A Life in Letters: Argula von Grumbach (1492–1556/7)

A Life in Letters: Argula von Grumbach (1492–1556/7)

Early Modern Women:
An Interdisciplinary Journal
2009, vol. 4
A Life in Letters:
Argula von Grumbach (1492–1556/7)
Peter Matheson
W
omen’s letters in the early modern period offer insight into the
contours of daily life, the networks which provided food and goods
and services, and the geography of human relationships, but we are learning to tread carefully when interpreting them. As Jane Couchman and Ann
Crabb point out, “We no longer read women’s letters as simple, sincere
expressions of emotions and experiences.”1 The style, the language, the
forms of address and farewell, the relationship to the recipient are all modifiers. Phrases such as “heartily beloved mother” may be conventional, but
need we assume that they are insincere? Today’s reader will miss nuances,
and be liable to pick up quite unintended messages. Letters are as varied as
costumes or songs or the conversations they contrive to replace.
Technically, letters in this period posed difficulties to do with temperamental quills and scarce paper and messy ink, not to mention the need
for a trustworthy letter carrier. Writing a letter could be a major undertaking. Men, certainly those of the nobility, put it off whenever they could.
Tradespeople were seldom confident of their writing skills. Letters tended
to be hurried affairs, as the rubric “in haste” just before the final signature
indicates. They might have to be whipped off at the most inopportune
moments, because a carter, who could deliver the letter, had unexpectedly
turned up, or because a letter carrier was impatiently, and expensively,
waiting.
Yet substantial investments of time, effort, and emotion went into the
writing of letters. Children of the nobility, for example, were often educated far from home, and could be desperate for news and encouragement,
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Peter Matheson
money or clothes. At times of family crisis, or during the religious turmoil
of the early 1520s and the convulsions of the Peasants’ War, letters were a
lifeline, passing on crucial information, maintaining networks of support,
relieving anxieties. A prized letter from “Dr Martin” (Luther) would be
passed around one’s entire circle of friends.2 The mid-summer and midwinter missive from the merchant, with the accumulated six month bill, on
the other hand, was no doubt dreaded.
This selection of letters highlights the interests, contacts, and
responsibilities of a quite remarkable Bavarian noblewoman, Argula von
Grumbach. She was the mother of four children, though only one of them
survived her, and was a widow for much of her later life, her second husband dying soon after the first. She played a key role in the early years of
the Reformation in Bavaria, and is one of the select group of outstanding
women writers in the early modern period.3 In 1523–1524, she penned
seven letters (and a poem) addressed to Ingolstadt University on the
Danube, to her prince, Duke William of Bavaria, to two other princes, to
the city councils of Ingolstadt and Regensburg, and to an influential relative. The printing presses snapped them up, the first pamphlet running to
a sensational seventeen editions.
The pamphlet audaciously suggested a public debate in German
between herself, a lay person and a woman, and the prestigious Ingolstadt
theologians. The clerics had coerced a young Lutheran, Arsacius Seehofer,
into recanting his views before the assembled University. Her publication
raised a raft of wider issues: about censorship, the right of women to speak
out on religious matters, the taboo subject of violence against women, and
the need to reform the church and the legal and educational system. These
pamphlets indicated her formidable skills as a writer and as an exegete of
Scripture, but are not included here because they are already available in
English.4
As a result of her open support of the Lutheran movement, despite
edicts against such support, her husband, Frederick, was dismissed as ducal
administrator at Dietfurt. In the wake of the Peasants’ War, moreover, a
repressive atmosphere set in. She could publish no more pamphlets, but
continued to promote the reformist cause on a local level. Her children were
educated by Lutheran teachers, her eldest attending Wittenberg University.
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29
The selected correspondence throws light on teaching practices, curriculum, and the emerging tensions between schools and the lifestyle of
the male nobility, including Argula’s brother and husband. It documents,
too, the cooling of initially warm relationships with liberal Catholics such
as Frederick von Leonrod, a canon at Eichstett, as confessional divisions
hardened.5 At the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, Argula von Grumbach not
only urged the Protestant princes to stand firm but also sought to patch up
disagreements between Wittenberg and the South German Protestants on
the Eucharist. She met Luther personally for the first time at Coburg and
seems to have initiated him into the mysteries of weaning infants.6
Her life was punctuated by tragedy. Her husband died in 1530,
and her second husband, Graf von Schlick, died in 1535. Her daughter
Apollonia and her eldest son George died in 1539, and there is a grim
reference in the Würzburg archives to her attempts to track down the
murderer, named Kretzer, of her second son, Hans-Jörg, in 1545.7 Only
her son Gottfried survived her.8
The letters presented here come from an impressive corpus of personal papers, 132 documents in all, some quite extensive, some undated
fragments, mainly dealing with money and business matters. About half
come from the 1530s, most of the remainder from the 1520s and the
1540s. Their fortuitous survival is probably due to their impounding as
part of a later case involving her son, Gottfried, before the imperial court,
the Reichskammergericht.9
Clearly she, not her husband, looked after the finances. The merchants’ bills contain fascinating details about the textiles, food, and spices
(including saffron) she ordered for the household. It was to her that the
Würzburg canon, Jörg von Grumbach, appealed in October 1523 for the
repayment of a loan of 20 gulden he had made to them “in their distress.”10
Her husband had failed to reply. Like some other noblewomen, she took
responsibility not only for household matters and for the education of
the children, an expensive business, but for the running of the estates, at
Burggrumbach in the north and at Lenting, near Ingolstadt. For a while,
Martin Cronthal, the city clerk of Würzburg, her kinsman and close
friend, managed the estates in the north for her. He saw her as his “sister
in Christ,” and they exchanged letters and Lutheran pamphlets.11 His
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Peter Matheson
attempts to mediate between the authorities and the rebellious peasants in
Würzburg in the summer of 1525 led to his imprisonment and dismissal.
The correspondence has frequent references to planting and harvesting, the sale of wine and wheat, the care of the cattle, the misconduct of
farm workers. She was proud of her cheeses, arranged for the digging of
wells and the maintenance of the buildings, and sponsored the manufacture of cooking oils.
Two letters sent from Burggrumbach by her teenage son George to
his mother in the summer of 1532 detail his abortive attempts to negotiate the transfer of lands from his deceased father’s name to his own.
Incidentally he describes Hans, Adam von Grumbach’s son, as “a peasant,
a typical Grumbach,” hardly complimentary to his own father, and makes
disparaging remarks about the Franks, in comparison to the Bavarians. He
identifies, that is, with his mother’s culture.
Throughout her life Argula von Grumbach was in financial difficulty,
taking out loans, postponing payments to tradesmen, repeatedly pawning
her jewelry. She generally paid for her purchases in grain or other produce, as
a letter of October 18, 1535, from Erhart Himmel signifies. He extended her
a year’s credit. On the 24th of the same month, Salomon, who had lent her
money,12 threatened in a letter to sell off her pawned necklace because of the
delay in redeeming it. Financial embarrassment was commonplace among
the nobility, but in her case it was not brought about by prodigal spending,
but by a paucity of resources. It may be that the death in 1535 of her second
husband Graf von Schlick accentuated her financial problems. Despite this,
she insisted on all four children receiving a good education.
Unfortunately, none of the letters she wrote to key reforming figures—such as Luther, Spalatin, Melanchthon, and the Nuremberg reformer Osiander—has survived, nor their letters to her.13 Most of her letters to
her children, to their teachers, to her friends and relatives are also lost, as
are any she may have written to her husbands. Luther’s handwritten dedication of a copy of his 1522 book of prayers to “the noble woman, Hargula
(sic) von Stauff at Grumbach” was thought to be lost, but I came across it,
safe and sound, in the Berlin State Library (see fig. 1). We have to rely for
information about her on letters addressed to her from friends, relatives,
tradespeople, innkeepers, and her children. Her eldest, George, for exam-
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Figure 1. Eyn bett// buchlin// Der zehen gepott.// Des glawbens.//
Des vater vnßers,// Des Aue Marien// Vnnd ettlich ver=deutschte
Psalmen.// D. Mar. Luthers (Wittenberg: Joh. Grunenberg, 1522).
A Little Book of Prayers, with the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer,
the Ave Maria, and some psalms translated into German by Dr Martin Luther.
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin; Luth 2900 KD.
In Luther’s hand, in red ink:
Der Edlen frawen Hargula vonn Stauffen tzu Grumpach
To the noble woman Hargula von Stauff at Grumbach
- At the end of the booklet:
Gedruckt tzu Wittemberg durch// Johann Grunenberg// M.D. xxij.
Printed in Wittenberg by Johann Grunenberg, 1522.
Prayer in Argula’s hand:
Ich bitt gedennckht mein gegen//gott welchs ich gedennckh nÿ//mmer
zuuergessen/euch hiemit// mich befollen.
