ABSTRACTS

SEPTEMBER 2003
IN
ABSTRACTS
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TENTH SEMINAR
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
AN STU
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Archaeological excavations at a pre-Buddhist residential
site in far western Tibet
Mark Aldenderfer
In this paper I report upon excavations at Dindun, a site located on a high terrace overlooking the Blackwater River and between the modern villages of Piyang and Dungkar,
Ngari, Tibet Autonomous Region. Testing in 1999 and more extensive excavation in 2001
has revealed the presence of residential architecture dating to approximately cal 85 BC
(2065 ± 60 rcybp). Although the site has been somewhat disturbed by a series of chortens
constructed during the Buddhist period, it is likely that a small village of at least ten
distinct structures was once present. Much of the site is covered in varying depths of wall
collapse, but wall foundation courses can still be traced on the surface. The structures
discovered at the site are generally rectangular, and are quite variable in the number of
internal rooms present. Some are very simple, with only a single room and associated
features, whereas the largest structures on the site have multiple internal rooms. Although
it is not clear at present why this variability exists, it is likely to be due to variation in
household size or composition, age of household, or differences in wealth. Despite this
variability, feature type and placement are similar in the structures: one corner of every
structure has a probable kitchen area, which includes a large, stone-slab lined hearth
filled with burned soil and ash, and small stone storage chambers and boxes located in
different parts of the structure. This, plus the relatively homogenous ceramic assemblage,
suggests that we are looking at a single cultural tradition at Dindun, and not a series of
reoccupations of the site by different peoples. In general, small structures have very few
artifacts of any kind associated with them, whereas larger ones have more complete ceramic assemblages and other artifacts, like ground stone tools. The largest structure, which
contained multiple rooms, had a unique feature present in a chamber at its western end:
a stone stela (Tib. doring). Although pushed over, the stela had been placed in a rock-lined
seat. No artifacts were found within this chamber. The stela itself was almost two meters
in length, and made from a local stone. Although no carving indicative of art or language
was found upon it, modifications clearly shaped it into a phallic form. A similar phalliform
stela was found on the eastern side of a site within a small rock feature that might once
have been a small room or chamber. Burned offerings of barley and other vegetable matter were associated with this stela. These stela are clearly part of ritual and religious practice that was once performed at the site, but their exact function is unknown. Similar
phalliform stela are known from other parts of western Tibet and the trans-Himalaya,
but this the first time they have been encountered in a true residential complex. This
paper will explore the possible interpretations of this cultural pattern in the light of the
antiquity of the site.
A conservation study of rMe ru rnying pa monastery, Lhasa
André Alexander
In 1999–2000, the international NGO Tibet Heritage Fund restored the ninth century rMe
ru rnying pa monastery in Lhasa in cooperation with the Lhasa City Cultural Relics Office. During that time, unrestricted access enabled us to carry out a comprehensive study
(including surveys and structural investigations) vital for the formulation of the conservation activities. Due to the peculiar circumstances, the actual work had to begin almost
simultaneously with the study, but that enabled us to look inside opened walls and opened
roofs and underneath successive layers of wall paintings and plaster. Comparisons could
also be made with a number of other historic monasteries in Lhasa that were studied
during the same period, such as the Lhasa Jokhang and Tengyeling, looking at wall paintings, spatial organisation and functionality, construction materials and how a respective
site is functioning within the local community. All data gathered has now been processed, the surveys are drawn up, and Tibetan sources were consulted to establish a building chronology.
This study has greatly increased our knowledge about traditional Tibetan timber
and stone architecture, and helped to develop a systematic conservation and rehabilitation approach for historic Tibetan buildings. The study shows that in order to gain a
proper understanding of a Tibetan monument, it is not enough to only look at the sources
without visiting the building, nor to only judge by stylistic criteria without consulting all
available sources. Founding dates of several of the sites surveyed had to be repeatedly
corrected when we were confronted with contradictory information.
The current construction boom in Tibet makes comprehensive study and documentation of historic sites an urgent priority, as commercial redevelopment may deprive us
from gathering enough data to one day better understand and appreciate the most important historic developments in Tibetan architecture and decorative arts, and their relation with social conditions and religious practice of the past.
Thangkas dedicated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala: questions of
stylistic connections
Eva Allinger
Most of the thangkas known today with representations of Jinas as part of a series dedicated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala found their way into collections of art outside Tibet as
individual items. Only rarely can individual works from different collections be identified as belonging to a group.
The datings and attributions given in publications are almost exclusively arrived at
on the basis of intuition alone. In most cases an insecurely dated work is taken as a benchmark for yet another insecure dating. By contrast, a dating arrived at on the basis of
iconographic development would seem to provide a much more secure point of reference.
While in West Tibet the formative period is solidly documented by a securely dated
building and its entire decoration (Tabo), this is not the case for the formative period of
Central Tibet. Thangkas that can be dated on the basis of inscriptions – mostly portraits of
lamas – permit stylistic classification from around 1200; however, it also becomes apparent that there was certainly more than a single line of development, as parallel schools
existed.
This presentation explores the question of whether an at least relative chronology
can be posited for the extant material and whether schools of painting can be distinguished from one another.
Analysis of Tibetan titles: Towards a genre-based
classification of Tibetan literature
Orna Almogi
In the last few decades the number of accessible Tibetan works has increased dramatically, bringing with them the need to be catalogued and documented systematically. Tibetan literature comprises a variety of genres, which are based on both the different subject matters and the diverse stylistic forms and methods of presentation. This diversity of
topics and methods of presentation makes cataloguing Tibetan literature highly challenging. The schemes found in most existing catalogues were designed to suit a particular limited collection. But no genre-scheme has yet been proposed for cataloguing the
entire corpus of Tibetan literary works. To optimise the accessibility of Tibetan writings
such a scheme will have to include the broadest spectrum possible of genre types and key
words.
What factors are essential for a genre-based classification? Of primary importance
are no doubt the Tibetan titles themselves including the terms for genres they contain. As
other scholars also noticed, title analysis is not as easy as it first seems. On the one hand,
several different titles may exist for one and the same text, and on the other hand, any
attempt to classify Tibetan texts by mechanically relying on the Tibetan genre terms proves
to be problematic.
In my paper, I shall clarify the importance of Tibetan titles and possible implications
for cataloguing. I shall attempt to analyse the various types of titles and their different
components, including their ornamental parts. Finally, I shall propose strategies for a
cataloguer to make the most of titles.
Exotica Tibet and the poetics of (post)colonial representations
Dibyesh Anand
Tibet has remained at the edge of postcolonial theory while the latter too has only made
minor skirmishes into Tibetan studies. In this sense, my paper sends a postcard from the
edge to both the study of Tibet and the Tibetans as well as to postcolonial studies. This
paper is about the writing of Tibet in the international political imaginary. It argues for
enculturing political analysis and politicising cultural analysis if we are to appreciate the
rhetorical tropes underlying the poetics of colonial and postcolonial representations of
the non-Western peoples and places such as Tibet and the Tibetans. It identifies some
important strategies (such as ‘archive’, gaze, differentiation/ classification, debasement/
idealisation, eroticisation/moralisation, chronopolitics, infantilisation/ gerontification,
naturalisation, and self-affirmation/self-criticism) that are deployed to operationalise
Orientalist constructs such as Exotica Tibet (umbrella term for Western exoticised representation of Tibet). Against some Tibetanists, it stresses that Edward Said-inspired
Orientalism critique is relevant in the context of Tibet too. The empirical case of Exotica
Tibet is contextualised within a more general postcoloniality (that is postcolonial critical
spirit).
Tibetan students in Soviet Russia
Alexander Andreyev
This paper is intended to shed light on the hitherto unknown story of Tibetan students,
who were educated in the USSR in the 1920s–1930s, in the wake of Soviet-Tibetan rapprochement. According to Russian sources, in early February 1924, a group of four Tibetan teenage boys, accompanied by the Dalai Lama’s “diplomatic courier”, one Champa
Thogmed, arrived in Urga (Outer Mongolia), apparently on the initiative of Tibet’s ruler.
They were met by the Dalai’s representative in Russia, Agvan Dorjiev, who then arranged
for their coming to Verkhneudinsk (Ulan-Ude), the capital of the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Republic. There the young Tibetans spent about a year attending the
city technical college before they finally moved to Leningrad to be enrolled in the Institute of Living Oriental Languages (LIJVIa), as was arranged by Dorjiev with the Soviet
Foreign Ministry (Narkomindel). More Tibetan boys came to the USSR in the latter half of
the 1920s. There is evidence that these newcomers were all admitted to the Communist
University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV) in Moscow. The Tibetan students pursued
their education in the old and new Russian capitals well into the 1930s, according to the
LIJVIa and KUTV official records. The paper discusses their curriculum, the life conditions and leisure as well as various mishaps they met with, based on the available information in the extent Russian sources.
A report on Bhutanese castle ruins and caves associated with
Lha-sras Gtsang-ma
John Ardussi
An important ancestral figure in the early history of eastern Bhutan was Lha-sras Gtsangma (b. 800?), one of three sons of the Tibetan king Khri Lde Srong-btsan Sad-na-legs.
According to most Tibetan histories, Gtsang-ma was sidestepped for nomination as btsanpo due to his being a committed Buddhist. Instead, sometime during the reigns of his
brothers Ral-pa-can and Glang Darma he was sent into southern exile and assassinated.
In Bhutan, however, traditions view Gtsang-ma as the progenitor of old ruling families
from districts near Tashigang, whose independent kingdoms were absorbed during the
mid 17th into the unified state of Bhutan. Today, there remain largely uninvestigated
ruins in eastern Bhutan connected with Gtsang-ma. There are, in addition, less certain
traditions connecting him with old temples and cave sites in western Bhutan. In this
paper, I propose to review some of the issues of the various Gtsang-ma legends, focusing
on the castle ruins and caves with which he is tied. These include ’Jam-mkhar, Btsanmkhar-la, Nam-mthong Dkar-po and Bcal-ka cave near Paro. The latter was also famous
in Bon-po histories as a place of gter-ma concealment.
“We are the Lhopos, we do not have Tibetan origins. The
Tibetans are the refugees”: Understanding the perception of
Tibetan identities in contemporary Sikkim, India
Vibha Arora
This paper seeks to explore the changes in the perception of Tibetan community in contemporary Sikkim by following a historical approach to understand the inter-relations
between Tibet and Sikkim. Lhopos is the term used to refer to the ethnic group of Bhutias
who reside in Sikkim and who historically migrated to Sikkim in the 14th century. Kabi is
the sacred site where a historic blood brotherhood treaty was solemnised between the
indigenous Lepchas and the Bhutia migrants. The two groups were represented by the
Lepcha shaman, Tekong Tek and Tibetan Prince (Minayak Dynasty of Kham in Tibet),
Khye Bumsa. This event marked the entry of the Bhutia groups in Sikkim.
In the 17th century, Phuntsog Namgyal who was a descendant of Khye Bumsa was
crowned as the King (Chos-rgyal in Tibetan) at Yoksum by three influential monks belonging to the Nyingma sect. These monks had fled from Tibet fearing persecution by the
ascendancy of the Gelugpa sect in 1761. Historically the influence of Tibet has been very
strong in Sikkim. A reading of the document “History of Sikkim” written by Maharani
Yeshay Dolma and Maharaja Thutob Namgyal in 1908 explicitly testifies to this influence. Another document, the Gazetteer of Sikkim (Risley 1928) lists 14 clans as the original root clans of the Lhopas in Sikkim. This document is also now being cited by the
Lhopos as the evidence of their claims to indigeneity. Only the clans recognised by the
two documents ‘History of Sikkim’ and the ‘Gazetteer of Sikkim’ are the rightful claimants as Lhopas.
The identity of the Lhopas has also been affirmed in civil law. The Land Revenue
Order no. 1 proclamation of 1917 explicitly made special provisions for the protection of
the rights of the Lepcha and Bhutias. The proclamation forbids the alienation of land
belonging to the Bhutias and Lepchas to any other group than themselves. These provisions and other customary laws were also incorporated in the merger agreement of Sikkim
with India in 1975. Article 371 (f) of the Constitution of India is committed to respect the
rights of the indigenous Lepchas and Bhutias. However the Scheduled Tribes notification
of 1978 led to a redefinition of the Bhutias/Lhopo category by the inclusion of six other
groups in this category such as the Sherpas, Dokpas, Dopthapas, Kagatey, Tibetan and
Chumbiapa. This notification has led to a crises of identity and a need for self-preservation as increasingly the two groups feel marginalised in their homeland at all levels: numerically, socially and on the politico-economic level.
The Lhopos are claiming prior rights as the indigenous groups and asserting themselves against the Tibetan community who migrated to Sikkim in 1959 consequent to the
annexation of Tibet by China. The Sikkim Bhutia Lepcha Apex committee (SIBLAC) was
explicitly formed in the nineties to preserve the political rights of the indigenous Lepcha
and Bhutia communities and for the systematic restoration of their rights. The revocation
of the notification is on the explicit agenda of the committee.
The contemporary image of the Tibetan community is that of refugees (indicated by
the green book which is evidence of their refugee status). The once revered Tibetan origins are being presently denied by the Lhopas in Sikkim. The Tibetan community has
economically prospered in the last few decades. Their success and economic prosperity is
being resented by the indigenous groups. On the politico-economic level the feelings of
anger are strong and explicit. However on a domestic level marital alliances between the
Tibetan refugees and the Lhopos do take place. On a religious level there are sectarian
differences with the Lhopos mostly following the Kargyupa or the Nyingma sect and the
majority of the Tibetans belonging to the Gelugpa sect.
Why this denial and denigration of Tibetan influence? It is explained by the contemporary international image of the Tibetan community as refugees and a community without a homeland. This is the dominant perception of the community today and the image
from which the Lhopas would like to distance themselves. The Lhopos were the ruling
elates of Sikkim until the merger of Sikkim in 1975. The Lhopos are emplaced in their
land.
To support my argument, I will be using a series of visual images collected from the
British archives and from personal collections. These archival images indicate the strong
influence of Tibet in Sikkimese life and among all categories such as the monks, laity, and
the Royal family. These images will be compared with the contemporary visual images
that I have taken during my recent fieldwork in Sikkim, which definitely continue to
testify to the continuities of Tibetan roots. However in arguing this, I am not denying the
ongoing impact of Indian and western culture on the Lhopos. However examining these
influences are beyond the scope of this presentation.
Ritual in Sikkim: expressions of cultural identity and change
among the Lhopos
Anna Balikci-Dengjongpa
The article discusses the political, economic and religious changes that have swept through
Sikkim in recent decades and their consequences on the ritual field, both within the monastery and the household. Since the 1970s, the Lhopos (Sikkimese Bhutias) have felt the
need to properly define their language, culture and rituals as distinct from Tibetan or
other Himalayan highlanders for a number of historical, political and economic reasons.
This need to assert a distinct Sikkimese identity has found perfect expression through the
worship of the deities of the land and its sacred sites (gnas) as these indirectly promote
their ancient relation with the sacred land (sbas yul) and their “sons of the soil” identity.
Community membership entails mandatory participation in a number of domestic
rituals which are, in many cases, a celebration of these territorial and ancestral deities.
Their performance help ensure the health, fertility and prosperity of the individual, the
land and the household. The obligation to participate, particularly to weddings and funerals, provides a neutral ground for all members of the Lhopo community to meet beyond political and other differences. Although these ritual obligations were originally
held to ensure community membership and thus access to labour and help in case of
emergency, they were well maintained and adapted to the urban setting as they ensured
financial contributions so that wedding and especially funerals could be properly performed.
The end of the Buddhist monarchy in 1975 was followed by the gradual abandonment of Buddhist state rituals and a diminishing attendance at important monastic rituals throughout the state. As a result, the household rituals, which survived the political
upheavals of the 1970s, seem to have effectively replaced the monastery as the centre of
Lhopo community and social life in post–1975 Sikkim.
Considering the importance of ethnic politics in Sikkim, the advantages of their ‘tribal’
status and the basic need to survive as a community under threat, the capacity to define
and promote a Sikkimese identity has found expression in a number of ways over the
years, not only through the household rituals and the celebrations of the ancestral and
land deities, but also through the protection of the sacred sites (anti-hydro project protests), the revival and even creation of ‘national’ rituals on a modest scale in various
corners of the state, the adaptation of the script of the Lhopo dialect, and the efforts to
preserve particular Buddhist teachings and lineages specific to Sikkim such as the rig
’dzin srog sgrub revealed by Lhatsun Namka Jigme as a ter in the 17th Century.
The performance of domestic rituals and the need to assert a cultural identity independent of Tibet has also indirectly helped promote what may be called Sikkimese ‘village Buddhism’ and in certain cases, the co-existence of shamanism and Buddhism at the
village level. Sikkimese village Buddhism has indeed surprisingly well integrated aspects of what villagers call bon. Although bon rituals are the domain are the dpa’ bo and
the rnal ’byor ma, these shamans have become practically non-existent in Sikkim and aspects of their practices, which do no require possession, have been integrated and survived in the rituals of the village lamas, particularly those concerned with the celebration
of the sacred land.
These land rituals are perhaps the best expression of the Sikkimese identity today.
Indeed, this relation with the land, its harvests, deities and sacred locations, is probably
the most important aspect of culture left to the Lhopo community, along with their language and rites de passage, to define themselves as a distinct community. Such form of
Buddhism seems to have evolved in interaction with the rituals of neighbouring communities, particularly those of the Lepchas, the Limbus and the Bhutanese; and perhaps in
reaction and in an effort to define and assert autonomy from a more disciplined, scholarly, celibate and politically powerful Tibetan monk-body which today represent the culture of a foreign land which Sikkimese had to disassociate themselves from if they were
to survive as one of India’s indigenous ‘tribal’ community.
Observations on schooling in the Tibetan diaspora versus
schooling in Tibet
Ellen Bangsbo
The educational attainments of Tibetans in the Tibetan areas are still among the lowest in
China. There is still a high level of illiteracy amongst Tibetan children in Tibet (TAR) and
low attendance in school can be due to disadvantageous geographical conditions in mountainous areas, curriculum is often seen as irrelevant and of poverty and a need for the
children to do domestic labour. In contradiction nearly all of the Tibetan children in exile
in India and Nepal complete school up to the 5th or the 10th grade. My paper looks at
different aspects, which are significant factors for Tibetan children to attend and complete schooling in Tibet versus in India and Nepal.
The first Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal chose to send their children to Catholic
boarding schools in Mussoorie, Dehra Dun, Kalimpong and Darjeeling and the majority
of this generation in exile never learned to write Tibetan. Since then the Central Tibetan
Administration in Dharamsala or private innovators have funded many Tibetan schools
in India and Nepal. Traditional restrictions no longer prevail and some Tibetan schools
even accept the mixture of lay children, monks and nuns. Like in Tibet schools in India
and Nepal are obliged to follow official requirements of curriculum and exams, but they
are permitted to add teachings on Tibetan history, language and culture. Tibetan parents
in diaspora acknowledge and welcome the need for their children to learn English as
well as Hindi and/or Nepali respectively.
Tibetans in Tibet are obliged to study subjects that are taught in Chinese and some
students drop out as they fail to qualify in the Chinese language examinations. The use
of the Chinese language as a teaching medium is being increased in primary schools
and consequently children have few chances of learning to read and write Tibetan.
Since the mid 1980s, Tibetan children in Tibet have been offered state scholarship to
complete their high school in other provinces. Critics are concerned that this will create
a local ‘patriotic’ elite and a cultural uprooting of the children selected. The Chinese
government has also proposed that teachers should be recruited from China in order to
develop education in Tibet and that a closing of village schools should be transformed
into ‘key-schools’.
The question is if more education and ‘more educated teachers’ actually equate with
better quality of education? Many schools are geared towards students attaining high
scores in exams and often parents feel that it is of greater importance for their children to
know about their language and religion than learning mathematics and science. Traditional education is delivered in one way as strongly disciplinary ‘root-learning’ methods
with not enough attention paid to informal education. However, in modern education
methodology the methods to deliver education in the classroom are regarded as crucial.
UNICEF characterises a right-based child-friendly school as being a child-centred education system, which promotes children’s basic rights and access to a supportive learning
environment, knowledge, skills and competencies, and values needed for continuing lifelong learning (UNICEF 2002). The teachers’ role is no longer just to convey knowledge,
but also in solidarity with the students to function as starters and to teach the students
independent learning and individual initiative.
With the understanding that children are not just passive recipients of knowledge
transmitted via the teacher and the textbook some international NGOs aim that the traditional root-learning education should give way to alternatives. By collaborating with the
official Tibetan educational system in Tibet (TAR) the aim is to renew the educational
approach and enable local teachers to use a child-centred learning method. It is expected
that such teaching methods will increase the level of school attainments and participation. This is essential as the Tibetan community needs to be educated as a future Tibetan
elite requires educational skills in order to gain influence in a modern society, be it either
Tibetan, Chinese, Asian or International. My paper will focus on which way- and – how
a method of renewed schooling can increase Tibetan children’s self-understanding and
ability to function and act in society. In exile this can be done through a renewed Tibetan
culture friendly school curriculum and as this, due to present political restrictions, is
unthinkable in Tibet, a revised pedagogical teaching methodology might instead be a
means to teach children how to think and act independently.
References: UNICEF 2002, Shaeffer et. al. The Global Agenda for Children: Learning for the 21st Century.
Observations of Buddhist New Year rituals in present-day
Mongolia
Agata Bareja-Starzynska
The present paper is based on research carried out in Ulan Bator in 2001 in collaboration
with Dr. Hanna Havnevik (University of Oslo) as part of the project Revival of Buddhism in
Mongolia since 1990. This paper focuses on a selection of Buddhist ceremonies of the New
Year (Tsagaan Sar) performed in monasteries in Ulan Bator.
Democratic changes in Mongolia since the 1990s have brought freedom of expressing religious beliefs and a strong revival of Tibetan Buddhism. Most of the New Year
ceremonies observed in Ulan Bator in 2001 were performed also in the past, while the
very popular tsam (’cham) dances are not enacted at present. While some rituals appear to
have kept their old form, other traditional religious observances have become enriched
with new elements, e.g. the participation of the President and Prime Minister in the New
Year mandala offering in Gandantekchenlin, the largest and most important monastery in
Mongolia. This, together with other characteristic new features of Mongolian religious
life, suggests that Buddhism is used as one element in the ongoing nation-building process.
This presentation aims to show similarities and differences between Buddhist New
Year rituals observed in monasteries in Ulan Bator in 2001 and ceremonies documented
in records from pre-revolutionary Mongolia. An attempt will also be made to compare
New Year ceremonies in Ulan Bator today with relevant such rituals in pre–1950 Tibet.
Not being able to observe processes of ritual change, their altered contexts and meaning
over time, necessarily makes such a comparison of old and new religious forms superficial. Nevertheless, an attempt will be made here to give a preliminary description of and
to identify some of the elements that make up the highly creative moment of religious life
in present Mongolia, where partly forgotten New Year rituals practiced in secrecy for
decades are being re-enacted and recreated in a new socio-cultural setting.
Politics, secrecy and the uses of media: Chen Kuiyuan and the
Panchen Lama reincarnation dispute, 1995
Robbie Barnett
In 1999, a book was published in the series Gaoji Ganbu Wenku (High Level Cadre Documents Series).by the Publishing House of the Central Party School in Beijing (Zhonggong
Zhongyang Dangxiao Chubanshe),. It contained a number of major speeches and writings
by the then Party Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region, Chen Kuiyuan, including
some apparently highly confidential internal reports by Secretary Chen concerning the
search for the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama. The reports appear to challenge
dominant western assessments of those events, and at the same time, by putting secret
party texts into the public arena, seem to represent a specific approach to political secrecy
and disclosure. Why did Chen have these reports published, and what do they tell us
about the history of the dispute over that reincarnation? This was only one of many examples of uses of the media by political leaders in that issue, which included film, publications and newspapers, not to mention the extraordinary photo-realist triptych of the
December 1995 ceremony created at the request of officials involved in the reincarnation
dispute. The paper looks at the mechanics of representation in that dispute, and the ways
in which different types of media were used by the various parties to present their positions. It looks at the links between these forms of technology and the thinking of the
participants, and asks how these might relate to a “modern” form of Tibetan politics, and
to concepts of criminality and secrecy.
Mon and its Tibeto-Burman neighbours: a reassessment of its
epigraphic record in Burma A.D. 1000–1400
Christian Bauer
The recovery of two Mon epigraphs in the late 1990s shattered previously held assumptions, originally promulgated by G. H. Luce, not only about the absolute chronology and
diffusion of Mon language-use in early ‘Burma’ but also about the nature of languagecontacts with its Tibeto-Burman neighbours, notably Burmese and Tircul (Pyu).
One inscription, from Pagán (mound no. 1216, recovered in 1996), dated AD 1129, with
supplementary lines in Old Burmese of AD 1224, together with a number of subsequent
epigraphs, suggests continuing Mon language-use in Central Burma after Cañsû I
(Alaungsithu), the end of whose reign was previously held to be the cut-off point.
The other inscription, recovered in 1999 from beneath a stupa at a site on the lower eastern rim of the Irrawaddy Delta, dated AD 1362, is significant in two respects: (1) It is the
earliest Middle Mon text so far, until then assumed to begin with the Kyaikmaraw inscription of AD 1455 (near Moulmein); (2) It is the first tangible evidence of an earlier
onset of Mon presence in the delta than hitherto acknowledged.
This contribution examines and re-evaluates Mon epigraphic evidence from all parts of
Burma – Pagán, the Delta, lower western Sittang, lower western Salween and Tavoy –
between the 11th and the 14th centuries. Not only will primary Mon data be newly assessed but also the records of the Archaeological Survey, Burma, to create a more refined
and reliable profile as to the chronology, areal distribution and typology of these early
texts. This profile will be matched with corresponding early Burmese data.
In the second part concrete contact phenomena with Tibeto-Burman languages are
to be examined:
A. Tircul (Pyu):
(1) Can Tircul (Pyu) ‘relative clause’ constructions be attributed to Mon contact?
B. Old (and Middle ?) Burmese:
(1) Mon-Burmese grammatical markers – which way were they borrowed? (2) The
Mon-Burmese graphic -ui- vocalism; (3) Mon abbreviatory rhyme spellings, their chronology and relationship with Burmese – a new framework for the dating of texts.
C. Periodization
(1) A new periodization of Mon;
(2) Is a periodization of Burmese possible?
Land use change among pastoral communities of Porong
(Shigatse Prefecture, TAR), 1950–2000
Kenneth Bauer
This research concerns land use change among pastoral communities in central Tibet. The
project aims to integrate social and ecological data about land use across several scales in
the Porong region (Nyelam county, Shigatse Prefecture). I draw on ethnographic fieldwork,
historical documents, participatory mapping, and readings on the Chinese state and Tibetan history for a multi-disciplinary view of pastoral development, 1950–2000.
Since 1950, the TAR government has attempted to re-organize pastoralists into feudal peasants, Marxist cadres, commune teams, and now private ranchers. The state
launched a series of economic reforms and revolutions – like communes – to increase
livestock production and improve living standards in many Tibetan areas. I use an empirical case – a sparsely populated, economically marginal community close to the border of Nepal – to see the ways in which the state has or has not penetrated rural Tibet.
I will attempt to reconstruct the past fifty years of government policies and actions
vis-à-vis local pastoral communities based on Communist Party announcements, newspaper articles, and ‘grey’ literature from NGOs and government departments. I make
preliminary observations on historical land use based on documents from the Porong
region dating to the 18th century. These documents dictate and record pasture boundaries, taxation rates, and stocking levels. This is a rich archive with which to study land
tenure and grazing patterns over time. In future ethnographic research, I will gather life
histories, map pasture use, and interview state and local actors in rangeland management to narrate historical and contemporary patterns of economic and social organization in the Porong region.
Chinggis Khan as the reincarnation of Vajrapani: the effect of
Tibetan Buddhism on Mongol perceptions of their ancestors
Nasan Bayar
This paper focuses on the cult of Chinggis Khan on the basis of historical and contemporary textual sources, as well as on the basis of ethnographic observation of current practices. Chinggis Khan has been represented in different ways and through different symbols for the Mongols in different historical periods and socio-political contexts. If one
looks at Chinggis Khan with a shamanic charisma (sulde or suu jali in Mongolian) described in the Mongolian earliest historiography The Secret History of the Mongols written
in the 13th century, one would find a figure quite different from the one mentioned under
the same name in the genealogical writings transmitted from the 17–18th centuries: in the
later sources Chinggis Khan had become a Buddhist personage who was not only defined as a reincarnation of Vajrapani but embodied Buddhist values.
Although Buddhism was regarded as the state religion by Kubilai Khan in the Yuan
dynasty, as soon as the dynasty collapsed in the 14th century it lost its privilege in the
Mongolian society in which Shamanism had been enjoying great popularity at a grassroot level. Altan Khan reintroduced the religion (Gelugpa sect) into Mongolian areas in
the 16th century. The Tibetan Buddhism was spread very successfully with strong support from the Mongolian native leaders. In the 17th century when Mongols were confronting the challenge from the Manchu rival, their elites, like great contemporary historian Sagang Sechin, tried to emphasize Chinggis Khan’s lineage by rewriting Mongol
history. Sagang Sechin of Ordos (one of Mongolian six Tumens, administrative and political unit at the time) reconstructed Mongol history with a Buddhistic rhetoric and narrative pattern, in his Erdeni-yin Tobchi, one of the main sources for the Mongolian
historiography at that time.
During the Qing dynasty, Manchu rulers employed special strategies to demartialize
Mongols in order to maintain their rule over the people. The propagation of Tibetan Buddhism was one of them. Although the regime allowed the cult of Chinggis Khan to remain in the Ordos, its structure and functions were modified according to principles of
Tibetan Buddhism which was the hegemonic ideology in the Mongolian areas in that
period of time. This significant transformation of the cult did not only include the modification of the Mongolian shamanic worship into more a Buddhist one, but also changed
the scope of the participants and the origin of the sacrifice. The main body of the participants of the cult originally consisted of the members of the Mongol royal family from
various parts of Mongolia and they did participate in order to settle political and social
issues including power inheritance with the blessing of their great ancestor’s sulde (Soul,
charisma). During the Qing Dynasty, the main participants were the native people, at
beginning the Darhads (clergy who conduct the cult for permanent mourning of Chinggis
Khan) and later the common native Ordos Mongols seeking the blessing from the soul of
Chinngis Khan.
During the Republican period, the Chinese government intervened in the Mongol
native cult as well as in the Buddhist religion. Especially during the World War II when
the Inner Mongols were split in their political choice for dependence on Japan or China,
the central government (Kuomintang) supported a proposal to move main objects of the
ritual to Qinghai (Koknuur) to prevent any risk of these being sized by the Japanese.
These had their own Mongolian agents who stood in a pro-Japanese line as a means to
seek for independence. The cult was moved to the Kumbum monastery where a Mongolian lama performed a ceremony to restore the cult in the new environment. Many high
officials including Chiang Kai-shik offered sacrifice in worship of Chinggis khan, who
was identified as a hero of the Chinese nation at that time. This very identification was an
aspect of the controversy on who Chinggis khan was.
The ritual of Chinggis khan has been added some new dimensions in the recent
decades: Chinggis khan has become a god-like figure blessing all praying people, Mongols or non-Mongols, and the cult site has become an attractive tourist-site, in the current
days when the market and money rules are penetrating every corner of social life of Inner
Mongolia. Lamas from the monasteries still help in the ceremonies, participating in the
whole process of the ritual.
In brief, this paper discusses the way in which Chinggis Khan has been Buddhified,
especially from the 17th century onwards. Buddhism has affected the Mongolian view of
their great ancestor, with other political, ideological and social factors reflecting the policy
of the Qing regime toward the Mongols. This kind of process did not only happen in the
dynastic period of the Manchu rulers but also in modern nation-state context. This paper
gives a historical outline of how the cult of Chinggis khan was reshaped again and again,
in various political contexts, in which the Buddhist religion played an important role in
transforming the function and the nature of the cult in a subtle way. Finally, the author
addresses the more recent transformations of the cult reflecting the complicated interwoven relations among state, religion and market, in the construction of the ethnic identity
of Mongols and of the Chinese nation as well.
Juncture and *Edge effects in old Tibetan syllable codas
Christopher I. Beckwith
Old Tibetan syllable codas are examined in this paper from the viewpoint of theoretical
phonology. Complex codas (M2 + M1) are highly constrained; the possibilities are [+coronal] + /d/ or [-coronal] + /s/ (unlike in onsets, where almost any combination of the
available consonant segments may occur). In contrast to the basic phonemic distinction
between voiced and unvoiced stops that characterizes onsets in Old Tibetan, in coda position the distinction is neutralized, though they are all underlyingly voiced. It is shown
that *EDGE constraints on codas include canonical devoicing of stop codas stem finally –
i.e., either as word final or as the last segment before sandhi-rule-governed CV(C) clitics.
When simple stop codas are followed by a vowel suffix (e.g., the declarative finite suffix
-o), the Maximal Onset Principle applies and the stop is fully voiced (e.g., pab [phap] + o >
pabo [pha.bo]). When complex final stop codas (as in Hgyurd) are followed by the same
suffix (-o), first the M1 stop is devoiced by the *EDGE constraint (Hgyurd > [Ngyurt]) and
then, with the addition of the vowel suffix, the Maximal Onset Principle applies and the
word is resyllabified ([Ngyur.to]). Old Tibetan codas are compared to complex onsets, which
frequently violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle but have recently been shown to
follow an acoustically determined template that governs complex margin structure in
general cross-linguistically. It is concluded that, in light of the margin template and the
*EDGE constraints, the codas of Old Tibetan syllables are not theoretically exceptional.
Imaginaries of Ladakhi modernity
Martijn van Beek
This paper seeks to identify and map the trajectories of contested imaginaries of modern
Ladakh. While giving due attention to local forces, actors and processes, primary attention will be given to ways in which the production, shaping and dissemination of these
imaginaries are connected with supralocal processes, contemporary as well as historical.
Specifically, the encounter with modernity (understood here as always emergent, a process and project) produces different cultural, social, political and economic effects in different regions and countries. Here, in particular the articulation of religious and
developmentalist visions for Ladakhi modernity will be analyzed through the examination of written and oral materials. Different strands of influence from different parts of
the world (Tibet, India, “the West”), as well as the trajectories, the media and agents of
their insertion into Ladakhi public discourse, will be traced historically. Specific imaginaries
of Ladakhi modernity must be understood as particular crystallizations of these multiple
streams and elements, shaped by local as well as exogenous processes and forces. Acknowledging the strategic deployment of such visions of modernity for the mobilization
of domestic and international audiences, serving particular political and economic interests, the paper sheds light on the shaping, meaning and salience of imaginaries of modernity in Ladakh, offering a contribution to the anthropology of modernity in Tibetan societies.
Notes on Tocharian-Tibetan lexical contacts not shared by
Middle Chinese
Wolfgang Behr
Although it had been assumed at least since Eduard Hermann’s (1869–1950) review [1] of
SIEG & SIEGLING’s Tocharische Sprachreste I [2], that Tibetan not only had lexical contatcs
with the Tocharian languages, but also exerted considerable morphological and
morphosyntactic influence upon them, Edward Sapir’s (1884–1939) downright enthusiastic assessment that Tocharian was “[I]n brief ... a Tibetanized Indo-European idiom”,
whose “notoriously difficult” phonology would receive “abundant light from the treatment of Tibetan loan-words” [3], found but few followers [4] in mainstream Indo-European linguistics, and the announced sequels to his pathbreaking article consequently never
appeared. Rather, the enignmatic non-Indo-European component of Tocharian AB was
“temporarily removed” to Ainu in the work of the Belgian linguists Albert Joris van
Windekens (1915–1989) and Pierre Naert (1916–1964) during the fifties and sixties of the
last century (for an overview of the pertinent literature see [5]). Loan relationships with
Uralic [6–7], Turkic and wider Altaic [8–11] continued to be discussed in several scattered
studies during the second half of the 20th c., and some of the implied contact scenarios
have – despite pronounced criticism [12] – not been abandoned so far.
Triggered by the archaeological discovery of the so-called “Tarim mummies” [13],
commonly assumed to be identifiable with an early Indo-European speaking community
in the vicinty of Tocharian in what is now Xinjiang, and based on improved six-vowel
systems in Old Chinese reconstruction, a new interest in Sino-Tocharian lexical comparison has been ushered in more recently [14, 15], and the oldest layer of Turco-Tocharian
contacts has likewise been thoroughly reanalysed against this background [16]. Apart
from a side remark on typological parallels between the Classical Tibetan and Tocharian
gender distinction in the first person personal pronoun [17] and more far-reaching theories about early Indo-European-Tibetan linguistic contacts [18], Tibetan played no role in
the elucidation of Tocharian lexical peculiarities any longer.
In my talk I will attempt to revisit Hermann’s and Sapir’s proposal about early
Tocharian-Tibetan lexical contacts, concentrating on a few isoglosses with Old Tibetan as
represented by the Dunhuang documents, which are not shared by Middle Chinese. Apart
from the light these loan equations might shed on the moot question of Indo-EuropeanTibetan contacts beyond the better documented influences of Iranian language and religious culture on Tibetan [19], they might prove useful as diagnostic tools for current
discussions about the position of Tibetan within the Tibeto-Burman family and, a fortiori,
its relationship vis-à-vis Old Chinese in the recently proposed Sino-Bodic branch of SinoTibetan [20].
[1]
[2]
[3]
NEUMANN, E. (1922), Review of [2], Kuhn’s Zs. f. Vergl. Sprachforschung 50 (1922): 309–311.
SIEG, E. & W. SIEGLING (1921), Tocharische Sprach-reste I, Berlin: W. de Gruyter.
SAPIR, E. (1936), “Tibetan influences on Tocha-rian I”, Lg. 12: 259–271 (repr. in: D.G. MAN-DELBAUM
ed. Edward Sapir: Selected writings in Language, Culture, and Per-so-na-lity: 273–284., Berkeley etc.:
UCP, 1985
[4] IVANOV, V.V. (1962), “Tibetskie kal’ki v to-xars-kix tekstax”, Kratkie Soob__enija Insituta Naro-dov
Azii 57: 35–40.
[5] THOMAS, W. (1994), “Zur Frage nach der nicht-indogermanischen Komponente im To-cha-rischen”,in:
R. BIELMEIER ed., Indo-ger-manica et Caucasica: Festschrift für Karl Horst Schmidt zu, 65. Geburtstag
(Unters. z. idg.. Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft; 6): 223–233.
