a full picture of where the Pokot have come from and how they
came to identify as a group. Because the Pokot are part of the Kalenjin cluster, their history
is mostly discussed in terms of a proto-Kalenjin group, which dispersed at a certain point in
time to form the subsequent Kalenjin groups. However, inquiring about individual clan
origins, revealed quite a different picture of the early formation of Pokot. Clans among the
Pokot have come from various places and different communities. In this chapter, I will try to
shed light on these migrations, how they were influenced by environmental factors, and how
despite different origins these diverse clans came to unify as one group with a certain
homeland.
Chapter 5 deals with the second sub-question: Which internal spatial identity
sections are recognized as a result of the territorial expansion of the Pokot, and how,
despite cultural differences between them, has ethnic unity been ‘storied’ in this process?
Different sections of the Pokot are characterized by distinct forms of subsistence lifestyles –
predominantly pastoral on the lowlands and agricultural in the highlands. In this chapter, it is
firstly explored why unity between these sections has prevailed, despite the fact that
pastoralism is regarded as the superior lifestyle. The latter part of this chapter deals with a
difference in cultural characteristics between sections of the Pokot. The Pokot are
positioned in the area where the Southern Nilotes are adjacent to the Eastern Nilotes and
this has resulted in an interesting process of acculturation. They have adopted cultural
features of the neighbouring Karimojong and Turkana, most notably their age-organization
based on the initiation rite sapana, which was added to the Pokot age-system based on the
initiation rite of circumcision. It is investigated why the Pokot chose to widen their scope of
identification. Furthermore, because this adoption of cultural characteristics is more
important to the pastoral Pokot of the lowlands it is examined how the Pokot as a whole
have ‘storied’ their unity despite the differences among them.
Chapter 6 answers the third and last sub-question: Which new identity strategies
among the Pokot can be recognized because of the changing scope of the raiding conflict
and increased external interventions during the last three decades? A lot has changed for
the Pokot since the time the documentary of Davidson came out. From the late 1970s
onwards, pastoralism – traditionally the main source of identification – has been
undermined. This was firstly triggered by severe crises of insecurity problems, rinderpest,
drought, epidemic diseases and famine. Furthermore, the area opened up for development
activities and the Pokot became gradually incorporated into the national states. This has
made more people to settle and look for other than pastoral means of survival. How then do
people look at their more traditional pastoral background and is there a widening gap
between the people who live sedentary and more modernized lifestyles, and those that are
still living as semi-nomadic pastoralists?
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1.4 The research area
The research area (see figure 1.1) is comprised of the western part of the (former1) WestPokot District, and is predominantly inhabited by Pokot2 (sing. Pochon, sometimes spelled as
Pakot or Pökoot, under the colonial administration referred to as Suk).3 The Pokot are
classified as a subgroup of the Kalenjin cluster4 of the Southern Nilotes (formerly known as
Nilo-Hamites) and are found along both sides of the international border. In Uganda, they
live in Pokot County (formerly known as Upe County) of Nakapiripirit District in the
Karimojong Region.5 Upe and the western area of Kenya’s West-Pokot District form one
economic region because of a shared economic history and herd mobility realm during
droughts (Dietz, 1987).
The Pokot are able to cross the border easily for grazing or security purposes since
the area is expansive and hardly controlled by security forces. Therefore, the Western Pokot
from Kenya have strong links with, and indeed are in many cases, the Pokot from Uganda as
many Pokot are said to be in possession of both a Kenyan and a Ugandan identity card.
Furthermore, many respondents who once lived in Uganda, have migrated since the 1970s
to the Kenyan side as a result of Amin’s brutal regime, continuing conflict between the Pokot
and Karimojong, and several disarmament operations.
The Pokot neighbour the Karimojong (also referred to as Karamojong by some
authors) community to the west and the Turkana to the east, both belonging to the Ateker
grouping among the Eastern Nilotes. In between the Pokot and Karimojong, the Tepeth (also
termed So, Soo or Sorat; classified as Kuliak) are found on Mount Kadam and Mount Moroto.
Furthermore, the Pokot neighbour the Sebei to the southwest in Uganda. To the southeast
of our research area one finds the Marakwet, who occupy the northern section of the Kerio
escarpment. The Pokot neighbour the Sengwer community - often portrayed as a section of
the Marakwet, but actually a distinct ethnic grouping – in the Cherangani hills. Lastly, the
area of Trans-Nzoia to the south has a mixed ethnic population, consisting of Luhya, Kikuyu
and other ethnic groups who settled there after the white settlers had left (see Appendix B
for maps about the ethnic groups in the region).
The most striking geographical feature of the research area is the great variety of
altitudes. On the east side rise high mountainous areas such as the Chemerongit hill range
and the Sekerr Mountains (rising up to 3325 metres) which are suitable for extensive
agriculture and livestock production. Stretching to the west, naturally bounded by a
spectacular escarpment of more than 700 metres, we find predominantly flat lowland areas
that continue into the Ugandan side and which are mainly used as pastoral grazing land. In
sharp contrast to the highlands, the plains are arid and hot, and high evaporation makes
them less favourable for the production of crops. The vegetation is dominated by shrubs and
acacia. The area is prone to extensive erosion, which can be confirmed by the deep gullies
1
During a return to the research area in May 2007, it was noted that the government had installed a new District in the
research area since the beginning of 2007, namely North-Pokot District. The new District is carved out of the former WestPokot District and covers the area west of the Suam River (the divisions of Alale, Kasei, and Kacheliba). Because of the
recent introduction, the District is not shown on the maps in this study.
2
Despite the fact that ‘Pokot’ is the correct plural form, the people are often referred to as ‘Pokots’ (as can be seen from
quotes from interviews and newspaper articles in this thesis).
3
For additional information about the research area (administrative borders and statistics), see Appendix A.
4
Apart from the Pokot, other ethnic groups identified as belonging to the Kalenjin cluster are: Endo-Marakwet, Keiyo,
Kipsigis, Nandi, Sebei-Sabaot, Tugen, and lastly the Okiek and Sengwer, originally hunters and gatherers, who live in
scattered bands throughout the Kalenjin territory to whom they have assimilated (see Appendix B for maps).
5
In Uganda, the Pokot County is possibly getting a District status (New Vision, October 14, 2007).
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Figure 1.1: The research area.
Based on: Dietz, 1987: 24, 80.
(Note that the research focuses mostly on the Kenyan side of the Western Pokot area).
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that can be observed when descending from the southern highlands (see figure 1.4).
The major drainage system in the research area consists of the perennial River Suam,
which originates at Mount Elgon (see figure 1.2 and 1.3). Furthermore, the Kanyangareng
and Konyao Rivers fill periodically and may cause profound difficulties when passing the
roads on the plains as they are transformed into slippery paths. A bimodal type of rainfall
characterizes the research area, whereby the long rains appear between April and August,
and the short rains appear between October and February.
The division between predominantly pastoral and agricultural areas is gradual.
Agriculture is mainly practiced in the lower parts of the highlands, the upper parts of the
plains and along the Suam River. The settled more agricultural Pokot traditionally grow
millet (sorghum) and eleusine (finger millet) and more recently maize and horticultural
crops. Besides this, they possess small numbers of livestock. The life of the semi-pastoral
Pokot in the lowlands centres on herding of cows, sheep, goats, and in smaller numbers
donkeys and camels. Life is characterized by high mobility as movement in search of pasture,
water and saltlicks is persistent.
The twin towns of Makutano (see figure 1.6) and Kapenguria, where respectively
economic and political life of the District are centred, are connected by a 40 km tarmac road
to the regional centre of Kitale, the capital of Trans-Nzoia District. The road continues after
Kapenguria up to Lodwar, whereby one passes Chepareria, the second urban centre of the
District. The rest of the roads in the research area are not asphalted (see figure 1.5).
According to the latest District Development Plan, the state of road network “remained
pathetic and greatly hampered service delivery”; it was regarded as “an important indicator
of poverty” (GoK, 2002: 17, 24).
Figure 1.2: Mount Kacheliba with the Suam River at the forefront.
(Photo by: Aenne Post, April 2005)
- 14 -
Figure 1.3: Suam River in Kacheliba.
(Photo by: Rob Smiers, April 2005)
Figure 1.4: Steep earth walls caused by soil erosion.
These can be viewed during the descending trip from
Makutano to the western lowlands
(May 2007)
Figure 1.5: The state of the roads
in the research area.
The photo shows Kapchok hill in the background
(May 2007)
Figure 1.6: Makutano; the economical centre of West-Pokot District.
(Photo by: Aenne Post, April 2005)
- 15 -
CHAPTER 2
THEORY
2.1 Introduction
The theoretical perspective of this research is Interpretivism, which is closely linked to the
epistemology of constructivism. This philosophical background rejects the objectivistic
standpoint that reality exists independently of consciousness. Inherent to constructivism is
the notion that there is not an objective reality out there, and therefore truth and meaning
cannot be ‘discovered’. Instead, this research aims at investigating how reality is socially
constructed, implying that meaning is produced through the subjects’ interactions with the
world.
Interpretivism forms a major anti-positivist stance, which looks for “culturally derived
and historically situated interpretations of the social life-world” (Crotty, 1998: 67). From this
theoretical perspective science does not start from theory, but from observation. The
research results will therefore not be presented as objective facts because it is believed they
are based on values and perceptions of the researcher as well as those of the researched
group. Interpretivism asserts that the social and natural realities are different and therefore
require different research methods.6 The research will consequently be primarily qualitative
of nature.
This chapter is concerned with the theoretical discussions about the main concepts of
this research. An overview of the evolution of the major concepts will be presented. Critical
notes will aid in evaluating the research afterwards. Before focussing on ethnicity and
clanship, the underlying concepts of culture, space and identity will be discussed. The last
paragraph of this chapter deals with the concept of pastoralism, the livelihood that is central
to the identity of the Pokot.
2.2 Culture, space and identity in social sciences
2.2.1 Cultural geography
This cultural geographic study seeks to investigate how Pokot identity has been shaped in
relation to their environment. Cultural geography is about understanding “how space, place
and landscape shape culture at the same time that culture shapes space, place and
landscape” (Knox & Marston, 2004: 506). Culture is best described as a shared set of
meanings that are embodied in the material and symbolic practices of everyday life. The
shared set of meanings consists of beliefs, values, traits, ideas and practices concerning
6
This different orientation is often linked to the thought of Weber (1864-1920), who suggested that social sciences were
concerned with understanding the ideographic (Verstehen), while the natural sciences were aimed at explaining the
nomothetic (Erklaren).
- 16 -
identities that are based around language, religion, sexuality, age, gender and, most relevant
to this study; ethnicity and clanship.
Culture should be considered as a dynamic process that is subject to change with
time, and because cultures are socially determined, they are not divorced from power
relations (McEwan, 2005). Culture is to be seen as an overarching process that revolves
around and intersects with a complex set of political, social, historical and economical
factors. Contrary to what many geographers and anthropologists have focused on for much
of the 20th century, culture is not necessarily tied to a specific place and not only concerned
with material expressions.
Sauer (1889-1975), a geographer who taught at the University of California in
Berkeley, is often regarded as the founding father of cultural geography. He developed the
concept of cultural landscape: “a characteristic and tangible outcome of the complex
interactions between a human group and a natural environment” (Knox & Marston, 2004:
506). By stressing the agency of culture in shaping the physical environment, his approach
strongly argues against environmental determinism, a scientific approach that in its various
forms dominated geographical thinking during the first decades of the 20th century.7 Sauer
(1925) argued that landscapes were changing in phases under influence of a given culture,
which itself was changing through time. Landscape was thus no longer an independent
variable.
Although Sauer emphasized the links between society and the environment, and
cultural geographers followed his work for roughly five decades, his view did not come to
dominate the geographical discipline, which was still heavily influenced by the logical
positivistic perspective, especially in the Anglophone world (Unwin, 1992). Here, geography
had allied more closely with the natural sciences, whereby little attention was paid to the
philosophical underpinnings of the discipline.
Even though cultural geography had made important steps in Europe, especially
through the works of Vidal de la Blache during the first two decades of the 20th century,
historically focused disciplines proved more successful here.8 In line with this, Soja (1989)
argues against an overdeveloped historical contextualization within social theorization that
has submerged and restrained the geographical or spatial imagination. He stresses that the
dimension of space and time are equally important in the formation of social identity, but
the first needs to be recognized and rediscovered as such.
2.2.2 The cultural turn and constructed space
The interpretation of space in social science changed radically during the 1970s as a
consequence of the so-called ‘cultural turn’. Because of worldwide changes generally
grasped under the term globalization - broadly referring to the increasing
interconnectedness of different places of the world through integration of social, economic,
7
The environmental deterministic doctrine holds that human activities are controlled by the environment in which they
take place. It was used in particular to draw a link between climatic conditions and human development (Cloke et al., 2005).
Though it is the German Ratzel who has become most widely thought of as the founder of environmental determinism
within geography, it is through much more extreme arguments of American geographers such as Semple and Huntington,
that the ideas reached a wider audience in the English speaking world (Unwin, 1992).
8
However, the regional historiography of the Annales School, which was building on the work of Vidal de la Blache,
exemplifies that spatial aspects were long considered essential in French social sciences. Especially when compared to
German idealist philosophies and British political economy, the dialogue between geographers and other social scientists in
th
France maintained strong links during the 20 century, something that can be seen in the works of Lefebvre and Foucault
(Soja, 1989).
- 17 -
environmental and political processes - culture generated a great deal of interest (McEwan,
2005). The cultural turn in social sciences led to the objection of logical positivism by
adopting interpretative (qualitative) approaches on a large scale, thereby emphasizing the
construction of meanings, values and knowledge. Language and ways of representation
became important study material for the social sciences.
The critique within human geography during the 1970s focused on what was seen as
the spatial fetishism of the 1960s, when a law-based, scientific human geography founded
on statistical data and analytical techniques, had triumphed. During the 1960s, the notion of
space was mainly characterized as geometric, absolute and passive. Space was seen as being
filled with an accumulation of social facts.9 Models of early 20th century geographers such as
Christaller and Park were revived in order to prove that space could be seen as a
simplification of the real world.
Within the geographic discipline, humanistic geography came up during the 1970s as
a theoretical perspective that refused the positivistic geographical approach of the 1960s. It
emphasized the need to study human meanings, emotions and ideas with regard to place
and space. This perspective placed the individual at the centre of analysis, and stressed that
objective knowledge was impossible to acquire because the subjectivity of the researcher
and those that were being studied, had to be taken into account. Because of the influence of
humanistic geography, the notion of space changed: space came to be seen as socially
constructed.
The first attempts in understanding how people perceived places, came from the
school of behavioural geography at the end of the 1960s, but these were still based in the
logical positivist framework. However, scholars such as Soja (1971), Olssen (1975), Tuan
(1975) and Sack (1980) made the epistemological change by refusing to see physical space as
the exclusive organizing concept of their discipline. For them, space was meaningful and
relative, instead of absolute (Unwin, 1992). Space consists of places; specific geographic
settings with distinctive physical, social and cultural attributes. Places are meaningful units
produced through human behaviour. In other words we cannot live space, an abstract
geographical notion, but we must transform it into places for us to exist. This is also what is
referred to by using the term spatiality.
Soja (1985) is another influential geographer who recognized that space should be
seen as socially constructed. He came up with the term socio-spatial dialectic, to
acknowledge the mutually interacting process whereby people shape the structure of space
and at the same time are produced by this structure. However, even though geographers
worked on the notion of socially constructed space, the major contributors to the debate
about it were not so much geographers, but philosophers like Lefebvre and sociologists like
Giddens and Castells (Unwin, 1992).
2.2.3 Identity and its spatial dimension
Identity refers to a process based on subjective feelings through which social actors identify
themselves and are recognized by other actors, as part of broader social groupings. Identity
is a form of categorization, which is concerned with boundaries to distinguish one domain of
social collectivity (‘us’), from others (‘them’). The concept of identity in social science has
9
th
This line of thought had been established in sociological science towards the end of the 19 century, when under the
influence of Simmel, space came to be seen as something through which the complexities of social life could be grasped
(Smith, 1999).
- 18 -
one of its main sources in psychoanalysis, where the category is connected with the ‘ego’
and ‘self’ (e.g. Mead, 1934).
Within geography during the 1960s, identities were still seen as given and integration
of groups was measured against the spatial distance between them by methods such as
social area analysis and factorial ecology. The constructivist shift meant that spatial
arrangements came to be seen as actively contributing to the construction and reproduction
of identities: spatial patterns both expressed and shaped social relations. Moreover,
territorial boundaries10 can boost symbolizing the difference between ‘us’ and ‘them’.
Geographers and anthropologists have become increasingly aware of the fact that although
borders are political constructs, they have clear social and cultural implications (Hočevar,
2000). Particularly for those living in border zones, it may lead to significant differences on
opposite sides (e.g. Rumley & Minghi, 1991).
During the 1970s, the neo-Marxist approach became the most important framing of
critical geography11. In this school of thought, spatially defined social and environmental
injustices are linked to the organization of capitalist society (e.g. Smith, 1977). Although neoMarxism had its culminating point during this decade, it is still influential in critical
geography. The neo-Marxist line of thought in geography, together with feminist and
postcolonial scholarship, began to question the fixed categorizations of identity. This had
implications for the notions of space as these emancipatory approaches came to see that
spaces were chosen as a speaking position for marginalized groups. Soja (1996) defined this
new way of thinking as ‘thirdspace’. The above mentioned approaches force us to think
about the complexity, ambiguity and multidimensionality of identity as a concept (Smith,
1999).
Paasi (2002: 138) criticizes the concept of identity as he sees that it is often
understood “as a self-evidently positive feature – with an essence, position and direction that people/regions already have or that people are struggling for”. This view may hide
social, ethnic and cultural conflicts and exclusionary practices. To acknowledge both the
positive and negative features of identity in this study, identity formation will be assessed
through the preliminary theory of integration and conflict proposed by Schlee (2001, 2003,
2004).
This theory focuses on processes of identification and differentiation in (either
peaceful or violent) confrontations with other groups. Schlee argues that identities consist of
certain identity markers (which will be explained below in the case of ethnic identity), and
that group size can be influenced by strategies of inclusion and exclusion through changing
importance of identity markers; the scope of identification can thus be wider or narrower.
The theory has a political focus and combines cost-benefit analysis with an approach that
focuses on social structures and their cognitive representations. Conditions can be identified
under which it is advantageous for individual or collective actors to define wider identities
that they share with others, for example to provide security or a more stable resource base.
10
At this point, let us make a distinction between borders and boundaries. Although these terms are frequently used as
synonyms, border refers to a legal type of boundary between territories. Boundary is a broader social concept that refers to
all kinds of dividing lines between groups and is more focused on perceptions (Mamadouh, 2001). Boundaries that are
territorial but not legal are referred to as territorial boundaries.
11
Critical geographic theory is developed in order to combat social exploitation and oppression (it deals with issues such as
capitalist exploitation, imperialism, racism, environmental destruction or gender inequality). Critical geographers believe
that social change is needed in order to create a more equal world, and their academic knowledge should be used for this
purpose.
- 19 -
Successful identity politics requires means of inclusion and means of exclusion, and the
capacity to switch discourse12 from one to the other.
2.2.4 Grasping identities through narratives and myths
Narratives about identity are central to this research and can be defined as “particular kinds
of stories that are subject to cultural conventions about authorship, plot, style and
audience” (Cloke et al., 2005: 608). The narrative approach attempts to recover the
discursive practices through which the social life is ‘storied’. It tries to relate the
particularities of individual biographies to their wider social context. Narratives are culturally
constructed and subject to social regulation through cultural norms and expectations. They
are framed in terms of a series of events and tell us how we ‘make sense’ of those events.
A particular kind of narrative is the myth: A traditional, typically ancient story that
serves to explain the worldview of people through answering life’s fundamental questions
such as; Who are we?, Why are we here?, and What is our purpose?. The function of a myth
“is essentially practical and social, namely, to promote a feeling of unity or harmony
between the members of a society as well as a sense of harmony with the whole nature or
life” (Bidney, 1968: 12).
The concept myth was extensively studied by the French anthropologist Lévi-Strauss,
who was particularly interested in explaining why the structures of myths from different
cultures seem so similar.13 According to him a myth is historically specific in the sense that
the events are set in some time long ago, but also ahistorical in that the specific pattern
described is timeless (Lévi-Strauss, 1968). Lévi-Strauss became popular mainly because he
refused to see Western civilization as privileged and unique, by arguing that even though
‘primitive’ tribes may not be as scientifically schooled as Westerners, they do possess a great
deal of knowledge which Westerners have lost. In this study, myths will not be studied in the
sense that Lévi-Strauss did, by seeing myths as fundamental mental structures of the human
mind giving meaning and purpose to every element of a culture. Instead, it is investigated if
and why some narratives can be called myths as they function as contradiction-overcoming
mechanisms.
2.2.5 Summary
This paragraph outlined that the perception of the concepts of culture, space and identity in
social science changed significantly as a result of the constructivist paradigm shift during the
1970s. Culture and the categorization of identities are to be seen as dynamic processes.
Space has increasingly been seen as something that is socially constructed; it is both shaping
and being shaped by society. Schlee’s theory of integration and conflict, which emphasizes
identity politics, provides the theoretical background of this research, whereby a narrative
approach is used to reconstruct the ‘stories’ of identity.
12
A discourse is a way of representing the world, and is expressed through particular ways of talking about people and
places as though this is natural and common sense. Discourses are ways of portraying realities, and are actively contributing
to the shape of these realities (Cloke et al., 2005).
13
Additional information was acquired from http://www.faculty.de.gcsu.edu/~mmagouli/defmyth.htm (accessed:
November 29, 2007).
- 20 -
2.3 Ethnicity
2.3.1 Ethnicity arising out of interaction
The term ethnicity implies the categorization of ‘otherness’. It was first meant disparagingly,
to describe people who had “a lower stage of civilization or political development” (Lentz,
1995: 305). Later on the term was used more generally to refer to ‘people’ or ‘nation’, and it
gradually became an idiom for self-identification (ibid.). In the modern day use of the term,
ethnicity retains its roots in the sense that it refers to a group of people who - based on a
shared cultural and historical experiences - possess some degree of coherence and solidarity.
The ethnic analysis of this research draws primarily on the ‘basic social
anthropological model of ethnicity’, put forward by Jenkins (1997: 13), whereby ethnicity:




“Is about cultural differentiations – although identity is always a dialectic between
similarity and difference;
Is centrally concerned with culture – shared meaning – but it is also rooted in, and
to a considerable extent the outcome of, social interaction;
Is no more fixed or unchanging than the culture of which it is a component or the
situations in which it is produced and reproduced;
As a social identity is collective and individual, externalized in social interaction
and internalized in personal self-identification.”
The situational approach of Jenkins is based on the ideas of Barth (1969), an
anthropologist who marked the constructivist paradigm shift in anthropology, arguing for
the study of ‘ethnic groups’ instead of ‘tribes’. The ideas of Barth are rooted in the work of
the early sociologists Weber (1978; first published in 1922) and Hughes (1994; first published
in 1948) who came to see ethnic identity arising out of the interaction between groups
(Jenkins, 1997). Barth’s model of ethnicity intended to correct the structural-functionalist
understanding of the social world, which had been the dominant perspective within
anthropology until the 1960s.
Barth criticized the primordial concept of tribe, because it implied primitivism, which
distanced the studied people from the ‘civilized’ society of the researcher. The notion of
tribe furthermore assumes a social world that consists of static, corporate and culturally
distinct groups. Instead, Barth argued that the analysis of ethnicity should start from the
definition of the situation held by the social actors themselves, noting that this definition is
always established in interaction with other actors. Since categorizing the other (‘them’) is
part of defining your own group (‘us’), identification is entailed in a history of relationships
with significant others.
By denying the primordial view of ethnicity and focussing attention on ethnic
boundaries, Barth obviously argued for the situational flexibility of ethnicity. This can be
helpful in the explanation of the tenacity and fluidity of ethnic boundaries, because it leaves
room for the idea that ethnic identity can be manipulated in order to promote interests.14
Despite the fact that the situational approach has been the dominant view in social science,
14
This has been shown for example by Adano & Witsenburg (2004), who demonstrate that members of ethnic groups in the
area of Mount Marsabit, northern Kenya (namely the Rendille, Boran, Gabbra, Waatta and Samburu) could easily change
their ethnic identity. They note: “Changes in *ethnic+ identity through marriage, migration and sedentarisation, processes of
emancipation or as a result of a disguised origin seemed part of the survival strategies among the settled households.”
(ibid.: 70).
- 21 -
the ideas of primordialism still hold important value. According to Jenkins (1997: 45,
referring to Geertz, 1973), “what matters analytically is that ties of blood, language and
culture are seen by actors to be ineffable and obligatory; that they are seen as natural”.
People are still prepared to sacrifice their lives because of their ethnic membership;
therefore, we cannot and should not deny the longevity and stubbornness of primordial
ethnic attachments (e.g. Spear, 1993).
2.3.2 The cultural stuff
Another critique on Barth was his lack of acknowledging the importance of culture (Jenkins,
1997, referring to: Handelman, 1977). Although Barth argued that the focus of research on
ethnicity should be “the ethnic boundary, not the cultural stuff that it encloses” (Barth,
1969: 15), this could easily be misinterpreted as the irrelevance of cultural features in the
analysis of ethnicity.
In line with Schlee’s model of integration and conflict, I have made up a list of ten
ethnic identity markers, of which one or more are often found in definitions of ethnicity:
 Ethnic name.
 Common myth of origin. Smith (1986) reminds us that shared history is important
and especially shared rival histories with other ethnic groups, something that can
deepen the sense of shared identity and destiny in a particular community.
 Language, which tends to be one of the most distinctive in the catalogue of cultural
criteria because linguistic differences often correlate with different features in other
domains of culture (Schlee, 2001).
 Religious belief system. From a Weberian perspective religious conversion can deeply
affect a person and provide him or her with new values and ideas about the direction
and meaning of life. (Schlee, 2001)
 Institutions such as initiation rites (that mark the different stages in life with a ritual
or ceremony), directive mechanisms (that provide codes of conduct to regulate and
govern the behaviour of the people), and other economic and social associations.
 Social organization. Society is organized through subgroups that share similar distinct
features in beliefs and behaviour. These groups provide a normative system to the
group members “which defines the rights and obligations they should exercise
towards one another, the ends which they may indulge in pursuing, and the ways it is
legitimate or acceptable to pursue them” (Chebet & Dietz, 2000: 31).
 Material culture.
 Tales and taboos.
 Biological similarities and differences.
 Last and certainly not least, place and territory.
2.3.3 The spatial dimension of ethnicity
When considering the spatial dimension in anthropology, Appadurai (1986) mentions that
even though place is such a fundamental aspect of the anthropological consciousness, its
importance has been taken for granted and its connotation has not been systematically
explored. As I explained in the first paragraph, the spatial dimension is important for
identification; who we are, is related in fundamental ways to where we are. The role of
space and place in the construction of ethnic identity will be studied in this research. It can
hence be laid out in two parts. First, there is spatial behaviour, which in the case of the agropastoral Pokot is defined by the specific characteristics of the natural environment. Second,
- 22 -
the concepts of space and place are also important for identification in the sense of the
feeling of belonging to a homeland from where the ethnic group can make territorial claims.
Smith (1986: 28), explains: “Territory is relevant to ethnicity, therefore, not because
it is actually possessed, nor even for its ‘objective’ characteristics of climate, terrain and
location, though they influence ethnic conceptions, but because of alleged and felt symbiosis
between a certain piece of earth and ‘its’ community”.15 An ethnic group identifies with a
‘homeland’, a symbolic geographical centre. To the members of an ethnic community the
homeland is “a territory which they and others recognize to be theirs by historic right and
from which they are felt to stem” (Smith, 1986: 93). According to Smith, an homeland is
characterized by three aspects. Firstly, homelands posses a centre which is considered
sacred in religious sense. Secondly, there is commemorative association between an ethnic
community and its homeland, which is part of the collective memory and identity of the
group. This association may be especially strong when the people are separated from their
homeland. Thirdly, homelands are externally recognized as outsiders may identify members
of an ethnic group by their territorial origins.
Smith already mentions that within the homeland, a centre may be recognized. In
line with this thought, the study will explore how ethnicity is spatially conceptualized in
terms of centre-periphery relationships. That ethnic identity can be a matter of graduality is
illustrated by Dahl (1996) in the case of the Boran of Kenya and Ethiopia. She found that
people from the ritual centre are considered more proper Boran because of their proximity
to the sacred places; senses of ‘holiness’ and ‘purity’ were strongly related to the
geographical centre. Dahl (ibid.: 165) adds that these models of identity are often idealizing
as the “central core is closely tied up with ideas of normality, morality and righteousness”.
2.3.4 Summary
This study draws on Jenkins’ ‘basic social anthropological model of ethnicity’. His approach is
based on the ideas of Barth, who emphasized the flexibility of ethnic boundaries, which are
constructed through interaction with ‘the other’. However, by focussing on a situational
ethnicity, we must not ignore the importance of primordial attachments and the cultural
content of ethnic identity. Ten ethnic identity markers have been laid out, which will be
studied according to Schlee’s theory of integration and conflict. Specific attention is paid to
the spatial dimension in the analysis of ethnic identity. The spatial framework allows us to
look at place not only as a distinctive identity marker, but also to look at the spatiality of the
other identity markers.
2.4 Clanship
2.4.1 Clan identity
The second form of identity concerned in this study is clan identity. Farah (1993: 27) urges
for the analysis of the internal dynamics of ethnicity through clanship as “*o+veremphasis of
15
Although Smith has been criticized for his outspoken primordial interpretation of ethnicity, his awareness of the spatial
dimension of ethnicity is of great value. Smith challenges the modernization school's assumption that nations are entirely
modern, by arguing that nations are based on much older cultural groups which he calls ethnie (ethnic communities), which
he defines as “named human populations with shared ancestry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a
specific territory and a sense of solidarity" (Smith, 1986: 32).
- 23 -
the role of ethnicity has unfortunately resulted in the total disregard of the sub-group units,
such as descent units within the structure of the ethnic group”.
A clan can be defined as a form of social organization comprised of a cluster of
several kinship related families who trace descent in a (fe)male line, from a common
ancestor. This ancestor may be assumed or fictional, and chosen for unification purposes. It
must be noted that the kinship principles within a clan are not necessarily biologically
determined.16 More than the ethnic group, the clan provides a solidarity unit that is of socioeconomic significance to the members in everyday life (Mwamula-Lubandi, 1992).
It will be investigated if clan identity provides a basis for collective action, for
example in the competition for resources, in the same way as ethnic identity does. Farah
(1993) shows in the case of Somalia that clans can also be responsive to mobilization. So
when arguing clan identity as well as ethnic identity can be a possible basis for collective
action, we could imagine clashes among clan groups to occur for example due to differences
in resource bases.
2.4.2 Criticizing the segmentary lineage model
Traditionally, anthropologists studied the clan within a segmentary lineage model, which
assumes that a clan can be seen as a subunit of a tribe and/or an ethnic group. This
hierarchical model does not allow for the disposition of the same clan in different ethnic
groups, something that has been proved by Schlee (1985, 1989). He found a network of
interethnic clan identities among pastoralists in northern Kenya. In many cases, members of
mutually hostile ethnic groups regarded each other as clan brothers, something that helped
to mitigate conflicts by providing bases to share resources.
Within this research clan identity will be investigated in a similar situational approach
as described above in the case of ethnic identity. This means that because of flexible
boundaries, the possibilities of changing clan identity through assimilation or adoption and
the arising of new clans, are taken into account. Furthermore, in line with Schlee’s theory,
clans can also choose to widen or narrow the scope of identification through changing the
importance of identity markers.
According to Willis (1997: 583), another critique on the concept of clan is that it has
rather been “historians’ friend” in Africa, because scholars have seen in clans a more reliable
category to reconstruct the African past, compared to tribes or ethnic groups that are
considered relatively recent or artificial phenomena. According to Schlee (1985: 19): “Clans,
and more so sub-clans, are thought of as natural in the sense that their members have
specific innate physical, ritual and mental qualities which may or may not be activated by
appropriate rituals”. Both Willis and Schlee remind us however, that clans can also be recent
innovations. A broader problem regarding the confusion of the concept clan is that local
terms referring to varying social constructs are too easily translated into English as ‘clans’.17
16
See for example Spiegel (1997), who studied the kinship relations of clans in Cape Town, South Africa. He found that the
boundaries of kinship were extremely fluid and neither defined by biology nor simple genealogy.
17
Willis (1997) describes that the notion engada among the Buhweju group in western Uganda, generally translated into
‘clans’, actually refers to the expression of a social system based on patron-client ship. Southall (1975), in discussing the rise
of ethnic associations among the Luo in Kenya, is showing what is referred to in the English literature as clans (e.g.
karachuonyo), was actually corresponding to relatively autonomous territories occupied and controlled by a specific
lineage. A third example of confusing translation is given by Lindgren (2004), who discusses ethnicity in southern
Zimbabwe. Here, isibongo has been referred to as ‘clan name’ because it is characterized by a totem, however is does not
give specific information about descent as this can differ for members of the same isibongo. He found that in the broadest
- 24 -
2.4.3 Summary
Clan identity will be studied in a similar situational approach as ethnic identity. Furthermore,
Schlee’s theory can also be applied to the identification of clans. Compared to ethnicity,
clanship is more clearly stated in descent idiom. Lastly, we must acknowledge that clans are
not necessarily biologically determined.
2.5 Pastoralism
2.5.1 Pastoral spatiality and self-perception
This study is concerned with identity formation of an ethnic group, whose lifestyle is mainly
determined by agro-pastoralism. Agro-pastoralism stands for the situation whereby
pastoralists obtain ten to fifty percent of their income out of livestock related activities and
the rest from agriculture (Adano & Witsenburg, 2004). Pastoral identity is directly linked to
territory, since the livelihood is dependent upon the availability of critical resources that are
territorially determined, such as high quality grazing areas, water points, and saltlick points.
The mobility of pastoralists is mainly determined by seasonal availability of resources for
their livestock and has consequences for their notion of spatiality. Compared to
agriculturalists, spatiality among pastoralists is characterized by a more flexible perception
of territorial boundaries (e.g. Schlee, 1989).
The definition of pastoralism has changed over the years. During the 1980s, livestock
was seen mostly as a natural and economic resource meant for food production (e.g. Dietz,
1987). During the 1990s, the importance of livestock as a cultural element being meaningful
to self-perception of pastoralists achieved greater attention (e.g. De Bruijn & Van Dijk, 1995;
Zaal, 1998). Persons may consider themselves pastoralists even if their herds do not provide
enough to make a living and non-livestock based activities contribute for survival. It is
therefore important to acknowledge that: “Possessing animals, even a few, is a source of
pride and adds to the quality and quantity of social relations as well as to feelings of
belonging and well-being” (Adano & Witsenburg, 2004: 15).
2.5.2 The decline of pastoralism
While pastoralism had been the predominant economic force in Kenya before the
colonialists arrived in the 1880s, droughts, diseases and a harsh policy favouring sedentary
agriculture, have resulted in a massive decline of the pastoral livelihood over the years (e.g.
Zwanenberg, 1975; Markakis, 1993). The destructive results were exacerbated by the fact
that during the colonial era, large tracts of formerly important grazing areas were set aside
for white settlers and national parks and reserves. Logically this resulted in an increased
pressure on remaining pastures.
The colonial administrations aspiring pacification of their newly acquired territories,
first imposed territorial boundaries to confine the movement of animals and people,
something that is almost impracticable in a mobile pastoral society. In later years policy
aimed at land conservation through destocking inspired by the idea that pastoralists
irrationally over-emphasized the cultural importance of their cattle (e.g. Herskovits, 1926).
With the aim of increasing the carrying capacity of the land, policy shifted from the 1950s
sense of the word, the usage of the term clan reflects the assumption that the members act towards each other in a
particularly close and mutually supportive way similar to the solidarity among kinsmen.
- 25 -
onwards to guided livestock sales, rotational grazing schemes, water development, and
veterinary measures (Dietz, 1987).
During the 1960s many of the grazing schemes were changed into group ranges. The
ranges were thought to benefit small livestock owners as they would not be able to afford
viable inputs such as dips and the required water infrastructure on their own. The Group
Range approach was abandoned in 1980 because the objectives of preventing
environmental degradation through reduced overgrazing could not be realized.
Furthermore, many pastoralists on the ranges seemed not market-orientated and livestock
numbers amplified beyond the carrying capacity of the land. Overall, policy as well as
research about African pastoralists, had centred on the perspective that they destabilized
their ecosystems by overstocking and overgrazing and therefore development was thought
to be achieved by altering their internal system structure (Ellis & Swift, 1988).
Research concerning the development of pastoral communities continued preferably
in a quantitative and model-like way. During the 1990s critique arose to the way pastoral
communities were perceived in mainstream development thinking. Scholars such as Galaty
& Bontje (1992) and Spear & Waller (1993) argued against the modernist perception of the
pastoralists as being backward and opposed to progress. Pastoralists should be stereotyped
neither as a romanticist ideal of Africa’s pre-modern values and aspirations, nor as people
whose life should be protected against the assault of modernization (Anderson, 1993).
The major critique on mainstream development thinking about pastoralism is that
too much focussing on the ecological, has overshadowed the social, political and cultural
dimensions. As mentioned above, development among pastoralists has focused heavily on
sedentarization en privatization. Because of this, pastoral groups often view the government
with suspicion as they have felt forced to abandon their culture that is intertwined with the
pastoral lifestyle. Sedentarization has led to a loss of identity for pastoralists due to shifts in
internal support networks and power relations. Besides that, Krätli & Swift (2001: 10) state:
“Monetarization of exchange relations and livestock marketing now make animals an
unsuitable means for generating social boundaries, whilst the shift from flexibility to rigidity
in ownership reduces social ties and continuity in social relationships”. Because customary
tenure regimes are formalized through privatization, there is the risk of corroding social
capital. Krätli & Swift (ibid: 29) remind us that although customary institutions are important
in sustainable resource use, by too much focussing on the ecological aspects, their function
as intra- and inter-ethnic conflict management institutions will remain unacknowledged.
2.5.3 Summary
This last paragraph provided a theoretical discussion on the agro-pastoral context of the
research area. Pastoral identification is a matter of self-perception, and is not necessarily
related to whether livestock alone may provide enough for subsistence. Furthermore, the
notion of spatiality among pastoralists is very flexible in that it lacks sharply defined
territorial boundaries. Next, governmental policy since colonial times has favoured
agriculturalists over pastoralists, which caused for increased sedentarization. Through
interaction in larger systems, pressure is put on the internal social relations of pastoral
communities.
- 26 -
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
The methodology of this study is based on a combination of ethnographic and cultural
geographic research, which is characterized by a qualitative and inductive approach.
Ethnography is aimed at discovering the relationship between culture and behaviour, by
studying ‘sites’ and analysing events. Ethnographers describe the meaning of cultural
expressions. Participant observation forms one of the most important research methods of
(especially Anglo-Saxon) ethnography. In addition, the method of informal talks lies close to
the ethnographic methodology, because an ethnographer is expected to be involved in the
community life in order to understand it.
The research however, has a geographic focus; it studies the ethnic group in relation
to their environment. The research has a regional outlook, thereby taking into account the
natural/physical as well as the relevant political, socio-economic and cultural aspects of the
environment. Therefore, ethnographic research methods have been combined with more
particular cultural geographic methods, namely semi-structured interviewing and extensive
literature analysis. The focus on the interpretation of ‘texts’ proved useful in understanding
how ‘stories’ of identity were contextually framed, and moreover in revealing some of the
discourses that actors make use of.
Overall the design of this research can be classified as: highly empirical in nature,
having a low degree of control, using primary as well as secondary data, and focussing
mainly on textual data.18 The research was set up as a multi-stage design; first, a region was
chosen, within which certain villages and towns were selected, and where, on arrival,
decisions were made about which key informants were to be interviewed.
Data analysis in this research is primarily qualitative. Although the lack of
generalizability of the results and the non-standardization of measurement could be called
limitations of a qualitative approach, there are certainly major advantages involved. The
strength of qualitative analysis lies in the fact that the researcher is better able to grasp the
complexities involved, mainly because through the interviews, insider-perspectives can be
provided. In addition, it could be said that, especially on a topic like identity, a holistic
understanding can be more adequately ascribed by a qualitative analysis.
3.2 Timeframe
This research has covered a considerable period. In February 2005, I started writing my
research proposal, and in the following two months I prepared myself for the fieldwork.
Besides the scholarly interest set out in chapter 1, the choice of the research area was also a
practical one. Via longstanding contacts between my supervisor and two local researchers,
18
This classification along four dimensions is based on the framework for research design types made by Mouton (2001).
- 27 -
assistance could be arranged in establishing contacts with key informants and finding
translators as well as places to stay and means to travel.
After my arrival in the research area, I first paid a visit to the District Commissioner of
West-Pokot District, who gave me permission to do fieldwork in the area. Thereafter I set
out a plan with my research assistants and we organized a first stay (lasting about five
weeks) in Kacheliba, a central place on the western lowlands. From there, the neighbouring
area of Kongelai was also visited. At this inventory stage it became clear which main topics
the research would focus on. From Kacheliba, the research followed the route north by
staying in Kodich (about one week) from where also Nakujit was visited. Thereafter I visited
Konyao (about two weeks) and Amakuriat (about two weeks). After a break, the research
continued in the east of the research area where I visited Chepareria and Chepnyal (together
about three weeks). All of these visits were followed by a stay in the twin towns of
Makutano and Kapenguria, where interviewing continued. This time was also used for
preliminary data analysis by transcribing interviews19, and evaluating these with the local
supervisors.
During fieldwork, the selection of respondents was decided upon after arrival in the
different ‘towns’. The first interviews were often held with chiefs, village elders, and
councillors, as a means to announce our presence, and to inquire about who else could be
resourceful to interview. Together with the research assistants, lists of topics to be discussed
were then matched with lists of possible key informants. From then on it was tried to find as
many respondents as possible by walking through town and making appointments. Without
a sample framework, decisions to invite persons were made by chance. This could prove
biased, but time and space triangulation to increase the reliability of the data has been tried
to achieve through the quantity of both the interviews (105) and the visited places (10) that
are geographically dispersed over the research area. Moreover, I worked with five different
assistants. All this gave me the opportunity to combine the verification of general topics with
the gathering of place specific information.
It must be said that the fieldwork was deliberately lengthened for this purpose.
Firstly, time was needed to adjust to living and working in the area - for example on a basic
level travelling in the area could be a real test because of the lack of transport and hefty
road conditions (and even drunk drivers). Furthermore, time was important to establish
contacts and build some confidence with the people I lived among. However, time was
mostly needed to comprehend the scope of the research. Ethnicity is a broad concept and it
touches upon many topics as can be seen in the following chapters. Gathering detailed oral
histories as well as becoming aware of the different identity narratives in an expansive area
takes time, moreover because many of the things I heard and saw were new to me. In the
two months preceding the research I had focussed mainly on the theoretic framework of the
research, and operationalization ‘in the field’ was to put it lightly, a real challenge.
Then, after I got back in the Netherlands, the next stage of the research began.
Transcribing the latter part of the interviews and start reading. Next to some other school
and job projects, I began to work out the observations from the fieldwork. After some
chapters had been written, I got the chance to publish part of my findings in an article for a
19
Interviews were not taped because respondents reacted with hesitation towards a recorder. Instead, notes were taken
directly, and the scripts were reviewed afterwards with the research assistants. It is to be noted that the quotes in this
study result from this process.
- 28 -
book about conflict and identity in Kenya. The editors20 of the book organized a conference
in May 2007, which gave me the opportunity to visit the research area again (for three
weeks). It was a good experience to discuss the things I had written with the research
assistants I had worked with before. Valuable comments were placed. Moreover, I decided
to carry out some more interviews (14) in Makutano and Kiwawa (a place in northern Pokot,
where I had not stayed before, from where also Amudat on the Ugandan side was visited) to
inquire about information that was yet missing. After that, the finalizing stage of reading and
writing began.
3.3 Methods
3.3.1 Semi-structured interviews
The most important data that was collected, are the semi-structured interviews (119 in
total). The interviews were structured in the sense that respondents with the same
function/occupation were asked about the same topics. Specific questions were geared to
the respondents’ specific knowledge. Most of these interviews lasted one to two hours.
Some of the interviews included more people. In these group interviews discussion was
stimulated among the respondents and this proved helpful, for example when inquiring
about clan origins. In the first stage (about five weeks) of the research the interviews were
aimed at discovering more general information, therefore relatively a lot of time has been
spend in Kacheliba. Later on, the research focused on getting specific information depending
on the respondents’ knowledge.
In the following chapters, interviews are referred to by an abbreviation of the place
name and the number of the interview, because of privacy reasons. For example, AMAK-7
refers to the seventh interview that was held in Amakuriat. The date of this interview can be
found in the table of Appendix C. It must be noted that the place of the interview is not
necessarily the same as the respondents’ place of residence. For example, a number of
appointments were made in either Makutano or Kapenguria with people from other parts of
Pokot (e.g. Mwino and Kasei). The same holds for Chepareria where some people from the
Turkwell area (e.g. Kriich) were interviewed, as they were present in town to visit the market
or to do other business.
The interviews have been held with various respondents21, many of them were
people who derived their income mainly from agro-pastoralism (38 interviews). Another
important group of respondents were those who were involved in business (19 interviews),
on a larger scale, such as grains or livestock traders, but also on a smaller scale, such as kiosk
or hoteli (small cafeteria) owners.