Pray remember me to God, which I intend never to forget. I now commend myself
to you.
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Peter Matheson
ple, writes from Ingolstadt on March 13, 1532, about various errands he
has undertaken on his mother’s behalf; he has failed to sell any of the cows
so far. He requests that his spurs and boots be sent to him, together with
money to buy the Institutions,14 which suggests that he has begun studying
law in Ingolstadt. He found the Lenten soups in Ingolstadt hard to cope
with, and asks for some hearty cheese and brandy. His shirt is black with
dirt, and he asks for instructions about his kittel, or blouse, what colour he
should buy, what to do about the silk lining, the padding, and whether it
needed to be sewn on both sides.
The letters from her agents, many of them women, are also illuminating. In Nuremberg, Margaret Reffin paid George’s teacher, Johann
Ketzmann, bought books, sold grain and wine from Argula’s estates, and
passed on gifts to Frederick von Leonrod. The friendly tone indicates that
the relationship was more than just a financial one.15
The correspondence is in good condition. In some cases, the ink is
faded or the writing difficult to decipher, partly because we only have the
scribbled drafts of letters before us. Commentary has been minimized, to
give maximum space to the actual correspondence. With few exceptions,
none of these letters have been published before, in German or in English.16
1. Argula von Grumbach to Moses. Lenting, July 26, 1524.
The financial distress of the family increased after her husband was dismissed as
ducal administrator at Dietfurt. Note the cordial tone with which she addresses
Moses and his family. Moses had lent her money.
Mein gruß zuuor lyeber mosse ich sag dir grossen danck deineß gewilligen
erpietenß dz du mir das pfandt ain jar lang wolst an verkaufft behalten
doch versieh ich mich dich pald vnd redlich zu bezalen vnd pit dich noch
mals meinem junckhern vnd mir auff die selben keten noch CCC guld(en)
zu leichen wie dir dan mein junckher sein hantschrifft ein bekentung
schickt/ dan ich hab noch etlichs gebeÿ vor handen/ kunth ichtz ytzt mit
ainem geringeren kosten abrichten dan hin fur mir ist etzlicher gezeug vber
beliben an17 an gefange(n) er wethen so hab ich auch mich deineß zu schreibenß des geleich mein junckher gelt es versechen vnss pede werdest unss
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zu willen vnd sollest ob got wil redlich an schaden widern be zalt wern pit
dich laß den knecht nit vmb sonst reitten gruss mir dein haußfrawen vnd
als dein haußgesind gottes genad sey mit euch dat(um) lenting dinstag
nach Jacoby ao 1524.
mein juncker hat das datum argula von grumbach
verfelt laß dich nit gen geboren von stauffen
On reverse side, in Argula’s hand: dem beschaiden mosse juden zu aurbach
ytzt am hoff zu regenspurg gehort der briff zu.
mosse jud zu regenspurg als meynem hauß wurdt gelt hat auff mein keten
gelihen ao. 1524 die keten wigt 100 ff. mer 30 hat mosse jud auff die mul
stainer ketten gelihn, freitag nach jacoby hat mir mein junckher wider ge
lost samstag nach martiny 25 jar.
On reverse side, in Argula’s hand: This letter is for Moses, the judicious Jew
from Auerbach, now at the Court at Regensburg.
Greetings, first of all, dear Moses. Thank you very much for kindly offering to keep my pawned (necklace) for another year without selling it, but
I expect to be able to pay you off in full soon, and would ask you to lend
my husband and me another 30 gulden on the security of the same (gold)
chain; my husband sends a receipt for this in his own hand to you. For I
still have some assets19 which I could dispose of with less costs than before,
and I have some as yet unpawned valuables,20 and I also have your promise
as well as my lord’s20 money, and both of us trust that you will grant our
wish and, God willing, you will be fully paid at no loss to yourself. Please
do not let the servant’s journey be in vain.21 Greet your wife from me and
your whole household. God’s grace be with you. Lenting, Tuesday after St.
Jacob’s Day, in the year 1524.
My lord missed the date (for repayment); please do not sell it22
On reverse side in Argula’s hand: Moses, Jew at the Regensburg court,
when my husband was lent money on the security of my chain in 1524.
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Peter Matheson
The chain weighs 100ff; another 30 gulden was lent by Moses, the Jew, on
the mulstainer chain. My Junker redeemed it for me after Martinmas 1525
(18 November).
2. The eldest son, George, to Argula and Frederick von
Grumbach. Nuremberg, June 5, 1525. 23
This letter was written during the Peasants’ War. The sentiments seem too high
flown for an eight-year-old child, gifted as he was, yet the comments on Hans
Denck, his previous teacher, and on Johann Ketzmann,24 his replacement, are
so personal that they seem to exclude the possibility that the letter was dictated.
A briefer letter to his parents followed on July 3, 1525.
Der erbern vnnd tugenthafftigen frawen argula von grumbach geborn von
Stauff meiner libe(n) mutter.25
Gnad vnd frid in christo mein allerlibste frau mutter vnd her vater euch
ist on zweyffell woll wyssen/ wie das mein magister zu sant Sebaldt vonn
wegen seines yrsamen26 furnemens vnnd schwirmes geurlawbt ist worden
vnnd vertriben27 mit molern28 vnnd andern mer den er anhengig29 was/ des
ich vnnd ander vill/ ein groß mit leyden tragen/ dhweyl30 aber die sach nit
anderst mugt sein, müstenn wirs lassen gott walten/ bin ich derhalbenn/
nach seinem abschid etliche tag bey der fyrerin auß vnnd eyngangenn/
ßo lang biß das mich Osiander eine(e) andern leer mayster beffollen hat/
Nemlich dem magystro bey sant Laurenzen do ich itzunt bey bin/verhoff
mich da selbt nit weniger nutz zuschaffen dan bey dem voryngen/ bin zu
im durch Osiander verdingt aller massen vnnd gestalt wie zu dem von sant
sebaldt, des was vmb 18 fl/ vnnd den nechsten31 mitwoch nach dem andern
sontag in der fasten, den man ne(nn)t32 Reminiserre,33 bin ich zu im in sein
hauß angenume(n)/ kein fel an nichte nit hab/ got seÿ lob/ er hat grossen fleyß mit unß/34 ist ein frum erber man/ hat auch ein frumbs eeweib/
hoff ich wolle mich dermasssen halten gege(n) in vnnd euch/ das yn sein
müe vnd arbeit/ vnnd euch die kost an mir nit rewe/ wille mich in all weg
eures/ vnnd seines willens fleyssen da mit ich etwass lern(e)35/ got zu eren
vnnd mir vnd dem nechsten zu36 gut/ dan ich weyß woll das nema(n)t im
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selbs allein gepore(n) ist/ darumb bit ich37 euch libe frau mutter vnnd her
vatter/ wollet e. g.38 nit rewen lassen was ir auff leget/ hoff zu got es soll nit
vbell angelegt sein/ mitt der zeitt hundertfeltige frucht bringe(n)/ newe39
zeittung wolt ich euch gern(e) schreiben/ ßo sindt40 der so vill/ das mir
papirs41 vnd dyntten zu run/ wen ich nur den wenichste(n) teyll wollt schreiben/ bit euch aber beyde freuntlich/ wollet in disen vnruigen sachen ein
gut gemut42 mit aller43 gedult gegen got vnnd den nechste(n) tragen/ got
bitten das ers auf beden seytten went nach seine gotlichen/ willen vnsere
seel seligkait zu gut/ es ist hie noch styll vnnd gut/ got geb lang. itzunt nit
mer dan got alzet befollen vnd grust mir meine geschwisterhait mit sambt
allen gutten freunten fleyssiglich/ vnnd schreibt mir bider/ Dat(um) zu
nurmberg am andern pfingstag. 1525 ich hab itzundt seer geeilt vnnd vor
nit triben darumb nembt vergudt am nechsten will ichs bessern.
gorg von grumbach
ewer williger sun
In Argula’s hand: von meynem sun georgen 1525
Grace and peace in Christ. My most beloved lady mother and
noble father, no doubt you are well aware that because of his erroneous44
aims and fantasies my teacher at St. Sebald has been dismissed and has
been expelled from the city with the artists and others to whom he was
attached.45 Many of us feel great sympathy for him, but since that is the
way things are, we must just leave it all in the hands of God. So for some
days after his departure, I lived with Frau Fürer until Osiander found
another instructor for me, namely the teacher at St. Laurence’s where I am
now.46 I hope that I will profit from him no less than from the previous
one. Osiander has arranged for me to be under his care on exactly the same
terms and conditions as with the St. Sebald teacher, i.e. for 18 gulden.
