transformation of perception of the gecekondu phenomenon

Transcription

TRANSFORMATION
METU JFA 2011/2
OF PERCEPTION OF THE GECEKONDU
(28:2) 1-44
DOI:
10.4305/METU.JFA.2011.2.1
METU
JFA 2011/2
1
TRANSFORMATION OF PERCEPTION OF THE
GECEKONDU PHENOMENON
Mehmet Rıfat AKBULUT, Seher BAŞLIK
Received: 19.07.2005; Final Text: 26.06.2010
Keywords: gecekondu; urban history;
urbanization; urban transformation; Turkey.
The aim of this paper is not to redefine the gecekondu phenomenon, nor
to describe its historical development, but to discuss and explore the
transformations it is socially perceived with through time. Academic
approaches are generally reviewed in a more pronounced manner. Within
the frame of this paper gecekondu phenomenon is conceived according
to different time periods well-known in gecekondu studies; i.e. from the
1940s to 1970 as the ‘period of innocence and marginalisation’, the 1970s
as period of ‘politization’ and ‘first benefits of speculation’, and from 1980
onwards as the period of the “varoş”, of full speculation and complete
illegalisation. It is considered a priori that, its perception changed in line
with the above mentioned periods through which the phenomenon itself
has materially and considerably changed.
INTRODUCTION
As the title emphasises, the aim of this paper is not to define the gecekondu
phenomenon nor to describe its development through history, but to
discuss and explore the way it is perceived and explained by public
opinion according to transformations it underwent over time. Gecekondu
studies always remained as a focus of interest as well as one of favourite
and fruitful subjects in Turkish social and urban sciences literature.
Numerous papers, researches, articles and books have been produced
and published in this field. Question of perception, however, longtime
remained a neglected side of the phenomenon, which is relatively
less considered in gecekondu studies. Although different views on
subject matter are considered, academic approaches and opinions of
mainstream press are referenced in a relatively more pronounced manner.
Development of the gecekondu phenomenon is categorized here as the
‘early squatting period of the 1940s to 1970s’, ‘the politization period
of 1970s’ and ‘the post-1980 period till today’. The principal reason for
adopting these historic categories is the a priori assumption which indicates
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Mehmet Rıfat AKBULUT and Seher BAŞLIK
that the perception of the gecekondu phenomenon has also changed, as
the phenomenon itself changed over time. Gecekondus of İstanbul are
significantly more pronounced and referenced here, since the case of
İstanbul represents a more elaborate and colourful version of gecekondu
history in Turkey. Besides, change and transformation of gecekondus of
İstanbul whether physically or in meaning match the historic categories
above, more than any other example in Turkey.
Gecekondu and illegal construction/urbanization has undergone different
phases through its history. Perception of the gecekondu phenomenon
as well as conceptual approaches to the subject changed, as important
qualitative transformations were observed in illegal construction/
urbanization all through the corresponding period. The Gecekondu
phenomenon is generally evaluated and considered within the framework
of: housing and urban planning; rural exodus; modernization; social justice
and the urban poor; and, social stratification and polarisation. It is also
possible to describe the relation of gecekondus with cultural preferences
of dominant social groups as a process of transformation from innocence,
marginality and social victims, to uprising, threat and dominant rural
culture. At least this is the way the subject is generally perceived by leading
press and media.
The Centre-Perimeter Theory that hosts the concept of “dependent
urbanisation” is probably among of most referenced theoretical
explanations of squatters and also for the gecekondu. According to this
theory, the gecekondu should be considered within the framework of
international economic relations. Therefore, “it is a way of living and a type
of settlement generated by labour that is not employed by a modernized
sector in a country developing through imported technology” (Tekeli, 1977,
93). According to the theory, due to the gap of economic development level
between countries of centre and those of perimeter, a population explosion
emerges in perimeter countries. Then, gecekondu is also an outcome of
articulation problems between the large part of urban labour and that of
modernized urban communities in Turkey, as a perimeter country which
lives a different urbanisation experience than developed countries. Here,
gecekondu also represents a certain way of capitalism based upon limited
capital, undeveloped simple technology and cheap labour (Şenyapılı, 1978,
41). Additionally, squatting is the physical reflection of division between
bourgeoisie and feudal communities through urbanisation process and a
general panorama of urbanisation of a developing perimeter country in a
dependent capitalist process to centre countries (Kongar, 1982, 26-7) and
is the outcome of two different social structures in the city. And once this
process is activated it is almost impossible to stop or control.
Theoretical framework described by the School of Modernization and
‘dualist’ explanations are largely referenced and quoted in gecekondu
studies as discussed here. Theoretical explanations about immigration
by the School of Modernization underline a couple of reasons. They are
difference of real wages between countryside and in urban centres; then
probability to be employed in urban formal sector. However, the previous
one is corrected later as the difference between expected levels of income
(Ersoy, 1985, 10). According to the School of Modernization, immigration
of dynamic parts of rural population who imitate and/or adopt western
standards of consumption into major urban centres create a state of
equilibrium in labour market and in spatial development whether in cities
and in rural areas. This approach also equalizes cities and urbanization into
TRANSFORMATION OF PERCEPTION OF THE GECEKONDU
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modernization (Ersoy, 1985, 8). School of Modernization and particularly
the discourse of ‘dualist structure’ is highly criticized by the School of
Dependency since capital and labour movements are generated from
periphery but not the centre in a way to consolidate income inequalities.
In reality, dualist structure is the outcome of the same and only historical
process (Ersoy, 1985, 11-2). Then newcomers do not wholly adopt the
rules and values of the existing system as it is highly visible in case of
gecekondu. Here ‘articulation’ looks more suitable than ‘integration’, since
integration points transformation of a half into the other but articulation
also means synthesis and division of labour (Ersoy, 1985, 17).
However, theoretical explanations about squatters are mostly of western
origin. That’s why they are also criticized since they represent western
values and western point of view of urbanization. According to dualist
approach squatters are a temporary degeneration of the system (Şenyapılı,
1978, 10). Therefore, this degeneration should be and can be corrected and
the system can be put in its previous ‘normal’ condition. Maybe one of the
most important contributions of gecekondu studies into universal literature
is that gecekondu or squatters are not a degeneration of the system but
are the physical appearence or outcome of a more comprehensive social
change. However, this approach is longtime limited to scholars and
is not shared by public opinion and public authorities. As illustrated
here through press news public opinion, public authorities and even a
considerable part of intelligentsia longtime perceived gecekondus as a
degeneration of modernist values and resisted them.
Turkey’s post WWII urbanisation experience, which is largely influenced
by squatting and rural exodus and urban areas which emerged through
this process are mostly defined and described with adjectives such as
“excessive”, “deformed”, “unhealthy”, or “fake”. This is well-known
and very pronounced in Turkish gecekondu studies. Even in various
approaches to the phenomenon and in proposals generated for urban
problems it is possible to see traces of a vision underlined by such
definitions. It is also possible to define discussions on urbanisation and the
gecekondu in Turkey as mostly shaped by bourgeois views and values.
Proposals on prevention and/or slowdown of urbanisation should be
considered within this framework. Here, mostly argued and criticized
are the new immigrants to cities and the rate of urbanisation beyond an
‘acceptable’ level. Even this discourse largely reflects reactions of middle
and high income urban citizens (Okyay et al., 1975, 12).
In order to follow transformations in perception of the gecekondu
phenomenon, definitions of gecekondu as a terminology by various
social groups seem an appropriate starting point. Gecekondu is a popular
term which first appeared with early gecekondus in the 1940s, literally
meaning “landed by night” due to its very characteristics of the necessity
of constructing all building illegally with limited resources in one night,
before authorities would intervene. Gecekondu is a common definition
on which all involved sides have consensus. But there is also some
difference in definition of gecekondu due to the position of a particular
social group. One of the earliest, genuine and most referenced official
definitions of gecekondu is mentioned in a commission report of the
Ministry of Reconstruction and Resettlement dated of 1962 (Gencay, 1962,
5). According to this report, the term gecekondu defines buildings that are;
1. Built on an occupied land; 2. Constructed in a way that does not conform
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1. Article #2 of Gecekondu Act of #775 reads:
“The terminology of (gecekondu) which is
mentioned in this act, refers to buildings
constructed independent of building and
urban codes and on someone else’s land
without prior consent of its proprietor and
public authorities”.
2. Elected local administrator generally for a
settlement of neighbourhood size.
3. Ümraniye is one of districts of İstanbul
metropolitan area known for its large
gecekondu settlements and gecekondu
population.
4. Other officially mentioned reasons
are: ‘mechanization of agriculture,
industrialisation, housing crisis, high
rents, psychological reasons (?), insufficient
municipal control and tolerance’ (Gencay,
1962, 6-8).
to building codes and regulations; 3. Not td conform to hygiene and
engineering rules; 4. Constructed hastily.
This definition is to be repeated later in the Gecekondu Act of #775 in
1966, with some minor changes (1). There are two important aspects to
this definition: buildings should be constructed in a way that does not
conform to building codes and regulations and the land on which it is
built should be occupied illegally. This definition is adequate for the legal
status of gecekondu, yet it has shortcomings in describing situations that
generate gecekondu and some of its peculiarities. The way it is defined in
terms of legal status and type of construction as prime criteria is a clear
expression of a “modernist” vision based upon positive sciences. On the
other hand, the other side of the problem puts a different definition of
gecekondu. Mukhtars (2) of gecekondu neighbourhoods at the Ümraniye
(3) district of İstanbul define gecekondu as one storey poor village houses
with poor standards without any official land registers. This definition
neglects gecekondus built on lands of shared properties (Erder, 1996, 65).
This time, another research, also gives some useful clues to understand the
difference in popular perception and meaning of gecekondu. This research
conducted in Ankara in three settlements, in a gecekondu settlement, a
newly developing apartment district and an established apartment district,
reveals that gecekondu and apartment housing hold different meanings for
their different types of residents. Therefore, perception and meaning of the
gecekondu is highly relative according to the standpoint. As this research
reveals;
“Gecekondu housing is perceived very positively by those rural migrants
who are oriented to the rural community, particularly for the ‘gecekondurooted’ women who spend much of their time in the neighbourhood. This
is so because of the way of life gecekondu housing provides, for example,
close relationship with neighbours and spontaneous relationships with the
outside. On the other hand, the association of gecekondu settlements with
rural migrants in the larger society creates a very negative perception of
gecekondu housing in the case of those rural migrants who are oriented
to established urban society, particularly for young women (‘younger
modernizers’)” (Erman, 1997, 91).
According to a description on which academic circles have a consensus,
gecekondu is a kind of housing supply that emerged as a result of
shortcomings in legal housing production for low income groups that
migrated from countryside to large urban centres in Turkey following
WWII (Tekeli, 1994). Shortcomings in housing production is also
emphasized as the major reason of gecekondu phenomenon in early official
gecekondu reports (Gencay, 1962, 7)(4). The role of housing shortage in
gecekondu problem is repetitively accentuated and mentioned by scholars
such as; “impossibility to meet housing shortage through normal (legal)
production methods caused large masses of low income groups to solve
this problem by themselves. This means housing shortage will almost all be
met by gecekondus” (Keleş, 1983, 122). This definition basicaly puts a slant
on the gecekondu issue that it is a type of housing supply for low income
groups and this supply is realized through illegal methods. Therefore,
it is at the same time “the spatial appearence of cultural and class
differentiation” (Tekeli, 1971, 225; Şenyapılı, 1981, 40-3). But gecekondu
also means “cheap” labour who solve their problems almost without any
cost for employer and government (Şenyapılı, 1981, 45). From the location
point of view, gecekondu is a phenomenon that emerged around industral
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areas of large cities, generally located within their walking distance
(Görgülü, 1993, 22).
Gecekondus also experienced major qualitative transformations through
time. In a more descriptive manner, single-storey, simple but picturesque
gecekondus with a garden of 1940s, 1950s or 1960s and multi-storey illegal
housing units of post-1980 have not emerged within the same causal chain.
One significant character of the gecekondu is its initial way of building. In
most of its history, gecekondus are initially built up as single-storey houses
of single or double rooms with simple materials, as technically expressed
“built up without conformity to legal regulations and arrangements related
to urban planning and buildings” in legal documents. However, this
simplicity in materials and building techniques which are particularly valid
for early periods of gecekondus should at the same time be considered a
strong point for its dwellers since it provides its owners a considerable
flexibility of planning by which a simple gecekondu may grow through
time in size with additions and may even get a different physical shape
such as multi-storey housing as needs change.
INNOCENCE AND MARGINALITY
The 1950s and 1960s are somehow perceived by many as years of innocence
and marginality for gecekondus. Innocence and marginality are quite a
convenient definition for gecekondus of post WWII to roughly 1970s. At
this stage, there is no organizations to solve settlement and employment
problems of newcomers as well as there is no opportunity to establish
economical and social relations prior to immigration since there is not
a sufficient accumulation of rural population in cities (Şenyapılı, 1981,
43). During this period, gecekondus and their dwellers are economically,
socially and culturally marginal, trying to survive in harsh living
conditions and situated at the outskirts of big cities in terms of physical
location. Through these conditions, they are trying to satisfy their needs
for shelter (5).Therefore, gecekondus of innocence also represents spatial
effects of promoting to a non-marginal economical status of gecekondu
family particularly from 1950 to 1960 (Şenyapılı, 1981, 45).
5. Marginality is highly discussed in
gecekondu studies. As some experts
indicated, the view that “gecekondu people
is normally manpower of marginal sectors”
should be changed since this may be only
valid for the 1950s and particularly for the
years between 1945-1950. (Şenyapılı, 1981,
17, 43).
6. According to a survey on the gecekondus
of Ankara during the early 1960s, the oldest
among gecekondu areas of Ankara go back
to 1938. The first wave of development in
these areas occurs in 1950 and the second
in 1960 (Ankara Esat, Çankaya ve Dikmen
Gecekonduları- (Gecekondus of Esat, Çankaya
and Dikmen in Ankara) İ.İ.B., 1965, 2).
Even though gecekondus first appeared in Turkey in late 1930s (6), the
major turning point from which they became a general phenomenon and a
chronic problem are the years following the end of the Second World War.
The end of the Second World War marks the beginning of an era of large
scale radical social transformations in Turkey. Following the policies of
economic development in equilibrium and political-social stability of the
Early Republic Period of the 1920s and 1930s, and the years of stagnation
and prudentialism of the Second World War, Turkey took pace into a
totally different period of rapid social transformation. The whole system
was now moving into a new point of equilibrium. Stable and stagnant
urbanisation left its place to rapid and unequal urbanisation which has not
reached its final stage even today. However, urban infrastructure as well as
legal, administrative and financial means were far from coping with such
rapid urbanisation at this very critical time of transformation.
As an example, the Governor of İstanbul declared in 1945 that the number
of people in one housing unit was 10 (Kılınçaslan, 1981, 239). A municipal
report of 1953 clarified that construction of some 30 to 40,000 houses were
required in İstanbul in order to cope with housing shortage (Kılınçaslan,
1981, 240). All those figures underlined the reality that in addition to
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housing shortage in the city, there were also shortcomings in housing
supply for the low income: if there were enough supply of housing for the
low income, would there be construction of new gecekondus? This is a
question which is out of concern of this paper. The public authorities had
no mechanisms available to cope with and to control this new situation.
The situation was very appropriate for providing convenient conditions
and to seek a solution to “legitimate” needs through “innocent” means.
Thereby, gecekondus began to spread around big cities, first on public, and
then on lands of shared and private property.
Early gecekondus were generally in conditions which strengthen their
innocence as well as their marginality. In most cases they were built from
simple materials such as mud brick or wood, externally covered with tin in
a way to provide minimum sheltering conditions. Roofs were also covered
with tin or plastic sheets waterproofed with tar. Most of the construction
materials were either collected or recycled. But this was a temporary
situation. From 1950s onwards, gecekondus begin to improve significantly.
While brick or cinder blocks replace mud brick in gecekondus which
were still largely built with one room, credit for gecekondu dwellers in
material trade also emerges. Then, expertise and professionalism naturally
become involved in the gecekondu construction process as materials and
construction methods change (Pulat, 1992, 141). By the time, as the number
of gecekondus keeps on growing and the phenomenon spreads, a semifeudal patronage also emerges during the 1950s as another institutional
part of the gecekondu phenomenon and as one of major results of this
continuity and the tolerance by politicians.
During this period of innocence and marginality, gecekondus also play a
major economic role in contrast to their marginality. Large masses easily
find employment while migrating into large urban centres under the
influence of industrialisation. First of all they offer cheap labour for the
developing industry, capable to reproduce themselves easily due to their
ability to solve problems by finding a solution for an important problem
such as housing. Newcomers begin to build primitive huts on poorly
controlled land around industries, hoping to find a job. Industries also
contribute to the process even they do not clearly show their supports.