Next to that, I interviewed people who specifically interacted with many members of
the community. Firstly, people who were employed in education (e.g. teachers, head
teachers, teacher advisory tutors, education officers, education zonal inspectors) (12
interviews). Secondly, people who were employed as local governors, most importantly
(Paramount-, Assistant-) Chiefs, Councillors and District Officers working for the Ministry of
20
Dr. Karen Witsenburg of the University of Amsterdam and Prof. dr. Joshua Akonga of Moi University.
Information, in the form of interviews (10) and informal talks, also came from non-Pokot (namely Sengwer, Kikuyu, Luo,
Sebei/Sabaot, Somali, Karimojong, Turkana and even Mijikenda) who lived or worked among the Pokot. This was especially
helpful to understand the relation between the Pokot and these ‘others’ as well as to get an idea about how the Pokot were
regarded by them.
21
- 29 -
Local Governance (12 interviews). Furthermore, key informants came from several
government departments and ministries (e.g. Social Services, Electoral Commission, Lands
and Settlement) (8 interviews). Respondents included people who worked for organs
directed straight by the District Commissioner, such as the District Peace Committee or the
Emergency Operation Relief Food distribution (7 interviews). Lastly, people who had been
employed in the ASAL (Arid and Semi Arid Lands) programme have been interviewed as well
(2 interviews). The third group of respondents are those working for NGOs (e.g. World-Vision
or the Netherlands Harambee Foundation) (6 interviews) or FBOs (e.g. pastors, missionary
workers) (7 interviews). Besides this, a number of respondents were active in civil society,
for example leaders of women-, disabled- or cultural groups, or people representing the
Pokot community in the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC) (8 interviews).
3.3.2 Informal talks and participant observation
Besides the semi-structured interviews, many informal talks proved clarifying. These talks
were made in various places like markets, restaurants, schools and people’s homes as well as
during travels. The fact that I resided for a period of a few days to five weeks, in most of the
eleven places that were visited during the fieldwork, assisted in establishing ongoing
contacts with the local community. I met some people frequently as I travelled through the
research area, especially in Makutano where I came across some respondents even from
Amakuriat.
During the different stays participant observations were made, which where very
helpful in understanding life in these places. In Kacheliba, I resided at the staff quarters of
the health centre, in Kodich and Konyao at boarding schools, in Amakuriat with a hostfamily, while in Chepnyal the Roman Catholic mission and in Kiwawa the mission house of
the ACCK (Associated Christian Churches of Kenya) provided shelter. In Makutano and
Chepareria, I stayed in hotels. Furthermore, observations in the form of photographs proved
useful, some of which are shown in this report.
3.3.3 Literature analysis
The third method of data collection is literature analysis. First of all, during the fieldwork the
District Information and Documentation Centre (DIDC) of West-Pokot at Kapenguria proved
very helpful, for example in providing official administrative information (e.g. District
Development Plans or Annual Reports). One document obtained from the DIDC was of
particular importance: the draft version of a workshop on Pokot cultural issues held in 1996,
which has been produced with the help of the ASAL Programme in West-Pokot. In this
workshop, approximately forty elders from all over Pokot territory were present.22 The
document is compiled and edited by a group of people who refer to themselves as the Pökot
Language Committee (PLC). This unpublished document contains important notes, especially
about the various clans in the Pokot community (see also Appendix D).
Secondly, both published and unpublished documents were obtained from various
people in the area who were interested and kind enough to assist in the research. Two
different booklets about Pokot clans had been made by people in the community with the
intention to preserve knowledge about this matter (Lokato, 2001; Kale & Loytaa, 2005).
Furthermore, a memorandum concerning Pokot land claims in Trans-Nzoia District was also
22
The workshop was filmed; the tapes can be seen in Kapenguria Museum.
- 30 -
handed over.23 Lastly, I was given a document that contained notes of a conference
organized by the Evangelical Lutheran Church (ELCK, 2005).
While I was in Nairobi, I looked through the archives of the East African Standard and
the Daily Nation newspapers, in order to get an idea how the Pokot were represented by the
press, because, as was evident from the interviews, many Pokot people strongly disagreed
with how this was done (picturing them as violent people). When back in the Netherlands,
part of this data could be accessed from the online archives of these newspapers. Last and
obviously, during the writing stage a lot of literature from various scientifically disciplines has
been gathered from university libraries, mainly the Pierson library of the University of
Amsterdam and the library of the African Study Centre in Leiden.
3.4 Considerations
Most of the semi-structured interviews were held in the Pokot language and have therefore
been carried out with the help of three research assistants, who translated into English.24 All
assistants were male, member of the Pokot community and familiar with doing research,
which proved very helpful. Concerning the latter, the three men had been involved in the
research project ‘Regional Development Research in West-Pokot’ of the University of
Amsterdam, which started in 1982. The Pokot ethnic background of the translators was a
necessity firstly so that the cultural aspects could be understood properly and secondly to
create an atmosphere of trust in which private information could be shared.
The fact that the translators were males, opened doors for research - foremost when
talking to elderly men. It was somehow more difficult to talk to women. First, because some
issues regarding women are considered ‘private’. Especially when talking to women about
sensitive issues like female circumcision, it was often best to talk without (a male) translator
if the woman was able to speak English. If she could not, sometimes a close relative or
friend, who could speak English, translated. Many conversations with women were informal
and held at the home. This was not the case for women who were working for the
government NGOs or CBOs. In Pokot society women have lower status than men, and
speaking in public is a male domain. The assistants also tended to talk to men first, so I had
to underscore that I also wanted to talk to women. Still there is a gender bias in this
research, as only thirty percent of the interviews concerned women.
Furthermore, the research focuses on the Western Pokot from Kenya. Although
initially the area inhabited by the Ugandan Pokot would also be part of the research area,
this was idea was later set aside. Because of limited time the area was not visited (apart
from a short visit in May 2007, when there was need to walk to Amudat because of a lack of
transport in Kiwawa). Closer to the Karimojong, it would have been interesting to interview
respondents about the ethnic boundaries between the groups. Moreover, it would have
been interesting to compare the influence of the two different governments. Yet, it must be
23
In 2002, a memorandum was produced by Pokot community representatives, addressed to the Constitution of Kenya
Review Commission (CKRC) and the president of Kenya, in order to justify Pokot land claims in Trans-Nzoia District. It will be
further referred to as Moroto et al. (2002). The memorandum was prepared “from files, records, reports, published
literature, policy documents and verbal evidence from eminent members of the *Pokot+ community” (ibid.: 5). It gives
information about the historical territorial boundaries of the Pokot area and the original Pokot names of places, although it
must be said that the matter is highly contested.
24
The respondents who could and would speak in English were interviewed in English. Even though they did not have to
translate, the research assistants were often present during these interviews in order to keep up with the research
progress.
- 31 -
said that information about the Ugandan side was obtained. First, through the fact that the
Pokot from Kenya have strong links with and indeed are in many cases also the Pokot from
Uganda, something which is encouraged by the semi-nomadic lifestyle and the ability to
freely pass the border that lacks control of government personnel. Secondly, because many
respondents had been living in Uganda prior to the hard years of the 1980s, which had made
many of them move to the Kenyan side.
The fieldwork mainly centred on the small ‘towns’ in the research area, and therefore
it could be said that the semi-nomadic pastoral voice has not been fully expressed. Partly
this is true, but it is important to note that even though more people live sedentary lifestyles
nowadays (because of development activities and decreasing herd sizes), the pastoral ethos
is still present. Many respondents still derived part of their subsistence from pastoralism,
and many had lived a fully pastoral lifestyle when they were young. Overall, most of the
respondents referred to themselves as pastoralists, even though agriculture and other
income activities had become more important for them. Furthermore, there is still a lot of
contact between the more semi-nomadic pastoralists and the people in towns for example
through clan relations or meetings at market days. Then it must be also mentioned that
because the research was carried out in the surroundings of ‘towns’, it gave me a good look
at changes in identity due to the fact that external interventions have mainly been centred
here.
Lastly, I would like to mention the issue of insecurity. Before I headed to Pokot I had
read some alarming reports from NGOs which were involved in peace work because of the
continuing livestock raiding conflicts in the area. Especially the high prevalence of automatic
weapons was deemed as something that caused for increasing violence. A report from the
Security Research and Information Centre in Kenya mentioned “wide spread insecurity
particularly along the common border with Uganda”, and according to this source “almost
every male above 13 years of age owns an AK-47 rifle” in this area (Singo & Wairagu, 2001:
5). Statements like this made me wonder about my safety. However, after arriving in the
area, insecurity did not prove such a constraining factor, mostly because the Pokot people
were welcoming and I was accompanied by the research assistants, who were well aware of
any dangers.25 Raids did occur during the fieldwork, however they were not targeted at any
of the places I stayed. Nonetheless, there was one point in time when the continuation of
fieldwork was not sure. The government started a disarming operation in May 2005, which
caused a lot of fear among the local population. A visit to the District Commissioner was
made, who assured me that it would be safe enough to continue the fieldwork and luckily,
the operation did not escalate.
25
During the fieldwork I took a break (about five weeks) wherein I travelled extensively in Kenya (e.g. to Lamu, Mombasa,
Nairobi, Kisumu, Kakamega, Eldoret, Nakuru). It was surprising to find out that many of the people I met during this trip
pictured the Pokot as ‘traditional’ people, who lived in an area they regarded as ‘remote’ and moreover as a ‘dangerous
place to go’. Concerning the latter, I believe that the association of the area with insecurity and violence can be attributed
for a large part to press coverage, which is biased towards reporting about disarmament, raids and inflammatory
statements of MPs or political activists.
- 32 -
CHAPTER 4
POKOT ORIGINS AND MIGRATION HISTORY
Remnants; a fusion of history and myth
4.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the possible origins of the Pokot community and their historical
migrations towards their territory. It is chosen as the opening theme, because most
definitions of both ethnicity and clanship are principally drawn around the common descent
of the group members. In other words, explaining the sense of ethnic and clan unity among
the Pokot, and the way they distinguish themselves from ‘others’, has to start with the
perceptions that prevail about their common origins. The way the narratives of shared
ancestry are ‘storied’, be they based in reality or myths, show us how Pokot ethnic and clan
identity is defined by themselves as well as outsiders. In this cultural geographic study,
descent is specifically studied in relation to the spatial dimension of ethnic and clan identity.
Therefore, I focus in particular on ‘where’ the ancestors of the Pokot came from and ‘where’
they have located their homeland. Furthermore, I pose a new theory in order to explain how
environmental factors have influenced the early formation of the Pokot community.
4.1.1 Classification
The Pokot are generally considered part of the Kalenjin cluster of people, which forms the
principal population of the Western Highlands of Kenya’s Rift Valley Province.26 This
classification is made on linguistic grounds, whereby the Kalenjin – comprised of eight ethnic
groups - are categorized as a branch of the Southern Nilotes, also known as Highland Nilotes
(see figure 4.1). Besides closely related languages, the ethnic groups of the Kalenjin cluster
share other traditional cultural characteristics, most importantly the act of circumcision (for
both male and female) as an initiation rite, and a cyclical age-set system (for males) that is
based on this. Furthermore, the Kalenjin are traditionally polygamous and exogamous in
clanship.
Lastly, the Kalenjin are traditionally acephalous societies, meaning they do not have a
highest leading person, such as a governing head or chief. Even though there are individuals
that are highly respected through wealth or ritual status, political power is essentially
diffused throughout the society, and decisions are made through democratic discussion.
However, the societies are not disorganized or without structures. Differentiation of social
roles is primarily based on age and gender. The most important sodalities are formed by the
councils of male elders (kok in general for the Kalenjin, and kokwo in Pokot) and the age-sets
for males (e.g. Kipkorir, 1978).
It must be said that from the start of colonial times the classification of the Pokot was
contested. Huntingford (1939: 188), an important ethnographer that studied the region
during those days, noted: “It is hoped that someday we shall agree as to the position of the
26
See Appendix B, figure B.4.
- 33 -
Suk”. The Pokot are positioned in the area where the Southern Nilotes are adjacent to the
Eastern Nilotes and this has resulted in an interesting process of acculturation. Doubts about
the classification of the most northerly Kalenjin group arose because sections of the Pokot
showed cultural characteristics, which were not found among the other Kalenjin groups, an
issue which will be discussed in chapter 5.
Figure 4.1: Ethno-linguistic classification of the Pokot and affiliate Nilotic groups.
Based on: Huntingford, 1953; Greenberg, 1963; Kipkorir, 1978; Rottland, 1979; Dietz, 1987;
Heine & Nurse, 2000; Gordon, 2005; http://www.Kalenjin.net/.
Nilotes
Southern*
Kalenjin
Western**
Including:
Datoga (T)
-
Marakwet (K)
Keiyo (K)
Kipsigis (K)
Nandi (K)
-
Pokot (K;U)
-
Sebei/Sabaot (K;U)
Terik (K)
Tugen (K)
Former hunter & gather
communities*** (K)
-
Acholi (S;U)
Alur (U;D)
Dinka (S)
Jopadhola
(K;U)
Lango (U)
Luo (K;T;U)
Nuer (E;S)
Shilluk (S)
Eastern*
Including:
-
Bari (S;U)
Karimojong (U)
Lotuko (S)
Maasai (K;T)
Njemps (K)
Samburu (K)
Teso (K;U)
Toposa (S)
Turkana (K)
-
Groups are found in:
(D): Democratic Republic of Congo, (E): Ethiopia, (K): Kenya, (S): Sudan, (T): Tanzania, (U): Uganda.
*
**
***
Formerly termed 'Nilo-Hamitic'. Also known as Highland (Southern) and Plain (Eastern) Nilotes.
Formerly termed 'Nilotic'. Also known as River-Lake Nilotes.
Such as the Sengwer (Cherangani) or Okiek, also known by the derogatory term ‘Doroboo’. These groups
have assimilated to Kalenjin groups.
Ethnographers did not only mention the more obvious material culture aspects such
as styles of dressing or weaponry, but they also recognized a form of age-organization
among the Pokot that was absent in other Kalenjin communities. While the other Kalenjin
communities define their age-sets on circumcision alone, the Pokot have added another ageorganization that is based on the initiation rite of sapana, common among a specific section
of the Eastern Nilotes.27 These features are signs of adoption from their ethnic neighbours
27
The sapana age-organization is found among the Teso-Turkana section of the Eastern Nilotes (also known as Central
Paranilotes, or Ateker cluster), that include the Karimojong, Turkana, Dodoth, Nyangatom, Toposa, Jie, and Teso
communities (e.g. Gulliver & Gulliver, 1953; Müller, 1989). Kurimoto & Simonse (1998: 5) add that the sapana ageorganization is extended beyond the Eastern Nilotic region, as it includes “Surma speakers such as Didinga, the Narim and
- 34 -
the Turkana and Karimojong, and still play an important role in defining the ethnic identity of
the Pokot today. However, even though the Pokot show these cultural differences, language
– which in the case of Pokot is most similar to that of other Kalenjin dialects – is thought to
be the most accurate base for classification. Thus on linguistic grounds, the Pokot are
classified as Kalenjin or ‘Nandi-speaking people’, a term by which they were referred to
during colonial times.28
4.1.2 Sources of history
Since the Pokot are categorized as part of the Kalenjin cluster, it is in this context that most
of their history is discussed. The sources of Kalenjin history are scanty. Written sources
before 1900 in which the Kalenjin groups and especially the Pokot are mentioned are rare,
as only a few explorers and traders had penetrated Kenya’s Western Highlands by then. On
the other hand, anthropologists and historians basing their stories on oral testimonies have
made some useful contributions to our understanding of Kalenjin history, even though these
are generally restricted in scope and outlook (e.g. Huntingford, 1953; Kipkorir & Welbourn,
1973; Mwanzi, 1977).
Because of studies in archaeology and linguistics, we have learned more about
population movements in Kenya’s Western Highlands during the past millennia (e.g. Sutton,
1976; Ehret, 2002). Conversely, the literature prevails that the actual origin of the Kalenjin
and the Pokot as a community group is still a mystery. Because a holistic and detailed study
of the Pokot pre-colonial history has not yet been carried out, I have relied for a great deal
on oral testimonies in order to understand more about the early formation of the Pokot
ethnic group.
I must note beforehand that oral histories are problematic in their own sense.
Although the Pokot, like other Kalenjin communities, have a strong sense of history, the lack
of royal and chiefly lines, as well as the rotating age-set system, make the memories seem
rather timeless in nature. Besides, oral histories have the potential to “telescope
chronological time and thus tend to speak of migrations and the founding of clans as if they
took place no more than two hundred years ago” (Moore, 1986: 14). Nevertheless, oral
testimonies greatly enhance our understanding of Pokot history. Keeping in mind that I am
not a historian, this chapter may be seen as a modest attempt to reconstruct some of the
pre-colonial history of the Pokot through combining written and oral sources.
4.1.3 Clanship
Inquiring about the historical migrations of individual clans (orten, sing. or) proved to be the
key to find out more about the early formation of the Pokot community, a topic which
before has been touched upon by Visser (1989), Bollig (1990a), and the PLC (1996). Because
clanship is essential in understanding Kalenjin history, something should be explained about
its social structure at this point. Clans constitute divisions of ethnic groups based on
kinship.29 Among the Kalenjin groups clanship is patrilineal, meaning members are related
the Koegu (Kwegu), the Lwo-speaking Labwor, the Kuliak speaking So, the Omotic-speaking Kara, and the Southern Nilotic
Pokot”.
28
Mwanzi (1977: 66) summarizes why the Kalenjin were called ‘Nandi-speaking peoples’: “This is because of all the Kalenjin
people, the Nandi have been the most known. They attained this position partly because of their attitude towards caravan
traders, partly because of their resistance to the establishment of colonial rule, and locally because of their ferocity in cattle
raids among their neighbours”.
29
An overview of Pokot clans and sub-clans can be found in Appendix D.
- 35 -
through the male line. Clanship is defined at birth, when a person through his or her lineage
is incorporated their father’s sub-clan. Each clan has one or more totems (lilo), representing
the bond of unity of clan members. The number of totems connected to a clan may vary. For
the Pokot one or two is common, whereas for example Kipkorir & Welbourn (1973) list as
much as four totems connected to one clan for the Marakwet.
In case of the Pokot, when there is more than one totem per clan, the different
totemic sections (each constituted of various sub-clans) often signify a distinct ancestry in
terms of place of origin. Marriage between the members of one totemic section is
traditionally prohibited and considered as incest. Consequently, when a clan has only one
totem, people should not marry within their own clan, but when a clan has two totemic
sections, people may marry within the clan as long as the persons are from different totemic
sections. Descent is symbolically traced to common ancestors, the persons who are known
to have founded the clans and sub-clans. Each clan is divided into several sub-clans, which
are further divided into lineages. Within a clan, usually one main sub-clan is recognized; this
one is believed to have been founded by the prime ancestor.30 Each of the other sub-clans is
also identified by a common ancestor, regularly supposed to be an infant of the prime
ancestor or a person that has been adopted.
Clanship forms a primary source of identification for Pokot. It identifies descent and
through their clan, members are integrated in the larger Pokot society. It defines for a
Pochon his or her network of relatives, and because clan members are believed to express
solidarity towards each other, therefore also the security into the wider community. Clan
members are compared to family, and those of the same generation regard each other as
brothers or sisters, while those of adjacent generations are compared to parents and
children. Also, clanship is important because critical resources are regarded as property of
clans. This is especially the case for livestock, the most valued resource among the Pokot. As
an indication of this, clan members mark their livestock by cutting the ears according to the
pattern that is stipulated for each clan (see figure 4.2).31
Furthermore, directive mechanisms that manage intra-ethnic conflict among the
Pokot are regulated on the level of the clan, whereby the sentence of an individual extends
to clan members.32 This form of collective punishment, is traditionally perceived as very
effective and attributes to ethnic unity among the Pokot. Lastly, when people enter a
relationship, most importantly in the case of marriage, it is seen as a bond between two
clans. Therefore, before people enter into a relationship, the histories of the two clans
concerned are scrutinized. When a conflict between the clans has not yet been resolved,
ritual cleansing is needed. Through this process, detailed oral histories of the clans have
been passed over from generation to generation. As an important part of the collective
memories among the Pokot, these oral histories are a strong source of information.
30
The elders of the main sub-clan are more respected than the elders of the other sub-clans. The elders of the main subclan may therefore decide on the practice of renaming a sub-clan (to the main sub-clan) when it has proved not to be
prosperous. Furthermore, they may decide on conflicts between sub-clans. These well-respected persons may be called
from far to discuss on these matters.
31
It was found that in a number of cases, not all the sub-clans of a clan followed the same ear-cutting pattern. This was
sometimes related to a different origin of the sub-clan concerned, but moreover ear-cuts were said to be changed because
the sub-clan proved not prosperous. The lack of productivity of a sub-clan may be a local affair and therefore ear-cuts may
vary for sub-clan members throughout the Pokot territory, even though ideally a Pochon may often state that all sub-clan
members of his or her clan share the same ear-cuts for their livestock.
32
The main directive mechanisms are lapai (the payment of bloodshed) and muma (oath taking), and are more explicitly
described in chapter 6.
- 36 -
Figure 4.2: Ear-cuts; the marks that signify livestock as clan property.
This pattern belongs to the Sigh clan.
(Photo by: Aenne Post, April 2005)
Among the Pokot, especially the elderly people, clan identity is often stressed as
much as ethnic identity. Clans cut across territorial sections, meaning someone from Alale,
will most probably have clan relatives in East-Pokot. When asked whether the clans could be
found in other surrounding ethnic communities, many people responded by referring to
specific sub-clans and their places of residence. This makes it highly likely that an interethnic clan network exists, and according to the respondents, this was especially the case
among the Kalenjin communities. A well-known example, which can be verified from the
literature, is the Talai clan, which is known for having members with foretelling or prophetic
powers. The prophets (known as orkoiyot) of the Talai clan among the Nandi were
associated with the resistance against British colonial rule (Anderson, 1995). Among the
Pokot a sub-clan of the Talai known as Cheposait, produces prophets (in Pokot called
werkoyon). The Talai clan is furthermore known in communities such as the Tugen, Kipsigis,
Marakwet and Keiyo (Huntingford, 1953; Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973; Chebet & Dietz, 2000;
Sambu, 2007a).
When we compare the lists of Kalenjin clans provided by these authors (ibid.), with
the list of Pokot clans found in Appendix D, one can conclude that there is a great variety in
both names and totems. Although some of the clan names and related totems may show
similarities for the different Kalenjin communities (especially when they are located near
each other) in many cases they do not correspond. Names and totems differ because they
have been attributed according to local circumstances.
Sub-clan names in Pokot are often derived of certain activities or place names that
the ancestor is associated with. For example, the founder of the Chepotumeghyo (sub-clan
of the Sotot clan) was frequently asked:
“What are you doing? When he responded: I’m going for my tume [a kind of wild
vegetable].” 33
33
Interviews: KACH-8
- 37 -
Another example, is the name of Chepötïrikol (sub-clan of the Sïrkoy clan), whereby Tïrikol
refers to Turkwell River. It was said that the ancestor of this clan was asked:
“Where are you from? And he answered he was from Tïrikol, where he had been living
eating wild fruits.”34
In addition, totems may have been attributed to clans because the ancestors of the
clan had a special relation to the respective totem. For instance, the Sökö clan is believed to
have the lion as its totem because the prime ancestor of this clan would have treated an
injured lion that was stung by a thorn in its foot. In return, the man got protection of the
lion. Other examples are the totems of the camel and the donkey, which are believed to
have helped the ancestors of respectively the Orö and Sïrkoy clan during their migration to
the Pokot territory.35
In general, even though names of clans and sub-clans may vary between different
ethnic communities, people feel related to each other when they share a totem, especially
among the Kalenjin. For instance, one member of the Sabaot community who worked
among the Pokot, belonged to a Sabaot clan that had the buffalo as his totem. He recalled:
“When I came to work in Alale, I was invited for lunch by the people of the Siwotoi clan
[a Pokot clan that has the buffalo as its totem], after I had explained that I belonged to
the Siwotoi of Sabaot [even though the Sabaot clan with the buffalo is probably
named otherwise] and the buffalo was my animal. Because we share the buffalo as a
totem, it makes us belong to the same clan.*…+ I am not sure if our ancestors are the
same, but the animal binds us.”36
Shared clan names and totems across ethnic boundaries, provide a basis for strong
bonds of solidarity and assimilation. As I will show, the Pokot clans originate from different
ethnic communities, both of Kalenjin and non-Kalenjin origin. Therefore, we should not fail
to recognize the importance of peaceful interaction and cultural fusion between different
peoples in our historical analysis.
4.2 The North
4.2.1 Nilotes
Belonging to the Nilotic cluster of people, it shows from the literature as well as from oral
history, that the earliest origin of the Pokot and other Kalenjin communities points to the
north. It is generally accepted that the Nilotic community once differentiated into three
different sections.37 However, opinions about the location of their cradle land differ. Ochieng
(1975) defines it in general as the lake Turkana region. Ehret (2002) places the Nilotic cradle
land south of the middle Nile basin in present day Sudan, whereas Were & Wilson (1970)
34
Interviews: KACH-15; KONY-9.
Interviews: CHEP-5; KACH-2; KIWA-5; KONY-1,-9; MAKU-1.
36
Interview: KAPE-4.
37
The Nilotic dispersal is also part of the myths of origin among the current Pokot. A respondent articulated an example:
“Long ago, at a time of drought and famine, when people were living in caves and they were still able to communicate with
animals, a monster came and scared the people. This huge monster was one-eyed, and made the people to disperse. Since
then there was no more unity. As a result, the people moved in different directions, one group becoming the Turkana, others
becoming the Maasai and the group that left to Mount Elgon became the Pokot.” (Interview: CHEP-16). Peristiany (1975)
also mentioned one-eyed ogres, often portrayed as larger than humans, which harassed the ancestors of the Pokot.
35
- 38 -
place it more to the east, namely near the border of Ethiopia and Sudan. It is possibly best to
agree with Kipkorir (1978: 5) who states: “The Kalenjin probably originated somewhere in
the triangular region within the common borders of present-day Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya and
Uganda.”
The Southern Nilotes migrated south from the Nilotic cradle land and arrived in
western Kenya, according to Sutton (1976) and Ochieng (1975), during the first millennium
AD. Ehret (1982) however pre-dates this migration to somewhere during the last millennium
BC. When arriving in western Kenya, the Southern Nilotes are believed to have encountered
the Southern Cushites.38 It is assumed that the two groups influenced each other.39
According to Sutton (1976), some of the Southern Cushites were assimilated, while others
migrated south.40 Ehret (1998) argues by means of linguistic analysis, that the Southern
Cushites adopted the age-set system during this time of interaction, while the Southern
Nilotes adopted the religious feature of divinity to the sun. And indeed, the Pokot, like other
Kalenjin communities, deem the sun (Asis) one of the most important divine beings, it is
considered the witness of truth (e.g. Peristiany, 1975; Visser, 1989). Furthermore, the
Nilotes are usually regarded as original pastoralists. According to Ehret (1998), the
subsistence economy of the Southern Nilotes favoured livestock raising more than that of
the Southern Cushites. He believes that the Southern Nilotes therefore introduced the
branding of livestock in the area.
4.2.2 Proto-Kalenjin at Koten
Various scholars argue that the Kalenjin trace their origin to a proto-Kalenjin group. The
most northern area that is recognized as inhabited by early Kalenjin lies in the present day
Jie and Dodoth country in Uganda.41 In his detailed study of the Jie history, Lamphear (1976)
refers to the Koten and Magos Mountains - the cradle land of the Eastern Ateker
communities - as a place where until the early 18th century Kalenjin speaking people could
be found (see figure 4.3). Before the 16th century these proto-Kalenjin would have occupied
considerable parts of Karamoja.
Wilson (1970), an amateur anthropologist who studied descendants of an earlier
community known as Oropom among the Karimojong, states that proto-Kalenjin speakers
38
On their arrival, the Southern Cushites are believed to have found the area inhabited by Khoisan or click-speaking people
of whom most were driven out or absorbed by them (Ochieng, 1975). Remainders of these hunter and gatherers are still
found among the groups living in Kenya’s Western Highlands. These groups (most notably the Okiek and Sengwer, also
known as Doroboo (a deprecating term of Maasai origin meaning ‘those without cattle, a poor person’), live in forested
areas among the other Kalenjin groups, with whom they assimilated (e.g. they speak Kalenjin dialects). The groups have not
been recognized as separate identities by the authorities for a long time. For example, the Sengwer community living in the
Cherangani hills, believed to be an original hunter and gather group, is still often viewed as a section of the Marakwet (e.g.
Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973; Moore, 1986).
39
The Eastern and Southern Nilotic sections were long classified as Nilo-Hamites (Hamites being the former name of the
current Cushites), because it was assumed these sections were the outcome of acculturation between the Nilotes and
Cushites (e.g. Gulliver & Gulliver, 1953; Huntingford, 1953).
40
The Southern Cushites migrated southwards from the direction of the Ethiopian highlands (Ochieng, 1975). Descendants
of the Southern Cushites are now found in the Tanzanian highlands between Singida, Mbulu and Kondoa, and are currently
known as the following ethnic groups: Iraqw, Gorowa, Burungi and Alagwa.
41
Although there are legends among several Kalenjin communities that describe their origin as Egypt (Misri) (Ochieng,
1972; Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973; Sambu, 2007b), this did not come up during the interviews.
- 39 -
Figure 4.3: “Peoples of West Turkana”.
Source: Lamphear, 1993: 89.
(Note that Lamphear spells ‘Kotem’ instead of ‘Koten’).
- 40 -
Figure 4.4: “Tentative Tribal Movements 1000 – 1800 AD”.
Source: Wilson, 1970: 129.
- 41 -
could be found in the area of the Koten Mountains already before the 13 th century. He
believes the proto-Kalenjin were the first invaders of the Oropom territory, a community
that once inhabited the areas currently occupied by the Turkana, Pokot, Karimojong, as well
as Mount Elgon, the Cherangani hills and much of Trans-Nzoia District. In addition, he argued
that the Oropom, who are now assimilated into other ethnic communities, had also been
living in the Teso sub-region of Uganda as well as the Didinga and Toposa territories in Sudan
(see figure 4.4).
According to Lamphear (1976), the proto-Kalenjin disappeared from the KotenMagos area, possibly because they were assimilated or driven south by the dispersal of the
Central Paranilotes42, who arrived there approximately around 1500 AD. Some of his
respondents explicitly recalled that:
“When the Jie and the others arrived in the Koten area, they found the Upe [Pokot]
were already there. The Upe were the first people of that area. The [people who were
to become] Bokora Karimojong quarrelled with them and fought them and drove
them away to the south” (Lamphear, 1976: 76).
Although, this quote refers specifically to the Pokot, Lamphear notes that: “The Upe
of these traditions were most probably a rearguard of the former Kalenjin-speaking
population” (ibid.). It is interesting that during my research respondents also linked this
territory with former Pokot presence. In the late 1940s or 1950s, Pokot (mostly from the
areas of Mount Kadam and Mount Kalapata) were exiled to Dodoth territory, because of
alleged membership of the religious cult of the Dini ya Msambwa.43 Many of the Pokot who
had lived among the Dodoth for several decades, have since returned to Pokot territory.
They had informed my respondents that they were told by the Dodoth on their arrival in the
new land that “once they [the Pokot] had lived there” and “the Dodoth told them that some
of the wells in the area had been dug by the Pokot”.44
Lamphear (1976) reasons that the early Kalenjin were found in the area, because
according to Jie traditions a community called Ngikuliak, which lived in the Koten area as
well before the Central Paranilotes arrived, had been influenced by this group. The
Ngikuliak, originally a hunter and gatherer community, were said to have adopted
circumcision as an initiation rite from these early Kalenjin in this process.45 The Ngikuliak lost
this custom after being absorbed in the Jie community, something Lamphear could find out
as he came across three clans of Ngikuliak origin among the Jie. In addition, Lamphear found
place names in the Koten area that suggest a former Kalenjin speaking population.
42
See also footnote 27 about the ethnic groups belong to the cluster of Central Paranilotes.
The cult was considered as very dangerous by the colonial administrations because of anti-European and anti-modern
aspirations (e.g. Patterson, 1969).
44
Interviews: KACH-20; KAPE-15.
45
The Ngikuliak were at that time classified as ‘Fringe Cushites’ (now known as Kuliak), together with the Tepeth, the
Nyang'i and the Ik (Lamphear, 1976, referring to Tucker, 1967). Even though the Ngikuliak community as such is now
extinct, Lamphear assumes that they might have spoken a Kalenjin-like language on the basis that the Tepeth have
linguistically borrowed heavily of the Kalenjin as well. Possibly because the Ngikuliak were principally hunters and
gatherers, many of the Jie traditions picture them as ‘Wa-dorobo’ or in less appreciating terms “‘worthless people’ who
‘lived in the forest like baboons’” (ibid.: 65-66). Lamphear notes that the name Ngikuliak is derived from the word akilok
meaning ‘to trap’ in the Jie language, used for any poor people without cattle. It is interesting to note that during my
research some respondents identified that the name Nguliak was used by the Karimojong to refer to poor people, those
without stock, or trappers. (Interviews: KIWA-3,-7,-8).
43
- 42 -
4.2.3 Merille and Siger
It is interesting that both Lamphear (1976, 1993) and Wilson (1970) argue that the eastward
expansion of the ancestral Turkana from the cradle land of the Eastern Ateker communities
around the Koten Mountains, has caused for a distant historical relation between the Pokot
and the Merille (also known as the Daasanetch). According to Wilson a group known as
Maliri, which spoke a Kalenjin language arrived in the area of the Koten Mountains roughly
between 1200-1400 AD, at a time when there were already proto-Kalenjin speakers present.
He states that the Maliri group had to move out of the Koten area because the Turkana
pressed eastwards after their split with the Jie around Kotido. Consequently, the Maliri
group broke up in two sections.46 The first section, known as the Merille (or Malire) migrated
northeast towards their homeland in the Omo valley in southern Ethiopia. The second
section, known as the Pokotozek, migrated from the Koten area towards a place called
Nakiloro, north of Mount Moroto and from there moved on to the Chemerongit and
Cherangani Mountains, finally branching off towards the direction of Lake Baringo around
1700 AD. Wilson argues that these Pokotozek may be the original Pokot, and a section of
them would have proceeded towards Mount Elgon, the people known today as the Sebei
(see figure 4.4).
While during the research the name Pokotozek or their specific migration route was
not recognized, a distant relation with the Merille was. Respondents strongly believed that
members of the Kapchepkai sub-clan of the Ngïsur Törïk clan, known to produce rainmakers, once moved to Merille and that they could still be found there.47 This argument is
somehow supported by Lamphear (1993: 96) who, in an article on the history of the
Turkana, links the “Kachepkai diviners” of the Pokot, to a community known as Siger, that
once lived in the Moru Assiger hills.48 According to him, the Siger formed “a multilingual
confederation whose various elements spoke Maa, Kalenjin and Cushitic dialects” (ibid.: 91).
During the eastward expansion of the ancestral Turkana, they would have encroached the
Siger community, of whom the members found refuge among the Daasanetch, Pokot and
Karimojong. Concerning the latter, the Siger would form important elements of the
Matheniko section (see figure 4.3).
Among the respondents in Kiwawa the Siger were recognized, and as noted above,
once believed to have dispersed from the Moru Assiger hills. From there they would have
migrated to the Karimojong, where they are still known as Ngisikerr.49 The respondents
noted that the Ngisikerr came to Pokot, where they are known as the Cheposikerr sub-clan,
and they are still recognized as having purely Karimojong origins.50 Some people argued that
the Ngisikerr were known for wearing cowrie shells. This is interesting as Lamphear notes
that the Siger community derived its name from the cowrie shell (esigirait, plur. ngisigira),
46
Lamphear (1976) also recognizes a split of a Kalenjin-speaking community into Pokot and Merille sections, as a result of
Turkana expansion. According to him the break-up would have happened at a place called Losogom.
47
Interviews: KIWA-3,-5,-8,-10; CHEP-21; KAPE-7.
48
The Moru Assiger (sometimes spelled as Morua Nsygar) hills are located north of the Pokot territory.
49
Although spelled differently, Novelli (1999: 174) recognizes a clan called Ngisigar among the Karimojong, who “were the
first to be absorbed at the time when the Karimojong were still living in Turkana, on Moru Apulon”.
50
The respondents in Kiwawa argued that the totem of the Cheposikerr sub-clan was the elephant, whereas in the clan
table of Appendix D we can see that the Sïpan clan, which has the elephant as its totem, does not list this sub-clan. This
could be a result of the local variation, as some sub-clans may not be found in other parts of Pokot. Furthermore, it may be
noted that there is a sub-clan in the list, namely the Chepösöker, that shows resemblance in name, but this one belongs to
the Sïrkoy clan, which has the donkey as its totem.
- 43 -
which the women would have integrated in their hairstyle. Just as the Oropom, the women
would have featured a cowrie shell dangling from a forelock.51
It is remarkable that the cowrie shell is also related to one of the ancestral cores of
the Pokot, namely the Sekerr ranges. Sekerr is generally translated as the place where the
cowrie shells were found. Perhaps the name and meaning of Sekerr - or even the place name
of Sigor, which is also located in the ethnic core area of the Pokot - can be related to the
refugees that dispersed from the Siger community and went to Pokot (see Lamphear, 1993).
Nonetheless, the origin of the cowrie shells that were said to have been found in a particular
stream named Sekerr, were unknown to my respondents.52 The name Seker is furthermore
related to the Sengwer by Ochieng (1975), and Sutton (1993) relates the name Siger to the
Sirikwa, both communities who are believed to have lived in the area before the Kalenjin
groups were formed. Although this relation of names was not recognized during the
research, it resembles arguments that the names Siger or Sekerr have early origins.
4.3 The Kalenjin migratory vein theory
In the general analysis of Kalenjin history, it is often believed that the separate Kalenjin
groups came into being by migrating from a proto-Kalenjin core group to their present
territories one by one, already existing as corporate entities that were known by their
current names.53 In this view, each ethnic community thus forms a branch of the original
group, and a certain succession in the time of splitting off is assumed. This line of thought is
called the Kalenjin migratory vein theory by Mwanzi (1977). In his study of the Kipsigis
history, he strongly argues against this theory. I agree with him that the theory stresses too
much on migration by posing a picture of an ethnic community moving from a certain place
through a certain route to a chosen area, without taking into account the evolutionary
processes of assimilation and integration of other communities.
Even though it is useful to consider the concept of a proto-Kalenjin community in the
historical analysis of the formation of the distinct Kalenjin communities (e.g. they do share
linguistic and cultural markers), as I will show later in this chapter, the Pokot, like countless
other ethnic groups, cannot be thought of as having one single origin. Yet, because the
Kalenjin migratory vein theory appears so prominently in the portrayal of the early origins of
the Kalenjin communities, I will first explore some of the ideas that prevail about the
location of the proto-Kalenjin and their diaspora.
4.3.1 Proto-Kalenjin at Mount Elgon
Besides the area of the Koten Mountains in Uganda, a more close to home origin is pointed
out for the proto-Kalenjin at Mount Elgon. It is frequently thought that the proto-Kalenjin
once settled here and subsequently dispersed (e.g. Huntingford, 1953) (see figure 4.5).
According to Ochieng (1975 referring to a.o. Lang’at, 1969; Kipkorir, 1974; Chesang, 1973),
the Kalenjin group was largely concentrated on the western section of the Rift Valley, to the
east of Mount Elgon at the beginning of the 16 th century. Were & Wilson (1970) argue that
the proto-Kalenjin group was first living on Mount Kamalinga, currently known as Mount
51
Wilson (1970) confirms this hairstyle for Oropom women.
A story about the Chepösöker sub-clan of the Sïrkoy clan, might give a clue for further research. A member of this clan
argued that the ancestor of this clan was believed to have been a businessman selling cowrie shells. Interview: KONY-9.
53
Or similar names, like Wilson (1970) argued in the case of the Pokot, who would have originated from a group called
Pokotozek.
52
- 44 -
Figure 4.5: Kalenjin migratory vein theory.
Based on: Huntingford, 1953; Were & Wilson, 1970; Kipkorir, 1978.
Proto-Kalenjin
Pokot group
Other Kalenjin groups
Altitude between 1,000 and 2,500 meters
Main routes of ProtoKalenjin according to
Kipkorir (1978)
Altitude > 2,500 meters
International border
- 45 -
Napak, from where they migrated to Mount Elgon. They argue that the dispersing of
individual Kalenjin communities from Mount Elgon would have started in the 17th century.
This argument resembles Huntingford’s (1953: 14), who found that the traditions of the
Nandi pointed to Mount Kamalinga. He furthermore argued that “*t+he first concentration of
Nandi speakers was undoubtedly on Mount Elgon”.
I assume that the positioning of Mount Elgon as the central place of dispersal in the
Kalenjin history, might have become dominant, because the Nandi (the most known Kalenjin
community, keeping in mind that the Kalenjin were formally termed Nandi-speaking
peoples), refer to this mountain as an important place of origin (e.g. Sambu, 2007a).
Furthermore, ‘Kalenjinization’, a process of closer identification between the eight
Kalenjin communities since the later half of the 20 th century, may have attributed to the
rummage around a common myth of descent with Mount Elgon as the central place of
dispersal, in that it overcomes the contradictions of the diverse origins and promotes a
feeling of unity. This may be indicated by the name Kalenjin itself, which is of recent coinage
and emerged only since the mid 1940s out of an internally inspired movement aiming to
stress the collective identity and political unity among the Kalenjin communities down to the
eve of Kenyan independence (Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973; Kipkorir, 1978; Omosule, 1989).
The weight of the Kalenjin, and thus the ideological implication of the concept, has remained
important in the political scene of independent Kenya, where political affairs have been
characterized by a clear segregation into ethnic voting blocks (e.g. Osamba, 2000; Lynch,
2006).
In oral history, the Kalenjin migratory vein theory is often simplified in myths,
whereby reference is made to a single founder for every Kalenjin group. Chebet & Dietz
(2000) give an example of how this idea is known in Keiyo oral tradition. Among the Keiyo,
all Kalenjin groups are thought to trace ancestry to one ancestor known as Kole, who settled
at Mount Elgon, and whose five sons migrated from there into different directions to settle
and become the core ethnic groups of the Kalenjin community.54 In this story, the Pokot are
said to be the offspring of the third and fourth sons, respectively the Keiyo and Marakwet,
and the Tugen.
4.3.2 Pokot as first offshoot
Contrary to the above myth known in Keiyo, what seems clear from the literature is that the
Pokot are often thought of as one of the first groups to break away from the proto-Kalenjin
group. Both Huntingford (1953) and Ochieng (1975) see the ancestors of the Pokot as the
first group to secede from Mount Elgon. This has caused them to be labelled as “the most
primitive form of Nandi” (Totty et al., 1944: 2). Kipkorir (1978: 8), who argues that the protoKalenjin came to Kenya’s Western Highlands by following the Kerio and Turkwell Rivers,
notes that on their way, some migrants crossed west to the Sekerr and Karasuk (former
name of the Chemerongit-) hills, while others moved on to Mount Elgon, and
“the majority of the migrants moved on through the Lake Baringo Basin. In the
neighbourhood of Mount Tiati, the Pokot established their most southern boundaries
54
According to Chebet & Dietz (2000: 22-23) the five sons commenced the “core of the Kalenjin community”. In this story,
the Nandi originate from the first son known as Chepkendi, while the Kipsigis stem from the second son known as Kosigisiot.
The third son Keisiote started the Keiyo community, to whom also the Marakwet are counted. The fourth son is believed to
have said kamaste, referring to the Kamasia, a former name of the Tugen. Lastly, the fifth son remained (kony/kong:
meaning firmly rooted), and from him the Sebei community is believed to have stemmed.
- 46 -
while some of the clans of Marakwet moved west attracted by the numerous streams
of the western Kerio escarpment” (see figure 4.5).
Being the most northern Kalenjin group, it seems logical to suggest that the Pokot
were the first offshoot of the proto-Kalenjin community which itself is believed to have
come from the north. Linguistic evidence seems to put forward that the Pokot were one of
the earlier offshoots of the proto-Kalenjin community. Pokot forms a distinct dialect-cluster
among the Kalenjin, apart from the other two clusters, namely Elgon and the southern
Kalenjin. Furthermore, Rottland (1979), who reconstructed the language of the protoKalenjin, recognizes Pokot as a separate genetic branch. Bollig (1990a, referring to Heine,
1971; Distefano, 1985) implies that the Pokot had a distinct linguistic history from other
Kalenjin groups for at least a thousand years. However, even though their location and their
linguistic characteristics suggest a distinct historical development for the Pokot, the idea of
an earlier offshoot of the proto-Kalenjin community presents a picture that is too simplified.
We may not assume, as the Kalenjin migratory vein theory argues, that the Pokot came into
being as an offshoot of the core group, which migrated to their current territory already as a
corporate community known by their current name.
4.3.3 Individual clan origins
The Kalenjin migratory vein theory, especially with Mount Elgon as the principal point of
dispersal from where after the individual Kalenjin communities established themselves
subsequently, also holds for several of the Pokot respondents as a common reply to the
question how their community has historically been founded. Though, when asked about the
migration routes of their individual clans, the formation of the Pokot ethnic group poses quit
a different picture. It seems that the political history from the break-up of the original protoKalenjin community is one of great migrations, whereby people of different communities
were assimilated into clans that later formed the Kalenjin ethnic groups. The Kalenjin
migratory vein theory should consequently be considered a myth that oversimplifies the
formation the different Kalenjin groups.