I was admitted to his house last Wednesday, after the second Sunday
in Lent which they call Reminiscere, and have everything I need. He looks
after us well, God be praised, is an upright, honest man, and has an upright
wife as well. I hope that my conduct will be such that he will not regret his
hard work nor you the expense I cause you. I mean to devote myself wholeheartedly to what you and he wish me to do, so that I learn something that
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Peter Matheson
will honor God, and benefit myself, and my neighbor; for I know very well
that no one is born for himself alone.47 So I ask you, my dear lady mother
and noble father, not to regret your expense. I hope to God that it will not
be ill spent, and in time bear fruit one hundred fold.
I would gladly give you the news, except there is so much going on
here, that paper and ink would run out on me, if I were to describe even
the smallest part of it. I would ask you, please, not to be dismayed at these
alarming events, but show patience before God and your neighbour, and
pray God to incline both sides to his divine will, for the salvation of our
souls. Everything here remains peaceable and fine. God grant that this may
long continue.
That’s all now, except to commend you at all times to God. Please
greet my siblings very warmly and all our good friends and be sure to write
to me.
Nuremberg on the second day of Pentecost 1525. I have written in great
haste, without making a first draft. Please excuse this. I will do better next
time. George von Grumbach, your devoted son.
In Argula’s hand: from my son George. 1525.
3. Argula von Grumbach to Geys von Hesperck.
Burggrumbach, October 25, 1527.48
Jacob Pfeffer was the vicar in the parish of Zeilitzheim, near Würzburg,
Franconia, for the easy-going Frederick von Leonrod, a canon in Eichstett. He
and Argula’s husband were uneasy about Pfeffer, who was behind on paying
over income from the benefice, and was suspected of “trickery,” though they have
allowed him to stay on for the moment. Frederick and her husband instructed
Argula to inform Pfeffer that they are considering replacing him. She in turn
asked a friend of hers, a canon from Würzburg, Geys von Hesperck, to take
immediate action. It seems possible that Argula is playing a double game,
because Pfeffer remained and eventually, with her support, moved the parish in
a Lutheran direction. A later, undated note from Geys von Hepberg, probably
sent to Frederick von Leonrod, comments: “After Frau Fritz von Grumbach49
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had written requesting that I strongly urge Herr Jacob Pfeffer not to neglect
anything concerning the people of the parish which would be to the detriment
of the word of God or of the little sheep50. . . I saw to it, I believe, that he will
spare no effort for the word of Christ... so that you will see that the word of God
is precious to me—and when her ladyship comes I hope to be able with God’s
help to transform matters.”51
Erwurdiger lyewer herr mir ist an zbeifl euch sey gut wissen, wie her jacob
pfeffer, die vicaray zu Zeitletzhaym, meinem liewen hern vnd schwager hern
fridrich von Leonrod hadt auf geschribn52 und wie wol bemeld her fridrÿch
bemelten hern Jacoby auff solichs sein auffschreiwen widerum geschriewen soll
sy baß besinnen dan er habe des pfarr volcks gewandt vnd dz pfarr volck sein
(wie er dan mein junckhern hat bericht) ydoch hadtz her Jacob bei vorigem
auffschreiwen beleiwen lassen auf solichs hat sich mein her53 und schwager
vnd auch mein junckher mit einander berathschlagt/ dz sy (sy bede)54 die pfarr
mit ainem andern vicario besetzen wollen vnd mir beuelch gewen solichs hern
jacoben an zaigen laßen welichs ich auch lauth ireß beuelchs gethan, und schick
euch hie mit ein brieff welchen her fridrich meinem junckhern zu geschickt
den wöll euch lesen waß ir dan als vel und mangl habt mich zu berichten
wille ich verfuegen dz auch die billi kait soll widerfaren, versyhe mich awer er
werde redlych bezalen als ers auch wol zu bezalen hat darum mugt ir mich eur
mainung berichten will ÿchs meinem schwager an zaigen der geleichen auch
meinem junckhern dan ich würde dise tag ein pothen hin auff schicke(n) ob ir
schreiwen wölt mugt irs heundt thun will ichs morge(n) vmb ix vr holen lassen
dan mein junckher würd bericht wie sy her jacob vil thück55 gegen56 yme vnd
den sein beuleiß des halb er in nit mer da leiden wil soliches alles hab ich euch
gutter mainung nit wollen verholen
dat(um) zu grumbach am freitag nach Ursula ao 1527.
Argula von Grumbach
geborn von Stauffen
Dem erwirdigen Hern Geis von Hesperck, thumhern zu Würtzbürg
meyne(m) lywe(n) hern vnd freundt.
To the honourable Geys von Hesperck, canon in Würzburg, my dear lord
and friend.
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Peter Matheson
My dear honored sir, I have no doubt that you are aware that Herr
Jacob Pfeffer wrote some time ago to my dear lord and brother-in-law,
Frederick von Leonrod, resigning the vicariate at Zeilitzheim. And
although the aforesaid Herr Frederick replied to this resignation of the
aforesaid Herr Jacob saying that he should think again, because he has
the support of the people of the parish, and they his (as he informed my
husband), yet Herr Jacob stood by his previous resignation.57 At this point
my lord and brother-in-law and my husband discussed employing a different vicar and instructed me to let Herr Jacob know this. I followed their
instructions and did so, and enclose a letter which Herr Frederick sent
to my husband; would you please read this, and report to me what weaknesses and deficiencies you find, and I will see to it that the matter is dealt
with fairly. I am confident, however, that he will pay up properly whatever
he is due to pay. So would you kindly tell me what you think and I will
pass that on to my brother-in-law and also to my husband. So I will send
a letter carrier to you and if you can reply, please could you do so today,
and I will have it sent to me tomorrow at noon, because my husband has
been told that Herr Jacob has been engaged in all sorts of trickery directed
against him and his friends. That is why he will not put up with him any
longer. I felt it best, therefore, to inform you of all this.
Grumbach on Friday after St. Ursula’s Day in the year 1527.
Argula von Grumbach
née von Stauffen
4. Johann Ketzmann58 to Argula von Grumbach.
Nuremberg, February 10, 1529.
This furious letter highlights the tensions between, on the one hand, the mother
and her ally, the schoolteacher, and the father and uncle on the other, who reflect
the traditional mores of the male nobility. This letter was followed up by an even
angrier one to George’s father, Frederick von Grumbach, on Easter Day, 1529.
Die gnad des herren vnnd sein fride sey alzeit mit euch/ Erbere tugentsame
libe fraw/ Ewr son Georg ist nach ewrem abschid mer bey ewrem bruder
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in dem wirtßhauß gewesen vnnd noch dan bey mir vnnd in der schul/ so
ich yn darumb straff spricht er es sey ewr will maynung vnnd beuelh/ bit
ich euch wöllet mir yn kurtz das selbig zuverstyn geben/ dan ich solchs
nit lenger geduld(en) mag/ ways auch nit gegen got zuverantwort(en)/
het mich auch solchs verstants gegen ewr(e)m bruder versehen so er des
knabes ethliche tag bedurfft hat/ es wer mit meinem willen und wissen
geschihen/ nach ewrem abschid ist er als pald dort hyn geloffen/ yn mein
haus nit kommen biß an den sibeten tag. das ich nit anders maynet er
were dan mit euch oder sonst hynweck/ vnnd furwar wen ich nit ewr iram
schonet er sollet mir nymer mer yn mein beuelh vnnd zucht kommen/ Es
hat mich so ser verdrossen/ das ich ew(e)rn bruder nit hab wollen drumb
besprachen/ hette gemeint ee dan er den knaben von seiner lernung und
fürnemen hynderet hette ym ee selbst ein eygnen zucht mayster des er
dan noch woll vnnd eins ernstlich bedarff/ bestelet/ Er ist so eygensynnig word(en) das ichs euch nit genugsam sagen kan/ ways nit was er doch
ym syn hat/ ist zu besorgen wo er mir oder einem ander(en) der yn zum
besten vnnd tugeten helt nit volget/ es were etwas anders hernach volgen.
Hiemit got alzeit beuolhen, Am Aschenmittwoch im 29.
Joan. Ketzman E. W.59
On reverse side: der erbern vnd tugenthafften frawen Argula von grumbach
geborn von Stauff seiner gunstiger frawen
The grace of the Lord and his peace be with you always, dear, honorable and virtuous woman. After your departure your son George has been
more in the inn and elsewhere with your brother60 than with me in the
school. When I criticize him for this he claims it was your wish, intention, and instruction. Please give me a brief statement whether this is true,
because I am not willing to take any more of this; and I do not know how
I could be answerable to God if I did. I would also have expected your
brother to understand that if he needed the lad for a day or two he would
have told me in advance and obtained my agreement. After your departure
he ran away there at once, and did not reappear in my house for seven days.
I had assumed that he must have been with you or away somewhere else,
40 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
and to tell the truth if it were not that I wanted to spare your feelings, he
would never again come under my care and discipline. It has infuriated me
so much that I was not prepared to discuss it with your brother. I would
have thought that, rather than keeping the youth away from his studies and
obligations, he would have procured someone to discipline him, of which
he is certainly in the greatest need. I cannot find words to describe how
self-willed he has become, and do not know what on earth he is thinking
about. It is to be feared that, unless he follows me or someone else who
will keep him on the straight and narrow, things will go from bad to worse.