They make advance payments to employees because this helps to keep
wages low and stable (Şenyapılı, 1998, 302; 1985, 135). Because, there is
a functional articulation between centre and periphery and production
increase through the augmentation of periphery, labour as much as
possible is more suitable for capital (Şenyapılı, 1981, 20-1). Gecekondu
families also become good consumers for developing local industry
goods particularly in 1960s (Şenyapılı, 1981, 47). All those reasons have
a significant importance in tolerance and compromise in favour of
gecekondus by political authorities. Indirect support and tolerance towards
a cheap solution for a basic human need that falls under government
responsibility should also be considered as a mean of an undeclared social
policy.
The emergence of gecekondus obviously shocked and dissappointed the
early idealist generation of intellectuals who shared the common image of
an urbanized modern society. As early as in 1935 Yunus Nadi, a journalist
and a well-known figure of Republican intelligentsia wrote about first
gecekondus in Ankara as follows:
“It came to my mind while I was talking about Ankara, there we saw in
confusion one day that on the mountain facing the old city, a city part from
7. Yunus Nadi, 31 August 1935, in the daily
Cumhuriyet.
8. Metin Toker, 28 September 1948, in the
daily Cumhuriyet.
9. This series of interviews published
between May, 13-25, 1949, in the daily Zafer,
Ankara.
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scrappy houses from bottom to top emerged without any warning, where
this mountain next to the other city was a hilltop ready to be a forest. How to
find a way to correct this mistake?” (7) (Tekeli, 1980, 91)
Another journalist and an eminent figure of Republican ideology
Metin Toker, is writing in 1948 about “disgusting” and “horrible”
neighbourhoods very close to select district of Şişli in İstanbul (8)
(Şenyapılı, 1978, 52). Another figure Falih Rıfkı Atay, one of the leading
early Republican intellectuals who also participated in the planning of
Ankara, described in his memories early gecekondus in the city:
“A zone of cheap land for the homeless poor was reserved in the city
plan. Land was free for everyone needing it. Even a small hut would be
built under the supervision of an engineer. An area for public facilities
such as schools, shops and health care was reserved at the centre. The
Municipality did not mind this responsibility. Rural immigrants swiftly
built gecekondus on the slopes around the Ankara Castle. The Urban
Development Committee decided to eliminate them, and the city authority
and municipality did not care. Well, this tragedy of the gecekondu in
Turkey began at that time and went further due to Ankara Municipality’s
incompatible interferences to urban planning. Now, there is an illegal town
in Ankara! A whole town…a town which covers hills around the castle...
Even a pickpocket cannot escape from our police: but, a house, a block, a
town can escape. Would you believe this? Whose shame? The people’s? No,
our urban planning practice is to blame! The reserve land for the poor and
workers housing in the Ankara plan should have been acquired at that time
for almost nothing and lots should have been offered to those who wanted
a house and who had no means other than work. But we did not do it…”
(Atay, 1969, 426-7).
Two significant points can be seen from this text: housing problem and
disorder in planning discipline (Figure 1). These two reasons are valid to
a large extent particularly for the early generation of gecekondus. But it
is obviously not possible to explain the entire phenomena according to
these two reasons. However, statements are particularly important since
they represent the way the early generation of Republican intellectuals
perceived the phenomenon. It is obvious that intellectuals of this
generation perceived gecekondus as a clear threat to the modernist ideals
of the Republic.
In 1949 Adviye Fenik, a journalist, published a series of interviews about
gecekondus in Altındağ in Ankara (9):
Figure 1. Since the very beginning,
gecekondu has been perceived and explained
within the frame of housing shortage. An
early example of this perception from 1940’s:
Article entitled “The Housing Question” with
a picture of famous Altındağ gecekondus in
Ankara in the major architecture-urbanism
magazine of the period. An intellectual of
the period was complaining: “Now, there is
an illegal town in Ankara! A whole town…a
town which covers hills around the castle…”
(Arkitekt, 1946)
“The neighbourhood is made of tin-covered huts and holes carved out on
the soil. Tin barrels or large jars with a hole at the bottom and turned upside
down are put over holes which are dug in regard of slope of the hill. These
are windows as well as chimneys of “houses”. The author sees many of
these jars and tins around as she climbs the hill. There are sinks dug into
the soil within homes. Rain water which runs downhill and penetrates into
homes is collected in these sinks. There is no furniture in the houses. Toilets
are common and dirty water runs over in the open. The author (Fenik)
talks about forty thousand people who live in this condition. They work at
marginal jobs and there exists no solidarity since they are extremely poor”
(Şenyapılı, 1985, 83).
This interview is highly interesting since it represents some qualities of a
field survey and gives a vivid account and almost frightening description
of a gecekondu neighbourhood and gecekondu life in its very beginning.
No doubt it had created a concern and astonishment towards gecekondus
in public opinion. Another interview on gecekondus of Ankara which is
largely quoted in following pages will show that very few has changed in
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more than ten years since this one in terms of gecekondu life while physical
conditions are a lot improved.
It seems also impossible to tell that even political authorities truly
perceived and clearly understood the phenomenon during this period of
innocence and marginality, as was understood in public opinion. It seems
that a paradoxical and doubtful position was dominant in the public
opinion along with the understanding of political authorities: there is no
compromise on planned urban development and urban aesthetics of the
modernist ideology, but on also, regarding social justice, and moreover,
considering voting potentials of increasing gecekondus, the problem is
ignored among daily compromise of practices and conduct without a
significant plan and program. Aimed at winning the votes of increasing
and encouraging gecekondus, politicians also practiced a variety of
creative attitudes to legalize gecekondus through the 1950s. With the
help of democratic means and experience, the gecekondu underwent a
process through which it devloped its political power and organisational
capacity. One interesting example of how gecekondus survived through
many attempts to eliminate them and how they took advantage of political
compromises and competitions is mentioned in Nephan Saran’s book
İstanbul’da Gecekondu Problemi (The Gecekondu Problem in İstanbul).
The narrative includes some significant clues of how gecekondus were
perceived by civil authorities and politicians in early stages. She narrates
in 1971 how gecekondus around Zeytinburnu avoided demolitions in 1947
and 1948 as follows:
10. The narrative is originally mentioned
in Nephan Saran’s book of İstanbul’da
Gecekondu Problemi (The Gecekondu Problem
in İstanbul), Türkiye Coğrafi ve Sosyal
Araştırmalar Merkezi, İstanbul, 1971.
11. Zeytinburnu, one of Turkey’s early
gecekondu areas, provides a typical account
of gecekondus of the period of “innocence”.
First gecekondu in İstanbul appears in 1945
in Kazlıçeşme location of Zeytinburnu.
During 1947-48 the number of gecekondus
rises rapidly. In March 1949, there were
3,218 gecekondus out of some 5.000 of total
İstanbul. In 1950, the Fatih District had
4,183 gecekondus including Zeytinburnu;
the highest number in İstanbul at that time
(Tekeli, 1994, 94-5). While Zeytinburnu has
been acting almost as a school to ‘discover’
means and methods that would subsequently
be followed by other gecekondu settlements
of Turkey, it becomes aware of its need for
social and political weight in order to be able
to survive. Therefore, it rapidly progresses
through the stages of urban development,
reaching a neighbourhood size from a simple
cluster of gecekondus, before attaining the
size of a district and township (Akbulut, 2003,
194). The population of Zeytinburnu also
rises through immigration, reaching 50,000
in 1953, the year when it finally becomes
a sub-district of Bakırköy. According to a
newspaper in 1954, some 50,000 people
got shelter in 18,000 gecekondus around
Yedikule-Zeytinburnu zone (Kılınçaslan,
1981, 240).
“Here (Zeytinburnu) first gecekondus were located along the road. In
the beginning gendarmerie was surprised of this but as their number
increased in time they were obliged to interfere and first the kaymakam
(district governor) then the governor of İstanbul were informed about the
situation. The governor attempted to demolish them, yet he did not succeed
since politicians intervened. However, gecekondus were under siege with
the order of the governor and even no water was supplied. Winter and
spring of 1947 passed with disputes and quarrels between gendarmerie
and gecekondu people. On a Tuesday in May 1948 the whole gecekondu
area was warned in written and verbal way that gecekondus would be
demolished the following Sunday. People were put in panic. While they
consulted around to stop this, they were advised in a newspaper office to
meet the President of the Turkish National Assembly (TBMM) who was
coincidentally in İstanbul at the time. A group of leaders among gecekondu
people visited the President in his residence and convinced him to come
and visit the gecekondus. President of the Parliament was welcomed in
Zeytinburnu by crying people in a desperate and miserable situation.
Essentially the car of the President could not go further since roads of
Zeytinburnu were covered with mud at the time. The President promised
people that their homes would not be demolished and a few days later the
radio announced that gecekondus would not be torn down” (10)(Gökçen,
2003, 182).
In 1940s the general perception and interpretation of the phenomenon is
like a “disaster” which hit cities due to planlessness and imprudence of the
government (Şenyapılı, 1985, 86). In the beginning, in 1940s, the majority
party CHP (Republican Popular Party) and its governor of İstanbul Lütfi
Kırdar had made a clear choice to eliminate the “problem” from the system
when small in size. However, this choice soon failed and was politically
obsolete as illustrated above. Government resources used only to demolish
gecekondus was also criticized in the Parliament within the majority group
in 1947 (Şenyapılı, 1985, 86). On October 15th, 1949 the daily Cumhuriyet
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announced the halt of demolition of gecekondus. And in first of November
1949 the daily Hürriyet wrote about the visit of the governor of İstanbul
in gecekondu areas, how he was welcomed by thousands of gecekondu
inhabitants with flowers decoring his way (Şenyapılı, 1978, 55). This
changing attitude towards gecekondus would also be the subject of severe
criticisms from modernist bourgeoisie. The day after the visit Metin Toker
criticized this new attitude with humour and derision:
“The number of people who live in gecekondus reached thirty thousand.
The governor (F.K. Gökay) patronizes and protects gecekondu inhabitants.
We have nothing to say for this. But we should not be surprised if
gecekondus with their own laws, rules and councils today will have
tomorrow their police forces and even an army” (Şenyapılı, 1978, 52).
Figure 2. “80 gecekondus will be demolished
this month”, “No permission for gecekondu
construction”, “1000 gecekondus in the city
will be demolished soon”, “Land provision
for gecekondu owners”, “472 gecekondus in
İzmir will be demolished”, “Gecekondus will
be demolished”, and “Governor of İstanbul:
“No demolitions” for gecekondus”.
There was always a search for legal solutions
to the problem within the framework of
urbanism, while self-made practical solutions
were put into operation. On the eve of the
1957 elections, news regarding gecekondu
demolition appeared in dailys, while a short
news from Governor of İstanbul signals
giving up gecekondu demolitions. As
found in gecekondu surveys, just before the
1950, 1954 and 1957 elections, the number
of gecekondus increased considerably due
to tolerance, lack of authority and political
opportunism.
12. Number of buildings legally defined
as gecekondu in İstanbul is: 8.239 in 1950,
40.000 in 1958, 61.400 in 1959, 120.000 in
1963 and around 195.000 in 1972 (Tekeli,
1994b; Şenyapılı, 1985, 142). It was assumed
that 35% of İstanbul population was
living in gecekondus in 1963 and %65 in
1995. Number of gecekondus and size of
gecekondu population in Turkey through
years are as follows: 1955: 50.000 gecekondus
and 250.000 people; 1960: 240.000
gecekondus, 1.200.000 people; 1965: 430.000
gecekondus and 2.150.000 people; 1970:
600.000 gecekondus and 3.000.000 people;
1980: 1.150.000 gecekondus and 5.700.000
people; 1983: 1.250.000 gecekondus, 6.250.000
people. (Keleş, 1983, 196-7.)
On October 18th, 1956, Minister of Reconstruction organized a meeting of
urban development in İstanbul. Just assigned for this duty a day before,
he declared that it was unjust to study the gecekondu question without
considering its economic and spatial aspects in a comprehensive way. He
announced that the state-owned bank for housing credits would construct
multi-storey apartment blocks instead of gecekondus (Şenyapılı, 1978, 62).
This was a search for legal solutions to a problem within the framework of
urbanism, while self-made practical solutions were put into operation. On
the eve of the 1957 elections, Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti, DP) which
held the majority, began to deliver title deeds in gecekondu areas through
its local branches. According to newspapers of February 26th, 1957, 62
people were delivered title deeds by officials from the local branches of the
DP at Zeytinburnu (11) (Şenyapılı, 1978, 64). As supported by the findings
of some gecekondu surveys later in 1960s, just before the 1950, 1954 and
1957 elections and following the Military Intervention of 1960, the number
of gecekondus always increased considerably due to political tolerance and
lack of authority (İ.İ.B., 1965, 4). On the one hand, there was an ongoing
quest to find legal solutions within traditional “urbanist” approaches
while, on the other, simple solutions within daily practice motivated by
political opportunities were on the way in the uncertain climate of urban
politics (Figure 2).
Urban amnesty is obviously one of the most implemented among the
formal practical solutions. Urban amnesties have always been one of
major dynamics in support of gecekondus. A further 15 acts were legalised
following the first amnesty law of 1948. Among these, the acts of 1949,
1953, 1963, 1966, 1976, 1981 and 1984 are more important. There were some
30,000 gecekondus in Turkey when the first amnesty became effective in
1948. At that time, almost 5000 gecekondus which make 1/6 of Turkey’s
total are in İstanbul (12). Then, among others, the reason for the 1976
Amnesty is quite interesting: “In spite of amnesties for almost every kind
of crimes due to the 50th Anniversary of the Republic in 1973, gecekondus
are excluded.” From 10,000 in 1940 the number of gecekondus reached 1.5
million on the eve of the 1984 Amnesty according to Prime Minister of the
time Turgut Özal.
It seems more realistic to see urban amnesties as a conscious policy than an
administrative inadequacy. This is particularly valid for the 1980 one and
the more recent ones, where even large-scale destruction and clearences
have almost no overall effect upon the phenomenon at all. Urban amnesties
were never introduced to prevent gecekondus nor to control them, but
only resulted in providing and strenghtening a more legitimate basis
for gecekondus. Two amnesty laws legalized during the 1980s fall quite
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13. Indeed, the total number of gecekondus
in Turkey was estimated to be some 1.5
million at the time, and applications to
“Special Technical Offices” to obtain a “Land
Assignment Title” (a temporary land title),
which was the major novelty of the Amnesty
Law, remained in very limited numbers:
119,500 in 1984 and around 100,000 in 1985.
14. Ankara’da 158 Gecekondu Hakkında
Monografi, (A Monographical Study on 158
Gecekondus in Ankara).
apart in their aims and in practice compared with the previous ones.
When the Amnesty Act of 1981 became effective, there were some 400 000
gecekondus in Ankara, although only 196 000 did benefit from the act.
Among them, only a limited number of 61 000 were authentic gecekondus,
the rest being illegal buildings of various types and uses. As an official
expert declared for the Amnesty Act of 1984, “this meant to legalize illegal
construction and illegal industrial buildings” (Uysal, 1985) (13).
Around 1960s, first empiricial surveys about gecekondus began to appear
in Turkey. This led to a highly productive period in terms of scientific
research on the gecekondu phenomenon in the following decade. Some
research and surveys are of considerable value on documentation of the
gecekondu phenomenon, and socio-physical conditions at the early stages
are highly rendered as research examles of this period. The Institute of
Resettlement and Urbanism at the Ankara University established in 1953
published a report entitled “A Monography about 158 Gecekondus in
Ankara” in 1957 (14). The research has a particular importance in Turkey
since it represents the first monographical work about gecekondus based
on comprehensive household survey and interviews (Keleş, 1986, 273).
From 1950s onwards foreign experts also contributed to the field to some
degree, mostly in the form of reports based on limited empirical studies.
Among others, there are also leading figures, leaving more important
traces that are worth to mention. Charles Abrams, who is particularly
well-known as an international housing expert during 1950s and 1960s
on problems of low-income groups, travelled in Turkey and made
observations on gecekondus during the 1950s. He proposed legalisation
and standardization the way gecekondus were built, as concluding his
research. He claimed;
“Some of the better squatter houses in Ankara and İstanbul suggests one the
presence of a group of workers with a natural aptitude for building. Since
many of the houses are built of mud brick, and rocks collected nearby, or
of scrap wood and tin, to be erected in less than twenty-four hours to avoid
public interference, one could not help acquiring a sincere respect for these
people… Yet a good development might have emerged, given some initial
planning regarding streets and infrastructure of the settlements, and with
somewhat better materials, more time to build, some intelligent supervision,
and assurances of security of tenure” (Abrams, 1964, 201).
However, as he cited among his memories for his experience in Turkey in
1950s, he mentioned that “his proposals, like any other report of similar
foreign experts or missions, would not have any influence on the rigid
bureaucracy, similar to a mosquito bite on an aircraft carrier” (Abrams,
1964, 202). As a matter of fact, similar reports and proposals did not have
considerable influence on the bureaucracy which was followers of an
orthodox modernism.