The significance of tracing individual clan histories in order to get an idea of Kalenjin
group formation has been shown for example by Kipkorir (1978), who argues that the Tugen
first settled in small clan groups, fleeing from war, famine and disease coming from western,
eastern and northern directions. There is even a section among the Tugen that claims to
have come from Mount Kenya (Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973). For the Marakwet, Kipkorir &
Welbourn (1973) found that descendents of groups such as the Sirikwa, Ak(g)iy (Okiek),
Maasai and Luhya were represented in the clans. The same authors mention that some of
the clans in Marakwet explicitly recalled they came through Pokot, Turkana and Karimojong
territory as well as from Mount Elgon.
Mwanzi (1977) argues that the Kalenjin groups are not the outcome of the spread of
an original Kalenjin community; rather they have their origins in different ethnic
communities, both of Kalenjin and non-Kalenjin origin. He exemplifies by tracing individual
clan histories, that the Kipsigis community emerged out of the interaction between the
Okiek (original hunters and gatherers) and several Bantu groups (among them Kisii and
Kuria), who lived in the area before. Furthermore, among the Nandi and the Kipsigis, he
found clans of Tugen and Maasai origin that had migrated to the area.
- 47 -
4.4 Cradle land
4.4.1 Harmonica-like migratory movement
As we reject the Kalenjin migratory vein theory, perhaps it is better to think of spatial core
areas, where groups of people concentrated over the centuries, and in this process evolved
into the individual Kalenjin communities as we know them today by adopting migrants and
assimilating original inhabitants. According to Sutton (1976), ancestors of the present day
Kalenjin communities might have expanded east towards the Rift Valley as far as Nakuru. He
believes the expansion of the Uas Nkishu and Loosekelai Maasai sections during the 18 th
century55 into the Uasin Gishu plateau, triggered the development of separate Kalenjin
communities as they were moving to higher grounds in order to find refuge.56 “Kalenjin
cattle-keeping was necessarily reduced in scale and the protection of herds made more
mobile, through resort to forest cover once an alarm was sounded” (Sutton, 1987: 25).
Confinement to the wetter fringes would have forced them to put more emphasis on
agriculture. He reasons therefore, that it was probably not until around the 18 th century that
the cores of ethnic groups were established in some semblance of their modern form
(Sutton, 1976).
Possibly then, the early formation of the Kalenjin groups, might be portrayed as a
harmonica-like migratory movement, whereby people in times of crises, retreated to the
higher areas to find refuge, thereby putting more emphasis on agriculture and hunting and
gathering. By crises, I mean in particular attacks from other groups as well as famines
resulting from droughts and livestock diseases on the lowlands, which would make people to
fall back on resources of the highlands. Alternatively, times of good climate, human and
livestock health, as well as a power balance with other groups to one’s advance, might have
allowed people to expand down the lower areas, and shift emphasis to a more pastoral
lifestyle.
It would be interesting to find out how environmental conditions influenced social
and historical interaction among the Kalenjin over the past centuries. Being classified as
Nilotes and therefore often thought of as primarily pastoralists, this view might leave out
other possibilities of subsistence, and with it also interaction or assimilation with other
ethnic groups. For example, while Kipkorir (1978) states that the Kalenjin were originally
cattle people, Ochieng (1975) argues that although the proto-Kalenjin kept cattle, until the
17th century they were primarily hunters and gatherers.
For the Pokot, among whom the lifestyle of pastoralism is most prestigious, hunting
and gathering as well as extensive agriculture, although disliked, have always been survival
strategies in times when drought or livestock disease strikes them. Bollig (1990a: 75) also
notes that concerning hunting,
55
There are indications of an earlier Maa-speaking population in the Rift Valley. Based on the linguistic divergence of
existing Maa dialects, Lamprey & Waller (1990) argue for an arrival of the Maasai in the Rift Valley around 1600 AD, while
Vossen (1982) and Ehret (1971) suggest on linguistic evidence that early Maasai presence occurred further south in Kenya
from 500 AD onwards (from Galaty, 1993).
56
The names of these Maa-speaking groups are taken over from Galaty (1993). According to Sutton (1993) the Loosekelai
(sometimes spelled as Losekelai, Losegelai or Loosegelai) are known as the Sigilai to the Kalenjin. In addition, the name of
the Uas Nkishu Maasai (after whom the Uasin Gishu Plateau is named) is sometimes spelled as Uasin Gishu, Uasin Ngishu,
Wuasinkishu or Wuasin Kishu.
- 48 -
“up to the present day the pastoral Pokot have none of the food taboos other
pastoralists like Maasai and Somali adhere to. In times of need they still fall back on
hunting and gathering as supplementary foodproducing strategies.”
A suggestion of the integration of gathering in Pokot culture is the extensive
harvesting of honey (see figure 4.6), something which other pastoralists such as the Maasai
may regard as a ‘polluting’ task (Spear, 1993). The practices of hunting and gathering are
among the most vivid memories of the Pokot when they remember times of hunger and
poverty, still in relatively recent years. Visser (1989: 14) mentions that among the Pokot
“only during times of starvation do people purposely go on a hunt”. Respondents even
argued that the Pokot have an aversion to eat wild animals because it reminds them of times
of famine.
Figure 4.6: Honey production in Pokot.
(May 2007)
One of the most recent periods when a lot of Pokot (especially pastoralists from the
western lowlands) had to fall back on this strategy was during the years 1979-81, also
remembered as ‘the Dark Age’. These years were characterized by an escalation of insecurity
problems, rinderpest, drought, epidemic diseases and famine (see also chapter 6), which
made many desperate people to survive on wild animals, fruit and roots. As Dietz (1987:
153) notes:
“Traditionally farmers [but also pastoralists, only they usually have a wider network to
spread risks] react by hunting, fishing or poaching (e.g. ivory, rhinohorn or leopard
skins); *…and+ by collecting bush foods and eating wild products, also those that are
normally regarded as unedible.”
It was even argued that in the past there had been restrictions on hunting for people who
owned livestock so as to conserve the wild animals for less prosperous times.
It is generally believed that the first Pokot were not yet pastoralists, rather they
acquired cattle from other communities over time. Hunting and gathering is strongly
associated with the early history of the Pokot, and this was put forward in a number of
folktales that were told to me. Schneider (1967: 292), in a collection of Pokot folktales,
mentions one named: “How things were long ago”, which says that:
“In the old days *…+ people did not have houses because they did not know how to
build them. These people were Pokot. They lived only high in the mountains and never
- 49 -
down here on the plains. Women did not know how to take care of their children so
that when they were hungry they went off into the bush to collect berries and other
food and left the children sitting alone.”
The story continues with an example of how a family acquired cattle in a cunning way. In
two other stories of Schneider (1967: 292-393) that describe the beginning of times, it is also
mentioned that “the first people did not have any cattle”. 57 Another example of a folktale is
given by Du Plessis (2005: 152-153) who did research among the Pokot of Laikipia:
“A long time ago, the Pokot were still hunter-gatherers and lived in caves. They never
stayed in one place very long and kept moving along to new areas in their search for
food.”58
4.4.2 Remnants at Mwino
The importance of the harmonica-like migratory movement for the formation of an ethnic
group, may be agreed upon in the case of the Pokot. Most scholars, as well as Pokot oral
tradition, suggest that before 1800 a core group of Pokot existed around Sekerr and the
northern Cherangani that practised mainly agriculture with possibly a small number of sheep
and goats, as well as hunting and gathering.59 The Pokot consider this area as their ethnic
core area, and its inhabitants as the ‘purest’ members of their ethnic group (more
information about the relation between the people of the lowlands and the highlands is
given in chapter 5).
The agricultural landscape of this area is characterized by irrigation and terracing
(figure 4.7 and 4.8). Porter (1988: 53) describes the “heartland” of the Pokot as “the long
settled areas in the valleys along the margins of the Rift Valley in the eastern part of the
[West-Pokot+ district”. Before the arrival of the colonial administration,
“[t]he agricultural Pokot used irrigation and were restricted in their farming to areas
where irrigation was present and needed. Agricultural settlement was thus found in
Cheptulel, Lomut, Mwina, Weiwei, Sekerr, and in the interior basis centring on the
drainage of the Murun and Iun Rivers. Here, near present day Sebit and Ortum,
population was sparse but the irrigation system appears to have well been
established” (ibid.: 71-72).
Porter & Sheppard (1998: 286) furthermore argue that the origin of the irrigation furrows is
unknown and might be related to the Sirikwa people, as “*t+he Pokot claim that some of the
furrows were there when they came to this country”.60
Just as Sutton (1976) argued that external aggressors (the Maasai) were instrumental
in triggering the development of the individual Kalenjin communities, as they had to move to
higher grounds to find refuge, this may indeed be the case for the Pokot. According to Dietz
(1987: 28) because of Nandi and Maasai attacks, the Pokot “were forced to put more
57
A further indication of the importance of hunting and gathering in ancient times is that some names of sub-clans are
derived from these activities .
58
In addition, an elder she interviewed mentioned that in the earliest times Pokot “were hunters and gatherers, they lived
in caves and had very few livestock, as they were all killed by lions, hyenas, cheetahs, and other wild animals that roamed
the area” (Du Plessis, 2005: 68).
59
Various scholars suggesting this are Beech (1911), Barton (1921), Totty et al. (1944), Turpin (1948), Brasnett (1958),
Huntingford (1953), Peristiany (1975), and Bollig (1990a).
60
Nangulu (2001: 79) also mentions that the Pokot have “known the art of irrigation for a long time. Although it is not
known when the Pokot dug the first furrow, oral history suggests that this was hundreds of years ago.”
- 50 -
Figure 4.7: “Irrigation” in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location.
Source: Davies, 2006: 7.
Figure 4.8: “Hillside Terracing” in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location.
Source: Davies, 2006: 10.
- 51 -
emphasis on agriculture, along the Muruny and Weiwei Rivers”, which are situated in the
ethnic core area. From oral history, it stems that during the 19 th century the Pokot were
under heavy attack by the Maasai as well as the Nandi, who were both notorious for their
skilled military organization.
Traditional songs and stories wherein heroes are praised and battlefields are named
were still recalled among my respondents, and in addition, places have been named after
these events. For example, there is one story about Uas Nkishu Maasai who were heavily
defeated by the Pokot around 1850. The military leader of the Maasai at that time, Ole
Lounon, was killed at Kamatira in the present day Chepareria Division. His grave can still be
found there today, and the place is known as Lounon village (e.g. PLC, 1996).61 The incident
is also referred to in one of the folktales Schneider gathered among the Pokot. He notes that
the Pokot,
“pursued the Maasai further and even up to Chepareria to a stream which comes
down the escarpment from the Mnakei [Mnagei] plateau, and there they killed a
Maasai raid-leader who was twelve feet tall and whose name was Lowunon. That is
how the stream got its name” (Schneider, 1967: 309).
Among the Pokot there is a very strong belief that all Pokot clans, once came from
various directions and communities to the highlands around Sekerr and the northern
Cherangani to find refuge. Reasons mainly mentioned were fights, diseases and droughts. 62
Concerning the latter, Visser (1989: 8) notes:
“Stories, explaining the origins of clans, sometimes begin with, ‘Long, long, ago there
was a drought. People dispersed. Some went to….’.”
In general, the Pokot still consider the mountains as refuge areas. An indication of the
early settlement in Sekerr and the northern Cherangani, is the fact that this is the only area
within the Pokot territory where traditional clan land is found. All sub-clans, which are
territorially dispersed throughout the Pokot territory, are said to own land in this area.
Besides, it was widely felt by the respondents that this clan land should ideally be available
to all clan members in times of hardship.
In particular, the area of Mwino - located at the centre of the Pokot ethnic core area is considered by the Pokot to be their cradle land; the place where the Pokot community as
it is now known, came into being. As one of the most fertile valleys in Pokot territory, Mwino
is surrounded by steep walls in the Cherangani Hills (these days situated as the Mwino sublocation of West-Pokot’s Tapach Division that borders Marakwet District (see figure 4.9). As
for the reason why specifically Mwino is mentioned, I have not been able to find an exact
explanation. Probably it is because Mwino is one of the most fertile and well-defendable
places in the Pokot core area.63 It could also be, as one respondent recalled, that the naming
of clans was decided upon here. It is likely that certain directives about clanship rules (e.g.
who settles where, who may marry who) were institutionalized at some point in time, as
some kind of organization was required when many clans migrated to the area.
61
Interview: CHEP-7.
Bollig (2006: 146) emphasizes that “the Pokot perceive the past as a constant struggle between different populations
between humans and a hazardous environment”.
63
It would be interesting to find out where the name Mwino comes from. Perhaps it can be interpreted as something like a
refuge-area or a safe haven.
62
- 52 -
The fact that specifically Mwino is stressed as the Pokot cradle-land is a myth in the
sense that it overcomes differences and creates unity among the Pokot by disregarding the
diversity of various clan origins. It is interesting to note that Mwino is recalled in a kind of
traditional secret code that is expressed in order to distinguish if one is a Pokot or not. As
one respondent explained:
If a Pokot meets a stranger at night or he wants to identify a fellow warrior in the
fight, he will ask: ‘Mwino?’ If the answer is ‘Pochore’ [said to refer to a specific hill in
Mwino] it means that the person is a Pochon and that there is no danger.”64
The story that the Pokot are descendents of refugees or rather survivors is often told,
and supports the importance of the harmonica-like migratory movement in the formation of
the Pokot ethnic group. Interestingly enough, most of the Pokot who were asked about the
connotation of their ethnic name, asserted that it meant ‘remnants’. The name Pokot refers
to ‘remnants’, ‘people who escaped death’, ‘people who are survivors of attacks (various
enemies were named) and diseases’. This view was widely expressed during the interviews.
Figure 4.9: Mwino, the cradle land of the Pokot.
The white line indicates the border of West-Pokot District
Source: Google Earth (accessed: March 5, 2006).
Also in the literature, the remnant-theme is pronounced. The PLC (1996: 7) and
Lokato (2001:7) respectively argue as well that Pokot means “the survivors” and “the
survivors of catastrophies”. Beech (1911: xiii) traced the origins of the Pokot to two tribes
called Chuk and Sekerr who were “remnants” of warlike neighbours. Another meaning of the
64
Interviews: KIWA-4; MAKU-9; KACH-10.
- 53 -
name Pokot, which is related to the remnant-theme, but which focuses more on the idea of
refuge, was also found. In this regard, Pokot is said to mean: ‘People of the house’, ‘people
of the rock’, or ‘people who lived in the caves first’.65 Overall, I agree therefore with Visser
(1989: 55) who states that for the Pokot the “survival factor has probably been the most
important factor in unifying a people of various descent groups, which have originated in
different areas”. It must be said that in general the Pokot feel very proud to be survivors.
The idea that the Pokot are descendents of refugees not because of natural hazards,
but moreover because of harassment from enemy groups, has led to the ideological belief
that in order for them to survive they have to conceal their identity. I will discuss this theme
in more detail in the following chapter, but here I want to link the idea to a story about the
origin of the name Suk, the term by which the Pokot were referred to during colonial times.
In the literature is often assumed that the name Suk derives from the name Chok, that
would have been applied to the Pokot by the Maasai, who identified the Hill Pokot like this
because they carried a short curved bill/hook (chok) (e.g. Beech, 1911; Totty et al., 1944).
Among my respondents this account was not confirmed. Instead, the most frequently heard
story about the origin of the name Suk refers to the principle of preferring to hide one’s
identity.
“When the mzungu [white men; either an explorer or a colonial administrator] came,
they asked some Pokot ‘who are you?’ The Pochon answered ‘msuk’ [which refers to a
tree trunk], because he did not want to tell the man who he was. The mzungu thought
this was our real name and so we became known as the Suk.66
This identity strategy of referring to tree (or sometimes also place) names in order
not to reveal one’s identity, was said to be still in use, for example during disarmament
operations when the government, often seen as an enemy by the Pokot, requests for
individual information. Overall, the Pokot are not keen on providing outsiders with personal
details, such as the number of livestock or family members. It is regarded as a taboo.67 As
one respondent stated:
“Overall Pokots are very conservative, it takes a lot of effort to build trust. They don’t
like to expose their internal affairs to strangers”.68
4.5 Earlier inhabitants among Pokot clans
As we argued before, the Kalenjin migratory vein theory should be considered a myth that
oversimplifies the formation of the different Kalenjin groups. As Mwanzi (1977) made clear,
the formation of an ethnic group is to be regarded as an evolutionary process whereby
different ethnic (or clan) groups merge. As the next two paragraphs will show, what
becomes clear from Pokot clan histories, is that the Pokot people originate from different
65
Interviews: CHEP-4,-7,-14,-16,-21; MAKU-11; KAPE-7,-15. Literature: PLC, 1996.
Another far less frequently heard variant of the story is that the Pochon answered ‘Suk’ (referring to the place of Sook) to
the mzungu, because he thought he was asked where he was from. Even if this variant of the story or the account on the
Maasai origin of the name would resemble reality, it is still remarkable that most respondents constructed the other
variant, as this shows their pride and keenness in the idea of concealing one’s identity. Interviews: CHEP-4,-7; MAKU-7;
KAPE-7,-12; KIWA 1,-8.
67
This is known to have hampered the collecting of census information in the area. Docherty (1957: 32) also mentions that
anyone trying to find out about family matters and “cattle has an extremely difficult task on his hands”.
68
Interview: MAKU-7.
66
- 54 -
communities. The examples of clan origins given below are the ones on which opinions
gathered during the fieldwork, combined with information from the literature, agreed most.
The origins of some clans are too uncertain to describe here; further research is required. It
is very likely that some people remember a different place of origin. One must keep in mind
that the origins that are described here, may not hold for all the sub-clans of a particular clan
- some sub-clans may have arrived in the Pokot area possibly from a different origin or were
later adopted.
Many clans still summon up their origins in clan praises (salat), which proved an
important source of oral tradition to verify the stories gathered. Clan praises comprise of
several short exclamations that are spoken out with the aim of honouring the strength of the
clan’s lineage. They recall topics with which the clan is associated. These may be related to
characteristics of totems, and more important for our research, the praises may refer to
places and communities where the clan is believed to have come from. Praising one’s clan
might take place when clan members meet or when the history of a clan is recalled. In
addition, clan praises may be spoken out by their members when they feel threatened or
even when they are bragging. The praises most often start with ‘Chito’, meaning ‘You person
of’, or ‘Apo’, meaning ‘I belong to’.
Before describing clans among the Pokot that originate from communities and areas
outside their territory (paragraph 4.6), this paragraph will first explore traces among Pokot
clans of two communities (Oropom and Sirikwa) that are now extinct, but which inhabited
the area before the Pokot did.
4.5.1 Oropom
Just as Wilson (1970) argued (see paragraph 4.2.2), the Pokot recognize the Oropom, or
Orkom as they use to name them, as the earlier inhabitants of their territory (in particular of
the western lowlands). Although it was difficult for my respondents to date the time these
people arrived or disappeared in the area, written sources give us some suggestions. Wilson
(1970), argued from physical appearance of descendents, that the Oropom were probably
originally of Bushmanoid stock. He characterized them as Late Stone Age people according
to his archaeological findings (most importantly deep grooved pottery). As said by Lamphear
(1976), the Oropom must have been confined to a small area within the Karimojong area by
the 18th century. The Karimojong, who were then still in control of the western plains of the
current Pokot territory, seem to have forced the Oropom to live on the banks of the
Turkwell-Suam River over the years (Turpin, 1948). According to Wilson (1970), expansion
from the Pokot and Turkana also attributed to this, and in addition, he believes that refugee
Oropom fled to the Tepeth community.
The final defeat of the Oropom was undertaken by the Karimojong by about 1830 in
the neighbourhood of Kacheliba (ibid). This seems to equate with Weatherby’s (1962)
account, who collected Sebei oral traditions, that stated that the first Karimojong raids
directed at the Elgon area were pushing south across the Greek River during the 1830s. After
their final defeat, the Oropom were broken up, captured, and many fled to various
directions (Wilson, 1970). Turpin (1948), who collected oral history (in 1917) among
Karimojong elders whose grandfathers were involved in the final battle, states that some of
the Oropom also fled to the Chemerongit hills, at that time clearly recognized as Pokot
territory.
Respondents distinguished the Oropom as a distinct community, who originally spoke
a different language and who - unlike the Pokot - would not have circumcised their people
- 55 -
(e.g. Turpin 1948). Although Lamphear (1993) regards the Oropom as a community with
different linguistic elements of which some spoke Maa-dialects, this could not be confirmed.
The Oropom were not related to the Maasai in any way, neither could my respondents recall
that the Oropom were having black cattle with exceptionally long horns as Lamphear
suggests. Some respondents say they could not tell because when the Pokot arrived in the
area, the Oropom were already assimilated to other ethnic communities.
However, some archaeological traces of the Oropom among the Pokot have been
found. The Oropom were known for making pots, the remnants of which were said to have
been found in Chepkobegh location (in Chepareria division). Furthermore, respondents
remembered the Oropom as blacksmiths.69 They argued that the Pokot acquired their iron
tools (such as spears, axes or knives) from them. According to them, the remains of the
smelted rocks where the iron was extracted from, could still be found nearly all over the
Western Pokot territory. Lastly, some of the deep wells within the Pokot territory, were said
to have been excavated by the Oropom.70
Next, it must be said that it was disputed among the respondents whether the
Oropom were aggressive towards the Pokot. Aversion towards the Oropom was brought up
during the fieldwork as a part of the respondents seemed to have memorized the Oropom as
huge enemies, giants, some even termed them as man-eating monsters (kapompich) that
harassed the Pokot, although it must be noted that these stories were mostly heard in
Chepareria and Kapenguria.71 In addition, Visser (1989) found grooved clay pots during his
research, most likely produced by the Oropom, that were destroyed by Pokot because they
feared witchcraft of these people. Although Wilson (1970: 127) also mentioned that the
Karimojong had feared the Oropom as witches “who had the power of bringing famine and
disease to those who afflicted them”, this was not so much expressed during my research.
To the contrary, among the respondents in the western lowlands especially in the
northern parts, it was stressed that the Oropom had not been harassing the Pokot, instead
they would have been peacefully assimilated. Perhaps this geographical difference in
memories concerning the Oropom can be attributed towards a later expansion date (during
the 19th century) of the Pokot in the northern parts of their territory, who may have arrived
there when the Oropom were already weakened, most importantly by Karimojong attacks.
Possibly, with such a powerful enemy to the west, the Oropom were therefore willing to
assimilate into this part of Pokot peacefully.
Similar remarks could be placed about the long-term close and peaceful relation
between the Pokot and Tepeth. Wilson (1970) argues that the relation goes back to the time
of the proto-Kalenjin, which according to him would have included the Tepeth. Furthermore,
Weatherby (1969) mentions that in the distant past the Tepeth could move freely between
the foot of the mountains they occupy now and the Chemerongit hills, and this would
explain the linguistic similarities between the groups. What became clear from the
interviews is that the Pokot share many clans with the Tepeth. Probably because of the
69
Although Wilson argues that the Oropom had no knowledge of making iron, he does speak of “a small iron-smelting
group of people known as the Orumpa or Mala, who were settled somewhere between Kacheliba and Kanyerus, at the
base of Mount Elgon” (Wilson, 1970: 134).
70
For example, there are two wells in Kases known as Akorngelech and Tentukuch, which were said to have been excavated
by the Oropom. Interview: KIWA-5.
71
An example of harassment by the Oropom is a frequently told story in which the Orkom had once cut a ladder to a cave
wherein Pokot were living. In the north of Pokot, this story was identified as something that had happened to the Chemkea
sub-clan, which comes from Tepeth, although the harasser was believed to be a cannibal, they could not tell if he was
someone of Oropom descent. Interviews: AMAK-2,-12; KAPE-7; MAKU-13; CHEP-21; KIWA-10.
- 56 -
historical affinitive relation, people could easily take refuge with the other community. “They
are part of us” as one respondent stated.72 It was said that the Tepeth have been protected
at all times by the Pokot from Karimojong assaults. In addition, the Tepeth have provided
ritual protection73 and ironware to the Pokot. In this regard, the relation could be compared
to that of the Pokot and the Ngabotok section of the Turkana, who were original hunters
and gatherers that were treated as neutrals by the Pokot because they served as
intermediaries providing among other things, ironware to them (Lamphear, 1992).
4.5.2 Oropom traces among Pokot clans
Although respondents were clear that people of Oropom descent were assimilated into the
Pokot community, it was not very easily acquired which particular sub-clans shared this
ancestry. Nonetheless, two examples came up in northern Pokot, where the Chemrön and
Chepokatina sub-clans of the Sotot clan were said to be of Oropom descent. Furthermore, in
this same area two other sub-clans of Oropom descent, namely the Ngilangateria and the
Ngariama, were said to have migrated from Karimoja to the Pokot territory relatively
recently (second half of the 20th century), where after they had been assimilated by the
Sïpan clan because they shared the totem of the elephant.74
The fact that these examples came up specifically on the western lowlands - and not
so much in the highland areas around Kapenguria and Chepareria - is first of all related to
the fact that this is the area where the Oropom were confined to until their final defeat (see
figure 4.4).75 Secondly, it may attribute that ethnic identity is a matter of spatial graduality
among the Pokot; the highland areas near the ethnic core area are more associated with
pure Pokotness, in contrast to the lowlands where ethnic boundaries have always been
more blurred (more about this in chapter 5). Thirdly, it may be assumed that, as argued
before, the Oropom were peacefully assimilated into the Pokot community on the western
lowlands. This is unlike the situation in Karimoja, where there seems to be a clearly defined
clan of Oropom descent (the Ngioropom) that was assimilated after being defeated by the
Karimojong (e.g. Clark, 1950; Novelli, 1999).76
A further clue to the existence of Oropom ancestry among the Pokot, is the totem
monkes (colobus monkey) that was generally associated with the Oropom, although it
remained unclear during the research to which specific clans and sub-clans it was
attributed.77 Some respondents believed the Köno clan had the monkes (colobus monkey) as
its totem.78 A relation of the Köno with the Oropom is confirmed by the PLC (1996: 11),
72
Interview: KIWA-7.
The Tepeth, especially those from Mount Kadam (locally known as the Kadama people) as this mountain is regarded as
their traditional centre, are known for their specific death culture which is characterized by people who are able to mediate
between the spirits and the living (e.g. Weatherby, 1969). Furthermore, the Kadama are believed to be the custodians of a
specific plant that can be used for poisoning, as by burning it, a poisonous gas would emerge. Interviews: KIWA-3, KONY-5.
74
Interviews: KIWA-1,-2,-4,-7; KONY-8; AMAK-4. Furthermore Novelli (1999) recognizes a clan among the Karimojong called
Ngingariamà, although he argues that they are originally of Lango origin and were absorbed in the Karimojong community
after defeat in the war.
75
Accordingly, Bollig (1990a) did not find traces of the Oropom in Eastern Pokot traditions.
76
According to Novelli (1999: 174), the Ngioropom clan was the last to be absorbed by the Karimojong: “They were
defeated by the Pian section of the Karimojong in their expansion towards south in the plains between Mt. Kadam and Mt.
th
Elgon, in the second half of last [19 + century”.
77
Visser (1989) and Kale & Loytaa (2005) refer to Monkes (or Monges) as a clan name, whereby the latter also puts monges
as a totem. See Appendix D for more information.
78
Lokato (2001: 15) names “monges” as a totem for the Köno clan, whereas Kale & Loytaa (2005: 5) puts “Konoiin (Giants)”
and the PLC (1996: 11) names “maa (Fire) & kïrïswö *?+”, as totems for this clan. Interviews: CHEP-6,-21; MAKU-6.
73
- 57 -
which puts the notation “Orkom” and a praise “Chito Arkom [Arkom refers to Orkom]” for
this clan. Another clan that is listed by the PLC (ibid.: 12) as having Oropom origins is the
Sönökwir, with the “monkes” as its totem, although this was not recognized during the
research.79 One sub-clan that is listed for this clan by the PLC, the Chepöchekrïp, was also
recognized by two other authors (Visser, 1989: 255, Lokato, 2001: 16) who respectively
argue that this sub-clan belongs to a clan with the name of “monkes” or with the totem of
“monges”.80
The Köno and Sönökwir clans seem to have a relation with mountain people. Many
sub-clans of the Köno were said to live among the Tepeth.81 That there might be a
considerable number of Oropom descendants among the Tepeth, bears resemblance to
Wilson’s (1970) argument, who stated that minor groupings of Oropom were left between
Elgon, Kadam and the Lolachat area (the latter is located between Mount Kadam and Mount
Napak). Furthermore, he speaks of an enclave of Oropom that survived north of Mount
Moroto. These areas are similar or lie close to the Tepeth territory, which is centred on the
mountains of Kadam, Moroto and Napak in Uganda. Furthermore, the Sönökwir were
believed to have come from Sengwer.82 Possibly, we find Oropom descendants among the
Tepeth or the Sengwer, because the Oropom had fled to the mountainous areas of Moroto,
Kadam and Cherangani to find refuge as they were attacked by various communities.
4.5.3 Sirikwa
Although Sutton (1993) assumes that the Sirikwa - a community of Southern Nilotic origin were the ancestors of the modern Kalenjin groups, he believes that this argument excludes
the Pokot. The territory of the Sirikwa would not have stretched as far as the Pokot territory.
Rather he believes that an early Pokot population that was specialized in agriculture
bordered the Sirikwa to the north (see figure 4.10). Nevertheless, I will consider the Sirikwa
here, as findings of the research indeed point to the fact that they have been assimilated
into the Pokot community.
Various suggestions have been put forward about the identity of the Sirikwa. Sutton
(1987), who did extensive archaeological research on this community, found so-called
Sirikwa Holes: sunken stock-pens that are considered a typical feature of Sirikwa homestead
complexes. According to him the Sirikwa were “fairly alike to the Kalenjin, primarily
pastoralists speaking a not very dissimilar language” (Weatherby et al., 1964: 69). Also, Ehret
(2002) sees the Sirikwa as Kalenjin people who were specialized cattle raisers across the
Uasin Gishu plains in the 16th century.
There are indications that point to a relation between the Sirikwa and the Uas Nkishu
Maasai. Sutton concurs that the northern and southern Kalenjin differ in their memories
about this group. He argued, that while the southern Kalenjin groups (Kipsigis and Nandi)
remembered the Sirikwa as similar to the Kalenjin:
79
Interestingly the PLC (1996: 12) notes a praising for the Sönökwir clan that says “Chito Köno”. Perhaps there is a relation
between the Sönökwir and Köno clans.
80
Interviews: KIWA-5,-8; KAPE-13; CHEP-21; KACH-8.
81
The Tepeth are classified as Kuliak people together with the Nyang'i and the Ik (Gordon, 2005). Elderkin (1983) however
found only a few words of the Oropom language that showed similarities to the other Kuliak languages. Souag (2004)
argues that the Oropom language showed most similarity to the Nilotic Karimojong and Kalenjin communities, probably as a
result of their assimilation.
82
The name Sönökwir resembles Sönkwör, the Pokot name for Sengwer, and therefore some respondents argued that they
should not be recognized as a clan.
- 58 -
“A number of northern informants, including some of Mr. Weatherby’s [an
anthropologist who studied Sirikwa traces in the Elgon area], are inclined to equate
the Sirikwa with the Uasin Gishu Maasai, who were broken up by inter-clan wars of
the Maasai and the growing boldness of the Nandi and other Kalenjin tribes in the
nineteenth century” (Weatherby et al., 1964: 69).
A totally different reference about the identity of the Sirikwa is given by Mwanzi
(1977), who states that most of the Kipsigis remember the Sirikwa as Bantu speaking people,
their modern descendants being represented in the ethnic groups of Kuria and Ikoma.
Probably, the Sirikwa are therefore best described in general as people who lived in the area
before the Kalenjin communities emerged.
What does seem clear is that the Sirikwa were victims of raids by their neighbouring
groups, either Kalenjin, Karimojong or Maasai (Dundas, 1910; Weatherby et al., 1964). As a
result, many of their members sought refuge among the Kalenjin groups and therefore we
still find descendants of the Sirikwa among Kalenjin clans. Evidence is given by Weatherby
(1964), who found a clan called Kapsirikwa on Mount Elgon. Mwanzi (1977) argues that a
clan called Kipkenda in Nandi claims descent of the Sirikwa. Lastly, Kipkorir (Weatherby et
al., 1964) also found a clan among the Marakwet with the totem of Tula that claimed to be
Sirikwa in ancestry. Sutton (1993) states that as the Sirikwa way of life was broken up on the
Uasin Gishu plateau during the 18th or 19th century because of Maasai expansion, some
Sirikwa refugees also moved north to Pokot, eventually to be assimilated.
4.5.4 Sirikwa traces among Pokot clans
Evidence from the literature for Sirikwa assimilation into the Pokot ethnic group, is firstly
given by Dundas (1910: 57) who speaks of
“a tribe known under various names as the Moiven [Moiben; a place and tributary of
the Nzoia River, see figure 4.10], Muttia [or Mtia], Il-Mokwan, l-Sirikwa. They were the
people who built the stone kraals on the Uasin Gishu Plateau.”83
The Sirikwa are thus known by various names. Dundas argues that these people were
raided by the Pokot from the place Kolloa, after which they fled back to a place called Sirgoit
(Sergoit, see figure 4.11). Later they would have been driven out of the plateau by the Uas
Nkishu Maasai, after which many of them took refuge with the Pokot, Tugen and Njemps.
Beech (1911: 2) also confirms that “fugitives and adventurers” of “Moiven” (which according
to him refers to the Uasin Gishu plateau) intermarried with the original Pokot. Additionally,
Bollig (1990a) found Sirikwa descendants among the eastern Pokot.84 He argues that these
83
It is interesting that the Sengwer also relate to these groups. In a memorandum about the history of the Sengwer, a myth
about their ancestry describes that “Sengwer had two sons named Sirikwa (elder) and Mitia [Mtia]. Sirikwa occupied the
plains (Soi) of what is now part of Trans-Nzoia, Lugari and Uasin Gishu Districts. Sirikwa had his first son named Chepkoilel.
The plains have since been referred to as Kapchepkoilel. The children of Sirikwa and Mitia form the sub-tribes of Sengwer”
(http://kapolet.tripod.com/Memorandum.htm#_ftn19, accessed: March 14, 2006).
84
Bollig (1990a) found Sirikwa descendants in the lineages of Kamakit, Kakirelö, Kapsokong and Kaptete. During the
fieldwork, the latter three of these lineages were recalled as sub-clans of the Kopil clan (totems: Wasp & Crow, not to be
confused with the Kopil clan that has the Dog as its totem). I could not figure out where precisely this Kopil clan originated
from, a relationship with the Sirikwa was not mentioned. The only thing that was brought up, is that they were early
settlers, so in this sense there might be some sort of relationship with the Sirikwa, as people who were in the area before
the Kalenjin communities emerged. Interview: CHEP-21.
- 59 -
Figure 4.10: Sirikwa Territory, c. AD 1200-1700 (after Azania, 1982)”.
“The broken line indicates the approximate limits of Sirikwa occupation as established by archaeological survey;
excavated Sirikwa ‘holes’ are named. The modern district names, Nandi and Uasin Gishu, are used for reference,
not as ethnic terms.”
Source: Sutton, 1993: 43.
- 60 -
people descended from a group called Mtia, Kalenjin-speakers who were “probably
identical with, or a section of, the northern Sirikwa, an ethnic group which was according to
oral traditions purely pastoral” (ibid.: 75-76). According to him, the Mtia were rich in
livestock and a lot of the early cattle of Pokot would have originated from them.
From the interviews it became clear that several of the Pokot clans were considered
to be of Sirikwa origin. These are firstly the clans of Sökö and Köymö, who specifically recall
Moiben as a place of origin. This is confirmed by the PLC (1996: inlet chart, 11), which notes
“Möypen” as an origin, and “Chito Möipen” as a praise for the Sökö clan. In addition, the
notation “Sirikwö” was also made in the PLC-document for the Köymö clan (ibid: inlet chart).
Next, a section of the Lökenï clan is said to be of Sirikwa origin. Again, the PLC (ibid.: 9)
confirms this by putting “Maipen” and “Mtïya” as places of origin for this clan. Lastly, it is
remarkable that indeed, unlike scholars such as Sutton (1993) and Ehret (2002) argue, a
relationship between the Sirikwa and Maasai is memorized among the Pokot. The Ng’oro
Köyöt clan, which is said to originate from Sirikwa, would have been in contact with the
Maasai.85 The Sirikwa origins are supported by the PLC (1996: 9), which notes “Sirikwa” as an
origin, and “Chito Sirikwö” as a praise for this clan.86
To conclude this paragraph we can thus say that there are traces of both the Oropom
and the Sirikwa among the Pokot clans. It would be interesting to find out if there is a
relationship between the Oropom and the Sirikwa. Both Lamphear (1993) and Wilson (1970)
are tempted to see them in close relation.87 However, among my respondents, especially on
the western plains, the Oropom and Sirikwa were recognized as distinct communities.
Although both communities were considered as earlier inhabitants of the Kalenjin territory,
based on information from the interviews and the literature, the Oropom were mainly
associated with the western lowlands, whereas the Sirikwa were mainly related to the area
around Moiben.
4.6 Further origins among Pokot clans
After having discussed the assimilation of earlier inhabitants among the Pokot, I will now
explore clans that have migrated to the Pokot community from other areas and ethnic
communities, keeping in mind that the migration may best be portrayed as a harmonica-like
movement as I have argued before. Note that the origins of clans described in this
paragraph, are those that respondents agreed about most, and hold for the majority of subclans of a clan. The place that the clans recall as their origin, might rather be described as the
place where the earliest ancestor (still remembered) came from before migrating to the
highlands of Pokot. Even though the majority of the Pokot clans originate from places
outside the ethnic core area, there are clans that do trace their origin within this area. These
clans are generally considered as early settlers.88 It must be said that, although there might
85
The Ng’oro Köyöt clan was believed to originate from the Uasin Gishu plateau, in particular a place called Kapempoy. The
place name is further repeated in one of the clan’s praises “Apo Sirikwö Kapempoy” (PLC, 1996: 9). Although I was unable to
trace it, respondents stated that the place is situated in former Sirikwa territory.
86
Interviews: KIWA-1,-3,-4; KAPE-7,-8,-15; CHEP-7,-21; KACH-20; AMAK-10,-11; KONY-1.
87
There are slight indications of a relation (or perhaps rather confusion) between the two. First of all, the PLC (1996: 11)
notes “Sirikwo” as an origin of the Köno clan, which, as was stated earlier, is by some argued to be of Oropom descent.
Secondly, Visser (1989) mistakenly attributes the monkes totem (generally thought of as identifying Oropom descent) to the
Köymö clan, which, as argued earlier, is of Sirikwa origin.
88
The PLC (1996: 9, 10, 12) might give a clue, as it notes that besides two clans of Oropom and Sirikwa origin (the Köno and
Köymö), there are three other clans that form the earliest settlers of the Pokot cradle land, namely the Ptuya (from
“Tamkal, Parparma” in Mwino), Silökot (from “Kapatet”, during the research recognized as a place in Marakwet) and the
- 61 -
be a notational order of arrival of clans in the ethnic core area, overall there is no status
ranking system among the Pokot clans that is derived from this.89
The Pokot still feel ideologically tied to their clan’s places of origin, as one can witness
from the large number of praises that recall them. It is strongly believed that when clans
migrated towards the ethnic core area of the Pokot, they left relatives behind. People
assume that clan members with whom they would share descent, are still found in these
places of origin and thus within other ethnic groups. Most people also believed that these
clan members would still share certain clan identity markers, such as totems and ear-cuts to
mark their livestock, although in reality this will probably not be the case. In addition, many
thought it still to be very inappropriate to marry from these clans, because they would share
the same founding father, i.e. they regard the members of these clans as their relatives.
4.6.1 Various origins
I will now sum up the various origins of clans that have migrated to the Pokot ethnic core
area in the distant past, as I came to know during the interviews (see figure 4.11).
Firstly, some clans have come to Pokot core area from the Tugen hills, in particular
the Sotot and Tïnkö clans. The PLC (1996: 10, 11) confirms this; it notes “Tïkön [Tugen]” as
the origin and a praising “Chito Tïkön”, for both clans. Although Visser (1989: 251, 253) notes
“East” as the origin for the Sotot, he mentions specifically “Tugen” as the origin of the Tïnkö.
Members of both clans believed that the founding father of their clan was a member of the
Tugen ethnic group. Furthermore, the PLC (1996: 10) notes a praising “Chito M[u]kolel” for
the Sotot clan whereby Mukolel was said to refer to a specific hill in the area of the Tugen
hills, which is shaped like a gourd (muko).
Secondly, there are clans that have come from the eastern direction of the Tiati hills
in Baringo. These are the clans of Kösom and Sïpan. This is corroborated by the PLC (1996:
9), which notes “Tiyatiy [Tiati]” as the origin and the praises “Chito Tiyatiy” and “Apo Tiyatiy”
for these clans. Visser (1989) agrees on the origin of Tiati for the Sïpan clan. It was
furthermore argued by some respondents that also a section of the Lökenï clan had come
from Tiati.90
Thirdly, the area nowadays inhabited by the Keiyo and Marakwet forms another
region where Pokot clans have come from. The Moyoy (also called Rong, with the totem of a
dove) clan comes from the Keiyo territory. The PLC (1996: 9) and Visser (1989: 252), who
respectively note “Irong” and “Iten” as places of origin (situated within the Keiyo District),
agree with this. The Moyoy were said to have migrated to Pokot territory together with the
Pkomör clan, who originate from the Marakwet area. The latter is confirmed by the PLC
(1996: 10) that notes “Chepleng” (meaning ‘poor people’ or ‘those without livestock’; a
Ngïsur Törïk (from “Lomut”). Of these three clans, respondents seemed to agree most on the early settlement of the Silökot
clan in the ethnic core area. Moreover, Visser (1989: 253) mentions the hill of “Kowogh in Mwino” as the origin of the
Silökot.
89
Despite the fact that, as said before, clans are entitled to land in the ethnic core area, according to the earliest settlement
of their ancestors.
90
Visser (1989: 254) does not agree with me on the origin of the Kösom, which he believes to be “Elgon, plains”. In addition,
he argues that the Lökenï clan originates from Tugen. Possibly members of the Lökenï clan migrated from this area to Tiati.
Probably the Riy clan is also coming from this direction, although it was not clear, as the general expression to refer to their
clan origin is Köpön meaning ‘cave’, also implying to ‘a hole in the East’. Visser (1989: 251) also notes the origin of this clan
as “Caves or the East behind Tiati Hills”. Contrary to this, is the opinion of one respondent that the Riy were coming from
the caves of Mount Kadam, where many of their members are still said to live nowadays.
- Interviews: AMAK-2, CHEP-6,-21; CHEPN-5; MAKU-6,-9; KAPE-5; KIWA-4; KOD-2.
- 62 -
name generally in use among the Pokot to describe the Marakwet) as an origin. The PLC
(ibid.) notes “Sewencha” as the specific place of origin for the Pkomör clan. Even though the
place could not be traced on maps, respondents agreed to Sewencha as the place of origin
that was situated in Marakwet territory.91
Two other clans that were said to have migrated together from the Marakwet area
are the Tul and Saniak. The PLC (1996) agrees, as it puts “Markweta” as an origin and “Apo
Markweta” as a praising for the Tul clan. Visser (1989: 254) also confirms this by putting
“Marakwet” as the origin of the Tul. Furthermore, the PLC (1996: 10, 12) notes that the Tul
and Saniak both refer to a place called “Kapelel” in their praises. This place was recognized
among my respondents as being situated in the area of the Marakwet, however again not
traceable on maps.92
The fourth region memorized as place of origin among Pokot clans, is Mount Elgon;
most notably in the case of the Solyongot clan. The PLC (1996: 10) confirms this for the
Solyongot as it mentions “Sapiny” as an origin and a praising “Chito Sapiny”, whereby Sapiny
refers to the Sebei people who are living on the mountain. Even though Mount Elgon was
the main referential point of origin, some respondents argued that the Solyongot clan came
from Moiben before settling at Mount Elgon. Visser (1989: 250), who notes
“Elge*o+n/Moiben” as the origin of Solyongot, confirms this.93
The second clan that seems to have a relation with Mount Elgon as a place of origin,
is the Talai (also mentioned in paragraph 4.1.3). There is a particular story about the Talai
that is often told, although in different contexts:
“One day the mountain Tapar [also known as Kiptaberr, located at the
southern border of Lelan division, in the Cherangani hills] fell from heaven. At that
time, the Talai people who were living in the area were doing a ceremony hoping to
receive rain. While they were dancing and singing, a white necked crow [kukai; the
totem of the Talai clan] warned them that a rock would fall from the sky. People
refused to listen and almost all them were crushed. The few who survived became the
Talai”.
It was confirmed as noted by the PLC (1996: 9) that the Talai still praise their clan by saying
“Chito Teyoy”, whereby Teyoy refers to Tapar, a sacred place for this clan. Furthermore,
Visser (1989) confirms that Tapar is the place of origin of the Talai.
Kipkorir (1978) recalls the story of the rockfall for the Talai clan of the Marakwet, and
Beech (1911) refers to the same chronicle for the Endo, a section of the Marakwet. Because
91
The Moyoy clan praises “Apo Katyeny”, which might refer to Kitany in the South Irong area. There was one respondent
who noted a different place of origin for the Pkomör clan, yet this was Iten, which is still situated in the region described
here. Furthermore, the place of origin Visser (1989: 254) notes for this clan, namely “Rongin, plains”, was not confirmed.
- Interviews: KAPE-14; KIWA-4,-8; KAPE-13; CHEP-1,-6,-21; KONY-6.
92
The origins of the Saniak clan mentioned by the PLC (1996: 12) and Visser (1989: 252) who respectively note “Sukonö
(Masach)”, and “Masop – Cherangani”, were not confirmed, although the latter is also an area of Marakwet settlement.