I will say no more. God be with you always. On Ash Wednesday, 1529,
Johann Ketzmann, your willing servant.
On reverse side: To the noble and virtuous lady, Argula von Grumbach, née
von Stauff, his gracious lady.
5. Argula von Grumbach to the Klingenbergs. Undated.
Klingenberg is a small Bavarian town on the Main. Dorothea von Klingenberg
and her husband had been violently ejected from their home, Schloss Stauff, by
Henry and Albert von Klingenberg. Her husband died and in dire need she
turned to Argula and Frederick von Grumbach for support. The extensive
documentation in Argula von Grumbach’s papers suggests that an appeal to
Duke Ferdinand of Austria for restitution of Dorothea von Klingenberg’s property was prepared with Argula’s assistance. This draft note assumes the death
of Dorothea, and of Argula’s husband Frederick von Grumbach in 1530, so it
must be dated after that. It appears that Dorothea’s relatives wanted access to
her will. It is the only instance in which Argula signs even a draft letter with
nothing but her Christian name.
Meyn freuntlicher grus bevor liebe dye von klingenbergh euer schreyben
an mich gethan/ des begerens das ich euch bey zeygern des briffs das
testament zu schicken solte/ hab ich ent pfangen vorleßen vnnd ferners
auch als61 verstanden/ weys euch dar auff freuntlicher meynung nicht
zuuorhalten das ich nicht in wegerung bin euch solch testament zu vberantworten/ so mir aber erstlichen das meyner hauswirt seyliger darin
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41
vorschriben62 vnnd auch mir sunst vorersten auff frau doro theam seyliger
genugtung entricht vnd bezalt werde das hab ich euch in antwort nicht
wollen vorhalte(n).
Argula
First, my friendly greeting, dear Klingenbergs, I have received, read,
and fully understand your letter to me, requesting that I should send you
the will by the bearer of the letter. I offer you my friendly opinion: I would
have been prepared to hand over this will to you, if my dear departed
husband had not instructed me on the matter, (insisting) that satisfaction
must first be given and paid to the dear departed Frau Dorothea. I would
not want to keep this answer from you.
Argula.
6. Argula von Grumbach to Apollonia. Burggrumbach (?),
April 3, 1532.
Her daughter, Apollonia, perhaps ten years old, has lain ill for almost a year
in distant Nuremberg. The exact nature of the illness is not clear. The tone of
the letter is hard to judge. The moral admonitions seem strange, and the reference to haste at its close rather inhuman, given her daughter’s long and serious
illness. Yet we have no way of knowing what other letters (and visits) have
preceded this one, which only survived because it recorded the fees paid for the
doctor and for her board. We have a brief letter from Apollonia, from 5 May
1533, in a firmly written hand, attesting the receipt of a loan on her mother’s
behalf, and referring to a belt and some silk bought for her, stamped with her
own personal seal. She attended school in Ingolstadt.
Genad vnd frid sey mit dir mein lyeber dochter ich füg dir zu wissen das ich
vnd deine geschwister gar gesund synd got well zu seinem lob der gleich(en)
bin ich erfreud das sich dein sach also zu63 gesundt (wie ich zu got hoff )
schickt dan mir hat der hans karl64 gesagt es schol sy dein schaden vnd er ver
mayn es soll dir nun der schwame vnd pützen heraus sein gefallen syhe vnd
halt dich recht nach dem radt deines artzt vnd sey got vnd ym danckpar sey
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Peter Matheson
gotzuorchtig redlich geduldig vnd frum ich schick dir da ain kron zu ayn jor
pfen(ni)g sag deinem maister die weil er so gutbillig sey dz er noch des geltz
nit beger nem ichs zu danck an vnd so dir got vnd er zu gesund hilfft will ich
thun waß ich solt auch zu sambt der besoldung vmb in vnd die sein so vil mir
müglich ist beschuld(en) damit got beuolchen gruß sy pede dat(um) in eyl
mitboch nach dem ostertag ao 1532
Argula von grumbach wittib
geborn von stauffen
On reverse side: Meiner lyben dochter appolonia von grumbach gehördt
der brieff zu.
Also in Argula’s hand: an m(ein)docht(er)) apolonia als sy an artzet zu
Nuremberg lag ao 1532 ist 51 wochen am artzet geleg thut fur kost all
wochen 1 ff vnd 20 ff fur artzer lon
Grace and peace be with you, my dear daughter. I want you to know
that your brothers and I are well, may it be to God’s glory. Likewise I
am delighted that your case has taken a turn for the better (as I hope to
God). For Hans Karl told me that your infection has disappeared, and he
thought that the spots and pustules had vanished. So follow the advice of
your doctor, and be thankful to God and to him. Be God-fearing, honest,
patient and good. I am sending you a gold crown for your keep for a year;
thank your doctor warmly for not requiring the money yet, and say that,
if he and God help you back to health, I will do what I can, including the
money, to repay him and his family all I owe them. That’s everything, then.
God be with you. Greet them both. In haste.
Wednesday after Easter Sunday 1532. Argula von Grumbach, widow,
born von Stauff.
On reverse side: This letter is for my dear daughter Apollonia.
To my daughter, Apollonia, when she was under the doctor’s care in
Nuremberg in the year 1532. Was under the care of the doctor for 51 weeks.
Cost of board: one gulden all the weeks and 20 gulden as the doctor’s fee.
A Life in Letters
43
7. Argula von Grumbach to Frederick von Leonrod.
Ingolstadt, December 3, 1533.
The reference to her difficulties may relate to her son George’s injuries or to
the recent embargo placed on some of her goods, mentioned in a letter from
two Zeilitzheim merchants of October 23, 1533. They had advanced her
60 gulden in Nuremberg on the understanding that they would be repaid in
Zeilitzheim from the proceeds of her goods, but had now retrieved the money
they had advanced. George had enrolled at the end of 1529 at Wittenberg
University, but left under a cloud. It is not clear what these difficulties were.
Then in October 1532, he nearly severed his hand and remained gravely ill for
a while. The Leipzig innkeeper, Nicholas Geissler, acted the good Samaritan,
taking him in, providing a doctor, and lending him money. He wrote to Argula
on 19 February 1533 and again in September, asking for repayment, which
was finally made in February 1534, as a note of credit proves. George eventually resolved his problems in Wittenberg. This hastily written draft is hard to
decipher and the evasive wording suggests a degree of desperation.
Erwurdiger lyeber Herr vnd schwager mein ge pürlich freuntlich dinst
zuuor mir ist ytzt in diser stundt ein missive von euch zu kumen dz ich
gelesen vnd die weil es aber mer dan ein sententz in sich beschleust mit
vilen worth(en) hab ich dißmals so eylendt65 dar auff nachlengß nit66 konnen fuglich meyner nottürfft noch andthwordt gewen will mich aber wils
got67 gegen euch . . .68 halten daran yr vnd alle redliche erbere person69 mir
kain pilliche nachred sollen gewen euch in gebur zu dienen bin ich erpütig
dat(um) zu inglstat am mitboch nach andrehe ao 1533.
Argula Schlickin vnd greffin
ein geborne vo(n) stauffen.
On reverse side: copey an her friderich von leonrod mitboch nach andre ao
1533.
I am always glad to be at your service, venerable dear sir and brotherin-law. A missive from you reached me in this very hour; I have read it, but
because it contains more than one sentence of great length, I am not able
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Peter Matheson
to respond in full so quickly, given the constraints I am under; but, God
willing, I will meet your concerns in full, so that you and all honest or honorable people will have no cause to indulge in cheap gossip about me. I am
at your service in all due respects.
Ingolstadt. Wednesday after St. Andrews Day, 1533.
Argula Schlick, Countess, born of the Stauff family.70
On reverse side: copy to Herr Frederick von Leonrod, the Wednesday after
St. Andrew’s Day, in the year 1533.
8. John Eck to Argula von Grumbach. Ingolstadt, December
18, 1533.
It is intriguing that Eck, the most famous opponent of Luther, can write to
Argula, Luther’s most famous supporter in the area, in this pragmatic way. There
appears to be no recollection that only ten years before she had been engaged in a
fierce polemic against his theological colleagues at the University of Ingolstadt. It
is also ironic that a letter from him is extant, but none from Luther.