Housing problem, illegal and unplanned urbanisation, gecekondus and
urban planning in general were major areas of urban studies between 1950
and 1960 in Turkey. Descriptive monographs, particularly with reports
on the housing problem were more common methods of dealing with the
abovementioned subjects. With the exception of certain reports, studies
of this period generally deal with the problem in a popular manner as
perceived by the public, and only a few attempts to tackle problems within
the context of social transformation (Keleş, 1986, 281).
In 1960s urban problems inherited from the previous decade kept on
growing and sometimes they became more dramatic. Rural exodus
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accompanied with the mechanical character of conventional urban
development plans which are far enough to solve new kind of problems
only worsened the situation throughout the 1950s. By 1960 21% of
İstanbul’s population and 45% of Ankara’s population were living in
gecekondus. In 1965 the share of gecekondus within total urban population
reaches 21.8% (İnankul, 1990, 16). In order to cope with a worsening
situation of urban problems, regional planning is adopted as a useful
solution from late 1950s. Regional planning attracted considerable interest
among scholars through the 1960s, while it had a limited degree of
influence over politicians. In the First Five Year Development Plan, which
became operational in 1963, an undirect approach to urban problems was
adopted through the policies of regional planning, rural planning and
development, immigration control, prevention of inequal development
among different regions while, direct interventions and policies to urban
problems are neglected. This approach is obviously influenced from similar
trends and practices in the West. One of major novelties of the period in
urban planning is planning at metropolitan scale. Metropolitan Planning
Offices first in 1966 in İstanbul, then in the two other metropolitan cities
of Ankara and İzmir, were established respectively in 1968 and 1969. They
were under the Ministry of Resettlement and Reconstruction; but trends
changed quickly in time, and a more urban approach was adopted in
the Second Five Years Development Plan, from 1968 onwards. General
approach of this plan was based upon the causal relationships between
urbanisation-industrialisation-economic development and agricultural
modernisation-industrialisation which were considered as prime factors of
urban development and urban problems.
The Ministry of Resettlement and Reconstruction established in 1958 due
to Turkey’s growing urban problems, remained one of primal focal points
in shaping of modernist thoughts and urban policies until its abolishment
in the 1980s. Even the title of the “Committee of the Gecekondu Problem”,
established in early 1960s within the Ministry, is a good example for
this modernist approach. Gecekondu was continuously perceived as
a problem and a challenge for modernist urban ideals in particular,
since transformation of the gecekondu from innocence to an illegal and
speculative urban phenomenon provided sufficient reasons to support
these doubts. Through the Ministry of Resettlement and Reconstruction,
plenty of field surveys and research were realized during 1960s, and the
outcome generated some general policies. It seemed that the bureaucracy
and staff of the Ministry perceived gecekondus basicly as a problem
of housing, and a cause of unplanned urbanisation. Every year 12.000
gecekondus were required to be listed for elimination in the First Five
Years Development Plan. This amount should be naturally considered
within total housing deficit. The Second Five Years Development Plan of
1968-1973 adopted the policy that every year a limited number of 7.500
gecekondus should be eliminated while half of the rest is proposed for
improvement and the other half for clearence within 30 years (İnankul,
1990, 16-7). Major policy tools of bureaucracy of the period with regards
to gecekondus were: the Gecekondu Act of 1966, Gecekondu Prevention
Zones and public housing projects proposed by this act. Even though
the Gecekondu Act does not mark a fresh beginning in perception of the
gecekondu by the state, it somehow represents a positive step forward.
Reform, improvement, elimination, and prevention were major aims of the
act. Gecekondu Prevention Zones as an important novelty of the act were
aimed at preventing gecekondus through healthy and comfortable housing
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provision by creating modern housing environments on state owned land.
They were for rent initially, and for sale to gecekondu dwellers and low
income groups in the long-run. Some press news of those days reflects this
positive climate of the period towards gecekondus, through the Gecekondu
Act. One of the leading newspapers announces new service provisions for
gecekondus in İstanbul through words of the Minister of Resettlement and
Housing of the period as follows:
Figure 3. “Distribution of title deeds for
gecekondus is an example for humour
anthologies.” In spite of policy novelties, the
Gecekondu Act of 1966 was not satisfactory
particularly for professionals. Legalization
and distribution of title deeds to gecekondus
was one major target of criticism, as declared
ironically by the President of Chamber of
Architects; (Milliyet, July 1966).
15. Milliyet, July 1, 1966: “40,000 Gecekondus
are Provided Electricity and Running Water”.
16. Milliyet, July 18, 1966: “Distribution of
Title Deeds to Gecekondus is Humourous”.
“Twenty thousand gecekondus will possess electricity and another 20
thousands tha running water. The Minister of Resettlement and Housing
declared that, 650 thousands inhabitants live in 130 thousand gecekondus,
80 thousand of which lack electricity and another 80 thousand, running
water. In İstanbul the district of Sağmalcılar and Sinekli on the Asian side
will be provided electricity and running water as pilot areas. The Ministry
has reserved 22 millions liras for 1280 units of houses in multi storey blocks,
to be built in Osmaniye Gecekondu Prevention Zone. The school in this
housing estate will be provided by the local governorship and shopping
and other public facilities by the municipality. These housing units are to
accomodate inhabitants of gecekondus in historic areas” (15).
However, popular solutions to the gecekondu problem by right wing
politicians were always criticized by intellectuals and professional
organizations, of which, the Gecekondu Act of 1966 was an example.
Political measures such as the legalization of gecekondus through
distribution of title deeds, was one of the major target of critics. Press
conferences organized by local branches of the Chamber of Architects prior
to approbation at the Parliament illustrated a typical major theme and a
point for critics (16). The Chamber of Architects attacked the draft of the
Gecekondu Act in press conferences organized in three cities (Figure 3).
However, architects from İzmir argued that gecekondus were a proof of
economic development. In press conference in İstanbul, President of the
Chamber of Architects criticized the draft of Gecekondu Act and declared
that “distribution of title deeds to gecekondus is an example for humour
anthologies. He also accentuated inadequacies of the Gecekondu Act
and underlined the importance of considering it within the context of
“gecekondu-housing-urbanization-development plans” for the national
economic development in equilibrium. He added that gecekondu
population had reached 60% of the urban population in Ankara and 45% in
İstanbul and Adana, were it was 33% for İzmir. The total population living
in gecekondus would reach a total of 12,5 millions in 1977, a more than half
of the 21 million of total urban population at that time. According to the
Development Plan, a total of 208.853 housing units should have been built
in urban and rural areas in 1964, whereas the shortage was 87.423 due to
decrease in housing investments. He pointed that the general settlement
policy was in defects in Turkey hence, in spite of 45 thousand neglected
villages, distribution of title deeds to gecekondus would only result with
political investment. On the other hand, the General Secretary of the
Chamber of Architects declared that ten years later we would have to live
in shelters instead of houses and insisted on the importance of adopting
social housing policies. However, local branch of the Chamber of Architects
in İzmir commented that the increase in gecekondu construction is a matter
of pride, indicating economic development in Turkey.”
One interesting feature illustrated in these communications is the quite
different point of views shared among different branches. Among the
criticisms of the Chamber of Architects, which are mostly based on the
mainstream left wing approaches, the last is highly interesting as it
METU JFA 2011/2
13
represents a different opinion reflecting a quite controversial approach
only expressed and adopted by a handful of scholars: the direct relation of
gecekondu and economic development, that gives a share of national pride,
where the mainstream tone wold be concentrated on social policies. As an
a priori approach was visible among critics to emphasize the temporality of
gecekondus, any attempt to legalize gecekondus as a concrete part of the
system should have been criticized and avoided.
However, the perception of gecekondu solely as a housing problem
constituted to be a problem itself. The attempt at a good opinion did not
arrive at targeted solutions since the basic desire of property ownership
was not considered within the policy; the land speculation dimension of
the problem along with the need for shelter was always avoided. Another
notable part of the act was the Gecekondu Fund. The Fund was supposed
to be an additional financial resource for physical and public service
improvements in gecekondu areas. A considerable number of multistorey block apartment houses were produced for low income groups in
Gecekondu Prevention Zones and similar areas until the 1980s. It is difficult
to admit that generally good quality housing units and environments
were created through these policies. Qualitative as well as quantitative
insufficiencies of the Gecekondu Prevention Zones, and the social housing
built by the state, in order to prevent gecekondus as well as to create
qualified living environments, later become one of the major proofs for the
inadequacy of this approach. Gecekondu Prevention Zones and similar
policies were later harshly criticized by a variety of critics. As pointed out
below in a quite interesting perspective, “…buildings called social housing
nowadays, look like military barracks, and they also provide, as has been
pointed on several occasions before, a threat for moral values” (Tuna,
1977, 11). There were many others criticizing the social housing through
different perspectives. Finally, they all came to an end with the Urban
Development Act of 1985, when the land of Gecekondu Prevention Zones
were transferred to municipalities.
As mentioned earlier, during the 1960s there is the dominance of field
surveys and empirical research in the field of gecekondu studies. During
Figure 4. During early years of gecekondu,
there was almost a general and exaggerated
perception of gecekondu areas among
“urban” people known as “wild” areas full
of unknowns. The popular weekly “Hayat”
announces in 1960, a series of interviews by
reporters who spent 45-days in a gecekondu.
“I lived in Taşlıtarla a month and a half”
was the title of the series, with a flavour
comparable to essays about exotic corners
of the world, found in magazines of popular
travel; (Hayat, 1960).
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17. Field surveys of Ankara gecekondus took
place during October-November 1963 and
June 1964, and aimed to observe changes
within a six-month period,
18. Under the original title of Ereğli: Ağır
Sanayi Öncesi Bir Sahil Kasabası, Kıray (1964).
1963-64, the Ministry of Resettlement and Reconstruction undertook and
published a series of monographs and field surveys based upon interviews
in gecekondu areas of Ankara (17)(Figure 4). These field surveys were
the largest and most comprehensive gecekondu surveys of the 1960s. The
research on Ankara gecekondus (1966) of İbrahim Yasa from the Faculty
of Political Sciences of Ankara University also took its place among others
as the first and the most comprehensive field survey of social content
(Şenyapılı, 1986, 290). The State Planning Organisation (SPO, DPT) also
supported many important urban researches as being one of the major
institutional bodies of national and regional planning during the 1960s. The
research of Ereğli, A Seaside Town Prior to Heavy Industry (18) commissioned
by the SPO to leading Turkish sociologist Mübeccel B. Kıray, became the
first important urban sociological work and monograph in Turkey, even
though it was not directly related to the gecekondu. The Anthropology and
Ethnology Department of the İstanbul University, established in 1961 also
contributed largely in gecekondu surveys in qualitative and quantitative
terms. These works provided a systematic inventory of the gecekondu
environment of this period (Şenyapılı, 1986, 291). During the second
half of the 1960s, under the direction of well-known Turkish geographer
Erol Tümertekin and the Institute of Geography of the same university
carried out a series of human and urban geography studies, in which
gecekondus had an important role. One of big novelties of the 1960s in
Turkey concerning urban problems was the start of urban planning and
management programs in universities at graduate and undergraduate
levels. In addition to the existing Institute of Urbanism and Resettlement
(Şehircilik ve İskan Enstitüsü) at Ankara University and a couple of courses
of urbanism in some other schools, the number and variety of issues in
academic programs concerned with urban problems and urban planning
increased from 1960s on, along with the way Turkey approached and
perceived the problem. The influence and dominance of Turkish academic
circles on gecekondu research undoubtedly began with this process from
the 1960s onwards.
One of the most important changes brought by gecekondu researches into
the perception of the problem is to consider gecekondu within the context
of rural migration and rapid urbanisation. This was a new approach to
the phenomenon. As the context of gecekondu researches changed, scope
of surveys and gecekondu monographies began to focus on particular
issues about migration and social change, asking what really changed,
the way they change and the speed of change (Akkayan, 1979, 251).
Therefore, ahead of an old perception solely based on housing issues, now
it began to consider and discuss gecekondus in relation to migration, rapid
urbanisation, modernisation and economic development. The search for
solutions to gecekondu and rapid urbanisation problems also took part in
empirical studies and field surveys of this period (Şenyapılı, 1986, 293).
One of the earliest and the most comprehensive work on gecekondus,
Charles W. M. Hart and Nephan Saran’s famous survey of Zeytinburnu
gecekondus in İstanbul during early 1960s, is a good example of this
changing views and attitudes. As partly quoted below, it successfully
formulated basic characteristics of the gecekondu phenomenon and
problem clearly not only for professionals or decision makers, but also for
simple people:
“Four thousand out of 9.280 people in families interviewed are working in
factories. If these four thousand people had not migrated, who would be
doing the jobs they did? We preferred to express this phenomenon as clear
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15
Figure 5. Through the 1960s, gecekondus
attracted more attention, and many accounts,
surveys and articles about gecekondus
appeared. In 1962, an instructor’s
impressions of a gecekondu neighbourhood
in Ankara under the title of “Gecekondus,
Home of Misery”in a leading newspaper,
gives a vivid account of a gecekondu
neighbourhood, and illustrates another
example of image of gecekondus among
intellectuals with mainstream approaches of
the period; (Milliyet, November 1962).
and as simple as possible. Most people did not accept to see the reality…
Newcomers begun to build their homes in fields around Zeytinburnu
after 1947, and they still continue to do today in 1968. Thus 125.000 people
are living in this area. They found their jobs by themselves without any
assistance from the government, and as they built their houses in the city
without any support from the government, even in spite of the oppression
and opposition from the government. Is there any other choice for housing
for them, other than gecekondu ? Who will build houses for them if they did
not build gecekondus? The answer is simply no one… The most important
outcome of our work is that gecekondus are permanent, and they will last in
their places and, gecekondus should be considered as an original solution of
the Turkish people to meet the housing need of working class ...” (19) (Hart,
Saran, 1969, 100-1).
It seems that the general reaction of public opinion towards early
gecekondus was almost paradoxical. There was compassion in public
opinion. But at the same time an attitude full of anger on different levels
was also gaining ground because of the disturbance due to the spread of
gecekondus. This disturbance was basicly due to degeneration of an urban
life and order. It seems possible to suggest that there was a perception of
gecekondu neighbourhoods among ordinary people as even “wild” areas
full of unknowns. For example, one of the era’s popular magazines, the
weekly Hayat published in 1960 a reportage by the two reporters who spent
45-days in a one room gecekondu, rented under the guise of newly-arrived
migrants, which had the flavour of articles to be found in magazines such
as Life, Paris-Match or National Geographic, about strange tribes in an exotic,
remote corner of the world (Figure 5):
19. Hart and Saran (1969). Surveys conducted
by Charles Hart, who was Head of Social
Anthropology Department of the Faculty
of Literature in İstanbul University at the
time, had firstly begun in 1962, on the
Zeytinburnu gecekondus that included areas
of Gültepe, Çağlayan and Kuştepe. Hart’s
research was supported by İstanbul Chamber
of Commerce, İstanbul Municipality and
the Ministry of Housing and Resettlement.
A report (Zeytinburnu Report) of this
comprehensive research was later published.
“Taşlıtarla is a settlement of 100 thousand inhabitants with different
traditions,where various dialects of Turkish are spoken by those gathered
here from every corner of Turkey, as well as from ancient lands of the
Ottomans now lying beyond modern Turkey. The Hayat weekly will show
you characteristics that have remained unexploited until now, a story of
foundation, marriage traditions, gypsy entertainments, and the eccentric
characters of this settlement through the eyes and camera of two reporters
who lived there for a month and a half”(Tahsin and Güler, 1960). [The
article begins as follows]: “At the foot of the walls of İstanbul, the grave
stones from Topkapı to Eyüp are like guards of two separate worlds. Within
the walls, while the city of İstanbul of 1.5 millions continues its familiar
“İstanbul routine”, another city of 100 thousands lives its own life beyond
16
METU JFA 2011/2
Figure 6, 7. Two posters for the play of
“Keşanlı Ali Destanı” (The Legend of Ali of
Keşan; 1964). The well-known masterpiece
of Turkish cabaret theater is a narrative on
early gecekondus, original in many respects,
and rich in humanism, written by the
reknown Turkish writer Haldun Taner. The
work provided a vivid and impressionistic
description of gecekondus in the era of
innocence and marginality within a social
and physical context, and was also adapted
for cinema. The story was inspired by a real
person from Ankara’s famous gecekondu
area of Altındağ in early 1950s.
the walls… Taşlıtarla was a site of foreign migrant people. However, only
one tenth (12,000) of them are foreign. There were 2,052 houses built by
the state for immigrants from abroad. In contrast, 20,000 gecekondus were
built. Hüseyin Kansız, who founded Taşlıtarla, has lived alone for years in
his home looking down the little lake of Sarıgöl. He woke up one morning
in 1950 to the sounds of music and saw gypsies whose houses in Sulukule
within the city walls had been expropriated, and they put tents around
his house. One year later engineers arrived and built up the first houses
for migrants. By the time Taşlıtarla expanded, and reached around 100
thousand people. The population of the city particularly increased after 1955,
and it was determined through the total units of bread consumption; where
the inhabitants of Taşlıtarla came to consume 18 million units of bread every
year. An interesting characteristic of this settlement of 100,000 is that, it is
unknown to those living in İstanbul 5 km away” (Tahsin, Güler, 1960).