Probably the Sirkoy clan is also coming from this region, even though the names of the sub-clans refer to places within
Pokot (such as Sekerr, Suam). Some respondents believed that the clan name of Sirkoy was derived from Sergoit (see figure
4.11).
- Interviews: KAPE-7,-13; KIWA-3,-4,-7; KONY-2,-6,-9; CHEP-6,-21.
93
It was said that the main sub-clan of the Solyongot called Chemkan was also found in the Sebei community under the
name Chemandan, referring to the name of the ancestor of the clan.
- Interviews: CHEP-21; KAPE-7; MAKU-1,-5; KACH-20; KIWA-3.
- 63 -
Figure 4.11: Origins of Pokot clans.
Based on: Interviews.
Mt. Nyiro
Various origins of Pokot
clans as came forth from
the interviews.
Ethnic core area
Additional origins of
Pokot clans that are
described in the literature.
Traces of earlier inhabitants found among Pokot clans:
A = Oropom
B =Sirikwa/Mtia from Moiben (B1) and possibly Sergoit (B2)
- 64 -
it happened in the area of the Sengwer, often viewed as a section of the Marakwet 94, the
Talai are frequently associated with this community. Many of their sub-clans were said to be
found there. The PLC (1996: 9) confirms this; it puts “Sönkwor [Sengwer]” as an equivalent
clan name. The relation of the Talai with Mount Elgon seems more distant. Kipkorir &
Welbourn (1973) argue that Mount Elgon was an important stopping point for the Talai clan
on their migration route from the north, after which they continued their migration to the
Cherangani hills. Furthermore, Bollig (1990a) argues that the entire Talai group originally
came from Mount Elgon, where he believes that the rockfall event would have happened to
them.95
Fifth and lastly, the furthest origin of a Pokot clan that came up during the fieldwork
was found in the case of the Orö clan. The Orö were remembered to have come from the
area around Mount Nyiro (sometimes spelled as Mount Ngiro or Nyiru), which is situated
south of Lake Turkana (e.g. Bollig, 1990a). Respondents mentioned more specifically a place
known as Kölköl as an origin of the Orö clan, which was said to be a specific hill in the
surroundings of Mount Nyiro (most probably Koitokol hill, located just south of Mount
Nyiro).96 The PLC (1996: 11) and Visser (1989: 250) verify “Kölköl” as the place of origin,
whereby the first also mentions a praising “Apo Kölköl” for the Orö. The area around Nyiro
and Koitokol is nowadays inhabited by the Ariaal community, which forms “a cultural bridge”
between Samburu cattle pastoralists and Rendille camel pastoralists (Fratkin, 1993: 273).97
The Orö clan was specifically said to originate from the Boran community, which are,
just like the Rendille, classified as Eastern Cushites. The members of Orö still praise their clan
therefore by saying “Chito Poran” (PLC, 1996: 11). Bollig (1990a) assumes the Orö are of
Oromo (cluster of the Eastern Cushites that includes the Boran) origin, possibly belonging to
groups that were threatened by early Somali raids. Some respondents also argued that the
Orö were related to the Maasai because they had migrated trough their territory. Perhaps
this refers to the Laikipia Maasai, a now extinct community that once inhabited the Nyiro
and Koitokol areas (Sobania, 1993).
Another possibility is that the Orö are related to an ancient “community of ‘red’
people, Maa-speaking Kor, the term which Turkana also use for the Samburu” that is
described by Lamphear (1993: 93) in his historical analysis of the Turkana territorial
expansion. He found that “[t]radition picture them as very numerous and living in pastoral
association with Rantalle and Poran, the names used for the Cushitic-speaking Rendille and
Boran”. Furthermore, the Kor were known for pastoral diversity, which included “longnecked creatures with humps on their back – the first camels the Turkana (at least those
who had come down from Karamoja) had seen” (ibid.). It is remarkable that the Orö have
the camel as their totem, especially because other Kalenjin groups do not share this animal
as a totem (e.g. Sambu, 2007a). Indeed, Bollig (1990a: 79) notes that the Orö clan “was the
first to bring the camel to Pokot”.
The origin of the Orö, be it Oromo or early Maasai, is interesting because it has
brought some specific cultural practices along. Concerning food-taboos, members of the Orö
94
See Appendix B, figure B.5.
- Interviews: CHEP-6,-11,-15,-21; KAPE-5; KACH-19; KIWA-5.
96
Other researchers have found additional (sub-)clans that would have originated from this area. According to Bollig
(1990a), two sub-clans (the Kaponot and Katoka) that were later integrated into other Pokot clans (respectively the Ngïsur
Törïk and Lökenï), originated from Nyiro. Furthermore, Visser (1989) argues that the Ptïnkö clan came from Kölköl. These
findings were not confirmed during the research.
97
See Appendix B, figure B.2, which shows that this area is linguistically mixed.
95
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clan are allowed to do some things that are generally forbidden for other Pokot. Most
importantly, Orö women can milk cows during their menstruation period. In addition, it was
said that Orö people may drink milk and eat meat at the same time, and pour milk on fire.98
In addition, I will note some of the supplementary origins that are found in the
literature, but which have not (or not very clearly) been confirmed during the fieldwork. The
most remarkable origin is stated by Bollig (1990a), who says that there are lineages among
the Pokot that claim their ancestors came from Mount Kenya. He refers to Fadiman (1976),
who describes that Kalenjin speakers were once expulsed from the eastern slopes of Mount
Kenya. Possibly this expulsed group might also be related to a group among the Tugen
mentioned by Kipkorir & Welbourn (1973), who claim they once came from Mount Kenya.
To finish, the PLC (1996) notes two clans that originate from the north. It is stated
that the Talay (not to be confused with the Talai) clan originates from the Tepeth
community at Mount Moroto in Uganda. The praisings “Chito Moroto” and “Chito
Tapasyach”, whereby Tapasyach refers to the Tepeth, are listed (ibid: 11). Three
respondents, who argued that there were still many Talay living among the Tepeth at Mount
Moroto, could confirm this. Furthermore, the PLC (ibid.: 12) states that the Chapin clan
comes from the “Moruasiker [Moru Assiger+” hills. Although there are stories that the Pokot
once inhabited the Moru Assiger hills, it was not confirmed as a specific origin of the Chapin
clan.99
4.6.2 Clan adoption as a survival strategy
It must be said that the Pokot are very much aware of their origins in various other areas and
communities. Not only whole clans, as explained above, but also specific sub-clans originate
from other communities. This can be indicated by the story about the origin of the
Cheparchok, a sub-clan of the Riy clan. It was said that the ancestor of this clan was a
Maasai, who was captured and later on assimilated (chok is the name of a Maasai sword).100
By tradition, the different backgrounds of Pokot clans do not cause for a distinction
into people that are defined in terms of being more or less pure Pokot. In essence, when you
are part of a Pokot clan, you are considered a Pokot, and you may receive the protection of
your fellow ethnic members, even though people still recall your original community of
descent. As Bollig (2006: 360) notes:
“The Pokot emphasise egalitarian relations. Comprehensive solidarity is extended to
all fellow Pokot. Ideology constitutes ‘the Pokot’ as a strong solidarity group”.
The process whereby people from other communities are assimilated into the Pokot
community by being adopted into Pokot clans (known as ruakat) is still taking place. Before a
person can be adopted, it is essential that he or she settles among the Pokot. During this
time the person has to integrate in the Pokot community by learning the language and
taking part in social gatherings, so that he or she becomes accepted and respected (taking
98
The accounts on specific cultural practices for members of the Orö clan were expressed mainly in the north of the
research area, probably because more people remember more about the clan origins and traditions there, compared to
more urban areas such as Chepareria or Kapenguria, where people are more influenced by a modernized lifestyle.
- Interviews: CHEP-5,-21; AMAK-4,-8; MAKU-2; KAPE-7; KIWA-2,-5,-7.
99
Rather, Visser (1989: 251, 253) states that the origin of the Talay, is “Marakwet or East”, and for the Chapin he notes the
“Empopöt River *?+”.
- Interviews: KAPE-7; CHEP-21; MAKU-1.
100
Interview: KOD-2.
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part in the initiation rituals is therefore of great importance). Even though there are
currently many people from different ethnic backgrounds that live among the Pokot, and
whom are not adopted into the Pokot clans, in the past, when communication was more
difficult, adoption was considered a logical move as it provided security for newcomers. The
clan system integrates an outsider into a wide network of protection - keeping in mind that
clans are territorially dispersed throughout the Pokot territory - the newcomer obtains
relatives all over Pokot territory. As one respondent said:
“The person who wants to be adopted has to be lost. This means that there are no ties
with the people or the area where this person came from”.101
The newcomers may request for adoption, or when young (say under twenty) this may be
decided for them. Official adoption into a clan happens through a communal ceremony,
wherein community members act as witnesses, and oaths are taken whereby the new clan
member has to take on the duty upon him to defend his new clan. A new sub-clan may be
started, or especially when the newcomer is still young, he or she may be incorporated in
the sub-clan of the family that has taken care of them.
When there is knowledge about the original clan background of the newcomer, there
are more subtle ways of integrating into the Pokot clan system. One may become known in
the course of time by the sub-clan name from its original community, or start a new subclan, and through recognition by Pokot members be incorporated into the Pokot clan that
shares the same name or totem. As I explained in paragraph 4.1.3, shared clan names and
totems across ethnic boundaries, provide a basis for strong bonds of solidarity and
assimilation. However, the subtle ways of being adopted by the Pokot still requires that the
newcomer lives among the Pokot for a considerable period and integrates in the community.
Overall, the adoption of newcomers into Pokot clans can be seen as an identity
strategy, whereby the community obtains access to essential resources. First of all, in
economic terms, as Dietz (1991: 95) explains that still in recent times “*a+mong the *semipastoral] Pokot, the adoption of relatives from other areas and of refugees is widespread
and increases the available labour power”. Secondly, one may argue in cultural-demographic
terms. Many respondents who agreed that by tradition the Pokot were peaceful towards
other ethnic communities who lived in their midst, argued that from a historical perspective
the Pokot were keen on assimilating immigrants. Someone stated that the Pokot did so
because,
“it adds numbers. More people, means more security. People from other tribes who
come to live with us, will also fight for us.”102
Another example was given in regard to the historical friendly relation between the Pokot
and the Tepeth, when someone said:
“In the past, the prophet had told the Pokot to be friends with the Tepeth. He said:
‘don’t kill them. Go and bring them, they will add your number’.”103
Bollig (2006: 75) accurately explains:
101
Interview: AMAK-4.
Interview: KIWA-7.
103
Interview: KIWA-6.
102
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“In Pokot society everything seems to be set on rapid growth. Infertility is seen as the
greatest misfortune a person can meet. *…+ Several institutions encourage the growth
of the population. In the past, children, especially girls, were stolen on raids. These
children were easily integrated into the Pokot clan system and soon became
marriageable spouses” and furthermore, although the Pokot like to marry from other
communities, “it was very rare that a Pokot woman married an outsider.”
This emphasis on demographic growth was very much confirmed during the research.
In general, household prosperity in terms of a large number of wives, children and livestock
is what people traditionally aim for. Stories of women taken captive during raids were often
told. Furthermore, it was said that the Pokot liked to marry women from other communities,
especially from Turkana and Karimojong, because as one respondent explained, “mixing the
blood of our tribe with theirs, produces strong warriors”. 104 On the other hand, respondents
confirmed that Pokot women were hardly married to these communities.105
Even though clan identity is still very much stressed by the Pokot and they are aware
of the fact that they originate from different communities, the younger generations,
especially those who have been influenced by development activities such as education,
seem to be less aware of their clan histories. It must also be said that ‘Pokotness’ over the
years has been more tightly defined, which has made the community less open to the
adoption of outsiders, especially because of integration in the nation state wherein ethnic
politics have played a major role (more about this in chapter 6). For example, some of the
people who were assimilated during the late 1940s and 1950s - when West-Pokot District
was still formally closed, and the colonial administration ordered for ‘Pokotinization’ of nonPokot immigrants - may still not be regarded as Pokot, something which can also be
attributed to the fact that this assimilation was compelled.
Furthermore, increased emphasizing of ‘Pokotness’ especially in relation to land
rights, may also have implications for the way people choose to remember their origin. It
was interesting that in Chepareria a member of the Ng’oro Köyöt clan, above explained as
originating from the Uasin Gishu plateau, having a relation with the Sirikwa and Maasai
communities, saw himself originally as a Maasai. With fear of being despised, he emphasized
his Pokot origin over his Maasai origin, in order not to be expelled from his land by his
neighbours. He moreover preferred to tell his children that his clan originated from Mwino.
Even though this was an exception; in general and especially in the lowlands, people were
still very much aware of their distant often non-Pokot origins. The historical process of
memorizing Mwino as a clan’s place of origin might become more important for entitling
Pokot to the land they inhabit within the Pokot territory, especially now that agriculture has
become more important for people’s survival and scarcity of land increases because of
population growth.
104
Interview: CHEP-11.
Besides the demographic motivation, other reasons were given. Firstly, in times of conflict a woman would be cut off
from her Pokot relatives, and her children could fight the Pokot. It was also said that the Karimojong or Turkana co-wives
would envy and intimidate Pokot wives. In addition, it was argued that women would not be eager to marry from the
Turkana and Karimojong because these communities are considered as ‘less clean’ or ‘less moral’ compared to the Pokot. In
particular in lacking female circumcision and the strict rules concerning menstruation (in the Pokot community, a woman is
not allowed to cook, serve or mild the animals during her period).
105
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4.7 Conclusion
How is common descent defined by the Pokot and which ‘stories’ and explanations prevail
about the early formation of their community?
Although the history of the Pokot formation is not easily acquired, the oral testimonies
gathered were useful for a preliminary reconstruction. By tracing individual clan histories it
was found that the Kalenjin migratory vein theory should be rejected. There was not
necessarily a break-up of a once united proto-Kalenjin group at Mount Elgon from where
after the Pokot moved as a corporate group to their present territory. Rather, the Pokot
clans originate from various areas and communities including the now extinct Oropom and
Sirikwa. The Pokot have evolved where they are today from various ethnic interactions. The
history of the Kalenjin in general and the Pokot in particular should not be understood in
isolation; that is without reference to other groups of people.
It may be assumed that the separate cores of the Kalenjin groups were formed by
way of a harmonica-like migratory movement, whereby people moved to the mountainous
areas in times of famine or attacks from other communities, thereby putting more emphasis
on agriculture, and hunting and gathering activities. In case of the Pokot, this movement can
be explicitly derived from the meaning of their name that refers to remnants or survivors.
Therefore, we can take the following statement of Smith (1986: 23) very literal in the case of
the Pokot:
“collective names are a sure sign and emblem of ethnic communities, by which they
distinguish themselves and summarize their ‘essence’ to themselves – as if in name lay
the magic of their existence and guarantee of their survival”.
For the Pokot, the core group established itself around Sekerr and the northern
Cherangani. The fertile and well defendable valley of Mwino, located at the centre of the
Pokot homeland, is specifically mentioned as their cradle land. As an indicator of this, land in
this place is still owned by clans. Mwino proves the common myth of descent, central to the
definition of Pokot identity, as it overcomes the contradictions of the diverse origins and
promotes a feeling of unity. The same reasoning may hold for the fact that Mount Elgon is
regarded by many as the central place of dispersal among the Kalenjin, as the sense of
‘Kalenjinness’ has augmented through the incorporation into a national state during the last
century.
Common descent among the Pokot is primarily defined by clanship. Belonging, or
being adopted into a Pokot clan, makes one a Pokot, although in case of the latter, the
newcomer should also integrate in the community by learning the language and taking part
in rituals. Indeed, the assimilation and adoption of newcomers into Pokot clans is an identity
strategy in both economic and cultural-demographic terms, whereby the community’s
survival is enhanced through increasing the Pokot population.
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CHAPTER 5
ESTABLISHING THE POKOT TERRITORY
Core-periphery relations; ethnic unity through dependence
5.1 Introduction
In chapter 4, it was set out that the Pokot community was founded by a core group that
established itself in the highlands of Sekerr and the northern Cherangani. The core group
was formed by individual clans that came from various directions. They settled in this
mountainous area because it provided a safe haven. This chapter will continue with the
historical analysis of Pokot territorial behaviour and identification from this point on. From
the core area, the Pokot have expanded greatly, especially towards the surrounding
lowlands, whereby the subsistence lifestyle of pastoralism became more important.
In this chapter, I will particularly focus on the westward expansion of the Pokot, since
this is the area of study. During this expansion, not only did pastoralism emerge as a major
subsistence lifestyle. In addition, the Pokot began to adopt certain cultural characteristics of
the neighbouring Karimojong (a community considered as a traditional enemy), most
importantly the age-organization that stems from the initiation rite sapana. In line with the
harmonica-like migratory movement, the traditional spatial identity of the Pokot is
fundamentally characterized by a core-periphery relationship based upon a dichotomy of
subsistence lifestyles between agriculture and pastoralism. This chapter examines from a
historical viewpoint, how the internal dimensions of traditional Pokot identity are
geographically defined and moreover, how despite a spatial divide, not only in subsistence
economy but also in cultural characteristics, ethnic unity has been preserved.
5.2 Spreading from the core area
5.2.1 Territorial sections
It is assumed that the Pokot expanded from the mountainous ethnic core area after 1800
(e.g. Bollig, 1990a). At this time, the core group of Pokot was diversified in several
geographically defined divisions. These territorial sections can be generally characterized by
a specific mode of subsistence, and are important for our historical analysis of Pokot
expansion. Various authors have mentioned these traditional territorial divisions. Bollig
(1990a: 74) is the only one who refers to these divisions in the ethnic core area, as existing
before 1800, and he importantly adds that: “[t]hese sub-groups obviously were the main
frame for ethnic identification – and not ‘Pokot’ as such”. He mentions that the core group
of Pokot consisted of two agricultural groups, the Cheptulel and the ‘Kurut’ [Krut] that were
living in the northern Cherangani and around Kapenguria, and a pastoral section named
Kasauria that inhabited the Sekerr Mountains and the adjoining lowlands. The Cheptulel
section is nowadays found in Cheptulel division adjacent to Marakwet District.
The Krut currently live in Sigor division along the River Weiwei. In discussing Keiyo
history, Chebet & Dietz (2000, referring to Massam, 1927) argue that the Krut might have
formerly inhabited the highlands west of the cliff on the Elgeyo escarpment, from where
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they fled northwards settling among the Pokot, where they were assimilated. During the
fieldwork however, it was argued that the Krut section might have originated from the
Turkana community (possibly the Ngabotok section). Porter & Sheppard (1998: 298)
mention that the Krut distinguish themselves from other Pokot by their subsistence lifestyle,
especially “in the size and labour intensity of their agricultural operations”. The Krut practise
intensive irrigation on large communal fields along the river (see figure 5.1). They keep few
livestock and practise fishing. These are subsistence characteristics that are not preferred by
most of the Pokot, and possibly therefore they were often disapprovingly regarded as
‘different’ during the fieldwork.
Figure 5.1: Intensive crop cultivation along the Weiwei River near Sigor.
This forms the dominant subsistence mode of the Krut. The pictures show the irrigation scheme in the area
that was started in 1987 to increase crop yields.
Source: www.iapad.org/wei_wei_project (accessed: October 14, 2007).
Other territorial divisions have also been noted in the literature. Although these
sources do not tell us explicitly whether the territorial sections existed around 1800, it is
probable that they were, as the names have been longstanding. Porter (1988) and Porter &
Sheppard (1998) differentiate between four ‘traditional divisions of Pokot land’ after the
Pokot expanded from the core area (see figure 5.2). First of all, the Kiplegit, who are
subdivided in an agricultural and a pastoral section. The agricultural Kiplegit would form “the
stable nucleus of Pokot culture in Cheptulel, Lomut, Mwina *Mwino+ and Weiwei” (Porter &
Sheppard, 1998: 262). The pastoral Kiplegit would have inhabited the Masol plains. It must
be said that although they argue that the Kiplegit was still a present community at the time
of Porter’s research in the 1960s, during my fieldwork the Kiplegit were remembered as an
extinct community. Furthermore, they define a group called ‘Kacheripkwo’ *Kapcheripko].
This group was found in the Sook and Sekerr highlands (northern section), and furthermore
in the areas of Kipkomo, Batei and Mnagei, as well as Trans-Nzoia (southern section). In
addition, two purely pastoral sections are identified. Firstly, just like Bollig (1990a), they
mention the Kasauria, who were found on the Riwa plains and the former Karasuk area that
stretches into Uganda. Secondly, there are the Katiati or Baringo Pokot, who occupy the
eastern Pokot plains in the current East-Pokot District.
The rest of our information on traditional territorial divisions comes from three
authors writing in the early 20th century. All the above sections were recognized by either
one or more of them, although they labelled them differently. Whereas Dundas (1910) and
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Beech (1911) talk of ‘divisions’ and the former mistakenly refers to some of them as clans,
Barton (1921) speaks of ‘sections’.106 The six territorial divisions named above, were clearly
recognized as frames of sub-ethnic identification during the fieldwork. Because the Kasauria
and Kapcheripko are most prominent in the research area, I will focus most on these groups.
Yet, for the discussion of the expansionist Pokot history after 1800 it is useful to consider the
other sections too.
5.2.2 Eastward expansion
Before focussing on the westward expansion, we first touch upon other directions where the
Pokot spread out. Eastwards, the Pokot moved into the Kerio and Suguta valleys, during the
19th century (Bollig, 1990a).107 This territory was formerly inhabited by the Samburu and
Laikipia Maasai (Dundas, 1910, Beech, 1911). Internal Maasai wars seem to have weakened
the position of these groups, where after the Pokot could take advantage of the situation
and expand greatly. Beech (1911: 3-4), who states that the Pokot took over the territory
from the Samburu, noted a story that symbolizes the changing balance of power in the area,
whereby “there arose a wizard among the Suk who prepared a charm in the form of a stick,
which he placed in the Sambur cattle kraals, with the result their cattle all died”. After this
event the Pokot would have expanded as far as Kawuron. This story was however not
recalled during the fieldwork.
Rather, we may follow the analysis of Bollig (1990a) and Dundas (1910), who believe
the Pokot finally took over the territory from the Laikipia Maasai. Dundas (1910) puts the
expansion of the Pokot into the Baringo area, around the first half of the 19th century. This is
confirmed by Bollig (1990a), who states that the expansion would have started from at least
1820 onwards, and came to a standstill around 1880 when the Pokot reached the Leroghi
Plateau to the east and lake Baringo to the south.
According to Dundas (1910), the Kiplegit were the first section of the Pokot to expand
into the Baringo area, and they were followed on a later date by the Kasauria section. The
group that occupies the current East Pokot District (formerly Nginyang division of the
Baringo District) is known as Katiati (‘people of Tiati’), and is thought to be a derivative of
the Kasauria (e.g. Bollig, 1990a). That it was the Kasauria section that initially migrated
eastwards, is supported by Barton (1921), who found this (pastoral) section, among other
places, in Masol.
Even though the eastern boundaries had been established, southward Turkana
expansion and revenge of the Samburu made that after 1860, many Pokot moved in a northwesterly direction and hid themselves in the eastern part of the Chemerongit hills (Dietz,
1987). Dundas (1910) mentions that it was the Kiplegit section that was forced to abandon
Tiati because of Samburu incursions. He argues that “the main body *of Kiplegit] returned to
Kapakou [referring to Kopogogh: the mountainous parts of Alale en Kasei Divisions] and the
106
Beech (1911) mentions the Kasauria, Kiplegit and Kabcheribkwa [Kapcheripko]. Dundas (1910) speaks of the Kasauria,
Kiplegit, Kacheripko, Cheptulel and Kachenwono (a section that would have lived at Nginyang, in East-Pokot, and was
exterminated by the Samburu). Both authors also mention that the Pokot territory is further divided into geographical
sections that could be characterized by specific physical landscapes. Barton (1921: 83) mixes these geographical sections
with the larger traditional territorial sections. He recognizes eight “primarily geographical” sections among the Pokot: 1
Cheptulel, 2. Kurut, 3. Magan (inhabiting Chaichai and part of Sekerr), 4. Kasauria, 5. Kabcheribko [Kapcheripko], 6. Kiplegit,
7. Mnage [Mnagei], 8. Sekerr.
107
The Suguta valley is floored by the Suguta River, and is situated south of Lake Turkana, bounded by Mount Niyro on the
east.
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rest joined the Kasauria” (ibid.: 57). Possibly this is why Beech (1911) refers to the
Kapcheripko as being only a branch of the Kiplegit and why Barton (1921: 83) refers to the
Figure 5.2: “Pokot core and extent: 1880-1930”.
Source: Porter & Sheppard, 1998: 261.
(Note that the lines representing the traditional divisions of Pokot land, further subdivide three of the four
divisions (excluding the Baringo section). This is probably done so that a comparison of Pokot population
figures could be made more easily.)
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Kiplegit as a section, “who have spread almost entirely amongst other sections”.108
It is likely that the migration history of the Kiplegit may be portrayed by the
harmonica-like migratory movement. The fact that Porter (1988) found a Kiplegit community
during his research in the 1960s, while during my fieldwork they were remembered as an
extinct community that had been assimilated into other Pokot sections, might corroborate
this point.109 Porter (1988) found agricultural Kiplegit in the southern part of the ethnic core
area, as well as pastoral Kiplegit in Masol. It is likely that the Kiplegit, who Porter (1988: 63)
refers to as “*t+he ‘near people’, a term which also has a connotation of sedentary
agriculturalists”, had to withdraw from the plains of Masol in the period of 1979-86. The
Pokot were firstly weakened by droughts and livestock diseases during 1979-82, while raids
of the Turkana (especially around 1985-86) that reached far into Pokot territory (Lomut),
made the pastoral Pokot from Masol withdraw to the southern mountains.110
During the fieldwork, it was posed that the Kiplegit might have been the early Pokot.
There is a particular story about the history of the Kiplegit, in which they are remembered as
clever people, who were surrounded by many enemies. The Kiplegit are said to have tricked
their enemies by cunning them as the following story shows.
“The Kiplegit were told by their prophet to slaughter some of their animals and place
the carcasses on the boundaries, facing the enemy groups. The next morning vultures
were eating the carcasses. A few young men were sent to spread the message that the
whole community had been hit by a terrible disease due to which everybody had died,
and that they were the only survivors. The young men spoke the language the enemy
groups could understand. When the enemies received the message, they fled, fearing
infection.”111
It was argued that the Kiplegit later renamed themselves or had to hide their identity by not
using the name Kiplegit (or by using specific words that they were associated with) because
they feared retaliation of enemies.112
There are aspects in this story that resemble some of the key characteristics of Pokot
identity. First, the aim of concealing the group’s identity because of being surrounded by
many enemies, an aspect which I also discussed in chapter 4, in relation to the story about
the origin of the name Suk. Furthermore, the cleverness and cunning style, in combination
with the fact that the messengers of the Kiplegit could communicate with the surrounding
enemy groups, points to a well-known identity strategy among the Pokot whereby they
108
Perhaps the statement of Barton (1921) that the Kiplegit were dispersed amongst other sections, might explain why he
noted that the Kapcheripko (at the time of his writing inhabiting the Chemerongit hills) were formally inhabiting
“Chepkariat and Tirioko” (places in the eastern part of Pokot). Nonetheless, I did not find any other source mentioning that
the Kapcheripko formerly inhabited eastern Pokot territory.
109
The Kachenwono, might have been another traditional territorial section that became extinct. Dundas (1910) mentioned
this section, which according to him lived at Nginyang (East-Pokot) and was exterminated by the Samburu. Only one
respondent brought up something about the Kachenwono, who he said “had been raided and almost all were killed by the
Sigilai Maasai.” Interview: KAPE-7. Although these accounts argue for different aggressors of the Kachenwono, they agree
on the (near) extinction of the section.
110
According to Dietz (personal communication), at the time of his research in 1985, the chief of Masol was found in Lomut,
where he was in charge of the Masol pastoralists. Furthermore, he believes that the area of Masol never really recovered
and is still characterized by insecurity, possibly attributing to a certain embarrassment on the Pokot side, which may partly
explain why the Kiplegit are referred to as an extinct community.
111
Interview: KAPE-7.
112
The word kirrion (used to refer to a person in an insultingly manner) was said of Kiplegit origin. The word is still in use
among the Kasauria of the western plains, and it was considered very abusive by people of the highlands, who therefore
chose not to use it. Interviews: CHEP-14; KAPE-7,-14; KIWA-3,-6.
- 74 -
adopt certain characteristics of neighbours in order to take advantage (more about this in
paragraph 5.4).
Figure 5.3: “Pokot Territory around 1880”.
Source: Dietz, 1987: 29 (based on: Barber, 1968, and Archives).
To continue with our discussion on territorial expansion, the north-eastern boundary
between Pokot-Turkana territory around 1880 was located more eastwards than the present
district border (see figures 5.2 and 5.3). In particular, the area surrounding the Kailongol and
Laiteruk hills comprised Pokot territory at the end of the 19 th century (Dundas, 1910). The
Pokot bordered the agricultural Ngabotok section of the Turkana, near the Turkwell Gorge,
at the close of the 19th century (Porter, 1988, referring to Von Höhnel, 1894). North-eastern
Pokot territory, north of the Lotongot River became official Turkana territory in 1917. In the
foregoing decades, the Turkana had been taking over parts of Pokot territory by using
weapons they had acquired from Menelik II of Ethiopia. The Turkana staged heavy attacks
against the Pokot, because the Pokot had participated in British punitive expeditions against
them. Even though the area has been formally taken over by the Turkana, from the
interviews it came forth that the Pokot still use these areas occasionally for grazing.113
113
According to Moroto et al. (2002: 12), the territory that the Turkana took over in their revenge attacks on the Pokot,
included: “Kaipachora (Kailongol), Kaisagat (Lokichar), Kapenkogh (Loupee), Laterok Labetui plain, Kadengoi, Kaptir,
Kalemungurok, Katilu, Loyapat, Lokwangela, Locharialim (Kotaruk), Nakwamoru, Kainuk”. The border between the Turkana
and Pokot Districts is still disputed. This has caused for a lot of tension, especially in the area around Kainuk, where the
Turkwell Gorge hydro-electric power project has been built in the 1990s. According to a warning statement of the Inter
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5.2.3 South and westward expansion
To the south, the Pokot were able to expand to the plains of the Uasin Gishu plateau after
the internal Maasai wars during the latter half of the 19 th century. On the map of Porter &
Sheppard (figure 5.2), we can see that it is the Kapcheripko section that expanded south.
Furthermore, Porter (1988) gives some sources that report the Pokot grazed their cattle
around Kitale and as far as the Nzoia River.114 This was corroborated during the fieldwork;
some of the respondents’ (grand)parents were said to have grazed in the area. The Pokot
were deprived of most of these grazing areas when the British claimed it for their settlers,
during the period 1916-19 known to the Pokot as Konyi Kwenda (‘the years of exodus’)
(Moroto et al., 2002).115
Lastly, I will consider the westward expansion of the Pokot, most important for the
research. The area west of the Suam River became Pokot territory only after the period of
great rinderpest and droughts, which seriously affected East African pastoralists between
1886 and 1896 (Dietz, 1987). Before that time, the Karimojong controlled the area, as they
had been using the Kanyangareng and Turkwell as dry grazing areas (Turpin, 1948; Brasnett,
1958). This can be seen on the map of the early explorers Von Höhnel and Teleki, who
traversed the country in 1888 (see figure 5.4). Because of prior Karimojong settlement,
numerous places in the research area still bear Karimojong names.116 Conversely, as I will
explain later on in this chapter, the Pokot must have grazed in the eastern Karimojong
territory already before the harsh 1880s-90s, as oral history shows that they had adopted
cultural characteristics from their neighbours by then.
During the 1880s-90s, the Western Pokot (consisting of the Kasauria and Kapcheripko
sections) had been mainly confined to the Chemerongit hills and the hills of Sook and Sekerr,
and were therefore presumably less affected by the epidemics and droughts (e.g. Turpin,
1948). Because of the rinderpest and famine, the Karimojong were seriously affected, and
many had to survive on hunting and gathering along the banks of Suam River or in the
Chemerongit hills, where some of them fled to find refuge (ibid:). The Pokot were
advantaged by their isolation in the mountains, and this, coupled with territorial pressures
during the 1910s-20s from the Turkana in the northeast, and British settlement in TransNzoia to the south, made them rapidly expand westwards. Barber (1968: 157) notes that in
the early 20th century,
“the Suk were ‘the strong’ and so they adopted a militant, aggressive, expansionist
policy, while the Karamojong were ‘the weak’, forced on to the defensive, yielding
ground as slowly as possible, counter-attacking when they could, but gradually,
inexorably falling back”.
Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD, 2007: 1): “The Government has been unable to provide a way forward on
the issue because the maps available to both communities contradict”.
114
In addition, he also mentions that the Pokot were just one of the groups who expanded to the Uasin Gishu plateau after
the internal Maasai wars. He states that the Dorobo, Bukusu, Sebei, Keiyo, Sengwer, Nandi, Uas Nkishu Maasai, and
Karimojong, also used the area for grazing from time to time.
115
Moroto et al. (2002: 12), state: “The areas affected *during the Konyi Kwenda] were Kaporom (now Soy club), Totum
(now Matunda), Kaamasile (now Kitale), Cheporko (now Milimani near Moi’s Bridge), Lalwa Kachepkolel (now River Nzoia),
Kaapchepkolel (now Namanjala)”. Just like the disputed Turkana-Pokot border, up to this day, the Pokot also claim territory
beyond the District border on this side, which has led to violent conflicts, especially during the land clashes of the 1990s
(e.g. Daily Nation, August 15, 2003)
116
For example, the place names of Nakwijit, Konyao, Lokichar, Nakuyen, and Lossam, are said to be of Karimojong origin.
Interviews: KAPE-11; CHEP-15.
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The Pokot expansion got as far as the present day Upe county in Uganda, of which they got
in full control during the 1930s (Brasnett, 1958).
Figure 5.4: Part of “General map illustrating Count Samual Teleki’s Expedition in East Africa 1887-1888”.
Source: Von Höhnel (1968).
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5.3 Dichotomy of subsistence lifestyle
Pastoralism became an increasingly important mode of living for the Pokot after they had
expanded from their ethnic core area to the surrounding lower areas during the 1800s. From
then on, the Pokot are identified according to a clear dichotomy of subsistence economy. In
this paragraph, I will explain how the traditional Pokot identity is geographically defined and
how despite this divide, ethnic unity has been preserved.
Figure 5.5: The huts of agricultural and pastoral Pokot.
(May 2007)
5.3.1 People of the grains
The more sedentary and primarily agricultural Pokot have traditionally inhabited the ethnic
core area comprising of the Cherangani and Sekerr hills. These people are known as
pipöpagh (people of the grains), or Hill Pokot, and traditionally practice rain-fed and irrigated
agriculture. In the past, they primarily produced millet (or sorghum) and eleusine (or finger
millet), whereas nowadays cultivation has been extended, mostly by growing maize, but also
to other crops such as beans and cassava. Besides cultivating, the pipöpagh traditionally
possessed small numbers of livestock.
As I noted in chapter 4, an indication of the early settlement in Sekerr and the
northern Cherangani is the fact that this is the area within the Pokot territory where clan
land is found. In these areas, where irrigation practices have defined the mode of
subsistence for a long time, clan land is situated in korok, areas that are bounded by streams
and ridges.117 Within the korok, sub-clans claim to have originally occupied pieces of land.118
They therefore recognize a ‘founding father’, and have the ultimate claim on the land up to
these days. It was believed that the demarcation of clan land stemmed from ancient times,
when people lighted fires during their hunting parties. When the fire got out of hand, the
117
Conant (1965), who studied the korok, argued that these socio-geographical features were also found on the plains,
although less clearly marked than the korok of the highlands. However, as I came to know, this is not the case; korok were
clearly defined as clan land, which is only found in the highlands of the ethnic core area. In addition to Conant, Peristiany
(1975) can be said to have over-formalized the territorial organization of the Pokot. According to him, the Pokot territory
would be divided in 10 kor (which he translates as ‘provinces’), which each would have “provincial arbitrator” (ibid.: 207).
This is not the case, kor is rather generally translated as ‘the land of’, and the territorial boundaries of such an area do not
imply a form of political sovereignty. It is to be noted that especially on the lowlands, territorial perceptions are
traditionally fluid, which is inherent to the dominant subsistence lifestyle of pastoralism.
118
More than one sub-clan may own land in one korok. Meyerhoff (1981) argues that usually two or three sub-clans are
found in one korok, whereas Visser (1989) argues for four or five sub clans in one korok.
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burnt area was said to belong to the clan, where after it was used for cultivation or grazing
by these first settlers. It was confirmed, as Peristiany (1954) asserts, that a senior member of
the land-owning clan is recognized as the ‘father of the soil’, who authorizes the settlement
of immigrants from whom he exacts token tribute.
Within the clan land, stones - termed kaeghae by Porter & Sheppard (1998) demarcate the fields of individual families. Respondents believed that these stones were
placed long ago, and it was considered strictly forbidden to uplift and remove the stones. As
one respondent noted:
“The boundaries have to be respected. When you uproot the stones you will be
cursed.”119
Not all the land in a korok is necessarily cultivated by members of the land-owning
sub-clans. Affinal ties, bonds through matrilateral kin, or cooperative links between agemates, result in a situation whereby people are allowed to cultivate land in a korok that is
originally owned by another sub-clan. Furthermore, people who cultivate the land, and who
do not belong to the clan that authorizes land in the korok, could also have acquired this
because they or their ancestors bought it (usually for the price of one goat) (Meyerhoff,
1981).
Ideally, the fields of a korok are spread along three altitudinal zones where people
grow different crops.120 It was said that, nowadays the higher parts are mainly used for
growing maize. The slopes are largely used for growing finger millet, and on the fields of the
lower parts people grow different crops such as maize, millet, sorghum, cassava, fruit, and
groundnuts, with the help of irrigation schemes. Porter & Sheppard (1998) explain that
people use these different zones, termed respectively as Masob, Kamass and Touh, in order
to spread the risk of losing crops and to distribute work more evenly through the year.
Although the fields are held by individual families, they are maintained in common. The
people of one korok form an economic unit as the group members work on each other’s
farm on a rotating basis. The group is called Kiyech and performs cultivation, fencing, as well
as house building; people are paid with beer or sometimes a goat (Meyerhoff, 1981;
Östberg, 1988). Clan land has a particular ownership status. An employee of the court in
Kapenguria said that although the land is communal:
“The court follows customary law when clan land is concerned. Each division has a
panel of elders who are knowledgeable about the territorial boundaries of the clan
land and their advice is taken in case of disputes.”121
Besides the land of the ethnic core area, agricultural Pokot are also found in the
Mnagei, Lelan, and Chemerongit highlands. Furthermore, agriculture has become of
increasing importance for people of the lowlands over the years, and many people cultivate
nowadays, especially along River Suam. Here, land is owned not by clans, but by individual
families. This has to do with the later date of settlement in these areas, compared to the
highlands of the Pokot ethnic core area. The Chemerongit hills are cultivated by people with
an agro-pastoral livelihood, while the Mnagei (see figure 5.5) and Lelan sections of the Pokot
119
Interview: CHEP-12.
The three-zoned pattern of land use is more explicitly found among the Marakwet (e.g. Moore, 1986).
121
Interview: KAPE-11.
120
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are characterized by a mixed economy, whereby main crops such as maize and beans are
grown, and dairy animals are kept.
According to Porter (1988), the Pokot had used the Mnagei and Lelan highlands as
grazing areas until the 1930s, when only a small number of Sengwer, who were sedentary
agriculturalists but also hunters and gatherers, had settled in the area by then. Hereafter,
because of shortage of grazing land appeared after the British had confined the movement
of animals, many pastoralists were forced to take on farming (Porter, 1988, referring to KLC,
1934). Land in Mnagei and Lelan, as well as around Chepareria has been privatized to a great
extent. The Chemerongit hills are still officially recognized as communal land.122
Figure 5.6: Terracing in the Mnagei highlands.
(May 2007)
5.3.2 People of the cattle
The semi-nomadic and primarily pastoral Pokot inhabit the western and eastern plains. The
lowlands in the research area are comprised of the western plains: lower Sook, the northern
part of Kipkomo, the north-eastern parts of Riwa, and the area west of the Suam River. The
life of these semi-pastoral people centres on herding of cattle, sheep, goats, and in smaller
numbers donkeys and camels. They are therefore named pipötich (‘people of the cattle’).
Life is mainly characterized by high mobility as movement in search of pasture, water, and
saltlick, is persistent. The herders travel long distances with their livestock, moving between
dry and wet season grazing areas.
The agro-pastoral mode of subsistence of the people on the plains, results in
transhumance spatial behaviour. During the dry season, most of the young men
(accompanied by the most recently married wives and some elders), move to the grazing
camps in search of pasture. For many people in the research area, this means they migrate
to Pokot territory on the Ugandan side, where environmental conditions are more
122
Because of the communal status of land in the Chemerongit hills, coupled with the more permanent settlement in this
area during the last three decades, some respondents noted that this land might also be termed clan land, as sub-clan
members have clustered to cultivate the fields. However, the land was not recognized as official korok, a term that is still
used for clan land in the ethnic core area, where settlement stems from earlier times. Furthermore, certain families (or subclans) were said to own wells in this area.
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favourable. The permanent settlements are located within reasonable distance of a water
point, and every family has at least one field located nearby, where rain-fed crop cultivation
is practiced to provide for additional food sources. During the wet season a large part of the
family lives near the fields to do planting. During the year, the permanent settlements are
occupied by women, children and elderly people, who are left with some milk cows, sheep,
and goats, to provide for dietary requirements. Traditionally, the permanent settlement is
under the leadership of the oldest male. Young girls and wives may travel long distances
during the dry seasons in order to take grains and other goods to the livestock herders in the
grazing camps.
Whereas the status of people in a large part of the korok in the highlands depends on
the position of one’s lineage in the hierarchy of clan lineages, among the pastoralists of the
lowlands, social bonds based on cattle deals are more important (Porter & Sheppard, 1998).
Although land on the plains is communally owned, it is possible for land to lose its communal
status; after a family has been cultivating it for many years, the land may become family
land. This is especially the case along the River Suam.
Figure 5.7: Views from Kiwawa.
At the start of the raining season, the permanent settlements in Kiwawa were still mainly occupied by women,
children, and the elderly. Cultivation was just starting on the plots surrounding the settlements (above left); the
granaries waiting to be filled (above right).
Most of the young men were still herding in Uganda (below right; view from Kiwawa on Mount Kadam), while
only few cattle and goats were left behind. Moreover, camel herds browsed the area (below left); more
drought resistant, these animals do not necessarily have to move with the other herds to the grazing camps,
and besides that, they provide milk to the residents of the permanent settlements.
(June 2007)
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5.3.3 Links between farmers and pastoralists
Even though an ideal dichotomy between the pipöpagh and pipötich is distinguished among
the Pokot, there is no clear-cut ecological division between the agricultural and pastoral
areas. Porter & Sheppard (1998: 298) explain that while the Pokot distinguish between cold
and hot country (resp. masob and keo’gh),
“[t]here are graduations and admixtures of farming and stock keeping everywhere in
Pokot country *…+ each variation reflects the Pokot’s reasoned appraisal of
environmental suitability.”
Besides ecological variations, the variations in farming and livestock keeping are also
responses to personal circumstances, external interventions, and natural disasters.
Nonetheless, the dichotomy of hill versus plain, or agricultural versus pastoral Pokot, has
always been the main frame of identifying the Pokot by themselves as well as by others.123
Farmers and livestock herders are traditionally linked through social and economic
dependency relations. Firstly, livestock products from the lowlands are exchanged for grains
from the highlands. Dietz (1991: 100) notes that: “In Sook, Riwa and lowland Mnagei these
trade networks did not involve too much labour; in northern Karapokot and Upe, distances
with grain surplus areas were much larger”. It is likely therefore that the larger distance
between the highlands and the people in the northern Karapokot and Upe make it more
difficult to sustain ties during times of crisis.124
Secondly, social bonds between the two ecological zones are reinforced through
stock friendships. This relation usually takes the form of a exchanging a heifer for an ox, but
may also concern other livestock (Bollig, 2006). The ox is often used for a ceremony or to pay
for diverse matters. After the exchange, the heifer is herded by the new owner, who is then
entitled to using the milk. After some time, the original owner can claim part of the
offspring. The dispersal of herds acts as a social insurance, whereby the relationships are
taken up with friends in various places (Dietz, 1991).
The stock relationships can be longstanding (up to 50 years or more) and are
inherited from father to son. Bollig (2006) explains that exchange relations of livestock
(often referred to as tilia, see for example Schneider, 1957) are based on the concept mutual
solidarity (tilyontön). According to him, this attributes strongly to the egalitarian ethos
among the Pokot:
“Tilyontön involves more than just a contractual relation and signifies intense
emotional ties between two men. The exchange of livestock implies friendship,
affection, trust, and – in times of need – mercy. A person who does not share willingly
might easily be accused of envy and selfishness. Solidarity amongst the Pokot is deeply
rooted in the concepts of the emotional self and of ethnic identity” (Bollig, 2006: 360).
The fact that ownership rights of the livestock are transferred in the exchange, reinforces
the idea of egalitarianism.
Thirdly, relationships between the people from the highlands and lowlands are
strengthened due to intermarriages and the exchange of personnel. According to Dietz
123
For example, the dichotomy is also expressed by the National museums of Nairobi and Kapenguria, which distinguish
between the two sections in their exhibition of Pokot material culture.