[6] RÉDEI, K. (1983), “Die ältesten in-do-ger-ma-ni-schen Lehnwörter der Uralischen Sprachen”, in: J.
JANHUNEN et al. eds., Symposium Sae-cu-lare Societatis Fenno-Ugricae (MSFOu; 195): 201–233,
Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seu-ra.
[7] NAPOLSKIX, V.V. (1994), “O vremeni i isto-riπe-skix uslovijax uralo-toxarskix kontaktov”, Jour-nal de
la Société Finno-Ougrienne 85: 37–39.
[8] IVANOV, V.V. (1988), “K probleme toxaro-altajskix leksi_eskix svjazej”, Voprosy Jazy-ko – znanija (4):
99–102.
[9] RONA-TAS, A. (1990), “Altajskij i Indoe-vor-pej-skij (Zametki na poljax T.V. Gamkrelidze i Vja_. Vs.
Ivano-va)”, Voprosy Jazykoznanija (1): 26–37.
[10] REINHART, J. (1994) “Die tocharischen Ent-leh-nungen im Altaischen”, in: B. SCHLERATH ed.,
Tocharisch: Akten der Fachtagung der In-dogermanischen Gesellschaft Berlin 1990 (TIES Supplem. Ser.;
45): 73–92, Rejkjavík: Mál-vísindastofnun Háskóla Islands.
[11] PINAULT, G.-J. (2001), “Tocharo-Turcica”, in: L. BAZIN & P. ZIEME eds., De Dunhuang à Istan-bul.
Hom-mage à James Russel Hamilton (=Silk Road Studies; V): 246–265, Turnhout: Bre-pols.
[12] WIDMER, P. (2001[2002]), “Nugae uralo-to-cha – ricae”, Finn.-Ugr. Mitteilungen 24–25: 171–178.
The territorial delimitation of the pre-Buddhist Zhang Zhung
paleocultural entity
John Vincent Bellezza
In this paper, I will delineate the territorial extent of the pre-Buddhist paleocultural zone
traditionally known as Zhang-zhung, by examining the geographic distribution of its
monumental remains. Using a comprehensive inventory of pre-Buddhist archaeological
sites conducted in Upper Tibet (traditionally known as Stod and Byang-thang) between
1992–2002, this paper will provisionally establish the cultural frontiers of Zhang-zhung.
The assemblage of monument typologies in Upper Tibet with their highly distinctive
morphologies and design traits serve as an index for gauging the areal configuration of
pre-Buddhist culture. In particular, the unique pillar typologies of Upper Tibet distinguish Zhang-zhung from the archaeological heritage of adjoining regions.
An important tool of verification for this archaeological methodological approach is
literary in nature. In general or schematic terms, the extent of the Zhang-zhung kingdom
as recorded in religious histories (chos ’byung) corresponds to the archaeological record.
For example, the 12th century mKhas pa’i lde’u states,” At the juncture of Tibet and Gru-gu
(Uighur territorial entity) there were the five stong-sde (communities/divisions of one
thousand) of Upper Zhang-zhung....At the juncture of Tibet and Sum-pa (regions in eastern Nag-chu prefecture) there were the five stong-sde of Lower Zhang-zhung...”. The same
type of overall geographic arrangement is also maintained by the various Bon btsan ’byung,
but with the stong-sde administrative unit often being replaced by the khri-sde.
The ethnohistorical frontiers of Zhang-zhung as established by the comprehensive
archaeological inventory are given below. However, borderland regions that fall under
the jurisdiction of adjacent countries are not included. The limited archaeological evidence available indicates that the Byang-pa region of La-dwags, sPi-ti in Himachal Pradesh,
as well as sLe-mi, Mu-gu, Dol-po and ’Om-lo, in Nepal, shared very close cultural affinities with Zhang-zhung.
I. Western delimitation:
1)
Ru-thog to the border with La-dwags.
2)
Gu-ge to the border with Himalayan India. Zhang-zhung may have existed in association with other cultural influences in this region because of the widespread incidence of mud brick and rammed earth monument types rarely found in other areas
of Upper Tibet.
3)
Pu-rang. However, the archaeological evidence for Pu-rang smad is inconclusive at
this time. It would appear that many of the pre-Buddhist sites were effaced in this
agricultural enclave by historical Buddhist resettlement.
II. Southern delimitation:
1)
Himalayan watershed as far east as Dar-rgyas-gling township, Sa-dga’ county. It remains to be determined if sections of sKyid-grong county, to the southeast, were also
an integral part of the Zhang-zhung ethnohistorical entity. According to Bon tradition (sLop-dpon bsTan ’dzin rnam-dag’s bstan ’byung, etc.), sTag-mo rdzong of Mangyul was one of the six main fortresses of Zhang-zhung.
III. Eastern delimitation:
1)
gZhung-smad and Ma-g.yo townships, Shan-rtsa county. Areas to the east formed a
distinctive but related cultural zone as evidenced by the archaeological record, which
is mostly funerary in nature. The eastern Byang-thang region, which extends as far
east as Bar-tha township, gNam-mtsho and A-mdo county, corresponds to areas in
the Sum-pa paleocultural domain. Interestingly, the Zhang-zhung and Sum-pa
ethnohistorical frontier is also a contemporary linguistic watershed between the Hor
and sTod skad dialects. Far eastern regions of Byang-thang (eastern Nag-chu county,
Sog and gNyan-rong) have very scant monumental remains, indicative of far less
developed sedentary cultures in the pre-Buddhist period.
IV. Northern delimitation:
1)
Across the breadth of the Byang-thang west of dPal-mgon county. Except for certain
tomb typologies, the Zhang-zhung monumental record does not extend north of 34º
north latitude.
On a morphological, locational and functional basis, pre-Buddhist archaeological
sites in Upper Tibet can be classed as follows:
I. Monuments
1)
Habitational structures occupying summits (fortresses, palaces and related structural
remains)
a. All-stone corbelled buildings
b. Structures built with wooden rafters
2)
Residential structures in other locations (religious and lay residences)
a. All-stone corbelled buildings
b. Other freestanding building types
c. Buildings integrating caves and escarpments in their construction
3)
Ceremonial stelae and accompanying structures (funerary and non-funerary sites)
a. Isolated pillars (rdo-ring)
b. Pillars erected within a quadrangular stone enclosure
c. Quadrangular arrays of pillars with appended edifices
4)
Superficial ceremonial structures (primarily funerary sites)
a. Single-course quadrangular, ovoid and irregularly shaped structures (slab-wall
and flush-block constructions)
b. Double-course quadrangular, ovoid and irregularly shaped structures (slab-wall
and flush-block constructions)
c. Heaped-wall enclosures
d. Rectangular mounds (bang-so)
e. Terraced structures
5)
Cubic-shaped mountaintop tombs
6)
Minor stone constructions
a. Tho
b. Lha-gtsug, gsas-mkhar and rten-mkhar
II. Rock Art
1)
Petroglyphs
2)
Pictographs
3)
Inscriptions
Transforming ordinary birth, death and intermediate state
into the three bodies
Yael Bentor
One of the main premises of Highest Yoga Tantra is that enlightenment may be achieved
in this very lifetime. At the same time, enlightenment is equated with attaining the three
bodies of the Buddha. This might be perceived as involving an apparent contradiction. If
the body of the Buddha were to be attained by forsaking the present body and taking a
new rebirth as an enlightened being, this would not constitute enlightenment in this very
lifetime. Then how is it that, without undergoing death and rebirth, the present impure
body – produced by karma and afflicting emotions – could be abandoned, and the body
of the Buddha, adorned with the major and minor marks, be attained? While other schools
have similar ideas, this paper will look only at works of Dge-lugs-pa authors who maintain that because there are unique correspondences holding between ordinary death and
the Dharma Body, between the ordinary intermediate state and the Enjoyment Body, and
between ordinary birth and the Emanation Body, it is possible to transform the one into
the other without ordinary death intervening. This tradition was especially developed
by Tsong-kha-pa on the basis of a work by Naagabuddhi (Naagabodhi), and was followed by Mkhas-grub-rje and other Dge-lugs-pa authors. The key for attaining enlightenment in this life through the generation process, according to them, lies in unique correspondences linking three levels: (1) the ground of purification, meaning ordinary birth,
death and intermediate state (2) the fruit of purification, meaning the three bodies of the
Buddha, and (3) the purifier, meaning the tantric practices of the generation and completion processes. This paper will examine some traditional Dge-lugs-pa arguments about
the essential role these correspondences must play in the transformation of the ordinary
states into the three bodies of the Buddha.
Professionalisation among amchi in Spiti: discussing the
modernisation of Tibetan medicine
Florian Besch
Transformations of Tibetan medicine due to the changes of modernity have been described in its variations by V. Adams (in Nepal, Lhasa), C. Janes (in Tibet) and G. Samuel
(in Himachal Pradesh, India). The factors which had been identified to have significant
influence on these processes all over the Himalayas are: the political changes in Tibet
since 1959, the so called “biomedicalization” as a result of the engagement of multi- and
national organisations and state programs in the public health sector, the growing tourist
industry, epidemiological changes and the globalisation on the health market. Therefore
biomedical epistemology, knowledge system and comprehension of the body have found
its way into the remotest parts of the Himalayas.
Both of my researches (05.-09.1999 in Spiti and Ladakh on “Medical Pluralism in
India. The Relations of International, State and Local Organisations in Primary Health
Care“; and 06.–10.2001 in Ladakh on “The Anthropology of Nomad RSI Activities in
Lingshed, Ladakh“ [for the NGO “Nomad RSI“]) have dealt with the practitioners of
traditional Tibetan medicine in Ladakh and Spiti called amchi. These are mostly lineage
based and learnt the standardised knowledge of Tibetan medicine (the text of the “Four
Tantras” or rgyud-bzhi) and the medical practice from their fathers and different regional
capacities. The amchi were trying to overcome their actual economic and medical problems which were arising out of the following circumstances: The Chinese occupation of
Tibet stopped the exchange of knowledge and raw material (for the production of medicines) between Ladakh, Spiti and the Western regions of Tibet up to Lhasa. The amchi’s
education became limited to the lineage and teacher-disciple system inside Ladakh and
Spiti because the medical elite could not be educated anymore in Tibet. The amchi claim
that their medical knowledge is declining and is insufficient for village health care. The
competition with biomedical institutions and the economic changes during the last 30
years have resulted among the Ladakhi and Spiti population in a dramatic decline of the
social support for the amchi. My researches have shown that, although the people are still
keen to use Tibetan medicine (along with biomedicine), they are not willing to continue
the traditional system of reciprocity which was responsible for the social and economic
safety of the amchi. Along with the missing medicinal raw material from Tibet the amchi
are therefore deprived of their working basis. Unsatisfied with their situation Ladakhi
and Spiti amchi started initiatives, as i.a. set up of a regional association, growing of medicinal plants, effort for state recognition and to recruit donors. Similar processes in other
settings have been described as a professionalisation of the traditional medical system.
While this movement began in Ladakh already in the 70ies with the support of foreign
NGOs, the Spiti amchi started efforts by themselves at the end of the 90ies.
Against this background my future research (01.-07.2003 in Spiti) will examine the
question if and how this so called professionalisation is wanted and supported “from
below”. The local and collective representations (i.e. the villagers’ illness behaviour and
articulated opinions and the amchi‘s daily routine and activities) of the present development of traditional medicine will open two fields of interest: 1) The Western notion of
“professionalisation” which has been widely used in the scientific discourse since the
70ies will be scrutinised in the light of the emic etymology and understanding; and 2)
Who is why interested in the continued existence of Tibetan medicine and in which way
have people participated in its development? These questions lead to the analysis of local
and regional hierarchies and the requests and needs of the local population. It is the
important examination of why and how social and cultural changes take (not) place. The
transformation of Tibetan medicine in Spiti will be elaborated in its historical reasons and
in the consequences of global processes. What are the causes of actual developments in
Spiti which have been taken place similarly in Ladakh already 25 years ago? Do the amchi’s
efforts to modernise their work mark an independent movement or are they forced by
outside factors like international and state development programs?
The research will be based on a critical medical anthropology approach in the way
that political and economic structures on global and regional level will be examined in its
effects on people’s day-to-day experience. The paper analysis the local answers to modern changes and will prove useful findings for the further discussion on the modernisation of Tibetan medicine.
Bdud bzhi, the four devils
Géza Bethlenfalvy
The paper presents a few sets of four-figure devil-drawings, depicting the widely known,
usually malignant but sometimes helping “bdud” demon-deites. The small size and simple pictures originate from Mongolia, where they were used at rituals of exorcism.
Although lots of exciting stories about various strange magic rites and frightening
demon-deities have been described in the reports of the travellers and scholars from the
earliest times onward, the serious study of Tibetan folk-religion started only a few decades ago, and in fact, much of the material needs further study. Important works of great
scholars as Tucci, Nebesky-Wojkowitz etc. started the real exploration, and some of our
present day colleagues have also contributed decisive materials about the world of folkdeities, and in particular, the bdud deities as well. Of course, a few interesting questions
still remain open, some of them probably for good.
One of the most difficult questions is that of the origin, to which some comments will
be made in the paper. Everybody agrees, that the cult of the bdud goes back to the preBuddhist period. Nebesky-Wojkowitz e.g. says: “Books of Bon speak of four classes of
bdud, the “earth-bdud”, occupying the East, the “wind bdud”, who dwell in the North, the
“fire bdud” who reside in the West, and the “water bdud”, who occupy the South” (ODT
p.275). This classification resembles closely the bdud bzhi, the most significant group of
bdud in lamaism, found and described in many texts, who are also connected with the
elements and the four directions. They are: lHa’i bdud (E), Nyon-mongs-pa’i bdud (S), Phungpo’i bdud (W) and Chi-bdag-gi bdud (N), but their names have been translated from Sanskrit Devaputra-m›ra, KleŸa-m›ra, Skandha-m›ra and M›tyupati-m›ra, and these Sanskrit,
and their corresponding P›li names can be found in much earlier texts, than any Bon
scripture.
The various forms of the rites connected with the manifold activities of the bdud bzhi
pose another interesting question to be discussed in the paper.
And the artistic presentation of the various bdud demons is the third question about
which some comments have to be presented.
Demographic analysis of Tibetan Buddhism in western
Himalayas
Rattan Lal Bisotra
Tibetan Buddhism in western Himalayas has been studied in the past in various aspects
covering vast area of socio-economic, religious and cultural fields. But how many followers of Tibetan Buddhism are there in the region and how many have been there in the
past? The study of major trends in the demographic profile of population professing
Tibetan Buddhism is the main focus of this paper. Is the population of this sect of Buddhism declining in this part of the Himalayas? If so, what are the main reasons? The
socio-economic, religious, technological, cultural, strategic and political factors contributing to such trend are required to be studied at length.
Major portion of western Himalayas comprises of northern part of Himachal Pradesh
state and Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir state of India. The people of these areas
are now openly exposed to the world outside their geographical areas due to recent liberal tourism policy. In Himachal Pradesh, the people of Lahaul and Spiti and Kinnaur
districts in the past, had been confined to their geographical limits due to lack of road
and aerial communications. Except few persons migrating seasonally from Lahaul valley
to Kullu valley or some persons with their sheep herds from Kinnaur to other parts of
Himachal and Uttar Pradesh or some able bodied persons on pilgrimages on traditional
and difficult routes, majority of population hardly came out of their villages and districts.
Therefore, their mini world was their villages, social, cultural and religious beliefs and
practices untainted by the worldly affairs.
The Sino-Indian conflict in 1962 paved the way for developing these areas from strategic point of view. The Indian National Highway No. 22 (Shimla Kaurik national highway) towards Kinnaur district and National Highway No. 21 (Manali-Leh road) were
improved to facilitate movement and deployment of the Indian army in these areas. This
also allowed the people to use transport system provided by the state governments of
Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir resulting in more exposure outside their
areas and socio-cultural exchange with the people in other parts of the country. The Ladakh
was given some autonomy through the regional council by the Jammu and Kashmir government. District Lahaul and Spiti were transferred from the Punjab to Himachal Pradesh
in November 1966. Since these two districts of Himachal Pradesh are the tribal districts,
special attention is given to these areas for overall development. Special funds are allocated by the state and central governments for the social, economic, cultural, educational
and infrastructural development of these areas. This all started in the beginning of seventies of the last century. Most of these tribal areas in Himachal and parts of Jammu and
Kashmir areas (particularly the Ladakh region) were restricted to Indian and foreign tourists and visitors. These restrictions were largely removed by the Government of India in
1991–92. Since then, thousands of tourists, research scholars and filmmakers have been
thronging these areas every summer and autumn. This has given opportunity to the people of these areas to mix with people coming from other areas. The electronic media viz.
Radio, television (particularly the cable TV. network) since early nineties has brought
about revolutionary changes in the food habits, dresses and thinking etc. One important
impact of these contributing factors has also resulted in change in thinking about the
religion they have been professing for centuries. The youths have been impressed by
religious practices and faith in Hinduism. The sub-sects of Hindu religion, for example
Radhaswami has opened their branches even in remotest corners of the tribal districts.
Moreover, Lamas for monasteries are hardly available in Lahaul and Kinnaur areas. Sometimes they have to be brought from Ladakh region. The trend also indicates an informal
conversion to Hinduism.
The population religionwise is available for these areas since 1881 till 1991. The census data of 2001 is currently in the process of compilation, computerisation and finalisation. If the data are available by August 2003, the same will be included in the paper.
Other information relating to socio-cultural characteristics of the population are also available in the census reports. The numerical and other information in census reports relating to Buddhist population of western Himalayas will form the base for the presentation.
The historical perspective of other religions in these areas will also be taken into account,
as these have contributed in influencing the Tibetan Buddhism in these areas in the past.
The data in respect of Tibetan refugees who have entered India in 1959 and thereafter
are also available. Their study can form separate portion in the paper so that native Buddhists can be studied in historical perspective.
The demographic profile of people professing Tibetan Buddhism in western Himalayas will be useful study and help in forming the basis for sampling and other statistical
techniques in future studies. The data are available from state level to the smallest administrative unit i.e., village. Therefore, the spatial distribution of population and other
characteristics will form database for future studies. The demographic study of this type
has not been made so far.
The bon of Bon: Forever old
Henk Blezer
A fascinating aspect of Bon religion is its aura of antiquity, which reaches back into an
obscure ‘pre-Buddhist’ past, beyond the Neolithic even. Thus the legendary founder of
Bon, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo, is said to have been born eighteen millennia ago. Samten
Karmay (General Introduction) and Rolph Stein (Tibetica Antiqua V) have shown that early
references to a (Pha) gShen rab(s) myi bo – apparently a powerful ritual specialist of his
day – occur in Dunhuang documents of the end of the first millennium AD. Stein suggests the legend starts from this respectably remote but remembered past, a past of human proportions. Then, as legend evolves, dates move back in time, perhaps even out of
time – to the supra-humane, eventually ending up in pre-history.
A long(er) ‘pre-history’ has been instrumental in formatting Bon identity vis-à-vis
arising Buddhist sects in later phyi dar Tibet. However, besides historical narratives of a
much later date, there is precious little to testify to that ancient past. All evaporates in
legendary or ‘pre-historical’ (at best: oral) origins. Upon closer investigation these often
even fail to precede the Common Era. Yet, occasionally such investigations yield a core of
historical data that may have informed ‘prehistory’, which then appears to be formatted
no earlier than the inceptive period of organised Bon – some of its basic data may even
have been ‘transposed’ from that crucial juncture (projected back in time or ‘cloned’).
This paper will examine early and presumably oral rDzogs chen transmissions from Zhang
zhung, accommodate them in historical fact and attempt to illuminate emic historiographic
strategies employed: how and why has a particular ‘past’ been transmitted or (re)invented
at a particular time.
Blood, vows, and incarnations: identities and allegiances in
the life of Yolmo Bstan-’dzin-nor-bu (1598–1644)
Benjamin Bogin
The Water-Horse year of 1642 occupies a place of paramount importance in the grand
narratives of Tibetan history. A long struggle between the powers of Dbus and Gtsang
and their respective allies in the Dge-lugs and Karma Bka’-brgyud sects culminated that
year in the formal declaration of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s rule over a unified Tibet in an
elaborate ceremony performed in the Bsam-grub-rtse palace of his defeated enemy. Despite the importance afforded to this event, our understanding of the world of feuding
kingdoms, religious reformation and social upheaval from which it arose remains regrettably simplistic. Most of the sources referred to in studies of this period are histories
composed after the events of 1642 and often with the explicit intention of demonstrating
the predestined nature of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s victory. It is in this sense that the autobiography of the Third Yolmo Sprul-sku Bstan-’dzin-nor-bu, The Såra∫gî with the Vajra Sound
(Rdo rje sgra ma’i rgyud mangs), stands apart as an original and fascinating description of
these tumultuous times.
In contrast to the better-known retrospective accounts of the period, the Yolmo-ba’s
presentation was composed a decade before the dramatic resolution of 1642. His autobiographical writings cast light on a world of exceedingly complex social and political realities often obscured in the teleological narratives of later histories. Although the factions
of Dbus and Gtsang are often depicted as two clearly defined and totally separate entities, Bstan-‘dzin-nor-bu’s own life demonstrates that in the early seventeenth century
these lines were not so clearly marked and the two factions were closely connected on
many levels. As a reincarnate lama of the Rnying-ma-pa Byang-gter, a tradition lacking
its own monastic center, the Third Yolmo-ba spent his youth studying at the monasteries
of the Karma Kam-tshang, under the guidance of the powerful Sixth Zhva dmar Rin-poche, Gar-dbang Chos-kyi-dbang-phyug. This placed him within the circle of Buddhist
teachers connected with the court of the Gtsang-pa De-srid, who became one his most
important patrons. In 1617, however, he returned to the lineage of his incarnational identity by becoming a disciple of Rig-’dzin Ngag-gi-dbang-po, an avowed enemy of the
Gtsang court (which had banished his father from the realm) and a mentor to the Fifth
Dalai Lama. These two stages of his religious education placed Yol-mo Bstan-’dzin-norbu In the precarious position of holding strong allegiances to both factions in the ongoing
wars. This unique perspective makes him a compelling and important witness to the
events of his day.
Perhaps even more illuminating than his connections with both of the powers remembered in the official histories is the fact that in Bstan-‘dzin-nor-bu’s comments, these
factions are only two amongst dozens of other kingdoms and estates of the day that
would fade from history after 1642. His closest ties were with the royal family of Gungthang, but the autobiography also describes visits and communications with dozens of
courts spread between Lhasa, Shigatse and Kathmandu. It is in the rich observations of
the social and religious structures of the time that the Third Yolmo-ba’s writings have the
most to offer the historian of Tibet. In this paper, I will sketch an image of Central Tibet
during the early seventeenth century based on these observations in which myriad small
kingdoms, estates, and monasteries form a political landscape far more complicated than
the bipartite model of the standard histories.
Finally, by examining the nature of the Third Yol-mo Sprul-sku’s connections with
the various forces in this landscape, I will reflect upon one individual’s dynamic negotiations of diverse allegiances which were often in conflict. While the Third Yol-mo-ba’s
identity as the son of Lo-chen Spyan-ras-gzigs provided him with strong ties to leading
masters of the Sa-skya and Jo-nang traditions, as a student of the Sixth Zhva-dmar he
was bound to the monastic institutions of the Karma Kam-tshang. Furthermore, his identity as a reincarnate lama established his position as an upholder of the Rnying-ma-pa
Byang-gter tradition and connected him with its young Dge-lugs champion, the Fifth
Dalai Lama. The Yol-mo Sprul-sku displayed a creative agency in his skilful balancing of
these various identities by proclaiming or diminishing their relative importance in different contexts. Despite the violent antipathy between these groups, Bstan-‘dzin nor-bu
maintained close ties with all of theme throughout his life. By reflecting on this intermingling of ancestral, monastic, and incarnational identities, I hope to draw attention to the
complex nature of allegiances which is often obscured by the tendency to depict Tibetan
history in broad sectarian terms.
From empire to nation through Buddhism: The 9th Panchen
Lama and the 19th Janggiya Hutagt and the demise of
Buddhism in Inner Mongolia
Uradyn E. Bulag
Nationalism, argues Benedict Anderson, is a secular movement, which reduces the scale
of imagined community from the universal religious community to a sovereign and limited political community. In this definition, religion serves as an instrument of empires,
but modern nationalism prescribes a separation of religion from the state. By a logical
extension, one may argue that Mongolian nationalism in the early 20th century had to
deal with Buddhist imagination, by virtue of the fact that Mongols were deeply Buddhist. The transition from a religious community to a political community in Mongolia
and Inner Mongolia was however complicated by the fact that top Buddhist leaders were
often Tibetans, a system imposed by the Qing dynasty and later briefly sustained by the
self-proclaimed successor state – the Republic of China. In other words, Buddhism in
Mongolia signified not just a religious community, but also “ethnicity”, as well as “empire”. Any study of Mongolian Buddhism and nationalism in the 20th century must address the questions of Chinese and the “Tibetanness” of Mongolian Buddhism.
One of the most important transformations in Inner Asia in the 20th century was the
disconnection between Mongols and Tibetans thanks to communist revolution and nationalism in Mongolia, China and Tibet. The disconnection is often teleologically projected to the past, so much so that when historians write about Tibet, they hardly mention
Mongolia and Mongols, and vice versa. This disconnection is however compensated by
overriding connections with China, expressed either positively or negatively. What has
been lost in such “area studies” and “international relations” are the regional processes,
cultural, historical, and geographical, that inform the dynamics of interconnections.
Based on archival materials, this paper aims to study the Inner Mongolian nationalist movement in the early 1930s and the role played by the 9th Panchen Lama and the
19th Janggiya Hutagt. It was a crucial moment, because it was when Tibetan Buddhism
figured prominently, perhaps for the last time, in the Inner Mongolian political movement. I will argue that the political role played by Buddhist clergy like the Panchen Lama
and the Janggiya Hutagt led to the Inner Mongol rejection of Buddhism as something
alien and detrimental to the Mongol essence. It is a study of how that “disconnection”
came about.
The exiled 9th Panchen Lama had a more dramatic impact on the Mongols in both
Inner Mongolia and the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) than acknowledged in current scholarship. For more than 14 years during his exile, between 1923 and 1937, the
Panchen spent most of his time in Inner Mongolia while attempting to cultivate both
Chinese and Mongol support to enable him to return to Tibet. In 1929, Merse, a prominent Daur-Mongol communist/nationalist revolutionary, and Prince Demchugdongruv,
a young and ambitious nationalist prince of the Sunit banner, came to the same conclusion that no secular political leaders could unite the disparate Inner Mongolian tribal
groups. Both agreed that the Panchen Lama, a figure highly respected by almost every
Mongol, would perform a role in Inner Mongolia similar to that played by the 8th
Jebtsundamba Hutagt in Outer Mongolia who united the quarrelsome princes and became the holy Khan of the independent Mongolian state in 1911. Both tried to use the
Panchen Lama to rally the Mongols for the cause of the Inner Mongolian autonomy.
In the mean time, however, the Chinese Republican government, appointed the
Panchen Lama as the Pacification Envoy for the Western Region, and the Janggiya Hutagt
as the Pacification Envoy for the Mongolian Banners, for the purpose of persuading Mongols to abrogate their autonomous movement and identify with China. While the Panchen
was astute in managing his impossible missions without offending either the Mongols or
the Chinese, the Janggiya Hutagt was all too explicit in his pro-China stance.
What was apparent in this Mongol and Chinese competition over Buddhism was the
understanding that Mongols were a Buddhist people and Buddhist clergy would play an
effective role. At issue was, however, the question of the political community; Mongols
fought for a Mongolian autonomy, while the Chinese tried to integrate the Mongols into
China. The consequence of these Buddhist-cum-political missions in Inner Mongolia was
a curious “effect” of Buddhist “renaissance” in Inner Mongolia, in contrast to the demise
of Buddhism in communist MPR. Tens of thousands of Buddhist monks and their lay
followers in the MPR, believing that a Buddhist army led by the Panchen Lama came to
liberate them from the communist oppression, rebelled, and, after failure, fled to Inner
Mongolia. This rebellion and the mass exodus were consequential in making Buddhism
an “unpatriotic” religion and subject to severe crackdown in the MPR. In Inner Mongolia, the Mongol opposition to the Janggiya Hutagt and the departure of the Panchen Lama
from Inner Mongolia in 1935, relieved Buddhism of its overt political role. In the subsequent decade of immense political crisis, the Inner Mongolian “quest” for “power” finally led to the rejection of Buddhism as “alien”, as undermining Mongolian prowess,
and as possibly anti-Mongol.
The diversity of the Gzhan stong Madhyamaka tradition
Anne Burchardi
Material presenting the Gzhan stong tradition in a systematic and transparent manner is
quite rare. Often knowledge of Gzhan stong Madhyamaka seems to derive from the context of polemical discourse, where misrepresentations of Gzhan stong by its opponents
flourish. To complicate matters, the actual positions held by those labeled Gzhan stong
Madhyamikas has differed considerably from the time of the earliest proponent Dol po
pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan and up to the present time.
I would like to draw attention to the fact that Gzhan stong is not a uniformly defined
tradition. Instead it has been defined and expressed differently by its various proponents
through the ages. My discussion will be based primarily on Taranatha’s expositions of
the later Jonang tradition of Gzhan stong in his Gzhan stong snying po, on his esoteric presentation of Tath›gatagarbha in Rgyu ’bras dbu ma’i thig le as well as on his account of Dol
po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan and Sha kya mchog ldan’s differences in his Zab don nyer gcig
pa. Secondly, I will consider the description by the Gzhan stong reviver, Si tu Pan chen in
his Dri lan tshes pa’i zla ba as well as a number of Kong sprul’s definitions in a selection of
his writings.
Toward a history of Se ra Monastery: the early years
José Ignacio Cabezón
Not a great deal has been written about the early history of the monastic institutions of
the dGa’ ldan pa/dGe lugs pa school. For the past two years I have been involved in a
large scale multi-disciplinary, multimedia project whose goal it is to document the history, art, architecture, as well as the ritual and educational practices of Se ra Monastery,
one of the dGe lugs pas’ great seats of learning (gdan sa). In this paper I propose to focus
on the early history of the monastery. What were the conditions of its founding? What
were the first buildings to be built, and how were these financed? How was the monastery organized in its earliest period? How/when did it evolve into colleges, and further
into the present “house” (khang tshan) structure? What was the educational system like
during the earliest period? What curriculum and texts were used? Who were the major
teachers in this early phase of Se ra’s history? Relying on a variety of historical works
(from sDe srid’s Vaidurya gSer po to contemporary histories of Se ra) the paper proposes
an initial reconstruction of monastic life during the first 130 years of Se ra’s history (from
about 1419 to about 1550).
Signs of transition: on interpreting some predictors of tulku
rebirth
Marcia S. Calkowski
Accounts of the imminent birth, the birth, or the early childhood of a tulku often highlight portents which may assume key roles in identifying individuals as reincarnate lamas within the popular, if not the official, Tibetan purview. Such portents include unusual meteorological phenomena, extraordinary geological phenomena, parents’ or relatives’ dreams of interactions with exalted religious persons or objects, prescient behavior
on the part of young children, crop and/or animal infertility in the vicinity of the tulku’s
birthplace, recent deaths among the tulku’s close kin, and other occurrences of bar-chad
affecting the tulku’s natal family. Attention to such extraordinary signs constitutes a critical aspect of the telling and reception of narratives of tulku legitimation, whether inscripted
or oral, that are offered by a tulku’s relatives, neighbors, disciples, teachers, attendants or
hagiographers. But what do these portents signify and how do they assist in establishing
certainty? Furthermore, since such portents are, for the most part, initially identified by
non-religious specialists living in close proximity to a prospective tulku, wider acceptance of these portents may effectively incorporate a prospective tulku’s immediate family and/or local community into the rank of divinatory agents resorted to in a tulku search
process. Thus, another question concerns how portents may serve as potential strategies
of “local” agency in the legitimation of tulku. This paper, based on fieldwork conducted
in India and Nepal from 1991 to 1994, addresses these questions by examining the social
and symbolic construction of portents in the authentication of tulku.
Prelimary reflections on the Phur bu mya ngan las ’das pa’i
rgyud chen po, in the rNying ma’i r gyud ’bum
Cathy Cantwell
The Phur bu mya ngan las ’das pa’i rgyud chen po, found in the Mah›yoga Phur pa ’phrin las
skor of the rNying ma’i rgyud ’bum, is widely quoted in the commentarial literature of the
Phur pa traditions, sometimes referred to as especially significant for its teachings on the
Completion Stage Lord (rdzogs rim gtso bo). This paper comments on work in progress
(together with Robert Mayer) on critically editing the extant editions of this text. The
various editions do not differ radically in their contents apart from an additional folio or
so of text in some editions, which results in some editions having twenty-eight chapters
and others twenty-six. However, the ordering of this material varies between editions: on
three occasions, substantial segments of text move position, often breaking in quite unlikely places, such as in the middle of a yig rkang, probably as a result of folio
misplacement. The impact of these differences in arrangement is discussed, along with
some consideration of the commentarial use of the text, which selectively quotes from a
small number of short passages out of a text ranging from thirty-six to fifty-five folios in
length.
‘Soiled with the dust of faulty renderings’: change in
performative aspects of Bonpo liturgy
Ricardo Canzio
It may be said that a large part of the Bonpo doctrines as they survive, represent a stage in
the development of Bon reached only after contact with Buddhism which led them to
rebuild their doctrinal system along similar lines. However, they represent Tibetan religion as a whole since they built up their doctrine by incorporating freely the new imported ideas of Indian origin that began to penetrate Tibet from the 8th century onwards
while at the same time delving into the storehouse of existing autochthonous beliefs.
We approach the questions posed by the study of the performative aspects of rites, in
particular the nature of the process of change in the liturgy. Since in my view codified
liturgy represents a way in which institutionalized religion describe ritual, I examine
ritual prescriptions in literary sources and compare them with actual performance practices. Thus, I try to expose the nature of the social and historical forces that have shaped
change in the performative aspects of Bonpo liturgy in the past and during the present
period of social and political upheaval. Similar forces may have been at work in different
settings during critical periods of Tibetan history. I explain some native categories for the
classification of the liturgy and analyze one important performative aspect of the rites
namely the procedures used in the recitation of texts and the special manipulations to
which they are subjected.
The famous seventeenth-century Tibetan doctor,
Changngopa Nang-so Dar-rgyas
Tseyang Changngopa
Traditional Tibetan medicine has a history of over two thousand years. During this time,
there were many generations of famous doctors who accomplished great works, and
therefore there were many advances made in Tibetan medicine. This paper will discuss
the most famous doctor from the seventeenth century, the Fifth Dalai Lama’s private
doctor, Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas, or dPon-tshang Changngopa, or sTen-‘dzin darrgyas, or the name given to him by the Fifth Dalai Lama: lTa-rje Changngopa (one who is
highly commended). Below, I would like to discuss several of the topics I will cover in
this paper including, first, the family history of this famous doctor. I will discuss this
doctor’s father, the famous doctor, Drang-srong bstan-‘dzin rgal-po, who is considered
the reincarnation of Sum-ston Ye-shes gzungs, the famous doctor from the twelfth century. I will also discuss his brother, the famous doctor, gZhan-phan dbang-po; and others.
Second, I will discuss how Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and other family members came into the service of the Fifth Dalai Lama. This will include a discussion of what
kinds of illnesses the Fifth Dalai Lama suffered from and Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas’
recommendations for treatment. This doctor treated many kinds of patients including
famous men and women from Tibet and Mongolia. While the Fifth Dalai Lama was himself a great scholar and medical expert, he listed to Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas’ medical
knowledge and learned certain aspects of medicine from him. The Fifth Dalai Lama gave
religious empowerments to Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and to others. Many famous
Tibetans and Mongolians, both men and women, received these empowerments, which I
will discuss in detail.
Third, the Fifth Dalai Lama frequently praised the activities and medical treatments
of this famous doctor, which are written in detail in the Fifth Dalai Lama’s biography and
other original sources. Of importance are not only this doctor’s oral transmissions but
also what he wrote in the forwards and in the afterwards of medical texts. In recognition
of these great works, the Fifth Dalai Lama gave the Changngopa family the gift of an
estate located in Dulung.
Fourth, the Fifth Dalai Lama established a medical school at Drepung’s west palace,
and Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas was placed in charge of this medical school. Later,
another medical school was also established at the Potala Palace in the Lha dbang lcog
(Shar lcog chen) where Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas taught. I will discuss the contributions that this historical figure and other famous doctors made to the organization and
improvement of traditional Tibetan medical education in order to improve the learning
of young Tibetan doctors at this time.
Fifth, in 1652, the Fifth Dalai Lama went to Beijing to meet the Emperor of the Xing
Dynasty, Shungzhi. Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas accompanied him on this journey as
his private doctor. Several other Tibetan doctors also went on this trip including one
other member of the Changngopa family.
Sixth, I will present findings from recent conversations I have had with local people
in the historical site of Changngopa’s family estate in Dulung. I have taken photos of the
ruins of this estate where there used to be a Tibetan medical hospital. In addition, I have
interviewed the local population about their memories and knowledge of this hospital,
the famous Changngopa medical family, and the estate itself.
Seventh, I will discuss whether or not other scholars have done research on
Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and the differences between my research findings and
those of other scholars.
Finally, I will present which sources I used to research this subject, in particular original sources, many of which have not been used before. Also, I will discuss the original
research of other scholars. While many contemporary scholars indicated that certain facts
could not be discovered, I was able to find much information from the biographies of
famous historical figures and other historical documents.
Yogic practices (rtsa rlung ’phr ul ’khor) in the Bon tradition
and possible applications as a CIM (complementary and
integrative medicine) therapy
M. Alejandro Chaoul
Tibetan traditions have employed rtsa rlung ’phrul ’khor (TK), “Magical Wheel of the Channels and Vital Breath,” as part of their spiritual training since at least the tenth century.
These yogic practices are referred to as “mind-body” techniques in the Western field of
complementary and integrative medicine (CIM).
Focusing on the TK text from the Bon Great Completion cycle of the Oral Transmission of Zhang Zhung (rDzogs pa chen po zhang zhung snyan rgyud), and its commentary by
the famous meditator and scholar Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen (d. 1934), I have two distinct
yet complementary objectives in this paper. One is to situate these texts historically and
report how they are used in the Bonpo lay and monastic settings and curricula today. The
second objective is to determine TK’s application in the modern world, giving particular
attention to the possible benefits of using these mind-body techniques as part of a CIM
treatment for people with cancer.