Through the 1960s gecekondus will gather more and more attention and
interest. Many accounts, surveys and articles about gecekondus and
gecekondu life appear in the pages of press. In 1962, an article based on an
interview and observations published in a leading newspaper also gives a
vivid account of a gecekondu neighbourhood in Ankara through eyes of
an instructor. This account illustrates another good example of perception
of gecekondus by intellectuals with mainstream approaches of the period.
Even the writing style and the language of this account which was titled
“Gecekondus, Home of Misery” reflect the popular understanding of
gecekondus particularly among intellectuals and urban population of 1960s
(Figure 6). The article begins with a mainstream general description of
Gülveren Mahallesi, a gecekondu area in Ankara, with some general and
stereotypical observations about gecekondus. Here as illustrated in the text
below, an emotional popular narrative is highly significant with particular
emphasis on words which strengten the perception of a deprived physical
space and unfavorable living conditions such as “misery, miserable, dirty,
dust” (20):
20. Cantürk (1962) Gecekondus, Home of
Misery.
“…Gülveren is a place of eight thousand gecekondus. This is just a part of
two hundred thousand gecekondus in Ankara… Each gecekondu holds a
room and an entrance, houses eight persons. Eight miserable and desperate
people!... People we call “Citizens!...” in political terms… Gecekondus
are like chicken sheds, haphazardly thrown here and there, like a chunk
of stone, tin and soil piled one over another… One side of houses is soil,
another of tin, the other of stone; like a dirty patchwork bundle… Streets,
roads are full of dirt, dust and clay… Scattered and miserable looking.
Above all, children?... Merged into the dust and dirt of streets; like a piece
of street, like a stone, like soil… Dirty and miserable!... Gecekondus are born
from constraints and obligations of the need for shelter. Conditions of living
which gets harder day by day, rising cost of life, and unemployment gave
birth to cities of gecekondu. Even municipalities tried to eliminate them by
all means, but they did not succeed, since reality is not well understood. This
METU JFA 2011/2
17
is a struggle for survival with gecekondus. Defeat in this struggle means the
deep misery… Very conscious of this people of gecekondu is resist with by
means for not to get defated but to succeed.”
The text continues with similar narrative but now focusing on various
aspects of gecekondus and gecekondu life:
“Gecekondus are mostly built up with four materials: Mud brick, cheap
brick, stone and wood. Hygiene is neglected. They even know nothing about
this. What is important for them is “only to build a shelter and not to pay
rent !.. Mortar is not used in stone buildings. Stones and bricks are joined
with each other and plastered with mud. All materials are prepared secretly
during daytime. Then the gecekondu is built in a convenient nighttime
with the help of neighbours. In most of cases, skill and expertise are not
used. They can not pay for a master and they are also afraid if the master
informs the authorities. Sometimes jobless masters help the demolition of
gecekondus they built in order to create jobs. Those who have a strong fist
or who have money become landlords of poor gecekondu houses… This
is almost a rule. Where there is poor people, there is a landlord;…Leery
landlords hold state owned lands with tyranny. They even divide lands into
plots (!...) People who build gecekondu is aware of this but has to pay for
this land since they have no means to pay for a rent.. Families are crowded
with children. These lands are also cheap. They desperately buy them…
A plot of two hundred square meters costs five hundreds liras at least and
this goes up to two thousands liras. That’s what a landlord can get. An
owner told: “The land costs two thousand, another two thousand is for the
gecekondu, and that makes a sum of four thousand. This is at least enough
for a shelter. The amount is paid in cash, saved through years. Sometimes
even the money is not sufficient: the landlord should approve the buyer.
If the landlord does not approve, there is no way to build a house. The
landlord can spy alerting the municipality to provide demolition of the
gecekondu. This is the first type for landlords.
There are landlords after earining easy money. They build gecekondus as
much as they can. Today in Gülveren there are landlords who own more
than fifty gecekondus. A local man was complaining of a landlord of this
kind: “He has forty to fifty gecekondus. Besides he robs us by selling wood
as timber. We buy from him because he sells by credit. He also cheats the
municipality like he builds a school. Then he rents his gecekondus to poor
people room by room from sixty liras. We also worked during construction
since we were afraid.” Gecekondus are rented to fifty liras per month at
least. There are gecekondus rented to fifteen hundreds. A landlord with
fifty gecekondus gets approximately two thousand five hundred a month.
Without doing any work. This is the second type of landlord.
There are also “landlords of protection”. Tough, ruthess, shameless.
They patrol neigbourhoods all day long either themselves or with gangs.
Wherever there is a gecekondu construction, they are present on that site.
They ask for bribe not to inform the authorities. In most cases gecekondu
owner pays the money. Even, the protective behaviour should be paid prior
to the construction. This is called “hush money”. On a ‘quiet day’ at least
two or three gecekondus are built. Not less than a hundred liras is required
for a gecekondu. One can guess the amount of a monthly revenue. This is
the third type of the landlord.
Gecekondu which was born of need of shelter served for the good of these
three types of landlords. They exploit conditions which were born of
necessity. These parasites do nothing to provide some service to gecekondu
neigbourhoods. Municipality who has no tolerance to a poor family avoids
gecekondu landlords.”
The text then makes a brief account of infrastructure with similar narrative
accents of poverty and unfavorable conditions:
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METU JFA 2011/2
”Irregular open areas left between houses and neigbourhoods are called
roads and streets. Most of them are not suitable even for a horse-drawn cart.
Due to narrowness, dirtiness and the bad condition, no taxi driver wants to
go Gülveren. There is no road or street covered with concrete or macadam.
That’s why you have to breathe dust clouds while you walk. Disposal of
garbage into streets and vacant lands only worsen the situation. Garbage
collectors and street sweepers of the municipality do not even appear in
the streets… “One can not walk here because of dust in summertime and
of mud in winter,” a gecekondu resident is saying… There is no trace of
sewage in gecekondu areas where there exists municipal services… In an
area where there are eight thousands gecekondus, there is no sewage. The
general appearence becomes even more miserable and dirty when this is
added to scattered streets… Toilets are mostly made of irregularly joined
wood and tins. They are built next to streets… Bad smell spread into houses.
A gecekondu dweller explains: “Municipality does not provide any service
to us. We build them next to streets. When it rains, we let drains into streets
so it runs with the rain. This is the way we clean toilets”… Water also is not
enough in gecekondus. Gecekondu dwellers suffer from water shortage.
“Three, four o’clock early in the morning, people run to the public fountain
with their tinmade water pans… For a place in the queue, women begin
to fight with each other. Meanwhile, water runs short. Then no water, no
fight…” There are only five public fountains in such a large gecekondu area.
On the other hand, just a few houses have running water. Sometimes water
does not run for days and days. To get water from public fountains which
run for only a couple of hours a day, is like to be victorious in a war. Yet
who cares about tear drops… But the Municipality is senseless like a wall in
front of this lack of water…”
The text then focuses on living conditions and livelihood of gecekondu
dwellers:
“…the livelihood means money for the daily ratio in gecekondus… These
people who came from different corners of Anatolia did not find what they
expected, are disappointed and hopelessly clustered in homes of misery.
This adventure they begin with a hope of better living, now continues in
homes of misery in a different way. Misery did not leave them and destiny
won over them here also… Now they suffer in pain of misery and defeat...
Every kind of poor professionals can be seen here. Low rank civil servants,
drivers, employees, porters, construction workers make the majority. There
are also those who are occupied with cow stockfarming, second hand clothes
sellers, street cleaners and watchmen. They have to take care of an average
of eight people. Monthly incomes of low rank employees and drivers
change from 300 to 450 liras. They are the better ones around gecekondus…
Conditions of temporary workers are the worst. They work in constructions,
road works and manpower needing works of private employers. There are
also a lot of porters. Daily incomes change from 3 to 10 liras. They are jobless
until they find a job for a month. Their clothes are extremely worn out. A
porter says with eyes in tears: “My all asset is this rop sir…I take care of
eight people with this… Many nights my children sleep hungry…” Poverty
is everywhere… Famine, lack of water, dirtiness rule here like a king… Even
the famine… For the time being the whole sttruggle is with it…
Morning, breakfast tea and bread… Many days they even can’t find tea.
Olives and cheese are for festivity days. Or only for serving precious
guests... Lunch, grape and bread… Diners are mostly of boiled wheat and
haricot bean… Many families say they can not eat fresh vegetables and fruits
even we are in mid August… Above all fruits… It is like a charming friend,
it may knock their doors or not… Fruits are purchased not as nutrition good
but as an appetizer to consume sometimes, or to quiet crying children. Many
gecekondu families did not leave ties with their villages. They bring foods
for winter from villages. In gecekondus nutrition is unsufficient and very
bad. That’s why people are tired and weary… Malnutiriton is clearly visible
METU JFA 2011/2
19
in children. Faces are pale, weak and joyless… There is no healthy, vivacious
child in gecekondus. They are stagnant and weary like oldman’s… They
even play in wall shadows quietly. They do not behave to their ages…There
are various illness. İllness such as cold, influenza, bronchitis are of daily
routine...Dirt of streets is the children playground. Hence, children’s health
is always under threat…Gecekondus also threaten public health of Ankara.
A disease can easily spread…”
The text also comments on various aspects and some basic problems of
gecekondu life:
“There is no park, nor playgrounds in Gülveren. Children play in dust and
dirt of streets. They do not have any of their contemporates posses. They
play by themselves in wall shadows… Although most of them came from
rural side, they even forgot games they once played in villages. Rathe,r
children of gecekondu do not play, they strive in dust and soil…
Gecekondus are a concentration (camp) of unemployment… Coffee houses
are full of peoples during all day. They play gamble...I try to confirm this
with camera. Owner of the coffee house prevented me… However, gamblers
were not worried about this. But owner of the coffee house was afraid of
closing down the shop. I try to speak with one of them: “I am companion
of man about town” replied ironically. His friend next was suffering: “I
looked for a job for days long, my feet get sick of walking. There remained
no road I did not walk, no door I did not knock, no patron I did not plead.
But no one gave me a job. Even one of them advised me ‘to suicide’. Now
we try to survive by plucking one another...” Working women are also few.
They sit in wall shadows and make gossip… Crisis of unemployment causes
big depressions whether material or moral. It destroys respect towards
each other and towards the public authorities. Hatred and hostility replace
it… Fear, despair and astonishment due to unemployment put gecekondu
people in a situation of terror… Dream of a better life; became a distress and
suffering in gecekondus. This may cause serious problems to state.
Gecekondus is a concentration of ignorance… Literacy is well down…
Except of civil servants and drivers all are illiterate. I did not come accross
any literate woman. Due to financial and adoptive unsufficiencies childrens
who graduated from primary schools can not follow superior ones. And
who follow were unsuccessfull…They do not have financial resources for
school expenses nor space to work and educational tools in their homes.
When this was coupled with rising cost of living ? Then they are put in a job.
One of a local association commented on this issue: “We need a secondary
school. We can not send our childrens to remote places. We can not support
additional travel and meal expenses and allowances… Even a school won’t
be enough. We need reading halls for childrens can work after school
hours. We can not save a place of work in these narrow gecekondus.As
you see seven people share a room...” There was an interest and willing for
education in gecekondus. Yet, they do not have means, they are helpless…”
Then the interview concludes with the same tone of narrative as expected:
“Emptiness, intimidement and confusion eroded confidence and respect
to public authorities. Already nervous and desperate gecekondu people
conflict each other very frequently. Above all the vagabonds? They abuse
peace and security of the neighbourhood. They disturb women, they beat
people just for fun. Lack of a police station in Gülveren neighbourhood of
eight thousand gecekondus looks like encouraging vagabonds and who
tend to be criminals… Even worse, a primitive understanding of law and
order based upon self defence of interests begun to make its own way in
gecekondus… Robbery is very common in nights. Civil guards do not fullfil
their duties. Head of the majority party’s local office: “There is no policestation here. We are not in security. We have enough of vagabonds. They
beat, they abuse womans, disturb neighbourhood when they are drunk…We
20
METU JFA 2011/2
can not sleep in peace! We only hear civil guards warning whistles once in a
month in paydays (!)”
The demand of a payment for occupied lands by the Municipality of Ankara
from gecekondu owners really surprised them. One of local officials: “The
Municipality of Ankara decided to deport us from here… How we can find
such an amount while we hardly find the food?” Another one was saying:
“Patch over patch!... Another patch on our back… Municipality serves other
areas of the city but asks the expenses from us…”
……..
Soon last ray of lights of the sun will be dissappeared beyond hills…Poor
loneliness of the night will cover gecekondus…In tired darkness, streets will
be deserted… Adieu Gülveren…”
This quotation above, reflects many popular approaches and expressions
of the period towards gecekondus. The general pessimistic atmosphere
with continous accentuation of misery, deprived physical space, social
inequality, lack of infrastructure, inadequate social services and equipment,
unfavourable living conditions etc. are major themes and characteristics
of the text from first hand wittness. As mentioned before, this type of
perception full of pity is natural for its period which underlines the
marginality of gecekondus and can be found in many similar narratives
particularly through 1950s and 1960s until mid of 1970s. Therefore it is
highly typical for its time.
In October 1970, a disease which caused 52 deaths in a month broke out
in Sağmalcılar, a popular and poor gecekondu settlement in the outskirts
of İstanbul. This naturally became a major subject which occupied press
headlines along October and November 1970; causing intellectuals
to reconsider living conditions of gecekondus. Among similar, a selfexpressive evidence of this paradoxical attitude of middle and upper class
bourgeoisie and intellectuals was to be found in excerpts of a long article
published in a leading centre-left newspaper in 1970, with the irritating
title: “Damned of the Metropolis”. It summarized almost a whole process
and history of squatting and gecekondus in İstanbul and Turkey, with
significant stress and values of a left wing urban intellectual:
“In most big cities there are second class citizens. They are generally
immigrants for second class works and jobs: they produce what the real
urban dwellers consume. The big city can not live without them. But when
they outnumber what the city needs, they become a burden. The city is
suddenly transformed into an enemy for them and tries to send them back.
Gecekondus of İstanbul first appeared in the 16th century. According to
official correspondence, gecekondus encircled the city through gardens
and agricultural terrain. Around 1700s they penetrated into the city.
Constructing on the city walls was forbidden, however this was never
taken into consideration. The second rush of gecekondus in İstanbul was in
1950s.The reality of the gecekondu constitutes paradoxical, multi-aspected
and complex phenomenon like factors which created it. On one side it is
the appearence of an important stage in social change and development.
It marks the beginning of industrialization and is the result of demand for
labour at the outset. Inhabitants of gecekondus whom are mostly perceived
by comfortable bourgeoisie to be compassionate are people who succeded
a big leap forward in their private life and are in a better situation in almost
every aspect with regard to their precedent living condition. Some experts
even find in this reality a dynamism which will take the Turkish society
towards a better future.”
Gecekondu is also a product of big inequalities. Old inhabitants compare
themselves not with their previous situation but with other city dwellers.
21. “Keşanlı Ali Destanı (The Legend of Ali of
Keşan)” (1964) is an outstanding and almost
early example of reflection of arts and
literature on the gecekondu phenomenon,
interpreting the gecekondu reality in the
form of a cabaret theater. Verbalized in
one of the lyrics of the cabaret, the play is a
narrative making of a local hero based upon
real events and a real personality.
METU JFA 2011/2
21
They think otherwise about their poor environments, polluted waters they
use and disdain of other city dwellers. If each family in İstanbul consumes
meat once a week, there would be a shortage. If this doesn’t happen, it is
because some consumes abundantly while some others don’t. These are
gecekondu areas such as Sağmalcılar and Zeytinburnu.
The city of İstanbul has a palace of culture which cost 90 millions and 90%
of its population may never have access into it through its thresholds.
Half of its population has not received yet any municipal services. Peoples
of gecekondus are left into garbages and dirty sewage waters in an age
of science and hygiene where regular daily baths and vitamins for small
childrens are viewed as indispensability. Peoples of gecekondus can
only have better living conditions as much as they fulfill needs of urban
dwellers. Broke out of a disease such as cholerain Sağmalcılar should not
be interpreted as a coincidence...