Gnädige fraw. Es ist meiner gvatter der mann gestorben der schaffner:
hat ihr verlassen ain jungen unerzogen waißen und vil schulden: thun die
glaubiger streng gegen dem armen weib: muß sye auch das gelt auff treiben
bey ihren schuldnern. Zaigt sye aber mir an, wie etwas hutzelß und klainß,
ewer gnad, ihr zethund sey: hat mich des halb gebetten, ain fürgschrifft
an e.g. zu geben: des halb ist mein fleissig bitt, jn ansehung der notturfft,
und auch der billigkait wöllen sye der schuld guetlich und unuerzogenlich
entricht(en): stet mir zu sampt der billichkait zu beschulden.
datum Ingolstat wunnebaldi etc. Anno 33 18 December
E.g. williger, Johann Eck doctor.
In Argula’s hand: der schuld ist 2ff. 41 pf dem vogl schaffner ym althen
colegio zu ingolstat
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Gracious lady, the husband of my godchild has died, the warden, and
has left behind many debts and a young child to be brought up; the creditors
are pressing the poor woman; she in turn has to collect the money from those
who owe her something. She informs me, however, this little, wizened soul,
that your Grace owes her something; has asked me therefore to write on her
behalf to your Grace. Hence it is my urgent request, in view of her need, and
the justice of her claim, that you would kindly pay the debt without delay. I
feel bound to inform you of this matter and of its justice.
Ingolstadt. Wunnebald’s Day. Anno 33.
Your Grace’s servant, John Eck, doctor.
In Argula’s hand: The debt is 2ff 41pf., to the bird warden in the old college
in Ingolstadt.
9. Argula von Grumbach to Wolf Leitmayer. July 28, 1535.
Her second son, Hans-Jörg, was educated in Ansbach by Andreas Althamer, a
theologian and reformer, the author of the first Lutheran primer with “Catechism”
as its main title.71 Leitmayer, who taught Apollonia and the youngest son,
Gottfried, is a more modest figure. This letter indicates that Argula’s second husband, Count von Schlick, was already dead by the summer of 1535.
Ich argula schlickin greffin wittib geborne von stauffen freyin hab gerechent mit maist(er) wolffgang laydthmaÿr zu ynglstat orginist von wegen
meiner kinder die er in kost vnd lernung gehabt vnd bin ym aller schuld
biß auff heudt dato 36 guld(en) 15 sh. dise rechnung ist gescheen mitboch nach jacoby zu vrkundt mit meyner handt geschriben vnder meinen
petsch . . .72 ao 35.
wolff laythmayr ao 1535 rechnung 28 July
On reverse side, in Argula’s hand: wolff Laythmayr ao 1535 rechnung
I, Argula Schlick, Countess, widow, née von Stauff, baroness, have agreed
with Master Wolfgang Laydmayr, organist at Ingolstadt, in reference to
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Peter Matheson
my children, whom he has housed, fed, and instructed, that my entire debt
to him up to this point is 36 gulden 15 shillings. This bill was paid on
Wednesday after St. James Day and this document is written in my own
hand, under my own seal.
On reverse side, in Argula’s hand: Wolf Leitmayer’s bill, 1535.
10. Argula von Grumbach to her son, Hans-Jörg. Lenting,
April 24, 1538.
The nature of this incident, involving the son of one Claus Manger, is unclear.
It may have had criminal as well as moral implications, to judge by Argula’s
deep anxiety. Note the role assigned to the Lutheran Eucharist and the counseling of the Nuremberg reformer, Osiander, in her son’s penitential process.
Tragically, Hans-Jörg was to be murdered seven years later; the Würzburg
State Archives refer to a request by Argula that his suspected murderer, named
Kretzer, be pursued and arrested.73
Genad vnd frid mit dir lyeber sun. ich hab auß deinem schreywen vnd
vormals von den leutten die handlung so zu burckgrumbach geschehen
mit grossem erschrecken vornumen vnd mich ser darum bekumert vnd
noch klags got dz ich so vngehorsame kinder getragen vnd an meiner prust
ernert vnd mit grosser sorg kostung vnd angst auff erzogen, got well dz
du bekert vnd dich hinfüran pesserst, amen/ dieweil du mir aber ytzt schreibst dir zuverzeihen vnd dich erpeuttest, wellest dich hinfüran gehorsam
halten, will ich dich noch dißmal so du dich anderst meineß beuelchs
vnd zucht heltest annemen/ und besehen damit die sach vertragen werd/
darum so mach dich von stund an her haym, doch solst nicht kumen dan
du nemest vor do wen74 zu nurmberg dz sacrament und ge vor zu doctor
osyander klag ym dein anligen vnd sach warhafftig, der wayß dir in deyner
conscientz wol ein radt zu gewen, darum so verschweig ym nichtz, er
waiß voraus vmb die sach vnd hüt dich bey leib dz du kainem menschen
nichtz sagest, vertrau niembt vnd behaltz auffs geheymest so du dan das
sacrament empfangen hast, so hayß dir d75 osiander ein zetl gewen, sunst
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gelaubt ich dir nit, rechen auch alle sach waß du verzeret hast zu nurmberg
vnd waß man vormals bey ym auff geschlagen mit dem würd ab, und dz
der würd alles vnter schidlich auff schreyb dz bring mit dir her sag dem
gotfrid dz er fleissig studir vnd bey der lernung beleib vnd nicht in. . . . 76
oder in würtzheusern hin und her lauff dz er auch fleissig die predig merck
vnd warhafft zuchtig getreu vnd frum beleib damit sey got in seine genad
beuolhen datum zu lennting mittboch nach dem ostertag ao 1538
schlickin greffin witib
geporne freyn von stauffen
Dem Edeln vnd vesten Hans georgen von grumbach zu burck grumbach
meinem lyewen sun etc.
In Argula’s hand: Clauß manger sun belangent ao 1538.
To the noble and honorable Hans-Jörg von Grumbach, of Burggrumbach,
my dear son etc.
Grace and peace to you, my dear son. I was terribly shocked to learn
from your letter, and before that from (other) people, what happened at
Burggrumbach. It caused me agony, and in my prayers to God I still lament
that the children I have borne and nourished at my breast and raised with
such great worry, cost, and anxiety have proved so disobedient. God grant
that you may repent and improve in the future, Amen. Since, however, you
are now writing to ask for my forgiveness, and promising obedience in the
future, providing you adhere to my instructions and discipline, I will grant
this just one more time and find a way to settle the matter.
So see to it that you come home at once, though you are not to come until
you have taken the sacrament at Nuremberg when you are there. Go to Dr.
Osiander, and penitently tell him what happened, and what you want from
him; he will know for sure what advice to give you, to put your conscience
to rest. Don’t try, therefore, to keep anything back from him; he already
knows about the affair. And on your life see that you don’t tell anyone
else anything about it, trust no one and keep the matter absolutely secret.
And when you have received the sacrament, ask Osiander to certify this in
writing, otherwise I will not believe you. Get an account from the landlord
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Peter Matheson
also of what your food cost in Nuremberg and of any previous debts to
him, and have him itemize everything exactly, and bring it with you. Tell
Gottfried that he should study hard, and stick to his lessons and not run
around in the town or in the taverns, that he should pay good attention to
the preaching and remain true, obedient, honest, and God-fearing. God be
gracious to you, then.
Lenting, the Wednesday after Easter, 1538.
Countess Argula Schlick, widow, by birth Baroness von Stauff.
Note in Argula’s hand: In relation to the son of Claus Manger.
11. Gottfried von Grumbach to Argula von Grumbach.
Nuremberg, July 15, 1538.
The youngest son, Gottfried, wrote incessantly; his letters are littered with pious
phrases and innocent of punctuation. Spelling and grammar are eccentric. He
would have been about fifteen years old. His new teacher was Wolfgang Jacob
in Nuremberg. Note the sharp dig at his brother Hans-Jörg, to whom he wrote
a moralizing letter on 17 July.
Gnadt vnnd fridt seÿ mit euch77 mein hertz liebe fraw muetter wen ir vnnd
die ewrunge(n)78 frisch unnd gesundt wert werr mir ain grose freut zuherren vnnd mein hertz libe fraw muetter nach dem ir mir geschriben habt
hab ich vernumen vnnd die drei keis die ir mir vnnd meine(m) preceptor
geschickt habt haben wir entpfange(n) vnnd lassen euch vast dancken
vnnd mein preceptor wirdt nemlich um mich verdiene(n) dara(n) ir kain
zweifel derft haben vnnd die 6 lb die ir meine(m) preceptor geschickt
habt die hab ich auch entpfange(n) vnnd die vier pfunt . . .79 das testament
deutsch vnnd daz ort zu(m) vnderfuder vnd die 60 pf die ir mir habt
geschickt ich sol mir den ain semet kaufen hab ich als entpfange(n) vnnd
wie ir maine(m) preceptor geschriben es hab gott vo(n) himel der almech
tige ewig gott sein weib entnum(m)en haben sol das ist nicht geschehe(n)
den ir habts vnrecht verstan(den) ich hab euch geschriben wie des schulmaister ketzman(ns) weib gestorben seÿ vo(n) diser welt vnnd mein gantz
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libe fraw muetter ich danck euch der kess die ir mir geschickt habt dan
mein hertz liebe fraw muetter vnnd ich studiere(n) vnnd fleiss haben in
meiner lernung vnnd dara(n) solt ir kain(en) zweifel haben wen mir anders
gott genadt gibt vnd ich wil fuge(n) das ich zu ein(em) rechte(n) menschen
wer den we(n) schon meiner bruder nit wil zur wol gerade(n) wil doch ich
erbester80 werden vnnd pit euch wel mir wider schreiben damit seit gott in
sein hant beuolge(n) datum am montag nach margrete(n) tag anno 1538
gott fridt von grumbach
ewer liber sun.