Namkhai Norbu Rinpoche, one of the very few to ever write on this topic, states that
TK is the equivalent for the Sanskrit Yantra yoga, where the meaning of yantra is not only
‘magical’ but also, ‘machine’ or ‘tool’. Norbu persuasively describes body as a tool, which
one can utilize to understand one’s own nature more clearly.
There are virtually no scholarly works on TK in English or other Western languages.
Garma C.C. Chang’s 1963 translation of the Six Yogas of Naropa (Na’ ro chos drug) and its
interpretation by Evans-Wentz refer to some of the principles and a few of the movements described in that particular text of the Kagyu tradition. Namkhai Norbu has explained some of the etymology and principles and has published the preliminary exercises of the Magical Wheel of Union of Sun and Moon (’phrul ’khor nyi zla kha byor) in a
book directed to practitioners of such method from the Nyingma tradition, but it is not
directed to scholars. My work is in response to this lacuna, and also to contemporary
interests in a wider scale. Although there are as yet no Western language scholar publications on TK in general and certainly nothing within the Bon tradition, Western societies’
interest in this more physical kind of Tibetan practice has been growing. One’s physical
body, speech or energy, and mind are known in the Bon Great Completeness teachings as
the three doors through which one can practice and eventually realize enlightenment.
The energetic body, represented by the vital breath (rlung) and the channels (rtsa), is said
to be the link between the mind and physical body. In fact the TK practices assume, explicitly or implicitly, that the practitioner is familiar with the “channels and vital breath”
(rtsa rlung) practices. In other words, rtsa rlung practices are crucial in the training and
harmonizing of the vital breath, which is the basis of TK.
TK involves a coordination of physical movement that guides the vital breath, which
in turn carries the mind. When practiced by the Bon lay community as well as by monastic communities such as Menri in India and Tritan Norbutse in Nepal, it is primarily used
to develop one’s meditation practice. However, the movements are also traditionally held
to strengthen one’s physical health and emotional stability as a secondary benefit. Together with colleagues at The University of Texas M.D. Anderson Cancer Center of Houston, a randomized controlled clinical trial was conducted to determine the feasibility,
acceptability, and initial efficacy of TK with cancer patients. For this pilot study we designed a 7-sessions program that included rtsa rlung practices from the “Mother Tantra”
(Ma rgyud) and the preliminary (sngon ’gro) TK set from the Oral Transmission of Zhang
Zhung.
In the first part of the study, 39 people with lymphoma participated. Patients completed measures at baseline as well as 1-week, 1-month, and 3-months assessments after
the yoga sessions. Overall, the results indicated that the Tibetan yoga program was feasible and well liked. Importantly, the yoga program was associated with a significant reduction in sleep disturbances, improved sleep quality, reduced sleep latency, increased
sleep duration, and decreased use of sleep medications. Improving sleep quality in a
cancer population may be particularly salient as fatigue and sleep disturbances are common problems for patients with cancer. These are encouraging signs of the positive effect
that TK might have in cancer patients, and that could also extend to other cancer or medical populations.
This pilot program is one of the few studies of yoga among cancer patients and the
only scientific study of Tibetan yoga in any population. A second part of this study is
currently examining the benefits of the Tibetan yoga program on both psychological and
physiological (immune and hormone function) outcomes in women with breast cancer.
By the time of the conference most of the data of this second part of the study should be
available.
These studies might help in looking at the compatibility between Western and Tibetan ways of thinking about the body, as well as the possible applicability of TK as a
CIM therapy in different populations, acknowledging the difficulties of the translatability of Tibetan or any emic system of concepts and practices into Western terms and
understandings.
Sgra’i bstan bcos mkhas pa’i kha gyan | (Mkhas pa’i kha
rgyan – A Treatise on Tibetan Grammar)
Thupten Kunga Chashab
The Mkhas pa’i kha rgyan (henceforth MKH), a treatise on Tibetan grammar, is attributed
to Sa skya pandita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1252) by many Tibetan grammarians; it
is also found in a few catalogues of his works. But some scholars are not sure about the
authorship of this text. According to the colophon of the MKH, the text was composed by
Sa skya pandita according to the new language revision (skad gsar bcad). In the catalogue
of commentaries of Sum cu pa (SCP) and Rtags kyi ’jug pa prepared by Tshe tan zhabs
drung do not mentioned this text. Probably he did not regard it as a commentary on Sum
cu pa and Rtags kyi ’jug pa (TJP). It seems, R.A. Miller had occasion to study the text, but
I did not get opportunity to look through his comments. As far as I know, the treatise is
not widely known to readers.
Content of the text
The author explained Tibetan grammar dividing it into three main sections: combination
of particles (phrad kyi sbyor ba), case (rnam dbye), and the word of action on agent (byed
tshig). The first has seven more subsections. Particles are explained according to the sequence of vowels; first particles with vowel i and so on, next the way of inserting the
particles according to the preceding suffix. In the second section author explained eight
basic cases and twenty four cases in total, with subdivision for eight basic cases by means
of joining singularity, duality and plurality words, nyid, dag and rnams. In the last section
he explained briefly formation of verbs.
Comparison with Sum cu pa and Rtags kyi jug pa
The text is mixed, consisting of both prose and verse, and none of them resemble the
verses either from SCP or from TJP. As far as context is concerned, it is closer to SCP,
except for the last section which explains the word of action on agent (byed tshig) which in
my opinion is closer to the grammatical explanation given in TJP.
Many common subjects were shared by the two texts MKH and SCP. But there are
particles that are explained in SCP, but that cannot be found in MKH, for instance the
negation particle (dgag sgra) ma, the pervasive particle (spyi sgra) gang, the emphasizing
particle (brnan pa’i sgra) ni etc., and vice versa: many of the particles explained in MKH
are not mentioned in SCP, for instance ce, she, zhe, cing, shing, zhing etc. Furthermore, I
think, the following syllables which were explained as particles in MKH do not at all
function as particles in Tibetan literature, for instance, gir, kyir, gyir, yir, pur, bur, ’ur, par,
bar, war, mar, etc.
Meaning of sa mtha’ can
The author of MKH used the word sa mtha’ can to explain the insertion of the genitive
(’brel sgra), dative (las su bya ba), omament (rgyan sdud), remaining (lhag bcas) and final
(rdzogs tshig) particles, and the particle pa, ba, ma, wa. The one who gave the interlinear
gloss in the MKH understood sa mtha’ can to mean “with suffix” and sa mtha’ can spangs
ba to mean “without suffix”. In a grammatical context sa mtha’ means “second suffix sa
(yang jug)” which goes after suffixes ga, da, ha, ma (see Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo).
Here, if we understand sa mtha’ can as having the meaning of the second suffix sa, as
explained in abovementioned dictionary. to some degree MKH and the modern grammar commentaries do not agree with joining the above-mentioned case particles. For
example, when MKH explains gi, gyi and the other genitive particles, it is said:
’a las ’i ’o// sa rntha ’ can spangs pa’i yang ngo//
’i is for suffix ’a. [It is] also for without sa mtha ’ can
If one can insert ’i after a word without a second suffix sa, then the result is that ’i can
be joined after ga and the other suffixes. On the other hand, if we accept the meaning of sa
mtha ’ can as it was understood by the author of the interlinear gloss, in my opinion, there
is no any sense of using this specific term. Moreover, his understanding of the term contradicts its literal meaning, ’’with sa ending”. The author of the MKH also used the terms
rjes jug spangs pa, med pa, and ga sogs spangs in order to explain the meaning “without
suffix”. Therefore, we have to find out why the author used such different words to express a single meaning.
Insertion of the case particles after second suffix da
The second suffix da and the way of inserting particles after it is clearly explained in the
MKH. What is more interesting is that it differs from the later grammar commentaries
in its flexibility of joining particles after second suffix da with choice. In a few cases, it is
said, after the word with second suffix da one can join the particle either according to
the suffix or according to the second suffix da. It is said:
ga la sogs pa spangs ba’i yang ngo// da yang ’jug pa rnams kyi cing yang na’o//
Also with without a ga and the rest. Or (join) cing after second suffix da.
But I found contradiction between following first and the second sentences found in
MKH, which are connected with joining particle after second suffix da.
da yang ’jug pa rnams kyi tu yang na ’o// zhugs pa’i tu nyid to//
Or [join] tu after second suffx da. Only tu with [its] participation
Conclusion
Authorship of the text MKH is not certain among the scholars. It is a concise treatise on
Tibetan grammar. Although MKH and SCP shared many common subjects of the Tibetan
grammar, but, it seems, MKH is not a commentary on SCP. Thus, the rhythm of verses,
number of vowels, sequence and the kind of particles explained in MKH is, in some way,
different from SCP. Despite its usefulness in the grammatical references, it is also important to learn this tradition. The meaning of sa mtha ’ can, the way of joining particles after
second suffix da and the particles, gir and the rest cannot be found in the later Tibetan
grammar commentaries.
Découvertes et inventions dans l’histoire tibétaine ancienne
Anne Chayet
Dans les Chroniques historiques tibétaines de l’époque classique, les passages qui traitent
de la période monarchique font parfois référence à des archives de cette époque, ou s’en
inspirent manifestement. Bien qu’une infime partie seulement de ces archives nous soit
parvenue, il est parfois possible de retracer ces filiations, qu’il s’agisse d’événements ou
de faits de société. Dans certains cas cependant, le récit des chroniques ne correspond en
rien à l’esprit ni à la lettre des documents anciens dont nous pouvons disposer. Par exemple,
tout ce qui touche aux techniques à l’époque monarchique est, dans l’ensemble, rapporté
de façon très différente dans les Chroniques de l’époque classique et dans les documents
d’archives dont nous disposons pour la période monarchique. Il est vrai qu’il ne s’agit
pas en principe des mêmes types de textes. Les Chroniques tardives contiennent pourtant
des références aux techniques et à leur acquisition, mais c’est plus souvent dans un cadre
rédactionnel et fonctionnel général que pour décrire leur importance ou même leur usage dans le monde monarchique. Nous sommes sur ce point mieux informés des procédés
de rédaction des Chroniques que de la réalité de la vie matérielle au Tibet ancien.
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Chos rgyal ngag gi dbang po dang mdo smad sog yul du gsang
sngags snying ma dar tshul
(Chogyal Ngagki Wangpo and the development of old Tantra
in Mongolian area of Dome)
Chenagtsang Humchen
Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen, a decent of Gushri Tenzin Chogyal, was born in
1740. When he was thirteen years old, he went to Utsang where he was recognised as the
reincarnation of Ngadak Nyangral by Olkha Jetrung. Thereafter, he received education
in old tantra from various scholars, educated many scholars, and built Sangngak
Mingyeling - a Nyingma monastery where he established the cham of Phur-ba. He wrote
many books such as Rdzogs chen ma rig mun sel. He died in 1807.
Besides the above description of Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen, this presentation will focus on the following questions:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Why was Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen a Nyingma pa, and why did he establish a Nyingma monastery, when reincarnations of Nyingma lamas in Mongolian
areas – where there are very few monasteries of this school – are a rare occurrence?
What were the phases in the development of Nyingmapa monasticism, and the proliferation of Nyingmapa scholarship in the area?
How was Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen perceived by the people of the area?
Finally the paper will trace the development of Rebkong Ngagmang since the 10th
century to the present day, and will present the background and activities of the
institute known as Sngags mang zhib ‘jug khang.
Gender, medicines, and modernities: beliefs and practices
surrounding childbirth in contemporary Tibet
Jennifer Marie Chertow
This paper will explore the impact of medicines and modernities on constructions of
gender in contemporary Tibet. By looking at the beliefs and practices surrounding childbirth, this paper explores the intersection between “modern” medical practices and “traditional” practices in rural and urban settings around Lhasa.
Through an analysis of textual materials on childbirth from the Four Medical Tantras
(rgyud bzhis) and interviews with traditional Tibetan medical doctors who specialize in
women’s health and childbirth, I will analyze Tibetan medical constructions of gender in
theory and practice. I will juxtapose these findings with biomedical texts used in Lhasa
hospitals and disseminated by international health NGOs. In addition, I will use interviews with Tibetan doctors trained in biomedicine in order to analyze how “modernity”
meets “tradition” in the domain of childbirth and in constructions of gender.
Theoretically, this paper challenges entrenched and often unconscious dichotomies
in Western scholarship on Tibet between modernity and tradition, past and present, old
and new, historic and contemporaneous, religious and scientific, authentic and synthetic.
Taking inspiration from Edward Said’s critique of Orientalist scholarship in the West and
Geoffrey Samuel’s depiction of the co-existence of clerical and shamanic Buddhism in
Tibet, I explore the multi-layered beliefs and practices in medicine and childbirth and
their impact on constructions of gender in Tibet. One of the primary methods of attaining
this information is by looking at the usage of space by women during childbirth, their
prohibition from certain spaces during “polluted” times (i.e. menstruation and childbirth), and women’s reactions to these prohibitions across social-economic, lay-monastic,
and rural-urban divides.
This paper argues that variable belief systems and practices are layered one on top of
the other in uneven, fragmentary and often “alogical” ways. It is equally important to
pay close attention to how power shapes the intersection of these beliefs systems, episte-
mologies, and cosmologies in practice. For example, since the 1950s there has been a
gradual shift in power away from traditional Tibetan medicine (bod sman) to “Chinese”
biomedicine (rgya sman). In urban Lhasa, status, prestige, economic and occupational
advantage are attained through biomedical practices introduced by the Chinese government rather than traditional Tibetan medical practices passed down from teacher to student for generations. At the same time, this new Sinofied class dynamic mirrors still extent rural class dynamics where Tibetan medicine, stemming from a highly literate, noble
and monastic tradition, takes on prestige and power when juxtaposed against the “barefoot” medical practices of village doctors and the occasional midwife.
This research pays attention to the uneven co-existence of biomedical, Chinese, Tibetan medical, and “folk” or “shamanic” medical practices while paying attention to
how each gains certain valence and prestige over the other depending on the social-cultural context. In childbirth, different systems of knowledge, techniques, and technologies
are played out on the ground of women’s bodies, which directly influences how gender
is constructed in contemporary Tibet.
For instance, there is a current government initiative to 4have all women in the villages deliver in the county hospital because it is considered “safer,” though the distance
to hospitals, road conditions, and expenses are often prohibitive. In the hospital, women’s bodies are literally shaped by medical workers who ask women to lie prone with
their feet in stirrups so that they remain immobile for the convenience of the doctor and
ostensibly for the safety of the woman and the child. Counter-posed to government concepts of safe practices, many Tibetans consider hospitals to be dirty and polluted places
due to the proliferation of disease in these settings. As such, hospitals are dangerous places
that can bring on spirit attacks and threaten the health of the mother and the child during
childbirth.
At home, women most frequently deliver on their knees and are free to move at will
in order to manage their own pain. However, beliefs about pollution also mean that women
cannot deliver in the main house near the stove where it is warm since the hearth spirit
resides there. Thus women often deliver in cowsheds or in other areas where animals are
kept, conditions that are also not optimal. Safety in the Tibetan cosmological world is
here measured in terms of maintaining a balance between the spiritual world and the
material world.
In both governmental and village perspectives, women are constructed as the object
of intervention due to their ostensible frailty and due to the danger introduced to them
and by them during childbirth. While in the hospital setting, women’s bodies are literally
confined and controlled by the birthing bed, at home women are free to move at will in
order to manage their pain but must do so under prohibitions that place them under
animal-like conditions. What effect do these different cosmologies and epistemologies
have on the construction of gender, and how do these constructions of gender affect practices during childbirth? To answer this question, I will discuss how women respond to
these variable practices and to what extent inner family dynamics, histories, childbirth
tales, and habitudes influence women’s perceptions and practices during childbirth. The
internal force of these “private” practices may serve as a kind of counterbalance to the
heady interplay of variegated practices, both old and new, barking down the village door.
On the other hand, they may simply add to the mix of overlaying medical practices during childbirth.
Underlying all of these questions is the central question of how gender is constructed
at the intersection of class, caste, age, occupation, locale, income, and perhaps most importantly within the larger landscape of ethnic minority discourses and policies within
China. This paper attempts to answer some of these questions and pose new ones about
the roles of women in contemporary Tibet.
mNa’-mas and nyal-bus: Tibetan marriage, fertility, and
illegitimacy through time and space
Geoff Childs
A combination of anthropological and demographic approaches is employed to interpret
reproductive outcomes in one historical population (Kyirong, Tibet) and two contemporary populations (Nubri, Nepal; Tibetan exiles in Nepal and India). Marriage, nonmarriage,
and illegitimacy are used as focal points to highlight sociocultural, economic, and political factors that shape markedly different birth rates (Kyirong 4.5, Nubri 5.3, Exiles 1.2
births/woman) among these ethnically Tibetan populations.
The analysis of fertility in Kyirong demonstrates that conventional interpretations of
Tibetan polyandry fail to account for the significance of informal marital arrangements
and a tolerance for illegitimacy in traditional Tibetan settings. Whereas polyandry does
result in a high level of female nonmarriage, those women excluded from formal marriage gave birth to enough children to engender moderate population growth. In Nubri,
the high level of female nonmarriage is related to the cultural practice of using daughters
who are nuns as primary caregivers for the elderly. Illegitimacy, although tolerated, is
moderated by the fact that most nonmarried women are nuns who have taken vows of
celibacy. In this case, religious celibacy in relation to old-age care restrains aggregate fertility. Among Tibetan exiles the birth rate has fallen well below replacement level, a trend
that is related to several factors including the prevalence of contraceptive usage, the high
cost of raising children, and the delay in marriage. In the meantime, illegitimacy has
become disparaged and extremely rare.
The connecting point between these three studies is the interplay between parental
strategies, individual aspirations, and political-economic forces that influence, but do
not determine, decisions about whether or not to marry, the timing of marriage, and
reproduction. As a contribution to Tibetan Studies, the paper demonstrates why a nuanced
understanding of local context is critical for assessing different reproductive outcomes in
the settings where Tibetans live.
Losar celebration: the significance of food in a noble and
religious family of Central Bhutan
Kunzang Choden-Roder
The paper is an active participant observer’s account of losar (lo gsar: new year according
to the Tibetan lunar calendar) as it happened in the home of a noble family in the late
1950’s in Bumthang in the central part of Bhutan.
Through the description of the preparations for and the actual celebration of the new
year by the family in Ogyen Choling (O rgyan chos gling), the meaning and significance
of food in the society of central Bhutan will be explored.
The house of Ogyen Choling village is situated on top of a hillock in the upper part
of Tang (sTang) valley in Bumthang. The naktsang (large manor like house) is surrounded
by twenty village houses whose inhabitants were originally the tenants of Ogyen Choling.
The family’s claim to their ancestry to the religious master Dorji Lingpa (rDo rje gling pa:
1346–1405) placed them in the class of nobility of the lama choe ju (chos rgyud).The lama
choe ju like the other aristocratic families in Bhutan yielded considerable economic power
besides being respected by the general public for the lineage.
For the family in Ogyen Choling, the celebration of losar did not merely consist of the
feasting and the revelry but it was the celebration of a time honoured family tradition
which entailed a certain set of observances to be carried out meticulously. By celebrating
losar the family members were upholding their duties as the lama choeju of the region, and
they aspired, like the generations before them to make it as grand as the previous ones if
not better. According to tradition at least one member from each household of all the
villages of Tang valley who had any connection to Ogyen Choling were invited for the
grand celebration. More than losar simply being a gesture of noblesse oblige it was a time
for sharing the auspiciousness of the new year, renewing loyalties and fostering goodwill. About 180–200 people would gather for losar and these included the family members and relatives, the lay priests, the servants, weavers, cooks, servers water carriers,
cow herders yak herders, horse attendants, swine feeders firewood carriers and the daily
workers whose services were essential to make the feudal system viable.
The family had to prepare for the losar celebration throughout the year. Over the
entire year goods were collected and set aside for losar. Locally produced vegetables,
fruits were preserved and stored. Rice, pulses, fruits and vegetables were brought from
the family’s estates from the subtropical region of Kurtoe (sKur stod) located to the east
of Bumthang. The family’s merchants would go to the trade fairs in Lho Talung and
Jampaling in Tibet to get other materials and foods needed specifically for losar as well as
for everyday use. Fine brick tea, rock salt, borax, sheepskins and whole legs of mutton,
wind dried and preserved, were traded against rice, chili, brown sugar, hand made
Bhutanese paper, madder and hand woven fabrics. Candies and biscuits from India added
variety to the foods served on losar.
The losar celebration, in essence, gives an insight into all aspects of food and its relationship to society in terms of the history, hierarchical legitimacy, religion and ritual,
economics and politics.
The Tibet factor in US–China relations
Yeshi Choedon
Tibet had been used as pawn in the Great Powers game in the Central Asia. Even in the
modern period, it appears to be used for the same purpose in a different context. As one
of the main objectives of the American foreign policy was containment of communism,
Tibet assumed both ideological and strategic importance to the US after the communist
party came to power in China. The paper attempts to trace why and how India and British reluctance to take strong stand on Tibet issue influenced American Tibet policy both
before and after 1959 revolt. The US refused to accept China’s occupation of Tibet until
1972. However, with the warming of Sino-American relations, Washington relegated Tibet question aside. The paper attempts to focus on why even the Carter administration
did not take China to task for its dismal human rights record; what compelled it to shift
the US Tibet policy by recognising for the first time that Tibet was a part of China. The
paper examines what was the US position on the delegation diplomacy engaged in by
the new leadership in China and the Tibetan leadership since 1979. It highlights how
Tibet became an item of concern in the US China policy after 1987. It particularly deals
with differences in opinions between the US Congress and the White House on the Tibet
issue. The paper also examines why the second term of the Clinton administration emphasised on the quiet diplomacy in connection with human rights situation in Tibet. The
paper examines whether it is right to regard as sign of the success of the US quiet diplomacy when the Chinese leadership showed its desire to build some kind of a low level
bridge with the exile Tibetans in 2002. The paper concludes with attempts to focus whether
other countries, including the US, were involved in encouraging Tibetan leaders give up
Tibet’s historical claim of being independent country before serious negotiation started;
whether it is more appropriate for the US to stick to its initial policy of championing the
cause of self-determination in Tibet rather than shifting its Tibet policy according to the
demand of its narrow national interests. These and related questions are the subject of
this paper.
How did Mongols use the Tibetan script in communication?
L. Chuluunbaatar
Since 17th century in Mongolia Buddhism spread and developed widely. Many monk
scholars of Mongolia went to Tibet and they studied and leamed out the five minor and
major sciences and carried their knowledge in Mongolian land and developed its culture.
They also compiled and printed a lot of books on Tibetan. Nowadays they are counted
over 300 scholars. Their books are used among the Mongolian and Tibetan scholars still.
Before the 1930s in Mongolia over 100.000 monks were 1iving and they know Tibetan well, and most of ordinary people also know Tibetan alphabet. Among the monks
and ordinary people, who do not know Mongolian Scripts were required to communicate on scripts and to send letters to each other. The Mongols could find way of such
communication. They used Tibetan script and could record words on Mongolian. In this
way scholars compiled Tibet Mongolian dictionary, poems and pilgrimage books. For
example, on Tibet Mongolian dictionary by Ishidorj was written as following:
mun’ba (Tibetan) ba’lar mung’hag (Mongolian).
Mongolian language has 7 short vowels but Tibetan 5 vowels. Scholacs used Tibetan
2 vowels to mark Mongolian ö and ü. For example: Mongolian ö by Tibetan [ou]. The
Mongolian language has 1ong vowels, but Tibetan has not long vowels. Mongolian scholars used Tibetan 5 vowels to mark long vowels. For example: Mongolian e could mark
z*z*.
During the 1930s the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party printed six magazines
for monks on Tibetan and Mongolian scripts. Those were only on Monglian language.
Half of the laymen know also Mongolian script. Therefore the majority of Mongols were
literate people.
Non-sculptural metalworking in eastern Tibet c.1930–1959
John Clarke
This paper examines the organisation of the traditional non-sculptural metalworking industries of Khams during the period 1930–1959 using information gathered from living
craftsmen and other members of the community in exile. The extended farming family,
as the predominant socio-economic structure within which work was carried out, is first
discussed. The question of whether workers were part or full time and the impact this
had on their work is then examined. The most significant metalworking centres: the villages of Derge, Dagyab and others on the eastern Chinese border are then outlined and
their specialities and reputations examined. The focus then shifts to the question of whether
a discrete eastern Tibetan style of domestic and ritual objects exists and what criteria
might be used to discern it. This is related to the further issue of the extent and frequency
of the movement of Khampa craftsmen to other areas. Evidence for the presence of such
workers in this government workshop in Lhasa is given. It is shown that while relatively
few eastern Tibetan silver-, gold- or ironsmiths lived in central Tibet, the highly prized
metalwork of their area was frequently brought to the capital and copied there.
The flow of wealth in Golok Tibetan society
Susan Costello
In this paper I will layout the flow of wealth in Golok pastoralist society. While Golok is
a poor, remote area, it is not absolutely destitute, and understanding the patterns of accumulation and redistribution of wealth is crucial to understanding the successes and failures in much of Golok’s economic development. I hope this kind of bottom-up look at
economic processes will prove more illuminating than examination of government or
NGO interventions or assessments.
I start my examination with the basic economic unit of pastoralist society – the household. I briefly examine patterns of production, inheritance, and consumption. The controversial strategy of maximizing herd size to cope with livestock loss due to snow disasters will be assessed here. I then describe the patterns of religious donations including
those associated with ritual expenses. I examine the traditional role of the tribal leader in
the accumulation and redistribution of wealth, and its modern equivalent. Also in this
section I examine the effect of the remoteness of the environment and the tribal ethos of
bravery which may encourage fighting and stealing, and thus affects the accumulation of
wealth.
In the second part I describe the economic relations between households, including
cooperative ones among relatives. The tradition of hospitality and a positive valuation of
both begging and giving serves as a safety net for the poorest individuals and enables
great mobility of this remote population through guesting while traveling. I also describe
some cases of recovery after natural catastrophe, such as the decimation of livestock by
winter storms or theft. I conclude this section with an explanation of the regular mutual
aid practices that relatives and friends perform for each other, including contributions to
funeral expenses and restitution payments for injury to others.
In the third part I examine the role of lamas and other religious institutions in the
accumulation of wealth and its redistribution. I distinguish three types of lamas, although
most are combinations of these ideal types. The first type is the renouncer, who attracts
donations because of his piety, but gives them away either to needy lay people or to the
support of monks. The second type is the builder of the religious establishment. With
donations from the people, these lamas build temples, stupas, etc., and fund prayer meetings, where they must feed the thousands of monks they teach. The final type of lama is
the businessman, who takes donations from the people and uses at least some of this
money to capitalize various business ventures, which his disciples, both Tibetan and Han
Chinese, help him manage. It is this kind of lama that has the greatest potential to help
the economy develop. Some lamas, for example, start schools for orphans with the donations they receive. Others start factories in pastoral areas, such as for processing milk into
milk powder. Still others move into Han areas for part or all of the year to teach their Han
disciples and do business there.
Finally, I briefly describe the role the government and its bureaucrats play in the
distribution of wealth. First, I describe the attitude of the people toward the government’s
money: basically that one should not be stingy with it. Most bureaucrats operate with
this principle to the extent they can without suffering disciplinary action, and this is usually related to their rank within the government. Who should receive the spoils of government funds is determined by the kinship and friendship ties of the bureaucrats, most
of whom are not from the local area. Who should pay fines is similarly determined, although local officials usually limit their take to an amount that would not eliminate the
illegal activity, thereby preserving their long term income stream. In this section, with a
few examples, I also describe the local (mis)directions poverty alleviation programs may
take, such as saddling poor pastoralists with loans they have little hope of repaying, and
selling construction materials to those who were intended by the donor to receive it free
of charge. I also look at the government’s vision for the development of pastoralism in
this area, and the reasons for local resistance to parts of this vision.
In conclusion, I summarize both the advantages of the redistributive ethic described
above and the difficulties Golok pastoralists face in accumulating wealth. I give some
examples of the successes and failures of those who have managed to accumulate wealth
and start a business.
The transmission of efficacy: shifts in the structures,
expectations, and meanings of Tibetan medical education
Sienna Craig
This paper is based on ethnographic fieldwork I have been conducting in Nepal and the
Tibet Autonomous Region, China. My work is an inquiry into the political, economic,
and social components of medical efficacy, particularly as they play out in relationships
between master-apprentice educational structures on the one hand, and institutions of
Tibetan medicine on the other. I have been working with the Himalayan Amchi Association (HAA), a consortium of Tibetan medical practitioners from remote Nepal who formed
their own NGO in 1998, and who are directly engaged in the establishment of small schools
and clinics of Tibetan medicine in Nepal. Much of the material for this paper draws from
my work with this association, as well as from interviews and field experience gained by
visiting HAA members in their home communities. I have also done comparative research at several small schools of Tibetan medicine in the TAR, and have conducted interviews with Tibetan doctors as well as representatives of government agencies and international funding organizations who have been key in the establishment and operation of
these small medical schools.
This paper focuses on issues of curriculum within formal and informal structures of
amchi education, as well as attendant conceptions of efficacy and what has been dubbed
a ‘crisis of confidence’ in amchi and Tibetan medicine. Each of these themes involves
examinations into the concept and currency of lineage: how lineage functions within networks of amchi, as well as between amchi, the nation-states in which they exist, and their
foreign interlocutors. Each of these themes also addresses, perforce, the impacts that biomedicine and biomedical epistemologies are having on amchi medical practice. These
themes create a web of meaning about contemporary Tibetan medical practice that is
both grounded in specific nation-state circumstances and extend beyond these borders.
The issue of curriculum – what and how to teach, whether or not to introduce biomedicine into Tibetan medical courses, what the relationship is and should be between institutional and lineage-based master-apprentice pedagogy – plays out at the level of large,
state-supported (or state-in-exile supported) institutes for Tibetan medicine in China and
India. But these issues are also having crucial impacts on the future of smaller schools
and clinics, and therefore the future of health care practices, beliefs, and structures at a
local level.
In this paper, I discuss the challenges posed by attempts to integrate medical epistemologies, particularly as this plays out in the education of novice amchi, as well as the
professionalizing efforts of more experienced Tibetan medical practitioners, many of whom
are the head teachers at these small schools and clinics. I examine how the establishment
of small institutes, often expressed by donors and amchi alike as a desire to “preserve
tradition” on the one hand and “modernize” Tibetan medicine on the other, alter amchi
practices. What of the diversity of Tibetan medical practice is kept and what is lost through
this push to institutionalize, even at a community level? How is this revealed through
choices being made about curriculum? What is it about the creation of a physical space,
outside the realm of a home or monastery, for medical education, as well as the more
intangible boundaries of power, authority, and knowledge implied by the founding of
institutes, that is perceived to imbue this practice with a new kind of efficacy? How is this
different from the balance of belief and honed skill that produces another kind of efficacy
– the more intimate healing encounter between doctor and patient?
Debates over the inclusion or exclusion of biomedical training in otherwise Tibetan
medical curricula also relate directly to questions of confidence and efficacy. Schools of
Tibetan medicine are experiencing pressure from local communities, as well as state and
international agencies, to include biomedical techniques and practices in their curricula,
and to supplement Tibetan medical practice with biomedical training. Part of this pressure is attributed to the geographic circumstances in which most amchi work and the lack
of other health care service in these remote areas. The issue of maternal and child health
care, as well as emergency medicine, are key fulcrums around which these debates turn.
Reactions among amchi to these calls for “integrated” curricula have been mixed. Some
agree with this strategy and say that amchi should be trained in biomedical techniques, to
better serve their communities. Others suggest instead that biomedical and Tibetan medical
practitioners should work in collaboration, and that these epistemologies of healing should
be encouraged in two practitioners who practice side-by-side. Opponents of such curricula say that these approaches, although seemingly practical and well intentioned,
embody a naturalized arrogance implicit in biomedically-driven aid agendas. They also
directly undermine Tibetan medical training before this medical epistemology has had a
chance to live in the minds and hands of novice practitioners.
States and international agencies extol the cultural capital of Tibetan medicine as
both a “traditional art” and a “healing science”. Yet for the sake of – and with the moral
force of – “saving lives” biomedical practices continue to be instituted in ways that systematically trump Tibetan medicine. Many villagers still implicitly trust an amchi who is
well practiced and, usually, old and male; they will send their children to attend these
new schools of Tibetan medicine. And yet, they also have a love affair with IV antibiotics.
Biomedicine, even in its most rough forms, is perceived as more “modern” and, in that
sense, more efficacious than Tibetan medicine at a local level. This crisis of confidence in
Tibetan medicine, then, is institutional and cultural, state-sanctioned and organic. And it
is clearly illustrated in the new structures of and demands on Tibetan medical education.
bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal’s Bhutan Legal Code of 1729 in
comparison with Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho’s
Guidelines for Government Officials
Christoph Cüppers
In his short introduction to the “Sources for the History of Bhutan” (Vienna 1986) Michael
Aris remarked that the only published text which affords a parallel to the Bhutan Legal
Code of 1729 composed by bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal seems to be “The Edict of the C’os
rGyal of Gyantse” (Tucci 1949: 745–6). According to Petech this Bhutanese code of law
contains the rules of conduct for the ruling class.
In recent years, however, the “Guidelines for Government Officials” written in the
year 1681 by the regent (sde-srid) Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho have become available. In it
are described the duties of high government officials. When one compares this text with
the Bhutan Legal Code of 1729, it becomes obvious that bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal to some
extent used the “Guidelines” issued by the dGa’-ldan Pho-brang government as a model
for his own code. Some sections have been copied literally, others have been shortened,
and still others have been rephrased to fit the particular Bhutanese situation.
In my paper I try to explain the Bhutanese and Tibetan concept of governance in the
17th and 18th centuries, and to show the points on which the two governments agree,
and those on which they differ, regarding the duties of their officials.
Rnying-ma-pa monastic organization in seventeenth-century
Tibet: the case of Smin-grol-gling
Bryan Cuevas
To comprehend the complexities of religion, politics, and social life in premodern Tibet it
is necessary to have some understanding of the nature, structure, and organization of the
Tibetan monastic institution. In this paper I consider the principles of operation, offices
and institutions, economy, and early history of the Rnying-ma-pa monastery of Smingrol-gling (est. 1670) as detailed in various edicts and written documents, including Smingrol-gling’s first monastic constitution (bca’-yig) compiled in 1689 by Gter-bdag-gling-pa
(1646–1714), the monastery’s founder. My main objective is to offer a few insights into the
nature of religious life and polity of one of the most influential Rnying-ma-pa monasteries in central Tibet at the dawn of Dge-lugs-pa (Dge-ldan-pa) supremacy. During the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Smin-grol-gling was one of the principal
centers for the preservation of Rnying-ma ritual, arts, and learning in central Tibet and its
success was due in part to the close intimacy Gter-bdag-gling-pa and his family cultivated with the fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682). In addition to my focus on the internal structure and monastic polity of Smin-grol-gling during the period under consideration, I also
introduce preliminary materials for the study of that institution’s family history from
roughly the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. The role of family relations, alliances,
and conflicts in shaping the history of Tibetan religion and politics remains a significant
topic still largely neglected by scholars in Tibetan Studies.
The making of the Blue Beryl: some remarks on the textual
sources of the famous commentary of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho
(1653–1705)
Olaf Czaja
The ‘Four Treatises’ (rgyud bzhi) as it is widely known formed the pivotal point of medical
writings on Tibetan medicine. Many commentaries were written on its behalf. Among them
one finds two composed by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705): one that covers the whole
range of topics found in the rgyud bzhi: the Blue Beryl (vaidurya sngon po), one that focuses on
the third part of the rgyud bzhi: the ‘Supplement’ (lhan thabs). Both can be regarded as some
of the most influential medical treatises and were a hallmark for Tibetan medicine at the
end of the 17th century. Even nowadays they still have highly valued position in medical
thinking on the rgyud bzhi. As it is known Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was assisted in his task
by the celebrated physician Dar mo ’Tsho byed Blo bzang chos grags also shortly called Dar
mo sMan rams pa. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho although highly educated was not a doctor
himself. Until now, however, no thoroughly study on the sources on which Sangs rgya rgya
mtsho has relied has been undertaken. Admittedly this paper too cannot fill this gap but
only call its importance into the attention of the audience. The paper aims on showing the
diversity of opinions found in the medical treatises that were reshaped and brought into a
single one by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho that is nowadays a standard. Some of the medical
treatises out of which his Blue Beryl (vaidurya sngon po) was created will be introduced here
such as the ‘Medical Treatments, A Royal Treasury’ (gso dpyad rgyal po’i dkon mdzod) composed by Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147- 1216), the ‘Instructions of the Grandfather’ (mes po’i
zhal lung) written by Zur mkhar ba Blo gros rgyal po (b.1509), ‘Ten Million Relics’ (bye ba
ring bsrel) of Zur mkhar ba Chos rje mNyam nyid rdo rje (1439–1475) or the ‘Practices of
Medical Treatments, A Source for All What is Desired’ (gso dpyad kyi lag len dgos ’dod kun
’byung) by bDud rtsi ’gyur med (16th cent.). A few words of assessment on them should be
given as for instance on the work attributed to Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216). This
medical treatise in its form known today seems be rather a compilation done by Sa skya
Pandita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251). To retrace how Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho made
use of its sources and to establish something of a scale of reliability or authority among
these textual compositions a comparison will be done of what all these treatises have to say
on specific medical topics. When certain methods of treatment were discussed the sources
differ in some points like measures of diet or more significantly on which vertebrae moxibustion has to applied. In some instances one is left with the impression that Sangs rgyas
rgya mtsho has preferred the gso dpyad kyi lag len dgos ’dod kun ’byung of bDud rtsi
’gyur med (16th cent.) and regarded him as the most authoritative.
By presenting these initial findings it is intended to make one beware of the diversity
of approaches within Tibetan medicine through a critical examination of its textual
tradition.
Reworking the identity of the rnying ma school: a comparison
of two seventeenth century ritual manuals
Jacob Dalton
As is well known, the Rnying ma school experienced unprecedented support during the
seventeenth century. The fifth Dalai Lama’s family had strong Rnying ma ties, and some
of his closest teachers were Rnying ma pa. As the new Dalai Lama government rose to
power, so did the fortunes of the Rnying ma school. During the second half of the seventeenth century huge new Rnying ma monasteries were founded throughout central and
eastern Tibet. In fact, these years marked a shift in the identity of the Rnying ma school
towards larger, monastic institutions. In central Tibet, the two monasteries of Rdo rje
brag and Smin grol gling were particularly influential in this new trend. This paper will
compare and contrast the impact of these two monasteries on the shape of the Rnying ma
school.