In his famous novel of “the Plague” on effects of a disease Albert Camus
describes the situation as follows:
“Doctor Rieux is living permanent repetitions of the same scenes. Even
the plague became an everyday routine. The only changing thing was the
doctor himself... Sense of compassion is now nonsense. One has enough
of compassion when it becomes useless... If a man wants to share sadness
of others, there will never remain time for its own happiness. This was
necessifiying to make a choice.” The damneds of İstanbul hopelessly waited
for the choice of comfortable urban dwellers.” (İpekçi, 1970)
One of the original narratives of early gecekondus covering its many
aspects in its rich humanism is the well-known masterpiece of Turkish
cabaret theater “Keşanlı Ali Destanı” (The Legend of Ali of Keşan, 1964)(21)
of reknown Turkish writer Haldun Taner (Figure 7, 8). The work, which
represents a vivid and impressionistic description of gecekondus in an
era of innocence and marginality within a social and physical context,
and which was also adapted for cinema, is inspired by the story of a local
good tough guy during the early 1950s at Ankara’s famous gecekondu
site of Altındağ. Thus, the gecekondu quickly becomes a perceptible
and important symbol of social inequality and injustice. Parallel to this,
the gecekondu gradually earns a wider interest and a place in works of
popular culture such as popular music and cinematography throughout
the 1960s.
Figure 8. During the politicization period
of 1970s, 1 Mayıs Mahallesi (The May Day
Neighbourhood) in İstanbul, had reasonable
popularity due to its role at the focus of
politic struggles, but particularly for its role
in “utopic”, “new order” experiments. The
book which reveals this interesting chapter
of Turkish gecekondu history, may be
considered one of the important ‘first hand’
gecekondu narratives.
The physical condition of gecekondus is also improved significantly
between 1960 to 1970, and many scientific research and discussion on
the phenomenon emerged. In one sense, gecekondu consolidated its
permanence, improve their conditions and creatively find alternative
ways to articulate with the system, mocking all initiatives to eliminate or
to reform them. They become permanent, while improving in structure,
and becoming more comfortable and more generous in size. Cheap briquet
is still the material most widely seen, although even the use of brick
is spreading faster. Gecekondu “lords” too, become a more organized
“institution” of patronage. As a result, ‘ready to use’ gecekondus as a
new way of supply and gecekondu construction during hours of daylight
appear (Pulat, 1992, 142). It is by now possible to construct gecekondus in
times that may span a couple of days with necessary materials, skills and
organization, and under sufficient patronage and protection.
22
METU JFA 2011/2
22. May Day neighbourhood (later Mustafa
Kemal) in İstanbul gives an outstanding,
untypical and highly popular example of
a politicized gecekondu neighbourhood
of 1970s. First settlers arrive in 1958 to
this area which was partly a quarry and
waste disposal area. However even the
pioneers had to pay for the land (Aslan,
2003, 96). In 1960s the land was declared
Gecekondu Prevention Zone by the Ministry
of Resettlement and Housing. During the
second half of 1970s, radical left groups
took over control of the area under the
patronage of People’s Committee and the
site became a “liberated zone”. Thereafter, a
new experimental system out of mainstream,
general rules is put into action within the
neighbourhood. Planning of the site was
among various practices realized by People’s
Committee. One of participants of this
experiment comments: “In the beginning,
it was clear that any planning was not
feasible. Then after the participation of
revolutionist groups, a plan and design are
tried to implement…”(Aslan, 2003, 120).
The planning of the site restarts in a more
organized and equipped way following the
incidents of largest clearance of gecekondu
history of Turkey where 9 peoples died
in September 2, 1977. “Yet this clearence
at the same time provided a basis for the
implementation of a more regular plan.
Assistance is asked from İstanbul Branch
of the Chamber of Architects on this issue.
Committee, longtime worked on this plan
in collaboration with representatives of the
Chamber of Architects and with some NGOs”
(Aslan, 2003, 120).
23. September 12, 1980 is the date of the
military intervention in Turkey where the
Parliament was abolished, the Constitution
and basic cnstitutional rights were
suspended until the general elections of 1983.
24. From the book by Şükrü Aslan, 1 Mayıs
Mahallesi.
25. In following days incidents appears
in some dailys as follows: Cumhuriyet, in
headlines: “Clash in gecekondu clearence:
5 deads” (September 3, 1977); Milliyet,
second news in cover page: “Police clashed
with gecekondu dwellers, 5 people died”
(September 3, 1977) and in first page: “99
people interrogated by police on incidents
in Ümraniye” (September 4, 1977); Son
Havadis, on cover page: “Anarchists fired
to the police: 5 dead” and sub headline:
“Incidents in Ümraniye during gecekondu
clearence” (September 3, 1977); Hergün,
second heading on the first page: “Reds
who pretend resisting gecekondu clearence
provocated people and caused incidents. 5
dead, 9 policemen out of total 44 wounded
in incidents where long range guns were
used” (September 3, 1977); Haber, in
headline: “Bloody clash in Ümraniye, 5
dead” and in sub title: “Maoists amongst the
people opened fire with long range guns”
(September 3, 1977); Tercüman, on the first
page: “The extreme left backed incidents in
Ümraniye” (September 5, 1977) and on the
same page: “Ümraniye Örnek Mahallesi (A
gecekondu neighbourhood in Ümraniye)
declared a “Liberated Zone” (September 6,
1977).
POLITICIZATION AND SPECULATION
In the mid-1970s 45% of İstanbul’s population lived in gecekondus and
gecekondus had a share of 39.55% of housing stock in İstanbul. The figure
was 65% for Ankara. The population of gecekondus within overall urban
population has also risen gradually nationwide. In 1960 while some 13.5%
of the urban population was living in gecekondus, this reaches 23.3% in
1970 and 28% in 1974. It is estimated that almost one tenth of the total
population is living in gecekondus at that time (Tuna, 1977, 3).
Furthermore, gecekondus became subject to land speculation in the 1970s
for the first time, due to high inflation. Gecekondu land now became an
important source of investment and speculation. In 1970s gecekondu
families would experience small size land speculation (Şenyapılı, 1981, 48).
And yet this was mostly valid for the early generation of gecekondus that
were mostly situated around urban centres or in close vicinity to them.
Following the foundation of metropolitan planing offices for İstanbul,
Ankara and İzmir, in the 1960s a new more analytic and relatively more
creative planning practice came into operation. In this context, one of the
major dynamics of İstanbul’s urban planning and development agenda
beyond 1970 was determined as ‘decentralisation’. We should note that
decentralisation trends in İstanbul following the 1970s mostly influenced
early gecekondu areas built in the 1940s and 1950s.
This is however, a strategical turning point from which gecekondus begin
to move into another level of legitimacy. The first multi-storey buildings
in early gecekondu areas built by owners and developers also appear
during the 1970s, as a perceptible result of this new era. Increasing use of
concrete as building material in gecekondus is another significant aspect of
the 1970s. Organisation of gecekondus even goes further in 1970s in order
to create an illegal market of ready to use plots and houses. The market is
under control, or patronage of local “entrepreneurs”, or groups of influence
in some areas and political groups in some other places. As a result of
increasing political power of gecekondu areas, significant improvements
took place in terms of infrastructure, public services, urban planning and
spatial quality, particularly in the earlier gecekondu areas.
One main characteristic of 1970s in Turkey is political polarization, where
political camps and ranks became sharper. Gecekondu population, who
had been generally in favour of conservative political programs and who
previously backed right wing political parties during the 1950s and 1960s
with the hope of integration into the system, in 1970s turned into another
direction and began to vote for to alternative programs of left wing
opposition parties, which promised reform of the system itself. One of
the major characteristics of 1970s is economic crisis coupled with political
turmoils which particularly domine the society during second half of 1970s.
In other words, this is the period where urban population was highly
divided politically into different groups, ideologies, or opinions, and in a
situation of conflict against each other as well as against public authority
(Aslan, 2003, 69). This general social turmoil emerged from economic crisis
and political unstability, found the way of self expression in gecekondu
neighbourhoods easier than in any other urban area. All through this
period, gecekondus sometimes appeared as ‘liberated safe zones’, which
were shared and considered to be free under ‘patronage’ of concurrent
political groups, as a dominant and widespread phenomenon of 1970s
urban panorama. Sometimes they became the scene of small size utopia
experiments of ‘idealized’ society models of a corresponding politic group.
26. Hürriyet, headline: “Something
happening in İstanbul” and in sub-title:
“Governorate gets what they ask, after a 48hour “search operation inside the May Day
Neighbourhood” (March 20, 1978); Tercüman,
in headline: “Police for the first time
penetrated the Liberated Zone since months”
and in sub-titles: “A “People’s Court”
where 5 right-wing workers are judged is
found. Some general stores are entitled as
“Comrade” (March 20, 1978).
METU JFA 2011/2
23
Like gecekondu settlements which symbolized the period of innocence
and marginality, such as Zeytinburnu in İstanbul or Altındağ in Ankara,
period of politic struggle also created its stars. For example, gecekondu
settlements of Ümraniye and Gültepe in İstanbul gained a reasonable
popularity among similar others due to their roles at the focus of politic
struggle, but particularly to their place in ‘utopic’ ‘new order’ experiments.
This is particularly valid for the 1 Mayıs Mahallesi (Mahalle of May
Day, later the Mustafa Kemal Mahallesi (22), of Ümraniye District at the
outskirts of İstanbul, thi inhabitants of which held an unchallengeable
leading role in a ‘new order’ experiment as well as a justified position
within politic struggles of pre-1980 era. As mentioned in a research about
this curious experiment: (Figure 9)
“The neigbourhood that flourished in 1960s through a typical gecekondu
system, later went into a politicization process which was also repeated in
many gecekondu areas of this period due to problems of land distribution
and conflicting interests. In order to solve these kinds of problems, some
local initiatives emerge, mostly known as “People’s Committees” and the
neighbourhood begun to call itself “May Day Mahalle (Neighbourhood). At
the same time, the neighbourhood becomes one of the major fields of politic
conflicts through politic polarization of 1970s. In common memory, it also
emerges as one of leading images of “pre September 12, 1980 period” (23).
For those who think that this was a time of terror and chaos where public
authority was in a situation of almost weakness and disability, it was the
symbol of all kinds of negativity. And for those who perceive signs of a
revolution in politic and social mobility and dynamism of 1960-1980 period,
it was one of the symbols of hope” (24).
Figure 9, 10. “5 Dead, 44 wounded, blood
was shed like rain in gecekondu demolitions”
(Hürriyet, 3 September 1977) and “Police
clash with gecekondu dwellers, in Ümraniye,
5 people dead” (Milliyet, 3 September 1977).
Large scale demolitions of September 2, 1977
in May Day Mahalle and following incidents
mostly echoed in mainstream press as
ordinary police operations for law and order,
neglecting demand for shelter and social
aspects.
For bourgeoisie who largely inhabited in planned areas of metropolitan
areas, an early perception of gecekondus as a threat appears to be created
through politic and social turmoils of 1970s. However, evident reasons
would not be problems of adaptation of gecekondu population to urban
values, nor their politic choices alone. Maybe more than this was the
emergence of a new ‘utopian’ model apart of legitimate social, economic,
legal-administrative rules and institutions in gecekondu areas “liberated”
by radical left wing groups. As happened in the May Day Mahalle in
İstanbul, it looked obvious that attempts for new social models in some
gecekondu areas through the patronage of local iniciatives such as People’s
Committees should mostly be perceived as a general threat to status
quo by middle and upper class urban dwellers. For example, large scale
demolitions of September 2, 1977 in May Day Mahalle and other incidents
that followed mostly echoed in dailys as ordinary police operations for
law and order, neglecting political aspects. Mainstream press generally
preferred to reflect incidents as ordinary police affairs with a limited touch
to its importance, while radical right wing press preferred to dramatise
events, as terror by the gecekondu people to oppose and clash with security
forces by gun exchange in collaboration of illegal left wing groups, in
order to obstruct a legal procedure (25)(Figure 10, 11). It seems that, these
incidents only served to consolidate the image of the May Day Mahalle
and some other similar gecekondu neighbourhoods in public opinion, as
illegal areas without law and order and where public authority could not
penetrate. That’s why, uninterrupted presence of security forces in the May
Day Mahalle following the incidents and provision of some public services
and equipments such as a school easily found a place in newspapers, in
the way of success of state authority against a threat for public order (26).
A relationship of predecessor and successor might be valid between the
images of revolting gecekondus totaly in disaccord with the status quo of
24
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1970s and “angry outskirts” of 1990s. Moreover, all are nourished from the
same source of social unrest.
Attitudes of technocrats whether in government or in local administrations
also changed significantly during the 1970s, in a way to accept the
realities instead of conflicting with them, to make improvements through
development. One should keep in mind that this was a period in which
left-wing political programs and views reached a considerable degree of
influence and dominance whether in government, in local authorities aor
in public opinion. One of tha major aims of this approach was to generate
a policy to transfer resources to gecekondus in order to solve problems
associated with income inequality. The Third Five Year Development Plan
approved in 1974 considered another aspect of the problem as follows:
“Considering general charasteristics of the gecekondu, the Ministry of
Resettlement and Reconstruction will begin to establish delivery channels
and technical support offices to deliver necessary construction materials
sufficiently and on time for a predesigned nucleus house plan to those in
need at gecekondu areas. The Ministry will foster the possibilities of using
prefabricated houses in social housing” (Tuna, 1977, 4).
Figure 11. ‘What was our crime they
declared amnesty for?’
A cartoonist interpretation for the Draft
Proposal for the Urban Amnesty Act. All
through the history of gecekondu, position
of the press was generally in favour of
gecekondus (Tan Oral, Cumhuriyet, April
1983).
The production of nucleus housing like gecekondus, through use of
prefabricated technology and their supply for rent was launched by the
Government in the mid-1970s as a new policy and method in improvement
and elimination of gecekondus. Even, a national project competition
under the title of “National Project Competition of Architecture for Rent
Houses in Gecekondu Prevention Zones and in Underdeveloped Areas”
is organised a few years later in 1981 by the Ministry of Resettlement and
Reconstruction (Figure 12). Here, Ministry tried to implement aims of
Development Plan via results of a competition. Participants were asked
to develop typical house projects for a household of 4-6 inhabitants
and convenient to four different climate zones in Turkey. However, the
competition did not represent more than another example of the wellknown inadequate conventional reading of the gecekondu reality solely in
terms of a shelter problem.
Academic perception of the gecekondu underwent a process of
specialisation and maturation during the 1970s, compared with previous
decades. The political activity of the decade also reflects itself in urban
research. The rise in number and variety of institutions interested in urban
problems is one of significant characteristics of the period. In addition
to universities, ministries and government agencies such as SPO or
metropolitan planning offices, municipalities, the union of local authorities,
professional unions, cooperatives and even newspapers took part and/
or support several popular, academic and scientific meetings, surveys,
Figure 12. ‘Let’s erect the statue of Sinan’.
The “Great Architect Sinan” of Ottoman
Classicism of 16th century has been always
a primary figure of national pride; however,
construction activities in his homeland
have been largely dominated by gecekondu
buildings in the 20th century. This paradox
has been emphasized quite frequently, where
this one is about the Urban Amnesty Act of
1984. (Mim Uykusuz, 1984)
METU JFA 2011/2
25
researches, studies, publications about urban problems in general and the
gecekondu in particular with special attention to public rights and interest
during this active and fertile period. As it was pointed out in an article, a
specialisation parallel to the considerable quantitative increase in urban
studies and debates also marks the character of this period. Therefore,
studies on the gecekondu generally become a sub-area of specialisation of
housing studies. As it is pointed out urban studies underwent a process of
diversification in the early 1970s, then an infiltration in terms of practice
during second half of the decade, and academic profoundness in the early
1980s (Bademli, 1984, 301).
However, it seems that the conventional approach to tackle with the
gecekondu problem within urban order and housing problem still had a
considerable weight in 1970s. The following words are from a conference
organized by İstanbul University in 1970s:
“...Existence of a shelter problem in Turkey and in almost all developing
countries in extreme poverty is a reality beyond any debate. Thus,
gecekondus that surround large metropolitan areas are attracting attention
in numbers without requiring statistical analysis and large districts built by
gecekondus around the roads to airports or city entrances are so apparent
as to make any careful observation obsolete. This is obviously an uneasy
and uncomfortable situation for public opinion and governments, as well as
for the residents of such areas themselves. Therefore, government financed
‘gecekondu prevention zones’ were put into operation in order to find a
solution to the gecekondu problem and it was supposed that the, spread of
gecekondus would stop while assisting those in misery and improving the
remainder” (Tuna, 1977, 1).
Three facts about gecekondus are obviously emphasized in the passage: the
gecekondu is a problem of housing, misery and poor living conditions. The
current situation of spread of gecekondus should be stopped, and a part
of existing stock should be improved while the rest should be eliminated.
“Unfortunate people whose villages no longer accommodate or shelter
them” are also mentioned within the speech together with the following
critique of planning and urbanisation politicies:
“…in our city, the situation where a modern “urban and housing policy”
never came into practice and was even never really understood, provided
the basis for “law of the jungle” in the land and property market, in
rental charges and in prices of construction materials, even enforcing and
provocating the actual spread of gecekondus” (Tuna, 1977, 3).