124
West of the Suam, the areas of Kalapata, Nasal, Lorosuk, Kasei, and Kadam, were said to be of specific importance for
the traditional grains for livestock trade.
- 82 -
(1987: 153), marrying daughters away to other areas is a survival tactic, just like “the
strategy to send away unproductive mouths to kinsmen elsewhere”. Conant (1965) also
notes that pastoral men may marry women from agricultural areas to secure grain food.
Edgerton (1971: 82) confirms that,
“highland and lowland economic zones are linked by an interchangeability of
personnel. Not only are wives exchanged, but visits are often exchanged, and men
may move back and forth between the two environments, spending some years in one
before taking up residence in the other.”
Underlining these three social and economic dependency relations is the fact that
unity between the two Pokot sections is strengthened because clans are dispersed
territorially. As argued in chapter 4, clanship is a strong source of identification among the
Pokot, which is underscored through shared ancestry, totems, and property marks (ear-cuts
of the livestock). It was said that in the case of grains-livestock trade, people normally visit
their clan relatives and stay with them for some time before returning home. Furthermore,
clanship is very important for the entrance into marriage and stock friendships, which are
both seen as institutions that bind the two clans involved. Usually these relations are
established between clans that have had a prosperous past (kapkoyogh) (e.g. Bollig, 2006).
Lastly, age- and generation-set ties crosscut the Pokot territory to a certain extent (more
about this in paragraph 5.4), and therefore contribute to internal ethnic cohesion.
5.3.4 Pastoralism as the superior lifestyle
Even though farming has gained importance as a means of subsistence throughout the Pokot
territory especially since the 1970s, pastoralism was still considered by many respondents (in
particular those from the western lowlands) as a superior way of life. One respondent
explained:
“Having livestock is essential for a Pokot, because it is needed for food and dowry. A
Pochon would, provided that there is enough livestock, always prefer to live fully of
livestock.”125
Livestock, and cattle in particular, is what makes life meaningful to the Pokot; it provides
food and it structures life as relationships, such as marriage and stock friendships, are
mediated through the exchange of it. Already in the early 20 th century, Beech (1911: 9)
noted: “The Suk lives for his cattle, and everything is done to make them an object of
reverence”.126
Among the Pokot, livestock is highly esteemed for its beauty and is associated with
most of the rituals - it is the resource that is valued most. There is a general term among the
Pokot, Mey, which refers to poor people within the community, especially to those without
livestock. Schneider (1957: 281) states, “cattle wealth is undeniably a source of prestige and
some status”. Respondents stressed:
125
Interview: KACH-14.
Perhaps the name Kömukwony (said to mean ‘people who love the gourd so much’), by which the Pokot are referred to
by other Kalenjin groups, refers to their principal identification with a pastoral lifestyle (as the gourd is used as a milk
vessel). The lifestyles of the other Kalenjin groups are, although also partly depending on livestock herding, more
agricultural in outlook, MAKU-13; KIWA-5.
126
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“As a Pokot, you should always have at least a few livestock, only then you can be
respected.”127
“If you don’t have livestock, you are considered a dead man. You cannot speak in front
of a public; you will not have an audience. You will not be given the best meat.”128
Lastly, Kotomei (1997: 18), a Pokot researcher emphasizes once more that: “A Pochon who
has no livestock is as good as a dead one. Pokot take livestock as their life line, that is no
livestock no life”.
The importance of pastoralism and the related survival strategy of herd accumulation
among the Pokot, have long been wrongly understood as a result of the ‘cattle-complex’.
Schneider (1957) argues against this idea, which over-emphasizes the cultural importance of
cattle in traditional pastoral societies. According to him, “cattle are more extensively
exploited in the subsistence economy of the Pakot of Kenya than the interpretation of the
cattle-complex indicates” (ibid.: 278). In fact, Dietz (1987: 118) notes: “In Pokot society there
have been few households during this [20th] century with herds beyond the food needs of
their members”.
Thus, livestock herding among the Pokot cannot be described, like the cattle-complex
literature suggests, as an irrational lifestyle whereby people accumulate cattle in excess of
their economic needs for reasons of social prestige. However, as Schneider (1957: 283)
importantly adds,
“the nonsubsistence uses of cattle cannot always be clearly separated from
subsistence, and many of the functions of cattle which seem to have no clear
connection with subsistence, such as their use in the sapana-like feasts, are in fact
inseparable from it”.
That pastoralists are regarded as living a superior lifestyle compared to cultivators, is
explained by the fact that they have most control over the resource, namely livestock, which
is valued most. Schneider (1959: 151) states:
“Pakot economic life centres on herding. Farming, which varies in importance
depending on the nature of land, takes second place in esteem if not always in fact.”
A respondent from Kacheliba, noted that compared to the livestock herders of Kacheliba,
“*farming] people in Kongelai are poor. They don’t have animals and therefore cannot
give any blessings. The real pastoralists - from the River Suam in Kacheliba up to Alale
- are rich because they own many cattle. Although they don’t despise the farmers, they
feel superior. Still, these days people who have a lot of cattle, give blessings”.129
Concerning the latter, it is believed that a person who prospers by having a large herd, is
blessed, and may therefore bless himself.
Even though agriculture may provide more opportunities these days, farmers still
expressed admiration for the pastoral lifestyle. Edgerton (1971: 169) also makes note of the
127
Interview: MAKU-12.
Interview: KACH-20.
129
Interview: KACH-2.
128
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cultural distinctiveness concerning the attitude of the Pokot towards pastoralism; during his
research,
“the Pokot pastoralists responded as expected with an overwhelming preference for
cattle. Surprisingly, however, the Pokot farmers expressed a preference for cattle that
was almost equally strong”. He observed among farmers in Tamkal that “men
lamented their poverty, pointing to the scarcity of cattle in Tamkal” (ibid.: 102).
Moreover, “although the people of Tamkal strongly identify themselves as cattle
owners and desperately hope to increase their herds, their principal subsistence comes
from their fields” (ibid.: 84).
Furthermore, Meyerhoff (1981: 6) notes that,
“the Pokot idolize livestock, and especially cattle. This is not only true of the pastoral
Pokot, but for the agricultural Pokot as well, who keep small herds of goats, sheep and
cows. The agriculturalists see the pastoralists’ way of life as one of ease because they
do not have to ‘bend over’ and dig the soil, and also consider them as being far
wealthier because of the large herds they own.”
Schneider (1957: 298), comments:
“It is possible that some Pakot could derive a better living, in terms of subsistence, by
following another road than pastoralism. But they have made this choice historically,
and defend it fiercely. Many of them despise agriculture, even though they have to
engage in it, and others are indifferent to it. Most Pakot maintain the superiority of
herding as a way of life.”
Moreover, respondents noted:
“In the past pastoralists looked down upon the farmers. They were considered poor
people.”130
“Farming used to be the last resort of life.”131
“Many Pokot who were forced to leave the plains, still prefer to return there and
rebuild their herds, besides the difficulties. Being Pokot is not associated with farming,
because even in the highlands they don’t know really how to farm.”132
Dietz (1987: 287) notes that, even though he found ‘pastoralists in dire straits’ during his
research in the 1980s,
“Pokot adore livestock. *…+ As a way of life subsistence pastoralism is clearly
preferred”.
Another respondent stated:
“There is a contradiction in that the true pastoralists don’t want to settle, instead they
look down on the farmers”.133
130
Interview: KONY-5.
Interview: KACH-20.
132
Interview: KACH-21.
131
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Overall, it was argued that pastoralism was a more self-sufficient lifestyle compared
to cultivation; “Having livestock means there is hope”.134 This has to do with the fact that the
pastoralists are better able to spread risk, for example by splitting up herds and spreading
herds over a larger territory, something which Dietz (1987) also regards as a survival strategy
of the pastoral Pokot. In addition, the mobile lifestyle was deemed preferable to being
settled:
“As a farmer you are stuck to one place; when there is drought and you lose your
harvest, you are lost. As a pastoralist you can always move away when there is
danger.” 135
Compared to the farmers, the pastoralists are furthermore respected because they
are more associated with the practice and skills of raiding, and therefore the defence of the
community and the Pokot territory. People from the highlands could speak about them in
heroic terms:
“They are the real Pokot. They live out there on the plains and protect us”.136
In addition, someone said:
“Farmers trust the pastoralists, because they are believed to make better decisions.
They are braver and they can judge faster. In Lelan and Chepareria [agricultural areas]
the people are slow.137
The preference for pastoralism is also derived from the stereotypic notions
surrounding the identity of the Kapcheripko and Kasauria sections.138 Although people of
both sections practice pastoralism, the Kasauria are more identified with a pastoral lifestyle.
It was said that the Kasauria were named after a well called Sauriria, which is located in the
Korokou Mountains, east of Pcholio in a place called Lopet. Porter (1988: 63) also refers to
this, when he terms the Kasauria “people of the deep wells”.
Among the Kapcheripko one finds many people who are predominantly cultivating in
the highlands of Sekerr, Sook, Kipkomo, Mnagei, as well as along the Suam River. According
to Porter (1988, referring to the KLC, 1934) the Kapcheripko took on farming when they
were forced to by the colonial administration. Compared to the principally semi-nomadic
Kasauria, the Kapcheripko are more sedentary. Porter (1988: 63) terms the Kapcheripko
“stay-at-homes”. When I asked what the Kapcheripko were known for, often the answer was
given that “their men sit around the house”.139 In contrast to the Kasauria, who were viewed
133
Interview: KACH-6.
Interview: AMAK-5.
135
Interview: AMAK-12.
136
Interview: MAKU-3.
137
Interview: KIWA-5.
138
I must note that the current territorial boundary between the two groups was considered different from that on the
map of Porter & Sheppard (figure 5.2). During the fieldwork it was supposed that the Kasauria were nowadays found more
northwards, in general north of the Kanyangareng River. Most of the respondents argued that the precise territorial
boundary was close to Lossam on the Kenyan side and near Amudat on the Ugandan side. I assume the territorial boundary
between the Kapcheripko and Kasauria has shifted northwards, because agriculture and the associated sedentary lifestyle
th
gained in importance during the 20 century.
139
Interview: KAPE-9.
134
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as “the real nomads; their men go out for security purposes [e.g. spying and guarding] and
are ready to defend themselves”, the Kapcheripko were often considered “cowards”.140
5.3.5 Respect for the highlands
Although livestock herding might be perceived as the ideal way of life, there is also respect
for the agricultural Pokot of the highlands as respondents from the plains noted:
“The relation with the hills is always there.”141
“The Pokot honour the highlands, because it is their ancestral land and there is food in
times of hardship on the plains.”142
In chapter 4, it was already explained that clan land is important in this regard, as it forms
the most ancient inhabited land of the Pokot.
In times of hardship on the plains, the clan land in the highlands forms a resource
base where clan members from the plains can ideally fall back on. The claims on clan land
prevail mostly on the level of the sub-clan, since this is the level of land ownership, and
because as relatives, members of the sub-clan are expected to express assistance and
hospitality towards each other. One respondent noted, “It is believed that one day at least
you will have to come back to Mwino [or the highlands in general] to do some farming”.143
This latter remark that came out of discussing clan ties (therefore specifically Mwino, the
Pokot cradle land was recalled), reinforces the idea of harmonica-like migratory
movement.144
The centre-periphery relationship was furthermore marked out by referring to the
highlands as the ritual centre - a traditional safe haven where moral standards are believed
to be strict. More so than for food needs, the highlands are respected because pure Pokot
culture is thought to be preserved here.145 Barton (1921: 82) already mentioned that the
“Hill Suk” were “generally regarded by all Suk as the repositories of tribal tradition”.
Especially the area of Sook was mentioned in this regard, most likely because this is still one
of the most remote parts of the Pokot highlands, which is not easily accessible, and lacks
modern facilities.146 “Even today theft is quite unknown in Sook and there is plenty of food”,
as a respondent recalled when thinking of Sook as a safe haven. 147
140
Interview: MAKU-9.
Interview: KACH-20.
142
Interview: KACH-21.
143
Interview: KAPE-5.
144
Because the Pokot originate from the mountains where they primarily cultivated, and the pastoral Pokot have the
tendency to withdraw to mountains in times of hardship on the plains, the Turkana were said to refer to the Pokot as
Ngichomin (baboons). This stereotypic notion results from the ‘pastoral honour’ of the Turkana, who consider themselves
superior to other less pastoral groups such as the Pokot. In this same logic, the Pokot distance themselves from the
Marakwet, who are more agricultural than them, by terming them Chepleng, meaning ‘poor people’, or ‘those without
stock’. Interviews: MAKU-6,-15; KONY-6,-8; KIWA-4,-7.
145
Bianco (2000) mentions an example of stricter adherence to Pokot culture in the highlands. In her discussion of the
material culture of Pokot women, she describes that there are clan-specific combinations of cowrie shells and coloured
beads for the belts (lökötyö) women wear after they have given birth. Concerning this, she states: “Women in the central
part of the District, where I did my fieldwork, say that people from the eastern and western plains ‘sew shells on
everything, regardless of the clans’” (ibid.: 31).
146
According to Dietz (personal communication), when he visited Sook during the early 1990s, the chief as well as other
local leaders, did not give their consent for the construction of a road across the area from Ptoyo to Kriich, because they did
not prefer to open the area for outside influences and contaminations (such as livestock diseases). They told him that Sook
141
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As an indication of ritual power that is associated with the highlands, it was also
argued that “the Pokot from the highlands curse stronger”.148 Peristiany (1975: 179) notes:
“The great parparin [persons who perform cleansing ceremonies] live in the hills
where the population is sedentary so that the pastoral Pokot have to return to the hill
homes, from which they originated, for the performance of the parpar(a) ritual.”
Even though parpara is also carried out on the plains, during the research it was also
found that the highland Pokot are generally considered more powerful in carrying out
rituals.149
Mountains are considered as refuge areas, and it was said that “the Pokot have a
natural tendency to withdraw to the mountains when they are jeopardized”.150 Even during
the fieldwork in 2007, when there was an outbreak of cholera on the western plains,
someone mentioned that,
“it was hard to convince the people to stay near the roads for treatment. People in the
northern part of Pokot were ready to run to the hills.”151
Throughout their history, the Pokot have retreated to the higher areas in times of
hardship. As I explained in chapter 4, retreat to the mountains was vital for the survival and
establishment of the Pokot ethnic group. A central eschatological belief among the Pokot
refers to this:
“One day all the inhabitants of the plains will be hit by a terrible disaster [e.g. raids,
drought or livestock diseases]. Only the Pokot from the mountains will survive. People
should therefore be ready at all times to go to the mountains.”152
Again, Sook was mentioned as the principal safe haven. There is even a saying ‘Sooketo
Kigheghoy’, meaning ‘The Sook we can always go to’.153
Respect for the highlands is moreover asserted through the reverence of Mount
Mtelo. It is the central and highest mountain in the Pokot territory, and it is situated in the
ethnic core area, namely the eastern part of the Sekerr Mountains.154 Mount Mtelo is, just
like any other mountain, appreciated because it provides a refuge area. More important,
Mount Mtelo is considered a sacred place by all Pokot. During ceremonies whereby the
kïrket (a semi-circle of men who are seated according to seniority) is formed, Mount Mtelo is
should be preserved as a refuge area for times of hardship elsewhere in the Pokot territory, just as it had also served as
such during the hazardous period of the 1880s-90s when the area was important to the survival of the Pokot.
147
Interview: CHEP-17.
148
Interview: KIWA-2.
149
It was argued that a disadvantage of the traditional ritual core area is that many witches (ponin, considered very
dangerous) could still be found there, especially in the more remote parts of Sook and Sekerr.
150
Interview: MAKU-14.
151
Interview: KIWA-13.
152
Interview: KIWA-8. Someone added: “After the disasters, people will live in caves for some while; after that the people
will prosper”, which corroborates the idea of harmonica-like migratory movement. Interview: CHEP-14.
153
Interview: MAKU-12.
154
It seems that Sook and Sekerr (situated in the northern part of the ethnic core area) are thus mostly associated as the
ritual core areas, whereas Mwino (situated in the southern part of the ethnic core area) is specifically remembered as the
cradle land of the Pokot. Sook is regarded as a sacred place moreover because Mount Mtelo is visible to the east, and thus
the sun (Asis) – a worshipped deity among the Pokot - rises from behind the mountain (Dietz, personal communication).
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faced.155 According to Visser (1989: 227), the mountain “determines the direction for the
whole Pökoot country”. One respondent noted that “through its firmness, stability and
visibility, Mount Mtelo reminds the Pokot of their ancestral land”.156 Possibly, therefore
Barton (1921: 95) noted that the Pokot are connected with an imaginary “umbilical cord” to
Mount Mtelo, of which they spoke to him as the “navel”.
Peristiany (1951a: 192) refers to Mtelo as the “Pokot Olympus”, because the spirits of
the above are believed to live there. Mount Mtelo is related with the residence of Ilat (the
rain spirits), because its top is usually covered in clouds (e.g. Peristiany, 1951a; Visser, 1989).
One respondent told: “Generally water and mountains and especially a combination of
these, are considered to be holy places for the Pokot because they bring life”. 157 It is not
necessarily thought that Tororöt (the supreme being - God, the creator - in Pokot traditional
religion) resides on Mtelo like Peristiany (1975) argues for. Rather, because providing a
refuge area, “the presence of Tororöt is felt there, or the power of Tororöt is shown there”. 158
5.4 Westward expansion
After having described the importance of the differences in subsistence economy for the
internal identity sections of the Pokot, we will now take a closer look at the process of
westward expansion, during which the Pokot became more pastoral.
5.4.1 Cultural fusion
It is often thought that, prior to the 1880s-90s, the Western Pokot were “still essentially a
hill tribe” (Brasnett, 1958: 115, see also Turpin, 1948). This idea was probably strengthened
by the fact that the first accounts about the Pokot territory were made during and soon after
these years of rinderpest and drought, which left the plains west of Suam almost entirely
empty. Explorers such as Von Höhnel and Teleki (see figure 5.4) and Austin, travelling in the
area respectively in 1888 and 1897, still recognized the western plains as Karimojong
territory. According to Dietz (1987), before the 1880s-90s, the Western Pokot focused their
grazing on the Riwa plains, Mnagei highlands and more south to the Uasin Gishu plateau.
Nonetheless, the Western Pokot must have been grazing as well in Karimojong
territory, as a process of cultural fusion had taken place already before this time.159 This is
confirmed by Bollig (1990a), who emphasizes intensive contact between the two groups, and
westward expansion of the Kasauria section, as early as 1800-40. In addition, Dundas (1910)
argued that before the Kasauria moved to the eastern Pokot plains during the first half of
the 19th century, previously a first ‘exodus’ of the Kasauria had led them to migrate from
Kipkomo to the north and back. He states:
155
Furthermore, Bollig (2006) also mentions that during rituals slaughtered animals are placed in a way that they face the
sacred Mount Mtelo.
156
Interview: KACH-15.
157
Interview: MAKU-3. In addition, Du Plessis (2005: 68) also found that the main sacred places among the Pokot “were
water bodies, as well as the top of mountains”.
158
Interview: KIWA-12
159
The idea that intensive contact between the two groups was established only after the 1880s-90s is argued for by Turpin
(1948). According to his Karimojong informants: “There were no Suk west of the hills on either side of the Turkwel; any Suk
west of the hills were raiders. *…+Then we became friends with the Suk and they gradually encroached westwards *…+
Among these Suk were many Karimojo who had fled to Suk during the famine which followed Lopit [rinderpest in the year
1894] and they encouraged the Suk to leave the hills” (ibid: 164). However, we must treat Turpin’s account with some
suspicion as Turpin (who occupied the position of Commissioner of the Karamoja District in the Ugandan Protectorate) and
th
his informants supported the Karimojong claims on this territory during the early years of the 20 century (Barber, 1968).
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“After leaving Koma [Kipkomo] the Kasauria first halted in Murkassikor [Moru
Assiger], where they watered at the Kapchepkai River. From here they moved on to
Assassam [Losam] and the River Suom [Suam]; and thence returned to Koma” (ibid.:
56).
Although he argues shallowly, that “*t+hese first early movements occupied perhaps ten to
fifteen years” (ibid.: 56), it indicates that some Pokot were already grazing west of the Suam
River prior to the harsh 1880s-90s years, during which they had to withdraw to the
mountainous areas to find refuge.
It was argued during the research that when the Pokot expanded westwards, they
hence encountered the Karimojong, an ethnic group that although considered a rival, was
admired because of being more affluent in terms of livestock.160 According to Bollig (1990a),
during this early expansion westwards, the Pokot grazed in the Karimojong territory. Here
they noticed that even though they had been circumcised, the Karimojong did not regard
them as men, because they had not undergone the initiation rite of sapana. Bollig states:
“Though they were generally welcomed by their hosts out of ritual obligations they could
not be given the best pieces of meat” (ibid.: 81). In order to gain social standing among the
Karimojong, which ensured them grazing rights and stock friends, the Pokot thus began to
adopt certain cultural characteristics.
The most prominent feature the Pokot adopted, is the Karimojong generation-set
organization that is based on the initiation rite sapana for males. As part of marking
adulthood through sapana, the Pokot adopted a certain style of head dressing, a practice
that is nowadays almost left by the Pokot. Initiated Pokot traditionally wore the siolip
headdress, whereby the hair is plastered with mud, coloured with clay, and often decorated
with feathers (see figures 5.8 and 5.9). Another headdress that was traditionally put on by
initiated men is the atoro, a beaded head adornment that was mostly worn on specific
occasions such as dancing sessions (see figure 5.10). The most important Karimojong dances
that have been adopted are the amumur and adongo, and many of the accompanying songs
are still most often sang in Karimojong language. In addition, Huntingford (1953) listed
material cultural features of the Pokot that were, just like the above, found among the
Karimojong and Turkana, but not among other Kalenjin groups, namely: long and narrow
shaped shields, wrist and finger knives, skin capes, lip plugs, nose discs, and headrest-stools
(most of these are shown on figures 5.11 and 5.12).
160
The Pokot distance themselves by referring to the Karimojong and Turkana as ghomin or gham (strangers/enemies). One
respondent noted that there is traditional hostility and mutual distrust between the Pokot and these groups: “Even when
we graze together, we know the peace can always break”. Interview: KAPE-14.
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Figure 5.8: “Pastoral Suk
showing head-dress (siolip)”.
Source: Beech, 1911,
facing p. 36.
Figure 5.9: “The fashion
which the Suk call ‘Siolip’”.
Source: Hennings, 1951,
facing p. 97.
Figure 5.10: “Young Suk of Tirioko”.
Source: Hennings, 1951,
facing p. 89.
Early ethnographers such as Huntingford (1939) doubted the classification of the
Pokot because of cultural fusion with their Eastern Nilotic neighbours. Hence, on his map
delimitating the territories of the Southern Nilotes, the area west of the Suam is not part of
the Pokot territory (see figure 5.13). During the fieldwork, it was noted that among the
pastoral Pokot on the western plains (the Kasauria more so than the Kapcheripko), the
process of acculturation had also led to the adoption of other than the above noted
Karimojong characteristics. Firstly, as was mentioned in chapter 4 (paragraph 4.2.3 and
4.5.2) certain clans originated from Karimojong. Secondly, Pokot clans on the western plains
have adopted traditional clan praises and burn marks for their cattle, from Karimojong clans
who share the same totems. These practices were said not to be in use among the highland
Pokot. Thirdly, the Pokot have adopted Karimojong names (for both persons and cattle) and
learned their language.161 The latter also resulted in a dialect on the western plains that
differs from the Pokot dialect that is spoken in the highlands.162 Fourthly, the fact that
female circumcision is regarded as not so essential among them, compared to the highland
Pokot who consider it a prerequisite for marriage, is a further indicator of a different
perspective on ethnic traditions.
161
Some examples of personal names that the Pokot (P), adopted from the Karimojong (K) are: Lotao (K, Feminine =
F)/Natao (K, Masculine = M) for a person that was born during the time of tilling the land, which has as its equivalents
names in Pokot Chemworsyo (PF)/Mworsyo (PM). Further examples are Akidon (KF)/Lokidon (KM) and Cherop (PF)/Krop
(PM) for a person that is born during rains; Nawat (KF)/Lowat (KM) and Chewitich (PF)/Kiwutich (PM) for a person born
when the livestock is migrating. In addition, there is an extensive range of livestock names that are adopted from the
Karimojong such as Loribo (K) with the equivalent name of Ptuya in Pokot to refer to black cattle. Other names are Loreng
(K) and Parer (P) for red cattle, Longor (K) and Mrïo (P) for brown cattle, and Ngoleriket (K) and Pkoröy (P) for red coloured
cattle that is white on the flanks. Interviews: KAPE-1,-11; KIWA-6,-8.
162
A typical expression adopted from the Karimojong in the dialect of the Kasauria Pokot is ‘Robo’ (meaning ‘isn’t it’).
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Figure 5.11: “Suk at the District
Commissioner’s House at Baringo”.
Source: Beech, 1911, facing p. 40.
Figure 5.12: “Young Suk displaying their desert finery”.
Source: Hennings, 1951, facing p. 96.
The process of cultural acculturation by the Pokot pastoralists historically attributes
to integration with their neighbours the Karimojong and the Turkana, something that is
expressed in times of peace, through intermarriages and communal grazing. Because of the
similarities with the Karimojong culture and the peculiar political administrative situation of
the area west of the Suam River (which, although formally belonging to Kenya, was under
Ugandan administration from 1931 until 1970), both the territory and its inhabitants were
long referred to as Karasuk or Karapokot (see figure 5.14).
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Figure 5.13: Part of
“Approximate
delimitation
of southern Nilo-Hamitic
tribal areas”.
Source: Huntingford, 1953.
Figure 5.14: Part of “Tribal &
Ethnographic” map of Kenya.
Source: GoK, 1962: 24.
The different colours on the map
refer to ethnic classification of
the groups:
- Green = “Nilo-Hamitic” *now
classified as the Eastern and
Southern Nilotes];
- Lime = “Unclassified” *formerly
white settler areas];
- Yellow = “Bantu”;
- Orange = “Nilotic” *now
classified as Western Nilotes]
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5.4.2 A dual system of age-organization
The adoption of sapana has spread among the Pokot extending to the eastern plains in
Baringo. Currently both systems of age-organization, based on sapana and circumcision, are
found among the Pokot. Before we take a closer look at the reasons behind the adoption of
sapana, I will first describe the dual system of age-organization in more detail, since this is a
central identity marker that unifies Pokot.163
The rite of sapana involves the spearing of an ox by a young man, averagely of about
twenty to thirty years. Sapana defines the time of entering manhood, as the ritual grants the
young man rights to marriage, and access to ceremonies that involve the kïrket.164 During
the ceremony, specific parts of the meat from the slaughtered animal are distributed
according to the age of the people who are present. The elders superior position is especially
confirmed during amuro, the ceremony whereby the sacred hind leg of the ox is carved.
Peristiany (1951b) has extensively described sapana and the generation-set system,
and distinguishes between two sets, among the Pokot called Tukoi (Zebras) and Ngimor
(Rocks). The Tukoi and Ngimor generation-sets wear respectively brass and copper bracelets,
by which they show their set-membership. The two sets are further divided into subsets,
according to him each taking up a period of two to five consecutive years.165 At the time of
his research in 1947, few of the leading Tukoi generation were still alive. This corresponds to
the findings of my fieldwork, wherein it was stated that the Ngimor were believed to have
taken over power during the late 1940s or early 1950s. In 2005, the Ngimor were still said to
be in power, so long in fact, that some respondents of the future generation – which was
termed Ngigetei and not Tukoi - regretted that several of their generation brothers had died
from old-age, before they had even been in power.166
The Ngigetei generation, which wears the brass bracelets as the Tukoi did, was said
to have been ‘opened’ (first members having been initiated), during the mid 1940s.167 When
I returned to the research area in late May 2007, it was argued that just earlier that month a
big ceremony had taken place in the neighbourhood of Konyao where power had been
handed over to the Ngigetei generation. The statement of Peristiany (1951a) that it would
take approximately twenty-four years for generation-sets to sequence is thus not correct,
rather from the information I gathered, a period of fifty years or more may be proposed.
According to Peristiany (1951b), the time of opening a new generation-set among the
western pastoral Pokot, was decided upon in consultation with the south-eastern
Karimojong, most probably the Pian section. This was more or less confirmed during the
research, when it was argued that the decisions concerning the opening of a set were
163
Age-organization is primarily a male domain. Although women are circumcised too as an initiation rite, they don’t have
strict age-sets. Rather, it was said that their status in the community depended on the generation- and age-sets of their
husband.
164
The kïrket is formed during ceremonies whereby an animal is slaughtered, this concerns sapana but it also pertains to
ceremonial blessings, oathings or cleansings. (see Peristiany, 1951a, for a detailed description of the ritual of sapana and
the seating formation in the kïrket)
165
Most of the sub-set names described by Peristiany (1951b) were recalled during the fieldwork.
166
Although during Peristiany’s (1951b: 295) research it was mentioned that the Ngigetei would soon be Tukoi, he
mentioned already that “Ngetei *Ngigetei] may one day replace Tukoi as the major sapana-set name”, which indeed
seemed the case as none of my respondents mentioned Tukoi, when discussing the Ngigetei generation.
167
This goes well with the argument of Peristiany (1951b), who assumes that the time corresponded with the opening of
the Koronkoro (circumcision) age-set, which would have started in 1936 according to him.
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gradually coming from the north. It was thought that ideally the most northern Ateker
communities, such as the Toposa, would start a generation set first.
Prior to the adoption of sapana, the initiation rite of circumcision provided the single
means of age-organization among the Pokot. The practice of circumcision was clearly
recognized as more ancient by my respondents. Sutton (1976) dates the introduction of
circumcision back to the era when the Highland Nilotes infiltrated Kenya’s Western
Highlands and came into close contact with the earlier group of inhabitants, the Southern
Cushites, some one or two thousand years ago.
Circumcision is performed during a boy’s adolescence, and is followed by a period of
seclusion of about three months whereby the boy and his age-mates that were circumcised
in the same ceremony, receive instructions on how to behave responsibly in family and
security matters. Eight age-sets are distinguished among the Pokot, most of which can also
be found among the other Kalenjin groups (Daniels, 1982). Among the Pokot, the following
age-sets are found: Nyongi, Maina, Chumwö, Sowö, Koronkoro, Pkoymot, Kaplelach, and
Murkutwö, whereby the last one represents the most recently ‘opened’ one.168 During the
research, it was believed that one age-set ideally encompasses a time-span of about ten to
fifteen years, and is comprised of some three or four subsets.169 It was argued that the time
of opening an age-set as well as the naming of the (sub-)sets, came from the south and was
ideally decided upon in consultation with the Marakwet.
Both the sapana and circumcision age-systems are characterized by a cyclical form,
whereby history is believed to repeat itself through the people belonging to the particular
sets. It is against Pokot tradition that two sets of the same name coexist at the same time,
thus an age- or a generation-set should only be opened or given power when all members of
the previous set have passed away.170 The sapana and circumcision age-systems
furthermore share that a father and a son should not belong to the same set.
Both systems function as reference groups, whereby social bonds within the sets and
sub-sets are made. These bonds were assumed to be very strong, especially for the
circumcision age-sets, as some respondents noted that wherever they went, they would
inquire about their age-members. Because circumcision age-set members are regarded as
brothers, it is generally forbidden to marry the daughters of one’s age-set members. The
sets are traditionally identified with certain events or characteristics.171 Both age-systems
coexist complementary, and although Peristiany (1951b) argues that ideally the two
structures correspond to each other, there is a lot of local variation (e.g. Visser, 1989).
As came forth from the interviews, the decisions regarding the period of opening and
naming of (sub-)sets are considered local affairs, and therefore varied extensively
throughout the research area. Probably this is why Bollig (1990a) lists different generation
168
These names are taken over from the PLC (1996). Concerning the time of the opening of the current age-set, the
Murkutwö, most respondents argued this was since the 1990s, while I found one respondent who was initiated into this set
in 1989. However, a man who acted as a circumciser in Chepnyal, stated that the subsequent Nyongi set had been opened
there already in the early 1990s (Interview: CHEP-4).
169
This is more or less confirmed by Huchon (2004), who found an average time span of 12.6 years (varying between 10 to
17 years) for the last nine age-sets in the areas of Mnagei and Sekerr, although she found that the most recently opened
(from 1996) age-set in this area would be the Nyongi. Considerably different findings are proposed by Bollig (1988), who
found an average of 24.7 years (varying between 4 to 36 years) in the area of Nginyang in East-Pokot.
170
Because the generation-set system has only two sets, this may cause problems. As argued, the Ngigetei would have just
taken over power in 2007, even though respondents clearly did not rule out the possibility that a few old members of
Ngimor would still be alive. It was said that these members of Ngimor would sit among the ruling Ngigetei in the kïrket.
171
An example is the Sowö age-set, which is still known (and remembered in songs) for constructing the road to Marich
Pass.
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sub-set names than Peristiany (1951b). Concerning the circumcision age-sets, Peristiany
(1951b: 297) notes that “there are frequent disagreements between Pokot provinces on
whether to open or close the period of recruitment of a circumcision set”. In addition, during
the research it was argued that for both the circumcision and sapana age-systems, sub-set
names were added, especially to refer to groups whose initiation had been delayed. This
may have been caused by failing harvests or insecurity in a specific area, or more recently,
because of the influence of education, which takes the boys out of their traditional social
community.
5.4.3 Merkol as a hero
The Pokot story about the origin of adopting the ritual of sapana is related to a fundamental
aspect of the Pokot ethnic identity, namely the strategy of adopting cultural characteristics
of neighbouring (enemy) groups for security purposes. This is shown by a story about the
adoption of sapana, believed to be instigated by a man named Merkol.
“Merkol came to the Kasauria in northern Pokot territory [in the present day Alale
division]. He had been expelled by his family from Tiati172 because of small theft. In
this area Merkol lived also with the Karimojong, who he admired because of their
large herds and strong cattle. He was a very keen man. While he lived with the
Karimojong, he learned about the Karimojong’s customs. *…+ Merkol was in close
contact with a great Pokot prophet. The prophet instructed him to make the Pokot
adopt sapana and leave circumcision. *…+ Because the Karimojong trusted Merkol as
he assimilated, he was able to scout their territory. He could deceive the Karimojong
and inform his fellow Pokot about their position. Then he mobilized large groups of
warriors to raid them. Under his leadership the Pokot raided the Karimojong
disastrously! We still know him as a great hero today.”173
This story was told to me by an old man (about 90 years of age) - who was said to be
a close descendent of Merkol himself- and confirmed by other respondents. The story is
backed up from different sides. Considering the period of sapana-adoption, Peristiany
(1951a) dates it back till the 1870s.174 While Bollig (1990a: 82) who counts for a twenty-five
year interval between the circumcision age-sets, argues that the time of the first sapanaadoption was between 1815-1840 (according to him corresponding to the Kaplelach ageset), he thinks the following Murkutwö age-set (1840-1865) did sapana “to form corporate
age-sets in their own society”. During the research the time could not be confirmed
specifically, but indeed Merkol was believed to belong to the Murkutwö age-set. Both the
accounts of Peristiany and Bollig thus refer to the adoption taking place before the harsh
1880s-90s years. They also confirm that the Pokot and Karimojong were initially living
together peacefully. The Pokot admired the Karimojong for their wealth in terms of
livestock, and they do not refer to a period of famine that caused for this.
172
Also Sook was mentioned.
Merkol was a member of the Chemket sub-clan of the Sökö clan (totem Lion). It is interesting to note that the members
of this clan were still considered to be among the bravest in warfare.
174
Although he argues that Merkol was of the Koronkoro circumcision age-set, in a later paper Peristiany (1951b) argues
that the Murkutwö circumcision-set (which he believes would have been initiates c.1886-96), were the first to introduce the
sapana age-system. It must be noted that Peristiany accounts for a shallow timeframe concerning the sequence of age-sets,
as he believes that the duration of one set would take approximately ten years. During the research an interval of ten to
fifteen years was posed, which dates the introduction of sapana earlier than the timeframe posed by Peristiany.
173
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I assume that there were Western Pokot, who had been grazing the western plains
before 1880s-90s, were occasionally coming in contact with the Karimojong. Considering
Merkol and his interests, Peristiany (1951a: 190) also notes that the adoption of sapana and
the headdress were instigated by Merkol, and that this was done strategically “to become
invincible in battle”. Furthermore, it is interesting that Schneider (1967), who gathered
folktales among the Pokot, put down a story about a hero named Merkol, who was known
for deceiving the Karimojong. Concerning the deceiving attitude, it might be illustrating to
quote Andiema et al. (2003: 6), who postulate that for the Pokot,
“[i]n the traditional ‘scale of tribal values’, the highest one is the ability to increase
one’s herd through intelligence, force and even cunning”.
The story of Merkol is indicative for a general survival strategy among the Pokot,
whereby adopting cultural characteristics of a neighbouring rival group, and thereby hiding
one’s original identity, is considered essential to Pokot security, in order to cooperate with,
but moreover to take advantage of, ‘the other’. At the time of adopting sapana, the Pokot
had probably lived together with the Karimojong in relative concord, with fairly stable
territorial boundaries between the ethnic groups.175 The Pokot who did move to the plains,
came to live in Karimojong territory, whereby they adopted their generation-set system
from the need on the Pokot side to be equally respected by their neighbours - whom they
admired for their pastoral lifestyle - and with the strategic aim of sharing resources.176 For
the Karimojong, it might have been acceptable that the Pokot lived among them and
adopted their practices, as they felt respected or at least it made social gatherings easier as
seniority could be defined for all. For both ethnic groups the adoption may believed to have
widened their circle of exchange through the change over of livestock, wives, services, and
food.
In addition, the story points to the fact that the Pokot used the trust they acquired
out of the assimilation to overpower the Karimojong, thereby illustrating a change in the
balance of power between the two groups, whereby the Pokot gradually got hold of the
western plains during the early decades of the 20th century. Consequently, the adoption of
sapana and related Karimojong cultural characteristics by the Pokot, can be seen as an
identity strategy; by defining a wider identity, the survival of the Pokot ethnic group was
assured through securing a more stable resource base.
Nowadays it is still common among the Western Pokot to adopt cultural
characteristics of neighbouring rival groups for security purposes. In order not to be
detected when scouting enemy terrain, many Pokot along the boundaries of their territory
are fluent in both the Karimojong and Turkana languages. Furthermore, most men refrain
from circumcision in the northern parts of Pokot territory. This is done firstly because the
homesteads might be attacked if groups of warriors would be in seclusion for a period of
175
I use the expression ‘relative concord’, because before the 1880-90s the more powerful Karimojong (in both population
and livestock numbers), might have been too strong for the Pokot to attack on a regular and large-scale basis.
176
The admiration for the Karimojong (and Turkana) is also expressed through the fact that the pastoral Pokot like to marry
their women, as they are considered tough. As described in chapter 4, the Pokot have taken wives from other ethnic
communities as a survival strategy. In the case of the Karimojong and Turkana, it is argued that such a mixed marriage
would produce particularly strong offspring (especially strong warriors).
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several months. 177 A second reason that was given, is that uncircumcised warriors cannot
easily be identified by the enemy as a Pokot.
Considering the adoption of cultural elements of the enemy, it invokes feelings of
superiority as one respondent explained:
“For the Pokot it means pride to have copied this. We feel advanced and are generally
known to be very good at adopting, not only names, but also language and dances.
We consider it as additional knowledge. Also, it is necessary for survival to know about
the other’s culture. In order not to be identified when spying, it is very useful that the
Pokot are able to speak the Karimojong and Turkana languages. Something that is
almost impossible vice versa. The Turkana and Karimojong find it very hard to speak
the Pokot language.”178
5.4.4 Survival factor explaining ethnic unity
Even though both systems of age-organization are found among the Pokot, the extent of
importance varies considerably for different parts of the Pokot territory. The extent of
variation is related to the traditional dichotomy of the subsistence economy among the
Pokot. Among the pastoral Pokot of the plains, the ritual of sapana is most important in
defining adulthood, whereas among the mainly agricultural Pokot of highlands, the ageorganization based on circumcision is followed, and sapana is considered there to be merely
an additional and last step in the process of adulthood.
That the more ancient custom of circumcision is most important in the highlands can
be explained by the fact that the ethnic core area of the Pokot is situated here. One
respondent explained:
“The functions of the circumcised men are still very much clear in the areas of Sekerr,
Sook, Chepareria, Ortum, Marich, Sigor and Lelan [situated in the ethnic core area].
Here uncircumcised men are regarded as children, meaning they cannot bless, do
parpara [ritual cleansing], or talk with authority. Among the pastoralists of the
lowlands, it is not such a big deal when you are not circumcised; here it is sapana that
counts.”179
Peristiany (1951a: 204-205) notes that the existence of a dual age-system among the
Pokot has the following implications: for people from the highlands
“to marry without having made sapana only results in a loss of prestige. There is no
uncleanness from which to purify oneself, no danger of contagion for one’s sexual
partner, kinsmen, or neighbours [compared to an uncircumcised man in the highlands
who wants to enter marriage]. Kerket [kïrket] feasts are not as frequent in the hills as
in the lowlands but when they do take place the man who has not made sapana will
not enter the kerket but will stay outside it.”
177
Muir (1985) also noted that males had refrained from circumcision in Nginyang (East-Pokot) for approximately twentyfive years because of intensive conflict with the Turkana.
178
Interview: KONY-2.
179
Interview: KONY-3.
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He will not be given the best meat. He adds that whereas circumcised men of the highlands
may refer to the uncircumcised as children, the sapana-initiates of the lowlands may refer to
the non-initiates as women (or children).
Even though there might be some disapproving remarks about the difference in
defining seniority between the people of the lowlands and highlands, the dual age-system
has not led to internal disagreement among the Pokot. I believe that this ethnic unity can be
explained because (besides the socio-economic linkages described in paragraph 5.3.3) the
Pokot understand that the adoption of sapana has been essential to the survival of the
Pokot community as a whole, and it gave them the chance to expand their territory. The
Pokot from the highlands expressed understanding of the fact that most Pokot from the
plains refrained from circumcision, about whom they spoke in ‘forgiving’ terms. The Pokot
from the plains however, did feel especially proud that they were able to adopt and protect
the community.
Moreover, sapana and related Karimojong characteristics are associated with a
pastoral lifestyle, which as argued before, is considered superior to an agricultural lifestyle.
Peristiany (1951a: 189) clearly summarizes the relation between the Pokot from the plains
and hills by stating:
“If, from utilitarian motives, they fell in with the ways of the Karamojong, the pastoral
Pokot never failed to display the greatest respect for everything connected with the
ritual of the hill people. The pastoral lowlands may be a provisional Eldorado, the hills
are the ancestral home and its inhabitants the living repository of ancestral values.”
5.5 Conclusion
Which internal spatial identity sections are recognized as a result of the territorial
expansion of the Pokot, and how, despite cultural differences between them, has ethnic
unity been ‘storied’ in this process?
In this chapter I firstly analysed how the Pokot expanded from their ethnic core area during
the last two centuries, a process whereby the subsistence lifestyle of pastoralism became
more important. The historical analysis of the expansion was done by taking into account the
migrations of traditional sub-ethnic identity sections, most of which are still recognized
today. Territorial identification comprehends both a ‘sense of belonging’ and ‘actual spatial
behaviour’. In the case of the Pokot, these two are intertwined. Physical geographical
differences (highlands versus lowlands) within the Pokot territory, have shaped traditional
distinctive identity sections, such as the pipöpagh and pipötich that are characterized by
specific modes of subsistence lifestyle, respectively (sedentary) cultivation and (seminomadic) pastoralism. These sections are highly integrated due to intermarriages, grainslivestock trade, personnel exchange, clans, age-set ties, and stock friendships.
The Pokot have added the age-organization based on sapana on top of the more
ancient age-organization based on circumcision. They adopted sapana during their
westward expansion, when they encountered the neighbouring rival Karimojong. The
adoption of sapana probably took place during the 19th century (before the 1880-90s) and
can be seen as a clear identity strategy of the pastoral Pokot. It proved advantageous to
define a wider ethnic identity, in order to secure a stable resource base.
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The story of Merkol is indicative for a general survival strategy among the Pokot,
whereby adopting cultural characteristics of a neighbouring rival group, and thereby hiding
one’s original identity, is considered essential to Pokot security in order to cooperate but
moreover to take advantage. The story also illustrates a change in the balance of power
between the two groups, whereby the Pokot gradually got hold of the western plains during
the early decades of the 20th century.
In the case of the Pokot, ethnicity is spatially conceptualized in terms of a centreperiphery relationship. Ethnic unity is reinforced because of social and economic ties
between the highlands and the plains. It may be posed that, from a traditional perspective,
there is a certain balance between the two geographical sections. There are the pastoralists
from the lowlands, who are admired for living a pastoral lifestyle and are depended on for
the protection of the larger Pokot community. The agriculturalists from the ethnic core area
in the highlands are subsequently admired for living in the ancestral homeland, and are
depended on because they occupy the clan land, which ideally forms a base for clan
members to fall back on in times of hardship.
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CHAPTER 6
CONFLICT AND CULTURAL CHANGE
‘Urban’-Rural as a new divide
6.1 Introduction
As is argued for by Schlee’s (2001) preliminary theory of integration and conflict, processes
of ethnic identification and differentiation come forth from either peaceful or violent
confrontations with other groups. Therefore, this chapter will analyse the most important
form of inter-ethnic conflict in the research area, which is livestock raiding.180 As I explained
in the previous chapter, livestock and the pastoral lifestyle are valued highly among the
Pokot, and they are central to their identity. Livestock provides food and it is associated with
most of the rituals. Moreover, intra-ethnic cohesion is strengthened because relations
between group members (e.g. dowry, friendship bonds and inheritance) are expressed
through the exchange of it. Raiding livestock from other ethnic groups is traditionally
considered a legitimate means for Pokot warriors to establish themselves in the community.