More specifically, I will be looking at their respective ritual manuals for the performance of the “Sutra Empowerment” (mdo dbang), an elaborate ceremony based on the
Anuyoga tantra entitled the Compendium of the Intentions Sutra (Dgongs pa ’dus pa’i mdo).
Both Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling produced extensive writings on this ceremony,
including two new empowerment ritual manuals. An examination of these manuals reveals two very different approaches to the Sutra Empowerment tradition, approaches
that reflect the wider strategies taken at each monastery towards the institutionalization
of the Rnying ma school.
By the seventeenth century, the Sutra Empowerment tradition had become the ritual
centerpiece of the Rnying ma school’s Spoken Teachings (bka’ ma). This class of teachings
should be understood in juxtaposition to the Treasure Teachings (gter ma), with the Spoken Teachings based on supposed translations from Indic-language originals rather than
on revelations native to Tibet. At the heart of these Spoken Teachings stands the triad of
Sutra, Tantra, and Mind (mdo rgyud sems gsum), the three root tantras of Anuyoga,
Mahayoga, and Atiyoga respectively. As mentioned above, the Sutra Empowerment draws
upon the first element of this triad, namely the Compendium Sutra. Historically, the Compendium Sutra provided much of the mythological and doctrinal structure for the Spoken
Teachings. As a result, by the seventeenth century the Sutra Empowerment had become a
grand ceremony representing in many respects the entire Rnying ma school. Its performance took up to two weeks and required resources that only a large monastery could
provide.
Thus as Padma ’phrin las and Gter bdag gling pa worked to legitimate their new
institutions at Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling, they both turned to the Sutra Empowerment. Their writings changed the face of the Sutra Empowerment tradition, but in di-
verse ways. At Rdo rje brag, Padma ’phrin las sought to create a completely new lineage
to replace the one already in existence which was controlled by his enemies. In this way,
he hoped to erase certain elements of the Rnying ma school from the history books.
This project represented a power shift within the Rnying ma school that paralleled
the wider change to the new Dalai Lama government. Before, under the rule of the Gtsang
kings, the main central Tibetan Rnying ma lineage enjoying royal patronage was that
stemming from the Gter ston Zhig po Gling pa, passing through Sog bzlog pa and Gong
ra lo chen amongst others. After the fifth Dalai Lama’s takeover, this group fell out of
favor while the new monasteries of Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling were established.
The new Rdo rje brag ritual manual embodied this change in royal patronage.
The Sutra Empowerment writings produced at Smin grol gling just a few decades
later exhibit a completely different approach to the changing face of the Rnying ma school.
The tone is not exclusive but inclusive, as Gter bdag gling pa sought to create a new
tradition that would be acceptable to all elements within the Rnying ma school. In depicting his lineage, he tried to gather all the earlier strands within his own. In his new ritual
manual, he “dumbed down” the empowerment ceremony, making it better suited for the
general public and more manageable for a festival format. Thus he removed the most
secret tantric elements from the ceremony and divided the unwieldy manual into smaller
individual manuals that could be handed off to groups of ritual specialists within the
monastery, thus streamlining both the preparations and the actual performance. Now the
entire ceremony could be completed in just three days. The new system was backed up
by a rigorous historical study that provided unprecedented detail on the ritual tradition.
Gter bdag gling pa’s project culminated in 1691 when he invited hundreds of the top
Rnying ma masters from throughout Tibet to a grand unveiling of his new ritual system
at Smin grol gling. The project was highly successful, and today Smin grol gling’s ritual
manuals are standard at all Rnying ma monasteries other than those affiliated with Rdo
rje brag.
Bod kyi mdos glud la dpyad pa’i gtam skya reng gsar pa
(Offerings to mountain spirits: a study of Khalong)
Dangsung Namgyal
The best way of researching Tibetan tradition of offering mountain spirits (glud) is doing
research on the Khalong. Khalong Döchen is the oldest written documents, and can be
the representative work on offering mountain spirits, which has been considered as standard work on offering mountain spirits.
The present study includes three sections:
One, definition of offering mountain spirits includes ’jugtsul, damtshig, and results of
offering mountain spirits, and when this tradition has started in Tibet.
Two, researching Khalong includes two sections: the contents of the Khalong and artistic
characteristics of the Khalong.
In terms of contents of Khalong, there are five aspects shall be discussed,
1.
The origin of Khalong, how it developed and in which Thekpa Khalong belongs to.
2.
After defining and introducing the y.astak, I shall give readers general but vivid
ideas about the offering mountain spirits.
3.
Giving information about origin, nature and advantage of Sidpe chokrab, which shall
come first, I shall give definition of offering mountain spirits, and characteristics of
Ngarglud.
4.
Since the main object of offering mountains spirits is Sipe gyalmo, I shall, base on the
standard sources, discuss the origin, unique and commonly characteristics of Sipe
gyalmo. Further, I shall discuss how Sipe gyalmo became a protector of religion.
5.
Summarizing activities after finishing offering mountain spirits.
In terms of artistic characteristics of the Khalong, I found that the Khalong carries
both ancient Tibetan writing style and Melongma style. I shall compare Khalong with
Dunhuang documents and later authorial works to describe the characteristics mentioned
above.
Bod sil bu’i dus rabs kyi rtsom rig dar rgud la dpyad pa
(Literature during the early 10th Century to the middle of 13th
century)
Danzheng
During the early Tibetan kingdom, because of the three great kings of Tibet, Tibetan politics, culture and economy developed. Especially after written Tibetan was invented, and
monasteries were established, many scholars from India and China were invited. Meanwhile, many Tibetans students were sent to India and China. Based on the folklore, Tibetan authorial literature started and developed. However, with the assassination of Lang
Darma and collapse of Tibetan kingdom, Tibetan literature experienced reduction, revival, and development during the early 10th century to the middle of 13th century.
One: The Period of Reduction
During the time, that Lang Darma demolished Buddhism to the year of 978, the group of
Tibetan authors and translators got demolished. Therefore, besides folklores, it was almost impossible to find authorial works.
Two: The Period of Revival
In 978, ten scholars from U-tsang became monk under feet of Grum Yeshe Gyaltsan and
lit the Buddhist fire again. Many scholars, such as Atisha, were invited from India.
Kadampa, Kagyudpa, Sakyapa and Jonangpa started having certain mount of monks,
who became the new generation of authors and translators. These scholars and monks in
different schools produced biographies, Snyanngag, letters, materials for moral education and praying, which lead the new revival of Tibetan authorial literature.
Three: The Period of Development
Sappan’s writing of Mkhas ’jug started the tradition of writing in Tibetan. The publishing
of Rol mo’i bstan bcos, Zlos gar rab dga’i ’jug pa, Tshig gi gter, Sdebs sbyor sna tshogs me tog
chun po started the tradition of general/common sciences (Tha snyad rig pa)[k1]. In accordance with the suggestions given in these publications, Tibetan intellectuals started
producing their work, which brought Tibetan literature new blood.
More Phyi-dar apocrypha: gSar-ma treasure texts
Ronald M. Davidson
Ratna gling-pa (1403–1478) devotes a section of his gTer byung chen mo to detailing texts
he understands as gSar-ma gter and accuses of hypocrisy those challenging the rNyingma Treasure tradition, for Ratna gling-pa understands gSar-ma representatives to accept
individual treasure texts rather than actually condemning all treasure works per se. Most
importantly, he identifies some of these works by titles, including the bKa’ ’chems ka khol
ma and extending to the Mani bka’ ’bum and a tantra accepted in the Zhi-byed system but
not entered into the bKa’ ’gyur rgyud ’bum. This paper will evaluate these and other
phyi-dar gter works in light of Ratna gling-pa and other rNying-ma apologists’ statements and in distinction to the work of Chag-lo Chos rje dpal, Bu-ston, and others. The
paper concludes that there was a subculture of revelation among gSar-ma representatives
in Phyi-dar Tibet, beginning in the eleventh century.
Part of the revelation was tied to models of the Tibetan imperium and focused on
Srong-btsan sgam-po, whereas other gsar-ma gter proposed itself as authentic Indian
works, in the manner of rNying-ma revelatory tantras. While the volume of gSar-ma gter
is much smaller than its rNying-ma counterpart, the examination of buried texts and
continued revelation reveals an acceptance of the fundamental model by many facets of
Tibetan religious society rather than constituting a specifically or uniquely rNying-ma
phenomenon.
gSang chen theg pa’i bskyed rim dang bod nang pa’i bla skrul
bar gyi ’brel ba
(The relationship between incarnation in Mahayana Tantra
and reincarnation in Tibetan Buddhism)
Dawa (Zla-ba)
The present study is based on the researching the Tantric Yogi Dame gyud’s three meditations and discusses the origins of some of the Tibetan Buddhist Lama. In this paper I
shall discuss – meditation, physical training, death, interval (bar srid), and birth. Further
I shall provide the evidences for the origins for many Tibetan Buddhist Lama and incarnations, the relationships between ordinary Tibetans and those reincarnations.
Tibetan Buddhist reincarnation is a result of practicing Mahayana Tantra. Here I shall
discuss this topic by dividing the main chapters into several smaller chapters in order for
the readers to have general ideas about the Mahayana Tantra and its practice.
At the same time, I shall discuss little bit about how the Mahayana Tantra came to the
human world. Moreover, I shall discuss the way of practicing it and introduce about the
main ideas of the four Yogis. Additionally I will suggest that Mahayana Tantra is a treasure for human spiritual lives by discussing about – birth, death, the reasons for practicing
Mahayana Tantra, incarnations and reincarnations, how to practice Mahayana Tantra etc
issues.
In order to describe my suggestions about the Mahayana Tantra and reincarnations
in Tibetan Buddhism, I shall provide more examples from historical documents and contemporary actual life.
The Chong Pa Ache Lamo Troupe and related information
Deyki Drokar
The Chong Pa Ache Lamo Troupe was one of the four well-known Ache Lamo troupes,
having unique characteristics not only with respect to its rNam Thar (song), performance, and the beating of drums and the striking of cymbals, but also having extremely
pleasant traditional songs, dances and music. For this reason, they were well received in
Lhasa, performing during the Lhasa Shoton Festival before 1959. However, for many
reasons, they could not come to Lhasa to perform during Lhasa Shoton Festival for the
past forty years. And as there are very few documents and articles about the Lamo troupe,
I had a strong desire to go to the place of the Ache Lamo troupe. I went to there to do
some field-work and record video in October of this year.
The Chong Pa Ache Lamo troupe resides in one of the six Shangs in Shi ga Tse Ngam
Ring County – the Shang named Chong Ri Wo Che Shang. The name of the Lamo troupe
arose from the name of this Shang. The area is located in the eastern part of Ngam Ring
County, and more than 80km from the county seat to the Shang itself. It has an average
sea level of 4500 km, and is both cold and has very thin air. Local people told me that the
road from the county seat to their Shang is in its worst state from July to September of
each year. It is difficult to drive any automobile on the road, and admittedly, I was terribly frightened by such a dangerous and difficult mountain.
In 2001, there was a total population of 4470 people in Chong Ri Wo Che Shang,
mainly dealing with agriculture, but also rearing many sheep, goats, cattle, chickens, etc.
Local people, including the elderly and youngsters, very much enjoy singing and dancing local traditional songs and dances. In particular, they are very interested in seeing
Ache Lamo performances. For example, although we knew that they were, day and night,
very busy with their harvest work, one day we requested the Ache Lamo troupe to perform traditional lamo, and surprisingly, within a short amount of time, all the performers
were gathered and ready to perform for us. At that time, not only did local people come
to see the lamo performance, but also some old people with Chang (barley beer) and their
children came from nearby villages.
There is a ruined monastery of the traditional Ache lamo founder – Drob Thog Thang
Thong Gyalpo – and a very special stupa in this Shang, having a structure very similar to
Gyang Tse Bal Gun Chob Den in Gyang Tse of Shi Ga Tse. It is said that Gyang Tse stupa
was copied from the stupa in Chong Ri Wo Che. Moreover, there are can be seen four
chain bridges that were built by Thang Thong in this general area: Pa Ding Bridge in Do
Pe Shang, Ta Sur Bridge in Ba Gug Ling Gas Ga Town, Rin Ding Bridge in Rin Chen Ding
Do Pe Shang and Ri Wo Che Bridge in Ri Wo Che Shang. Several of them have been
repaired and are still well used.
Thang Thong was born in Rin Che Ding Do Pe Shang in Ngam Ring county, where
his caves and footprints, etc., can still be seen. Local people told us that Thang Thong was
named Kro Wo Pal Den when he was a child, and was then given the name Tson Drun
Sang Po after he became a fully-ordained monk. Subsequently, he was given the names
Drob Tob Thang Thong Gyal Po and Drob Tob Cag Zam Pa after he started to build the
bridges in Tibet. The Rin Ding Cag Zam is in Thang Thong’s hometown, where there is a
placid river upstream from the bridge. It is said that the river was listening to the teaching of Thang Thong.
He stayed in the area named Aen Nas Thar Pa Ling for six years. Some of the local
people recited his story as follows:
To build the Kangyur and Tengyur for his father:
To build Ma Ni Ka Bum for his mother;
To build bridges for humans and animals:
To teach doctrine for six years in Thar Pa Ling.
I felt very sad to hear that Thang Thong’s body, and those of his sponsor, Chang Dag
Tashi Tob Gyal, and his abbot Tob Den Bal Byor, were taken out from the Kyi Nal Gor Mo
(“like dog sleeping”) in Thang Thong’s monastery by some people from a nearby village
during the Cultural Revolution. The other two bodies were thrown in Yarlung Tsangpo
whole, while Thang Thong’s body was cut down small pieces and thrown in same river.
Information about Chong Pa Ache Lamo’s history, characteristics, structure, activities relating to the Lhasa Shoton Festival, etc., are detailed in my paper.
Mongol cultural sites and customs in modern ’Dam gzhung
(Tibet Autonomous Region)
Denlhun Tshering Yangdzom
There is a long history of political, cultural and economic relations between Tibetans and
Mongols. In the middle of the 17th century Gushri Khan, the leader of the Hoshod Mongols after occupying the Kokonor region led his troops into Central Tibet, supported the
Fifth Dalai Lama and became the ruler of Tibet. Gushri Khan and his Mongolian descendants selected ’Dam gzhung, to the north of Lhasa, as their main residence. Here a
large part of the Mongolian army and their horses were stationed, since this was the best
grassland in the vicinity of Lhasa. Nowadays the ’Dam gzhung community considers
itself to consist of the descendants of Gushri Khan and of the Hoshot Mongols of the 17th
century. Even though the people of gDam gzhung speak exclusively Tibetan and have
abandoned the Mongolian language, they keep a strong sense of their history and descent. This is reflected in some of the local customs and in the organisation of the community.
On basis of historical textual sources, recent local publications in Tibetan and Chinese and my own ethnographic research I will outline in my paper:
1)
The area of ’Dam gzhung, its location and its early history
2)
The political change during the Hoshod rule (1640–1720)
3)
The political situation under the Qing Amban and the Tibetan government (1720–
1912) and afterwards
4)
The organisation of the community in the Eight banners of ’Dam gzhung
5)
Mongolian cultural sites and customs in modern ’Dam gzhung
Leaders, names and festivals: the management of tradition in
the Mongolian-Tibetan borderlands
Hildegard Diemberger
Who organizes a festival or a ritual or a collective undertaking? Who manages tradition?
Often, in Tibetan areas, an event is said to have been organized by the dmangs tshogs, or
by the government on behalf of the dmangs tshogs. This term, which can be translated
literally as “the assembled multitude”, or “the masses”, is often used to indicate the community in its broadest sense. Sometimes it indicates the civil community in contrast to
the government, sometimes the local community including its leaders, and sometimes
simply an unstructured collectivity.
This paper will focus on cadres and the organisational aspect of certain festivals and
rituals in a rural area of Qinghai after 1980. It looks firstly at the extent to which the
modern xiang-s reproduce pre-existing administrative settings, as recorded in party documents from the period 1952–54, and goes on to contrast the organisation of two closely
related collective events, the naadam and the Tsendiri latse, that were first re-celebrated in
1984. They involve what appears to be the same community but have different management, time reckoning systems, religious implications and representations of ethnicity.
This offers a glimpse into the the practical task of managing and arranging the re-invention of traditions, and at the same time offers a example of the multifaceted role of political leaders at the local level.
The paper is based on research into the community or communities of ‘Sogpo’, a
Mongolian enclave in Qinghai, also called Henan. The area is surrounded by Tibetan
communities. Due to the complex ethnic structure of this area, the dilemmas and
strategic choices involved in the management of cultural life seem more visible here than
elsewhere. The paper suggests that the closer one looks at social and cultural processes of
this kind, the more an agency usually located in terms such as “the state”, “the government” or “the community” seems to dissolve into a multitude of individual actions and
choices that involve a variety of interpretative communities.
The b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig of fic›rya firya N›g›rjuna in the
collection of the Tibetan manuscripts from Tun-huang
Siglinde Dietz
The full text of the b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig which is ascribed to the Madhyamaka philosopher
N›g›rjuna and was addressed to a King of the Indian S›tav›hana dynasty is available in
the Tibetan Tanjur. It is a didactic compendium of the basic ideas common to the Buddhist traditions. Among the Tibetan Manuscripts from Tun-huang in the India Office Library (catalogued by L. de la Vallée Poussin) we find a fragment of the b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig
(No. 646) beginning with the 38th stanza and complete up to the last (117th) stanza. In my
paper I shall compare the language of the two versions and comment on the interlinear
glosses of the Tun-huang fragment.
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Lo rgyus yig cha dang deng dus gna’ rdzas rig dngos zhib ‘jug
gnyis go bsdur gyis zhang zhung dang de’i rig gzhung skor
dpyad pa
(Comparison of historical works and archaeological field
research on Zhang-zhung studies)
Dondrup Lhagyal
This presentation examines the existing evidence concerning Zhang-zhung and its culture in well-known Tibetan and Chinese historical sources. These literary accounts form
the background to archaeological field research carried out over the course of two months
in northern and western Tibet, i.e. the Byang-thang and sTod-mnga’-ris. The work presented here thus involves a comparison of textual investigation and fieldwork to further
our knowledge of Zhang-zhung and its culture. Fieldwork in this case entailed both archaeological investigations and a study of local oral tradition.
The presentation comprises three parts. The first part is a reviewof the existing secondary literature on Zhang-zhung, which will survey the work that has already been
done on the subject and analyse the methodology that has been employed. The second
part will analyse references to Zhang-zhung in the work of both Tibetan and Chinese
historians. The Tibetan works are grouped into two categories: Bonpo works and Buddhist sources. A comparison between these two bodies of literature enables us to establish the main differences between the two perspectives. Particular emphasis is placed on
the descriptions of Zhang-zhung as presented in the work of Bonpo authors from different historical periods. Evidence in support of the Tibetan testimonies is found in Chinese
historical documents. The third part analyses the main characteristics of Zhang-zhung
and its culture through a comparison of historical accounts and the result of field research on the topic. In this final part I shall describe and analyse what I found in northern
and western Tibet during two months’ field work, and shall then compare historical accounts and field research on Zhang-zhung in an attempt to reveal something of Zhangzhung and its cultural characteristics.
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#$-5Ü/-%Ü#-/!ë+-+è-+c+-5Ü/-º¥-IÜ<-/%<-
<-/%+-7+Ü7Ü-+0$<-rë:-9Ü#-#,<-:<-#)0-+ýè-+$-…å$-#)0-[-2ì#<-+$-Ê #(è,-rë:-<ë#<-`Ü<-/Z¨<-ý7Ü-9Ü0-ý-"#-%Ü#-dë#<-/Z¨-e<-)èÊ 0,7rë:-9Ü#-ý<-+0$<-rë:-9Ü#-ý9-a/-2+-+$-¹¥<-Yë/<-/%<-:-+c+-5Ü#-/bÜ<-7oè:Ê 0,7-rë:-9Ü#-ý-,Ü-/ë+-9$-#Ü-<è0<-#;Ü<-+$-0Ü-#;Ü<-#(Ü<-*+,<-+c+-5Ü/-9Ü,-*$-Q,-8ë+-2±:-bÜ-0*7-/Zë0<-7#ë+-IÜ<-/%<-:#<-<ëÊ
Pochu (dpa’o chung): the little pawo (dpa ’bo)
Tandin Dorji
In western Bhutan, several intercessors gather to conduct the Bala bongko (bala bon skor),
a festival in honour of Radrap (Rwa brag pa), the local deity of Wangdue Phodrang (dBang
’dus pho brang). The pawo (dpa ’bo) conducts the festival, assisted by one or two female
mediums, neljorma (rnal’byor ma), depending on their availability and a pochu (dpa’bo chung)
– a little pawo. I will, in this paper, try to define the social and religious background as
well as the status of the pochu, besides his role in this festival. Is it compulsory to become
a pochu before taking up the role of a pawo? How does one become a pochu? Is he an
apprentice to the pawo and is he related to him? Does he conduct rituals independently
even in the areas where there are pawo or is he just his substitute in rituals? This will lead
to assess the role of the pochu vis-à-vis the other intercessors of the area and the Buddhist
monks. Does the pochu have a ritual space of his own and is his function still relevant in
the society?
rNying-ma interpretatations of the Tath›gatagarbha theory
Dorji Wangchuk
Several studies have been made of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in India, including most
recently Michael Zimmermann’s excellent study of the Tathâgatagarbhasûtra. On the IndoTibetan front, David Seyfort Ruegg has through a series of publications greatly contributed to the understanding of the Tathâgatagarbha theory, particularly that of the dGelugs-pa tradition. A study of the Tathâgatagarbha theory from the perspective of the exponents of extrinsic emptiness (gzhan stong) Madhyamaka in Tibet was ventured by S. K.
Hookham. However, much remains to be explored in other traditions, authors and texts
from different periods of Tibetan history.
One important Tibetan interpretations of Tathâgatagarbha that has been mostly ignored so far is that of the rNying-ma school. Even authors such as Hookham who touched
upon the theme in passing have over-simplistically described the rNying-ma position –
or specifically rDzogs-chen, which contains the Tathâgatagarbha theory – as “gzhan stongtype” teachings. The actual situation, however, is much more complex, and certainly there
are more than one interpretation of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in the rNying-ma tradition. Yet I would maintain that the position of the main rNying-ma scholars, in spite of its
complexity, was nevertheless explicit, well-defined and relatively consistent throughout
the history of their school.
In my paper I try to describe as accurately as possible the rNying-ma “interpretation” of the Tathâgatagarbha theory as it was maintained by rNying-ma authors whose
authority was acknowledged within their tradition. Hence, I will mainly draw on works
of three rNying-ma scholars, namely, Rong-zom-pa (11th century), Klong-chen-pa (1308–
1363) and Mi-pham (1846–1912), all of whom are considered authoritative. It is not, however, my intention to examine whether the interpretation of these three authors conforms
the original purport of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in Indian Buddhism.
At the behest of the mountain: clan territory in post-Imperial
Tibet
Brandon Dotson
In much the same manner that the twelve minor kingdoms (rgyal-phran) represent the
chaos of regionalism prior to the order created by the descent of the first Tibetan Btsan-po
and the consolidation of the Tibetan empire, the regional principalities (rje-dpon-tshan)
represent a return to regionalism after the empire’s collapse. Located after the disintegration of centralised authority and after the Revolt (kheng-log), the narrative of the regional
principalities presents a resolution to the social and political upheaval in post-imperial
Tibet. Three sources for this narrative, the Chos ’byung chen po bstan pa‘i rgyal mtshan
of Lde‘u Jo-sras (Jo-Sras), the Rgya bod kyi chos ’byung rgyas pa of Mkhas pa lde‘u Lde’u
(Lde‘u) and the Mkhas pa‘i dga‘ ston by Dpa‘-bo Gtsug-lag Phreng-ba (KhG), all stem
from the Lo rgyus chen mo of Khu-ston Brtson-‘grus g.yung-drung (1011–1075), though
only Dpa‘-bo Gtsug-lag explicitly cites his source. The three versions are nearly identical,
but the most detailed and complete recension is found in KhG. In this paper a translation
of this passage is offered along with an analysis of its contents, particularly as they relate
to clan territory.
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Report on the discovery of the stone chessboard (mig mang) in
Lhasa valley
Dralha Dawa Sangpo
The study of go in Tibet is in a preliminary stage. It is preliminary because much more is
unknown than known. Everything we know of the people, ideas and events of the early
Tibet lies in a confusion of ruin, records and remembrances that have been preserved,
altered or lost for many reasons. Tibetan chess, which we Tibetans call Migmang, is a
unique component of the ancient culture of the Tibetan people. From very early on, both
ordinary people and high level official played chess for fun or making important decision. There are rich historical records, which shows that people in Tibet playing go in
very early stage of the history and it has been a long tradition throughout the history of
Tibet.
The first article on chess in Tibet was written in 1982 by Cheng Xiao Liu, a Chinese
chess researcher based in Beijing. He is 6-dan player. Mr. Cheng proposed that the Chinese brought chess to Tibet in 7th century, and those stories about Tibetan playing chess
before this were made up later. This article was discussed by Yasunaga Hajime in the
Japan Go Magazine, and by Peter Shotwell in the American Go Journal. In 1990, Sonam
Chogyal, researcher from the Tibet Academy of Social Sciences, translated two English
articles which are Go in the Snowland by Peter Shotwell and Study on the Tibetan Chess by
John Fairbairn, respectively. These two translated articles influenced scholars in Tibet to
pay attention to Tibetan chess, and as a matter of fact, now there are already several
scholars who engage with studies of the Tibetan chess and published numbers of articles
both in the Journals of the Tibetan Studies and the Tibetan Culture.
In 1993, an article, Symbolism of Black and White in Tibet, was written by Yian zhen
Zhong in Chinese for the magazine Tibetan Culture. Mr. Yian, a founder of the Tibetan
Strange Occurrences Society, considerably enlarged Cheng’s efforts with many new stories
and records. While not entirely focusing on chess, nor following out the conclusions, he
argued that there was a parallel development of Tibetan and Chinese chess, and that
early tales of its being played in Tibet were accurate.
In my article, I agree with Mr. Yian’s opinion that chess was played by the Tibetan
people as early as 6th century. I analyze all the ancient records on chess, which have
never been used by other scholars before and I myself also concluded that chess is one of
the very important elements of the Tibetan culture and it was played by the Tibetan people in all level throughout the centuries and it became a very popular game among the
aristocratic families in Lhasa, as well as among the Muslim people in Tibet.
Recently, culture investigators have discovered a chessboard in the ruin of the Palace
of the King Songtsan Gampo, which was built in the region of Medro Gongkhar, in the
vicinity of Lhasa city. This discovery illuminates the study of the Tibetan go and the stone
chessboard is displayed in the Museum of Tibet in Lhasa, the capital of Tibetan Autonomous Region of Tibet. As far as I know, the stone chessboard is stored in the Museum, but
there is no any conclusion of when it was made and how old the stone chessboard is.
Therefore, the stone chessboard is in need of scientific examination in order to draw out
a final conclusion.
My paper is organized by four parts.
1,
Introduction: The general history of the Tibetan go based on historical references.
2,
Those who have studied Tibetan go have not been anthropologists, historians or
Tibetans, and those who have studied Tibet have not known a great deal about go.
Both have missed much.
3,
The rule and play of the chess in Tibet.
4,
Further investigation will be difficult task. Tibet is enormous. The area where people
play Tibetan chess covers the modern territory plus large part of Qinghai, Gansu,
and Sichuan Provinces in China, and extends into Nepal, Bhutan, Mustang, and
Sikkim in Northern India. Most future research will have to be done in the countryside where is difficult to travel. While the spirit of the culture remains, the content is
disappearing rapidly. Tibetan chess will die with the older men of this generation.
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Bod kyi mdos glud la dpyad pa’i gtam skya reng gsar pa
(Offerings to mountain spirits [mdos and glud]: a study of
Khalong)
Dra ngso ng Na mgya l
The most important source for research on the Tibetan tradition of mdos and glud rituals is
the Khalong (mKha’ klong gsang ba’i mdos chen). This is one of the oldest texts, and is considered to be a standard work on the subject of mdos and glud. The present study comprises
three sections:
1. The components of mdos: the way of entering (‘jug tshul), the pledge (dam tshig), and the
results of mdos rituals, and when the tradition of mdos and glud started in Tibet.
2. Research on Khalong has two aspects: the contents of the Khalong and its artistic characteristics.
3. In terms of contents of Khalong, there are five aspects that will be discussed:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
The origin of the Khalong, how it developed and in which vehicle (theg pa) it belongs.
After defining and introducing the yas stags, I shall give readers general but vivid
idea about the construction of mdos.
Information about the origin, nature and benefits of the Srid pa’i chog rabs, and a
suggested definition of glud.
Since the main beneficiaries of mdos chen are the ma mo of khalong space, and among
them primarily Srid pa’i rgyal mo, I shall discuss the origins and nature of this divinity.
Activities performed on conclusion of mdos rituals.
Artistic features of the Khalong include both archaic Tibetan writing styles as well as
the later Me long ma. I shall compare Khalong with Dunhuang documents and later
textual works to describe the characteristics mentioned above.
Development of the national language in Bhutan and other
activities of the Dzongkha Development Commission
George van Driem
The Dzongkha Development Commission is a semi-autonomous organ of the Royal Government of Bhutan dedicated to the advancement of the national language and the study
and documentation of the kingdom’s diverse linguistic heritage. Major activities of the
Commission include the description on the Dzongkha language, the codification of a
Bhutanese orthographic standard in dBu-can script, the graded promulgation of a phonological system of romanisation known as Roman Dzongkha, the integration and release of Dzongkha in the Microsoft Windows program, the compilation of EnglishDzongkha dictionaries, the documentation of the three most endangered languages of
Bhutan, the publication of an ethnolinguistic history of Bhutan. An overview of past and
ongoing activities will be presented as well as some future plans and aspirations of the
Commission.
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The Serpent-like dbyangs-yig of the Sa-skya-pa: the soughtafter link between Sa-skya musical notations and the Rolmo’i bstan-bcos by Sa-skya Pandita
Alice Egyed
During my field research in Nepal, I was lucky to locate the only lineage-holder of the
Rol-mo’i bstan-bcos by Sa-skya Pandita. The drawing manual, supplied by him serves as
the missing link between the chant categories defined in the Rol-mo’i bstan-bcos by Saskya Pandita and the chant manual for the Vajrakila ritual. The chant categories of the
Rol-mo’i bstan-bcos are known and practiced in ritual performances today. The Vajrakila
ritual has not only the most ornate musical notations within the Sa-skya-pa schools but it
also bears all the characteristics of the so-called “snake” notation as mentioned by several
dbu-mdzads.
One of the three musical instruments mentioned in the chant categories of the Vajrakila
dbyangs-yig is of Indian and two are of Bon-po origin. These might also reflect upon the
background of dbyangs, and at the same time give us a better understanding about the
time of their composition.
Ka¯-thog-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan (1466–1540) and his
activities in Bhutan
Franz-Karl Ehrhard
A first assessment of the history of the lHo-mon Ka-thog-pa in Bhutan was provided by
the late Michael Aris in his book Bhutan: The Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom,
Warminster 1979, pp. 153–154. According to the historical sources available to him, a
certain dBu-’od Ye-shes ’bum[-pa] from the Ka¯-thog monastery in eastern Tibet went in
the 13th century to Bhutan on his way to Sikkim and founded in sPa-gro sTag-tshang the
sanctuary O-rgyan rtse-mo. It was further stated that this teacher had two disciples, namely
bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan and his son, rNam-grol bzang-po, both of whom took up residence in sPa-gro sTag-tshang.
It was also noted by Michael Aris that there existed an autobiography of bSod-nams
rgyal-mtshan, but he was obviously not able to consult it. As the biographical tradition of
this Ka?-thog teacher closely connected with the religious history of Bhutan is now available, I want to readdress the issue of the arrival of the lHo-mon Ka¯-thog-pa in Bhutan
and their presence at the famous Padmasambhava shrine in the northern part of the sPagro valley. This will be done in three steps: clarifying the identity of Ye-shes ’bum from
the Ka¯-thog monastery, giving an overview of the life of bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan with
special reference to his activities in Bhutan – the first transmission of the “Collected Tantras
of the Early Translation Period” (rnying ma rgyud ’bum) in Bhutan is credited to him –
and, finally, relating the story of the foundation of O-rgyan rtse-mo, the original residence of the lHo-mon Ka¯-thog-pa, located on a cliff immediately above the main shrine
of sPa-gro sTag-tshang.
With these observations it should become clear that the arrival of the Ka¯-thog-pa
teaching lineage in Bhutan in a formal sense can be dated to the beginning of the 16th
century: a period when members of the rNying-ma-pa school in general became attracted
to the southern Himalayan valleys and the sacred sites associated with Padmasambhava.
Cataloguing the “Newark Kanjur”
Helmut Eimer
Since A.D. 1920 the Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey, has kept 23 volumes of Buddhist scriptures from Bathang in Khams. The books, written in silver on black blue dyed
paper, date back into the 15th to 16th century. They are stray volumes belonging to the
main sections of a bKa’-’gyur, viz. ’dul-ba, ’bum, brgyad-stong, phal-chen, mdo, ’das-mdo, and
rgyud. Therefore, the designation “Newark Kanjur” (hereafter: NK) has come into use in
spite of its limited number of volumes.
In research, the NK has so far only been utilized for editing some relatively short
texts. From the study of the Mah›sÒtras (Skilling 1994) it has become obvious that the NK
is a local compilation that cannot be regarded as related to the main- stream transmission
of Tibetan Buddhist texts translated from the Sanskrit. A detailed investigation of the
Tath›gatagarbhasÒtra (Zimmermann 1998) shows that the NK comprises at least this text
in a translation divergent from that contained in the common canonical tradition. These
features already classify the NK as a Kanjur comparable to the Phug-brag and the Orgyan-gling manuscripts. Thus the testimony of the NK is extremely valuable for editing
canonical texts.
A preliminary list of the texts in the NK became accessible in 2000 (Skilling). For
twelve out of the 15 volumes of the SÒtra section it relies mainly on tables of contents,
which are written on slightly smaller leaves added to the individual volumes. Where
such tables of contents are missing, the preliminary list does not record all titles contained in the respective volume. On the occasion of the 6th Seminar of the IATS, the
present writer was requested to participate in a precise description of the NK. At that
time four colleagues were willing to participate in the project. A preliminary basic catalogue of two volumes was already published in the proceedings of the 9th Seminar of the
IATS (Dietz 2002).
The paper outlines the basic plan for the catalogue and presents some further observations gained during the cataloguing project.
Tibetanization and Mongolian Buddhism
Johan Elverskog
It is commonly recognized that the Mongols practice Tibetan Buddhism, or for those
inclined to the hermeneutics of the lineage, the Dge-lugs-pa. Yet in both cases there is an
unresolved dialectic between either an ethno-national identity or a theological orientation and an imagined national Buddhism. Thus what does it mean to “be Buddhist” if
you’re Mongol, a third generation naturalized American, a lesbian and working for
Microsoft in Beijing?
Of course, such an example raises the issue of transnational Tibetan Buddhism, and
more specifically, the tension between modern de-nationalized Buddhism and imperial
cum national samgha boundaries of identification. And it is not only academics who have
been grappling with these issues as of late. Indeed the issue of Tibetanization, as well as
modernization, has roiled the Mongolian samgha as it has tried to redefine itself, especially in a nationalist context, over the last decade. Curiously, however, this is nothing
new. If anything, the history of Mongolian Buddhism has been one of grappling with the
issues of transnationalism, lineage identification, accommodation and cultural transformation. The aim of this paper is therefore to juxtapose three critical periods of Mongol
engagement regarding the issue of Tibetanization. By investigating the literature from
the pre-Qing, mid-Qing and the 1990s, I hope to bring forth not only a clearer definition
of Mongolian Buddhism vis-à-vis Tibetan Buddhism, but also what this may actually tell
us about the larger issue of what it means to be Buddhist.
This is obviously a rather tall order; however, by focusing on language, it is hoped that
many of these issues will be illuminated. The choice of language is obviously not arbitrary,
for underlying the issue of language are modes of resistance and assertions of new narratives of not only political but also religious identification. Thus one poses the question:
what is embedded in the oft noted – yet never really investigated – fact that the Mongols
use Tibetan as a liturgical language? The inevitable analogy is with the Catholic use of
Latin; yet if we take it one step further, keeping the work of Anderson and Hastings in
mind, one must wonder: if the eclipsing of Latin led to the rise of nation-states, what would
the reverse process reflect? The Manchu emperor Hung Taiji was unambiguous in his view:
the Mongol adoption of Tibetan Buddhism “vitiated their cultural identity.” The emperor’s
view on the implications of Tibetan Buddhism was also shared by Mongol scholars during
the mid-Qing, as witnessed especially in the work of Mergen Gegen who created a new
liturgical cycle in Mongolian. His plan failed and the Qing program of Tibetanization was a
stunning success, so much so that Mongol Buddhist leaders today argue – perhaps counter
intuitively – that they should keep Tibetan and not return to Mongolian as it had been in
the pre-Qing period. Clearly, the issue of language and its attendant narratives of identification have shaped the shifting definition of Mongolian Buddhism.
Therefore, in order to begin our understanding of Mongolian Buddhism, and its transformations, we need to begin unravelling how the Mongols have understood and interpreted the process of Tibetanization. Fortunately, an abundance of material from the three
periods under investigation have recently been made available: most notably the Jewel
Translucent Sutra from the pre-Qing period; the newly published gsung-‘bum of Mergen
Gegen (Hohhot: 1999) for the mid-Qing; as well as the imperial correspondence from the
“Dalai Lama archive” recently published by the Nr. 1 Historical Archive of China (Beijing:
2002). In addition to these materials, I will be relying on the large corpus of published
Buddhist materials that I have collected in both Mongolia and Inner Mongolia over the
last four years in order to evaluate the contemporary debate.
By providing an historical overview of the Mongol interpretation of Tibetanization,
it is hoped that a more nuanced understanding of Mongolian Buddhism and its engagement with Tibet and Tibetans may appear. Such a definition grapples with the historical
shifts and cultural transformations that shape any form of Buddhism, and thus may elucidate the larger issue of being Buddhist in the transnational context.