A considerable increase in works aimed at evaluating urban planning
experiences also occurs in these years together with that of cities,
urbanisation and urban problems (Bademli, 1984, 302). However, empirical
studies and field surveys still hold absolute dominance as in previous
decades. A bibliography dated 1980 cites a total of 87 scientific-academic
publications by local or foreign experts on diverse aspects of the gecekondu
in Turkey realized upon that time (Şenyapılı, 1980). Adoption of planned
development in Turkey beyond 1960 and supportive attitudes towards
scientific studies by certain government agencies, established within this
context such as the State Planning Organization (SPO) or the Ministry of
Resettlement and Reconstruction had undoubtely a positive influence on
this.
26
METU JFA 2011/2
27. “Varosh”: a name of Hungarian origine,
derivative of the name “var” (castle, city
walls etc.) which means settlements beyond
and around city walls and also marks the
outskirts of a city. In Turkish: “varoş”.
Figure 13. ‘Migration to the City: There are
many villages here nearby. These villages are
ours’. A cartoonist adaptation of a famous
Turkish school song to underline the new
panorama of gecekondus in 1980s. Contrast
and contradiction between gecekondus and
planned “modern” urban texture of cities
became more visible, after adoption of neoliberal economics in Turkey from 1980 on.
(Turhan Selçuk, Milliyet, 1982)
Figure 14. At the outset, gecekondu was an
alternative to legal and institutional housing
production and city building. However, they
tended to become permanent, they became a
tool of reproducing mainstream housing and
city building. (Tan Oral, Cumhuriyet, 1984)
ILLEGAL URBANISATION: ‘RISE OF THE OUTSKIRTS (VAROSHA)’
The 1980s mark another important turning point for gecekondus in
Turkey (27). From the 1980s onward, speculative qualities and the motives
behind the gecekondu gradually become more dominant over the mere
shelter aspect. This was a time when the gecekondu lost most of its initial
innocence as well as its moral legitimacy and became an ordinary illegal
construction activity. And since the gecekondu was transformed into
an illegal building, a dramatic rise in construction costs also occurred
due to the necessity to build in a more lasting way demanding now a
higher level of skill. Multi storey, unplastered concrete buildings became
major elements of physical appearence in illegaly built up areas. One of
natural outcomes of this is a decrease in property ownership in favour of
rental houses. The ownership pattern is one of the distinctive aspects of
gecekondus in Turkey. Gecekondus were mostly built initially upon land
belonging to state, thereafter spreading to land of shared property. This
spread of illegal buildings over shared property lands becomes particularly
significant after 1980. Indeed, according to 1988 figures 60% of 2.6 million
lots within the municipal boundry of Greater İstanbul are of shared
property status. This actually indicates another phenomenon, namely the
spread of shared property. Buildings over a shared property land, formed
clusters which had an organisation in itself. Albeit, this spatial organization
was generally incompatible with comprehensive, large scale planning
methods. While local authorities became increasingly inefficient to control
the spread of illegal buildings, patronage relations in gecekondu areas
became more and more organized in the hands of what may be called the
gecekondu mafia.
A change in legitimacy and raison d’etre of gecekondus inevitably brings
another change in related literature. “Gecekondu” is no longer a sufficient
title to encompass all aspects of the phenomenon related to urban, legal,
social, economic and cultural characteristics. Instead, new and different
terminologies come into use to cover different aspects of illegality. The
terminology of ‘illegal construction’ then increasingly replaces ‘gecekondu’
especially in academic literature, and it also cover particularly the legal
and urban aspects of the phenomenon from the 1980s onwards. The urban
amnesty of 1984 and new building rights for gecekondu areas which
became operative following urban-improvement plans should undoubtly
be considered as a primary factor in the process of transformation of
gecekondus to illegal buildings. However, it is not possible to claim
that this process that stretches from the urban amnesty of 1984 to urban
improvement plans is not perceived with a critical eye by the entire expert
community. For example, the below quotation that represents a positive
view is from an issue of official Bulletin of the Chamber of Civil Engineers,
dated to the days when the law was seriously criticized and under attack
by many experts and professionals: (Figure 13, 14)
“The Government is engaged in a major effort to secure the lives
and property of people who live in such areas, and in the envisaged
improvement of hygienic conditions and structural consolidation of
those houses through the “Act of Urban Amnesty”, which covers the
“gecekondu”. In order to ensure efficient execution of the act, engineers and
architects are asked to make gecekondus into liveable places through the
establishment of “private technical bureaux” (İnşaat Mühendisleri OdasıChamber of Civil Engineers, 1984, 2).
It seems that the opportunity to acquire a land/property in metropolitan
areas which was undirectly legitimized by the state for inhabitants of
METU JFA 2011/2
27
gecekondus, who were amongst the poorest of society, became insufficient
from this date on. Newcomers were now dependent on the city and
they were a lot better off n comparison with their previous rural living
conditions, and they even accumulated some savings. Yet it is wrong and
misguiding to consider this betterment as an advance in social class and
status as, sometimes interpreted (Akbulut, 1996, 357). Even newcomers
were not yet totally urbanized, although they were no longer rural people
and the “one room gecekondu” could no longer satisfy them. Furthermore,
rapid urbanisation, high inflation and a growing economy were pumping
demand for urban land and properties in large metropolitan areas. While
illegal buildings spreaded over metropolitan areas, this trend became
almost a general practice particularly after 1980. The following decade
would witness gecekondu areas being transformed irreversibly, resulting
in rush of constructing multi storey illegal buildings, which was out of
control especially in İstanbul.
Figure 15. The United Nations Habitat II
Conference in İstanbul in 1996, gave an
impetus for a fresh start to discuss urban
problems of Turkey and İstanbul. Before and
after the conference, many news, reports
and articles appeared in press to reassess
dimensions of the problem and to stress the
acuteness of the situation. (June 1996).
Figure 16. “Forests of İstanbul also
vanished”. Dimension of illegal urbanisation
after 1980 outnumbered and obscured the
“legal” city, spreading over forests around
İstanbul. The “era of illegal cities”, warning
about“mass death and destruction” was in
the air. Threats about the natural resources
of air and water was the leading issues to
scrutinize perception of illegal buildings in
public opinion in 1990s. However, this time
the object of anger was not gecekondus at all.
(Hürriyet, May 1990)
One of the critical questions at this point should be about the nature
of continuity between the gecekondu and that of illegal building. Is it
possible to consider illegal building as an evolved version of gecekondus?
There is a strong qualitative difference between the two, that is not solely
limited to physical qualities nor external appearence or size. This is in
fact related to processes that allow and legitimize the two phenomena.
As an approximation, contrary to the gecekondu prior to the 1980s,
which seeks to attain a limited individual benefit, and which possesses
significant characteristics of social justice and provision of cheap labour,
it is possible to characterize the motive of illegal buildings as pursuit of a
goal of substantial economical benefit. But another major difference is the
way and the aim they built for. In response to the temporary nature of the
gecekondu, which tends to articulate and unite with the system, illegal
building represents a permanent and even a ‘post-modern city’, alternative
to modernist urban structures and values.
It is possible to compare the relationship between the gecekondu and
the illegal building to that between a market and subsistence economy.
Like the profit motive of the market economy, in response to the limited
utilitarianism of a subsistence economy, the speculation motive is the major
incentive giving birth and meaning to illegal building, in contrast to the
limited individual benefit mentality of the gecekondu. Illegal buildings
replace planned urbanization, which is expected to be the successor to
gecekondus. In other words, the gecekondu turns into illegal building with
confusion, defeating all expectations and predictions of transformation
into planned urbanisation (Figure 15, 16). Furthermore, by thoroughly
neutralizing modernist ideals represented via the ‘planned city’, once
viewed as an example to follow for, the gecekondu makes meaningless
some previous considerations such as ‘temporary’ or ‘marginal’, and
even provides its own spatial production model to gain general validity.
However, this should not be considered as a positive transformation due to
qualities and orientation of dynamics it possesses.
Here urban property regulation plans become the fundamental urban
policy tool of political authority as well as one of major indicators of its
pragmatic approach to the gecekondu phenomenon during the economic
liberalisation of the 1980s. The illegal land market has now more influence
on urban development than its legal counterpart. Political authority is now
considering and treating gecekondu phenomenon not solely a problem
of urban shelter, urban development or a modernization, but a question
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METU JFA 2011/2
Figure 17. İstanbul under ‘occupation’; “Out
of 227 million, 100 million meter square state
land occupied by gecekondus in İstanbul.”
Land speculation and harm caused by
gecekondus in big cities, particularly in
İstanbul, was among the favourite discourse
of press during 1990s. (Dünya, November
1996)
of property. This new pragmatic approach perceives gecekondu areas
within the context of urban transformation and renewal opportunities
they represent. Yet a change of property ownership is a prerequisite for
this and problems related to property patterns should naturally be solved
firstly. Urban property regulation plans are developed at this point as
a tool to intervene in the existing property pattern in gecekondu areas
and accelerate the process of ownership change (İnankul; 1990: 77). This
was however, a belated leap. As a tool to legalize an illegality, urban
property regulation plans satisfy some expectations with some degrees.
They provocates land prices, rise excesssively in some places with new
construction rights (İnankul, 1990, 83).
28. Various Turkish periodicals and
journals of academic-scientific or technicalprofessional content focus on and discuss
these problematic subjects through 1990s
as special or cover issues. Special issue on
“Illegal İstanbul” in October 1994 of İstanbul
Dergisi (İstanbul Review) and that of “the
Other İstanbul” dated October 1997, special
issue of “Gecekondu-Illegal Buildings” of
Kent Gündemi (Urban Agenda), a periodical
of Chamber of Urban Planners in January
1997, issue of “Urban Fracture” in the July
1999 issue of periodical Birikim, the issue
of “İstanbul: the Illegalising City” of the
periodical Bilim ve Ütopya (Science and
Utopia) in November 1999 are among them.
However, it is wrong to perceive the 1980s and 1990s as a uniform period
in its entirety. In many ways of course, the 1990s represent a continuity
and maturation of the 1980s. Yet at the same time 1990s is also a turning
point that considerably differs from the 1980s. The 1990s is a period in
which economic liberalisation is largely completed as mentioned above.
However, this process turns particularly large cities such as İstanbul into
consumption centres and social inequalities into income gaps. This is a
gap which has a multitude of harmful effects on the social structure and
which seems impossible to be covered through conventional means. On the
other hand, adoption of the ‘right of housing’ among fundamental human
rights during the United Nations Conference of Habitat II İstanbul in 1996
and its effect on human settlements and urban and housing policies had
undoubtly a considerable effect on the general climate of urban studies of
the 1990s (Figure 17).
If it would to summarize the overall gecekondu panorama of the 1990s in
a word, “varosh” (varoş-outskirts) would be it. Academic studies still keep
in these years to follow general conventional approaches to gecekondu
phenomenon as a sheltering and housing problem of poors within a basic
causal relationship of population increase, rural exodus, rapid urbanisation.
However, fresh approaches and debates are flourishing. “Varosh”,
“immigration”, “urban poverty”, “illegal urbanisation”, “illegality” and
“violence” appear as new areas of discourse and themes of research, as well
as the framework of debates of this new era (28). The illegal urbanisation
phenomenon, which increasingly began to replace gecekondus, reflects
into popular culture around a discourse of “illegalisation” and “varosh”
METU JFA 2011/2
29
particularly during the 1990s. “Varosh” is largely used in 1990s by written
and visual media. However, it is also welcomed to some extent in academic
and professional circles also. Discourses of illegal urbanisation among
scholars and that of the varosh in popular media are also accompanied by
cultural fissures and identity problems as new topics of discourses during
the 1990s. It is no doubt the media who made popular and fashionable the
terminology of “varosh”, however, its use went far back. In a quite earlier
academic text of 1977 “varosh” appears as follows; “…our citizens from
villages and towns who mostly immigrated to the varosh of big cities with
large families by abandoning their livelihood…” (Tuna, 1977, 4).
The dimension of illegal urbanisation after 1980 which outnumbers and
obscures the “legal” city, and threatens “urban” and “modernist” values,
is largely echoed in debates of the period. Scholars and experts particularly
relinquish their indulgent and dignified stance in order to emphasize how
acute and desperate the situation has become, as expressed in following
sentence, “If 65% of buildings in İstanbul are illegal, this illegality means
there is a law beyond society, because this situation does not conform with
laws” (Kuban, 1994, 80). However, as mentioned below, similar expressions
were going to be repeated more frequently and they had almost become
desperate beggings. While the gecekondu transformed into illegal
urbanisation, land speculation also became the subject of a measureless
plunder and even an “ideology” as some experts suggested (Uysal, 1994,
72). A suburban area and district located at outskirts of metropolitan
İstanbul, Sultanbeyli is the most concrete and crystallized example of
this ‘ideology of plunder’ and frequently appeared in urban agenda of
İstanbul during 1990s. Even through expressions of its local responsables
Sultanbeyli is a place where “disorder is the order” (Özgen, 1999, 15).
With Sultanbeyli, an “era of illegal cities” starts up within the framework
of unlimited urban freedom (!) where, every kind of building can be
constructed anywhere with almost no limitation and rule (Uysal, 1994, 72).
Echoing many others, a commentary of the period cited below provides a
dramatic illustration of all fundamental concerns over the current situation:
“…city was turning into a concrete jungle, historical and cultural heritages
were disappearing, İstanbul was fading away; worries were turning into
warnings of “mass death and destruction” due to serious threats towards
basic resources of life such as air and water” (Uysal, 1994, 72) [and continues
in an even more dramatic and desperate tone], “even if we still can not
see, hear or be aware that the sword of the Angel of Death standing above
us, it is impossible to keep the gateways of the “Hell” closed any longer.
Unfortunately, the innocent will also perish with the guilty in this Hell.
The Hell does not distinguish between those setting fire and those trying to
extinguish it.”(Uysal, 1994, 74)(Figure 18)
Figure 18. Another important narrative
on gecekondus: “Enthusiasm of Blues,
Altındağ”, was one of the very few examples
of gecekondu narratives from “inside”.
The involvement of society almost as a whole is the proof that illegal
urbanisation supported by illegality virtually turns into a sector during
the 1990s. This is mostly due to the perception of the phenomenon as
an organized, formal sector which is not a temporary disturbance, but
now a permanent threat. In a decsription, this transformation process
from “gecekondu” to “varosh” is expressed through the point of view of
urban bourgeoisie as follows: “Innocent rural man is turned over time
into a parasitical urban dweller” (Gürel, 1997, 25). But this kind of critic
did not remain unanswered: “There is an illusory discourse particularly
rising in recent years: An understanding which equalizes the gecekondu
with land speculation and considers it as an occupant, corruptive and
crude is gaining popularity among intellectuals and high income groups
30
METU JFA 2011/2
of İstanbul” (Özgen, 1999) (Figure 19). Contrast arguments contribute to
debates around the subject in many ways. A report of the Chamber of
Commerce of İstanbul (CCI), from 1991 emphasizes the mostly neglected
financial aspect of the phenomenon. According to the report, the total value
of occupied land reaches 100 trillion TL if this land was legally developed
and planned. This is a financial source offered to occupants (İTO, 1994, 78).
The CCI report, also includes some policy measures within proposals for
solution. Establishment of an “urbanisation police” who is recognized with
necessary legal enforcement measures to prevent gecekondu and all sorts
of illegal construction as well as elimination of existing ones (İTO, 1994, 79)
should be interpreted such as reflections of highly eroded typical formal
measures, which are too pronounced in public opinion by politicians and
public authorities, and which are far from coping with actual conditions.
Figure 19, 20, 21, 22. Gecekondus in
parade! A picture of gecekondu classic
in its innocence, a gecekondu on the way
to become a multi-storey, Arnavutköy
(varosh!) district, İstanbul (2008); Altındağ
gecekondus, Ankara (2010); panoramic view
of Sultanbeyli (varosh!) district, İstanbul
(2004); Zeytinburnu gecekondus, İstanbul, in
1950s. Through the history of gecekondus,
almost every stage has its own areas which
best represents the image of the gecekondu
of the period. Renowned gecekondu areas
of 1950s and 1960s such as Zeytinburnu
and Altındağ, are replaced by Sultanbeyli
or Gaziosmanpaşa districts of the varosh
in İstanbul from 1980s onwards, as new
favourite areas of gecekondu studies,
migration and urban poverty. (Photos:
M. Rıfat Akbulut and Municipality of
Zeytinburnu)
Following some qualitative changes in urbanisation urban studies and
literature also underwent a transformation in Turkey beyond 1980.
Empirical studies and surveys enter a period of relative stagnation, mostly
replaced by theoretical works, particularly in academic literature. This is
a process which may be defined as thinking about the city rather than to
understand and analyze it. Therefore, while observations, impressions and
personal witnessings replace data, research, survey and studies on one
hand (29), an “impressionist” approach which may be defined as “reading
of the city” becomes dominant over conventional methodologies such as
explaining causal relations and structural analyzes. In any case, discourse
is on the way to dominate emphirical studies, field surveys and data. The
following expressions from the foreword of an oral history survey in the
Ümraniye gecekondu area of İstanbul, provide clues of reasons of prefering
impressionist methods for such oral history surveys; “the possiblity for
researchers to empathise and witness the everyday lives of peoples who
have different life experiences and social backgrounds is one of the aims
of oral history research…” (İlyasoğlu, 1997, 92). In another similar survey,
the method is defined as “face to face interviews with observation of a
complete daily routine and self-narration of it by subjects” (Özgen, 1999).