On reverse side: Der brief gehort der wol gborin frawen argula schlicke(n)
grefin wittwe geborne freiheri(n) von stauf meiner liben fraw vnnd mutter.
Zu hande(n).
Grace and peace be with you, my dearly beloved lady mother. It
would give me great joy to hear that you and yours are happy and well. My
dearly beloved lady mother, I have (read and) understood the letter that
you wrote me, and received the three cheeses which you sent to me and my
teacher, for which hearty thanks. My teacher’s efforts with me will not be in
vain, either, of that you need have no doubts. I have also received the eight
pounds which you sent to my teacher and the four pounds for81 the New
Testament in German, and the awl to make the lining for the coat, and
the 60 pfennig which you sent me so that I can buy a shirt. All this I have
received. As to your writing to my teacher82 that the almighty and eternal
God in heaven had taken to himself his wife—that did not happen. For
you misunderstood what I wrote to you, that the wife of the schoolteacher,
Ketzmann, had departed this world. And, my dearly beloved lady mother,
I thank you for the cheeses which you sent me. For, my dearly beloved lady
mother, I am studying and diligent in my school work, and you should
have no doubt about that. And if God gives me grace I will ensure that I
become a good person, even if my brother has not turned out well. I intend,
however, to be much better 83 and would ask you to write me again. That is
it, then, and may God hold you in his hand.
Monday after St. Margaret’s Day 1535.
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Peter Matheson
Gottfried von Grumbach
your dear son.
On reverse side: To the well born lady Argula Schlick, countesss, widow,
born baroness von Stauff, my dear lady mother. To be delivered by hand.
In Argula’s hand: My son Gottfried 38.
12. Argula von Grumbach to Duke William of Bavaria.
November 30, 1541.
In 1541, Argula was involved in a protracted controversy with Sebastian
Stockl, one of her farm-hands at Lenting, who had appealed against her to
Duke William. It is impossible to reproduce the lengthy documentation here.
It is clear, however, that she had put him in the stocks for insubordination; she
accused him of claiming a house to which he was not entitled, of refusing to
work for normal wages, and of threatening others. The lack of workers to mow
the hay had caused difficulties in feeding her cattle. The following extract is
from the conclusion of her response to the Duke. In the following year she had
to answer another complaint about her dismissal of Hans Scheffer’s son Gilgen.
She had solemnly shaken hands and engaged him as her shepherd, but his negligence and absences caused a fire that had disastrous effects for her buildings
and cattle.84
. . . dan ich nit mer in diser hoff marg wan 4 tagwercher hab der ich zu
notürfft meyner haußhaltung kan geratten dan von acker paü und vichzucht ist mein taglich prodt mit grosser müe vnd erbet gült und zins ist
wenig er hat sich auch mit troworten horen lassen ziech man in dz hauß
sols sehen dz erß mit gutz hab vnd wo mich e f g nicht vor solichen le renn
volck beschützt sess ich horter wan in der peürischen auff rur ich hab ym
auch mit getraid vnd anderen gelichen ge holffen vnd gutlich gethan doch
nichtz ge frucht solichs hab ich e f g in aller diemüti kait vnangezaigt zu
vntericht nicht wellen lassen der ich mich hie mit vnterthenig vnd diemütig
beuilch mit bit der almech tig welle e f g in geluckseligen gesundt und
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frolicher fridlicher reigirung bewaren vnd beschützen. Dat(um) am tag an
dreha ao 1541.
EFG
diemütige
argula schlickin ge
porne vo(n) stauff
witib.
. . . For I only have four day laborers in this estate, on which I rely for
the provision of my household, since cultivating the fields and raising cattle
is my daily bread, [demanding] great effort and work, for there is scant
income from rent and interest. Moreover, he [Stockl] was heard to utter
threatening words: “Should anyone move into the house he had better look
out,” and if your princely grace does not protect me from such wild people I
would end up worse off than in the Peasants’ Revolt. Moreover I lent him
corn and suchlike, and treated him well but it bore no fruit.
In all humility, then, I did not want to leave your princely grace uninformed
about these matters and commend myself obediently and humbly to your
grace, praying that the Almighty will preserve and protect your princely
grace’s government in happiness, health, joy, and peace. St. Andrew’s Day,
1541.
Yours humbly,
Argula Schlick, born von Stauff, widow.
13. Argula von Grumbach to Johann von der Laÿtter.
Lenting, September 6, 1543.
Argula emerges from the correspondence as a tough negotiator. Her evasive tactics about the guardianship of her remaining children, Hans-Jörg and Gottfried,
drove the chief judge in Ingolstadt, Sigmund Nuremberger, to despair.85 The
ducal administrator in Ingolstadt, Johann von der Laÿtter, thereupon summoned her to a meeting about the guardians. She promptly suggested its postponement for a fortnight.86
52 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
Wolgeborn hochgelertt, gebietend herr vnnd freund mir ist vff gesteren
von euch ein tag vff morgen vmb zwelff ohr nach mittag vff der trinckstuben Ingolstatt/ von wegen Auerbergers vnnd Kyudtzuelder alß vormunder meyner kinder zuerscheinen/ ernennt vnd angesetzt worden/
nun hab ich aber nochmals viel liegendes habern/ auch grumett vnnd
sunderlich die satt vor der handt/ vnnd sindt doch andere mitt jrem
getreide auß dem velde, daß mir dessenhalb grosster schad fuer wartten
vnnd geschichtt auch zuuerhuttung solches meÿner pfertt/ in keÿne wege
zuentraten habe, so ist mir auch die obbemeltte tag zu kurtz/ vnnd ettwan
nicht landtspreuchlich angesetztt. Auch mir bißhero vber mein vielfelttig münttlich vnnd schriffttlich bitten vnnd ersuchen keÿne Copeÿ ader
abschrifftt bemeltter vormunder klag widerfaren noch vberanttwortt worden wie doch billig zugeschehen ich verhofftt vnnd noch der zuuersicht/ jr
werdentt sollichs nicht wegern noch lenger vorhaltten/ dan one das kan87
ader wurde ich mich gegen gedachtten formundern ferner nicht einlassen derohalben nochmals mein freuntlich bitt mir den tag biß vff freitags
nach mathei zuerstrecken/ das will ich wo ich kan gegen Euch in gebure
beschulden/
Dat(um) zu Lenting Mitwochen nach Egidj anno xlij.
Argula Schlickin Grefin
Wittib Geborne Frein von Stauff.
On reverse side: Dem Wolgebornen Hochgelertten Herrn Hern Johan
von der Layttern . . . vnd anderen verordetten furstlichen Rethen zu
Ingolsteett . . .
Highborn, most learned, respected lord and friend. Yesterday I was summoned by you to a meeting arranged for tomorrow at the taproom at
Ingolstadt at 12 o’clock midday, in reference to my children’s guardians,
Auerberg and Kyundtzuelder. Now once more I have a large quantity of
oats and my second crop88 lying on the fields, and I have to deal urgently
with the seed: and others have already harvested their grain, so that I can
expect and will sustain heavy losses because of that.89 To prevent that, I cannot do without my horses, so the suggested meeting is at too short notice
and, moreover, is contrary to local, customary practice. Furthermore, despite
A Life in Letters
53
my repeated oral and written requests and petitions, I have yet to receive
or be given a copy or record of the complaint by the aforesaid guardians, as
would only be just. I trust and do remain confident that you will not refuse
me this nor withhold it any longer, for without it I am not able or willing to
have anything more to do with the above-mentioned guardians. Therefore
I would ask you again, please, to postpone the meeting until Friday after St.
Matthew’s Day. I will do what I can to meet your due concerns.
Lenting. Wednesday after St Giles. 1542.
Countess Argula Schlick
Widow, born Baroness von Stauff.
14. Argula von Grumbach to the Würzburg Marschall,
Valentin von Münster. Burggrumbach, July 23, 1552.
Staatsarchiv Würzburg. Würzburger Standbücher 897,
309r.
This is her last letter known to us.90 Only the shaky signature is in her own
hand. Normally Frankish estates were managed by her son, Gottfried, but he
was away in Bavaria. She responds to the call to raise taxes from her subjects
with what may be a delaying tactic, a request for further instructions.