Contemporary local narratives about dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang
and the Tibet-Ladakh-Moghul War of 1679–84
Gerhard Emmer
The aim of the present work is to shed further light on the historical past and to find out
what current significance dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s historical armed intervention in Ladakh
has for the people, how much it may contribute to the local imagining about Tibet and the
Tibetans, and last but not least about their own collective identity, the Ladakhiness.
dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s far-reaching influence in Tibet’s minority populations continues in the present, as evidenced in the cultural and political life of some local communities. For example he is the celebrated hero in the annual horse-race festivals among
nomadic populations of Nagchu, which have been revived during the last decades (Studer,
in press). He is also celebrated at sGar kun sa in the Tibetan mNga’ ris area during the
local festivals (Gyalbo 1989) in order to praise his victory.
According to Petech (1977, 1988), dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang was born as a Dsungar prince
and became Lama of bKra shis lhun po. Later the V. Dalai Lama appointed him as the
chief of an army intervening against Ladakh in order to support the dGe lugs pa and the
Tibetan Government. At that time the ’Brug pa were dominant in Ladakh and in the
newly conquered Guge. They and the Ladakhi king strongly supported Bhutan, which
was at that time hostile to Tibet. The V. Dalai Lama made this appointment not only to
secure the support for the holy places around Mount Kailasa and to spread the dGe lugs
pa order, but he also wanted to regulate the trade relationship and the mail service in the
region. The military confrontation culminated in the siege of Ba sgo, prompting the Ladakhi
to call on the Moghul governor Ibrahim Khan for help. After Khan’s army intervened on
the side of Ladakh, the V. Dalai Lama was eventually able to negotiate the peace treaty of
Timosgang. This agreement created the first state border between Tibet and the kingdom
of Ladakh and regulated the caravan trade with Tibet by giving exclusive rights to the
Sunnite merchants from Kashmir. While the treaty acknowledged minority groups in
this case, it also states that “Buddhist and non-Buddhist religions [Islam] have nothing in
common and are hostile to each other” (Francke 1992 [1926]). In sum, the confrontation
was responsible for strengthening Islam in the capital of Ladakh and resulted in a dominance of the dGe lugs pa among the Buddhist schools in the whole country from then
onwards.
The representation of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang in Ladakh is ambivalent: on the one
hand he is considered as an enemy of Ladakh, and on the other as a protector of the
dominating dGe lugs pa tradition. For instance, from a folk song recorded in Nubra by
Francke (1909), we know that the people had always feared the Mongols. Indeed, according to popular tradition the numerous ruins in mKhar rdzong in Nubra are the result of
the attack by the army of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang. Francke (1992 [1926]) also mentions a
portrait in bDe skyid monastery showing dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang placed in the hands of
the ogre mGon dkar.
This study shows that in comparison with Tibet, the situation in Ladakh is completely different in respect to dGa ldan tshe dbang and the Mongols. Nowadays, there are
no horse-race festivals in his honour, and traces of the life of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang are
confused, but they do exist. Notwithstanding his lesser profile, the results of his deeds
had tremendous effects on Ladakh’s historical development. This is not surprising, because the kingdom of Ladakh was the loser in the armed conflict and thereafter on a
steady decline. As a result of his activities, the patron priest relationship between the
king and the ’Brug pa order diminished significantly while the Dalai Lamas became the
major spiritual authorities, to the point that they were even consulted in political decisions. Furthermore, Lhasa became the most important spiritual training centre for Lamas
from Ladakh.
Finally, the Dogra period has shifted the religious authority with the installation of a
new incarnation-lineage, the Arhat Bakula, further towards the dGe lugs pa (de Vries
1981). This paradigm still informs present-day local politics.
The huge impact of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s activities on ethnic groups and how they
perceive themselves extends to present-times, when local people see themselves as very
different from Tibetans. However, this is probably due not only to the 17th century history, but also to the large amount of Tibetan refugees in Ladakh and to the difficult SinoIndian relationship after the second world war.
Bibliography
de Vries, Sjoerd-Jan. 1981. In D. Kantowsky and R. Sander (eds.), Recent Research on Ladakh. History, Culture, Sociology, Ecology. Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Konstanz. Band 1. 29–36.
Köln: Weltforumverlag.
Francke, August Hermann. 1909. “Ten ancient historical songs from Western Tibet”. The Indian Antiquary.
XXXVIII, 57–68.
Francke, August Hermann. 1992 (1926). Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Vol. II. The chronical of Ladakh and
minor chronicals. Reprinted edition by F.W. Thomas (ed.). New Delhi: Asian Education Services.
Gyalbo, Tsering. 1989. Traditional sGar’ Char-can Grand Meeting in mNga’-ris Area. (published in Chinese;
preliminary translation by Thubten Nyima). Lhasa.
Petech, Luiciano. 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh (c. 950–1842 AD). Roma: Instituto per il Medio ed Estremo
Oriente.
Studer, Elke. in press. “Ritual and Change. Mongolian Influence on Horse-Races and Mountain Divinity
Worship in Tibet”. Inner-Asia.
Mishandled mail: The strange case of the Reting Regent’s
letters to Hitler
Isrun Engelhardt
In March 1939, during the visit of the 1938/39 Ernst Schaefer-Tibet-Expedition to Lhasa,
Reting Rinpoche, the Regent of Tibet, twice wrote letters to the then German leader, Adolf
Hitler. This was perhaps the most famous outcome of the Schaefer expedition, and although it was not the most important result, it has played a major role in the legacy of the
expedition and the resulting judgement of contemporary German-Tibetan relations.
My paper seeks to reveal the implications of these letters. After external and internal
structural analysis of the letters (which presents some surprising results), further questions remain to be discussed: why did Reting write them and why did he send two letters? Are the letters comparable in their style to similar Tibetan letters to other rulers, and
do they correspond to the rules for the compilation of such letters, in the official “letter
writers” yig bskur rnam gzhag? Were they just rather innocuous and noncommittal letters written out of politeness, and to what extent do the accompanying gifts reflect the
state of the relationship between Reting and Schaefer? What happened to the letters – did
they reach Hitler? What was their later fate?
This paper will also focus on the implications of the contemporary translations and
the differences between these. The paper will conclude with a discussion of some unexpected political consequences of the letters.
Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor: a great scholar between
Tibetan and Mongolian traditions
Erdenbayar
My paper will focus on the famous scholar Yishibaljur (Tib. Ye shes dpal ’byor) who lived
between Tibetan and Mongolian cultures and has had a great impact on the development
of Mongolian studies, from the 18th century until now.
Yishibaljur (1704–1788), well known as Sumbahambu (Tib. Sum pa mkhan po), was
a great philosopher of Tibetan Buddhism as well as a medical scientist and writer. He was
proficient in five major sciences (rig gnas che lnga) and the five minor sciences (rig gnas
chung ba lnga). He played an important role in Tibet and Mongols cultural development.
During his life, he travelled to Mongolia, Tibet and China for religious and political affairs and wrote eight volumes in Tibetan.
There are various views on what the original ethnicity of Yishibaljur was and on
whether he was born in Toli of Deed Mongolia (Kökhenuur) or not. Even though sometimes he has been considered as a Tibetan because he was writing in Tibetan, he was
originally a Chagaan (white) Mongol, i.e. Monguor, or a Mongol. In his autobiography
he states that he was a Bagatuud of the Four Oirads and confirmed this in various ways.
Mongols have dedicated to Yishibaljur and his works a particular attention because they
consider him as a Mongol and reckon his work as part of Mongolian studies.
Yishibaljur’s work contains various topics in his eight volumes which include around
seventy works, in which the historical text The Tree of Galbaragcha (chos ’byung dpag bsam
ljong bzang ) was one of the most famous and has been studied from early by scholars.
This text was translated into Mongolian soon after being written, and has a few editions in Mongolian now. His five works on medical science were translated into Mongolian in the middle of 20th century and have always been used at high levels. The scholars
of Mongolian medical science held those works in high esteem and the relevant institu-
tions in China established a price called Yishibaljur Gold Cup from the year 2001. This
shows the importance that is currently given to him.
Yishibaljur studied astronomy, mathematics and calendar from a teacher named
Agwangzhamsu (Ngag dbang rgya mtsho) in Tibet. Later, he went home and studied
astronomy. So his classic writing of calendar was to be the guidebook for Mongolian
compilers of calendars. His text called the The Divination of Dalu Mergen became an important work in the study of Mongolian customs and folklore.
Yishibaljur and his works have a high position in the history of Mongolian literature.
Yishibaljur not only wrote in poetical form but was also proficient in other forms of narrative. Especially, his educational verses spread the teachings concerning the nature of
Dharma, emptiness, and developed the literary support for the teaching of the religious
precepts. He thereby played an important role in forming a new section of Mongolian
ancient literature.
He was one of those scholars who first studied and used Dandin’s Snyan ngags me
long. He also researched the laws of Baridida and Zadi concerning the ways of writing
verses in the ancient Sanskrit language and greatly contributed to the poetry theory of
the world.
Yishibaljur was the first scholar who studied Gesar in a systematic way. He studied the
Tales of Gesar and used the poetry theory of Dandin. He looked for evidences while trying to
prove that Gesar Khan had been a real man of history and he recorded his findings in his
Mashi Chagaan Shugara Odun. So his writing anticipated many issues concerning the modern studies of Mongolian and Tibetan Gesar. He also spread the practice of writing of gsung
’bum among Mongols which was already widespread among Tibetans.
Mongolian scholars have devoted great emphasis to the studies of Yishibaljur and
his works through the centuries. Especially, his works about literature had an important
impact on the study of Mongolian literature. In this respect, the seminal works of Altangerel
and Yondon inspired many descendants in their study of literature according to his approach. But Yishibaljur’s works about literature and culture were not as famous as those
about history and medicine. These have been famous in their Tibetan editions and a great
work of translation made them more accessible to a broader Mongolian readership.
Generally, Sumbahambu Yishibaljur was the outstanding learned Lama among Mongol, who made immortal contribution to the development of Tibetan and Mongolian culture. In my paper I will look both at his achievement and at how he is perceived nowadays.
Magical realism in Tibetan literature: the prose narrative of
lJang-bu.
Franz Xaver Erhard
The notion of magical realism is repeatedly mentioned in connection with Tibetan contemporary literature (gsar-rtsom). I would like to pursue the question of the existence of
magical realism in Tibet and what the extensively theorized notion of ‘magical realism’
can add to our understanding of Tibetan literature.
Even though magical-realistic literature has a long tradition, it only became known in
Tibet (and China) through translations from Latin-American works in the genre, especially
by Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude at the beginning of the 1980s.
It was also in the 1980s that the gsar-rtsom literature gradually emancipated itself from
the tight boundaries of affirmative socialist realism in the course of the liberalization policy
of the Deng era in literary magazines (e.g. sbrang-char, bod-kyi rtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal, lho-kha’i
rtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal). The socialist aesthetic had already broadened the context of Tibetan
literature, which was traditionally confined within the framework of the poetics of Dandin
(snyan-ngag me-long), to the language and subject matter of everyday life.
The dual influences of traditional poetry and social realism are both absorbed and
transformed through the magical-realistic genre of writing. Next to people like sTag-‘bumrgyal, rDo-rje-mkhar and Glu-smyon He-ru-ka the author Chab-brag rDo-rje Tshe-ring,
writing under the pseudonym lJang-bu, is an outstanding representative of Tibetan magical
realism (sGyu-‘phrul dngos-yod ring-lugs). lJang-bu, who was born in Sog-po county in Amdo at the beginning of the 1960s, belongs to the generation of intellectuals who grew up
at the time of the Cultural Revolution and were educated in the state Nationalities Universities. lJang-bu currently works as an editor with the literary magazine Bod-ljongs rtsomrig sgyu-rtsal in Lhasa. Through an examination of his short stories “sog-rus las mched pa’i
rnam-shes” (1986) and “shi gson” (1987) I hope to demonstrate how magical-realist writing is undermining both the (high) Buddhist tradition as well as the poetic conventions
of Socialist Realism.
Magical-realistic texts contain an irreducible magical element, something outside the
conventional perception of the world that cannot be rationally explained. Thus the textual world refers to the real world external to the text. This real world that provides that
frame of reference is enlarged through a fictional, irrational world, based on axioms that
are accepted by the characters and the readers alike. A border-crossing continuity spanning two or more worlds is created, resulting in an ambiguity between the texts that calls
into question the conventional concepts of space, time, identity and truth.
Magical-realistic writing, which is based on pre-modern belief-systems, local myths
and legends, can be considered as an ex-centric antithesis to the central concepts of the
dominant culture. In contrast to the dominant culture, whose hegemonic claims introduce modernity, the magical and irrational elements of the narration represent local and
often oral traditions, which stand in diametric opposition to the concepts of modernity.
However, these texts should not be interpreted as conveying an anti-modern position.
On the contrary, magical-realistic literature does offer the possibility of a modernity that
is aware of local history, tradition and culture and allows this awareness to influence the
construction of a modern identity.
This theory of magical-realistic literature, based largely on postcolonial literature,
cannot be applied uncritically to contemporary Tibetan literature. For example, Tibetan
authors write in their own language whereas postcolonial authors usually use the colonial language. Nevertheless this theoretical approach may also be used in the context of
Tibetan literature, to the extent that the Tibetan culture is marginalized by the dominant
Chinese culture and Tibetan society modernised according to Chinese socialist principles. The Chinese representation of Tibetan society and culture as backward, superstitious and altogether pre-modern, combined with the Chinese wish to modernise Tibetan
society – meaning, essentially, to adapt it to Chinese society – is similar to the intellectual
claim of European colonials.
I hope to demonstrate how Tibetan authors are present in the hegemonic position of
(Han) Chinese culture, in their conscious use of the Tibetan language to situate themselves at the periphery of Chinese literature. The literary ‘technique’ of magical realism
makes subversive writing possible by breaking up any rational and realistic concept of
linearity, space and time and thereby radically calling any truth into question. However,
Tibetan magical realism cannot merely be considered in relation to (Han) Chinese literature and culture, but is also an expression of the hybridisation of Tibetan culture. For this
reason modern authors question the idea that either Buddhism or (Han) Chinese-imposed socialism provides the central paradigm for Tibetan culture. The radical scepticism of magical-realistic writing creates a third dimension (space), within which modern
Tibetan identity can be articulated. It therefore comes as little surprise that lJang-bu’s
narratives should use folk-religious beliefs rather than Buddhism or its philosophical
schools to represent local traditions.
Rulership under the sway of the Number Thirteen: a key
aspect of the Tibetan concept of rule
Karl-Heinz Everding
During my study of the history of the petty kingdom of Mang yul Gung thang, which
stretched out between sPu rang in West Tibet and dPal khud mtsho 200 km to the west of
Sa skya, I came across information to the effect that the Gung thang king administered
his domain with the aid of 13 centuries and a 13-member council of administrators (Tib.
las tshan bcu gsum). Further, it is said in the chronicle Gung thang rgyal rabs that he performed the so-called 13 deeds of an ox and that his fortress, Khyung rdzong dkar po, had
13 towers. That these details are purely coincidental is a possibility that can be ruled out
in view of the many other occasions in which the number thirteen is mentioned in the
Tibetan sources.
In the planned talk, therefore, I shall be delving into the meaning of this number in
the sphere of Tibetan cultural influence. A systematic attempt will be made to draw together the contexts and numeric configurations in which the number thirteen was evidently of particular significance. My special focus will be to show the significance of the
number in the historical field and to raise the question of its ideological background.
Poetical prefaces of manuscript texts from Western Tibet
Elena de Rossi Filibeck
On two occasions I have had the opportunity to point out the value of the contents of the
preface folios found at the beginning of some manuscripts. First, in Tabo Studies II (edited
by C.A. Sherrer-Schaub and E.Steinkellner, SOR LXXXVII, Roma 1999,pp.191–204), I related a description of the frontispiece of a complete manuscript of the “Sutra of the Golden
light” indicating its peculiarity. So, too, in a paper in honour of Prof. Raniero Gnoli, (
“Due fogli manoscritti da Tabo conservati nel Fondo Tucci” in Le Parole e i Marmi, SOR
XCII, 1, Roma 2001, pp. 237–247) where I studied two manuscript folios containing a
preface to a lost manuscript. In addition to these two folios, there is a small similar group
of sheets kept in the Tucci Fund, whose contents I catalogued as: ”introductory praise or
preface folio to lost manuscripts” in my forthcoming “The Catalogue of the Tucci Tibetan
Fund vol.II. ” In order to complete the examination of this kind of folios, including those
found at the beginning to other complete manuscript texts, which are all from Western
Tibet, my paper will deal with the contents, the formal aspect and the historical information of them.
Approaching the book: Tibetan text-handling practices and
the social relations they entail
Damchö Diana Finnegan
As have Buddhists of other traditions, Tibetans have directed a tremendous amount of
attention to the physical forms in which their texts move through the world. This paper
looks at Tibetan practices that surrounding written texts as material objects, and seeks to
explore the ideas about texts implied and propagated by these practices.
Even as they direct our gaze to the physical form of written texts, Tibetan Buddhist
book-handling practices offer stiff resistance to the commodification that becomes possible as soon as one focuses on the text as a physical object. Consequently, a written text
in Tibet is a very different sort of object from other objects. Such texts are explicitly and
intentionally granted tremendous agency over individuals in Tibet. They consequently
stand in a very different relationship to their users than other objects do, and act on
them in fundamentally different ways. Just how the status and power of these written
texts are constituted and articulated is a main concern of this paper. I will argue that the
ideas about what a written text is, and the practices through which these ideas are
articulated and actualized are crucial to the reception and transmission of these texts in
Tibet.
As a guide to this territory, I will take up the remarkably explicit practical instructions given in the Tibetan tradition to users as to how written texts should be approached
and handled that are often transmitted as part of refuge advice in texts of the lam rim
genre. Approaching the texts in the way prescribed establishes certain very distinctive
relationships between persons and texts, and we will see that those relationships allow
the text to act on the persons in its orbit in certain ways. We may therefore read the instructions with an eye to detecting these processes in action.
The particular set of instructions this paper will examine is taken from a 15th century
work Tsongkhapa, the byang chub lam rim chen mo. These instructions demand that we
construe the written text as a physical object entirely sui generis, and configure such texts
as powerful objects. Over and again, attention is drawn to the written text as a physical
thing, at the same time as utmost effort is made to prevent it from being seen as a mere
thing, and this tension has proven an extremely productive force in the shaping of Tibetan textual practices. The tension within the dual understanding of a text as a locus of
meaning and as a material object in the world emerges at times as a source of wonder, at
times as a potential problem and at others as an opportunity.
For example, the anecdotes accompanying the instructions provide an image of ways
in which enacting the sanctioned behavior in regards to the written text empowers users
in their social relations with others, and likewise provide an image of the devastating
consequences of mishandling them.
The paper will also cast a wider look to see how these very precise prescriptions and
proscriptions are rooted in fundamental notions about writing, particularly in connection with the progressive extinction of the teachings of the Buddha. We will consider the
traditional tale of the arrival of Buddhism in Tibet, in which it is said to have fallen quite
literally from the sky in the form of a written text, landing on the roof of the king’s palace.
Although no one was able to read the Sanskrit letters, we are told this manuscript was
carefully preserved for generations, granting sight to the blind who worshipped it, awaiting the day when readers would be born who could unlock the text’s verbal meaning
text. In this, we find a distinctive vision of the role of the literary community and of
physical text themselves in generating and transmitting such potent knowledge.
Through its exploration of such images and practices, the paper will argue that Tibetan Buddhist approaches to written texts reflect and produce distinctive ideas about
how knowledge is created and moves in the world. Together, these ideas and practices
surrounding the handling of physical texts work to discipline individuals and communities to orient themselves in certain ways towards the embodiments of that knowledge, in
order to learn from and be transformed by them, but also as sources of social power and
prosperity.
Poverty and marginalization of Tibetans in China from
reform to WTO: statistical evidence from Tibet (TAR) and
some interpretations
Andrew Fischer
The discrimination of Tibetans within China over the last 50 years has been a generally
accepted fact by the international community, but very little rigorous socio-economic
analysis has been conducted on dynamic that such discrimination has taken in the current period of liberalization and intense economic growth in China. This paper seeks to
clarify and map out the nature of poverty and discrimination in Tibet in the 1990s, and
then to provide several explanations. Statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)
in China will be used and the analysis will focus on the province of Tibet (TAR) given the
fact that a large majority of the ethnic Tibetans in the province can be exclusively isolated
in the rural statistics.
Although the Chinese government claims to have reduced absolute poverty in Tibet
(TAR) from 480,000 in the early 1990s to 70,000 in 2002, this reduction does not appear to
be borne out in the SSB data for the province. When indexed to inflation, the average net
income per rural household in Tibet suddenly fell in real terms by over 20 percent between 1990 and 1995. Although slowly regaining its value after 1995, it only reached its
1990 real value by 2000, and by 1998 it fell in rank to the lowest of all such incomes in
China, falling from 95 percent of the national average in 1990 to about 56 percent in 1998.
All told, the average income per rural household in Tibet, at about 41 US cents a day in
1998 (non PPP), was only marginally higher than the Chinese measure for absolute poverty, which itself is far below the PPP dollar-a-day measure established by the international community.
This sharp fall in real and relative rural incomes in Tibet does not appear to be related to questions of either geographical remoteness or productivity, as typically posited
by the government as the primary explanation for entrenched poverty in the western
reaches of the country. Rather, the timing of the sudden fall in real incomes appears to
have been related to shifts in the macroeconomic and fiscal policies of the government in
the early to mid–1990s and their repercussions within an ethnically discriminatory context. The years leading up to the 1990s saw the heavy repression of local dissent within
the TAR, aborting any initiatives for local indigenously-led development. This was contrary to the experience of the other western Chinese provinces, where local and rural
processing industries proliferated in the mid to late 1980s during the distributional conflicts of the “commodity wars” and the related local state developmental activism. Although such regionalism was controversial at the national level, it nonetheless gave these
provinces an opportunity to diversify away from the disadvantaged sectors of the national economy, such as agriculture and raw material extraction, and thus to respond to
the worsening terms of trade in these sectors from the mid–1980s onwards. Such diversification consequently formed the backbone of successful poverty alleviation strategies,
or at least, it delayed the slow-down in poverty reduction observed in these regions by
allowing local economic actors to capture substantial value-added in the processing of
local resources and by increasing the wage component of rural incomes.
In contrast, by the early 1990s there were virtually no rural industries in the TAR,
and this situation has remained constant throughout the 1990s, despite heavy investment
in the province by the Central government. To the contrary, the rural economy has remained specialised in the production of a few traditional commodities, and economic
power has remained entirely concentrated in the urban areas under the effective administrative and fiscal authority of the Central government. Subsequently, when the domestic pricing of most primary commodities was liberalized in the early 1990s – and in the
case of wool, international trade as well – Tibetan farm incomes suffered a sharp fall.
Simultaneous austerity measures brought a sharp drop off in subsidies and an increase in
service prices. Thus given their severe dependence on traditional commodities, Tibetan
farmers and nomads had very few alternatives to be able to respond to the changing
price and fiscal environment. Repression and the tight security environment of the early
1990s allowed for very little margin of manoeuvre for local initiatives. As a result, incomes fell in both real and relative terms.
The scenario is particularly significant given its clear demonstration of the interdependence of discrimination and impoverishment. It therefore highlights the pivotal importance of economic, social, and cultural rights – or rights as entitlements as articulated
by Amartya Sen – in the planning of effective poverty alleviation. It is also relevant to the
current ascension of China to the WTO. The tariff reductions and trade liberalization that
were begun in the reform period will be largely completed, particularly with respect to
grain imports. This will most likely produce a further downward push on agricultural
prices, exacerbating the above observations on a larger scale in Tibet as well as in China.
Changing conceptions of hereditary rank – ’rigs btsog pa’
families in rural Central Tibet.
Heidi Fjeld
This paper deals with hereditary social status in present day Tibet, and in particular the
lower ranked groups of people defined and termed as ’rigs btsog pa’ (polluted/unclean
lineage). The research is based on fieldwork conducted in several villages in Panam (Pa
snam) county, Shigatse prefecture, in 2002. Some of the villages in Panam are known for
their strong presence of rigs btsog pa families, and these places provide an opportunity for
a study of Tibetan concepts of family lineages, pollution and social hierarchies in general.
Hereditary social status, and the classification of certain families as low and ‘dirty’,
is found significant in most of the Tibetan ethnographic region. However, the extent to
which these conceptions determine social interaction varies greatly. In Panam, the polluted groups include butchers (bshas ba), blacksmiths (lcags bzo ba), burial workers (barul),
and beggars (bslongs mkhan), who are ranked in this order.
Since the 1950s, radical structural changes in Tibet influenced the work possibilities
of the lower ranked groups. After the land reforms in 1980/81, the rigs btsog pa (who were
traditionally skill workers), as the rest of the population in the farming areas of TAR,
received land to cultivate. This alternation of relation to land have led to a change of
work for most of the rigs btsog pa families, although in varying degree. Their new position
as farmers have, however, not led to significant changes in their social position. It is my
intention to analyse the discrepancies between the vast structural changes and the, to a
large extent, remaining low position of the rigs btsog pa, as well as to present some findings on inter-rig relations in rural Tibet.
The ritual significance of zan par
Za ra Fleming
The purpose of this paper is to examine in some detail the Tibetan wooden moulds known
as zan par (food mould) or glud par shing (wooden mould) for ritual ransom or substitute.
The zan par is used to create effigies of dough as scapegoats, (T. glud) in order to propitiate
evil spirits or as offerings to the deities.
The idea of transferring evil to another being or scapegoat is common in many cultures throughout the world. In Tibet, the concept of glud stems from the earlier pre-Buddhist faith, the indigenous folk tradition and the Bon religion, where sacrifice formed an
essential part of ritual ceremonies. It was later adopted and used in the tantric rituals of
the Tibetan tradition
Such rituals were of course, anathema to Buddhism, which held all forms of life
sacred. And when Buddhism gained the upper hand and obtained state recognition, the
Bonpos were forbidden to indulge further in such practises. The use of effigies as substitute scapegoat is believed to date from this time, as is the introduction of the zan par.
Effigies come in a variety of sizes, from life-size representations down to the miniature
impressions created by these wooden moulds.
The different types of zan par will be studied, as will the rich iconography and symbolism found on these moulds. The profusion of carved designs (animals, birds, mythological creatures, deities, demons, astrological signs, auspicious emblems etc) will be further examined in some detail.
For example, there are countless representations of deities (lha) and demons (bdud).
These are usually divided into three categories – those that rule the sky (lha), those that
reign over the land (sa bdag) and those that control the underworld (klu). The list of subdivisions is too expansive to detail, but included on zan par are representations of dgra
lha, dregs, btsan ma, the ’u brang and gnyan.
Also depicted are specific groups of protective deities who repel hostile or inimical
forces (dgra lha) for each different community. For example, the nomads worship a group
of nine (’brog mo), whilst those that live in the mountains propitiate the gods of the rocks
(brag lha). The dress and mounts of these deities indicate the pastoral and warlike nature
of their corresponding social strata. The carved representations ride animals and wear
armour often with the addition of shamanic equipment.
The use of zan par still appears to be widespread throughout the Tibetan cultural
and spiritual domain. They are common amongst the Bonpo and in all the major Tibetan
Buddhist traditions. However the zan par is not exclusively used by religious practitioners. A selection of zan par is kept in the monasteries, but also carried from village to
village by both lay and Buddhist practitioners, in order to cure sickness and deal with
various misfortunes.
The method of making the votive images will be explored. The mould is lightly coated
with butter, then a mixture of barley flour (rtsampa) and water (or sometimes milk and
further butter) is pressed into the mould, in order to create a miniature impression. The
tsampa flour is consecrated before use, auspicious ingredients often being added to please
the deity being propitiated. It may also be coloured, depending on the particular ritual
and the nature of the specific deity. .
The final section of the paper will deal with specific rituals in which images from the
zan par are used and in what method they are utilised. For example, in conjunction with
a threadcross (nam mkha). In a complex ritual, an altar is set up and on top of this a multitiered structure of coloured threads representing Mount Meru, often crowned by a further threadcross mansion which houses an effigy of the person or deity for whom the
ritual is being performed.
Dough images of animals, birds, humans, weapons and a multitude of other glud
offerings made with the zan par are carefully arranged on the tiers. The officiating lama
then performs the ritual, invoking the various deities to enter into the images and the
thread cross mountain. Finally, the whole structure is burnt or cast away, symbolically
removing all traces of negativity and misfortune.
The profusion of zan par images are similar to the symbolism found on offering
tangkhas (i.e. rgyen tshogs, bskang rdzas). Comparisons will be made, as will the distinction that in the paintings the offerings are visualised and created in the mind, whereas
through the zan par three-dimensional representations are created, which not only serve
as offerings, but also as ritual substitutes when rites of exorcism are employed.
In this introduction to the ritual significance of zan par, I will attempt to illustrate
how the Tibetan people use the images made in these moulds, in order to cope with the
various natural and supernatural forces at work in their environment.
Artistic practice in Qinghai’s Tibetan workshops: the
relationship between medieval and modern traditions
Sarah E. Fraser
Artists in Qinghai today deploy much of the same technology in their painting production as medieval workshops in neighbouring Gansu where hundreds of painters sustained eight centuries of high quality production. The relationship between Buddhist
guilds in the distant past and active modern Tibetan painters is not such much of unbroken continuity as a question of the circulation of Tibetan artistic practices in temple arts
throughout Amdo (or western China). We lack a systematic understanding of Tibetan
aesthetic contributions to the region’s artistic development, particularly in the case of
Dunhuang where Tibetan art made a significant contribution. Cultural exchanges in the
1940’s highlight the relevance of a regional history of artistic practice and the necessity of
understanding the past through the present.
This is the time to reassess the legacy of Tibetan aesthetic structures in the GansuQinghai region, particularly in light of a 20th century Sichuan painter in Gansu. In 1941,
the Han Chengdu painter Zhang Daqian (1899–1983) instinctively recognized the importance of modern Tibetan artists in the millennium of the region’s painting history. Realizing that he needed trained professionals from Tibetan Buddhist workshops in an ambitious project to paint thousands of copies of Dunhuang murals, he hired 5 artists at the
Kumbum (Taer si). Xiawu cairang, 82, who lives today in Wutun and maintains the Rigong
art tradition of Amdo, is one of the painters that went with Zhang to Dunhuang. He is
also the only living Rigong artist who possesses the title of “painter, first-class”-equivalent to a national treasure.
I will present findings from my interviews with him conducted over the last 10 years.
Through the matrix of these two artists (Zhang and Xiawu) and their cultural exchange,
this paper explores the production of Tibetan Buddhist art in the context of continuity
and appropriation. I also consider the larger historical implications of their exchange at
the moment when western Chinese scholars were enthusiastically exploring Buddhist
art as part of a long-overlooked tradition of vernacular art. This moment did not last
long. Buddhist art and archaeology quickly became problematic and scholarly compromises were adapted to politically acceptable models. In the late 1940’s and early 1950’s
Tibetan art ‘disappeared’ in Buddhist archaeological studies of the region but circulated
widely in picture books stressing its non-religious associations. In developing a larger
framework for understanding Qinghai painting, I consider to what extent contact with
the stylistic features of other workshops that spread across Tibet from 11th–17th impacted
the workshop practices of Amdo and Xiawu’s praxis. The paper will propose a redefinition of artistic transmission and practice in Amdo.
The Fourteenth Dalai Lama’s speeches in Tibetan: a literary
corpus embracing modernity and history
Kevin Garratt
This paper considers the views of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama on contemporary issues
concerning Tibet and Tibetans, as articulated in speeches made by him in the Tibetan
language over the last forty years. Since leaving Tibet, Tenzin Gyatso’s innumerable addresses and talks in Tibetan to a host of audiences have covered a wealth of topics. Over
the years, a considerable amount of that material has been published from India, usually
as booklet anthologies, or has appeared as verbatim accounts in Tibetan language newspapers. Their content mostly concerns topical issues of the day, ranging from pronouncements on weighty affairs of state through to basic social and educational issues confronting the Tibetan diaspora. Thus, we read of a wealth of political, religious and secular
discussion informing the many strands of the Tibet Question – for example, the excesses
of the Cultural Revolution and Panchen Lama controversies – as well as comment on
simple daily life, like planting flowers to improve the environs of McCleod Ganj shanties.
Naturally, he provides his own (sometimes forthright) views on many aspects of these
Tibetan equations, often adding his own glosses on the matters in hand. Over time, that
burgeoning literary corpus has come to form a record of both significant and humble
elements and events, which in its own right may be characterised as a valuable account
that is both modern and Tibetan – and embraces history.
Embodiment and embryology in Tibetan literature
Frances Garrett
This paper is a study of the role of embryology in structuring Tibetan presentations of
human embodiment. I will demonstrate that embryology was a productive means of
expressing and debating controversial notions of embodiment that were themselves central to some of the most fundamental concerns in Buddhist doctrine. The problem of
generation engages conceptual and metaphysical questions that are integral to way an
intellectual culture articulates constructions of human identity. This paper will outline
several ways that embryology is used in Tibetan literature to define taxonomies of embodiment that are in turn posited as physiological grounds for theories of human identity. Such taxonomies classify individuals by a host of criteria, including gender, moral
status, material quality or content and spiritual achievement, and their prominence in
Buddhist literature demonstrates the importance of embryology in Tibetan intellectual
culture.
Literary representations of human embryology from a selection of pre–16th-century
Tibetan medical and religious texts, and analysis of their role in Tibetan presentations of
embodiment, are taken in this paper as the basis for addressing the relationship between
medical, religious and other forms of discourse during that period. The analysis of embryology in Tibetan literature emphasizes the ready exchange of scholarly discourse across
literary genres, demonstrating the complex intertwining of religious and philosophical
scholasticism with scientific and medical theoretical structures. Although it is sometimes
said that medical theories are fully integrated with religious doctrines in Tibet, the two
are still, to a certain extent, disciplines and genres of literature with known boundaries in
Tibetan literature. While Tibetan historiography typically marks medicine as a “secular
science,” by the fifteenth century certain topics within medical literature, most notably
embryology, anatomy, and physiology, had been completely absorbed into Buddhist
conceptual frameworks. Analysis of seminal medical texts and their commentarial literature demonstrates that within medical literature a developing methodological divide distinguishes these topics from others such as pharmacology or nosology.
By analyzing accounts of human physiology and their relationship to theories of
generation, I question whether the relationship between medical and other forms of discourse was characterized by convergence or rivalry, and whether links between medicine and religion were expressed as a matter of shared contents or of common analytical
language. Francis Zimmermann’s insightful research on Indian medical texts uncovers a
subordination of empirical fact to the blueprints of classical thought. In these medical
texts traditional knowledge is expressed in stereotyped formulas. These formulaic paradigms portray a vision of the world and its inhabitants that pervades a wide variety of
literary genres, and Zimmermann’s research demonstrates that such concepts, vocabularies and stereotyped formulas are common to both the medical and legal works of ancient Hindu India. While Zimmerman’s work suggests a valid approach to the study of
Tibetan medical texts and their relationship to other forms of Tibetan literature, a reduction of medical epistemology to formulaic repetition is, in the Tibetan case, largely inapplicable. Producing such impressive polymaths as Longchenpa (klong chen rab ’byams dri
med ’od zer, 1308–1363) and Tsong Khapa (tsong kha pa, 1357–1419), the centuries in question are arguably the most creative period of Tibetan intellectual history, and scholarly
innovation is evident in Tibetan medical literature as well. Analysis of the wide-ranging
and influential uses of embryology in Tibetan literature shows Tibetan medical scholasticism to have been a productive enterprise that integrated both gnostic and epistemic
modes of knowing to express contemporary views on ethics, aesthetics, philosophy and
politics.
Some considerations concerning the modern situation in
Tibet
Irina Garry
In the beginning of the twenty-first century, after more than half a century of the “peaceful liberation”, the national question of Tibet is still far from the solution. Two opposite
points of view on the problem are expressed by the Chinese government and the government in exile of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The third side represented by independent
researchers demonstrates a wide range of opinions bending however to the Tibetan
diaspora’s point of view. To my opinion, such a one-sided attitude to the analysis of the
modern situation in Tibet, since it seldom takes into consideration the Chinese point of
view and the opinion of Tibetans, loyal to the authorities, prevents the objective understanding of the problem. In this paper I discuss the necessity to pay more attention to the
Chinese governmental point of view as well as the Chinese publications on Tibetan studies.
The relevant Chinese sources concerning the modern situation in Tibet can be arranged into two large groups: (1) official documents of the Chinese government; and (2)
Tibetan studies in China.
1) There is a sufficient number of publications describing national policy of the Chinese government. The latter is represented in a form of a Communist propaganda, whose
rhetoric is sometimes regarded as a curtain disguising its colonial nature. Nevertheless,
analysis of the main points of the CCP national policy from inside, i.e. from the Chinese
government’s point of view, will allow to find out the rationale of its rhetoric.
(a) Tibet and Xinjiang, as well as the issue of Taiwan, are still the sources of instability
in the Chinese state. Resolving the problems of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan refugees are
still far from plausible solutions. All of the Tibetan autonomous regions occupy the territory in 2,2 millions sq. km., or 23% of the territory of the CPR, with a population of 4,59
millions (according to 1990 census), or 0.4% of the whole population of the CPR. The
agenda of building a multinational state and the tense international situation urge the
Chinese government to put the issue of the territorial integrity above other priorities.
(2) The reluctance of China to discuss the Tibetan problem internationally is often
interpreted as its unwillingness to solve the urgent problems of the Tibetan people; however, Chinese government seems to be interested in the improvement of life standard in
the frontier areas, since the principle of territorial unity is easier to maintain by winning
loyalty of the population, rather than only by repressive measures. At the early 80-s, after
attributing all the faults of the Cultural revolution to the Gang of four and revision the
national policy, the government was expressed its will to undertake the real measures for
renewing negotiations with the Dalai Lama and improving the situation in Tibet. By the
huge investment in the Tibetan economy, restoration of monasteries, and revival of religion, the government attempted to solve the national problem in Tibet.
(3) The hardening of the policy toward religion, culture and language at the end of
the 90-s does not mean, in my view, the drastic change of the course toward Tibet and has
a temporal character. The recent publications of Chinese researchers trying to investigate
objectively the problems of reforms and signs of renewal the seemingly hopeless relationships with His Holiness may be interpreted as a continuation of the liberalization
course.