However, researches using a mixture of impressionistic and empirical
methods are also published (30). One important and interesting novelty in
gecekondu literature beyond 1980 is the rise of a self-narrative which has
direct roots from the gecekondu itself as seen in the passage below, from a
book based on a personal witness account of the famous gecekondu area of
Altındağ in Ankara (Figure 20);
29. Oral history appears to be a favourite
method in studies about immigration and
urbanization particularly in the 1990s.
30. Sema Erder’s book entitled İstanbul’a Bir
Kent Kondu: Ümraniye (A Town Landed in
İstanbul: Ümraniye) is a significant work
of the period not only from the point of
methodology but also due to its success to
gather popular interest on a matter of the
expertise. It should also be considered as a
proof of how the “varosh” became an issue
of popular interest during the period.
METU JFA 2011/2
31
“I understand the heart of gecekondu through this new type of human. I
understand women who fall far in love, children imitating villains of many
vices, gamblers who surrender to the bottle, young men, and my people who
share joy and pain with passion, who replace their missing garden in little
flowerpots, after all, who add new child to their existing ones in their one or
two room homes with the joy of life.” (Seyman, 1986, 147).
This clearly marks a new type of literature on the gecekondu. It is neither a
field survey, nor social or anthropological research but, a completely new
type of narrative, straightforward and modest, naive and firsthand with
obvious touches of popularism and it provides a rich collection of local
human profiles in a way to be described as popular urban narrative or oral
history.
Parallel to the changes in methods, discourse and points of view, popular
gecekondu areas also differentiate from previous ones. Once renowned
gecekondu areas such as Zeytinburnu and Ümraniye now became ‘urban’
neighbourhoods, as old gecekondus got integrated with the city and were
transformed into formally-planned areas. And while favourite areas of
gecekondu studies and gecekondu images from the 1950s to 1980s such as
Zeytinburnu, Kağıthane and Altındağ are quickly completing their own
integration process through spatial transformation, now discourse too shift
to other areas. (Figure 21-24) Also, different from conventional gecekondu
studies, which also focused on cities other than İstanbul, İstanbul now is
the primary focus of the new discourse. There is a tangible tendency to
observe new trends through İstanbul’s experience and then to generalize
them for Turkey as a whole. Highly populated urban areas at the outskirts
of İstanbul such as Gaziosmanpaşa and Sultanbeyli become “trendy” focal
points of fresh discourse of “varoş”, “new immigration”, “poverty” and
“illegality”. As the discourse shifts, so too does the image. This is a process
of “in” and “out” as the popular expression has it. Sultanbeyli is “in” while
Zeytinburnu is becoming “out”. However, this is also due to obvious
reasons. Discourse and surveys emphasize areas or neighbourhoods such
as Gaziosmanpaşa, Pendik-Kaynarca, Küçükçekmece, Kadıköy-Fikirtepe,
Kağıthane, Sultanbeyli and Ümraniye around İstanbul where low income
groups are concentrated and the poverty reaches its peak (Özgen, 1999, 10).
Figure 23, 24. “They set fire, they destroyed”,
“Kadıköy like Beirut.” Incidents on the May
Day of 1996 strengthen the associated image
of “people from outskirts who love violence”
in perception of tha public, particularly when
tha centre of Kadıköy District in İstanbul was
seriously damaged. (Hürriyet, 2 May 1996)
“Urban poverty” then becomes the high theme increasingly referenced
through the 1990s, and a direct connection is set between the gecekondu
and urban poverty, which means that there is a direct connection between
poverty and inhabitants of the gecekondu or similar areas. Researches
show that poor living conditions in the gecekondu and/or in similar
urban areas is not a temporary situation as it was generally considered.
On the contrary, poverty is permanently associated with this type of urban
areas. However, different than the terminology of “gecekondu people”
which includes a priori meanings of a spatial reference, temporarity and
integration with system, while “urban poverty” does not indicates any
spatial link or concern, and has an obvious connotation of permanent
exclusion from system. The mode of integration with the city of newcomers
is also subject to change. To be established in the city is no longer a way to
integrate with it as was the case in previous decades; instead it is now a life
at the edge, slightly attached to the city but far from its facilities (Özgen,
1999, 10). A research on this group highlights the following situations: “At
the bottom, a very poor class unintegrated and disconnected and which is
getting even poorer! They are not only limited to gecekondu inhabitants
and represent even a larger group”; “it seems that, people demanding
equal citizenship are not satisfied by the social state and they are trying
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Figure 25. “Economic picture of uprising in
varoshes”.
Economic and social surveys and analysis
on new panorama of gecekondus (now
varoshes) take place in dailies to underline
social inequalities and social fracture, as
well as “anger of varoshes”. (Hürriyet, 3 May
1996)
to hold on to the city through a “resistance” mixed with illegality which
is considered normal in the city” (Özgen, 1999, 18, 19). For example
a survey on the urban poor of the Gaziosmanpaşa District, -a distant
outskirt of İstanbul- reveals that they do not consider themselves as a part
of İstanbul (Özgen, 1999, 13). Another survey of 1993 at the same spot
emphasizes similar attitudes. Researchers get the impression that local
people have a tendency to master the land where they settle, instead of to
be adopted (Yavuz, 1997, 29). This dichotomy is not solely limited to the
spatial structure of the city and indicates a social break that should not
be considered normal. Thus, some events during 1990s provide sufficient
reason to support similar points of views and contribute to the image of
the “uncanny outskirts” in public opinion. Incidents at the Gazi District of
İstanbul in 1995 and May Day in 1996 strengthen the associated image of
“peoples from outskirts with tendency of violence” in perception of urban
bourgeoisie. Particularly the day after the May Day 1996 where urban
centre of Kadıköy District in İstanbul is seriously damaged, newspapers
announce incidents as “Anger of varoshes” (Figure 25).
TURN OF THE MILLENIUM AND THE TURN OF GECEKONDUS
However, 1990’s won’t put an end to the gecekondu penomenon in
Turkey. Perception will also change as the political climate changes
where basic problem remains the same. At the beginning of the new
Millenium, The main impetus policies towards gecekondus are shaped
under one significant influence. Major earthquakes of the August 17,
1999 and the November 12, 1999 which hit the most populated and the
most developed region of the Marmara in the north-west of Turkey and
which cause huge loss of life (more than 20.000) and severe damage look
no doubt the principal reason who influence nature of the problem and
the way it is perceived and also solutions formulated. Islamists who
took the government in general elections of 2002 and the majority of
municipalities in local elections of 2004 adopt a general economic policy
of liberalism mixed with pragmatisme in favor of big bourgeoisie and
capital. The gecekondu policy of new era should be evaluated within
economic pragmatisme of this new political elites and decision makers. In
other words Turn of the Millenium marks a new era for gecekondus: new
in implementations, in formulations but not in policy and discourse. The
programme of the new governing party (The Justice and Development
Party) emphasizes two major policies under the title of “urbanisation and
housing”:
• Instead of to rise densities in existing urban areas through new plans,
urban improvement plans will be executed in gecekondu areas, and
planning will be fastened in neighbouring metropolitan areas.
• Urbanization in an unhealty and ugly ways will be prevented and
cities will be liveable areas. Affordable housing will be produced for
gecekondu inhabitants.
The new discourse generated by the new political elites whether in
government or in local administrations is based on the idea of clearence
of gecekondus. This discourse looks very popular in theory, while not
in favour of the poor in many cases. Gecekondus are now viewed since
a long time a chronical problem which should be definitively dissolved.
Therefore, new political elites begin to put a definitive end to most of
existing gecekondu areas around major metropolitan areas if not to
METU JFA 2011/2
33
terminate the phenomenon. Under the influence of new rising liberal
policies, it seems that there will be no room for gecekondus in cities, nor in
the urban future of Turkey. This is completely a radical approach but not
new to gecekondu phenomenon which puts them in a desperate situation.
However, new radical policies to dissolve old gecekondu areas and to
transfer their precious lands to new profitable real estate investments,
also seems that they may have some promise for gecekondus at first sight,
since an improvement not in gecekondu areas but in living conditions of
dwellers are accentuated in some projects. Major characteristics of these
projects were clearence of gecekondus and resettlement of dwellers into
multi storey apartment blocks in outskirts of metropolitan areas. It is higly
expected by decision makers that this kind of intervention will eventually
improve living conditions of gecekondu dwellers and positively contribute
general urban quality of the city since gecekondus will be cleared away.
Therefore, one of major accent of new urban policies is the demolitions of
gecekondus.
As previously mentioned, if there is something new in this approach,
this is the aim, the size and speed of projects. New gecekondu policies of
the millennium are primarily based upon one major policy tool: Urban
regeneration. However, it seems that in many ways new policies are higly
inspired by Gecekondu Prevention Zones and some similar policy tools
of 1960’s. This is particularly significant in gecekondu clearances and
multi storey block housing estates built in cleared areas by Mass Housing
Administration and/or by municipalities. However actors have changed.
Role of the Ministry of Development and Housing is now replaced
by Mass Housing Administration and municipalities. Again, new in
implementations, in formulations but not in policy and discourse…
How this new policy and its arguments are perceived by the press?
Attitude of the press towards this new policy is not completely in favour,
nor is it against. In many cases press generally backed this new approach
whether it also reflects some dramatic cases of urban clearence such as the
events of Sulukule in İstanbul. Here a couple of examples will give an idea
how this new policy is perceived and reflected through the press.
Early in 2000s “urban regeneration” policies and projects are introduced
in Turkey particularly by a couple of metropolitan municipality as well
as by government agencies such as Mass Housing Administration (Toplu
Konut İdaresi). However in a couple of years real estate characteristics of
urban renewal projects will become more visible while the initial aim to
create earthquake secure urban areas is becoming less visible. In such
circumstances a large scale urban regeration project by the Metropolitan
Municipality of İstanbul is announced in 2004 by the press as follows:
“A giant urban regeneration project is debuted in İstanbul, the city
with the highest amount of gecekondus in Turkey. Within the frame of
the Regeneration Project, clearence of 1.500 gecekondus is started. The
municipality will demolish 85.000 gecekondus and will resettle inhabitants
into social housing units. According to a survey of 2003 by the İstanbul
Metropolitan Municipality, a total of 85.423 gecekondus are determined in
whole city. Therefore, the municipality prepared an Urban Regeneration
Project and decided to clear all gecekondus.”
Similarly, in a conference on Urban Regeneration and Real Estate
Investments held in İstanbul by TOKİ and Urban Land Institue (ULI),
President of the Mass Housing Administration (TOKİ) declares that,
gecekondu is among the major problems of Turkey. He continues;
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METU JFA 2011/2
“More than 1.5 billion out of 6 in the world are living in squatters, in illegal
buildings or are homeless and if this trend continues, the amount will
reach 3 billions in the next 25 years. In developed countries people live
moreover around cities whereas in developing or underdeveloped countries
migrants who rush to cities to find a job, build large outskirts around urban
areas which put obstacles to development of cities and causes significant
economic losses... In big cities of Turkey, even around mid-size urban
centres there exist gecekondus and illegal constructions. Therefore, for the
first time in Turkey the last Government started a housing mobilization and
a progress in urban regeneration through Mass Housing Administration
at the centre. An amount of 285.000 units of housing is reached in more
than 900 construction sites where 150.000 units are about termination...
Urban regeneration is among the most difficult in the world and one of
most important problems of Turkey since there will be no development for
Turkey without solving gecekondu problem… Rural exodus to big cities
should be prevented...T here are 3.200.000 housing units in İstanbul. Large
amount of housing stock are built before the earthquake of 1999 and are
standing still even they are not consistent with earthquake regulations and
half of them should be renewed by the time. We should keep on going
maybe by neglecting new defavourised areas in some parts of İstanbul.
For regeneration of İstanbul, we should consider the city with an economic
approach. Immigration can not be prohibited however some measures
should be taken to prevent concentration of poor peoples in İstanbul and
this can be done through security measures, through preventing illegals
sheltering in İstanbul and thereby we may contribute to urban regeneration
of İstanbul. Urban regeneration of gecekondus should anyway be done
in İstanbul with legal support and government initiative without hurting
people. Urban regeneration is now urgent in Turkey. We will accomplish
this like the Spain and Korea.” (Radikal, 2007a).
However, what is new in this era is not in discourse and familiar rhetorics
in critic of gecekondu which also remain the same. These criticisms will no
doubt contribute to the policy of clearence of gecekondus if not to support
them. One of leading critics is speculative aspects of gecekondus. This is
evidently the smooth side of the problem. A survey of İstanbul Chamber
of Commerce on gecekondus of İstanbul will accentuate this speculative
aspect and will gather interest and echoed in the press as follows (Figure
28):
“Gecekondus have also become a tool of speculation. Gecekondus
which emerge only due to the need of shelter are became today a tool of
speculation. According to information compiled from the survey on “Causes
of Illegal Buildings in İstanbul” made by İstanbul Chamber of Commerce,
one fourth of gecekondu dwellers who participated an interview, have
declared that they do not own homes they live in. 42% of gecekondu
inhabitants have declared that they bought the land of their homes from
someone else and 18% bought the land with the home together and 68.4%
posses ownership rights of homes they live in. And a majority of 50.9% told
that they live on public lands without possessing any ownership certificate.
According to the survey, plan of house is mostly done by owner. 58.8%
of houses are built by occupant, 21.7% by previous owner and 17% by a
construction master, 1.1% by an engineer-architect and 0.9% by a developer
on an agreement of land sharing. 87.2% of buildings have no permission of
lodging. For only 10.3% of buildings a permission of use is claimed. On the
other hand, 2.5% of interviewed subjects suggested that they did not know
whether they have a permission of lodging or not. Self-builders for buildings
without of a permission of lodging reached the biggest ratio of 52.1%. Major
reason to oblige people built illegaly is economical with a ratio of 76.9%
among interview subjects. Whereas, 13.3% claim high cost of building
licences, 7.7% bureaucratic difficulties, 1.5% lack of an urban development
plan and 0.7% possibility of a urban amnesty law.” (Radikal, 2007b)
METU JFA 2011/2
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Chairman of İstanbul Chamber of Commerce claims that gecekondus were
built for speculation from the very beginning. Some people who seized
state owned lands divided them into plots and sold to immigrants for to
build gecekondus:
“These people built their own shelters. By the time as immigration increased,
gecekondu owners took the majority and they first established their own
neighbourhoods, then grew up to become districts. Therefore 19 districts
of İstanbul now reached to be 32. And gecekondus became a good for
trade. Today 50% of gecekondus are for rent and prices are highly variable
according to location, where for areas near city centres or with a view of the
Bosphorus prices exceed some 50 billion TL” (İstanbul Ticaret Odası, 2004).
According to press news, the major accent of this survey is to show that
the leading motivation to build gecekondus from the very beginning is
speculation. This is no doubt an exageration who put all the blames of
urban problems on gecekondus but anyway a reference point enough
important to show dissolution of gecekondus will be backed by the
bussiness circles and capital.
However what happens until now, and the present cases show that critics
did not gather much interest in public opinion and remained highly limited
to professional circles and a handful of inhabitants of cleared areas. In
other words, most significant criticisms and maybe the only important
opposition come from professional circles particularly by Chamber of
Urban Planners and Chamber of Architects and a couple of universities.
Here a call for traditional celebration of spring jointly organized by
inhabitants of Sulukule neighbourhood in İstanbul and supporting ngo’s
including professional organizations of architects and urban planners
illustrates tones and content of these critics (31).
PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT
Sulukule, the victim of urban regeneration, celebrates its “day of rebirth” amongst ruins…
Day of Hıdırellez is more meaningful this year for Sulukule. Sulukule is now like a ghost town
one can only came across in urban war fields. In spite of demolitions ceased since sometimes,
every day children are wounded among debris and ruins left haphazardly.
People of Sulukule whose lifes are ignored, celebrate the day of Hıdırellez which represent
refreshment of life and nature with hope and with joy of life in persistently to mentality who
ignores them…
This time people of Sulukule burn the fire of Hıdırellez at the magnificient heritage of history,
the Sulukule Gate of city walls, just next to their demolished homes to salute all İstanbul
which is faced by the same threat…
We expect your participation for to have fun, for solidarity and for to call out the voice of
İstanbul.
The Platform for Sulukule
The Sulukule neighbourhood within the historic part of the city becomes
a leading symbol of urban clearences of the new policy and popular
resistance against them since it is one of first to subject urban clearences.
It also represents the most touched in this manner with a significant civil
initiative resisting to gentrification clearence in its wildest.
31. The Platform of Sulukule (Sulukule
Platformu); May 4, 2008. Chamber of Urban Planners which is one of forerunners in criticizing
new urban clearecences has adopted an approach to consider new
urban “regeneration” policies within the broader frame of globalisation
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of capitalism as illustrated below. This is an extract from an almost
comprehensive critic of urban regeneration policy and implementations.