Mein geburlich dinst zuuor lieber herr marschack mir ist verganger tag
ein schreibenn so meÿn g(nedi)g(er) fürst vnnd herr von Wurzburgk ann
meinen sunn gotfridenn von grumpach itzt wonhafft im lanndt zu Beyerrn
wie an anderr von der ritterschafft ein anleg oder steuer auff ire vnterthonn
zu legenn. Vnnd ÿer f. g. damit in solchen schweren last so auff ÿr f. g.
stifft landtt vndd leutt gelegtt zu stattenn zukummenn etc. das mir erst
vergangen donerstag zu lesen furgetra genn den ich etlich zeitt in schwerer
krannkheit des leibs gelegenn welichs ich die weil ich itzt alhie die gutter
so wir im landtt zu franckenn habenn in91 verwaltung vnnd mein sun die
im landtt zu beÿernn auf gebrochenn vnnd gelosenn bin auch fur mich selb
vnnd von wegen meynes bemelten suns gotfrydenn vrputtig dem selben ÿrn
f. g. begernn gehorsamlich volg zuthun wo mir die anzeigtte instrucktionn
54 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
oder coby so im missive verleibett der ordennung der schatzung wurdt
zugeschicktt solt die sach gewerlich vnnd fleissig bestelt vendtt worinnen
solichs hÿn sollt andt worttenn verricht vnnd geantwortt werdenn solichs
bitt ich wollentt von wegen mein vnnd meÿnes suns vnsern g. f. vnd herrn
anzaigenn damit gott in sein genadtt beuolhen.
Datum burgrumpach sambstag nach madalene Anno 1.5.5.2
Argula geporne freyn
von stauffen witib mein
handt
First of all my due service, my dear Marschall. In recent days
I (received) a communication from my gracious prince and lord of
Würzburg for my son, Gottfried von Grumbach, now resident in the land
of Bavaria. Like other members of the knightly estate (he was) to levy an
imposition or tax on his subjects so that your princely grace is able to deal
with the heavy burden imposed on your princely grace’s institutions, lands,
and people. I was not able to have this read to me until last Thursday
because I have been confined to bed for some time with a severe bodily
illness. Since, however, I am now in charge of the estates which we hold in
Franconia and my son has departed and made his way to those in Bavaria,
on behalf of myself and my aforementioned son, Gottfried, I am prepared
to see that the above request of his princely grace is obeyed; and once the
instructions or a copy of them which are mentioned as being attached to
the letter (explaining) how to carry out the assessment has been sent to me,
the matter will be attended to properly and diligently. I would be grateful
if you could indicate to our princely grace on behalf of myself and my son
that it will be attended to, executed, and carried out. I commend you, then,
to the grace of God.
Burggrumbach, Saturday after Mary Magdalene in the year 1552.
Argula née Baroness
von Stauff widow, my
signature.
A Life in Letters
55
Conclusion.
In her eventful life Argula von Grumbach faced down theologians, princes,
magistrates, and members of the nobility, including her own first husband.
She herself had been prepared for martyrdom. She was publicly slandered
in print and from the pulpit. Her published writings show, however, how
she also won hearts and minds right across the social spectrum. She
sought, while remaining true to her principles, also to remain courteous,
or as she put it, “chivalrous.”92 For a long time she managed to stay on
good terms with her Catholic relations. Her children went to school or
university in Catholic Ingolstadt, and she bought and sold there. At the
Diet of Augsburg in 1530, she tried to pour oil on the stormy controversies
between Protestants about the Lord’s Supper. Her letter of consolation
and gift of wine to her relative, Nicholas Schlick and his wife, perhaps on
the death of a child, 93 and her assistance to widows such as Dorothea von
Klingenberg illustrate the supportive networks she built up.
She came from a redoubtable family with a long history of independent thinking and action, cultural openness, and university connections.
The von Stauffs had played a key role in the resistance to the centralizing
tendencies of the Bavarian princes. Her father, Bernhardin, and her uncle,
Jerome, were involved in the largely abortive conspiracy of the “Lions,” from
which the family emerged in 1493 in a greatly weakened financial position.
Her mother’s family, the von Therings, had also played a prominent role
in Bavarian history.
There was nothing so very unusual in her literacy and numeracy as a
Bavarian noblewoman. What was utterly exceptional was her readiness to
throw herself into the maelstrom of religious controversy, as a lay person and
above all, as a woman. In the most public gesture imaginable, she had challenged the eminent Ingolstadt theologians to debate with her, in open forum,
the key issues around religious freedom, reformation ideas and church abuses, and the interpretation of Scripture. The printing press then provided her
with a platform which university, church, and state refused her. Her seven
pamphlets, with some 30,000 copies, made her a publishing sensation, but
also ensured that her conventional husband lost his role in public life, and,
most catastrophic for a nobleman, his good name and his honor.
56 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
Her correspondence testifies, however, that she not only survived the
resultant marital and personal crisis, but somehow, in an intriguing mix of
aristocratic confidence and Christian humility, managed to transcend her
virtual exile in tiny villages such as Lenting or Burggrumbach. She is still
remembered there today in oral tradition. The letters give us a glimpse of
the private life behind the public persona, the constant nagging worries
about health, money, her children, and her estates.94 Clearly nothing was
ever easy for her, nor did she make it easy for others. Prophetic figures
have, after all, to pay their dues.
Notes
1. Jane Couchman and Ann Crabb, “Form and Persuasion in Women’s Letters,
1400–1700,” in Women’s Letters Across Europe, 1400-1700, ed. Jane Couchman and Ann
Crabb (Burlington,VT: Ashgate, 2005), 5.
2. A letter of Nov. 29, 1524, from Martin Cronthal, see n. 11 below, sends on
to Argula a copy of a letter from Luther which he had received.
3. With few exceptions her papers are located at Personenselekt Cart.110
(Grombach), Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich: see Silke Halbach, Argula von
Grumbach als Verfasserin reformatorischer Flugschriften (Frankfurt a. Main: Peter Lang,
1992); Silke Halbach, “Legitimiert durch das Notmandat. Frauen als Verfasserinnen
frühreformatorischer Flugschriften,” Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 27 (2000): 365–
87. I am preparing a critical edition of her published works for Quellen und Forschungen
zur Reformationsgeschichte.
4. In a letter to an uncle, Adam von Thering, who wanted to silence her permanently by walling her up, she comments on the pervasive violence against women: “hilfft
nichts/halt sich eyne wie sy wöll/ darab offt aine auch zu scheyttern wurdt”; “There
is no way out, whatever a woman does; and so often it leads her to disaster.” An den
Edlen// vnd gestrengen her//ren/ Adam vo(n) Thering . . .[ Augsburg: Philipp Ulhart,
1523], A4v; Peter Matheson, Argula von Grumbach: A Woman’s Voice in the Reformation
(Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1995), 147.
5. The relationship between Argula and Frederick von Leonrod in the 1520s
had been warm, with a steady flow of letters, and Argula often sent him little gifts of
brandy and cheese. But by the time of the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, he was increasingly
critical; his letter to her on New Year’s Eve, 1536, dismissing the idea of the transfer of
his benefice at Zeilitzheim to an evangelical preacher, Oswald Ruland, spoke scornfully
of the “new gospel” and its sects.
6. Luthers Werke, Kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed. J. F. K. Knaake, et al. (Weimar:
Böhlau, 1883ff.) Briefe, Bd. 5, 350f., 536; Luther’s Works Vol. 49, ed. Gottfried G. Krodel
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972), 312–14; 317ff.), Martini Buceri Opera Omnia. Ser. 3; ed.
A Life in Letters
57
Reinhold Friedrich, Matthieu Arnold, Briefwechsel; Bd.4 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 228–41.
7. Grumbach v. Kretzer, February 4, 1545, Würzburger Standbücher 964,
159.
8. For further biographical information, see Peter Matheson, “Form and
Persuasion in the Correspondence of Argula von Grumbach,” in Women’s Letters across
Europe, 275–96, and “Pushing the Boundaries: Argula von Grumbach as a Lutheran
Laywoman, 1492–1556/7,” in Practices of Gender in Medieval and Early Modern Europe,
ed. Megan Cassidy-Welch and Peter Sherlock (Turnhout; Brepols, 2009), 24–42.
9. I am indebted to Dr. Hörner of the Bayerisches Haupttaatsarchiv for this
suggestion; the enumeration of the documents is incomplete, and they are cited here by
date.
10. Jörg von Grumbach to Argula von Grumbach, Oct. 28, 1523, Personenselekt
Cart. 110.