It enlarges access to a key resource and hence increases the degree of personal
independence. Furthermore, the act of raiding, which is accompanied by the killing of
enemies, forms one of the ideals of warriorhood, as men involved are admired for showing
courage.
Raiding is thus an innate element of the Pokot culture, and one may argue
consequently that the Pokot are historically accustomed to this type of insecurity. For the
Pokot, the installation of the colonial administration during the early 20 th century, meant
that they were confronted with an overruling authority that had a different perspective on
security issues. Peace was to prevail in order for the administration to govern the area. 181
Moreover, the violent practice of raiding has since been condemned because, according to
modern values, human rights are unjustly affected through the loss of property and lives.
Consequently, the conflict has been extensively addressed, condemned or acted upon by
both the state and NGOs. In this chapter I will try to explain why, despite numerous projects
aiming at conflict management and peace building activities, ranging from disarmament to
sensitization meetings, livestock raiding is still persistent among the Pokot, and perhaps
even more than in the past.
To give an indication of the effects of the raiding conflict, it was estimated by Adan &
Pkalya (2005: 69) that in the whole of West-Pokot District during the years 1994-2004, a
number of 50,859 livestock was stolen, 349 lives had been claimed, and 94 people had been
injured due to “cattle related and resource use conflicts”.182 Additionally, insecurity has
180
I use the term livestock raiding because even though raids are still mainly targeted at the rustling of cattle, in more
recent years other livestock, most significantly camels, have become an important target as well.
181
Dietz (1987: 188) notes: “For the administration it has always been a clear policy goal to end all raiding. When they did
not succeed, responsible officers often felt embarrassed and in some cases reacted with an overdose of force”.
182
The authors do not make clear on which sources their estimation is based. Most probably, they have looked into files of
the police and the local administration. Therefore, the actual number of stolen livestock, deaths and injured persons may
be considered higher as figured here, because by far not all raids are reported in the official records.
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negatively affected development activities, as neither a large share of developmental
workers nor the targeted people feel safe enough to respectively work ‘in the field’, or make
use of the facilities. According to a recent District Development Plan, insecurity caused by
‘cattle-rustling’ is the main attributor to poverty in West-Pokot District (GoK, 2002). Pkalya et
al. (2003: 44), estimated that 69% (25,217 people) of the population of the two most
northern divisions of West-Pokot District (Alale and Kasei), were either directly or indirectly
affected by the cattle raiding conflict, mainly through “massive displacement”.183 As a result,
displacement may negatively affect ecological resources, as Bollig (1990b) has pointed out
for the Eastern Pokot. Firstly, because abnormal concentrations of people and livestock in
relatively safe areas may lead to overgrazing and soil erosion. Secondly, the vegetation cover
of pastures in the insecure and therefore ungrazed areas may degrade due to bush
encroachment and change of grass species.
Figure 6.1: Soil erosion in the surroundings of Kacheliba.
High concentrations of people and livestock, especially in the surroundings
of ‘towns’, cause for the degradation of the ecological resources.
(Photo by: Rob Smiers, April 2005)
Albeit livestock raiding still takes place, it was argued by respondents that the conflict
had changed considerably during the last three decades.184 One explanation was that the
social organization of the community was believed to be ‘eroding’. The authority of the
elders, the group that traditionally decides upon conflict management, was believed to be
negatively affected. Another explanation was attributed to the influence of automatic
183
Although Pkalya et al. (2003) are not specific about the period covering their estimation, in another report by these
same authors (Adan & Pkalya, 2005) these figures are put as the cumulative of the period of 1994-2004. Again, it must be
said that it is not clear on which sources this figure is based. The statistics are put here merely to show that displacement is
a major negative consequence of the raiding conflict.
184
The chapter focuses mainly on the conflict between the Pokot and the Karimojong as this was most apparent to the
majority of the respondents. (For a specified overview in the period between 1900-1987 see Dietz, 1987: 124-125, 177-178,
189.)
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weapons, which have become widely available in the research area since the late 1970s.
Furthermore, the raiding conflict seems to be changing because new actors (most
importantly livestock traders and politicians) have come up, and act as facilitators in the
clashes. In this chapter, I try to shed light on this changing context of the conflict and
question whether new identity strategies can be detected as a result of this.
The study of the raiding conflict leads to a broader analysis of social change among
the Pokot, which resulted from the ‘opening up’ of the research area during the 1970s. The
second part of the chapter discusses therefore how developmental activities entered the
area, and introduced new (or modern) values. Because these activities are geographically
defined, in that they are mostly centred on the villages and specific parts of the highlands,
this has resulted in a changed perspective on the traditional divide between the pastoral and
agricultural sections of the Pokot.
6.2 The tradition of raiding
6.2.1 Warriorhood and violence against ‘the other’
For the Pokot raiding has traditionally been an integral aspect of their culture, and they
claim the practice has existed from time immemorial. For as far as we can trace back in the
national archives, it is notable that the Pokot and surrounding neighbours, particularly the
Karimojong and Turkana, have been raiding each other on a regular basis, at least since the
beginning of the 20th century. Furthermore, raids and more general clashes between ethnic
groups form an important substance of the oral traditions, and as I described in chapter 4,
the early formation and migration history of the Pokot are partly explained by it. The Pokot
refer to themselves as an isolated group that is surrounded by enemies (e.g. Bollig, 2006).185
Historically, this led to the ideological belief that in order for them to survive, they have to
conceal their identity, something that is prominently expressed through adopting cultural
characteristics of their neighbours (see paragraph 5.4).
Concerning the latter, Bollig (1990a) has linked the raiding tradition among the
western Pokot, to the adoption of the new generation-set system based on sapana. I believe
it was not necessarily the adoption of the new generation-set system that enabled largescale military mobilization. A highly organized and effective military organization was also
found among other Kalenjin groups, most importantly the Nandi, who base their ageorganization on circumcision.186
In the case of Pokot, military organization is not that strictly defined to certain ageranks anyhow (e.g. Schneider, 1959). Peristiany (1951b: 282) rightly states about this that:
“(1) although entry into manhood is regulated by the age-system no obstacles are put
in the way of the would-be warriors (2) the age-system does not provide for enforced
retirement, and (3) the offensive and defensive organization is based on the principle
of the nation armeé so that all able-bodied men carry and use arms as long as they are
in a position to do so.”
185
Many respondents referred to the Pokot therefore also as ‘the Israelis’, something which can probably be attributed to
the influence of Christianity in the area.
186
th
During the 19 century the Pokot were under heavy attack by the Nandi, who were notorious for their skilled military
organization. In addition, the Nandi warriors, being led by their prophets, were able to strongly resist the establishment of
colonial rule (e.g. Matson, 1972).
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In another article on ethnic conflict between the Pokot and Turkana, Bollig (1990b:
88) also notes that among the Pokot the rhetoric of age-sets may be used to motivate men
for warfare, and age- and generation-sets may be used to mobilize personnel for raiding,
however:
“Age-sets are not organized as a military organization. They lack internal leadership
and formal group organization.”
According to Pokot tradition, all able men are considered warriors, with the duty of
defending the Pokot community, which includes its territory and livestock.
Instead of explaining the origins of raiding through age-organization, we might rather
see the promotion of militarization, coming forth from the increasing importance of
pastoralism during the 19th century. In his assessment of the eastern expansion of the Pokot,
Bollig (1990a) confirms this point.187 Livestock is central to food needs and social
transactions among the Pokot, and reasonably, because of greater dependency on livestock,
raiding is more important for the pastoralists of the lowlands than for the agriculturalists of
the highlands. This is not to say that the latter are not involved, rather that it is more actively
carried out by the former. Furthermore, as for all Pokot life rotates around livestock,
defending this key resource equals ensuring the survival of the community. By tradition, it is
better for a Pokot to die when protecting the community and its livestock during raids, than
to die of any other cause like natural disease (e.g. Lipale, 2005). In this sense, the insecurity
that is inherent to the raiding conflict is therefore rather peceived as a means of
safeguarding the community’s survival.
In her research on perceptions of violence among pastoral Pokot, Mieth (2006: 29)
mentions that “all warriors said that raids are unavoidable, and so is death”. The high risks
taken are explained by a central motivation behind raiding, namely the desire of warriors to
prove themselves, to establish a reputation. Warriorhood is associated with aggressive and
violent behaviour, and raiding and killing enemies adds to the social prestige of men. The
symbolic value is underlined through the fact that the names of warriors may be changed
after having killed an enemy, and body marks may be placed as to show their courageous
achievements.188 In addition, Bollig (2006) mentions ‘bravery’, as one of the outstanding
character traits of the ideal Pokot warrior. The heroism associated with raiding is publicly
promoted, for example in traditional dances and songs that incite men towards fighting.
The raiding conflict is principally defined by ethnicity, and warriors act on the basis of
primordial attachments.189 During raids, warriors are prepared to sacrifice their lives because
187
In addition, Bollig argues that the eastern Pokot were superior to the Maasai because of their specific weaponry and
fighting strategies. The Pokot were advanced because they fought from a certain distance by throwing spears and shooting
(sometimes poisoned) arrows, whereas the Maasai used stabbing spears that required close combat. For the western Pokot
this difference is not relevant as the main enemies on this side, the Karimojong and Turkana, both used the same weaponry
as them.
188
In order to signify that a warrior has killed a male enemy in a fight, the suffixes –tum or –le may be added to his name
(for example, Lobongo-tum or Lomirio-le). Furthermore, the shoulders of Pokot warriors are traditionally scarred after
killing enemies. The bleeding, which comes with placing these marks, was said to be part of the cleansing process that
warriors traditionally undergo after they have killed an enemy. Visser (1989: 198) states that purification, which includes
“seclusion in the bush”, is needed because killing an enemy is “a delicate affair which invites revenge from the enemy by
any means, especially through curses”. In addition, sisters of warriors were also said to put scarring marks on their bodies
so as to praise the strength and courage of their brothers in the fights.
189
Because familial ties may cross ethnic boundaries (as I pointed out in chapter 4 inter-ethnic clan networks do exist), it is
possible for warriors to kill relatives during raids. A frequently stated example was that during the clashes of the 1990s with
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of their ethnic membership, and traditionally raiding and killing enemies is justified merely
because of difference in ethnicity. We must thus take into account that revenging previous
raids may target innocent people. Eaton (2007) argues indeed that warriors often do not
take into account whether the people they target, are actually the ones who raided them in
the first place, and he sees this asymmetrical retaliation as a major cause for continuous
raiding in the area. Tracking the initial thieves and the stolen livestock may prove difficult as
this involves the willingness of persons belonging to other ethnic groups to assist in the
search. Eaton furthermore states that the conflict is complicated by the fact that members
of the victim’s ethnic group, may decide to retaliate ‘on the victim’s behalf’. All this
attributes to a culture of revenge, and as a result, people in the area are prone to cycles of
violence.
Violence against other ethnic groups is legitimized by, one may say, a process of
‘dehumanizing the enemy’. This is especially expressed by the deliberate killing of women
and children during raids. While some people argue (possibly out of social desirability) that
women and children have a kind of neutral status in the fights and that traditional moral
codes of conduct meant that they should be spared, in general the interviews pointed out
otherwise. In fact, it was reasoned that these killings were legitimate because as someone
said:
“You can kill those women and children. When you don’t, the enemy will multiply.
They will become stronger and they will strike us even harder.”190
Perceptions on whether this practice has always existed, differed. While some people argued
that this was the case, others believed this form of increased violence had set in due to a
moral decline that characterized the conflict since the 1970s.191
Perhaps we may see the tendency to target women and children in the light of
‘jeopardized damage control strategies’ as Krätli & Swift (2001) argue for. According to them
an increase in violence towards women and children may be partly explained by the fact that
pastoralists are nowadays more limited in their mobility because of high concentrations of
people and livestock. Furthermore, because people have more sedentary herding strategies
nowadays, women and children may be more easily targeted in raids.
A serious incident that occurred in 1997, at a time when the relation between the
Pokot and the Karimojong seriously deteriorated, had shocked respondents because of cruel
violence. In that year many Pokot had fled to Upe to avoid a disarmament operation of the
Kenyan government. During this movement many Pokot were killed, among them many
children. Concerning the latter, one respondent recalled:
“The Karimojong brutally attacked us at Chemakan. They killed around fifty of our
children. They were innocent! It was the worst thing they had ever done.”192
the Marakwet, with whom the Pokot are closely related, a boy went to raid and came back crying after he realized that he
had killed a relative in the fight.
190
Interview: CHEP-19.
191
Some argued the practice was copied from the Turkana, a community that was often characterized as ‘less ethical’ than
the Pokot. In Kiwawa, it was said that specifically the suffix –moi could be added to the name of a warrior (for example,
Yaupa-moi), so as to show that he had killed a woman in a raid. Furthermore, scars on the left shoulders of warriors were
also said to refer to the killing of female enemies, whereas marks on the right shoulders would refer to the killing of male
enemies.
192
Interview: KIWA-5.
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On the other hand, as said before, when violence is directed towards other groups,
people may show less concern. Mieth (2006: 34) observed “emotional detachment” among
Pokot women, when she discussed the violence of the raiding conflict with them. The
example she notes is illustrative; she asked Pokot women about a confrontation whereby
Pokot warriors had killed four Karimojong children and the response was that “they were
happy to hear that – since the Karimojong kill their children, too” (ibid. 34).
6.2.2 Resource scarcity as an explanation?
An often-heard explanation is that raiding is related to grievance over scarcity in natural
resources resulting from difficult ecological conditions. The scarcity thesis has been
dominant in trying to explain the ongoing conflict between the Pokot and Karimojong for the
greater part of the 20th century. Several authors have argued that periods of conflict
between the two groups principally came forth from scarcity of resources linked to periods
of droughts (e.g. Brasnett, 1958; Dyson-Hudson, 1958; Barber, 1968; Dietz 1987). The
explanation still holds in more recent times, as for example Mkutu (2003) relates an
escalation of the conflict between the groups in the period 1999-2003 to droughts in WestPokot and Karamoja.193
Although the Pokot migrate to the Ugandan side during dry seasons, and increased
contacts with the Karimojong might be thought of as leading to increased raids, this relation
between scarcity and raiding is not corroborated by my findings and those of others
researchers that have more recently been investigating the topic. It was argued that
traditional peacemaking between the Pokot and other ethnic groups (known as miss), was
usually carried out during the dry season for strategic purposes of sharing resources.
Masinde et al. (2004), also found this in their study of traditional mechanisms of conflict
resolution in the region. They state about peace agreements that “when the rainy season
sets in, there is a high likelihood that the pact will be flouted” (ibid.: 38). Eaton (2007) and
Mieth (2006) also found that raiding among the Pokot occurred mostly during the rainy
season. Eaton (2007: 7) clearly states:
“The people of the North Rift are well aware that intensive fighting during a drought
would be suicidal; at the end of the dry season, they often are faced with the choice of
sharing what little grazing and water remains, or fighting to defend their resources
against a well-armed opponent who has nothing to lose. The choice is obvious, and
only in rare circumstances will a destitute ethnic group be denied access to scarce
resources. Although it may seem logical to suggest that scarcity causes violence, in
reality local practice ensures that this is rarely the case.”194
Even if the relation between raids and periods of droughts may be rejected, the
concept of resource scarcity still holds some importance for tracing the motivations behind
raiding. Instead of defining scarcity in ecological terms we may rather look at the cultural
significance of the concept. A situation of independence and prosperity of a household is
highly valued among the Pokot (see also paragraph 5.3.4), something which may be fostered
193
The same reasoning is put forward by Cappon (2003), who blames natural resource scarcity as a principal cause for the
conflicts between the Pokot and Marakwet during the late 1990s-2002.
194
Furthermore, Adano & Witsenburg (2004) found similar results for the area of Marsabit District, where people
effectively limited conflict during times of drought, and raids usually tended to take place during the rainy seasons.
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through raiding. Hence, a successful and thus respected warrior is someone who is selfsufficient, and has a homestead wherein he preferably maintains more than one wife, his
children, as well as a large number of livestock. Marriage is an institution of great
significance among the Pokot, to the extent that only married individuals are considered full
members of the community. During the research, it was argued that raids were carried out
by the younger warriors because they were eager to marry, and they needed to accumulate
livestock for dowry payments. Also for the somewhat older warriors, raiding is still a
prestigious act, because when successful, it increases the independence and prosperity of
the household, and it opens possibilities for further marriages.
The stance of Pokot women is interesting. Unmarried women may incite men to go
for raids, moreover since women generally pride themselves according to the amount of
dowry that will be paid for them (e.g. Lipale, 2005). In addition, married women were also
said to be supportive to the raiding of their husbands. Mieth (2006) also found that co-wives
encouraged raiding by their husband, as they competed among each other for the same
man, and one may add to this, the husband’s attention, and the livestock he has raided.
Another angle whereby scarcity is relevant in cultural terms is pointed out by Bollig
(1990a), who believes that raiding has historically brought opportunities for poor
immigrants. Positively, there may have been a considerable amount of non-Pokot among the
people that migrated to the pastoral areas as he argues for. Probably this is because, as I
described in chapter 4, the Pokot see the adoption of newcomers into their clans as a
survival strategy. However, besides non-Pokot, the immigrants may just as well consist of
Pokot from the highlands, as the harmonica-like migratory movement portrays. The highland
Pokot, initially poorer in terms of livestock, may prefer to live a pastoral lifestyle, which is
traditionally considered superior to an agricultural lifestyle, and raiding is a means to attain
this.195
6.2.3 The authority of the elders and prophets
A fundamental concept of Pokot morality is respect for the authority of the male elders, as
they are the ones who traditionally decide on matters concerning the community (see also
paragraph 5.4.2). According to customary rule, a traditional raid is planned by the elders and
executed by the younger warriors, who need approval in the form of blessings of the former.
It was said that the elders prominently derived their powers from their ability to curse.
When livestock trade was not yet established in the area as is it today, the raided livestock
was divided between these parties, and used as productive herd capital. Furthermore, elders
are the ones managing the resolution of both inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic conflicts. To
establish inter-ethnic peace-agreements, elders of the clashing communities gather and
discuss concord. Often a bull is slaughtered, and oathing is done to curse the persons who
intend to break the concord.
It must be said that intra-ethnic conflict management is traditionally perceived as far
more effective than inter-ethnic conflict management, especially because through this
collective form of punishment, whole clans are believed to be affected. Wrongdoings against
fellow Pokot are regarded as serious crimes that undermine the highly valued ethnic
solidarity, and consequently they are severely punished. Most important is firstly lapai, a
heavy fine that should be paid after a fellow Pokot is killed (also accidentally), by the family
195
Even though Eaton (2007) believes that for some people poverty may be the motivation behind raiding, he puts this idea
to the test as during his research he found that most of the raiders in fact were not poor at all.
- 107 -
of the culprit and his/her clan relatives. Moreover, the relatives of the diseased have the
right to take the property of members of the murderer’s clan, and loot them as a sign of
grief. The second imperative form of punishment is muma, an oathing ritual, which is used
to reveal the truth in a matter where two parties keep disagreeing over who committed a
crime. It acts as a last resort since the effects are believed to be devastating. The culprit,
his/her family, and extended clan relatives are said to be terrorized by sickness and death
until the wrongdoing is admitted. In the end, disputes concerning clans are usually settled by
clan elders, the senior and most respected members of the clan, who are knowledgeable on
the clan’s history.
Figure 6.2: Elderly man and young boy.
Elders are traditionally important
decision makers in Pokot community;
showing respect towards them is of
great importance.
(June 2005)
Besides the general blessings of the elders, warriors are consulted and blessed by
other specialists in the community, most importantly the prophets [sing. werkoyon, plur.
werkoy]. Prophets are highly respected in the Pokot community, because it is believed they
(both male and female) are able to predict the future through their dreams. They advise the
community according to which upcoming dangers and opportunities they foresee. Prophets
inherit their position through the sub-clan line. Among the most well known sub-clans that
bring forth werkoy are the Chepotumeghyo (of the Sotot clan) and the Cheposait (of the Talai
clan). Peristiany (1975: 211), who studied the werkoy among the Pokot notes: “The prophet
is a reflection and a reminder of the events that mark, indelibly, the Pokot ethnic identity”.
Great prophets of the past are said to have predicted major events such as the arrival of the
colonialists, and the construction of roads.
Werkoy give advice on communal matters, for instance on the time of opening of
new age- or generation (sub)sets, changing environmental circumstances (and the proper
times for cultivating), and upcoming diseases. The prophets also advise on the timing and
setup of raids. In addition, they are said to warn the people as to when they should move
due to counter-raids. The prophets are involved in rituals to ward-off hazards or to bless
- 108 -
missions such as raids, and they are generally believed to get a share of the raided livestock,
although ideally they should not aspire the commercialization of their skills.196
It must be said that information about the werkoy, especially the most important
ones, is not easily disclosed. This is because the affairs of the werkoy are regarded as one of
the most important secrets among the Pokot. People should not talk about them openly,
they should not mention their names, especially not at night because then the prophets are
believed to notice this through their dreams. In order not to reveal the identity of the
prophets, people refer to them as monïng (children).
6.3 Conflict in the context of ‘depastoralisation’
Most respondents were keen to address that the current raiding conflict seriously differed
from that of the past. In general, they argued that ‘moral decline’ had not only significantly
affected relations within the Pokot community, but also between the Pokot and surrounding
ethnic groups. The most obvious visible change in the conflict, the prevalence of firearms,
was often cited as a major cause of this. When evaluating the raiding conflict of the past
with that of today, it was widely felt the latter was far more destructive. Often, bitter
statements were pronounced:
“The [raiding] situation is out of control nowadays. This is because the youngsters
won’t listen. It is all about the money now.”197
“Between the Pokot and the Karimojong and Turkana, there is more violence, because
of the firearms. The raids are there more frequently and traditional peace no longer
holds. There is much more hostility compared to past times.”198
The first quote signifies a general perception of disorder within the community,
whereby it was felt that the authority of the elders was no longer effective in managing the
conflict. The young generation was said to be no longer respecting them, and tended to act
in more autonomous ways. The second quote indicates that the relationship between the
Pokot and other ethnic groups is perceived as having been gravely deteriorated due to
excessive violence and greater mistrust. Respondents argued that this resulted in increased
breakings of peace pacts, and less contacts and intermarriages between ethnic groups.199
196
The werkoy are termed prophets because it is believed that they receive their foreseeing powers from God. There are
other ritual specialists in the Pokot community that may be advised upon in advance of raids (and other concerns), most
notably the ritual experts (kapolok), intestine readers (kipkwan), and shoe-throwers (kipkwegh). I focus here on the werkoy
because, compared to the others, their powers are considered to be strongest. Besides this, they form an important part of
the social organization of the community, as they usually preside over larger areas. Often a large number of sub-clan
members inherit the gift of foreseeing, however there is usually a (male) person that has the strongest foreseeing powers,
and who therefore dominates in a certain area. This prophet, who usually lives an isolated lifestyle, has informants that
pass his visions to the community. The dominance of a certain prophet in an area, often involves a power struggle. It was
said that the other less strong werkoy should ideally inform the main werkoyon about their visions. Peristiany (1975: 211)
notes about this: “The emergence of a great prophet casts its shadow on the fame of minor prophets practising in his
territory so that the major prophet dealt increasingly with matters of public concern while the minor prophets sank to the
role of private practitioners”.
197
Interview AMAK-5.
198
Interview KODI-2.
199
Bollig (2006) also found that the relation between the Eastern Pokot and the Turkana had become strained due to
increasing violence over the last three decades. He mentions that because of insecurity, both groups lived about 100
kilometres away from each other and profoundly less interethnic marriages took place.
- 109 -
When asking further about the distinction made between the current and the past,
the time of major change was often traced back to the year 1979. Let us therefore briefly
consider what has happened since.200 The year 1979 coincides with the start of a three-year
period known as the ‘Dark Age’, throughout which the community was hit by several
calamities (Andiema et al., 2003). Especially the lowlands were hit, according to Dietz (1987:
241), by “probably the severest crises of the century”. During these years, there was an
escalation of insecurity problems, rinderpest, drought, epidemic diseases, and famine.
After the collapse of Amin’s regime in 1979, the Moroto Barracks that had been fully
stored with AK47 arms, were left by confused soldiers, who opened them up, hoping to
receive support of the local people. The Matheniko section of the Karimojong, as well as
Tepeth, grabbed the chance to arm themselves and raid their neighbours. As a result the
region quickly armed. Whereas the raiding situation had been relatively peaceful before,
because the Karimojong feared reprisals from Amin, from 1979 onwards large scale conflict
arose between the Pokot, Karimojong and Turkana (Dietz, 1987). During 1979-81, severe
Karimojong raids forced many Upe Pokot to withdraw eastwards to the Kenyan side. Many
fled to Alale division, while others migrated further south to seek refuge in small towns such
as Kongelai and Kacheliba.
The situation worsened because a prolonged two-year drought had made grazing
poor and harvests fail. An outbreak of a goat disease in 1979 had killed most of the flock in
the region and in addition, severe animal loss was spurred by rinderpest in 1980, which killed
large numbers of cattle and left people desperate for food. It was said that people had to eat
carcasses, something that led to a severe cholera outbreak, claiming many lives. The Kenyan
government, missionaries and the Finnish Red Cross distributed famine relief, and many
parents decided to send their children to school for food and protection. Raids (also from
Turkana side) continued to intensify until late 1982 when the Karimojong and Pokot elders
signed a peace pact. In 1983, raiding already resumed, whereby the Pokot were in a
somewhat better position to defend themselves. They had armed themselves through barter
trade with their neighbours, and with that, the government had handed out guns to home
guards for protection.
Just as the Pokot had began their restocking, and raiding between the Pokot and
Karimojong had died down, in 1984 disaster struck again. After some Pokot had raided Sebei
and large landowners in Trans-Nzoia, the Kenyan government decided to carry out a major
disarmament operation. This operation was targeted on the Pokot only, leaving them
vulnerable to the attacks of their non-disarmed neighbours. In order to force people to
surrender their guns, cattle was confiscated in large numbers. Many people lost all their
cattle, as only a very small portion of it was returned, and most of it had died while being
crammed in the army camps. Osamba (2000: 22) argues that the disarmament operation of
1984 could therefore be seen as “evidence of attempted depastoralisation of the Pokot”. As
a result, even dowry payments had to be postponed. Soldiers looted and raped, and the
army bombed the people with helicopters, which made people to hide in caves. The
situation aggravated since the operation was carried out in yet another period of drought
and famine. Relief food was hardly distributed, primarily because missionaries were hardly
allowed to visit the area. Many people had to survive on wild animals, fruit and roots. The
situation worsened as there were barely any medical facilities available.
200
The chronological overview largely depends on the information from Dietz (1987) and Andiema et al. (2002, 2003),
sources which were used during the interviews.
- 110 -
In 1986, another disarmament operation followed in the northern Pokot area, after
some Pokot warriors had raided the Turkana. The army strongly intervened, and a number of
Pokot were killed. Even though the results were not as bad as in 1984, mainly because the
Provincial Commissioner of the Rift Valley Province intervened, the operation of 1986 was
still perceived as excessive. Although already in 1979, “the point had been reached where
less than one-third of human food requirements could be secured from subsistence livestock
production”, since then, “the gradual process of undermining pastoralism suddenly
accelerated” (Dietz, 1993: 86-87).201 By the mid 1980s many Pokot had become in Dietz’s
(1987) words, ‘pastoralists in dire straits’. Because of decreasing herd sizes202, livestock
raiding has increasingly been regarded as ‘excessive’, something which has led to more
hatred. People argued that since they already had less livestock to depend on, it has become
even more difficult to rebuild herds after raids.
The calamities in the period 1979-1984, led to “an exodus towards the south” as one
respondent articulated.203 Many northern Pokot residents of Alale and Kasei divisions (in
addition to many Upe Pokot) settled around Kacheliba, a relatively safe area compared to
where they had lived before. Many tried to survive with the little livestock that was left,
others started small farming assisted by good rainfall in 1982, or opened little shops. A
portion of the new refugees, together with some of the original residents from Kacheliba,
proceeded and migrated to the mountainous areas of Kapenguria, Lelan, Chepareria, and
even further to Trans-Nzoia to look for casual labour. Migration in the research area was
furthermore fuelled by gold rushes that made many people move to the mountainous areas
of Korpu, Kriich, Alale and Chepkarerat on the lowlands. The availability of gold was
perceived by many as a ‘God’s gift’, providing them with some means to survive during these
harsh years. The mining of gold, together with the selling of miraa (local name for the khat
plant), stimulated the cash economy, with an important role for Somali traders as a result.204
After 1984, severe insecurity followed between the Pokot and Karimojong until 1993.
Large-scale raiding and killing, coupled with famines and outbreaks of meningitis, meant that
it was hard for the Pokot to recover from what had happened to them in the period of 197984. A few relatively peaceful years between the Pokot and Karimojong followed, and the first
returnees, who had fled south, came back to north Pokot at the start of the 1990s. They
brought changes with them, most importantly their acquired appreciation of farming work.
The returnees also started small shops, and began to invest in livestock trade. The cash
economy, which had been spurred by the gold mining, was further boosted in 1996 through
the mining of ruby in Alale. As a result, money became an institutionalized means for
trading. As noted in the previous paragraph, in 1997 the relation between the Pokot and
201
Dietz (1993) explains that the degree of pastoralism in the research area had lessened until 1979 because of strong
population increase attributable to improved medical conditions over the years. All this, “despite the fact that the number
of animals had probably increased by more than 60 percent since the 1920s”.
202
Zaal & Dietz (1999) have shown that the number of Tropical Livestock Units (TLU) per capita decreased strongly during
the last century. (1 TLU = 1.42 head of cattle/ ten hair sheep or goats/ one camel; whereby a absolute minimum of 3 TLU is
required for strict pastoral survival in terms of food needs, not taking into account livestock requirements needed to
support a local network.) The figure for the whole of West-Pokot District stood between 4-7 TLU/cap in 1926, and dropped
to between 3 and 4 TLU/cap from the 1920s until the 1950s. In 1983, the figure had dramatically fallen to 0.5 TLU/cap, and
the year 1987 gave only a slightly better figure of between 0.6 and 0.7 TLU/cap. At the time of writing (1999), they
estimated that people in the western lowlands still only had 1.3 TLU/cap.
203
Interview: KACH-8.
204
See Dietz (1987) for extensive information about changing survival strategies since the beginning of the 1980s.
- 111 -
Karimojong aggravated due to serious violence. As an indicator of the seriousness of the
situation, even President Moi paid a visit to Alale.205
Although there have been peace pacts, for example between the Pokot and different
sections of the Karimojong, multiple incidents of varied severity have occurred since, all
within a short span of time. Records of the number of people killed or the livestock stolen
are hard to verify. The insecurity has affected trade, as for example Amudat market on the
Ugandan side was briefly closed in 2001 (UNDP, 2004). Because the Pokot are currently
widely armed, it is easier for them to reside in Uganda, and there is less need to retreat to
the Kenyan side in times of insecurity. However, there are still areas along the border that
are considered too insecure to settle, for example the area between Kanyerus and Lokales in
the southwest where schools, shops, churches, and markets have all closed. Many former
inhabitants have taken refuge in the relatively safe places of Nakuyen or Kacheliba. One of
these migrants, who had settled in Kacheliba stated:
“The community who had to move from Lokales still dreams about returning there, the
land is productive and there is enough pasture and water. When there would be peace
and security, and the government would improve the roads, people would definitely
return. Some people actually went back, but the government could not provide
security, so they had to get back to Kacheliba.” 206
Besides conflict with the Karimojong, the Pokot have clashed with other groups as
well. From 1996 onwards, there has been severe raiding between the Pokot, Sebei,
Marakwet, and landowners in Trans-Nzoia, whereby the conflict with the latter two is mainly
concerned with territorial claims. Alike, insecurity in the area of the Turkwell Gorge around
Kainuk, an intersection between Pokot and Turkana territory, has flared up since the
construction of the Turkwell Gorge Dam in the early 1990s.
6.4 Gun culture and ineffective government security
The most obvious change of the raiding conflict since 1979 has set in due to the prevalence
of automatic weapons in the area. Although guns were present in the area already before
1979, the opening up of the Moroto barracks made them available on a large scale. 207 Guns,
especially AK47s, are popular among the pastoral Pokot. It must be said from the onset that
a large part of the population is in possession of guns because they feel this is needed for
defence, since the government fails to provide security in the area, especially in the border
regions.
In their report on the proliferation and effects of small arms Kamenju et al. (2003: 39)
state: “Of all the districts in the North Rift, West-Pokot is considered the most adversely
affected by the gun culture because of its rough terrain and proximity to the Ugandan
border”.208 They estimated the number of illegal arms in the District based on 50% of the
adult male population above 15 years to be 36,937, although it must be said that it is hard to
verify such a figure, which is also most probably too high. Nonetheless, many people are
205
It was said that the Pokot did not revenge the brutal attack of the Karimojong, and therefore received some sympathy of
the government: “We were even given some cattle”. Interview: KIWA-7.
206
Interview: KACH-4.
207
Mkutu (2003) argues that the Pokot already acquired homemade guns from the Luhya in the late 1950s.
208
Gun culture is defined by Krätli & Swift (2001: 8) as “the replacement of traditional weapons such as spears, bows and
arrows with the gun to pursue the goals initially sought through the traditional weapons”.
- 112 -
accustomed to living with guns, as a mission report states: “In West Pokot, carrying small
arms is only strange to a stranger in the community” (NCA, 2006: 5). And indeed, although
certainly not all men own guns, they are widespread among the pastoralists. The guns enter
the research area, primarily from Uganda, a country that receives a large portion of its
weapons from war-torn countries of Sudan and Ethiopia. Arms trade is stimulated because
the international border, which can be crossed easily, is hardly controlled by security forces.
Another source of weapons is Somalia, from where weapons enter West-Pokot District
through Baringo (Kamenju et al., 2003).
The response of both the Kenyan and Ugandan government to tackle the ongoing
security problem is firstly the recruitment of ‘home guards’, respectively KPRs (Kenya Police
Reservists) and LDUs (Local Defence Units). These local inhabitants are appointed by the
chiefs, and are supplied with guns and ammunition in order to protect the community.
However, the results might be described as adverse. There were several accounts of KPRs
were using the guns to raid or lend them out to raiders.209 The same problems were found
for LDUs in Moroto District (Adan & Pkalya, 2005).210 Another problem is that KPRs lack
support from the government side to work effectively. Mieth (2006) found that KPRs were
hindered by the fact that they were not allowed to take their guns to the Ugandan side. A
research team of Norwegian Church Aid carrying out a field assessment met a group of
discontented KPRs at Nauyapong “who felt that the police presence in the area was minimal
and while they were prepared to support security initiatives in the area they lacked the
ammunition to do so” (NCA, 2006: 8).
Besides the recruitment of home guards, disarmament operations have proven to be
the most consequential attempts by the Kenyan government to address the raiding problem.
Since the late 1970s, the Pokot have been disarmed every few years.211 The governments
have generally taken the stance that insecurity in the region follows primarily from the
proliferation of small arms. For example in 2001, when president Moi ordered the people of
West-Pokot, Marakwet, and Baringo Districts to surrender their guns, he preposterously
tried to make his point by stating that: "Traditionally [in a situation without guns], cattle
rustling does not involve killing people" (Daily Nation, April 18, 2001).
The disarmament operation of 1984, as described above, was memorized as the most
disastrous. It had made the Pokot feel hated, isolated and manipulated by the government,
moreover because the neighbouring communities had not been targeted in the operation.
Asymmetric disarmament is a problem in the area, especially in the case of conflict between
the Pokot and Karimojong as this requires cooperation between the Kenyan and Ugandan
governments. More often than not disarmament has been carried out asymmetrically, even
though both governments made attempts to develop a more coordinated security approach
since 1997 (Mkutu, 2003). For example, during the 2001 operation Pokot elders refused to
hand in their guns as long as the Karimojong were allowed to use theirs “as walking sticks'',
and Pokot councillors expressed that to return guns would be "to invite trouble from
209
A study funded by the UN indicated the lack of control of home guards in the North Rift region: “there are relatively few
functioning accountability mechanism to ensure that arms are used for “self-protection”, it is difficult, if impossible to know
with certainty whether spent ammunitions are used against cattle rustlers, bandits, innocent civilians or UN staff” (Muggah
& Berman, 2001: 66).
210
Mkutu (2003: 14) also found that LDUs and KPRs along the Kenya-Uganda border region “sometimes misuse their arms for example, by selling or bartering them – and there have been cases of banditry and participation in cattle raiding
activities”. (see also New Vison, February 3, 2003)
211
Mkutu (2003) mentions that twelve operations have been carried out by the Kenyan army targeted at the Pokot in the
th
period 1979-2003. The operation of 2005 would then form the 13 .
- 113 -
Uganda's Karamojong cattle raiders" (Daily Nation, April 26, 2001). Moreover, during a
disarmament operation in 2006, Karimojong elders requested the UPDF (Uganda People’s
Defence Force) “to spare their locally made spears, bows and arrows”, because they were
“exposed to danger of attacks by the Pokot raiders who have not been disarmed” (Monitor,
July 13, 2006).
Figure 6.3: Border pillar on the
road from Amudat to Konyao.
These pillars are the only marks
signifying the international
border in the research area.
(May 2007)
The fact that the Pokot are found on both sides of the international border, which
they frequently cross in search of pasture, brings up additional problems. Mieth (2006: 40)
rightly mentions that for the Pokot the border principally “symbolizes greater freedom”. Not
only because Pokot from one side flee to the other side during disarmament operations, but
also because the border gives them an opportunity to raid on one side and hide from
security forces on the other side.212 The border makes it difficult for security forces to track
raiders since they are officially not allowed to operate on foreign territory. Hence in 2007,
after several attacks from Kenyan Pokot on the Ugandan side, the DC of Nakapiripirit
ordered that “all Kenyan Pokot intending to graze their cattle in Uganda must first seek
permission from the resident district commissioner” *…+ because he observed that “although
the Pokot of Uganda and those of Kenya had relatives on either side of the border, that did
not mean they must flout the laws of either country” (Monitor, September 17, 2007).
During the fieldwork period in May 2005, the Pokot were the first target in a
nationwide disarmament operation ordered by the then Security Minister Michuki. As a
result, massive displacement took place. Humanitarian organizations estimated that in fear
212
As an indication, a UPDF officer recently accused Kenyan Pokot “of crossing into Uganda, where they rustle cattle and
stage ambushes”, while on the other hand UPDF forces themselves are also blamed for raiding on the Kenyan side (New
Vision, July 25, 2007). Concerning the latter, church leaders from the Kenyan side mentioned that “hundreds of people
displaced by the UPDF raids are said to be starving”
- 114 -
of the operation around 68% (26,000 people) of Kacheliba constituency (consisting of Alale,
Kasei and Kacheliba divisions) had fled to Uganda (Daily Nation, May 11, 2005). The
disarmament operation proved unsuccessful, as many others that preceded it. More than
two months after the start of the operation in 2005, only 2,100 out of the targeted 50,000
arms in the North Rift Districts had been surrendered. However, it was estimated that cattle
raids had gone up by 30 per cent in the same period (East African Standard, August 6, 2005).
Figure 6.4: Fire-arms collected during
the disarmament operation in 2005.
This pile of collected guns was publicly
destroyed through burning in a
ceremony held at Uhuru Gardens,
Nairobi on June 29, 2005. Uhuru
Gardens, the memorial park
commemorating Kenya’s
independence, symbolically signified
the importance added to the
disarmament operation. Government
officials made strong statements,
especially about the penalties for gunowners (e.g. Daily Nation, June 30,
2005)
Source:
http://www.recsasec.org/images/Arm
s%20destruction.jpg
The continuing disarmament operations have made many Pokot regard the
government as an enemy whom they treat with great suspicion. People did not understand
why the government would not rather invest in development, by building schools, medical
facilities, or roads, instead of targeting them through their operations. The operation of
2005 reminded the Pokot of the 1984-operation, especially when they saw helicopters flying
to the army camp in Kacheliba.213 One week before the operation of May 2005, a
respondent noted:
“The Kenyan government is ever picking on the Pokot, especially now when there is a
new threat of operation. The government does not act like a father, who is interested
in his kids and provides security, as it should be doing, but instead it treats the Pokot
as mad dogs, having rabies, by which the only means to end it, is to kill it. *…+ I blame
the government for never doing real research on the causes of violence. Since 1984
there have been no sustainable improvements, nothing has been done. The Pokot feel
they have been left on their own. *…+ The images of the operation of 1984 are still very
much alive. They were reminded once more in 1997 when tanks and helicopters stood
213
The operation of 1984 is locally known by Pokot as ‘Lotiriri’, which refers to the noise of the helicopter.
- 115 -
ready again and 60 Pokots were killed when fleeing to Uganda. Every government has
so far done an operation among the Pokot, it is kind of like a tradition.”214
Guns are needed for protection, so it is argued by the many of the pastoral Pokot,
and because the government is not providing this, they need to take matters in their own
hands. Instead of ‘targeting’ the Pokot through disarmament, people felt the government
should rather provide security through stronger enforcement of law. Yet, police forces are
barely present in the isolated areas and people are prone to attacks from enemies.
Furthermore, the army camp in Kacheliba hardly reached out to the public to provide
security. Although they assisted the community through the distribution of relief food, it was
argued that the soldiers even provided ammunition to Pokot warriors for their own
protection.
Apart from the more general complaint that the Pokot were marginalized, there is a
strong underlying belief that in fact the Pokot warriors are actually feared by the
government security forces. The Pokot depict their warriors, especially those of the
lowlands, as highly skilled. They consider them as tough men who are familiar with the rough
terrain they live in. They are known to strike dreadfully, and are easily able to hide
themselves from security forces.215 During the fieldwork, I also got the impression, like some
respondents argued, that therefore disarmament operations were carried out with most
force in the highlands, where there are fewer weapons and that in fact the search in the
more isolated parts of the lowlands was less intense. The appreciated cunning style was also
said to be used towards army personnel during disarmament. The Pokot from the lowlands
were said to hand in only some of their older or defunct weapons, sometimes even with the
assent of the army.
In general, there is a lack of respect towards government security forces, even
though at times they may be feared. In this regard, the colonial administration was rather
commended as one respondent stated:
“During those days the government was present. Justice was done then. Stolen cattle
were recovered, even when this meant that the officers had to go far and search
hard.”216
And indeed, it seems that the relatively peaceful period between the Pokot and Karimojong
from 1930 to 1950 can be attributed to strong presence of the colonial security forces.217
Another important aspect attributing to greater legitimacy of the colonial forces is
the fact that they were seen as rather non-aligned218, compared to the independent
214
Interview: KACH-10. It is to be noted that the statement was made by a former (Pokot) Administrative Police officer, thus
someone who had been employed by the District Commissioner to provide local security himself.
215
A soldier of the Kenyan army stated: “Their military strategy is very sophisticated. The Pokot are smart fighters. They
form one line up when approaching the enemy, this way you think that they all have guns, but actually there are only a few
who have. They are highly organized. There are the young boys, who take away the cattle, there is a group that stays behind
in enemy territory, and there is a group who awaits the returnees. After the raids it is difficult to track them because they
divert.” Interview: MAKU-12.
216
Interview: KIWA-10.
217
That hostility flared up again between the two communities in the 1950s might possibly be attributed to the withdrawal
of security forces from the area because attention was directed towards a new threat of the religious and anti-colonial Dini
ya Msambwa cult, and moreover towards confronting the Mau-Mau rebellion in central Kenya.
218
At the beginning of the colonial era, the administration headed in the research area by District Commissioner Crampton,
or Krimpti as the Pokot still recall him, was even seen as partly supporting the Pokot compared to the surrounding ethnic
groups. Even though the Pokot strongly resented the enforced movement out of Trans-Nzoia, they were able to expand
- 116 -
governments, whose politics are defined by ethnicity. The Pokot, especially now that the
president is a Kikuyu, feel they are deliberately marginalized. In 2006, Minister Michuki
reinforced his disarmament operation of 2005, which yet again led to massive displacement.
He strongly provoked the Pokot by stating:
"The Government has decided to disarm the Pokot by force. If they want an experience
of 1984 when the Government used force to disarm them, then this is precisely what is
going to happen” (East African Standard, May 2, 2006).
The great mistrust that the Pokot show towards their governments is underlined by
ethnicity. The operation of 1984 was done when president Moi, a member of the Tugen
ethnic group, was in power. The Pokot argue that even though the president was a fellow
Kalenjin, they were still marginalized compared to other Kalenjin communities, most notably
the Tugen and the Keiyo.219
It must be said that the disarmament operations place the chiefs and sub-chiefs in a
difficult position since it questions their loyalty to their communities vis-à-vis the
government. It was widely believed that chiefs knew which people possessed or dealt in
illegal guns, but that they did not desire to give out this information to the government for
the sake of their own security.220 Revealing this information could mean putting their lives at
risk and losing the support from their community members. Someone mentioned:
“The chiefs have a difficult position in the operation. They can be shot by the army if
they are not cooperating. If they do cooperate with the army, they can be shot by the
people.”221
A number of chiefs indeed complained about the lack of security.222 Another issue is
to what extent chiefs are involved in raiding themselves. Some of the senior chiefs who
served in the early 1970s argued that chiefs are presently less respected, not only because
they are younger and educated, but moreover because they are believed to be corrupt,
taking a share in the division of the booty from cattle raids (e.g. Mkutu, 2003).