II) Nowadays, the Chinese scholars achieved a significant success in the study of
Tibet. It was reflected, i.a. in the three-volume “Catalog of Chinese publications in Tibetan Studies” published in 2001 in Beijing. It contains hundreds of titles on all aspects of
Tibetan studies in the Chinese/Tibetan languages with translation into English and testifies the increasing attention paid by the government to the investigation of Tibet. The
publications of the Chinese researches is highly diversified. The most of the publications
on the modern situation is still on the previous, “rhetoric” level; they describe successes
of the national policy of the CCP, socialist construction and so on. But the large scale
publication of the Tibetan historic and other sources, as well the emergence of serious
investigations of the Chinese economists and social scientists seems to be an evident success of the Chinese Tibetan studies. Among the recent publications, it is the collective
work of the Institute of social studies and anthropology of the Beijing University, and the
Research center of China Tibetan studies titled “The Research on the development of
Tibetan society”. All the articles of the book are based on the firsthand fieldwork of the
research group of the Beijing University, and represent an advanced and seemingly reliable analyses of the social and economic processes in the modern Tibet. The investigation
of the Chinese scholars convincingly show that the recent improvement of the general
situation in Tibet has been reached mainly due the subsidies of the central government
which composes about 100% of the annual income of the autonomous government. This
objective analysis testifies the evident shift from mere rhetoric to attempts of genuine
investigation.
Although there are different scenarios of social development, I think that if the new
leadership of CPR will adhere to the liberalization course there is still a hope of a peaceful
resolving of the Tibetan problem and continuation of a dialog with His Holiness the Dalai
Lama. In conclusion I would like to stress once more the importance of using the Chinese
sources in the analysis of the modern situation in Tibet as well as in the creation of conceptions of the Tibetan development.
The study of Tibetan society in Zongka area during Ming
Dynasty
Gartso Kyi
This paper takes the Tibetan tribal society of Zongka area during AD.14th to AD.17th
period as the subject of research. Zongka area is located in the east of Amdo. Tibetans
have lived in this area since ancient times. Although many revolts have happened here,
Tibetan was always the main composition of the local population, which has been changing since the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, especially during the Ming Dynasty. Being a
special area, there are many interesting things that need to be studied. The social history
of the area, which has attracted the attention of so few researchers, is a particularly rich
field of enquiry. In this paper I try to describe the Tibetan tribal society of Zongka in
history, including its territories, politics, economy, laws, customs and habits, religion,
education, and the relationship between the local and the central government. This essay
makes a comprehensive and overall investigation of the social history of Zongka Tibetan
tribal according to the materials in Chinese and Tibetan. I try to describe it on the basis of
historical materials with an objective attitude.
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Patterns in the ritual dissemination of Padma gling pa’s
Treasure Cycles
Holly Gayley
Padma gling pa (1450–1521) is Bhutan’s indigenous saint par excellence in a country that
owes much of its Buddhist heritage to proselytizers from Tibet. Acquiring prominence in
large part due to his status as a gter ston, Padma gling pa attained widespread renown in
his own lifetime, and the treasures (gter ma) he revealed became focal points of regional
identity and religiosity. The very grassroots nature of his career, building a base first
locally in Bum thang and later extending it to Lho brag and Kong po, contributed to his
standing as a local saint with implications for Bhutanese nation formation in the centuries following his death.
Elsewhere I argue that narrative genres in Padma gling pa’s treasure corpus construct a blueprint for modes of dissemination enacted in the ritual arena. Specifically, I
trace the construction of temporal junctures, or contact points, that link Padma gling pa
and his discovery sites to Padmasambhava and establish the basis for ritual efficacy. The
emphasis on face-to-face meetings depicted in narrative genres suggest direct contact as
a normative mode of dissemination for the primarily ritual content of Padma gling pa’s
corpus. In his autobiography, moreover, it is evident that access to Padma gling pa’s treasure cycles involved a face-to-face mechanism of authorization (bka’ lung), often via a community event. I conclude that a community of faithful (dad pa ldan) is both addressed and
constituted by Padma gling pa’s textual production and its dissemination.
In this paper, I examine more closely the modes and patterns of ritual dissemination
recorded in Padma gling pa’s autobiography. As such, I hope to supplement Michael
Aris’ study of Padma gling pa by focusing on ritual activities, omitted for the most part in
Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives. Padma gling pa’s autobiography provides a plethora of
information concerning his ritual activities and makes evident the extent to which he
vigorously propagated his treasures. Consistently, Padma gling pa notes the sponsor,
location, scale and participants of rituals he performed as well as the gifts received as
offerings. While I provided several examples of this previously, this paper proposes a
more systematic analysis of Padma gling pa’s ritual activities, which may yield insights
into the social historical dimensions of treasures. Indeed, because treasures are often the
focal point for public occasions, in their discovery and in their dissemination, it is important to investigate the contribution of gter stons to community formation in Himalayan
areas.
As part of this systematic analysis, I attempt to reconstruct the network of people
and places linked through the propagation of Padma gling pa’s treasures. While tantric
rituals often involve a group of participants with concomitant pledges of allegiance, treasures constitute community in a unique way, because they are anchored to a geographic
place. In his early career as a gter ston, Padma gling pa typically disseminated his treasures in large-scale gatherings throughout the area surrounding a discovery site. Over
time, he consolidated a network of sites within the four valleys of Bum thang and across
the border in southern Tibet as his domain of conversion (gdul zhing). Indeed, if we map
his discovery sites across the Himalayan landscape, we can see the extent to which Padma
gling pa’s career began locally and expanded into a decidedly regional scope.
While I hope this paper will contribute to a further understanding of Padma gling pa
as a religious figure of special importance to Bhutan, I also intend to augment the
foundational scholarship on gter ma by Janet Gyatso. Specifically, by considering the role
of gter ma in community formation and regional identity, I emphasize the social function
and performative dimensions of treasure texts. In addition, by detailing the patterns in
the ritual dissemination of Padma gling pa’s treasures, I hope to make a theoretical contribution to ritual studies more broadly by explore a suggestion made by Charles Ramble: the triangulation of text, community and place.
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Bod kyi gso ba rig pa’i mdun lam dang skabs bab kyi ’gan
’khri’i skor gyi bsam gzhigs thor bu
(The future and destiny of Tibetan medicine and its current
responsibilities)
Gesang Chile (Skal bzang ’phrin las)
Tibetan medicine, which has a history of more than three thousand years, is a part of
Tibetan civilisation, and has greatly profited the development of Tibetan population and
their health. Even now, while modern science and technology have developed greatly in
the world, Tibetan medicine has its own practical value. However, the swing of the development of modern science and medicine has brought both crisis and opportunity to
Tibetan medicine. The present study will use the methodology of modern scientific research to compare the theory of Tibetan medicine with the findings of modern science,
modern medicine, the science of life and physiology. It will further discuss the crisis and
opportunities facing Tibetan medicine – its informational and scientific characteristics –
and the question of its future survival. The conclusion, in five sections, will present the
value and current situation of Tibetan medicine and its future responsibilities with regard modern civilisation, politics and economy.
Case study: Rural non-farm activities are the main channel of
increasing income of Tibetan rural households
Gesangzhuoma (Kalsang Drolma)
Rural non-farm (RNF) activities in this paper focus on that Tibetan farm households undertake RNF works, or the farmers move to a town/city to find off-farm jobs. With the
development of economics to a certain extent, economic growth cannot only depend on
the agriculture, because it is hard to increase rural income through increasing output
except for expanding land size of which are operated by unit household. Natural conditions limit acreage under cultivation, as well as there is no more space for the increase of
rural productivity per unit of labor. Population growth in rural area leads to the decrease
in per capita acreage. Therefore some households must withdraw from agriculture production, and engage in RNF activities or transfer to find RNF employment in towns or
cities. So that employment problem of rural surplus labors can be deal with and employment pressure caused by disguised unemployment can be alleviated.
From 1999 to 2000 I have been to the TAR twice and conducted a detail fieldwork to
rural households within two months. In my opinion RNF activities already have become
a main channel for Tibetan rural households to increase income. I participated in a project
group for the investigation of the reasons why some rural households become well off at
the beginning of 1999. In the investigation I visited many villages that have their own
ways to become well off. I choose a village of Shannan area to be my study case because
the village named Jian with a middle-level economic condition has the generalization for
studying the rural areas in the TAR. In Jian village RNF activities focus almost on running small rural industries and shops in local areas, and some rural surplus labors leave
their home villages and take on non-farm jobs mostly in construction of secondary industry and transportation of tertiary industry. In this paper the circumstance of non-farm
activities and their effects on life of the households based on the research of Jian village
will be described. At last the reasons of influencing the households to seek non-farm
opportunities are analyzed so as to enable a closer examination of what can be done
within rural areas themselves to increase overall economic activities and employment.
In Jian village there are 129 households with the population of 599, with an arable
land covering 989.4mu (66 hectares), so per capita land is only 1.7 mu (1102 square meters). The average acreage of households’ lands is about 7.7 mu. Hence 80% households
plant the crops for their own needs and few crops for sale. Livestock such as scalpers,
yaks and cattle yaks is raised for farm-work. Some butters and milks are provided for the
households to use, the others for sale. Although over 1400 sheep and goats are raised,
much wool are used to weave the carpets and stored at home. So farming and stockbreeding is hard to earn cash to the households in Jian village. In fact they find that nonfarm activities are available for them to earn cash. Jian village has one lorry for transpor-
tation, two flour mills and four oil mills are operated for the local crops processing, which
not only provide more non-farm opportunities for surplus laborers, but also provide households a main channel to have cash income. In the village running a small retail store is
quite popular, and 13 people run nine stores in their spare time. The household interviewee zhaxi becomes better off for their engaging in the business. The income of running a store is two thirds of his total earning. Laborer export has already become a popular term with special Chinese economic characteristics that is similar to the mobility of
labor force. But in the paper the term means that rural laborer leave their home villages
and take on non-farm jobs mostly in construction sector of secondary industry and transportation sector of tertiary industry. Almost half of laborer of the village spent their winter spare time to go to the townships and cities where jobs are available such as house
building and road repairing etc. Therefore non-farm activities are adopted in Jian village
and promote these households to earn cash so as to improve their living standards.
In Jian village there still have less than 20% of households are short of cash because
four main reasons restrain them from being engaged in non-farm activities. (1) Low in
educational quality and poor in literacy: The TAR is vast with a low population density,
and in some village there are only less than ten households. It is difficult for the local
government to build a primary school in every village, but they have to reach this aim. In
this case, it is hard for some illiterate farmers to find non-farm jobs and the jobs they can
find are all limited in manual labor with low wage. (2) Bad life habits: Most rural households haven’t good life habits. Many farmers smoke cigarettes and drink barley wine,
which not only waste their cash and crops also hurt their health. They don’t pay attention
to diet and unbalanced diet is showed such as they eat a lot of staple food and rarely take
vegetables. (3) The imperfect sanitation condition: In Jian village 40% of households has
patients with a chronic disease that cost them a lot. (4) The birth rate is mounting in rural
areas and per capita land holdings are decreasing. Therefore more surplus rural laborers
are required to compete for non-farm employment.
Body concepts in Tibetan medicine and the understanding of
the ‘Subtle Life Essence’ (Tib. bla ) and its relevance for
medical therapy
Barbara Gerke
This paper takes an anthropological and historical approach to analyse the understanding of the humoural and subtle life principles and their impact on body perceptions and
therapy in the Tibetan medical tradition.
In terms of the body, the influences of Chinese, Indian and native body concepts on
Tibetan medicine make an historical and anthropological analysis an interesting endeavour. The paper describes the complex body perceptions, taking into account their different historic roots. The classification of the 12 vital and vessel organs relate to the Chinese
elements and influenced Tibetan pulse diagnosis, whereas the energy ’wheels‘ (Tib. ’khor,
Skt. kala) and ‘channels‘ (Tib. rtsa, Skt. nadis) have their historical origins in the Indian
Ayurveda and the Kalachakra Tantra. The set of medical thankas from the 17th century
AD depict organic and subtle topographies, of which selections would be shown to illustrate Tibetan body perceptions (Tibetan Medical Paintings, Serindia Publications, London 1992).
Bla – a non-Buddhist indigenous concept of “soul“ – appears in Tibetan medicine as
well as shamanic bon po rites. Studies on bla have been carried out among the Khumbo,
Yolmo, Tamang and Sherpa tribes in Nepal (Diemberger 1993, Desjarlais 1990, 1992 and
Holmberg 1989) and among the Bonpo of Dolanji in Himachal Pradesh, India (Karmay
1998), but not yet within the Tibetan medical tradition.
In Tibetan medicine, physiology has been a matter of humoural flux of the three
humours rlung, mkhris pa and bad kan, of which five types each are described in detail.
Their movement through the body, as well as their diagnosis, cannot be compared with
Western biomedical concepts of physiology. Knowledge on the flow of the humours and
the strength of the ‘life essence’ is derived from on ‘feeling the pulse‘ (Tib. rtsa tshor ba). 12
organ pulses are felt at the ateria radialis, whereas bla has a special pulse, called bla rtsa at
the ateria ulnaris, which is felt to determine the life span of the patient.
Further, a linguistic approach relates Tibetan medical terminology to body perceptions and is applied to selected terms. Their analysis speak of a complex perception of the
body, often related to day-to-day language, as well as to Buddhist philosophy which had
a strong influence on Tibetan medicine.
The paper analyses the concept of bla which in the available literature has been generally translated as ‘soul’. How could a concept of a ‘soul’ survive in the Tibetan Bud-
dhist non-theistic worldview of ‘non-soul’? How is bla described in the medical literature, and how does its understanding affect the medical practice of a Tibetan doctor? Bla
moves around the body in the rhythm of the moon cycle and is responsible for the person’s vitality and radiant well-being. The bla can be affected through shock experiences,
accidents, and emotional traumas or during pregnancy. Complete loss of bla leads to mental
disturbance and physical weakness. The rituals, such as the bla bslu and the bla ’gugs tshe
’gugs, are meant to strengthen the vital essence and well-being of the patient, as well as
support the transition of the death process. They are still widely practised by shamans
and in many Tibetan monasteries throughout the Himalayan region.
The paper explores several meanings of bla in shamanic ritual, but mainly in the
Tibetan medical context. Selected translations from original Tibetan medical works on bla
from the Blue Lapislazuli (Tib. vaidurya sngon po) by Desi Sangye Gyatso, completed in
1687–88 and the ritual ”buying the soul back with a ransom” (Tib. bla bslu’i lha thabs srog
tsho’i ljon pa) from the Nyingma pa collection rin chen gter mdzod by Kontrul Lodro Thaye
(1813–1899) are included.
The presentation places Tibetan body concepts in a perspective that will allow researchers to take a wider approach to their study and understanding of Tibetan medical
principles. Indigenous medical perspectives within their historical contexts should receive careful attention when introducing Tibetan medicine to a Western audience and
evaluating treatment efficacy of Tibetan medicine in a Western culture, so different from
its own. This presentation will hopefully lead to a more credible understanding and acknowledgement of the importance that Tibetan healing traditions give to the subtle life
essence for the radiance of well-being and the maintenance of health.
The rise of Post-Tantra: the formation of snying thig from
1050–1213
David Germano
Eleventh and twelfth century Tibet was marked by both a flood of Buddhist tantric teachers, lineages and systems from India, and by an astonishingly creative reinvention of
these tantric traditions in specifically Tibetan terms. We are still only in the beginning
phases of sorting out these developments historically, which are obscured due to the
paucity of clear historical accounts, the tendency by many authors to present their compositions as excavations from the past, and the tendency by most authors to cloud their
innovativeness with claims of faithfulness to Indian precedents. One of the most important developments was the rise of what some have termed philosophical Vajrayana, the
most interesting example of which is the tradition of rdzogs chen snying thig. My paper
will assume that the tradition originated in the mid eleventh century and developed into
its basic form by the close of the twelfth century, relying upon new sources that have
become available only in the past few years. I will focus on outlining the basic features of
the tradition in relation to esoteric Buddhism, including the famous gsang ba snying po
tantra. In doing so, I will argue that the tradition broke with the central norms of Indian
esoteric Buddhism, and constituted – in the minds of Tibetans as well as in substance – a
quite distinct development that could be termed “post-tantra”, since it deeply
problematizes the division of Buddhism into sutra and tantra. In doing so, I will argue
that the snying thig tradition makes perfect sense as a creative development in eleventh
and twelfth century Buddhist Tibet, in contrast to suggestions that its true origins lie
earlier in time and/or in other cultures and religious traditions.
Gzhi thams cad yod par smra ba sde’i ’dulb (ZTYD) lineages
in Tibet: a survey
Anandamayee Ghosh
Gzhi thams cad yod par smra ba sde’i ’dul ba (Mulasarvastivada (MSV) vinaya) was introduced and spread in Tibet in three lineages. 1. dbus-gtsang (Central Tibet) lineage from
Shantaraksita and sad mi bdun (8th century A.D.) 2. And that was handed over to klus
mes of Kham. 3. Stod (Upper) Vinaya lineage of Nagarjuna-Gunamati, Tsong khapa (1357–
1419 A.D.) was ordained in the same lineage. That period, 8th to 15th centuries may be
the extension of Vinaya in Tibet through eminent ëdul ëjin like sBa Ratna, Pal spun gsum,
Sa skya pan chen etc, despite the formation of multiple schools in Tibetan Buddhism.
(11th century downward).
In Tibet ZTYD nunnery developed either isolated or affiliated to a monastery. In this
respect the four major schools in Tibet are not similar. Among the rnying ma pas and bka
brgyud pas marriage is not restricted provided the partner be a spiritual practitioner.
Among the sa skya pas and dge lugs pas celibacy for the monks and nuns is important
inspite of their freedom to give up the yellow-robe, if the situation demands. Among the
Tibetan Buddhists the vinaya rules are ascertained to three-fold vows, sdom gsum. However disciplinary rules for nuns are more in number than those of monks.
Milk and barley: folk concepts of health in rGyalthang
Denise M. Glover
Ethnobiological research conducted throughout much of the world has shown that traditional environmental knowledge (TEK) among indigenous groups is often highly specialized and extensive, frequently with medicinal uses of local flora and fauna being dominant in the repertoire of TEK. Yet while conducting a series of interviews among common
householders in the rGyalthang area in 2001 and 2002, many people articulated to me
quite directly that the knowledge of how to use local medicinal plants has faded with the
introduction of hospitals and the availability of western, Chinese, and even prepared
Tibetan medicines. “We used to know,” one man commented “but now it’s so convenient
to just get what you need in Zhongdian that we don’t know how to use these plants
anymore.”
Whether there has truly been a loss of knowledge is difficult to prove, particularly
without the availability of data indicating the level of knowledge among common householders in the past several decades. Important for the argument of this paper, however, is
the perception that there has been a diminishing of medicinal plant knowledge among
common householders. Although undoubtedly in part a product of nostalgic rumination, this sentiment of lost knowledge has significant implications for a local concept of
health.
Central to the theory of health among those I interviewed in rGyalthang is a conviction of the goodness inherent in milk products and barley. While not at all antithetical to
canonical Tibetan medicine, which stresses the importance of proper diet as one of the
foundations of good health, rGyalthang folk concepts of health seem particularly rooted
in the economic and cultural life of local Tibetans. Although generalized markers of the
Tibetan diet (and by extension “The Tibetans”), dairy products and barley are indeed
dietary staples in rGyalthang. Most local Tibetan fare (even in rGyalthang, that far-off
corner of cultural Tibet) does consist of yogurt, cheese, butter-tea, and tsampa (with the
addition of potatoes and possibly stir-fried vegetables and a variety of meat). rGyalthang
folk concepts of health, then, rely on the dietary basics.
One of the most cogent explanations I encountered about the benefits of milk products was given by a woman in her late 60s. Yeshe Drolma lives in the old part of town,
Dokar Dzong, in Zhongdian. While our conversation focused mainly on the 15 different
plants that she uses medicinally (she had the most expansive repertoire of locally gathered medicinal plants of all the householders I interviewed) she prefaced the interview
by saying that in general her family stays quite healthy. When I asked why she responded
with a well-reasoned logical argument: “We eat lots of cheese, yogurt, and milk. These
products come from animals that graze in the high meadows and eat herbs with medicinal
properties. Since we drink the milk of these animals, we benefit from their diet and in
turn receive doses of medicine ourselves.” This was not the first time I had heard this
explanation, although it was one of the most articulate renderings.
While dairy products are discussed mostly in term of prophylactics, barley was mentioned more as a remedy for certain ailments – headache, cold, and sometimes stomach
problems. Often the barley is mixed with other foodstuffs, such as garlic, chili, or cheese.
One man commented that if one gets a cold, it’s important to eat well – and such a diet
includes lots of barley consumption. Barley gives strength, people noted; it maintains
vigor and can revive a weakened body.
This paper argues that ingredients of the common diet become glorified as virtual
medicines due in part to the sentiment of “lost” medicinal plant knowledge. Although
unable to heal themselves with local plants, rGyalthang Tibetans nonetheless maintain
some sense of control over their own health by revering the very basics of their dietary
existence. Comparisons are made with other research in the field of medical anthropology (Scheper-Hughes 1996) to argue that the glorification of milk and barley may reflect
the extent to which common householders feel disenfranchised from the current trend of
commodification of medicines and health care in northern Yunnan Province.
No (heart) strings attached: misunderstanding the meanings
of sponsorship, charity, and development practices in
contemporary Tibet
Ethan Goldings
This paper examines the practices of philanthropy in present day Tibet in light of culturally constructed meanings. It looks at how the givers and receivers of grants may not
share the same understandings of the goals, methods or what is implied by the relationship and posits ways in which the misunderstandings may be systematic. By contrasting
explicit written and oral explications of normative practices of giving and receiving with
my fieldwork on development projects with Tibetan partners; I hope to illuminate these
patterns of misunderstandings and look for common ground that incorporates the best
each party has to offer.
The anthropological literature on gift exchange is rich and varied but its application
to grant making or development work has been limited. At least since Marcel Mauss’
Essai sur le don (1925) there has been an historical and culturally specific awareness of
how much more is implicated than a simple transfer of wealth. Bourdieu (1972/1977)
sensitized us to the ways in which contingent strategies informing the transfers of wealth
through time constitute systems that were not intended nor even something of which the
actors were fully cognizant although they understand the rules (both written and unwritten) with perfect fluency. Escobar (1994) analyzes at the macro scale how the global
industry of aid work serves to create a conception of underdevelopment among grantors
and grantees alike. What remains to be done is to link these insights to specific cases of
philanthropy with historical and ethnographic focus and, ideally, reform the specific practices to better meet mutual goals.
The nuances of not-for-profit exchanges in the Tibetan context are particularly rich.
The traditions of charity, patronage, sponsorship, unrestricted donations and earmarked
gifts, etc., are pervasive, profound, extensively documented as well as widely practiced
by radically different actors throughout an extensive history. Many aspects of a western
philanthropic tradition and best development practices are, however, conspicuously ab-
sent. The almost irrepressible urge to give freely in an effort to immediately ameliorate
the suffering of those less fortunate that fate has placed in one’s path contrasts starkly
with the rational impartial ideals guiding the search for sustainable solutions to root causes.
More specifically and practically, these “blurred genres” form the basic understanding underpinning the transfer of some $90 million over the last decade from western
donors to grantees in the TAR alone. The perennial eagerness of so many western donors
to make grants in Tibet in spite of the obvious limitations on work there is a phenomenon
worthy of inquiry. One can hope for more satisfying results in a future with a more clearly
understood and mutually agreed upon philanthropic idiom.
Baba Phuntso Wangye and the Tibet Communist Party
Melvyn Goldstein
The paper examines the nationalistic and revolutionary activities of Baba Phuntso Wangye
and the Tibet Communist Party from 1940 to 1949, giving emphasis to their attempt to
enter into an alliance with the Tibetan government in 1943–44 and the organization they
created with Gombo Tsering in Yunnan (the Eastern Tibet People’s Autonomous Alliance) to launch a guerrilla war against the forces of Liu Wenhui, the warlord of Xikang.
Interpreters, translators and travelling agents: the role of
tongshi in Sino-Tibetan relations
Roger Greatrex
This paper examines the development of the role of a certain group of semi-officials,
known as tongshi in Chinese, in Sino-Tibetan relations from the late-fourteenth century to
the end of the eighteenth century, i.e. during the Ming and Qing dynasties, with particular reference to the part played by tongshi in events along the pre-modern Sino-Tibetan
border. Tongshi were often Tibetans in Chinese and later Manchu employment, who undertook various duties, ranging from interpreting, the translation of official documents
and accompanying Tibetan tribute missions to Peking to participate in court audiences,
to acting as travelling agents in Tibetan territory whither they were dispatched to acquire
military intelligence for their employers. As this paper shows, the information obtained
from the activities of certain tongshi was of considerable importance in permitting the
Ming and Qing dynasties in maintaining their notional claim to authority over the border
region. The tongshi were thus instrumental in enabling the Ming and Qing rulers, who
failed to incorporate the Tibetan border regions directly into the Chinese empire, in their
attempts nevertheless to force the Tibetans resident there to submit to a high degree of
Chinese jurisdiction. Drawing on the Veritable Records (shilu) of the Ming and Qing dynasty emperors, archival materials, and Ming and Qing dynasty official publications, the
development of the institution of tongshi is traced and illustrations of their activities given.
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Bod gna’ rabs riggnas khrod kyi grangs rig bsam blo’i ’du shes
yang bskyar gleng (Mathematics in ancient Tibetan culture)
Gu ru ji
Tibetan intellectuals and ordinary Tibetans developed a form of mathematics in accordance with the environment they inhabited. This paper will examine the distinctive characteristics of Tibetan mathematics.
A. Recording figures and counting in ancient Tibet
1.
2.
3.
4.
Using wood, rope and small stones to indicate numbers
Using fingers for simple calculations such as addition, substraction, multiplication
and division.
Using sand-bowls (rtsis gzhong) for similar simple calculations.
Using the linear measures rgyang grags and dpag tshad to define length.
B. The use of mathematics in ancient Tibetan technology
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Using mathematics for building walls.
Using mathematics for bridge-building.
Using mathematics for building palaces.
Using mathematics for the construction of stupas.
Using mathematics for thangkha painting.
C. The use of mathematics in ancient Tibetan astrology
1.
2.
3.
Dgu tha
Bcu ‘dril grangs grangs gnas
Dbyibs rtsis
D. Conclusion
While the remarkable Tibetan civilisation has been a subject for research by scholars
throughout the world, the subject of Tibetan mathematics has been relatively neglected.
The present paper will attempt to address this deficiency through a discussion of these
aspects of Tibetan mathematics.
The woeful body: the female body in medical and ritual
discourse
Kim Gutschow
This paper considers how the female body appears as a unique vessel of suffering and
impurity in Buddhist medical and ritual practices. In particular, it considers how medical
practices and folk rituals differ in their approach to the female body. Both monks and
traditional doctors or amchis are involved in the professional transformation of suffering, yet with rather different results for their female subjects. Both Tibetan medicine and
Buddhism draw on similar discourse of causality and suffering, including an androcentric
approach to the female body. While the central texts of Tibetan medicine like the Rgyud
Bzhi rarely differentiate the female body and its ailments from the male body, moral and
ritual discourses single out the female body as a complex source of individual and social
suffering. This discourse constructs the female body as a privileged site of suffering in
which being female is both a calamity and a punishment for past deeds. In particular, the
female body is singled out as defiled (grib can), miserable (lan chag can), and sinful (sdig pa
can) in the west Tibetan idiom of Zangskar, Northwest India. This cultural discourse identifies the female body as both dangerous as well as in danger. It is dangerous to the sacred
at the same time that it is in danger of falling into even lower rebirths. As such, the female
body offers a powerful model of danger and impurity in Buddhist discourse.
Mapping the body with Buddhism: shifting fortunes of the
tantric channel system in Tibetan medical anatomy
Janet Gyatso
This paper is about the relationship between medical theory and Buddhist theory in Tibet.
It will study how these two kinds of writing have shared literary genres, strategies of
argumentation, and doctrinal terminology, and yet diverged in basic orientation as well
as the manner in which authoritative truth is conceptualised. I attribute much of this
divergence to this fundamental difference: the ultimate goal of Buddhist practice is to
gain enlightenment, while the ultimate goal of medical practice is to keep patients alive.
I argue that the very different kinds of ways that the success of these two projects would
be determined – and in particular, the special role of empirical observability in medicine
– affected in turn the mentality of both traditions overall.
The paper draws on one section of a longer essay I am working on. It will focus on
the increasingly vexed issue of how to account for the tantric system of channels in the
face of increasing attention to empirical evidence in Tibetan medical tradition. A number
of medical theorists from the 15th century onwards began to debate the question of why
the tantric channels are not directly observable. They give a wide variety of responses,
betraying a variety of attitudes toward religious authority and its relative status to empirical evidence, not to mention the complex question of how to conceptualize such discrepancies in written discourse.
An entropy-based assessment of the UNICODE encoding for
Tibetan
Paul G. Hackett
This paper presents an analysis of the UNICODE encoding scheme for Tibetan from the
standpoint of morphological entropy. We can speak of two levels of entropy in Tibetan:
syllable-level entropy (a measure of the probability of the sequential occurrence of syllables), and letter-level entropy (a measure of the probability of the sequential occurrence
of letters). Syllable-level entropy is a purely statistical calculation that is a function of the
domain of the literature sampled, while letter-level entropy is relatively domain independent. Letter-level entropy can be calculated statistically, though a theoretical upper
bound can also be postulated based on language dependent morphology rules. This paper presents both theoretical and statistical estimates of letter-level entropy for Tibetan,
and explores the Tibetan UNICODE encoding scheme in relation to coding ambiguity,
data compression, and other issues analyzed in light of an entropy-based language model.
The enlightenment of gNam.chos Mi.’gyur rDo.rje: Diagram
of an emanation body in seventeenth-century eastern Tibet
Georgios Halkias
This paper will examine the role of Buddhist transmissions in the characterization of
individuals, monastic lineages and related institutions in seventeenth-century Tibet – a
time in history dominated by rule-by-reincarnation regimes wherein requisitions for secular power and descriptions of enlightenment formed complimentary non-symmetrical
investments on the body of the discovered incarnation, the Tulku. In the Tibetan religious
tradition, the recurring phenomenon of ‘lineage incarnations’ can be understood as an
indigenous adaptation of the Mahayana cult of the Bodhisattva and also as the supreme
attainment of an individual who gains, through the practices of esoteric Buddhism, mundane powers and control over his present and future emanations. The reincarnate saint,
in his embodied mastery of the Buddhist teachings, is often expected to engage his competence in this world. In this capacity, as a living source of Buddhist efficacy, he is drawn
well within a monastic nexus of power collaborating in a variety of historical and political productions.
Preservation of oral and textual lineages has been crucial in the debate of what constitutes genuine Buddhist praxis and for the division of the Sangha into distinct monastic
assemblages. All schools of Buddhism content that lineages that are not transmitted from
teacher to student are considered lost and irretrievable. Juxtaposed to this pan-Buddhist
assertion, the Terma practice of continuous revelation challenges a ‘one-to-one corresponding politics of transmission’ by arguing within Mahayana metaphysics for non-historical
sources to Buddhist teachings. The first section of this paper will briefly sketch Vajrayana
philosophical ideas and practices concerning the formation of the tantric body and its
enlightened performance. The second section will diagram the emanation body of
Gnam.chos Mi’.gyur Rdo.rje (1645–1667) across a field of subjective positions that incorporate localized lineage-interweavings and circulation of spiritual transmissions (canonical
and revealed) as intellectual capital.
An interlineal translation of the Sukhavata sadhana included in the Migot Gnam.chos
collection will complete this paper. These popular seventeenth-century Amitabha practices, revealed by Mi.’gyur Rdo.rje and edited by Karma Chag-med, are classified as pure
vision termas (dag snang gter). The text translated herein presents a syncretic example of
several tantric lineages and practices combined in one sadhana. The appendix to this
paper will contain the unaccounted indices 38, 39, 40 and 41 and the presumed lost index
(dkar.chag) of volume 13 missing from Meisezahl’s valuable, yet incomplete, Gnam.chos
index published in 1981 and 1982 respectively.
“Seeing Lhasa” exhibition
Clare Harris
In September 2003, the exhibition “Seeing Lhasa: British Depictions of the Tibetan Capital 1936–1947” will open at the Pitt Rivers Museum. The exhibition is designed to explore
the visual representation of Lhasa and its inhabitants through the media of photography,
film and painting. It demonstrates how a group of elite men based in a far-flung outpost
of the British Empire established a vision of Tibet for consumption by others back at
home. Capitalizing on the excellent photographic collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum
the exhibition will show how a series of visual tropes emerges from the sight/site of
Lhasa with views of the Potala Palace, the portrait of it’s chief inhabitant (the Dalai Lama)
and the dramatic landscape in which the city is set becoming the most potent. The exhibition also seeks to move beyond the idea of the photograph as simply an official document
of colonial record and to analyze the social conditions in which images are produced in
the light of Anglo-Tibetan relations – both personal and political.
My presentation will serve as an introduction to the exhibition at the Pitt Rivers and
suggest some new approaches to British photographs of Tibet emphasizing the importance of visual sources for historical and contemporary projects.
Ascendancy of the term rtsom-rig in Tibetan literary discourse
Lauran R. Hartley
The Tibetan term “rtsom-rig” was coined no more than sixty years ago to roughly convey
the contemporary understanding of the Chinese term wenxue and the English term “literature.” Moreover, a survey of Tibetan literary publications in the immediate post-Mao
period reveals that the term rtsom-rig had still not gained wide currency. Not until the
late 1980s, as a new corps of secularly educated Tibetan writers and critics sought to
found a unique literary history did Tibetan discourse on writing shift from a snyan-ngag
centered paradigm to a critical formation that both constructed and centered the concept
of a national “Tibetan literature” (Bod-kyi rtsom-rig). This discursive shift, however, raised
questions regarding the classification of pre-modern writing. Were “snyan-ngag” and
“rtsom-rig” mutually exclusive categories? Was one a sub-category of the other? Tibetan
literary critics began to raise such questions in the late 1980s and the discussion returned
with fresh vigor in the late 1990s. In this paper, I examine how the contemporary understanding of snyan-ngag consequently narrowed from the more comprehensive sense as
“belles-lettres,” which generally prevailed through the early 1980s to a literary genre
approximating the constellation of concepts suggested by the English term “poem.” And
yet, the broader understanding of snyan-ngag continues to be upheld by some literary
scholars, their stance now representing an oppositional strategy against the tide of a wider
discursive shift with extraliterary implications.
King Mer-khe: a historical note on the legend of the origin of
the sTag-lung-pa protector rgyal po Mer-khe
Guntram Hazod
rGyal po Mer-khe is the name of one of the chief protector gods of sTag-lung, the old
monastic centre of the sTag-lung bKa’-brgyud-pa in Byang (north of ’Phan-yul) founded
in AD 1180. The deity is named after the place Mer-khe in the district of dBu-ru-lung in
upper Byang, an area in which it functions as the principal yul lha (territorial god). One
also finds Mer-khe further to the west in the (nomadic) area of sNying-grong(~drung),
where he is the god of an oracle whose family originally came from Mer-khe. Concerning
his origin as the Dharma protector, a local account tells that he is supposed to be the spirit
of an earlier ruler of Mer-khe from the period of the decline of the dynasty (9th / 10th c.),
who was killed at a local riding festival and drowned in the river. The corpse then undertook a long journey in the waters of the sKyid-chu, from dBu-ru-lung to Lhasa, before
being brought back to Mer-khe through ’Phan-yul. In the end the “rgyal po Mer-khe”
spirit which acted as a bringer of harm was overpowered by the sTag-lung founder sTaglung thang-pa bKra-shis-dpal (1142–1210) and placed in the service of the Teaching. The
story will among other things lead us to some issues of the earlier history of the region in
question, which also concerns the identification of places from the dynastic period. Thus
the area of the present-day Mer-khe is very probably identical with the Mer-khe of the
Dunhuang Annals, where the location appears as a primary residence of the emperor Mangslon mang-rtsan (d. AD 676) and is last mentioned in the year AD 705 in connection with
the safekeeping of the body of the btsan po Khri Dus-srong.
The manuscripts of gNas gsar Gompa, Pijor village, Dolpo:
11th–14th century cultural history
Amy Heller
In May 2000, as Tibetologist of the Pijor Library Project, I was responsible for inventory of
the library of this remote village comprising 650 Tibetan manuscripts while photographers documented the architecture of the gompa and photographed all illuminations in
the Buddhist manuscripts. The existence of this library has been known for some time.
Both Snellgrove and Jest mention its existence in their writings of more than a decade ago
but no one had studied its contents. Subsequently it was walled up due to theft. The
Pritzker-Roncoroni expedition in 1999 visited and, at the request of the villagers, initiated a restoration project, including the inventory of the library and architectural renovation of the monastery. The 1999 visit indicated several wooden capitals which could stylistically be dated to circa 13th century and contemporaneous illuminated manuscript
pages. From the May 2000 inventory, it is confirmed that the library in its present state
dates from the 13th/14th century; the prefaces of several texts situate the role of this
remote village as an intermediary between two larger kingdoms in western Nepal and
central Tibet. In addition, we also learned that the bKa’ ’gyur was given to gNas gsar
during the reign of Punyamalla, a king of the Khasa Malla Kingdom to the west of Dolpo.
In this presentation, we will examine how the Pijor manuscripts inform us about dedicatory ritual practices, the architecture of the gompa, Buddhist iconography, political history and trade routes of this region.
Terminological delineations: surveying the vocabulary
pertaining to melody and percussion typology in A-lce lha-mo
Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy
The aim of this paper is to sum up the key distinctions made by the actors of Tibetan
opera [A-lce lha-mo] in the musical aspects, both vocal and instrumental, of their acting
techniques. Far from being fixed for the whole operatic tradition, typologies are subject
to geographic as well as lineage variations. The most articulate gloss, that will be presented in this paper, is found among the troupes that have inherited the style of the Lhasabased pre–1950s sKyor-mo-lung opera troupe: the government TAR Opera Troupe, the
various amateur troupes of the Lhasa region as well as most troupes of exile. The first
part will be devoted to vocal music, namely the melodic organisation operating within alce lha-mo. Four main terms are used to qualify different parts of the repertoire, all of
which can roughly be translated by “melody”: rnam-thar, rta, glu and gdangs. Rather than
resting on musicological distinctions, these differences are mostly imputable to the meaning conveyed by the songs. The various sub-categories within these four categories will
then be laid out, followed by melodies that fall outside this categorisation because they
combine different musical genres. Finally, the two main ornamenting techniques of the
singers will be explained: melismatic and syllabic additions on the main canvas. The
second part of the presentation will delve on the typology pertaining to percussion music. Singing and dancing are mostly disjointed in opera: whereas the songs are generally
done by a soloist, standstill and with no instrumental accompaniment (allowing a free
meter), the drum and the cymbals give the pulse for the dances done by the whole troupe,
or for a character’s idiosyncratic movements across the stage. Rhythm is of course the
main distinctive factor, opposing the slow beat (dal-brdung) to the fast beat (mgyogs-brdung).