11. See Martin Cronthal’s letters to her of Feb. 24, 1521, and Nov. 29, 1524,
Personenselekt Cart. 110; we know little about Cronthal and his wife, although he
was city clerk of Würzburg and a keen advocate of the Reformation; he wrote a vivid
account of the Peasants’ War in Würzburg. See Martin Cronthal, Der Bauernkrieg in
Franken: Tagebuch des Würzburger Stadtschreibers Martin Cronthal, ed. Michael Wieland
(Würzburg, 1911). Argula’s young daughter, Apollonia, was staying with his family when
this letter was written; see Ulrich Wagner, “Martin Cronthal Würzburger Stadtschreiber
1504–1525,” in Die Geschichte der Stadt Würzburg, Bd. 1, Von den Anfängen bis zum
Ausbruch des Bauernkriegs. ed. Ulrich Wagner (Stuttgart: Theiss, 2000), 160–65.
12. Erhard Himmel to Argula von Grumbach, Oct. 18, 1535; Salomon, Jud am
Hof, to Argula von Grumbach, Oct. 24, 1535, Personenselekt, Cart.110.
13. Peter Matheson, “Martin Luther and Argula von Grumbach (1492–
1556/7),” Lutheran Quarterly 22, no.1 (Spring 2008): 1–15.
14. The reference seems to be to Justinian’s Institutions, the classic collection of
Roman law.
15. Margaret Reffin to Argula. Nuremberg, Dec.10, 1528, Personenselekt.
Cart. 110. The pious Kolman Grasser looked after her affairs in Beratzhausen; Grasser
to Argula von Grumbach, Jan. 9, 1531, Personenselekt Cart. 110. Ursula Lemblerin in
Burggrumbach was another who attended to her business interests, as her letter of Dec.
27, 1547 demonstrates, Personenselekt Cart. 110. Magdalena von Grumbach’s undated
letter indicates that she, too, did her best to sell the wine from Argula’s estates; see
Personenselekt Cart. 110.
16. Six letters were published in an appendix to August Kolde’s article,
“Arsacius Seehofer und Argula von Grumbach,” Beiträge zur Bayerischen Kirchengeschichte
11 (1905): 182–88; there are four brief extracts in Peter Matheson, The Imaginative
World of the Reformation (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 2000), 113–18.
17. “ohne.”
18. “gebeÿ;” gifts (?); the translation is uncertain.
19. “erwetten” = pawn.
58 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
20. Her husband.
21. The letter carrier.
22. The pawned necklace.
23. This letter was published by Kolde, in slightly modernized form; there are
some minor mistakes, mainly in spelling; Kolde, 182–83.
24. See n. 59 below.
25. The address, on the reverse side, only mentions his mother, though in the
text his father is also mentioned.
26. Kolde’s reading; the writing is very faint; the first letter actually appears to
be a “g.”
27. The word is very faint and hard to decipher.
28. Malern.
29. The word is very faint and hard to decipher.
30. “die” crossed out.
31. “mit” crossed out.
32. Inserted above line; omitted by Kolde.
33. Youthful error for “Reminiscere;” Kolde corrects spelling and adds “benent,”
which is not in the text.
34. One or two words crossed out.
35. “mir” crossed out.
36. “go” crossed out.
37. The word is very faint and hard to decipher.
38. euere gnaden; euch: Kolde.
39. “zeittung” crossed out.
40. In margin; “ist” (?) crossed out.
41. “zurin” crossed out.
42. “haben” crossed out.
43. “g’”crossed out.
44. See n. 27 above.
45. The radical, Hans Denck; the “painters” referred to were Sebald and Barthel
Beham and Georg Pencz.
46. Andreas Osiander (1498–1565), the preacher at St. Lawrence, was a key
figure in the reformation in Nuremberg, and an adviser of Argula von Grumbach.
47. No doubt a reflection of his mother’s piety; see 2 Cor. 5:15.
48. She refers to this Würzburg canon as a dear friend; presumably Hepberg
is meant, just north of Ingolstadt and the little village of Lenting, to which Argula von
Grumbach moved after her husband lost his position as ducal administrator at Dietfurt; she
also spent time up north in Franconia, overseeing the planting and harvesting of crops, at her
husband’s estates at Burggrumbach, near Würzburg, from which this letter is written.
49. Argula.
50. The parishioners.
51. “Nach der frauen fritzen von grumbachs hat schriben (very faint) wolst sagen
A Life in Letters
59
ich woll bey hern jacob pfeffer dem vicario zu zeiletzhaym allen moglichen fleis furwenden damit nichts soll vnterlassen werd(en) bey dem pfar volcke das dem wort gottes zu
nachteill des gleichen den schefflein raichen soll . . . doch verhoff ich woll sovill bey jm
vermogen das kein fleis bey im erwand(en) sollen dem wort Christy . . . das sy sehen
solt daß mir das wort gottes auch zuhertzen sein solt . . . vnd wan dy frein kombst will
ich mich warlich in ein ander wesen zurichten mit gots hilff gedenk(en).” Personenselekt
Cart. 110.
52. Indecipherable words, perhaps “v. etlicher Zeit” inserted above “auf geschribn”
and then crossed out.
53. “junck” crossed out.
54. Added in margin.
55. Tücke.
56. “hern Jacob meinem junckhern beuleiß” crossed out.
57. The translation is difficult; I am indebted to Professor Werner Besch for
the suggestion that “auffschreiwen” here probably means “Kündigung,” or “resignation”
and that “gewandt” means “Neigung” or “inclination;” an alternative suggestion, from Dr.
Tom Scott, is that “gewandt” could mean “alienated;” the translation would then read: “And
although the aforesaid Herr Frederick replied to this letter of the aforesaid Herr Jacob
saying that he should think again, because he has alienated the people of the parish, and
the people of the parish [have turned] against him (as he informed my husband), yet Herr
Jacob made no changes from [what he said in] his previous letter.”
58. Ketzmann (1487–1542), the first Lutheran rector of St Lorenz’s school in
Nuremberg, was a fine scholar who composed Latin poems; Melanchthon recommended
him as an experienced pastor with a peaceable temperament, and a good understanding
of Christian teaching, which makes this outburst all the more intriguing.
59. Euer Williger.
60. Bernhardin von Stauff, the head of the family, living at Beratzhausen and
Regensburg, was an early supporter of the Reformation; he had a reputation as a womanizer.
61. “alles.”
62. “vnnd ferrer” crossed out.
63. “zu,” almost obscured by a large blot.
64. Hans Karl Grumbach, a cousin.
65. “nit andthworth” crossed out.
66. Written above the line.
67. “verandthworten vnd” crossed out.
68. “gegen euch v.... gklich halten” —written above the line and hard to decipher.
69. “verstendige” is crossed out and ”erbere person” inserted above the line.
70. Note the change in title.
71. See Christoph Weismann, “Der Katechismus Andreas Althamers von
1528,” in Buchwesen in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, ed. Ulman Weiß (Epfendorf/
60 EMWJ 2009, vol. 4
Peter Matheson
Neckar: bibliotheca academica Verlag, 2008), 215–150, esp. 217.
72. The word “petschaft,” seal, is (appropriately) partly obscured by her seal.
73. Feb. 4, 1545: Grumbach v. Kretzer. Würzburger Standbücher 964, f. 159;
Staatsarchiv Würzburg.
74. The word is hard to decipher; Kolde’s suggestion (188), is “dauor,” which is
not correct.
75. doctor.
76. The writing is smudged and hard to decipher; Kolde (188) suggests: “nicht
in der stat.”
77. “mit euch” is obscured by a large blot.
78. This word is hard to decipher.
79. Two tiny words written above the line after “pfunt” are indecipherable and
have been omitted.
80. “erbester” is an odd term: the meaning appears to be that he will turn out
“better” than his brother.
81. See n.80 above.
82. Wolfgang Jacob, the cantor at St Lorenz.
83. See n. 81 above.
84. Argula von Grumbach to Duke William, Nov. 8, 1542, Personenselekt
Cart. 110.
85. Sigmund Nuremberger to Duke William, Feb. 3, 1542, Personenselekt
Cart. 110.
86. This draft letter is not in her hand.
87. “kan” is added in the margin, to be inserted after “das.”
88. Presumably of hay.
89. She will suffer losses if she is delayed by the proposed meeting.
90. It is not with the rest of the correspondence in Munich. I found it in the
Würzburg archives, which encourages the hope that other letters may yet turn up.
91. “vew” is crossed out.
92. The word she uses is “ritterlich”; see her letter to the Regensburg Council:
“We must not strike with weapons, but love our neighbour, and keep peace with one
another . . .” Matheson, Argula von Grumbach, 158.
93. Nicholas Schlick to Argula von Grumbach Aug. 6, 1547, Personenselekt
Cart. 110.
94. I have compared her public and private correspondence in “Form and
Persuasion in the Correspondence of Argula von Grumbach,” in Women’s Letters across
Europe, 275–96; see also my article, “Pushing the Boundaries: Argula von Grumbach as
a Lutheran Laywoman 1492–1556/7,” in Practices of Gender in Late Medieval and Early
Modern Europe, 25–42.