6.5 Politics and the discourse of marginalization
An important new catalysing factor in the inter-ethnic conflicts since roughly the 1980s, has
been the influence of politicians, who are concerned with ethnic politics. By representing the
most numerous ethnic group in their constituency, politicians may choose to inflame or stay
silent about conflict against other communities, as they position themselves in readiness for
elections. West-Pokot District has quite a history of these ethnic allegations, which are
westwards as Crampton supported the Pokot claims on this territory contrary to those of the Karimojong (Barber, 1968).
Besides this, the Pokot were favoured in their westward expansion by the Ugandan administration, as they wanted to avoid
trouble with the Kenyan government (Dietz, 1987, referring to Cox, 1972). Furthermore, Crampton was credited because he
protected the Pokot from the Turkana by carrying out several punitive expeditions against the latter, and compensating the
Pokot with raided livestock as payment for their service as levies (Lamphear, 1992). Visser (1989: 33) states that the Pokot
refer to Crampton therefore as “their champion”.
219
Interestingly, some respondents reasoned that president Moi targeted the Pokot by severe disarmament operations
th
because of earlier clashes between the eastern Pokot and the Tugen during the early 20 century. It was said that after the
Eastern Pokot and Tugen had made a peace pact, the Pokot broke the peace and the grandfather of Moi would have been
killed in the clashes that followed. Interviews: CHEP-4,-6,-17; KACH-10.
220
During the research period, the DC therefore fired a large number of chiefs and sub-chiefs.
221
Interview: CHEP-6.
222
Kamenju et al. (2003), describe the same dilemma for Marakwet chiefs, who themselves became “victims of insecurity”.
- 117 -
framed around the idea that injustices have been meted out against the Pokot on several
accounts. In general, the discourse of marginalization strongly appeals to the Pokot, who feel
they are ‘left alone’ or rather that they have been mistreated by their governments.223
During the operation of 1984, former Environment and Natural Resources Minister
Lotodo, at that time Member of Parliament (MP) for the western lowlands of the District,
was jailed for "promoting war-like activities, and was even said to possess a huge arms
arsenal, buried in his compound” (Daily Nation, November 18, 2000). As a result, he was
temporarily expelled from the KANU party. Lotodo, also referred to as the ‘King of Pokot’,
became known in the media for making inflammatory statements. The Sunday Nation
(September 13, 1998) stated: “Each time he issued an ultimatum to one or the other ethnic
group to return stolen cattle or face the wrath of the Pokots, a murderous raid would
ensue”. His major concerns were the historical land losses in Trans-Nzoia, and the
construction of the Turkwell Gorge Dam, for which he felt the Pokot were not fairly
compensated.224 Moreover, he pleaded for the Pokot case during the clashes with the
Marakwet, which flared up in the build-up to the 1992 multi-party elections and afterwards. 225
A report of Human Right Watch notes: “The use of inflammatory rhetoric in the North
Rift did not end with Lotodo's death [in 2000]; to the contrary, incitement by Pokot leaders
reportedly increased in 2001” (HRW, 2002: 66-67 referring to KHRC, 2001: 48-52).
Kapenguria MP Moroto, who succeeded Lotodo, warned in 2001 that the Pokot would use
force to reclaim land in Turkana and Trans-Nzoia Districts: "if they [the non-Pokot] are not
ready to surrender the land peacefully my kinsmen should not worry because I'm going to
protect their interests" (Sunday Nation, March 25, 2001). Just three months before I arrived
in the research area, Moroto had been “spending the Christmas holiday in jail over
incitement claims”, as together with the Kapenguria mayor and two councillors he had
“allegedly urged the members of the community not to vacate land in West Pokot District
belonging to non-Pokots” (East African Standard, January 3, 2005).
Conflicts between the Pokot and their neighbouring communities have made MPs
representing the latter, to condemn the Pokot. For example, during the 2001 disarmament
operation, MPs from Turkana pleaded for disarmament of the Pokot because they would
“have taken advantage of self defence claims to harass neighbouring communities” (Daily
Nation, May 2, 2001). In defending their own community, the MPs unreasonably claimed
that the Turkana themselves were permitted to have guns since they had "a clean history of
not misusing firearms" (ibid.). Influences of ethnic politics have come from the Ugandan side
too. For instance in 2006, when the intense conflict with the Sebei made that “Kapchorwa
District leaders have appealed to the governments of Uganda and Kenya to declare the
karimojong and pokot terrorist tribes” (Sunday Vision, May 21, 2006).
It must be said that suggesting that whole ethnic groups are at war with other ethnic
groups, is causing for more hatred and more reason to target innocent people. With that, it
is to be noted that these suggestions are incorrect. Especially along the expansive borders
223
For instance, Mr. Pogishio, MP of Kacheliba constituency, stated during the National constitution-writing process that:
"Getting Kacheliba put on the record as an area deserving special affirmative action and having the Pokot included among
those who suffered historical injustices are what this new Constitution is all about for me” (Daily nation, August 15, 2003).
224
These matters have also brought forward political activists appealing for the Pokot case (e.g. Moroto et al., 2002). One of
them explained that the Pokot armed themselves because they were “simply seeking remedies for the historical injustices
that saw us lose large tracts of arable land over the years" (East African Standard, December 16, 2002).
225
For example in 1998, some Marakwet KANU leaders felt Lotodo “should have been arrested over his statement that the
anti-rustling military operation ordered by President Moi would fail unless 400 animals stolen by the Marakwet from the
Pokot were returned” (Daily Nation, May 20, 1998).
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with the Turkana and Karimojong, conflict and peace are often local affairs between sections
of ethnic groups.
Through the influence of national politics, the Pokot have articulated their ethnic
identity stronger. Overall, issues of control and access to land have become of vital
importance to defining the Pokot identity. Whereas from tradition it shows that Pokot have
a strong moral to live peacefully with other ethnic communities in their own territory (see
chapter 4), in the last few decades this open outlook has been questioned to some extent.
For example in 1982, during threats of a coup against president Moi, and again in advance of
multi-party elections in 1992, non-Pokot immigrants where chased away from the towns in
Pokot territory (e.g. Dietz, 1987).
The fact that the Pokot are found on both sides of the international border has made
it interesting for MPs and councillors to campaign in both countries, since many Pokot are
said to be in possession of both Ugandan and Kenyan identity cards (e.g. Singo & Wairagu,
2001; East African Standard, October 25, 2007). In 2002, Poghisio, MP of Kacheliba
constituency, was claimed to have been holding “illegal meetings” in Upe County, Uganda.
According to the chief political commissioner of the UDPF (Uganda People's Defence Force),
“Poghisio allegedly told the Uganda pokot warriors opposed to the disarmament programme
to cross with their guns to Kenya where they would get protection from the Kenya
government” (New Vision, January 9, 2002). Poghisio and the MP for Upe county, Lolem,
denied the allegation, whereby the latter remarked that “the Kenyan minister had only
crossed to Uganda to hand over cattle that had been raided by the Kenyan pokot from
Nabilatuk sub-county, Pian” (ibid.).
An employee of the electoral commission explained why MP Pogishio had a strong
appeal to the electorate in Uganda:
“He grew up in Amudat and had his education in Uganda [Makerere University]. The
Pokot from Uganda identify with him, they went through the same problems. He
experienced the repression by Amin, the clashes with the Karimojong, and the arms
race. He speaks pure Karimojong like them. He does not address them in public but he
knows he has a great following there. The Upe Pokot support him and admire him.”226
During the research, it was found that campaigning by MPs and councillors across the
international border was commonly believed to take place in advance of the elections. It was
considered an ordinary practice that during their campaigning, they would hand out money
or food and even alcohol. Someone said:
“The MPs normally don’t show up in these areas. But before elections, they will visit
the place. People just sit alongside the road, and the MP hands out money. People
expect this from them.”227
A few months after my visit in 2007, the East African Standard (October 25, 2007)
reports that in advance of the national elections of 2007, “politicians are known to provide
relief rations at strategic positions near polling stations” to the Pokot of Kacheliba
constituency, of whom “*o+nly those with voter’s cards get the rations — on condition that
they vote in a particular direction”.
226
227
Interview: KAPE-6.
Interview: KIWA-4.
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6.6 Commercialization of livestock trade
Especially since the 1990s, increased commercialization of the livestock economy has
opened up opportunities for commercially inspired raiding. Large traders have come up, who
transport the cattle to other parts of Kenya.228 It was assumed that these affluent individuals
were involved in the conflict, not because they organize raiding parties, but because they
buy and export raided livestock. Commercialization increases opportunities for raiding,
mostly because livestock can be sold without difficulties as there are no security forces that
inspect markets in the area. Zaal et al. (2006) have estimated that approximately 10,000
heads of cattle leave West-Pokot District each year for the Western Highlands and Nairobi,
although they suppose this number is probably underestimated since much trade occurs
outside official routes. They also assume a lot of the raided cattle end up in the market.
Figure 6.5: Livestock market in Chepareria.
Raided cattle can easily be sold at livestock markets as there are no registration procedures involved.
(August 2005)
It was argued that because of increased opportunities for selling livestock, thieves
from within the Pokot community stealing from fellow Pokot, came up, something that is
considered a serious crime. The thieves may also be involved in trading networks that cross
ethnic boundaries as a victim of the above stated:
“My cows have been stolen now almost a month ago. Since then I have been looking
for them. I know who did it; the man is a Pokot from around. I am planning to take
him to the police, but first I have to speak to him and his relatives. I want to discuss
the matter in the kokwo because I have to gather more witnesses. *…+ Those livestockthieves among the Pokot, they started by stealing donkeys and camels, but nowadays
they also steal cows. These people value money a lot and since they cannot fall back
228
Zaal & Dietz (1999) have shown that the ‘caloric terms of trade’ became more positive for pastoralists in the research
th
area during the 20 century, thus making it increasingly favourable for them to sell their animals in return for grains,
especially when they trade for maize (compared to millet). However, they remark that the market-based form of food
security is affected because cereals are increasingly sold to the urban markets, instead of the pastoral lowlands, and
liberalization since the 1990s may cause for sharp price fluctuations.
- 120 -
on the gold and ruby business [because most of that has disappeared in the area] they
go stealing. *…+ When there was no peace yet, the thieves sold the cattle at Amudat or
Orolwo. Now that there is peace with the Karimojong, the thieves sell the livestock in
Karamoja. This makes it more difficult to trace stolen cattle. Cattle-thieves among the
Karimojong and Pokot are friends. They help each other to find markets on the other
side to sell the stolen cattle.”229
Zaal et al. (2006) furthermore give the example of lapai, the traditional fine for
bloodshed, which is now often paid in cash of the proceeds of raided cattle. It is important to
note that because stolen livestock is increasingly sold, raiding can easily be perceived as
excessive, since it can be carried out independent of the availability of land or labour for
livestock management and moreover as Krätli & Swift (2001:9) note, it “excludes reciprocity
as marketed cattle cannot be raided back”.
It is frequently cited that the commercialization of livestock economy has led to the
phenomenon of ‘warlords’ in the region (Ocan, 1994; Mirzeler & Young, 2000; Osamba,
2000; Mkutu, 2003). It must be said that there is confusion about what is meant by this
term, which also appears in NGO reports230 and the media231. The authors referred to here,
generally see warlords as persons who aim for political as well as economic control, who are
favoured by availability of guns, and who are often believed to be involved in livestock as
well as arms trade. Some say they are connected to high government officials or the military.
The major point however seems to be that the rise of these actors and their centralizing
powers would undermine the traditional authority of the elders. For example Osamba (2000:
25) argues that warlords would have emerged among the Pokot and Turkana since the
1980s, and that these persons attracting young warriors to form private militias “have
become the final authority on cattle relations” in the region, thereby “overriding the
traditional powers of the elders”.
Conversely, during the research none of this could be confirmed. Respondents stated
that there have always been certain senior warriors (Kawurok) that lead in raids because
they are known for their military skills, and are thus occupied with the organization of
warrior groups, especially in mass raids. These persons would be chosen by the kokwo
because they had proven themselves to be brave and successful during previous raids.
Confusingly, when I brought up the term warlord, some of the respondents referred
to these leading senior warriors, who have considerable status and are known in a wide
region. However, it was said that these persons could not organize raids on their own as they
would still need approval and blessings of older men in the community. Thus, the high
degree of autonomous power to mobilize and organize raids by specific individuals as the
term warlord suggests, was not argued for. Furthermore and more important, their
authority was said to be diminishing, as increasingly raids were said to be carried out mostly
by small groups of youngsters.
229
Interview: AMAK-4.
For example, Waithaka (2001: 15) of the Peace and Development Foundation, mentions that in the research area
“warlords sponsor raids to enrich themselves and to gain political control of the area”. Furthermore, the Norwegian Church
Aid that carried out a field assessment on small arms and development in West-Pokot, uses the term ‘warlords’ for ‘kraal
elders’ (NCA, 2006).
231
The media seems to emphasize the political aspects. Such as the Daily Nation that stated that critics of former Minister
Lotodo would say that he “was a tribal warlord, forever bent on fanning hostility against his community's neighbours”
(November 18, 2000), or that typifies the North Rift, as a region “where warlords are often handsomely rewarded by
voters” (August 15, 2003).
230
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6.7 The gun symbolizing a rebellious youth
It is said that the traditional generational authority of the elders in the decision-making
concerning raids had lessened, as increasingly the younger warriors were no longer following
their advice. Compared to the warrior groups that were active in raiding before 1979, the
more recent warrior groups tended to act differently. One elder respondent summed up
some characteristics:
“The Ngopotom and Ngisigira, [warrior groups that actively raided during the 1970s]
are known for being organized, they organize themselves even when they were eating.
They listened to the elders when they were going for raids, they don’t make a lot of
noise [quarrel among themselves]. These people did not have the Kalashnikovs yet,
only a few homemade guns that came from the Turkana. The appreciation of
traditional culture among this group is still very strong. Besides, they don’t drink so
much. *…+ The younger warrior groups are those such as the Ngidinkai [actively raiding
since the late 1980s and 1990s]. These guys don’t listen to any advice. They are very
aggressive. They are stubborn and they drink a lot. However, the Ngimunyongkwo
[also known as Rumokorogh, starting to raid actively since 2000] is the worst group of
all. They grew up with guns; they don’t know about traditional weapons, each boy
should have a gun. Just like the Ngidinkai, they do many evil things. They don’t follow
the clan marriage rules, even the girls [of that age]. The respect is gone. They can even
shoot their fathers, if these don’t agree with the sons’ plans to marry. They are very
dangerous because of the guns.” 232
This quote points to the widely felt belief that the declining respect for the elders and
for traditional Pokot culture is accompanied by the prevalence of guns. That youthful
warriors feel attached to their guns was also found in a study carried out among 1,600
respondents of eight ethnic groups (including the Pokot) in Moroto and Kotido Districts of
Uganda. Even though the majority of respondents favoured disarmament,
“Most of the Karachunas [youthful warriors] (58%) are opposed to disarmament. They
say the gun is their life. Government can remove all their animals, belongings, and
even their wives but should leave their guns because with the gun, one can acquire
any thing” (ADOL, 2000: 18).
That warriors feel attached to their weapons is nothing new, this has been the case
with traditional weapons as well as the firearms that are used now. Yet, it is often argued
that because of the guns, the conflict has become more destructive and violent in that
casualties have increased. This is strongly contested by Eaton (2007), who argues that
although the prevalence of guns among the Pokot have made raids more frequent, in fact,
casualties have decreased. His respondents mentioned that unlike spears, guns are ‘noisy’
weapons, which allow people to escape faster as they are alarmed after the first shot has
been fired.
Additionally, the prevalence of guns is often seen as something that has caused for a
shift in political and economic authority away from the elders. For example, Mirzeler &
232
Interview: AMAK-4. The names of these warrior groups (which are not analogous to the names of age- or generationsets), were mostly identified in northern Pokot, Alale Division, and as such they may not be recognized as such in other
parts of the research area. However, the problems associated with the younger warriors were commonly acknowledged.
- 122 -
Young (2000: 424) state that “*t+he soulless AK-47 is eating away the soul of Karamoja
culture”.
It was frequently mentioned that the young generation started marrying and raiding
at an earlier age compared to past times. Before 1979, the age for a man’s first marriage
would be around thirty, while currently a boy in his teens may already marry.233 The younger
age of men for marriage was often directly related to the gun culture as the above quote
indicates. People argued that guns had made the young generation more violent, not only
towards members of other ethnic groups, but also towards fellow Pokot, including their
relatives. In their aim for independence, it was believed guns had made warriors act in more
autonomous and violent ways. It was said the conflict was characterized by moral decline
and traditional moral codes of conduct were no longer followed. For example, taboos in the
past, such as the burning of houses or the deliberate killing of weaker persons (elderly,
disabled, women and children), would nowadays take place.
I believe we must investigate the general perception of disorder in the community in
the light of a wider context, namely the changing perception towards traditional culture and
traditionally defined seniority. Then, the gun may rather be seen as a symbol not only of the
fear of the elder generation to be out ruled by the younger generation, but moreover as
apprehension of the rejection of traditional moral standards by the latter.
Most of the elderly people that were interviewed argued that the traditional culture
was ‘eroding’, as customary codes of behaviour were less followed. The young rebellious
generation, which does not respect the elders is generally referred to as ‘kakeriakech’, ‘the
group that doesn’t care’. This group would not be concerned with customary rules, for
example the marriage rules, which require the advice or blessing of the elders. As I
mentioned before, respect to senior generation- or age-sets is considered one of the most
important traditional values of the Pokot society, and bypassing this is considered as an
offensive act. In addition, it was argued that nowadays there were more thieves (chelolos)
among the Pokot. Because these youthful warriors would go out for minor thefts without
the consent of the traditional blessing of the elders and specialists, they can easily break the
peace and create cycles of violence, because entire ethnic groups may be held responsible
and retaliated as a result.
6.8 ‘Development’ and cultural change
The generation conflict in the research area is complex and not merely attributable to a
certain stereotyping by the elders, of a junior generation as out of hand in the process of
establishing its reputation by turning its back to the senior generation, a phenomenon which
may be of all times and places. How then do we explain the rejection of traditional moral
standards by the younger generation and, perhaps more important, why is the older
generation not able to restore their authority?
233
For girls, this age dropped to their teens too. It was said that this change had set in during the harsh 1979-1984 years
when, because of a severe shortage of livestock, dowry payments had to be postponed, and daughters were given out at a
younger age in the hope that the husband and his relatives could take care of the girl. Furthermore, some respondents
argued that the early age of marriage for girls had also set in because parents experienced the ongoing flux of development
activities as a threat to their traditional sources of identities. Development agencies strongly campaign against female
circumcision, a rite that is a prerequisite to marriage in traditional Pokot culture, especially among the highland Pokot. As a
reaction to the campaigning, parents decided to circumcise their daughters and give them out for marriage at an earlier
age.
- 123 -
The position of the elders is at stake because they are confronted with ‘modern’
civilization and development thinking, which has brought new values to the area.
Respondents attributed this most prominently to the influence of Christianity and formal
education, repeatedly described as having a just about symbiotic relationship, given that the
majority of schools in the research area are founded and sponsored by the churches.
Christianity and formal education first entered West-Pokot District during the 1930s, when it
was mostly located in the southern highlands. From the 1950s the influence was extended to
the lowlands after the Dini ya Msambwa cult had alarmed the white settlers, and ‘cultural
change’ was deemed necessary by them (Dietz, 1987).
The missions - most of them foreign funded and thus in a relatively good financial
position compared to the government - have invested in a range of development activities,
varying as wide as the distribution of relief food, the building of dispensaries, the provision
of seeds to farmers, the construction of roads, and the drilling of boreholes. Dietz (1987:
207) notes that “missions can be regarded as semi-states”, because “the freedom of action is
virtually unrestricted in practice”. Especially during the 1979-84 period, they were able to
take a prominent position as relief agencies, resulting in the fact that many parents decided
to send their children to school for food and protection.
Figure 6.6: Wall paintings at the catholic missionary clinic in Amakuriat.
Although missions disapprove some of the Pokot traditions, in order to clarify their message, some
elements of Pokot culture may be intertwined with Christian customs. In both paintings Pokot people are
pictured in biblical scenes (left: two Pokot men in the story of the Good Samaritan, right: a ‘Pokotinized’ Jesus
followed by a Pokot woman).
(June 2005)
The missions take an uncomfortable stance towards many of the Pokot traditions,
although the approach varies per denomination, as the Protestants are stricter compared to
the Catholics. In general, the missions express disapproval of cattle raiding, traditional
initiation rites of boys and girls, the requesting of advice and blessings from traditional
specialists (such as diviners, intestine interpreters and shoe-tossers), worshipping of
ancestors, and the sacrificing of animals that is related to this. The Protestants require more
changes as they may not approve with the wearing of the traditional Pokot adornment, and
order for the complete withholding of the usage of alcohol. Besides, they are stricter on the
point of monogamy.
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An elder who went to the Catholic primary boarding school in Kacheliba in 1966,
explains about the identity crisis that accompanied the introduction of formal education and
Christianity:
“A cattle disease made my family move to the Cherangani in 1968; in the meantime I
stayed at Kacheliba boarding school. In 1967, I was baptized all the way in Amudat. I
was enrolled by my teacher. We went there with a large group of people. It was a
routine by then; the catechists had it as a duty. At that time, I considered being
baptized as a normal thing to do as a schoolchild. *…+ My parents, stayed in the village
with their livestock, they were not Christians by then. The Church discouraged some
Pokot traditions like polygamy, drinking liquor, and raiding. They also didn’t want their
pupils to put the skin of an animal [which had been sacrificed for the blessing of the
spirits] around the wrist. I remember that people from the village were complaining
when I came home, especially about not wearing the animal skin around my wrist. It
was not an easy time. People from the village were laughing at me; they despised me
for wearing western clothes and having my hair shaped differently. *…+ For me it was
easier to continue my education because I resided at the boarding school. I was not so
much influenced by the life from the village. Nowadays people see the need to educate
their children. *…+ People, even the elders, have realized that problems of livestock
make it necessary to have just one wife. Elder people are not so tough on traditions
anymore. They have benefited from education and religion. The older generation is
gone now. Although the elders have left traditions themselves, they still find it
unpleasant to adapt to the new situation.” 234
Elders who are formally educated or Christianized are placed in a difficult position as
they hinge between traditional and ‘modern’ forms of identity. On the one hand, they see
the benefits of development in the area, and know that integrating in the modern system is
needed to acquire positions of political authority. Many of the individuals that have
undergone these changes are the ones in leadership positions (e.g. chiefs, teachers, religious
leaders). They often regard themselves as role models, who are to convert the “traditional
people” to the ideology of the nation state, so that the Pokot community comes out of
marginalization. A teacher, who had been enrolled in a Catholic school during the early
1980s, stated about the position of his profession:
“We are the leadership generation. We have to bring the area up. We have to
encourage the highly educated ones to stay in the area. Overall education is the
means to get up.” 235
The idea that education will put an end to raiding however, proves counterfeit. It was
argued that many of the younger warriors were in fact dropouts, who had left school for
various reasons such as feelings of indifference or difficulties paying fees. 236 Having had a
background of education, leaves these young boys without the feeling of being rooted in
traditional culture, and often without employment opportunities. As a teacher noted:
234
Interview: KACH-5
Interview: MAKU-4
236
Markakis (2004: 26) states: “An increase in raiding incidents during school holidays in western Pokot is attributed to
secondary school student involvement in raids to raise money for school fees and other expenses”, although it must be said
that he does not specify the source of his information.
235
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“There is a hanging group of youth, who go for rustling and robberies in order to gain
economically. Many parents have left their children at school, without giving them
directions. They think they are in the right place, but the young children go to town
and chew miraa, drink bear, and smoke cigarettes, while they claim to have gone for
study.” 237
Figure 6.7: Sign at a school compound mentioning “English Please”.
The Kenyan national education system requires that pupils speak English (and otherwise
Kiswahili) at school. This linguistic incorporation in the national state has implications for
the way the Pokot language and identity is perceived by youngsters, and underscores a
difference between those with and without education.
(September 2005)
Related to the declining authority of elders is the depreciation of the traditional ageset systems in the area. Although most missions regard male circumcision as a good thing as
they argue that this is also preached in the bible, they prefer that the operation is carried out
in a hospital, for hygienic reasons but moreover because during the seclusion period of
traditional circumcision, the teachings were not considered proper. A pastor of the Seventh
Day Adventist Church explained:
“The church does not allow traditional circumcision in the bush. There they don’t care,
there are no doctors there. Most of all, you learn how to beat and seduce a woman,
how to fight. It makes you become abusive. You are reckless when you come out of
there.”238
A pastor of the African Inland Church noted:
“Traditional circumcision of boys in the bush is a bad thing. Some of the rituals and
especially the singing and praising are regarded as appalling because they speak
about the private parts.” 239
Because circumcision is practiced more and more in hospitals, it means that a large part of
the new generation grows up without the traditional teachings (which emphasize a.o. the
237
Interview: CHEP-14.
Interview: CHEP-3.
239
Interview: AMAK-9.
238
- 126 -
respect to the senior age-sets), and the social bonding between age-mates that is related to
traditional circumcision.
Even though traditional circumcision still takes place, the elders complained that the
proper naming of the age-sets gets lost as circumcision is done more frequently, and at a
younger age. One elder noted that:
“Nowadays boys are circumcised at a very young age, while in the past they used to
circumcise only grown ups [later explained to be the minimum age of 17 years]. Now
almost every year a new age-set is started. It causes a lot of confusion. Before it would
take at least 8 years before they could start a new age-set. This is because of the
influence of education. And because of the elders who are bending the rules of the
tradition themselves.”240
A similar decline of the sapana initiation rite is recognized among people who are
formally educated and Christianized. An elder noted:
“Less people do sapana. This causes a generation conflict. The ones that have done
sapana are proud and feel complete. They view the ones who did not do sapana, as
children – these persons are not allowed to sit in the kïrket, and they cannot eat
specific parts of the meat. They may not speak inside the arena before the elders or
officially open the girls who come out of circumcision. Their sons can never undergo
sapana, it stops the chain. The ones that don’t do sapana are mainly the Protestants,
because they see the practice as something pagan.” 241
Leaving the traditions is not only due to that it is seen as ‘primitive’ or ‘pagan’, it is
also caused by the idea that there is less need for it nowadays. Take for example the
traditional function of the prophets. One respondent who had the skills to become a
prophet, decided not to develop them with the encouragement of his parents:
“My parents advised me to leave it, because they saw the life as a dreamer, as one
that without a good future. People don’t rely on dreamers so much nowadays; it is
only the pastoralists who do. Besides that, I wanted to get married, and I did not feel
like living an isolated lifestyle. *…+ I chose to be a Christian. This means that the belief
in Jesus displaces the traditional beliefs. There is only place for one in the heart, and
that is Jesus now. *…+ Only the people along the border still visit the dreamers. This
kind of tradition does not work anymore because the life of a dreamer does not stroke
with the modern way of life. The forests are cleared, and what should the people ask
for anyway? They don’t ask for rain because there is relief food. Along the Suam River
people can still survive. The area is no longer isolated. In the past [when the
community was still isolated], each community was given specific powers through
certain people to protect itself. Nowadays people rely on other means of protection.”
Monetarization has moreover led to a disrespect of tradition, as it makes room for
individual gain. This occurs not only among the youthful warriors as I explained before, but
also among the specialists of the community. The respondent continues:
“The respect of the specialists in the Pokot community diminishes, because nowadays
those people just want to become rich. They began to commercialize after the harsh
240
241
Interview: KACH-12.
Interview: KONY-2.
- 127 -
years in the early 1980s. *…+ Nowadays, they invite clans, instead of being asked by a
clan. They have become arrogant. The alcohol and money has spoiled hem. They make
advantage of their position. A real prophet does not admire the commercialization of
his skills. *…+ These days they commercialize, which also makes their skills fail. They
like conflict too much. Nothing good comes out of them. The good spirit no longer
communicates with them.242
Furthermore, it is often stated that the position of the elders and the effectiveness of
the traditional methods of conflict resolution, are affected by the influence of the formal law
system (e.g. Masinde et al., 2004, UNDP, 2004). However, it must firstly be noted that a large
part of the research area lacks strong influence of the formal law system. In the western
lowlands, the last police station on the Kenyan side can be found in Kacheliba. The physical
distance to the court which is situated in Kapenguria, prevents people from the areas of
Sekerr, Sook, Alale and Kasei to take their cases there. In these areas, cases are still sorted
out by the elders, who together with the chiefs, discuss the issues within the kokwo. Formal
law administrators still rely for a great part on the consultation of the elders, for example
about their historical knowledge concerning land demarcations or clan conflicts. Besides
that, village elders are appointed to support the assistant chiefs with their duties.
Even though the traditional methods of conflict resolution such as lapai and muma
are allowed by the formal court, and they are still seen as powerful means for punishment,
there are changes in the way it is carried out nowadays.243 Firstly, there is the belief that
monetarization has made lapai an opportunity to gain individually. The destruction of
property is an inherent element of lapai, and is seen as an act of grievance, however:
“Nowadays there is mass looting. People take more than the discussed amount of
cows. Whole clans are involved. People are hired to do the looting, they don’t discuss
with the elders. In the past the practice was not carried out in such a savage way; a
few cows were stolen, there was a bit of looting in only one or two houses, then they
would sit down with the elders and discuss about the new payment and the cleansing.
Nowadays, the cleansing may even take up to ten years. Since the 1980s, money value
has accelerated the looting. Besides that, people are also desperate because of
poverty.”244
Secondly, people who are influenced by modern values may regard the methods as outdated
and uncivilized, because as lapai and muma are believed to affect all clan members, which
involves many innocent people. One respondent stated:
“people still fear muma, because many innocent people are doomed. Because of the
terrible consequences, it is not so much encouraged anymore.”
Lastly, I would like to mention that an important incentive to the general perception
of disorder is the large-scale consumption of home-brewed alcohol (local brews known as
‘busaa, ‘changaa’, and ‘mandule’) by both youngsters and elders. Initially introduced to the
research area by non-Pokot immigrants (most notably the Bukusu and Bagishu Luhya), the
spirits are now also brewed by Pokot, and for women it is increasingly becoming an
242
Interview: KACH-15.
Officially, in order to carry out muma, one has to obtain a permit of the District Commissioner’s office. Interview: KAPE11.
244
Interview: KAPE-9.
243
- 128 -
additional source of income. Whereas traditional alcohol in the form of honey beer has
always been consumed, in the past it was mainly associated with ceremonies or used as
payment. Beech (1911: 12) already noted that “*honey+ wine is drunk by old men chiefly as a
means of stimulating their memories prior to discussion of folklore”. Nowadays, many
people drink daily, and besides the fact that it aggravates poverty, it makes people act less
responsibly. One respondent who really felt alcohol was the major problem in the area
noted:
“These drinks, they spoil the people. Pokot drink just to get drunk. They consume as
much as they can, until they finally black out. It is a shame. People become lazy and
they just hang around. They do not care anymore. Women are becoming prostitutes
and young men become thugs. The old people cannot tell you anymore about the past.
I tell them to stop drinking, but what can you do? These people are addicted and we
need serious help to fight this problem.” 245
6.9 People from the bush
The extent to which development activities and modern values have entered the research
area, is geographically defined, generally meaning: the better accessible by roads, the more
influence. The areas where people live a sedentary and agricultural lifestyle, especially the
southern Highlands, are more involved in the changes towards new forms of identity. As can
be seen in the quotes from interviews above, distinctions are made between people from
‘town’, and people from the ‘bush’ or the ‘village’. 246 A discourse of modernization is
thereby internalized, by referring to the mobile pastoralists, not only as traditional but even
by some as ‘uncivilized’ or ‘backward’.
This ideology originates from the early colonial times, when “progress was to come
from the Hill Suk” (Visser, 1989, 34). The colonialists put emphasis on agriculture, although
they found it hard to convince the Pokot to change their lifestyle to a more agricultural one.
The Pokot were therefore often considered as ‘conservative people’, who were ‘resistant to
change’ (Schneider, 1959; Patterson, 1969).
However, during the last three decades, agriculture and a sedentary lifestyle have
gained influence. This change was forced by the 1979-84 period, when a lot of people had to
look for other than subsistence pastoralism means for survival. The exodus south made that
many former pastoralists started farming either on their own plot or as casual workers. The
latter was especially the case in the southern highlands of Mnagei and Trans-Nzoia, where
the lowland refugees came into contact with people of other ethnic groups, and a larger
degree of development thinking. Many Pokot who had been formerly pastoralists, “actually
learned that you could eat rubbish” during this period, referring to the consumption of grains
without milk, as one respondent noted.247
Moreover the cash economy that was fuelled by the mining of minerals, brought
changes, as a woman noted:
“In the past we knew only one thing; the cow. We were totally depending on the
products of the livestock. Now as a mother, you can struggle to survive in other ways
245
Interview: KACH-20.
Additionally, traditional pastoralists were also referred to as people from the “reserve” or “interior”.
247
Interview: KONY-5.
246
- 129 -
by doing little business, even selling some of your hens. It helps now there is money
you can do more things.” 248
Figure 6.8: Woman
selling vegetables at
Konyao market.
The cash economy offers
possibilities for women
to do business. Besides
that, the picture shows
that vegetables are now
much more common to
the diet of people on the
lowlands.
(June 2005)
Increased monetarization may also bring opportunities for former warriors to engage
in other than raiding activities. The warriors who decided so, are also known as ‘reformed
warriors’. One respondent explained:
“At the end of the 90s some warriors decided to give up raiding and do business. The
abandoning of raiding by some warriors was due to their appreciation of the money
economy and the panning of minerals. They realized that when you have money it is
the same as having cattle, and you can dig the ground instead of risking your life by
going for raids. Nowadays there are many livestock traders. Many of them were
raiders, but they started valuing the money economy.” 249
The changes towards a sedentary lifestyle were also met with ambiguity as expressed
by a hoteli owner in Kacheliba, who migrated to the town in 1982, after severe loss of
livestock.
“I liked my life as a pastoralist very much, even though there were hard times, such as
the dry season of 1965, when there was a severe cattle disease. However, in the past
life was not so complicated. The animals provided everything that was needed: milk,
meat and skins. The move from the village to town, was beneficial in some ways.
There were better hygienic conditions. I built a decent hut and a pit latrine. Also, I am
now able to plan for my family, instead of constantly being on the move. On the other
hand there is this difficulty that so many needs can not be met nowadays. Everything
costs money and there is no proper source of income. In the past animals were used to
buy everything. People were more independent then.”250
248
Interview: AMAK-9.
Interview: KONY-8.
250
Interview: KACH-14.
249
- 130 -
The benefits of modern life, wherein money, education, and new religious stances
are valued, has the consequence that for some people, the traditional superior lifestyle of
subsistence pastoralism is not per se regarded as ideal anymore. This has caused for a
peculiar relationship between the Pokot from the highlands and the lowlands. On the one
hand the pastoralists are still very much admired for their wealth in livestock, and their
tough spirit and means to protect the Pokot community. A teacher remarkably told that:
“The pastoralists are generally believed to be sharper and wiser than the farmers.
Even today, they [the children from the pastoralists] lead in class. The pastoralists are
able to protect the community. When they campaign for parliamentary seats, the
farmer has a hard time proving that he is capable of leading. In times of war the
pastoralists are leading.” 251
On the other hand, people who have undergone the changes of modern civilization
and development thinking start to disassociate with some of the practices of pastoralists.
People complain that the raiding puts the Pokot community in a bad daylight and the media
stereotyped the community as hostile. A grains salesmen from Chepareria explained:
“For example in the war with the Marakwet, the pastoralists from the lowland came
to rescue the farmers from the highland. The pastoralists were camping in the
highland, spying and fighting from there. They were the militia with skilled war
techniques. […] We tell them that they should stop raiding, because is gives the Pokot
a bad name, it presents a poor picture. People elsewhere are afraid of the Pokot.
When our clansmen come to our houses and we chat with them, we talk to them
politely, not teaching them, otherwise they will see you as a coward. *…+ One time the
lowland Pokot and hired Kadamas [Tepeth] raided the Sengwer, as a result some
Pokot were left injured in the forest. The people from Chepareria reported this to the
government. Because of that the Kasauria were angry, they wanted to sort this out by
themselves. They wanted to pick the injured themselves.”252
The different response to the raiding conflict between pastoralists and the sedentary
people who have been influenced by modern values, is also altering the scope of
identification with the adopted culture of the Karimojong. On the one hand people state
that:
“Although the enmity has been worsening, the Pokot have never rejected any of the
Karimojong cultural practices. These practices, like sapana, have entered the Pokot
culture long ago and are now part of it." 253
On the other hand a rejection of the practices is also prominent, especially by the town
communities, who no longer see the need to adopt the characteristics. Unlike in the past
when adoption was stimulated so the pastoral Pokot could gain social standing in
Karimojong community, to ensure grazing rights and stock friends, nowadays people who
have other than pastoral means of survival ask themselves “Now there is more hatred, why
251
Interview: CHEP-17.
Interview: CHEP-9.
253
Interview: KOD-2.
252
- 131 -
should we associate with an element of an enemy? ”
because of continued conflict since the 1980s:
254
Another respondent believed that
“The new generation is giving their children Pokot names, instead of Karimojong
names. This happens especially among the educated ones, who are proud to use the
Pokot names and saying: Why should we borrow the culture of an enemy tribe?” 255
A larger sense of ‘Pokotness’ has been reinforced through the ethnic politics that
have become ever more popular since independence. The pride of indigenous Pokot
practices has also led to increased importance of the practice of circumcision. It was already
believed by Peristiany (1951a, 05) that,
“circumcision will be attended by a larger number. This is due to the ‘increasing pride
of race’, of Pokot who, having now spread over a much greater area than they
occupied before, feel that their increase of cattle and land entitles them to treat their
pastoral neighbours on an equal footing”.
Although sapana is still the major rite of initiation for the pastoral Pokot men, and
most men still refrain from circumcision along the borders because of security reasons, an
increased number of pastoralists are choose to be circumcised as well. When asking why,
someone replied: “Because when you are among those other Pokot, you’re the same”,
referring to the need to be equally respected by other circumcised Pokot.256
6.10 Conclusion
Which new identity strategies among the Pokot can be recognized because of the changing
scope of the raiding conflict and increased external interventions during the last three
decades?
This chapter first of all described that the tradition of raiding is still very much persistent in
the research area, although in a new reality. From an historical perspective, the promotion
of militarization among the Pokot, is mostly associated with the pastoral section of the
community. The raiding conflict of today is still motivated by the customary objectives of
warriors to increase their independence and to establish their reputation by showing
bravery, whereby women can have an important supportive influence.
The new reality in which raids are nowadays carried out is characterized by the
context of ‘depastoralisation’ that spurred after a sequence of crises since the year 1979.
The decreasing herd sizes made that raiding has been regarded as ‘excessive’. With that,
livestock markets, which are hardly checked, provide an infrastructure through which raided
cattle can be sold, and thereby exclude the area of traditional reciprocity mechanisms.
Even though the use of automatic weapons can not be considered as the root cause
of the raiding problem, the usual approach to cease raiding by the state is through
disarmament. Disturbing operations in the past have resulted in a great loss of faith in
disarmament and the government in general, which is seen as just another enemy. The
254
Interview: AMAK-5.
Interview: KONY-2.
256
Interview: KONY-2.
255
- 132 -
Pokot feel they need weapons to defend themselves, as the government is not providing
security, not even to those people who are employed by it, such as chiefs. Security forces are
hardly present in the area, and even though at times they may be feared, in general, there is
a lack of respect towards them. This calls for a situation wherein effective army forces are
installed, which are able to recover stolen livestock, and put an end to bribery. Disarmament
initiatives must furthermore be linked to the provision of adequate infrastructure and
alternative livelihood opportunities, and must also be carried out symmetrically.
The government legitimacy will be assisted by investing in pastoralism, for example
through veterinary services or the improvement of breeds, instead of undermining this
lifestyle. However, as Osamba (2000: 34) argues, because of a harsh environment and high
value for livestock:
“The state’s opinion, therefore, is that the pastoral society is conservative, slow to
adapt to change and in many respects actually against change. Raiding is therefore
portrayed as a factor that is embedded in the pastoralists’ mentality and that can only
be eradicated by the discontinuation of pastoralism and the adoption of agriculture, or
by transforming it into ranching.”
The feeling among the Pokot of being deliberately marginalized is taken on by
politicians who can inflame conflict against other communities, by emphasizing ethnic
distinctiveness of the group they represent. This means that violence, based on primordial
attachments against (often innocent) ‘others’, is even more provoked compared to the past.
It is important to realize that entire ethnic groups are often held responsible for raids that
have been caused by only a few individuals. The raids and incitements of politicians, may so
foster cycles of violence.
The conflict itself is believed to be affected by a disorder within the Pokot
community, which centres on the idea that the authority of the elders is no longer effective
in managing the conflict. The young generation was said to be no longer respecting them
and tended to act in more autonomous ways. Furthermore, the relationship between the
Pokot and other ethnic groups is perceived as having been gravely deteriorated due to
excessive violence and a greater amount of mistrust. Respondents argued that this resulted
in increased breakings of peace pacts and less contacts between ethnic groups. Although
these changes were often directly attributed to the gun culture, I have argued that the gun
might rather be seen as a symbol by which the elders depict a rebellious youth. That the
young generation is rejecting some of the traditional moral standards as well as the feeling
that the older generation does not seem able to restore their authority, should be seen in
the light of the wider opening up of the research area.
Since the 1970s, increased development activities (most importantly the increased
outreach of formal education and Christianity), have brought new values to the research
area. These ‘modern’ values have affected the traditional political egalitarian authority of
the elders, as it has internally fractioned the elders as a group. Together with the misuse of
alcohol, the picture holds that elders are rather passive about tradition themselves. Even
though the traditional methods of intra-ethnic conflict resolution – such as lapai and muma
– are still believed to be very effective and even respected by the formal court system, they
are also increasingly seen as outdated by people who are influenced by modern values,
because of the harm it causes towards many innocent people.
Altogether, the context of ‘depastoralisation’ and modernization, have altered the
perspective towards Pokot traditions. The attitude towards the traditions of pastoralism,
- 133 -
raiding, and customary rules, may be termed as ambivalent. On the one hand, the Pokot still
value livestock rearing as the ideal livelihood, praise the courage of warriors who are able to
protect the community, and even fear the customary rules which are seen as effective intraethnic control mechanisms. On the other hand, the changing situation has brought
opportunities for some people, who may therefore choose to adopt new identity strategies
and reject some of the traditional values.
Because the developmental activities are geographically defined, mostly centred on
the agricultural (southern) highlands and the more accessible parts of the lowlands (the
towns), the sedentary Pokot are influenced most by the modern values. This has led to an
ideological separation within the Pokot community, whereby the sedentary people are
referring to the practices of the more traditional pastoral Pokot as backward. This ideology,
which originates from the early colonial times, has thus been internalized by this section of
the Pokot. This changed perception can be explained by the fact that for the sedentary
people it is now more beneficial to identify with modern values. It provides them access to
alternative livelihoods and new leadership positions.
The rejection of Karimojong cultural characteristics by many of the sedentary people,
and the increased importance of circumcision among the pastoralists of the lowlands, can
also be seen in this light. During the 19th century, when the adoption of sapana was
stimulated, it had been advantageous for the pastoral Pokot to define a wider identity.
Nowadays there is simply less need to for the sedentary people to identify with these
practices, as for them it does not provide security or a stable resource base, like it did for the
pastoral Pokot during the 1870s.
Instead, the sense of Pokotness has been emphasized over the years, not only
through their territorial expansion and formal recognition of their territory during the 19 th
and 20th century, but moreover because of the incorporation into national state systems. As
said before, the government spurred the feeling of marginalization amongst the Pokot,
something that is deliberately addressed by politicians, who are interested in securing their
own critical resource, namely the electorate.
- 134 -
APPENDIX A: RESEARCH AREA
The research area is comprised of the five western divisions of West-Pokot District
(Chepareria, Alale, Kasei, Kacheliba and Kongelai, see figure A.2) The table below shows
some of characteristics of the District which were available on division-level:
Division
Area
(km2)
Population
density 1999
Population
1999
Estimated
poor (%)**
Number
Chepareria
1,499
46
65,409
40,00
26,164*
Alale
1,687
18
29,901
55,00
16,446*
Kasei
1,060
9
10,145
54,66
5,545*
Kacheliba
1,108
18
20,318
56,10
11,398*
Kongelai
740
27
20,344
56,00
11,393
TOTAL
Research Area
Kapenguria
6,094
24
146,117
48,55
70,946
329
191
63,603
35,1
22,325*
Sigor
1,283
31
36,188
39,7
14,367*
Lelan
317
73
24,184
34,1
8,247*
Chesegon
808
26
20,373
40,9
8,333*
Tapach
233
95
18,621
46,4
8,640*
TOTAL
District
9,064
34
309,086
42,98*
132,858*
Figure A.1: Statistics West-Pokot District.
Source: GoK, 2002.
* Numbers are based on own calculations because outcomes in source were wrongly calculated.
** It is not clear where this estimation was based on.
As can be seen the research area measures 6,094 square kilometres and has 146,117
inhabitants (most of them belonging to the Pokot ethnic group). However, because of a high
mobile population (which in addition often crosses the border into Uganda) these numbers
might best be recognized as an estimation.257 The population density of the divisions in the
research area is below the average of the District, except for Chepareria Division, where
growth has been stimulated by the construction of the tarmac road to Lodwar. Especially the
remote Kasei Division is sparsely populated, with an average of only 9 persons per square
kilometre. The estimated percentage of poor people is above the average of the District
(again, except for Chepareria).