It is also a good example to show how this new era of urban policies is
perceived by professionals.
“Today, with the globalisation process, our cities are in a search of radical
spatial, economic, politic and social transformation... Through the fetishism
of restructuring and transformation concepts, our cities which are faced with
destructive demands of capital and concentrated more on consumption than
production is redefined through this new era based upon flexible production
and flexible organizations. New times which show of all us that anything
can not escape of being materialized, our cities also became a good of
consumption through concepts of competition, local entrepreneurship and
governance.
This new economic frame which is dominant on almost everything global
still has a destructive influence upon our cities even in a crisis. The capital
perceives whatever local as an economic input, also redefines our cities as
the space of inequalities while it transforms structure of our cities with new
shapes… All through this process, winners and losers are defined in cities,
inequality increases and urban space is reshaped and spatial division of
classes is becoming deeper. Cities of Turkey also become space of conflict
between winners and losers, as it happens in other global cities. Through
this restructuring, winners are working to raise urban land values while
losers are forced to leave their lands. Through this new and destructive
process, multi nationals and developers are becoming new owners of cities
while the only way to be left for losers is to accept exile, out of the cities into
the semi rural fringes of metropolitan cities. However, governments are in
collaboration with an understanding which perceives cities as a good for
trade and which foster inequalities within urban space… Questions about
urban transformation scenarios and the very reality that urban losers will
keep to rise, still remains unanswered. Yet, questions about the share of
towns other than world citiess are also not precisely answered... In the case
of Turkey, national development is closely attached to success of winning
cities. However, the diversity between the urban and the regional keeps on
growing and deepening” (32).
Major accent of this declaration is no doubt urban inequalities created by
urban regeneration policies, largely based and influenced by global neoliberal policies. Relations between global capital and its reflections on local
scale is important, as urban regeneration policies are the most interpreted
and accentuated part of this declaration. It is not surprising that “defense
of cities” is adopted as the most important problem and the general slogan
by the Chamber of Urban Planners is to face threats generated by urban
regeneration policies, since they are perceived as part of general, large scale
destructive attacks of global neo-liberal policies. CONCLUSION
32. The Chamber of Urban Planners;
“Declaration of the 32nd Day of Urbanism”,
November 11, 2008.
The perception and meaning of the gecekondu in Turkey has considerably
changed through time since the first emergence of gecekondus in late
1930s, but mostly after 1940s. In this paper, how the perception and
meaning changed as the gecekondu transformed from a temporary oneroom hut to a permanent multi-storey concrete object of speculation and
political dominance, has been discussed. However debate is mostly made
through references to gecekondus of İstanbul. Because the case of İstanbul
represents a more elaborate, colourful, diverse and ultimate version of
gecekondu history in Turkey. Change and transformation of gecekondus
METU JFA 2011/2
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in İstanbul, whether physical or in meaning, matches the chronological
categories above, more than any other city does in Turkey. Gecekondus of
İstanbul are generally and relatively more transformed through time, than
any major gecekondu conglomerations of Turkey, such as those in Ankara
or in İzmir, as mentioned in the introduction. One significant outcoms of
this is that each city may have its own particular gecekondu history, which
is especially perceptible in details. The gecekondu experience of various
cities of Turkey may represent unique characteristics which are not always
necessarily repetitive. Thus, chronological categories and transformations
that gecekondus underwent through time can not be generalized always to
the total gecekondu experience in Turkey. A general approach is adopted
in this article due to practical reasons.
The 1950s and 1960s were somehow a period of innocence with regards
to Turkey’s gecekondus. Indeed, marginality and innocence is rather an
appropriate definition of gecekondus in the post-war period to the 1970s.
All throughout this period, inhabitants of gecekondus economically,
socially and culturally represent a general marginal existence. This is
because they are attempting to deal with harsh living conditions and are
situated at the periphery of major cities. This is the best solution they can
find to secure shelter under prevailing circumstances. First “surprise”,
then “anger” and later still “pity” are appropriate descriptions of the
paradoxical perception of first generation gecekondus in urban public
opinion.
The gecekondu clearly becomes an attractive subject for scientific research
and studies from the 1960s onwards, particularly and a considerable
volume of empirical research and surveys was realized between 1960 and
1980. Indeeed, research and surveys of this period contribute significantly
to understanding of the phenomenon in practice as well as theory, leaving
lasting traces on academic study into the topic.
For many aspects of the gecekondu, 1980 marks an important turning
point. Not only the characteristics of the gecekondu phenomenon, but even
the means of perception and discourse on gecekondu changed significantly.
İstanbul was now the focus of all changes of the post-1980 period. This
was mostly due to the type of urbanisation İstanbul experienced beyond
1980, through which, it underwent an ‘original’ means of development of
urban space, other than under public or government leadership and the
influence of the land market. İstanbul was now a metropolis, mostly but
not exclusively comprising illegal development, not only due to its spatial
structure, but also because of its social and cultural characteristics which
gave birth, shape and legitimacy to an urbanisation process without an
urban plan. It was also one of the world’s few real ‘multi-cultural’ and
‘pluralist’ urban centres worth of being a ‘dream city’ or a ‘heaven’ for
‘post-modernist thinkers’, sheltering and accommodating urban spaces
and spatial production processes and various cultures so different from
one another, where east and west, north and south met in one large urban
space. As illustrated by an expert;
“İstanbul is no longer an urban structure to be interpreted separately from
immigration and immigrants. It has become a superposition. It is possible to
encounter diverse space and life in the same location” (Özgen, 1999, 17).
Following rapid urbanization after 1950s, many surveys, research
and studies are carried out in Turkey. Gecekondu studies in general
concentrate on housing shortage, the elimination-improvement-prevention
trio, land speculation, infrastructure, public services, criminality, social
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transformation, and political behaviour and urbanisation themes (Kartal,
1983, 40). The 1980s also mark a period in which empirical studies and
field surveys were increasingly replaced by discourse. But this is almost a
common position in Turkey for academic urban studies of this period in
general, and is not necessarily limited to gecekondu studies. The rise of
the ‘varosh’ terminology in the 1990s is also more than a simple definition
but a total discourse encompassing all problem areas and aspects of the
gecekondu phenomenon. Cultural fractures, illegality, identity crisis,
poverty and violence emerge as some leading sub-topics and discourse
areas under this general title.
However, gecekondu underwent various stages of perception parallel to
many qualitative and quantitative transformations since it first appeared.
As a result, feelings of ‘compassion’ and the ‘strange attitude’ of the
bourgeoisie towards early gecekondus which superimpose the image
of the fragile, shabby, one storey individual little house with a garden,
sheltered in the outskirts and fringes of a city is replaced by an image of
the “angry varosh fighting against of his/her city”. And at each stage of
this perceptional spectrum, the gecekondu is always viewed as the “other”.
However, the “varosh” represents a more significant expression of social
dichotomy and fracture than the gecekondu. Therefore, the varosh becomes
a more significant representation of the “other” than the gecekondu,
bearing an image of threat towards the system that totally contrasts with
the perceived innocence of the gecekondu. Presumptions of the temporary
nature of the gecekondu also changed over time due to the changing
nature of the phenomenon. One of the major novelties brought about by
this conceptual transformation is the association of the gecekondu with
poverty. Parallel to the rise of urban poverty in the 1990s as a new concept,
this connection became more and more referenced. Even further, new
dramatic definitions such as the ‘urban poor’ came into the agenda. One
important outcome of this paradigm shift is that the phenomenon lost its
spatial references, becoming considered almost solely within the context of
social stratification independant of spatial location or relation.
Here, one major question arises about the ratio the perception reflects
the reality. The general perception of the reality as public opinion, is
indoubtly influenced and reflected through the mass media and the press.
No doubt this was not a pure reflection of reality, but an interpretation of
it. Therefore, we may talk of an interpreted reality, shaped by dominant
cultural, political and ideological values of each era. Here, academic
debates and interpretations should be excluded and considered within
another framework, since they do not always and necessarily complain
with approaches and views of mass media and press.
However, we may also think that today we are still far to understand the
real conditions, and the pure reality of gecekondus, particularly in its eary
years, since almost all the informations we have is about interpretations of
the reality in some way or other. The fact that every categorization in the
gecekondu history and the periodical denominations are highly influenced
by media, or academic interpretations should be taken into consideration.
All through the history of the gecekondu, two major approaches to the
phenomenon are visible in academic circles and among scholars and
experts. An approach which is more critical and close to modernist ideals
to defend modernist urban values, is the first, and the conception of
gecekondu based upon the issue of social transformation, is the second. The
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first critical approach stresses more on qualitative aspects of gecekondus
since it is supposed to represent an irrational way of urbanization:
“Following the rapid urbanization after 1950s, urban development of our
big cities was managed by ‘peasant planners’. The huge masses of ‘peasant
planners’ who migrated to urban centres from the countryside, built large
gecekondu areas in cities. They put and executed the rules by themselves.
Neither ‘scholar’ planners nor ‘politician planners’ could cope with this.
As a matter of fact they did not want to prevent it. Politicians and ‘peasant
planners’ in collaboration with each other, gave way to the birth of an
urbanization, as well as the emergence of an urban form which had a high
social cost.
Findings of this research prove that gecekondu is more costly than social
housing supplied by the public... This is due to the ‘type of urbanization’ in
Turkey. This ‘type of urbanization’ assigns several functions to gecekondus,
more than that of a ‘house’. A way of wealth accumulation, a tool for
investment of private savings, a tool of social security, a place of living in the
city without giving up rural values, a milieu of agricultural and marginal
production, etc” (Kartal, 1983, 27).
Through the years of 2000, clearence of gecekondu areas and relocation
of dwellers in multi-storey block apartments under the campaign of
“urban regeneration” became more visible and dominant as policy choice
for Turkey, parallel to the adoption of neo-liberal policies. However,
these should be considered as a re-membrance and re-application of
old gecekondu prevention policies from 1950s to 1970s, with couple of
slight financial, administrative and legal touch, than being a novelty.
What is interesting in this policy choice is that, these types of policy
implementations Turkey once experienced were highly criticized in the
past: in spite of the un-experienced public administrators and politicians,
expert planners also tackled the problem through classical formalist
approach. This means that, gecekondus are forced into block apartments
(and most of them would not fit), in order to find a ‘solution’ to a structural
problem, since block apartments had and have a familiar image for the
system. The solution should be interpreted as to clearing up ‘the image of
gecekondus’ from the system or ‘to dismiss gecekondus from the image
of the system’. The relocation within the physical space would impose
considerable costs for the society (Şenyapılı, 1978, 63).
Consequently, major outcomes of the debate can be outlined as follows:
1. Perception of gecekondus as public opinion and particularly by
the urban bourgeoisie changed parallel to many qualitative and
quantitative transformations that gecekondus underwent in time.
This perception varied from the ‘feelings of compassion’ to that of
the ‘angry varosh’.
2. There was a reciprocal relation between the public opinion and the
mass media in terms of influence. The general perception of the
reality in public opinion was influenced by the mass media and
press, and also this general perception and attitude was reflected
through media and press.
3. What was reflected through the media-press was generally not a
pure reality but an interpretation of it. There was an interpreted
reality, shaped by the dominant cultural, political and ideological
values of each era. However, fields of academic debate and
interpretation generally remained as exceptions, since they do not
always correspond with views of the media-press.
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4. Attitudes of the public opinion and particularly the way views and
news reflected and interpreted through the media-press considerably
and primarily effected gecekondu policies of the governments.
5. The media and press generally perceived and reflected gecekondu
phenomenon through a modernist approach, considering
gecekondus as ‘an irrational way of urbanization’ that ‘threatens
modernist ideals and values’. Thus, they tackled with gecekondus
on the basis of its image being ‘a tool of degeneration of the system’,
and defended that it should be eliminated.
6. The media and press generally neglected the optimistic and
academic view of gecekondus, which defended it to be the physical
appearence of a comprehensive social transformation.
More than half a century long gecekondu adventure in Turkey has
somehow resulted in a different manner than generally presumed.
Integration with the city did not happen as had been assumed and
expected initially. The modernist discourse dominant throughout
gecekondu studies of the 1960s and 1970s in particular, was optimistic and
self-confident, expecting gecekondus to become urbanized within “three
generations at most” (33). At this new stage of their lives, immigrants
consciously preferred to be “new inhabitants of the new place”, developing
new sub-cultures, group identities and interests. In addition to social
and cultural delusions, spatial expectations were also unfulfilled. Within
the context of the planned “modernist” city and the “unplanned city”
dichotomy, gecekondus claimed to pursue a covert war against urban
image, as the object of a construction activity which miniaturized the
historic and planned city within a couple of decades (Kuban, 1996, 400).
Presumptions that gecekondus would somehow evolve into planned/
organised urban areas were not realized. Indeed, plans for these areas
only resulted in an excessive increase in building density, and worsened
infrastructure, public services and open area standards (Akbulut, 1996,
358).
However, the gecekondu phenomenon is also considered in a favourable
manner, as an original means of urbanisation and modernisation arising
from the prevalent structural conditions of a ‘peripheral’ country. It
represents a potential point of influence on political life, which gives it a
more ‘urbanised’ nature due to the tendency towards rapid urbanisation.
According to an assessment in the mid-1970s, as a result of rapid
urbanization, the major type of politicians in the parliament would
somehow be ‘urban man’ instead of a ‘rural politician’, empowered by his/
her influence over the rural side (Okyay et al., 1975, 13). The optimistic
assumption of this assessment is also highly debatable when actual
conditions are considered.
Finally as a Turkish social scientist underlined:
33. “Because cities are places for the
individual, it was expected that rural people
immigrating to cities would somehow give
up the values of their rural community,
adopt a new way of life according to rational
production-consumption relations of the city
and become urbanized through the social
and economic spaces the city provides. But
the linear, progressive plan of modernism,
expected by sociologists to be accomplished
in “three generations” was never fulfilled”
(Yavuz, 1996).
“Gecekondus belong to our people who migrated from villages and small
towns, but problems they caused in many ways belong to short-sighted civil
authorities… What Hart had underlined as the problem of the gecekondu
people was “legality”. The problem is the same through 1960s to date. We
did not arrive to a position to legalize homes built by our people. What has
been achieved through all the struggles, unachieved aims and unreasonable
fears for 40 years ?” (Erdem, 2004).
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Alındı: 19.07.2005; Son Metin: 26.06.2010
Anahtar Sözcükler: gecekondu; kent tarihi;
kentleşme; kentsel dönüşüm; Türkiye.
GECEKONDU OLGUSUNUN ALGILANMASINDA YAŞANAN
DÖNÜŞÜM
Bu çalışmanın amacı, ne gecekondu olgusunun yeni bir tanımını yapmak,
ne de tarihsel gelişimini yeniden betimlemektir. Bunun yerine, olgunun
zaman içinde geçirdiği değişim ve dönüşümlerin kamuoyu tarafından
algılanma biçimini araştırmak ve tartışmak, bu yazının temel hedefi
olmuştur. Yine de, çalışma kapsamında akademik yaklaşımların genel
olarak daha çok vurgulandığı söylenebilir. Çalışmada gecekondu
olgusu, bu konuyla ilgili çalışmalardan da oldukça iyi bilinen tarihsel
dönemlemelere uygun bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Buna göre, 1940’lardan
1970’lere kadar olan ‘masumiyet ve marjinallik’ dönemi; 1970’li yılların
‘politikleşme ve toprak spekülasyonundan ilk kez kazanma’ dönemi ile,
1980 sonrasından günümüze uzanan yaygın spekülasyon ve yasadışılığın
egemen olduğu ‘varoş’ dönemidir. Çalışmada gecekondu olgusu,
yukarıdaki dönemlere uygun olarak değişip, dönüştükçe kamuyounda
olguya ilişkin algılamanın da değiştiği varsayılmış ve çalışma bu kabule
göre biçimlenmiştir.
44
METU JFA 2011/2
MEHMET RIFAT AKBULUT; B.C.P., M.C.P., Ph.D.
Graduated from Urban and Regional Planning Department of METU (1986). Received Master
in Urban Conservation in 1992 at Mimar Sinan University, İstanbul and Ph.D. in 2004 from the
same university. Teaches and continues his research on urban history, urban transformation
and spatial analysis, at the Urban and Regional Planning Department of the same university.
rifat@msgsu.edu.tr
SEHER BAŞLIK; B.C.P., M.C.P., Ph.D.
Graduated from Urban and Regional Planning Department of the Mimar Sinan University
(1993). Received Master’s degree in Urban Planning in 2003 and Ph.D. in 2008 from the
Urban and Regional Planning Department of Mimar Sinan Universityİ stanbul. Teaches and
continues her research on urban transformation, advanced spatial models and analysis at the
Department of Informatics of the same university. seherb@msgsu.edu.tr

transformation of perception of the gecekondu phenomenon

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