A survey of individual drum beats for various characters of the a-lce lha-mo repertoire
will also be provided. Complemented with a series of short-recorded illustrations, this
paper will conclude on the current evolutions in the aural dimension of ‘traditional’ opera.
Liberation from the pain of evil destinies”:
the silken images (gos–sku) of Gyantse monastery
(rGyal rtse dPal ’khor chos sde)
Michael Henss
rGyal rtse dPal ’khor chos sde (gTsang) is the only site in present-day Tibet where the
original giant appliqued silk thangkas (gos sku) are still preserved and ritually used until
these days. They are by far the earliest examples of these most exceptional cultural relics
in the whole Tibetan Buddhist realm to exist, dating back to the first half of the 15th
century.
In 2000 and 2001 I was able to document the ritual of their annual display. In this
paper an attempt is being made to reconstruct their original setting, to identify the iconographic program, and with the help of textual sources the historical evidence of their
commission, manufacture, technique and dating, to characterise the style and to describe
the present ceremonial use.
Of the original three principal silken banners (each ca.22,5 x 22,5m in size) two with
the central images of Shakyamuni und Maitreya are surprisingly well preserved, while
the third one, depicting Buddha Dipankara, is – like one of the two separate side
banners(ca.22,5 x 5,5m in size) – seriously damaged and has not been shown on display
since decades. The two prominent historical figures of the Shakyamuni gos sku could be
identified with the help of local informants and ’Jigs med grags pa’s “History of the Princes
of Gyantse”(rGyal rtse chos rgyal gyi rnam par thar...,l479/81, Lhasa edition 1987) as
’Jam dbyangs Rin chen rGyal mtshan, “the great abbot of gNas rnying” monastery near
Gyantse (r.1422–1452),who performed the consecration ceremony for the rGyal rtse gTug
lag khang in 1425, and Sems dpa’ chen po chos kyi Rin chen, another gNas rnying abbot.
Since ’Jigs med grags pa’s quite precise description must refer to the present silken image
in situ, it can be dated to the years 1436–1439. According to this source the other existing
thangka of Maitreya was manufactured in exactly the same period, depicting the same
gNas rnying abbot Sems dpa’ chen po chos kyi rin chen, and opposite – both figures were
also confirmed as such by local informants – Shariputra, an Indian pandita and abbot of
Bodhgaya, who was invited by the Gyantse king Rab brtan Kun bzang ’Phags (1389 –
442), the actual commissioner and sponsor of these silken banners, to Tibet in 1418(or
1414?) to become his principal teacher.
The consecration ceremony for the Maitreya thangka was dedicated to Rab brtan
kun bzang’s mother Byang sems bzang mo (d.l435) and performed by Lama Chen po
Tsen dra pa and Chos rje Phyogs las rnam rgyal (l376 – 1451), one of the three famous Bo
dong pa masters who came to Gyantse in 1438. Further details presented in this paper are
related to the manufacture technique and to iconometric data for these appliqued thangkas,
to the Chinese silks, stylistic comparisons with the wall paintings in Gyantse, and to the
ceremonial procedure as it is performed today.
Sherpa beliefs and Western medicine: providing health care at
Kunde Hospital, Nepal
Susan Heydon
In 1966 Sir Edmund Hillary built a small hospital in the village of Kunde to provide
health care services to the mainly Sherpa people of the Mt Everest area in Nepal. Kunde
Hospital, part of a wider aid programme to assist these people renowned for their role in
Himalayan mountaineering, has become the main provider of Western medical services
to approximately three and a half thousand people of the villages of Khumbu as well as a
similar number from adjacent areas. The history of the hospital is largely the history of
Western medicine in this mountainous, remote part of Nepal. The hospital is run by Sir
Edmund Hillary and the Himalayan Trust from New Zealand with finance from the Sir
Edmund Hillary Foundation of Canada and the Canadian International Development
Agency and has been staffed by volunteer overseas doctors and local Sherpa staff. Between 1996 and l998 my husband and I were the volunteers running Kunde Hospital. My
conclusion at the end of our time at Kunde was that despite enormous change throughout the region, largely brought about by the increase in tourism and development, Sherpa
beliefs about sickness remained strong and were the key to understanding not only what
Sherpa people did when they were sick but also to understanding how the hospital responded to sickness among the Sherpa.
The aim of this paper is to explore historically the enduring nature of Sherpa beliefs
and practices about ill health using hospital records, correspondence, oral sources, both
Sherpa and overseas medical staff, and my own participant observation. Secondary sources
about the Sherpa are extensive and provide both scholarly discussion and historical reference points. While earlier sociological studies discussing health issues focused on the
belief in and control of invisible beings more recent studies have highlighted change and
modernisation. Change has occurred regarding sickness and health but the questions are
how much, in what way and in what context?
Polarising health care into Sherpa beliefs versus Western medicine/modernisation
fails to take into account the complexity and layering of what has happened and is
happening among the Sherpa of Khumbu. This paper is part of my ongoing doctoral
study which looks at the history of Kunde Hospital from different perspectives: Sir Edmund Hillary and the Himalayan Trust who built and run the hospital; the Sherpa who
are the main users of the hospital services; the hospital as a Western medicine project and
the hospital and international aid.
Buddhist sites in northeast A-mdo/Hexi from the 8th to the
13th Centuries
Bianca Horlemann
This paper will provide an outline of the location or approximate location of Buddhist
sites like monasteries, hermitages or caves in northeast A-mdo and in the overlapping
area called Hexi (in Chinese) from the 8th to the early 13th centuries.
Although it is generally presumed that Buddhism continued to flourish in northeast A-mdo during the 9th century when it was officially abandoned in Central Tibet and
that, furthermore, local A-mdo monks played an active and important role in the second
propagation of Buddhism in Tibet, our knowledge of the general Buddhist topography
of A-mdo before, during and after the time of the famous Dgongs Rab-gsal (832–915?)
remains rather sketchy. However, by collecting and comparing references to Buddhist
sites in A-mdo and Hexi in Tibetan and Chinese sources which refer to the afore-mentioned period and area, it is possible to draw a rough map of major Buddhist establishments in the region. Some of these sites still exist to this day, as for instance the Dmargtsang-brag-Temple (Chin.: Baimasi) on the Tsong-chu (Chin.: Huangshui) east of Xining
or the Byams-pa ’bum gling-Caves (Chin.: Binglingsi) south of Lanzhou. Whereas information on Tibetan Buddhist establishments in the 8th – 10th centuries can be found predominantly in the Dunhuang documents, the Chinese sources for the Song dynasty (960–
1271) contain several references to Tibetan monasteries in Hexi such as the Ga-lu Gserkhang G.yu-gang Monastery (Chin.: Yigongcheng) as well as to several newly established
Chan monasteries in Hexi under Song patronage such as the Guangren chanyuan in
Minzhou.
Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics: visual representations
of tactile experience, a comparison
Elisabeth Hsu
Zhen Yan
Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics are closely related, and in the first part of this
paper the historical affinities of Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics will be outlined.
Zhen Yan has written her masters thesis on the early Tibetan texts (e.g. sMan-dpyap Zlaba’I rGyal-po and rgyud-bzhi) and highlighted the similarities to Chinese pulse diagnostics (Suwen and Maijing, etc.), and and this will form the basis of an in depth elaboration
of her impending doctorate dissertation. She compares and contrasts the various qualities of the normal, sickness, odd (or strange), and death pulses, and their descriptions.
The second part of the paper is devoted to a discussion of the Tibetan medical thankas of
the 17th century which record various aspects of the process of Tibetan pulse diagnostics:
locations on the body surface for taking the pulse (the point is that the pulse is not only
taken at the wrist, as in present-day Chinese pulse taking, but at places like the neck, the
loins, and various other places for which we have hints in early Chinese sources but
which are no more practised in Chinese medicine today), rules about the condition in
which a doctor is to take the pulse (These are: Do not eat wine and meat, avoid rubbing
the body and roasting by the fire (not known from Chinese sources), do not overwork
(i.e. in Tibet: hunt), do not eat cold foods and food that is hard to digest, do not overeat,
do not fast, don’t have sex, don’t lie awake with insomnia, don’t talk too much, don’t use
your brains too much, don’t travel too far, don’t stay motionless in one place. Take the
pulse early in the morning) and the visual representation of the pulses themselves, a
visual representation of tactile perception (the one mode of presenting movement is to
show waves, the other is to show images – in both cases the visual signs that are produced would appear to be iconographic, but the iconographies are culture-specific). The
Chinese and Tibetan material is from the 17th century, and before, and the paper may
therefore be considered to be more historical in orientation. Yet part of the approach that
we take to the material is informed by the anthropology of sensory experience.
Dismemberment and meat distribution among Tibetan
hunting communities
Toni Huber
Hunting is the most persistent known mode of human subsistence on the Tibetan plateau. Thus, it is hardly surprising to discover that the hunt is associated with a rich set of
ideas and cultural practices in Tibet, some of which have proven archaic roots. However,
for a variety of reasons, the world of Tibetan hunters remains barely known or understood outside of their own ranks. In this paper I will present basic research on two related
features of many Tibetan hunts, that is, the dismemberment and meat distribution systems that together mark the point at which dead game animals are appropriated by and
enter into the social world. These activities are heavily circumscribed by a variety of rules
and rites. The actual performance of dismemberment and meat distribution are found to
be completely unlike those idealized forms of “creative dismemberment” (Macdonald
1980) known only from Tibetan textual sources in which the body parts of the animal are
correlated with social divisions. It is rather the case that during actual hunts certain types
of “play” can be introduced to randomize the outcome of the distribution economy. In
marked contrast to frequent appeals about the “uniqueness” of Tibetan culture, I conclude, using comparative data, that the ways in which Tibetans process game meat have
many similarities to both neighbouring and very distant societies in which hunting is
also practiced. The research results were obtained among nomadic populations of central
Amdo and the western Changthang.
The story of Dugar Jaisang and Mongolian folk
understandings of Tibeto-Mongolian relations
Caroline Humphrey
Late 19th –early 20th century accounts of Tibeto-Mongolian relations, from the point of
view of Mongols, exist in several genres. One of these we may call academic in the European style. Among the various Mongol peoples, the Buryats especially – for among them
several scholars were educated at Russian universities – developed a significant historical literature. The work of Dorzhi Banzarov, Galsan Gomboev, Tsybyk Zhamtsarano and
Gombozhap Tsybikov, included studies related to Tibet written in objective style, aiming
at historical veracity and published in Russian. A different genre, a cross between the
namtar and personal reminiscences, is evident in the autobiographies of the Buryat activist lama Agvan Dorzhiev, advisor to the 13th Dalai Lama. Dorzhiev’s writing combines a
factual account of his activities with value-laden diatribes generated by the complex,
conflictual politics of the revolutionary era. Much less is known, however, even by readers of the Mongolian and Russian language literature, about the view of Tibeto-Mongolian relations of ‘ordinary people’ – that is, people who may have been educated but were
not transformed by European-style university education or by experience in high international politics. The proposed paper concerns such quasi-mythic views, in particular
the story of Dugar Jaisang as recounted in Buryatia and Eastern Inner Mongolia in the
first half of the 20th century. The popularity in regional culture of this story is evident
from the fact that paintings and sculptures of Dugar Jaisang were commonly found in
many monasteries and even continued to be produced and sold in Mongolian state art
departments during the Socialist period.
Important sources of local views on Tibet are the numerous chronicles of Buryat history held in the archives of the Academy of Sciences in Ulan-Ude and the collections of oral
narratives made by ethnographers of the period (Natsov, Potanin, Pozdeyev, Zhamtsarano,
and others), In the late 19th century Buryat chronicles Tibet appears as the great ‘land of
snows’, a place of consolidation (not of origin) of kingship and religion. If India is the place
of origins, Tibet is where magical and unearthly events took place, along with wars and
internal conflicts. Curiously, Mongols, or the principle of a Mongol presence, is central to
all of this, and especially to kingship. There is a strange circularity, such that kingship,
which originates as ‘Mongolian’ then evolves, though the splitting-off of younger sons,,
into further kingly Mongolian and Buryat lines. Thus in Yumsunov’s chronicle of the Hori
Buryats kingship is said to have originated in India in the Sakya clan – which took descent
however from the line of Mongolian kings called ‘Raised by All’. When the Sakya king
went to Tibet, it was because he came from the ‘eternal kingly line’, and bore numerous
signs of supernatural powers, that he was recognised and raised to be the King of the Tibetans. Ancestors of both the Halh Mongolians and the Hori Buryats were descendants of this
line. Kingship is here recognised to have its own magical power independent of religion. It
was only in a later age, when holy Chinggis Khan made an arrangement with the Sakya
Lama Gunga Nimbu, and the latter sent talismans and relics to Mongolia, that the Mongols
became acquainted with Buddhism. Even here, at the famous point of origin of the pact
between kingship and religion, the Buryat accounts give precedence to kingly rule. It was
said that when Chinggis, conquered Tibet and united its people, the festival of the New
Year was changed to coincide with the anniversary of this date. The king could reorganise
time itself. The lamas had to unite their festivals and rituals with the new calendar, and
from this time onwards the New Year festival became recognised as a Buddhist one.
The story of Dugar Jaisang fits with this general line of emphasis. According to materials gathered by Natsov among Buryats in the 1920s–30s, Dugar Jaisang was a minor
Mongol ruler who saved the Gelugpa religion. He set off to Tibet in the period of the 6th
Dalai Lama to destroy its Ningmapa enemies, headed by a Ningma ruler descended from
Gushi Khan. In one version, this attach was accomplished by force of arms and involved
much killing. But the popular version, and that illustrated in countless paintings, has it
that Dugar Jaisang magically enslaved a tiger, which became his supernatural weapon
against the wrong believers (in various versions these are Bonpo or Karmapa). Misbehaving lamas, even of the Gelugpa, were punished and expelled from the monasteries. It
is said that the Tibetan custom of showing one’s tongue on meeting originated with Dugar
Jaisang’s purge. Anyone belonging to the infidel sect would have a black striped tongue,
and he killed such people without mercy. The iconography of Dugar Jaisang is not Buddhist, however. He is depicted ‘structurally’ as a master of the whole of nature. The armed
warrior subduing the tiger is the main subject, but visually balanced opposite to the tiger
(fierce wild animal) is the tethered camel (tame domestic animal) on which Dugar Jaisang
was riding to Tibet. In the other two corners of the painting are the deer roaming on the
hill and the swans floating below on the lake. Trees to the left are balanced by rocks on the
right, and in the sky a red sun is matched by a white moon.
The story of Dugar Jaisang is held by Mongols to be a ‘reminder’ to the Tibetans:
Gelugpa Buddhism was rescued by our Mongol warrior. This idea was still current in the
1930s. According to one Mongolian lama who spent time in several Tibetan monasteries,
when the Tibetan lamas became irritated at the learning and overweening ability of the
Mongol lamas and threatened to send them home, the Dalai Lama is said to have pronounced as follows:
“Don’t forget Dugar Jaisang has reached the age of ten, he’s looking at us, he’s laughing” (Dugar Jaisang arab xurchigeed, nash xaraad, ineej baina). This meant, Dugar Jaisang
has been reincarnated and is reaching maturity and he may attack again.
In general Tibet appears as the deeply respected ‘high’ (deed) country, in contrast to
the ‘lower’ (door) lands of the Mongols, and these terms do not only refer to geography.
Nevertheless, folk accounts indicate that Mongolian peoples felt the qualities of
Mongolness to be fundamental to the constitution of Tibet. A pure militancy, which contained its own supernatural power, was intrinsic to the upholding of the true religion.
On the archaeological remains of Buddhism during 11–13th
centuries discovered in Western Tibet
Huo Wei
This paper is focusing on the introducing and analysis of the remaining of the Buddhism
during 11–13 centuries in the archaeological investigation in the Western Tibet by the
Chinese archaeologists as well as its values of importance, which includes the newly
discovered founding of wall paintings, bronze status of Buddhism, the log-carvings, and
the remaining of incomplete leaves of Buddhist books – a clear reflection of the interrelationship between the Guge Kingdom and the rest parts surrounded it (such as Kashmir, North-India, Spiti etc.).
In the early days of Guge – a kingdom in west Tibet, there were an active group of
great Buddhist monks such as Rinchen Zangpo (A.D. 958–1055), and being positive promoted by the Tibetan kings. At the time, the cultural activities were very active in Guge
and from abroad, in the kingdom of which artists were busy working at building up the
Buddhism temples, digging the stone caves, setting up the Buddhist Statuses and towers,
which remained as the cultural spots or historical sceneries that was recorded in the early
papers of G. Tucci (an Italian Tibetan scholar), yet what has been discussed in this paper
is beyond those by Tucci.
This paper offers something new on the art relics of Guge Buddhism with different
styles and different times through the introduction and the analysis of the new materials.
Imperial stooge or emissary to the Gelug throne? Rethinking
the biographies of Chankya Rolpa’i Dorje
Marina Illich
The life of Chankya Rolpa’i Dorje (Tib: lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje), the famed 18th-century Gelug lama from eastern Amdo, has been a subject of interest in Tibetological and
Buddhological circles for some time and is gaining increased attention in New Qing Studies/Manchu Studies circles. To date, however, scholars from these disparate disciplinary
backgrounds have tended to portray Chankya as a mouthpiece of Manchu interests, an
imperial stooge who facilitated Qing expansion in Mongolia and Tibet. This commonplace, I argue, is reductive and methodologically problematic. Chankya’s biographers
undoubtedly show him cooperating with the Manchu throne but they also devote considerable space to illustrate the complex and manifold ways that he co-opted Manchu
sponsorship and openly resisted Manchu imperialism to further his own agenda: consolidating a pan-Gelug empire crowned by the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. In short, Chankya’s
two primary biographies (Tib: rnam thar) depict Chankya as an active agent of history,
rather than a passive imperial mouthpiece.
The glaring disparity in traditional and academic representations of Chankya’s life
draws, in part, from a modern scholarly tendency to conceive of political, military and
bureaucratic power as “real” and “religious” power as cross cut with false consciousness.
Employing a positivist and “secularist” reading of history, many Western-trained academics have been quick to write off the indigenous organization of Tibetan biographies,
as well as the historical narratives they construct, as didactic and devotional fabrications
of “hagiographers” inhabiting a fictitious cosmology beset with “supernatural” and “magical” imaginaries. While such readings of Tibetan historiographic texts may tell us a great
deal about ourselves, as Western-trained academics, and the cultural legacies to which
we are heir, they doom us to failure in the task of reconstructing the concerns –
cosmological, soteriological and epistemological – which shaped the lives of Tibetan(ized)
historical protagonists.
In this paper, I will attempt a different reading of Chankya’s biographies, one that
approaches them as counter-narrative inscriptions that self-consciously attempted to deflect Manchu imperialism by inscribing Chankya as a paradigmatic agent of a pan-Gelug
will to power. This reading is methodologically indebted to the work of cultural historians James Hevia and Angela Zito. In their respective studies of Chinese imperial Guest
Ritual (Ch: bin li) during the Qing, Hevia and Zito have shown that imperial rituals were
not symbolic expressions of other kinds of power or attempts to mime an idealized but
unattainable social order through the charade of posing the Emperor as a semi-divine
Son of Heaven. Rather, they argue, imperial rituals were the crucial venue through which
the imperial body instantiated its power by encompassing a host of others and thereby
successfully embodied the cosmic axis from which to ritually mediate between Heaven
and Earth. As Hevia points out,
“The overwhelming emphasis in Chinese ritual texts on the position and disposition
of bodies in ceremonial space meant that ritual actions constituted a cosmo-political order in highly consequential ways.”
“… relations were contingent and provisional, requiring continuous renegotiation and refashioning as conditions in the world changed. In a political situation
in which lords vied with each other for supremacy, any claim that the emperor
might make to supreme lordship was predicated on his dexterous management
of relations with other lords; he must include their strength without diluting it
so that he could, if necessary, command them to assist him in the ordering of the
world.”
Put another way, the successful instantiation of imperial power was stipulated not
on forcing others to submit to the throne but on assimilating them within its own projects
of rulership.
In this paper, I argue that Chankya’s biographers were keenly aware that imperial
power was constituted – and could be contested – through the performance of ritualized
audience sequences and the narrative inscription of those encounters. Such a reading
would explain why Chankya’s biographers took pains to recount the minute ways ritual
protocol was maneuvered during imperial audiences to accord unorthodox honors to
Chankya and other high lamas in his retinue..
With this methodology in mind, the paper will examine how Chankya’s biographers
used the act of inscription, with its self-conscious ordering of bodies in social space, to
instantiate Gelug protagonists in a dominant subject position vis-à-vis the hegemonizing
power of the Manchu imperial machine. Specifically, it will examine how Chankya’s biographies accomplish this task by 1) organizing the events of his life around the discursive logic of lama-patron (Tib: mchod yon) “joint-rulership” which depicted lama and
emperor as co-equal sovereigns over their respective supra-worldly and worldly domains,
and by 2) repeatedly producing Chankya in the dominant (Ch: yang) subject position in
his ritualized encounters with the Qing Emperor Qianlong and senior officials at the
Manchu court.
Re-examination of the Ldan ma brag inscription (II) in
Eastern Tibet
Yoshiro Imaeda
The so-called Inscription II of Ldan ma brag, Ri mda’, ’Byams mdun district, Brag g-yab
province in Eastern Tibet was discovered in 1983.
Previous studies consider the monkey year in the reign of btsan po Khri lde srong
btsan alias Sad na legs which is mentioned in the inscription to be 816 AD.
However it is now ascertained from reliable sources that the reign of Khri lde srong
btsan started in 798/800 and ended in 815. As a consequence, the monkey year of the
inscription can only be 804, the only monkey year which falls during the reign of this
btsan po.
From a careful examination, one can conclude that the inscription commemorates
the appointment of Bran ka Yon tan (= Dpal chen po), fully ordained monk (dge slong), at
the High Council of religion and State affairs (chos dang chab srid kyi bka’ chen po la
btags) in the year 804.
The inscription is thus an important witness of the career of Dran ka Yon tan who
became Chief Minister (blon chen) by latest in 809.
Relocation of the verses on “The equality of oneself and
others” in the Bodhi(sattva)caryavatara
Chiko Ishida
There are two versions of the Bodhi(sattva)caryavatara, viz. the current version entitled
Bodhicaryavatara (BCA) and the early version entitled Bodhisattvacaryavatara (BSA).
The former is available in Sanskrit and also preserved in the Tibetan Tripitaka, while the
latter was only found in the Dunhuang manuscripts, in Tibetan. Both include a series of
verses about the equality of oneself and other people, the concept of which supports the
Bodhisattva’s starting point of helping others, but they are situated in different chapters:
at the end of the chapter on the “Perfection of strength (virya)” in the BSA and at the end
of the chapter on the “Perfection of contemplation (dhyana)” in the BCA. Because the
contents of the books are arranged step by step along the six perfections (paramitas), the
difference may reflect the characteristics of the books themselves; more practical or more
contemplative.
Commentators have already remarked upon the problem, to which chapter the verses
are supposed to belong, but nothing has been written about the differences of the verses
in question themselves. In fact, the total number differs and so do the details of the corresponding verses. The BCA has 84 verses while the BSA has 52. Many of the verses in the
BSA have corresponding verses in the BCA, but they are not always the same in detail
and that could be evidence of an enlargement of the text. I assume the change of details
could have led to the relocation of the series of verses. I would like to examine this matter
in this paper.
Actually the topic “the equality of oneself and others” consists of two parts, first, the
equality itself and second, a practical meditation in which one substitutes one’s identity
for that of another person, Each part includes differences between the two versions, but
in order to investigate the reason for the relocation, I will here focus on the former part.
The BCA mentions the non-existence of self-identity as a person who feels pain, while
the BSA does not refer to it. The theory is stated from an ontological viewpoint and it
explains the equality of all beings. On the basis of this theory the BCA claims one should
help others because their natures are like one’s own. The theory is found only in the BCA,
and it is summarised in verse 113 of the “Contemplation chapter.”
Here I would like to refer to the two works compiled by Dharmapala:
Bodhisartvacaryavatara-sattrimsat-pindartha and Bodhisattvacaryavatara-pindartha. Both
are extracts of important verses from the BCA. It has already been pointed out that these
extracts convey both versions partially; i.e. they mix both versions and therefore they
could have been compiled just at the time when the two versions were concurrent and
read at the same time.
It is interesting that both abstracts quote only verse 113 and the opening verse of the
topic (v. 90) of the “Contemplation chapter” as representative verses of the topic. Both are
only found in the BCA. In addition, it would be worthy to note that both use the word
“sgom pa” (meditate/ meditation), which is not used in any verse of “the verse series” in
question in the BSA. This fact suggests that at that time the theory mentioned above had
already been regarded as the most important part among all the verses about the equality
of oneself and other people. As the BSA contains none of these, the BCA’s point of view
obviously changed from the BSA. The theory which explains the equality of one’s self
and others ontologically and the existence of the word “sgom pa” made it easy to relocate
the series of verses from the chapter of strength to that of contemplation.
We can find some evidence in the “Strength chapter’’ which suggests that the BSA
was the earlier form and that it was changed in a “well-devised” manner in the BCA.
There are two key verses m the “Strength chapter,” and they exist both in the BSA and in
the BCA, although they are not completely the same. The two verses state the contents of
the chapter one by one and form a kind of synopsis. And the last of the items is the topic
of “the equality of oneself and others.” Because the verse series of “the equality of oneself and others” is situated at the end of the chapter, the construction of the BSA “Strength
chapter” corresponds to the two synoptic verses. In the BCA, on the other hand, the
topic is not stated in this chapter. The key verses and the last verse of the chapter in the
BCA (the verse corresponding to the one immediately before “the equality” verse series
in the BSA “Strength chapter”) were slightly but intentionally changed, so as to fit with
the relocation of the verse series from the “Strength chapter” into the “Contemplation
chapter.”
Organization of the Chinese inhabitants in Tibetan-ruled
Dunhuang
Kazushi Iwao
Dunhuang and other towns along the Gansu Corridor were under Tibetan domination
from the last quarter of the 8th century to the first half of the 9th century for about 60
years. Many Tibetan and Chinese documents redacted during that period were preserved
at Qianfodong, and were transmitted to the present. Thanks to these documents, the information concerning the Tibetan rule over Dunhuang and the surrounding area is much
more abundant than the material concerning Tibet properly. It is therefore essential to
take into account the data attested in this “marginal area” in order to fully understand
the history of the Tibetan Empire. Besides, the researches on the Tibetan rule over
Dunhuang are comparatively less advanced than those on Tibet.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the organization of local Chinese inhabitants
in Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang. Since Akira Fujieda in 1961 presented the basic structure of
Tibetan domination system in Dunhuang, his theory has been more or less accepted by
scholars. Today, that is 40 years later, we now have accumulated knowledge about the
society, advanced in reading Old Tibetan language, and an increasing amount of documents are available. We are thus in a position to restructure the basic framework of Akira
Fujieda’s theory.
To begin with, I would like to focus on “xingren-buluo”, one of the thousand districts set up in Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang. It has been believed that “xingren-buluo” was
the Chinese translation of Tibetan “nyan rna’i sde” and that the district served for recruiting “messengers”. According to Fujieda, it was one of the “g-yung gi sde” or “civil districts” . However, through examining the relevant documents both Tibetan and Chinese,
I have reached the following tentative conclusions.
1. The terms “nyan rna’i sde” and “xingren-buluo” are not equivalent. Fujieda suggested that they are the same because “nyan rna” meaning “messenger” is equal to
“xingren” meaning “passenger.” But “nyan rna’i sde” only appears in a Tibetan document from Miran, and the context clearly indicates that the persons in case were not
“messenger.” On the other hand the expression “xingren-buluo” appears only in
Dunhuang documents where however its function is not specified.
2. The Chinese “xingren-buluo” might correspond to Tibetan “rgod kyi sde” meaning “military thousand-district” . This finds support in one Chinese document where the
term “xingren-buluo” is used as a common noun meaning “military thousand-district”
in general, not as a proper noun referring to any particular district. The term “xingren san
buluo”, “three districts of xingren” in Dx. 1462 clearly refers to the three military thousand
districts in Dunhuang, namely, “stong sar kyi sde”, “rgod sar kyi sde” and “snying tsoms
kyi sde”.
3. As to “g-yung gi sde” designating a “civil district” in Dunhuang. As it is known,
the Tibetan people were divided into “rgod” and “g-yung” in the social system of the Old
Tibetan Empire. Since there existed “rgod kyi sde” in Dunhuang, there must have been
“g-yung gi sde” as well. However, the term “g-yung gi sde” has not been found in Old
Tibetan documents. On the other hand, one may notice that in Tibetan documents “rgod
kyi sde” appears together with “dar pa’i sde” in a pair and in Chinese documents “xingrenbuluo” appears with “simian-buluo” in a parallel way. On its part, “simian-buluo” has
been rightly identified to be the Chinese translation of “dar pa’i sde”, a civil district. Dar
pa’i sde or simian-buluo forms a pair with rgod kyi sde or xingren-buluo “military districts” and possibly mean “civil districts” in general. We may then infer that dar pa’i sde
was used in Dunhuang as a substitute for g-yung gi sde.
Finally, I will discuss the organization of Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang and its historical
change. The reason why they did not use the term g-yung gi sde is perhaps connected
with the form of organization of g-yung gi sde and the change occurred in the organization. The question will be considered in comparison with what we find in other Central
Asian area under Tibetan domination.
Current studies on Lolo manuscripts
Kazue Iwasa
The Lolo language (or Yiyu in Mandarin) belongs to Lolo-Burmese language group, within
Tibeto-Burman language branch. Lolo is spoken in the southwest part of China, the northern province of Vietnam and it is also said to be spoken in Laos. There are 6 dialects with
25 sub-dialects in China and 2 dialects in Vietnam.
Lolo possesses a great number of manuscripts written in its own letters. Their contents include diverse fields such as religion, literature, medicine, astronomy and so on.
The letters and the formats are different from a dialect to a dialect.
This presentation aims to introduce the current situation of the studies upon Lolo
manuscripts which are stored in Britain and France and to demonstrate some examples
and features that I have researched hitherto.
Studies of Lolo manuscripts are being pursued most actively in China and less so
outside China. Many Chinese translations from Lolo such as “Zhi lu jing” -a kind of sutra
to intone in funeral- have been published. However, there exist only few linguistic analysis of the manuscripts. Outside China, on the other hand, much research has not been
done except for some French translations are being carried on. In order to consider the
historical change in the Lolo language, it is essential to research the written Lolo language and analyse its features. This research might provide the development of TibetoBurman linguistics with contributory information.
Demonstrating some examples with the translation, I will mention some notable findings of the Sani manuscripts, which is a dialect spoken in Yunnan. All the examples are
cited from the manuscripts stored in the British Library and in Missions Etrangères de
Paris. Those in the British library have never been studied nor translated.
Recent discoveries about Si tu Panchen and the thangka sets
he commissioned in 18th-century Khams
David P. Jackson
Later Tibetan written sources on art history from Khams, including the famous account
in Kong sprul’s encyclopedia Shes bya kun khyab, unanimously attribute a great artistic
importance to the outstanding scholar and connoisseur Si tu Pan chen Chos kyi ’byung
gnas (1700–1774). Similar assertions also began to be made in the Western secondary
literature already in the 1960s. Yet even as late as the early 1990s, when most influential
Western authorities still despaired of ever ascribing thangkas to named Tibetan artists,
not a single thangka painting could be attributed to him or his atelier with any certainty
Today the situation has vastly improved. At least ten major sets commissioned by Si
tu Pan chen have now been identified, and more continue to turn up, not only outside
Tibet but also in Khams and at Situ’s monastic seat.
In my talk I would like to present some of my recent findings on Si tu Pan chen and
the major multi-thangka painting sets he played a role in producing. In particular I wouldlike to describe a number of thangkas that miraculously survived at Situ’s monastery
dPal spungs, including some from otherwise unknown major sets. My report will update
my two previous publications on Si tu Pan chen the artist and art patron.
(Jackson 1996, part II chapter 10, and Jackson in Rhie and Thurman 1999)
Psychiatric aspects of classical Tibetan medicine: textual and
anthropological studies
Eric Jacobson
In the study of classical Tibetan medicine (CTM) anthropological methods can supplement textual exegesis by providing insights into the forms of illness and therapy in contemporary Tibetan society. This additional perspective allows one to examine the relationship between classical medical theory and contemporary experience and practice. In
addition, psychiatric anthropology can place these aspects of CTM in the context of other
medical systems, including contemporary biomedicine.
Original translations of selected chapters of the central classic of Tibetan medicine,
known as the Four Treatises (bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngag
gi rgyud), revealed that the conceptual structure of CTM is in some respects strikingly
similar, and in others fundamentally divergent from that of biomedicine. A brief summary of CTM etiology, pathophysiology and pharmacology is given. This study focused
in particular on theory pertaining to illnesses which biomedicine would regard as psychiatric, i.e. those in which disturbances of affect, perception, conduct and cognition are
prominent. In CTM nosology these kinds of illnesses appear in two broad divisions. Certain of the “wind” illnesses are described as having prominent affective and anxiety symptoms. More severe illnesses which would be characterized as psychotic are attributed to
attack or possession by a number of different classes of spirits.
In addition to textual studies anthropological research was conducted in Tibetan refugee communities in northern India. Intensive case studies were conducted with sixteen
individuals who had been diagnosed and treated by CTM physicians (’em chi) for illnesses in which psychiatric symptoms were prominent. Each study included life histories, illness histories, the subject’s unprompted descriptions of symptoms, and screening
with selected portions of a standardised diagnostic interview, the Structured Clinical Interview for Diagnostic and Statistical Manual SCID. Each patient’s clinical presentation
to their emchi was also observed, and the emchi’s diagnostic conclusions were recorded.
On the basis of these data the cases could be divided between those which the emchi
attributed to disturbances of “wind”, in which affective and somatosensory symptoms
predominated and those attributed to interference by spirits, which biomedical psychiatry would classify as psychotic. Some cases were explained as due to both excess “wind”
and spirit interference. A summary is given of the data collected in these case studies.
These suggest certain relationships between the etiological and nosological constructs of
CTM and biomedicine. The most common of these Tibetan illnesses, e.g. “life-wind illness”, are briefly placed in the context of similar disorders which psychiatric anthropologists have studied in other cultural settings.
In general the data collected in this study confirm the overall picture which has
emerged in psychiatric anthropology over the past two decades: that certain broad types
of psychiatric illness, e.g. a spectrum of anxiety and depression disorders, and various
types of psychotic syndromes, are recognizable across varying cultural and civilizational
contexts, yet at the same time each context modifies the symptomatological expression,
course and social meaning of such illnesses.
A female gter ston in the first half of the 20th century: the
autobiography of bDe ba’i rdo rje
Sarah H. Jacoby
The overwhelming majority of Tibetan textual sources documenting the process of Treasure (gter) revelation are authored by men and portray male perspectives of tantric practice. However, one of the most important sources on Treasure revelation and Tibetan
social history from a female perspective is the heretofore unpublished (in Tibetan or English) and untranslated 407 page autobiography written in 1927 by the treasure revealer
bDe ba’i rdo rje (l892–1940, also known as Kun bzang bde skyong dbang mo or Se ra
mkha’ ’gro) entitled dbus mo bDe ba ’i rdo rje’i rnam par thar pa nges ’byung ’dren pa’i
shing rta skal ldan dad pa’i mchod sdong the Spiritual Biography of the Central Tibetan
Woman bDe ba’i rdo rje, a Reliquary for Fortunate and Faithful Disciples [Serving as] a
Chariot Leading to Renunciation, Not a standardized hagiographical biography, the text
provides a detailed visionary and historical account documenting how a Lhasa-born
daughter of a political leader of Mongolian ancestry and a Tibetan woman of the well
known gNubs clan come to reveal two Treasure texts titled chos nyid mkha’ gro’i gsang
mdzod (Secret Treasure of the True Nature Dakinis) and the chos nyid mkha’ ’gro’i thugs
thig (Heart Drop of the True Nature Dakinis).
The autobiography not only contains elaborate accounts of prophetic visions involving pure lands and dakinis, but it is also a rich source of information about the politics of
Lhasa at the turn of the 20th century replete with discussions of rgya sde’i dpon (leader[s]
of the Chinese faction) and bod sde’i dpon (leader[s1 of the Tibetan faction). All this is
seen through the interesting perspective of a biracial woman whose father sent her to
learn Chinese characters before she was permitted to study Tibetan. After managing to
eschew the political marriage her parents arranged for her to a Chinese leader’s son, bDe
ba’i rdo rje recounts travelling widely throughout Kham and Amdo, residing in particular in the Chamdo/Riwoche area and in Golok where she revealed her Treasures in her
thirties and wrote her autobiography at a place called Ser dgon, which presumably is the
source of her nickname “Se ra mkha’ ’gro.”
I will examine this text as an eloquent example of the literary genre of biography, as
an ethnographic source, and as a rare document legitimizing the Treasure revelation process from a female perspective. bDe ba’i rdo rje’s autobiography provides an important
contribution to the study of Tibetan autobiography because it is one of the few extant
autobiographies of a female religious figure in pre-l959 Tibet. Through recounting her
experiences as a woman who faced significant hardship in her roles as renouncer of her
family’s political power, as Treasure Revealer, as traveller (from Lhasa to Eastern Tibet),
and as a householder, this text is an emic representation of social attitudes regarding
women as well as an account of what one woman considered to be integral parts of her
life story as it related to her spiritual liberation.
Legitimizing her role as a Treasure Revealer and thus reassuring her disciples of the
efficacy of their spiritual path is central to bDe ba’i rdo rje’s intentions for writing the
story of her life. bDe ba’i rdo rje’s text accomplishes this aim in multiple ways. Early in
the text, she provides many prophesies drawn from other Treasure texts announcing her
birth and her eventual discovery of two Treasures. Additionally, more than half of the
autobiography is an elaborate description of bDe ba’i rdo rje’s visionary life detailing the
many interactions she had primarily with dakinis, both in her waking and dreaming
experience; it is from the dakinis that she receives empowerment to reveal her Treasures.