257
The same can be said about the population figures in Uganda. According to the national census of 2002, the Pokot
numbered 70,397. (Information from: http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/dyb/DYBcensus/V2_Table4.pdf,
accessed: April 2, 2007).
- 135 -
Figure A.2: West-Pokot District, administrative borders.
Source: GoK, 2002.
- 136 -
APPENDIX B: ETHNIC MAPS
Figure B.1: “Administrative and Ethnic Regions: NW Kenya, NE Uganda, 1986”.
Source: Dietz, 1987: 20.
- 137 -
Figure B.2: Linguistic map “Kenya”.
Source: Gordon, 2005.
- 138 -
Figure B.3: Linguistic map “Uganda”.
Source: Gordon, 2005.
(The map shows well were the Tepeth (no.32 Soo) are located.
Note that the area of the Pokot actually extends more to the north)
- 139 -
Figure B.4: “The Area in which most Kalenjin-speaking people live today”.
Source: Kipkorir, 1978: 7.
- 140 -
Figure B.5: “A physical map of Marakwet”.
Source: Kipkorir & Welbourn, 1973: VI.
(Note that the Sengwer are here shown as a section of the Marakwet)
- 141 -
Figure B.6: “Karamoja”.
Source: Novelli, 1999: XVI.
- 142 -
APPENDIX C: LIST OF INTERVIEWS
AMAKURIAT
CHEP-21
7-9-2005
KACH-21
3-6-2005
KACH-22
31-7-2005
AMAK-1
17-6-2005
CHEP-22
7-9-2005
AMAK-2
17-6-2005
CHEP-23
8-9-2005
AMAK-3
17-6-2005
CHEP-24
8-9-2005
AMAK-4
17-6-2005
AMAK-5
18-6-2005
CHEPNYAL
AMAK-6
19-6-2005
CHEPN-1
4-9-2005
AMAK-7
19-6-2005
CHEPN-2
4-9-2005
AMAK-8
19-6-2005
CHEPN-3
5-9-2005
AMAK-9
19-6-2005
CHEPN-4
5-9-2005
AMAK-10
20-6-2005
CHEPN-5
5-9-2005
AMAK-11
20-6-2005
CHEPN-6
5-9-2005
AMAK-12
21-6-2005
KAPENGURIA
KACHELIBA
CHEPARERIA
KAPE-1
6-4-2005
KAPE-2
1-5-2005
KAPE-3
31-5-2005
KAPE-4
2-6-2005
KAPE-5
4-6-2005
KAPE-6
26-8-2005
KAPE-7
11-9-2005
KAPE-8
11-9-2005
KAPE-9
12-9-2005
KACH-1
12-4-2005
CHEP-1
27-8-2005
KAPE-10
3-10-2005
KACH-2
12-4-2005
CHEP-2
27-8-2005
KAPE-11
5-6-2007
KACH-3
13-4-2005
CHEP-3
28-8-2005
KAPE-12
6-6-2007
KACH-4
13-4-2005
CHEP-4
28-8-2005
KAPE-13
7-6-2007
KACH-5
14-4-2005
CHEP-5
28-8-2005
KAPE-14
7-6-2007
KACH-6
15-4-2005
CHEP-6
29-8-2005
KAPE-15
8-6-2007
KACH-7
18-4-2005
CHEP-7
29-8-2005
KACH-8
19-4-2005
CHEP-8
30-8-2005
KACH-9
21-4-2005
CHEP-9
30-8-2005
KACH-10
26-4-2005
CHEP-10
30-8-2005
KACH-11
26-4-2005
CHEP-11
30-8-2005
KACH-12
27-4-2005
CHEP-12
31-8-2005
KACH-13
27-4-2005
CHEP-13
31-8-2005
KACH-14
28-4-2005
CHEP-14
31-8-2005
KACH-15
29-4-2005
CHEP-15
2-9-2005
KACH-16
3-5-2005
CHEP-16
3-9-2005
KACH-17
4-5-2005
CHEP-17
6-9-2005
KACH-18
4-5-2005
CHEP-18
6-9-2005
KACH-19
4-5-2005
CHEP-19
6-9-2005
KACH-20
5-5-2005
CHEP-20
7-9-2005
KIWAWA
KIWA-1
28-5-2007
KIWA-2
29-5-2007
KIWA-3
30-5-2007
KIWA-4
31-5-2007
KIWA-5
31-5-2007
KIWA-6
1-6-2007
KIWA-7
1-6-2007
KIWA-8
2-6-2007
KIWA-9
3-6-2007
KODICH
KODI-1
- 143 -
6-5-2005
KODI-2
8-5-2005
KONY-7
8-6-2005
MAKU-9
26-8-2005
KODI-3
8-5-2005
KONY-8
10-6-2005
MAKU-10
12-9-2005
KONY-9
11-6-2005
MAKU-11
13-9-2005
MAKU-12
1-10-2005
MAKU-13
2-10-2005
MAKU-14
2-10-2005
KONGELAI
KONG-1
11-4-2005
KONG-2
20-4-2005
KONYAO
MAKUTANO
MAKU-1
6-4-2005
MAKU-2
25-4-2005
NAKUJIT
KONY-1
6-6-2005
MAKU-3
17-5-2005
KONY-2
6-6-2005
NAKU-1
7-5-2005
MAKU-4
31-5-2005
KONY-3
7-6-2005
NAKU-2
7-5-2005
MAKU-5
25-6-2005
KONY-4
7-6-2005
NAKU-3
7-5-2005
MAKU-6
26-6-2005
KONY-5
7-6-2005
MAKU-7
24-8-2005
KONY-6
8-6-2005
MAKU-8
24-8-2005
- 144 -
APPENDIX D: LIST OF CLANS
- 145 -
This appendix provides an alphabetically ordered list of clans found among the Pokot. Overall, around thirty major clans are recognized among
the Pokot, whereby each clan is consisting of several sub-clans. The five most comprehensive lists of clans and sub-clans are presented here.258
The point of departure is the list that is compiled by the Pökot Language Committee following a workshop on Pokot cultural issues held in 1996
(PLC, 1996: 9-12, see paragraph 3.3.3 for further information about this source).
This list is shown in the first column, and it is chosen to use the spelling of this list for the overarching clan names and their totems. The
second column presents the sub-clans that are recognized by Visser (1989: 250-255) in his study on Pokot religion. The third and fourth column
show lists that are compiled by two members of the Pokot community (respectively: Kale & Loytaa, 2005 and Lokato, 2001), who both
independently recorded a directory of clans with the aim of preserving traditional knowledge for future generations. These two lists, together
with that of the PLC were obtained during the fieldwork itself and proved very helpful during the interviews. The last and fifth column forms
the earliest comprehensive list of Pokot clans, which was made by Barton (1921: 84-86). Although not as complete as the other four, it shows
us that many of the clan names he recorded in the early 20 th century, are still found among the Pokot currently. The difference of referring to
clan names by Barton who starts with ‘Ka-’ and the other sources which start with ‘Che-’, lies merely in the form of addressing. ‘Ka-’ is a general
term with means ‘group of’, while ‘Che-’ is used when a female of the respective clan is addressed.
What we can see below is that despite great variety in both the names recorded and the spelling used, many of the sub-clans are listed
more than once, something which increases the likelihood of their existence. Most (around 85%) of the sub-clans recorded by the PLC were
recognized during the fieldwork. The variety in the sub-clan names that are recorded in the different lists, is probably a result of the fact that
some sub-clans, particularly the smaller ones in number or the ones that have assimilated from other ethnic groups, may be found quite
locally. Consequently for instance, although clans among Pokot in general are territorially widely dispersed, some of the sub-clans known in
Tiati may not be known in Alale, just because there are no members of those sub-clans found there.
Altogether the list is presented first of all to show how the Pokot clan system is shaped. Secondly, and perhaps even more important, it
is hoped that the list will inspire others to do more research on clanship among the Pokot. Although the knowledge about clans is quickly
disappearing among the Pokot, in particular among younger generation, clans form the basis to understand the traditional Pokot community.
Clans define the traditional form of social organization in the sense of marriage patterns, friendship bonds and functions in the community.
Furthermore, it is imperative to note that clans have proved the entry point to study the history of the Pokot as I have shown in chapter 4.
258
Another list, which I came across later during the research, is given by Huchon (2004).
CLAN – TOTEM (ENGLISH TRANSLATION)
LIST OF
SUB-CLANS BY:
PLC (1996)
VISSER (1989)
KALE & LOYTAA (2005)
EXTRA SUB-CLAN NAMES
(NOT FOUND IN PLC, 1996)
SHOWN NEXT TO EACH
OTHER AS THEY SHOW
SIMILARITIES IN
SPELLING
LOKATO (2001)
BARTON (1921)
- 146 -
EXTRA SUB-CLAN NAMES
(NOT FOUND IN PLC, 1996)
THAT SHOW NO
SIMILARARITIES IN
SPELLING WITH OTHER
LISTS
* Notes with further information.
The clans are shown in the following order:
1. CHAPIN - WARANY (BLUE MONKEY), 2. KÖNO – ?, 3. KOPIL – KARAM (WASP) & KUKAY (CROW), 4. KÖSOM – KÖSOMYON (GROUND NESTING
BEE), 5. KÖYMÖ – SILANGWA (GOURD), 6. LÖKENÏ - MNYAKAW (FROG), 7. MOYOY - SOO (FEMALE BUFFALO), 8. NGÏSUR TÖRÏK – ILAT (RAIN),
9. NG’ORO KÖYÖT - SONKOK (BLACK ANTS), 10. ORÖ – TAMAS (CAMEL), 11. PKOMÖR – LOTURA (WARTHOG), 12. PTÏNKÖ – MOROY (SNAKE),
13. PTUYA – KORINYA (IMPALA), 14. RIY – KANER (ROCK HYRAX), 15. RONG – KOPAN (DOVE) & CHEPTUKO (BELLOWS), 16. SANIAK – PÏRECH
(RED ANT), 17. SIGH – SÖKÖMIN (BEE), 18. SIKOWOT – KUKÏY (DOG), 19. SILÖKOT - SIRÖRÖ (HAWK), 20. SÏPAN – PELYON (ELEPHANT), 21.
SÏRKOY – SÏKÏRYO (DONKEY), 22. SIWOTOY - SOO (BUFFALO), 23. SÖKÖ – NGÖTÏNY (LION), 24. SOLYONGOT – ILAT (THUNDER & LIGHTENING),
25. SÖNÖKWIR – MONKES (COLOBUS MONKEY), 26. SOTOT – ASIS (SUN), 27. TALAI – KUKAI (PIED CROW), 28. TALAY - MAYOS (BABOON), 29.
TÏNKÖ – KAWAGH (HYENA), 30. TUL – CHEPKONO (JACKAL).
- 146 -
1. CHAPIN - WARANY (BLUE MONKEY)
CHEPÖCHEPOCHOT
CHERKWONY
CHEPÖCHEWU
CHEMÖKÖY
CHEPÏYÖT
CHEMORÏ
CHEPÖCHEPOCHOT
CHEPÏRKWANY
CHEPOCHEPOCHOT
- 147 -
CHEMORU
CHEPOCHEPOCHOT
CHEPIRKWONY
CHEPOCHEW
CHEMOKOY
CHEPIYOT
CHEMORU
CHEPOLALAT
CHEPSUNYUNYU
CHEPOLALAT
CHEPOSINYINYI
CHEMUR
CHEPYET
CHEMOROR
CHEPOSITOR
CHEPOTINA
CHEMWOKOY
CHEPOCHEPIT
CHEPOSINGIR
CHEPOCHEW
CHEMÖKÖY
CHEMÖRÏ
2. KÖNO – ? *
CHEPOPTUW
CHEPOKWEGHÖ
CHEPOROKWO
CHEMKEYA
CHEPOKWEGHO
CHEPOROKO
CHEPOROKA
CHEPOKWEGHO
CHEPOROKWO
CHEPOROKA
CHEMKENYA
- 147 -
CHEPOCHESUMAY
CHEPTUN
CHEPSAPIT
* The totem for this clan remains unclear. The PLC (1996) names “Maa (fire)”, whereas Lokato (2001) refers to the “colobus monkey” and
Kale & Loytaa (2005) to “giants”. During the research, the colobus monkey – or ‘monkes’ in Pokot – was most often named, but the
accounts were imprecise, so it needs to be clarified.
3. KOPIL – KARAM (WASP) & KUKAY (CROW)
- 148 -
CHEPTETE
CHEPÖSOKONG
CHEPÖRELÖ
CHEMATUY
CHEPKOGH
CHEPTET
CHEPOSOKONG
CHEPORELO
CHEPTELE
CHEPOSOKONG
CHEPORELO
CHEMATIY
CHEPKOGH
CHEPOKAPTALAM
CHEPOKILPIL
4. KÖSOM – KÖSOMYON (GROUND NESTING BEE) *
CHEPOTINTAR
CHEMITINY
CHEPOTRÏM
CHEPOTISKAYA
CHEPOKAMOLET
CHEPÖTÏNTER
CHEMITINY
CHEPÖTÏRÖM
CHEPOTINDAR
CHEPTUM
CHEPÖKOKOY
CHEPONGUI
- 148 -
CHEPOTINTAR
CHEMITINY
CHEPOTIROM
CHEPOTISKAYA
CHEPOKAMOLOT
CHEPTUM
CHEPOKOKAI
CHEPONGUI
CHEMICHMICH
CHEPOKOPILO
5. KÖYMÖ – SILANGWA (GOURD) *
CHEPÖKARIAL
CHEPÖSOSÏR
CHEPÖKÏSIRAN
CHEMNISYA
CHEPASPAS
CHEPARSÏP
CHEPÖSEMCHÖ
CHEPOKARYAL
CHEPOSOSIR
CHEPOKISIRAN
CHEMINISYA
CHEPASPAS
CHEPARSUP
CHEPoSEMiCHo
- 149 -
CHEMKEYA **
CHEPÖSERYÖ
CHEPKOKOI
CHEPOKAPSIKWA
* To be correct silangwa is the plant that produces the calabashes that are used as gourds. An additional totem listed by Lokato (2001),
namely “Pkokoch (Tortoise)”, has not been confirmed. In addition, Bollig (2006: 345) calls this “Firestick Clan”, and it was confirmed that
members of this clan “light fires in the ritual context”.
** Visser (1989) mistakenly refers to the “monkes” (colobus monkey) as the totem of the Köymö clan. Possibly therefore he lists the subclan of “chemkeya” here, as the monkes totem is occasionally used for the Köno clan (no. 3).
6. LÖKENÏ - MNYAKAW (FROG) *
CHEPÖCHESAWU
CHEPÖCHERKÏYECH
CHEPÖTOPOLEL
CHEMOYÖ
CHEPURAYÏ
CHEMELINY
CHEPÖCHERIKÏYECH
CHEMOYÖ
CHEPURAYÏ
CHEMALIN
CHEPOCHESAU
CHEPOCHERUKUYECH
CHEPOTOPOLEL
CHEMOYO
CHEPURAI
CHEMELINY
- 149 -
CHEPOCHESAW
CHEPOCHERKIYECH
CHEPOTOPOLEL
CHEMOYO
CHEPURAYI
CHEMELINY
CHEPOCHESHEPAN
CHEPOKÖRO
CHEPOCHEPTOCH
CHEPURAY
CHEPOCHESAWA
CHEPUSHA
CHEPOCHEMUMA
CHEPONYONKI
CHEPOKÏPAY
CHEPOKÏSANG
CHEPOKAMÖLÖ
CHEPÖKÖRÖ
CHEPOKORO
CHEPOCHEPTOCH
CHEPUSIA
CHEPOCHEPSYEPAN
CHEPOKORO
CHEPOCHEPTOCH
CHEPOCHESAWA
CHEPUSYA
CHEPOCHEMIMA
CHEPONYONKI
CHEPOKIPAY
CHEPONYONGU
CHEPOKOPAI
CHEPÖNGÖNGOR
CHEPNONGO
CHEPOKORONDO
CHEPOKONG
CHEMITINY
CHEMNONGOR
CHEPKORONTO
CHEPKONG
CHEMITINY
CHEPOSUNYUNYU
CHEPOCHEPUNYO
CHEPOCHEMA
CHEMICHING
CHEMOKCHO
CHEMOSUS
CHEPCHAY
CHEPOKAPAGH
- 150 -
CHEPÖYONKÏ
CHEPÖKÏPAY
CHEPÖKASANG
CHEPÖKAMALÏ
CHEPÖCHENARIM
CHEPOTÏLAK
KAKORO
KANIONGI
KAKOPEI
CHEPOKAMALI
KAPKON
KAMETIN
* As for the totem of this clan, a distinction is made between frogs and toads, whereby the origin of the sub-clans defines which specific
animal is recalled as a totem.
7. MOYOY - SOO (FEMALE BUFFALO)
CHEMWACHAR
CHEMWACHAR
- 150 -
CHEPOCHESUMAY
CHEPOCHEMORYOT
CHEPOPOCHESUMAY
CHEPOCHHEMORYOT
8. NGÏSUR TÖRÏK – ILAT (RAIN) *
- 151 -
CHEPOCHEPKAI
CHEPORÏPÏNY
CHEPOTÏNTÏRWA
CHEPORENGER
CHEMLIONG
CHEPOKAPTOYOY
CHEPOSÏMÖT
CHEPATET
CHEPOSETEM
CHEMRÏKONG
CHEPOROSÖW
CHEPOSAKÏS
CHEMTÖY
CHEPÖCHEPKAY
CHEPOCHEPKAI
CHEPÖRANGER
CHEPATET
CHEPOSEM
CHEMINGEN
CHEPOKAPTÖRIK
CHEPOKATOYOI
CHEPOSMIT
CHEPATET
CHEPOSETEM
CHEPOKAPOMO
CHEPOCHERUWOW
CHEPORKONG
CHESOTON
- 151 -
CHEPOCHEPKAI
KACHEPKAI
CHEPOTITRWA
CHEPORENGER
CHEMLIONG
CHEPOKAPTOYOY
CHEPOSIMOT
CHEPATET
CHEPOSETEM
CHEMURKONG
CHEPOROSON
CHEPOSAKIS
CHEMITEY
KABATET
CHEPOKAPOMO
CHEPOCHERIWOW
CHEPARKOTI
CHEPORONY
CHEMCHIN
CHEMWEWAR
CHEPOKUSUM
CHEPOCHELIP
CHEPKENES
CHEPOKEREKO
CHEMOKIL
CHEPORIOT
* The totem of Ilat – literally the spirit of rain - is used for two different clans. According to the PLC (1996), for the Ngïsur Törïk clan Ilat
refers to rain, also known as “rop”, whereas for the Solyongot clan (no. 24) it refers to thunder and lightening, another powerful expression
of the rain spirit. The double meaning attached to Ilat might cause some confusion. For example, although Visser (1989) and Kale & Loytaa
(2005) both recognize the Ngïsur Törïk and Solyongot clans, they have included thunder in their translation of the word Ilat for both clans.
Furthermore, Barton (1921) has merged the two clans in one called “Terit”, with both thunder and rain as its totems. Of the eleven subclans he lists for this clan, two are recognized as belonging to Ngïsur Törïk, while eight others are identified as Solyongot sub-clans.
9. NG’ORO KÖYÖT - SONKOK (BLACK ANTS)
- 152 -
CHEPSEKOGH
CHEPTERKOGH
CHEPTIKOW
CHEMWOKOY
CHEPÖSEPÖY
CHEPOSEKOGH
CHEPTORKO
CHEPOSEPOI
CHEPSEKOGH
CHEPTERKOGH
CHEPTIKOW
CHEMWOKOY
CHEPSEPOY
CHEPTORKO
10. ORÖ – TAMAS (CAMEL) *
CHEPLÖKE
CHESERÏM
CHEPORÖ
CHEPTAMUGH
CHEMUSÖ
CHEPLÖKÖ
CHEPORÖ
CHEPÖTAMUGH
CHEMUSÖ
CHEPLOKE
CHEPOSERUM
CHEPORO
CHEPTAMUGH
CHEMUSO
- 152 -
CHEPLOKEE
CHESERIM
CHEPORO
CHEPTAMUGH
CHEMUSO
KAPTAMUR
CHEPEYTUY
CHEPONGÖRÖMWÖ
CHEPARSICH
CHEPOCHEPCHOWOW
CHEPOCHEPSUKA
CHEPELYON
CHEMIKANY
CHEPTUMA
CHEPEYTUY
CHEPÖNGORÖMWÖ
CHEPÖPARSICH
CHEPÖCHEPCHÖW
CHEPÖCHEPSUKA
CHEPELYON
CHEMÏKANY
CHEPSEKÖGH
CHEPEITUI
CHEPONGOROMWO
CHEMKANY
CHEPTUMA
CHEPEYTUY
CHEPONGORORWO
CHEPARICH
CHEPOCHEPCHOROW
CHEPOCHESUKA
CHEPALYON
CHEMEMIKANY
CHEPTUMA
CHEPLOK
CHEPLOK
CHEPOCHEPURETO
CHEPOKOILOKE
CHEPOLIKA
KABARSICH
KAPELION
- 153 -
KABLEGEN
KANGAREMWA
KABETOR
KAPSOGON
* Additional totems listed are the “Maratas (monitor lizard)” (Visser, 1989; Kale & Loytaa, 2005) and “crocodile” (Kale & Loytaa, 2005). This
has not been confirmed.
11. PKOMÖR – LOTURA (WARTHOG) *
CHEPOCHEWEW
CHEPOCHONYIR
CHEPOSOGHIGH
CHEPOCHEMRÏKOY
CHEPARKANER
CHEPLAKÏT
CHEPOCHEPKOYKAT
CHEPOSOKONG
CHEPÖCHONYER
CHEPOCHEWEW
CHEPOCHOONYIR
CHEPOSOGHIGH
CHEPOCHEWEW
CHEPOCHONYIR
CHEPOSOGHIGH
CHEPARKAWER
CHEPÖCHEPKOYKAT
CHEPOCHEPKOIKAT
CHEPOSOKONG
- 153 -
CHEPOCHEPKOYKAT
CHEPOKASAKONG
CHEPOKÏRPOY
CHEMAKWANY
CHEMAKWANY
CHEPÖCHESÏWAW
CHEPOKRIPOY
CHEMAKWANY
CHEPOSUWAW
CHEPKARIR
CHEPOCHEROKOY
CHEPOSONKO
CHEPOTIROM
* Visser (1989) mistakenly names the female buffalo as a totem for this clan. Instead, this totem is used for the Moyoy clan (no. 7).
12. PTÏNKÖ – MOROY (SNAKE)
- 154 -
CHEPOCHEPKATUGH
CHEPOCHONKIL
CHEMAN
CHEPOCHEPKÖW
CHEPÖCHEPKATAW
CHEPÖCHONKÏL
CHEMAN
CHEPÖCHEPKÖWI
CHEPOCHEPKATUGH
CHEPOCHONGIL
CHEMAN
CHEPOCHEPKOKWO
CHEPOCHEKATUGH
CHEPONCONKIL
CHEMAN
CHEPOCHEPKOW
13. PTUYA – KORINYA (IMPALA) *
CHEPÖKNUR
CHEPÖCHEROPÖY
CHEMÏRKEW
CHEMICHICH
CHEPÖCHESIKÖT
CHEPÖTINEW
CHEPSERKECH
CHEPÖKIRUNYA
CHEPÖCHEROPÖY
CHEMÏRKEW
CHEMICHICH
CHEPOKNUR
CHEPOCHEROPOI
CHEMURKEW
CHEMICHICH
CHEPOTINEW
CHEPÖSEKERR **
CHEPOKARIAL
- 154 -
CHEPOKNUR
CHEPOCHEROPOY
CHEMIRKEW
CHEPOCHESIKOT
CHEPOTINEW
CHEPSERKECH
CHEPOKIRUNYA
CHEMOCHESIKOT
CHEPÖTERKOLL **
CHEPOSIMAYA
CHEPOSIRAN
CHEPOSOSIP
* An additional totem list for this clan is “Chwachwa”, a bird specie (Lokato, 2001; Kale & Loytaa 2005). This has not been confirmed.
** Visser (1989) mistakenly names the donkey as a totem for the Ptuya clan. Instead, this totem is used for the Sïrkoy clan (no. 21). The two
sub-clans are therefore also belonging to the Sïrkoy clan.
14. RIY – KANER (ROCK HYRAX)
- 155 -
CHEKENYEWA
CHEPARKÖSÏM
CHEPOYONG
CHEPOKSANG
CHEPÖCHEPAW
CHEPOCHESO
CHEPOKASOWÖ
CHEPARCHOK
CHEPOSOKES
CHEPÖKAKÏY
CHEPLOSWÖ
CHEPSANAK
CHEMOTER
CHEPÖKENYEWA
CHEPÖYONG
CHEPÖKÏSANG
CHEPÖCHEPÖW
CHEPOYONG
CHEPOKUSANG
CHEPARCHOK
CHEPOSOKES
CHEPOKENYEWA
CHEPARKOSIM
CHEPOYONG
CHEPOKISANG
CHEPOCHEPAW
CHEPOCHESO
CHEPOKASOWO
CHEPARECHOK
CHEPOSOKES
CHEPÖKAKÏY
KAGHI
CHEPLOSWO
CHEPSANAK
CHEMOTER
CHEPSANAK
CHEPÖKÏYECH
CHEMOLEY
KAKISAN
CHEPONAREWO
CHEPONAREWO
CHEPOKUNUR
CHEPOKAMORAN
CHEPOCHEMWORAN
CHEMAKWANY
- 155 -
KAPSAHAK
KACHEPO
15. RONG – KOPAN (DOVE) & CHEPTUKO (BELLOWS) *
CHEPOCHESUNDU
CHEPOSIYA
CHEPTANGAT
CHEPOTONCHÖ
CHEPOSERA
CHEPKES
CHEPOCHEPTINDI
CHEPÖCHESUNDU
CHEPÖSÏYA
CHEPÖCHEPTANGAT
CHEPÖTONCHO
CHEPÖSERA
CHEPOCHESUNDU
CHEPOSIA
CHEPTANG’AT
CHEPOTONCHO
CHEPPSERA
CHEPÖCHEPTÏNTÏ
CHEPOCHETUNDI
CHEPOCHESUNDU
CHEPOSIYA
CHEPTANGAT
CHEPOTONCHO
CHEPOSERA
CHEPKES
CHEPOCHEPTINTI
CHEPÖKOPAS
CHEPÖKANA
CHEPOPAS
CHEPOKANAN
CHEPOKANA
KACHESUNDU
KASERA
- 156 -
CHEPNGACHAR
CHEPÖWAPAS
* This clan is also called Moyoy, not to be confused with the Moyoy clan that has the female buffalo as its totem (no. 7).
16. SANIAK – PÏRECH (RED ANT) *
CHEPÖTUNYANY
CHEMANANG
CHEPÖSANIAK
CHEPSIRWÖ
CHEPSERA
CHEPÖCHESUM
CHEMWEWAR
CHEPÖTUYANY
CHEMANANG
CHEPOTINYANY
CHEMANANG
CHEPSERA
CHEPÖCHESUM
CHEPÖKÖSÖR
CHEPSEPA
CHEMANANG
CHEPOSANIAK
CHEPSIRWO
CHEPSERA
CHEPOSHESUM
CHEMWEWAR
CHEPOKISOR
CHEPSEPA
- 156 -
KATOINAN
KAMENAM
CHEPOTUNYANG
CHEPOKAPCHEROP
KAKOSOM
* From interviews it appeared that the vulture – in Pokot known as ‘chesampu’ - was also recognized as a totem of this clan.
17. SIGH – SÖKÖMIN (BEE) *
- 157 -
CHEPORÖKÖ
CHEPACHIKWA
CHEPTAKAR
CHEPÖRÖKWÖ
CHEPÖCHÏKWA
CHEPTAGAR
CHEPOROKWO
CHEPACHIKWA
CHEPARTÏL
CHEPOSOPÖN
CHEPARTÏL
CHEPÖSOPÖN
CHEPARTUL
CHEPOSOPON
CHEPARMARÏCH
CHEPOSALAWICH
CHEPARMARICH
CHEPOSALAWÏCH
CHEPOCHEMARMARUCH
CHEPOSALAWECH
CHEPOKPUCH
CHEPTAON
CHEPOKSONG
CHEPÖKIPUCH
CHEPTAO
CHEPÖKÏSÖNG
CHEPOROKO
CHEPACHIKWA
CHEPTAKAR/CHEPTARKOR
**
CHEPARTIL
CHEPOSOPON/CHEPOSON
**
CHEMARMARICH
CHEPOSALAWICH/
CHEPOSALAUCH **
CHEPOKIPUCH
CHEPTAON
CHEPOKSONG/
CHEPOKISONG **
KAPTAGAR
MARICH
KABOBOCH
KABARA
* An additional totem list for this clan is “Kipaw (Rhinoceros)” (Barton, 1921; Visser, 1989). Visser (1989) specifically refers to this totem for
the Cheptagar sub-clan. This has not been confirmed.
** The different spelling of four of the sub-clans listed by Lokato (2001) results from him listing the Sigh clan twice in his booklet.
18. SIKOWOT – KUKÏY (DOG) *
- 157 -
CHEPÖNYORYO
CHEPÖNGENTUY
CHEPÖWÖY
CHEPÖSÏKOK
CHEPKACHEL
CHEMATICHOR
CHEPOKACHEMWÏLEL
CHEPSUKUN
CHEPÖSEKEK
CHEPÖCHERIS
CHEPSEYWON
CHEPÖNYORYÖ
CHEPONYORYO
CHEMATICHOR
CHEPONYORYO
CHEPONGENTINY
CHEPOGHOY
CHEPOSIKOK
CHEPOKACHEL
CHEMATICHOR
CHEPOKACHEMNGALEL
CHEPSUKUN
CHESEKEK
CHEPOCHESIS
CHEPSEYWON
CHESEYOI
CHEMOTA
CHEPOGHOI
CHEPÖSÏKAK
CHEMATÏCHOR
CHEPÖCHERÏS
- 158 -
CHEPARCHAK
CHEMASINKA
CHEPÖRELO **
CHEPOKAMAY
* This clan is also called Kopil, not to be confused with the Kopil clan that has the wasp and the crow as its totem (no. 2).
** This sub-clan actually belongs to the other Kopil clan (no. 2).
19. SILÖKOT - SIRÖRÖ (HAWK)
CHEMAKEW
CHEPOCHEPTAN
CHEPOCHIKOK
CHEPOCHOMPUS
CHEPONGALIT
CHEPOKAPSÖKOM
CHEMAKEW
CHEPÖCHEPTAN
CHEPÖCHÏKOK
CHEPÖCHOMPUS
CHEPÖNGALÏT
CHEMAKEW
CHEPOCHEPTAN
CHEPOCHUKOK
CHEPOCHEPCHOMBUS
CHEPONYALIT
CHEPOKASOKOM
- 158 -
CHEMAKEW
CHEPOCHEPTAN
CHEPOCHIKOK
CHEPOCHOMPUS
CHEPONGALIT
CHEPKASOKOM
KAPCHOMBUS
KANYALET
CHEPOCHÖNA
CHEPOTÖPITÖN
CHEPÖTAPITON
CHEPOCHONA
CHEPOTOPITON
CHEPÖCHEPTAMUS
CHEPARAW
CHEPCHEPTAMUS
CHEPIRAW
CHEPÖCHEPNYATIL
CHEPÖKÏROYÖ
CHEPTATOWAKÏS
CHEPOCHEPITOGH
KATABITON
CHEPMIRTANY
CHEPOPTEROY
20. SÏPAN – PELYON (ELEPHANT)
- 159 -
CHEPTANA
CHEPOTULA
CHEPOTELTEL
CHEPURYO
CHEPTURES
CHEPTANÏ
CHEPÖTULA
CHEPÖTELTEL
CHEPTANA
CHEPOTULA
CHEPOTELTEL
CHEPURIO
CHEPTANA
CHEPOLULA
CHEPOTELETEL
CHEPIRYO
CHEPTURES
KAPTANO
KATULA
CHEMATUY
CHEPOPORKNO
CHEPARKERIN
CHEPOSIAPAN
CHEPOKAPOWIT
CHEPOKILIPA
CHEPOLUKUMONG
KAKARIAN
21. SÏRKOY – SÏKÏRYO (DONKEY)
CHEPÖSÖKER
CHEPÖTÏRIKOL
CHEPÖSÏRKOY
CHEPÖSEKERR *
CHEPÖTERKOLL *
CHEPOSEKER
CHEPOSURKOI
- 159 -
CHEPOSEKER
CHEPOTIRIKOL
CHEPOSIRKOY
CHEPKIRÏK
CHEMARINY
CHEPOKIRUK
CHEMARUNY
CHEPKIRIK
CHEMARINY
CHEPODEDENG
CHEPOKAMUR
CHEPARSUKUPA
* Visser (1989) mistakenly names the donkey as a totem for the Ptuya clan (no. 13). Of the five sub-clans he lists, three belong to the Ptuya
clan and two belong to the Sïrkoy clan.
22. SIWOTOY - SOO (BUFFALO)
- 160 -
CHEPOKÏGHO
CHEPTILAK
CHEPOSANKÏY
CHEPKATAM
CHEPKASAN
CHEPOKAMOY
CHEPSAPUL
CHEPOCHEPKANTÖR
CHEPTILNGÖT
CHEPARKONG
CHEMCHÏRO
CHEPOKONCHIRO
CHEPOKASONKA
CHEPÖKÏGHO
CHEPOKIGHO
CHEPTILAK
CHEPTILAK
CHEPÖSUNKÏY
CHEPKASAN
CHEPOKAMOI
CHEPSAPUL
CHEPÖCHEPKÖNTÖR
CHEPARKONG
CHEMÏCHÏRÖ
CHEPOCHEPKONDOR
CHEPOKRONG
CHEMURUNGU
CHEPOSANGUI
CHEPKATAM
CHEPKASAN
CHEPOKAMOY
CHEPSAPUL
CHEPOCHEPTONTOR
CHEPTILNGOT
CHEPARKONG
CHEMICHIRO
CHHEPOKONCHIRO
CHEPOKASON
CHEMURUNKI
CHEPOSANKIY
CHEPÖKANER
KAKAHER
CHEMACHIT
CHEPOTINEW
- 160 -
KAMERIKEU
CHEPÖCHEPUNYÖ
CHEPOSIRWO
CHEPOSOWOR
CHEPOSITA
CHEPOCHEPELOT
CHEPOKAMATUYI
CHEMUTUWO
CHEPKECHA
KAMEJIT
KASIA
23. SÖKÖ – NGÖTÏNY (LION)
- 161 -
CHEPTÖYÖ
CHEMKET
CHEPSÖKWOT
CHEMELSAU
CHEPARAYÏ
CHEPERKES
CHEMOYO
CHEMÖREL
CHEMAKAL
CHEPOCHEMOSÖY
CHEPTÖYÖ
CHEMÏKET
CHEPSÖNKWOT
CHEMELSAW
CHEPARAYÏ
CHEPERKAS
CHEMOYO
CHEMÖREL
CHEPTOYO
CHEMKET
CHEPÖCHEMOSÏ
CHEPOCHEMOSOI
CHEPARKES
CHEMOYO
CHEMOREL
CHEMAKAL
CHEPOCHEMOSOY
CHEPOGHONGO
CHEMANRYAN
CHEPOWONKO
CHEMELSAU
CHEPERKES
CHEMOYO
CHEMARYAN
CHEPÖCHEMUMA
CHEPÖRYON
CHEMÖSET
CHEPTOYO
CHEMIKET
CHEPSONKWOT
CHEMELSAN
CHEPOSIMOT
CHEPOTIKON
CHEPKOKURAW
CHEPSAMUT
- 161 -
KAPTEYO
KARIMA
CHEPORAIS
24. SOLYONGOT – ILAT (THUNDER & LIGHTENING) *
- 162 -
CHEMKAN
CHEPORET
CHEPOSEROT
CHEPOCHEPUNYO
CHEPOSONCHO
CHEMORÏ
CHEPOCHEPAWAN
CHEPOKWAGHA
CHEPAYWAT
CHEMRÏKEY
CHEPORWAS
CHEPOTOYE
CHEPTEN
CHEPOCHEPORÖK
CHEPOTÖY
CHEMÖLCHÖ
CHEMÏKAN
CHEPÖRET
CHEPÖSERÖ
CHEMÖLCHÖ
CHEMKAN
CHEPORET
CHEPOSERO
CHEPOCHEPUNYO
CHEPOSONCHO
CHEMOLI
CHEPOCHEPAWAN
CHEPOKWAGHA
CHEPAYWAT
CHEMIRKEY
CHEPARWAS
CHEPOTOYE
CHEPTTEN
CHEPOCHEPOROK
CHEPOTOYA
CHEMOLICHO
CHEMWÖYTYON
CHEPMWOGHTONY
CHEPÖSONCHÖ
CHEMORÏ
CHEMKAN
CHEPORET
CHEPOSORO
CHEPOCHEPUNYO
CHEPOSONJO
CHEPAYWAT
CHEPARWAS
CHEPOTOYE
CHEPTEN
CHEPOCHEPROK
CHEPÖTETA
CHEPORAYU
CHEPARSWA
CHEPORIT
CHEMANDAN
CHEPOTEY
CHEPARKANYUN
* see the note that is placed at the Ngïsur Törïk clan (no. 8) about the double meaning of Ilat.
- 162 -
KAMAKAM
KABORET
KASIRO
KASONGO
KAMIRU
KAPKWAGA
KABARWAS
KAMULICHO
KABATER
25. SÖNÖKWIR – MONKES (COLOBUS MONKEY) *
CHEPÖDETYÖ
CHEPÖCHEKRÏP
CHEPORÖ
CHEPÖCHEKÏRÏP *
CHEPOCHEKIRIP***
CHESUKUT**
CHEPONYUMUS**
CHEPOCHEKUNYO**
- 163 -
* The colobus monkey (‘monkes’) is occasionally used as a totem for the Köno clan (no. 3) and Visser (1989) uses it mistakenly for the
Köymö clan (no. 5). Here he lists the Chepöchekïrïp sub-clan as belonging to a clan named “Monkes”, although he does not list a totem. It
must be said that during the research, the totem of the colobus monkey was the one which remained most unclear i.e. precisely which
clans and sub-clans refer to it. See also note at the Köno clan (no. 3).
** Kale & Loytaa (2005) list these three sub-clans as belonging to a clan named “Monges”, with the totem of colobus monkey (“monges”).
*** Lokato (2001) lists this sub-clan as belonging to a clan named “Sinikorot”, with the totem of colobus monkey (“monges”).
26. SOTOT – ASIS (SUN) *
CHEPLAMÏN
CHEPOCHEMRIAN
CHEPOTUMEGHYO
CHEPOSOWOR
CHEPINTANY
CHEPOSOWYON
CHEPORWALA
CHEMRÖN
CHEPOKAMÏK
CHEPOKATINA
CHEPLAMÏN
CHEPÖCHEMÏRYAN
CHEPTUMEGHYÖ
CHEPÖSOWIR (?)
CHEPÏNTANY
CHEPLAMUN
CHEPOMRIAN
CHEPTUMEGHYO
CHEPOSOWOR
CHEPARWALA
CHEPOSOYWON
CHEPORWALA
CHEPÖKAMÏK
CHEPOKAMUK
- 163 -
CHEPLAMIN
CHEPOCHEMIRYAN
CHEPOTUMEGHYO
CHEPOSOWOR
CHEPINTANY
CHEPORWALA
CHEMIRON
CHEPOKAMIK
CHEPOTATINA
KABLIMAN
KACHEMIRIAN
KAPTUMEGA
KASOWAN
KABARWALA
KAMIREN
KAKAMUK
CHEPOROSÖN
CHEPOSEKÖR
CHEPOKAKÖKES
CHEPOROSON
CHEPOKAKOKES
CHESÏRWÖ
CHEPOCHESIRWO
CHEPÖKÏSANY
CHEPÖCHEKÏCHÏP
CHEPOSONYWOR
CHEPOSIM
CHEPOCHESANA
CHEPOKAYLOKE
CHEPORISOR
KAKISAN
KAKERIL
KACHEKOCHOP
* An additional totem list for this clan is “Kanyïpit”, a bird specie (Barton, 1921; PLC, 1996) This has not been confirmed.
- 164 -
27. TALAI – KUKAI (PIED CROW)
CHEPOSAIT
CHEPOPOSOKOI
CHEPTUYA
CHENANGAT
CHEMERKUT
CHEPOKAPKAI
CHEPOKAWAT
CHEPSUKUK
CHEPOCHEPKACH
CHEPTEYA
CHEPONANTEI
CHEPOTAPALAL
CHEPOKAPTALAI
CHEPÖSAYT
CHEPOSAIT
CHEPOSAYIT
CHEPOSOKOI
CHEPÖCHEMERKUT
CHEMNANGAT
CHEPOCHERKUT
CHEPOKAPKAI
CHEMNANGAT
CHEPOCHEMERKUT
CHEPOKAPKAI
CHEPOKAWAT
CHEPSUKUK
CHEPOCHEPKACH
CHEPTEYA
CHEMNANANTEY
CHEPTAPAL
CHEPOKAPTALAI
CHEPÖKAWAT
CHEPSUKUK
CHEPTEYA
CHEPÖNANTEY
CHEPÖTAPALAL
CHEPOPTAPALAL
- 164 -
CHEPÖRELA
CHEPKOTON *
CHEMORI
CHEPOCHEPARACH
CHEPTAN
* During the fieldwork, this sub-clan was recognized as “Chepkïtön” and it was confirmed that it belonged to the Talai clan.
28. TALAY - MAYOS (BABOON)
- 165 -
CHEPOCHEYECH
CHEPOSUKUPER
CHEMINGENY
CHEPOCHECHENTO
CHEPORET
CHEPOKÏTEY
CHEPOTOKAW
CHEPONGOTOLKÖ
CHEPOSUMPAYA
CHEPOCHEMIRKU
CHEPOKROP
CHEPÖCHEYECH
CHEPÖSUKUPER
CHEMINGENY
CHEPÖCHECHENTÖ
CHEPÖRÏT
CHEPÖKITEY
CHEPOCHEYECH
CHEPÖCHEMÏRKÖ
CHEPÖKÏROP
CHEPOCHEMRKWO
CHEMINGENY
CHEPOCHECHENDO
CHEPOKUTEI
CHEPÖKÖRÖNTÖ
CHEPÖSOKÖY*
CHEPOCHEYECH
CHEPOSIKUPER
CHEMINGENY
CHEPOCHECHENTO
CHEPORET
CHEPOKITEY
CHEPOTOKAW
CHEPOGATOIKO
CHEPOSUMPAYA
CHEPOCHEMIRKU
CHEPOKROP
CHEPCHAMPAGH
CHEPONGATO
KAMINGEN
KAKITEI
KAMURGO (BARTON)
KACHEPTO
KACHENDI
KASOKOPER
* Because of similar pronunciation of the clan names Talai (no. 27) and Talay (no. 28), Visser (1989) could have mistakenly referred to this
sub-clan as belonging to Talay, while the PLC (1996) notes it for the Talai clan.
- 165 -
29. TÏNKÖ – KAWAGH (HYENA)
CHEPOCHEPOS
CHEPAYOS
CHEPÖGH
CHEPOSÖNGÖRÏ
CHEPOCHEMYOR
CHEPKÖR
CHEPOKOSMOY
CHEPÖCHEPOS
CHEPAYÖS
CHEPÖGH
CHEPÖSÖNGÖRÏ
CHEPÖCHEMÏNYAR
CHEPOCHEPOS
CHEPOYOS
CHEPOGH
CHEPOSONGORU
CHEPOCHEPOS
CHEPAYOS
CHEPOGH
CHEPOSONGORI
CHEPOCHEMYOR
CHEPKOR
CHEPOKOSUMOY
KACHEPOS
KABAIYOS
KAPOGH
KASUNGURU
CHEPCHOK
CHEPOCHEPKOK
KACHEPKOK
CHEMNENGAT
CHEPÖSITÖR
CHEPOSO
CHEPONIKWA
- 166 -
30. TUL – CHEPKONO (JACKAL)
CHEPOKAPTUL
CHEMÏNUNG
CHEMOTÖNGÖT
CHEPOPTÖ
CHESKÖ
CHEPOSIPOW
CHEPOKARIN
CHEPOKÖRÖ
CHEPOSUYO
CHEPOCHEMAN
CHEPOKTUM
CHEPOSARPÖY
CHEPÖKAPTUL
CHEMÏNÏNG
CHEMÖTONGÖT
CHESÏKÖ
CHEPÖKARÏN
CHEPÖKÏTUM
CHEPOKAPTUL
CHEMNUNG
CHEPOPTO
CHESKO
CHEPOKATUL
CHEMINING
CHEMOTONGOT
CHESIKO
CHEPOSINOW
CHEPOKARIA
CHEPOKARON
CHEKORO
CHEPOCHEMAN
CHEPOKTUM
CHEPSORPOY
CHEPOKTUM
- 166 -
KAMENIN
KAKARAN
KAPKOR
CHEMANTA
CHEPOYONTO
CHEMÏRKIY
CHEPÖGHE
CHEMUSAR
CHEPOMANTA
CHEPYONTÖ
CHEPOMANTA
CHEPOYONTO
KABIEONDO
CHEPÖGHE
CHEMUSAR
CHEMUSAR
KAMUSAR
CHEPÖCHEPTÏRÖK
CHEPOCHEPTIROK
CHEPÖSOWAN
CHEMNTULU
CHEMIRKIY
CHEPOKUTO
CHEPTOO
CHEPOCHESURUM
CHEPOCHOLTI
CHEPOGHE
- 167 - 167 -
KASIGA
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