The autobiography serves to explain bDe ba’i rdo rje’s divine genealogy through recounting a vision in which a divine man tells her that she is not in fact the daughter of the
Mongolian Chimse political leader, but is the daughter of a local deity and protector of
the rNying ma teachings named gNyen chen thang lha (a proclamation her parents later
validated), thus legitimising her status as a dakini. The roles of dakinis in the Treasure
revelation process as protectors and decoders of Treasure texts, destabilizing figures who
remind the (usually) male Treasure revealers of their lack of inherent selfhood, and as
“others” to male Treasure Revealers who act as consorts that are required for successful
Treasure revelation have previously been documented by scholars such as Janet Gyatso.
This paper will examine the interesting question of whether and how bDe ba’i rdo rje’s
autobiographical account of her own Treasure revelation process represents a twist in the
role of the dakini as destabilizing “other” since the protagonist of Treasure Revelation in
this case is also female.
Le vocalisme du tangoute du point de vue des langues
rGyalrongiques modernes
Guillaume Jacques
Tangut (Mi-nyag in Tibetan) is a dead Tibeto-Burman language whose texts range for the
eleventh to the fourteenth century. It was spoken in northern China, in what is now Ningxia
and northern Gansu. Its writing system is of daunting complexity, and we may even
assert with confidence that it is the most complex in the whole history of writing : there
are nearly 6000 characters, and only 10 percent include a phonetic clue to their pronunciation, unlike Chinese where this figure reaches 90 percent. Since Tangut was not written in an alphabetic writing system, its pronunciation is known indirectly, thank to the
riming dictionaries created by Tangut scholars on the model of the Chinese Guangyun.
They represented the pronunciation each character by two other characters : the first
indicating the class of the initial, and the second that of the rime. This system had the
advantage of being more precise than an alphabetic system : several rimes stand in complementary distribution, which proves that Tangut scholars encoded subphonemic distinctions in their dictionaries. However, just like in reconstructing Middle Chinese, knowing the phonological system, however precise it might be, is not sufficient : we need to
flesh out these categories with actual phonetic values. Two bodies of data are used in this
respect : the Chinese transcription of Tangut, especially in the Fanhan heshi
zhangzhongzhu, a bilingual language manual, and the Tibetan transcriptions. However,
these data are often contradictory one to another, and besides some rimes are left with
too few transcriptions to propose any reliable reconstruction. Yet, another body of data
can help us in reconstructing Tangut.
Tangut seems more closely related to the Qiangic languages, that supposedly include rGyalrong, Qiang, Prinmi and others. Therefore, a systematic comparison between
these languages may help to understand Tangut phonology better. Investigations of this
kinds are very few : the only one with serious implications for Tangut phonology is a
study by Gong Huangcheng who demonstrated that so called tense vowels correspond
mostly to etyma that have preinitial s- in other languages.
Unlike Gong’s paper, who used all the data available on Qiangic languages to conduct his research, I shall concentrate on rGyalrongic languages, using my original fieldwork data together with some published data as a basis for comparison. Some have proposed that the closest relative of Tangut be modern Minyag (Muya in Chinese), although
this language, though it seems to belong to the Qiangic branch, seems to bear no exceptionally close relationship to Tangut except for its name. Besides, I have no access to fully
reliable data on this language so I could not include it in my study. rGyalrongic languages are spoken in Eastern Tibet, in rGyal-mo tsha-ba rong-pa where Vairocana was
exiled in the eighth century, that is now a part of Sichuan, rNga-ba bod-rigs cha’ang-rigs
rang-skyong-khul (Aba zhou in Chinese). rGyalrongic languages are divided into three
branches : Eastern (spoken in the biggest city ’Bar-khams), Stod-pa and Ja-phug. My fieldwork was conducted on two Ja-phug dialects (gDong-brgyad and gSar-rdzong), and I
have access to published data on the Eastern lCog-rtse dialect. Using the rimes of the
gDong-brgyad dialect that I know best as a starting point, I systematically compare the
correspondences with Eastern rGyalrongic and with Tangut. Given the fact that Tangut is
not a daughter language to rGyalrong, only a sister language, finding cognates often
proves difficult and some of the comparison proposed in my paper may eventually be
demonstrated to be incorrect. Since the focus of this paper in on the rime system, no
attempt will be made for the time being to establish correspondences between the initials
of rGyalrong and Tangut.
This research will not directly help us to ameliorate the existing reconstructions of
Tangut. This window in the prehistory of the language can then be used as a tool to
reconstruct the system of historical Tangut, because this stage of language evolution must
be derived from that of proto-Tangut by a set of systematic phonological rules that must
obey typological constraints. The correspondences prove that Tangut underwent important vocalic changes in regard to the more conservative rGyalrongic languages, and comparison between Tangut and rGyalrong gives us a clue a not on the pronunciation of
twelfth century Tangut, but on the rime system of proto-Tangut. One of such rule of correspondence is rGyalrong a :: Tangut jij; this vowel corresponds to a in Tibetan also, so
Tangut i must be an innovation and we can hypothesize a change *a -> -jij. Finally, comparison can help us understanding the origin of the Tangut verbal ablaut and the Tangut
verbal morphology in general.
Liu Manqing: a Sino-Tibetan adventurer lady in the 1930s
Fabienne Jagou
After a first trip from Nanking to Lhasa in 1929/1930, Liu Manqing (1906–1941), a SinoTibetan lady devoted her life to the safeguard of Tibet and Khams, having an avant-garde
Sino-Tibetan point of view. The two trips that she did to Tibet (the first one in 1929, the
second in 1938) demonstrated a real heroism at a time where travelling was not so safe
and her commitment into the Khampas community located in Nanjing showed some sort
of nationalism.
However, having the Chinese nationality although being born in Lhasa (from a Chinese father and a Tibetan mother), created many troubles in her mind as she had to manage at the same time her belief in the Chinese policies towards Tibet and her strong wishes
to help Tibet. We will explain her own involvement during her first trip, and the reaction
created by her heroic behaviour among her Tibetan and Chinese contemporaries from
Republican China and, later, among people from the People Republic of China and from
Western countries (no Tibetan testimony seems available today).
The welcome Liu Manqing received after her first trip to Lhasa encouraged her to
get closer from the Nanjing Khampas community and to create Khampas associations.
These associations were very active during the Mainland China resistance war against
Japan and some of their members travelled to Lhasa in 1938. Liu Manqing, herself, went
back to Tibet in 1938. We will assess if any shifts occurred in her behaviour, in term of
heroism and nationalism, from her first trip to Tibet to the second one, given the context
of the Tibetan national history.
Socio-economic organisation of village communities and
monasteries in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh,
India
Christian Jahoda
Spiti and Upper Kinnaur are famous for their Buddhist monasteries and temples most of
which (e.g. Tabo) have been founded during the time of the ancient West Tibetan kingdom. Research conducted in the area during the last 15 years has been focussed mainly
on the art history, architecture, inscriptions and texts of these Buddhist monuments. Since
1997 investigations into the economic history of Tabo village and monastery brought to
light documents pertaining to the economic relationship between the monastery and the
lay population of Tabo and other villages in Spiti valley during the third quarter of the
20th century. These documents are the latest evidence for a special system of economic
support for the monastery by a special class of lay people (khral-pa) before it came to an
end during the 1970s as a result of the overall transformation of the administrative and
socio-economic order in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur.
Based on the example of Tabo this paper will explore this economic system in its
historical development since the middle of the 19th century. This will be done with the
help of historical sources of different languages and origin, including reports by British
settlement officers and tax registers found in Tabo monastery. These registers – one of
them being entitled Dus-mchod kyi yig-tho or lTa-po mgon-gyi bon-tho bskod-pa bzhugsso – record goods collected by the monks from lay villagers which were spent for the
celebration of major religious festivals.
In the 19th century this economic system was organised within a special administrative unit (chos-gzhis) set up to support four major monasteries in the area (including
Tabo). Lay people from villages all over Spiti Valley belonged to this unit. The structure
and organisation of monk communities as well as their relationship with the lay communities will be examined. It will be shown how the economic organisation of the khral-pa
belonging to this unit was determined by their duties as members of the chos-gzhis. Comparative analysis of the socio-economic organisation of village communities in Upper
Kinnaur supports this hypothesis and makes it possible to explain the relatively higher
importance of trade in this neighbouring area. The system of land tenure and the tax
system including obligatory transport (begar) will also be treated from a comparative
view.
The results of the investigation into the historical development of the socio-economic
organisation of Tabo village and monastery will be the basis for a re-evaluation of statements and hypotheses on the system of land tenure and political organization in Western
Tibet formulated by Pedro Carrasco in his Land and Polity in Tibet as well as a discussion
of theoretical approaches based on respective studies in other areas.
On the so-called Secret Biography of Tshangs dbyangs rgya
mtso
Jalsan
The author is the 6th Lamatan of the Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha (Inner Mongolia)
and the reincarnation of sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho.
(1) This paper focuses on the so-called secret biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama,
which has been widely discussed among Tibetan scholars and abroad, by considering the
materials from Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha. The text “thams cad mkhyen pa ngag
dbang chos grags rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar ba phul du ’byong ba’i
mdzad pa bzang po’i gtam snyan lha’i rgyud kyi tam bu ra’i sgra dbyangs zhes bya ba
bzhugs so” is called for short “The Biography of Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtso ”or ‘the
Biography of The Sixth Dalai Lama ’’. It is a complete biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama
Blo bzang rin chen tshang dbyangs mtso and was written by a Mongolian author from
Alasha, called Nang dbang lhun grub dar rgyas or Lha btsun Dar rgyas no min han.
However many people in the field of Tibetan studies call this text The Secret Biography of
Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho. In my paper I will provide a clarification of this issue on
the basis of historical materials stemming from the Alasha Baruun Heid monastery and
of other relevant Tibetan and Mongolian sources.
(2) The biography was finished in 1757 in the Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha, in
western Inner Mongolia, 11 years after the death of the Sixth Dalai Lama. According to
this text he died in Alasha in 1746 and not in the Kokhnuur in 1706 as claimed by other
historical sources. The Baruun Heid monastery was completed in 1756 and a mchod rten
was built to host the body of the deceased 6th Dalai Lama. The text of the biography was
completed one year after the construction of the monastery and was then spread among
the other temples of the area. It is said that a section of this edition of the Sixth Dalai
Lama’s biography was presented to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama by the Fifth Lamatan of
Baruun Heid, sDe srid Hutugtu Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1871–1944), early in the Twentieth century. The Dalai Lama chanted the praise of this work after having read it and gave
order to have it engraved in Lhasa. This Lhasa wood engraving was the one that would
become widespread and would be translated into other languages. There is no doubt,
however, that the wood engraving in Alasha Baruun Heid is the earliest edition of this
biography. In fact the Thirteenth Dalai Lama presented a copy of the new Lhasa edition
biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama to Alsha Baruun Heid monastery in return through
the Alasha Mongolian Phul ’byung rdo rams pa and this text was kept in the monastery
until the “Cultural Revolution ”.
(3) Why did this biography circulate with the name of “Secret Biography”(gsang
rnam)? There is only one possible interpretation. This is because the words “Secret Biography ” had been written on every margin when the “tam bu ra’i sgra dbyang”, the sixth
Dalai Lama biography, was published in Lhasa. Today nobody can find the words “Secret Biography ’’ from the title page to the colophon of the work.. But why that person
had written such words when he transcribed it is still a puzzle.
(4) This biography has also been translated into Mongolian. The translator was a
Buryad Mongol, called Doromba (Phul ’byung mdo rams pa) Geligjamtro. It was translated into Cyrillic Mongolian by G. Jamsorongjab, as part of the 33rd volume of the “Mongolian Literature Collection” published in Ulaanbaatar in 1998. Comparing this translation with the original we can see that the quality of the translation was not very high. A
new Mongolian edition was published by the Inner Mongolian People’s Publishing House,
in Hohhot, in December 1999. This book was translated by ’Jam dbyangs bstan ’phel nyi
ma and proof-read by myself. Having at my disposal the original version from Baruun
Heid and the other versions of the text I was able to look at the differences between them
and address the question of the very definition of the text as “secret biography”.
Note on tshal pa bstan ’gyur (1317–1323)
Jampa Samten
Tshal pa bKa’ ’gyur, one of the most comprehensive and authoritative edition commissioned by Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje in 1347–1349 is well known to us. But, there is hardly
any reference found in the history of Tibetan canonical literature of the Tshal pa bsTan
’gyur commissioned by Tshal pa sMon lam rdo rje, father of Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje between
1317–1323.
Recent1y Mr.Tashi Tsering, Director, Amnye Machen Research Institute, Dharamsala
has kindly provided me a copy of the catalogue of Tshal pa bsTan ’gyur entitled “bsTan
’gyur gyi dkar chag nor bu’i phung po bzhugs so” which has come to light for the first time.
The text has 100 folios written in beautiful dbu med script with seven lines on each page.
Unfortunately, the folio number 4–6 dealing with the historical account of the bsTan-gyur
is missing.
In this paper I attempt to highlight the distinctive features of Tshal pa bsTan-’gyur
such as the inclusion of gsang sngags rnying rma’i skor (texts of earlier translation of tantras)
and shortcomings in comparison with rTse thang and Zhu lu edition of the bsTan ’gyur.
An analysis of the poem “The Young Courier Dondrup”
Jamyang Drakpa
This poem was written by the Reb-kong religious hierarch Sgis-steng Blo-bzang-dpalldan (1880/81–1944) while staying one summer in Rdo-rje County. The poem is a letter to
Mar-nang Rdo-rje-chang who was Sgis-steng Rinpoche’s bla-ma in his former life and
who was currently his student.
In general, over the course of Tibetan cultural history, various poets have arisen evincing different qualities. Those seen as most exemplary of their respective styles during the
twentieth century were Dge-bshes Shes-rab-rgya-mtsho and Sgis-steng Blo-bzang-dpalldan. For this reason, in this paper I will offer an analysis of this poem, the life of its
writer, his relationship with the person to whom he addressed his poem, the characteristics of the poem’s content and literary qualities, etc.
Snyan rtsom grags can gzhon nu drug gi khyad chos la
dpyad pa (The characteristics of Zhon nu don drup)
Jamyang Drokpa
The poem gZhonnu don grub was written by Yongzin Lobzang Paden, the tutor of the
7th Rebkong Khabgon. He wrote the poem as letter to Rebkong Kyabgon, who is his
student in the present life and his teacher in the last.
The two most famous Tibetan poets of the twentieth century are Sherab Gyatsho and
Lobzang Paden. In this present study, I shall focus on gZhon nu don drup and discuss the
following aspects: history of the author; the relationship between the author and his subject; the social situation at the time the poem was written; the characteristics of the contents, language and metaphors in the poem.
The ancient Tibetan’s worship on holy mountains and holy
lakes and the biological environment protection of TibetQinghai Plateau
Jiangbian Jiacuo
Almost every huge mountain, every big river and every large lake in Tibet-Qinhai Plateau has a beautiful tale. Consequently it generated numerous holy mountains and holy
lakes across the highland. The worship of Holy mountains and Holy lakes plays an important role in ancient Tibetan’s worships to nature.
The first seeing of ancient Tibetan people who lived on the snow land were towering
snow mountains, vast grasslands, magnificent views of nature as well as severe biological situation under less-oxygen environment and unpredictable weather. There was no
way that they could understand and explain such an complicated natural phenomenon
in a objective environment, as a result, various illusions, delusions, assumptions as well
as imaginations were generated in their mind, they were convinced: The transition of
sun, moon and stars is powered by a super-natural existence. Mountain has mountaingod, so do water, wind and thunder. All villages and tribes have their own guardingspirits. In general, all beings in this world were powered by their own guarding-spirits.
The faith, dependence, fearfulness, or animosity and aversion to these deities had been
gradually converted to the worship to nature. They spiritualized nature to spirit and then
humanized the spirit. In another word, giving the beings characteristics of god and then
followed the step of god. The thinking of “ souls on everything” and natural worship of
ancient Tibetan had been generated in this way.
In the opinion of ancient Tibetan, fables and legends, holy mountains and holy lakes,
super-natural spirits linked tightly with each other. Even though many nationalities in
different regions have their own worshiping holy mountains and holy lakes, it is not as
many as Tibetan, also is not as popular as on Tibet-Qinghai Plateau. Those holy mountains and holy lakes closely connect to people’s religion, working, custom and daily life.
It seems that Tibetan people live with a world of holy mountains and holy lakes. From
their worship to holy mountains and holy lakes, we can clearly see the ancient Tibetan’s
worship to nature.
This worship to nature, especially the worship to holy mountains and holy lakes,
demonstrated original environment-protection consciousness of ancient Tibetan and
played very important role on biological environment protection of Tibet-Qinhai Plateau. The purpose of this article is to remind people to concern about the biological environment protection of Tibet-Qinhai Plateau by analyzing historical origin and practical
function of this special worship to nature.
This is not just a subject in terms of study and theory, more important, it is a practical
issue about the lasting development of Tibet-Qinhai Plateau and biological environment
protection of Yangtse River and Yellow River, the two rivers that have been considered as
mothers of this great oriental land.
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Growth of democracy in the Tibetan exile community
Hortsang Jigme
My paper deals with three phases of democratization:
The first phase deals with the introduction of democracy on 2 September 1960 to 11
May 1990. I have called this the “Period of Initiatives from the Top”.
The second phase deals with developments from 28 June 1991 to 3 October 2002. I
have called this the “Period of Growth”.
The third phase deals with developments from 27 March 2001 to now. I have called
this the “Period of Full Maturity”.
Major points covered in my paper are as follows:
1. Historical Background:
Discuses the creation of a Reform Committee in 1952 by the 18-year-old Dalai Lama
to pave the way for democratization. Deals with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Fivepoint Decree, which he issued in 1954 to the district administrations and big landowners
of Tibet. Deals also with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s 18-point Decree for reforms and
its failure due to resistance from the privileged class.
2. Birth of democracy on 2 September 1960:
Discusses the singular circumstances surrounding the introduction of democracy in
the Tibetan community. By and large, democracies in other countries came about as a
result of struggles, often violent, from the grassroots level. In contrast, the Tibetan exile
community has had democracy virtually thrust upon the people by their leader. Making
a comparative study and discussing the challenges and obstacles faced in the fledging
stage of democratization, I have provided a detailed insight into all the vicissitudes of the
Tibetan experiment in democracy.
3. Conclusion:
Analyses the experiences of the last 43 years and provides a prognosis on the future
course of Tibetan democracy.
The paper deals also with a number of lesser developments, which are not mentioned here.
Who is the father of Desi Sanggye Gyatsho?
Jigme Samdrub
From the time Desi Sanggye Gyatsho was eight years old, the Fifth Dalai Lama started
taking care of him with great attentiveness. The Desi received education from various
scholars, such as the Great Fifth himself, Desi Trinle Gyatsho, Peden Phuntshok and
Ngawang Phuntshok. Especially since the Fifth educated him in Tantra and Sutra and
political science, the Desi became an excellent scholar in both religious and secular affairs.
In 1679 when the Desi was twenty-six years old, the Fifth Dalai Lama awarded him
the highest Tibetan administrative rank, Desi, and gave him the power of attorney to act
on his behalf, events that are preserved in writing on the third floor of the Potala Palace.
Some people, particularly in the Kagyudpa school, were envious about this preferential
treatment, and spread rumors about the relationship between the Fifth and the Desi to
the extent that the latter was the son of the Fifth, etc. Unfortunately, later Tibetan historians have not carried out any research on the basis of these rumours, saying simply that
“some claim that the Desi was son of the Fifth”, or else asserting that the allegations were
untrue without providing any evidence.
Due to the earlier conflict between the Fifth and the Tsangpa Desi, a supporter of the
Kagyudpa, members of the Kagyudpa school spread rumors about the Fifth and Desi
Sanggye Gyatsho which were later cited by Giuseppe Tucci and by Wang Yao of the Central University for Minorities. The Tibetologist Bangsin in his Development of Tibetan
Buddhism wrote that: “it is said that the Fifth was the father of Desi Sanggye Gyatsho”.
We have no right to blame those scholars for making such mistake, since they may not
have had access to the relevant materials or else were not familiar with the concerned
topic. This paper will discuss the subject by comparing various sources as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
The birth year and month of the Desi
Nine months of the Great Fifth before the Desi was born
The relationship between the Fifth and Desi’s family
Conclusion
A study of the Amitabha concept in Tibetan Buddhism
Ryoshun Kajihama
I would like to present a paper about Amitabha concept in Tibetan Buddhism. Therefore,
I have collected the materials about Tibetan Amitabha concept written by:
Tsong kha pa, bDe ba can gyi zhing du skye ba ’dzin pa’i smon lam zhing mchog sgo ’byed
ces bya bzhugs //
The First Panchen Lama, bDe ba can gyi zhing du thogs pa med par bgrod pa’i myur lam
zhes bya ba bzhugs //
The first lCang skya, bDe ba can gyi zhing du bgrod pa’i myur lam gsar bar byed pa’i sgron
me zhes bya ba bzhugs //
dPal sprul Rinpoche, Tsong kha pas mdzad pa’i bde smon zhing khams sgo ’byed ’don
’grigs //
Mi pham, bDe ba can gyi zhing sbyong ba’i dad pa gsal bar byed pa drang srong lung gi nyi
ma zhes bya ba bzhugs //
Third rDo Grub chen Rinpoche, bDe ba can gyi zhing lam brtsams pa’i gdam dge ba’i lo
log spel byed dbyar skyes sprin chen gsal ba’i sgra dbyangs zhes bya a bzhugs //
From these materials, I shall present the following three topics:
1. What are the four causes to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati)?
2. Why do people pray to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati), they will be able to
be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati)?
3. Reasons why it is very important to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati) not
generating any doubt to the teaching of Buddha.
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Rma lho sog rdzong gi mched khongs la dpyad pa
(The origin of Malho Mongolian County)
Kalsang Dargay
Malho Mongolian county is so called because it is located on the southern side (lho) of
Machu in Tshongon. Early Tibetan histories refer to it as Maphari Sogpo, which is said to
be derived from Mongolian The ru tha ra. In any event, this group of Mongolians influenced the politics, economy and culture of the surrounding minorities, and gained an
important position in Tibet-Mongolian history. This paper discusses the origin of Malho
Mongolian County in three sections: during the Yuan dynasty, during the Ming dynasty
and during the Qing dynasty.
1. Development during the Yuan Dynasty
Based on the Waka Tsering’s Mes po’i gtam rgyud mu tig phreng ba and Trhungyik
Wangchenkyap’s Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung, this section discusses the origin of the
Mongolians in Malho. Trhungyik Wangchenkyap writes in Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung that:
In 1256 Mongolian king Hipali sent his army to Cangyul and ruled the place; in 1257,
the Mongolian army attacked Song from three directions: Hubei was attacked from one
direction, from another direction Hunan was attacked, and Sichuan was attacked from a
third direction. Although the Mongolians could not conquer the areas, Nansong lost most
of the power, and half of Sichuan was conquered. At that time, the Machu area in the
southern part of Tshongon was a place for Mongol horse herders to camp. This is where
the Thu med dar bao’i tribe, the first Mongolian tribe originated (Trhungyik
Wangchenkyap’s Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung: 91).
The Mongol Thumed tribe originated later, and Thumed therefore does not seem to
be the name of a tribe. However, it might be mixed with the second group of Mongolians:
Thuman, a term meaning “ten thousand” in Mongolian, and Dara Khach, the term for a
post-station rank in Mongolian, were used as tribal names. In short, a tribe named Thumed
Darbho originated with a group that had been sent to set up a station together with the
horsemen who accompanied them. But this hypothesis needs further investigation. According to A History of Malho Mongolian Tribe (pp. 27- 28), “a Mongolian tribe established
a station where the tribe distributed clothing and horses to its army. This depot became
the first phase of the Mongolian population in the area, located in Gyakhar Rato of
Serlungshang.”
2. Development during the Ming Dynasty
In 1559, Altan Khan moved to Tshongon and established relations with the Third
Dalai Lama. At the same time, the Ming Dynasty, through the Third Dalai Lama, sent
Altan Khan to his homeland. But a group of people from the Thumed tribe led by Holochi
were left in Tshongon.
The Cultural History of Malho County records that: “When Mongolians in Tshongon
came into conflict with the Yuan dynasty in 1591, a group of people of the Holochi tribe
moved to Malho and joined the Thumed” (P. 99). During the Ming Dynasty, around middle of 17th century, a group of people in Thumed Holochi tribe moved from southern
part of Thalan Byethang to Malho.
3. Development during the Qing Dynasty
Due to the conflict among the Mongolian tribes, Gushri Danzin Chogyal moved to
Tshongon in 1636. He established relations with the Dalai and Panchen Lamas, and conquered most parts of Tshongon, which later became the main base for the Mongol population. More detailed information will be given with references from Deb ther mes po’i zhal
lung (pp. 221- 222) and A History of the Malho Mongolian Tribe (pp. 13).
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New light on an old friend: P.T. 849 revisited
Matthew Kapstein
P.T. 849, first edited and studied some 80 years ago by Hackin, is among the best known
of Tibetan Dunhuang documents but remains, nevertheless, puzzling in many points of
detail. Certainly it offers an authentic reflection of the interaction between Tibetan Buddhists and visiting Indian masters at the dawn of the “later diffusion” of Buddhism in
Tibet. But it is not always clear which elements it owes to its Tibetan author, and which to
his Indian master Devaraaja. The present communication will seek to resolve some of the
mystery, with reference in particular to the transcriptions of Sanskrit materials given in
the text.
Emptiness versus infinity – on the freedom of interpretation
of the early Dzogchen and Mah›mudr› upadesha texts.
Maret Kark
Various genesis describe the process of evolution in similar symbolic terms later to
crystallize into different semiotic systems. The early Tibetan semiotic systems of Bon
and Dzogchen and later Mah›mudr› describe the process in highly positive terms of
manifestation.
The All Good (Kun tu bzang po) ground (kun gzhi) qualified as primordially pure (ka
dag) dimension of space (nam mkha’ dbyings) manifests as the completely pure sphere of
enlightenment (byang chub dbyings), the nature of mind (sems nyid).
Genetically such reality (de kho na nyid) is described as self arisen (rang byung), existentially (yin) as void (stong) clear (gsal) light (’od) and gnostically as primal knowledge
(ye shes).
The presence of the three aspects of manifestation (rig pa mngon sum) – void, light
and knowledge – is undivided (dbyer med) single sphere (thig le nyag gcig). Their simultaneous arising (lhan gcig skyes) is experientially marked (mtshan) by total bliss (bde chen).
The unceasing (rgyun chad med) presence of knowledge (rig pa ye shes) appears itself
(rang snang) as a variety (sna tshogs) of movements (rgyu) causing different appearances
as self reflections in a mirror (rang snang me long gzugs brnyan), the marks of which disperse by themselves (rang grol).
In the context of early upadesha texts voidness is designated not as a negative category of emptiness, but inseparable from the gnosis of clear light. For that reason it would
be appropriate to re-define the term stong nyid, shÒnyat› through the coemergent aspects
of light and knowledge and thus re-interpret it as omnipotence.
The meaning of the early Tibetan trinity system is very similar, if not identical, to the
Christian semiotic system of the triune God. It could be assumed that similar models of
symbolic thinking were well known during the first centuries of the Christian area.
The numerical systems seem to arise together with the semiotic systems of genesis in
their early phase of generation and represent a different value orientation than our habitual number sequence from zero to infinity. Zero was not regarded as a cipher between
negative and positive qualities or quantities, but as a symbol of wholeness similar to the
potentiality of a seed (nam mkha’i thig le). In this way the cyphers could be viewed as the
signs of the unfoldment process. Thus the infinite expanse of reality was seen coemergent
with the omnipotent light of knowledge and characterized as totally fulfilling (rdzogs
chen).
In the early Dzogchen texts the trinity model seems applicable on all levels of knowledge: human, religious and cosmological. In later texts the three qualities of void, light
and knowledge are treated separately and the primal value system seems to have lost its
initial meaning.
Opening the door of speech by poking fun at others
Karma Phuntsho
‘Ju Mi pham rNam rgyal rGya mtsho (1846–1912), a rNying ma pa savant from Kham
and perhaps the greatest polymath Tibet ever produced, is renowned for his versatile
scholarship. Among the twenty-seven large volumes of his work is a short text (vol.27,
pp. 285–353) that is unique in its style and structure. Entitled rTsod rig bsdus tshan smra ba’i
sgo ’byed, it is a work largely on dialectics and logic. In it, Mipham discusses several
Pramåˆa and Madhyamaka topics, in very terse language, primarily to make fun of the
Tibetan sophistry that was flourishing in the dGe lugs pa monasteries.
Although it deals with abstruse concepts such as ŸÒnyat› and apoha, it is definitely
not one of the treatises Mipham undertook in all seriousness. Unlike his more formal
works, it is poorly structured and does not seem to have been written for a pedagogical
purpose, although the rNying ma pa later used it in their curriculum as a parallel to bsdus
grwa in the dGe lugs pa syllabus. His arguments are largely axiomatic, and made up of
witty remarks, which are nonetheless logically sound and very sharp. It could be considered a polemical work with a heavy satirical overtone, and is indeed a clear presentation
of his disapproval of Phya pa’s (1109–69) bsdus grwa logic, which is seen as pedantic,
specious and an adulteration of Dharmakirti’s thought. Mipham playfully attacks his
opponents, who we know are mainly dGe lugs pas, without naming names and using
intricate and sharp reasoning.
In my presentation, I shall survey this text in the light of other works, which impinge
on the issues he raised in this work. This will help us to unpack his aphoristic arguments
and explain the many contradictions, paradoxes and oxymorons he raises against his
opponents. Through capturing his satirical and humorous philosophical mood, I hope to
improve our understanding of the personal enigma that was Mipham.
A rare dGe lugs pa work kept in O rgyan chos gling (Central
Bhutan)
Samten Karmay
The Library of O rgyan chos gling has a rich collection of Buddhist writings. One manuscript volume contains the short works of dBen sa rGyal ba Blo bzang don grub (1505–
1566). There are about 89 pieces tightly written in small dbu med script with 9 lines on
each folio. It has 523 folios.
The teaching contained in the manuscript later became what is known as dBen sa
snyan brgyud or dGe ldan bka’ brgyud. The volume of texts containing the teaching is
often called sPrul ba’i glegs bam and is shrouded in total secrecy. In Tibet itself the texts
of this tradition were therefore very rare. Yet the tradition itself is reputed to be an “oral
transmission” going back to Tsong kha pa himself. Consequently, it remained till this day
totally unknown to the Western specialists in Tibetan Buddhism. It was in fact not integrated into the mainstream of the dGe lugs pa tradition. Moreover, it became a controversial doctrine among later masters of the school. The Fifth Dalai Lama was very critical of
this tradition.
It was a surprise for me to find this work in the milieu of rNying ma pa and bKa’
brgyud pa texts in such a place as O rgyan chos gling. Its presence there is very significant in that it gives a new perspective to the history of O rgyan chos gling and its religious tradition.
The category of causative verbs in Tibeto-Burman languages
and the Iconicity Principle
Vadim Kassevitch
The category of causative is widely attested in Tibeto-Burman languages, both in modern
idioms and classical or extinct languages. Its ways and means of manifestation are quite
heterogeneous, including agglutinating affixes, auxiliaries, and derivation by Ablaut,
where segmental ‘mutations’ and tone alternations can be found.
The meaning of causatives is usually thought of as a variety of the cause-and-effect
semantics. Actually, this is not the case, since a cause is identifiable, if (if and only if) an
effect, necessarily brought about by this cause, is invariably produced, while the causative semantics does not really presuppose a necessary effect as its integral component.
E.g. from Bu. Maung Hla go e( se d_ ‘(He) causes Maung Hla to sleep’ it cannot be inferred if Maung Hla really sleeps or not. It could be argued that the causative semantics
belongs to the set of semantic primitives, which cannot be reduced to any other ‘simpler’
meanings and are, accordingly, indefinable.
A very interesting issue is the type of relationship between form and meaning in
causative verbs. The Iconicity Principle predicts that the causative verbs will display “additional” morphemes and/or marked phonological features (if formed by Ablaut) as compared to their simplex counterparts. The data drawn from a number of Tibeto-Burman
languages shows that the (morpho)phonological alternations underlying the causative
verb derivation are not strictly uniform. Both unmarked and marked phonological values may be associated with this type of derivation, cf., on the one hand, Bu. mjing ‘be
high’ > hmjing ‘make high, elevate’, where preaspirated sonorant is marked as opposed
to its non-aspirated, plain nasal counterpart, naturally unmarked, and, on the other hand,
Lhasa Tibetan (a14 ‘sleep’ > (a55 ‘cause to sleep’; in the latter case, the causative counterpart of the simplex verb is derived by a tone change which arguably brings about a less
marked tone (it stands to reason to consider level tones unmarked as opposed to marked
contour tones).
The number of such diverse examples is quite great, which makes it doubtful whether
the Iconicity Principle, at least if applied to the category of causative in Tibeto-Burman
languages, is as valid an explanatory tool as it is believed to be by many.
The multinational team of translators of the Buddhist canon
into Tangut (Images of Tanguts, Tibetans, Indians)
Ksenia B. Kepping
The well-known Tangut engraving “The Translation of the Buddhist Canon into Tangut“
shows at the final stage of the translation (1090) the team of the translators of the Buddhist Canon – the head of the team the State Preceptor (guo shi) Bai Zhi-guang and his
eight assistants.
The names of the monks in captions are either Tangut (four surnames) or Chinese
(five surnames). Usually it is stated that those who have Tangut surnames are Tanguts,
while those who have Chinese surnames „may be Chinese“. However such approach
proved to be ineffective.
Tangut written sources declare that “the Tanguts are people with crossed eyes“. A
drawing from Khara-Khoto shows a face of a Tangut: he has almond-shaped upwardturned eyes and his eyebrows following the shape of the eyes are descending to the temples. Such eyes and eyebrows are “a diagnostic sign“ for a Tangut. Accordingly, four
monks may be defined as Tanguts: Bai Zhi-guang, two monks sitting to his right – Tian
Shan-zun and Siyu Zhi-yuan, and one sitting to his left – Weiming Guang-yuan (Weiming
was the surname of the Tangut emperors).
In course of the translation period two monks in turn served as the head of the translators’ team – first Bai Fa-xin and then Bai Zhi-guang, both were State Preceptors. So far
they are defined either as being Uighurs or Tuyuhuns. I believe that the surname Bai in
both cases stands for “Bai“ (lama Vairochana) – obviously the Tanguts took after the Tibetans (cf. Tibetan translator Bai lo- za-wa). Both Bai Fa-xin and Bai Zhi-guang undoubtedly were Tanguts.
The person sitting first at Bai Zhi-guang’s left hand, his name in Tangut pu ngwi zi
lhie, represents the famous Budong Jingang (Unshakable Vajra). The Tangut transcription
uses the first syllable of the collocation Budong (pu), whereas ngwi zi lhie is the Tangut
transcription of the word vajra. He belonged to the so-called Xi Xia monks. Being by
origin an Indian, he nevertheless received a Tangut surname, since he was regarded as a
Xi Xia monk.
Budong’s biography mentions his disciple Lebu. Last in the row opposite Budong sits
a monk, his name lupu sie mi Lubu Zhi-yun. Seemingly it is Lebu: his position may indicate
that he was Budong’s disciple. He does not look like Budong (his origin remains a mystery). The reason why he got a Tangut surname apparently is connected with his teacher:
Budong’s disciple, whoever he was, might be looked upon as a “Xi Xia monk“ as well.
Next to Budong sits tshieu tsie mbi Zhao Fa-ming. The surname Zhao points to the
non-Tangut ethnicity of the monk (his appearance is non-Tangut). The character tshieu
(chin. surname Zhao) has only one homophone – tshieu (chin. you “teacher“), thus, we
have “The Teacher tsie mi“, which, I believe, stands for the well-known Tantric teacher
Tsa-mi. His appearance and the way his name is rendered into Tangut shows that he was
not a Tangut, but a Tibetan.
Since three Tantric teachers (Budong Jingang, Lupu, and Tsa-mi) were involved in
the final stage of the translation of the Buddhist Canon, we may suppose the Tanguts
from the very beginning have chosen Tantrism as their state religion.
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The ‘Ten Sciences of traditional Tibetan studies’
Khotse Tsulkhrim
This shall be covered under the following five headings:
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
A brief introduction to ’gangs ljongs rig bcu’i snyin bcud chen mo’
Analysing the ‘Five Major’ and ‘Five Minor’ Sciences of Tibet
A discussion of the relative merits of each of the ‘Ten Sciences’
A discussion of the need for protection of the whole set of ‘Ten Sciences’
A discussion of the need to make the traditional ‘Ten Sciences’ as the foundation for
building and developing modern Tibetan education system.
A. An explanation and justification for the compilation of ’gangs ljongs rig bcu’i snyin
bcud chen mo’. This is followed by a discussion of how surviving Tibetan lamas, scholars
and adepts have concurred and contributed to this compilation. Finally, five characteristics of these compilations are presented with five corresponding benefits of the project.
B. Justifying how the ‘Ten Sciences’ constitute an altruistic cultural heritage that has
been developed by the dwellers of the ‘Roof of the World’ who, despite their lack of
sophistication in the material sciences had, nevertheless, developed sciences of the mind
that are characterised by the love of truth, compassion, wisdom for bringing peace and
happiness to others. Their universal appeal lies due to the fact that they cover existential
world of physical nature from the highest mountains to the tiniest atomic particle on the
one hand and the systematic and detailed study and analysis of the living world, the
laws of birth, growth and decay etc on the other hand. Despite their intrinsic value and
potential benefit to humanity, due to a number of circumstances and factors relating to
time and place, these ‘Ten Sciences’ had not filtered across the borders of Tibet into the
five continents. However, presented in the language of the western sciences, there is no
doubt that the intrinsic value and validity of these sciences will be recognised for their
potential.
C. Here, the individual Sciences are focused for their nature and characteristics. For
example, the study of ’sgra rig pa’ (phonology) as an antidote to proclivities for spelling
errors. As an antidote to proclivity to errors in meaning one studies ‘Logic’ (gtan tshigs
rig pa). For satisfying one’s desires and needs [practical benefits] one studies the arts and
crafts. (bzo rig pa). For protection and cure form diseases and afflictions, one studies
medicine. In order to gain an understanding of the true nature of reality, one studies
‘metaphysics’ (nang don rig pa). To attain mastery of language use one studies poetry.
(snta ngag) To enrich one’s vocabulary, one studies ’mngon brjod’ (synonyms) [?]. And to
gain mastery in versification, one studies ’sdeb sbyor’ (composition). To expand one’s
knowledge of languages and to entertain all, one studies ’zlos gar’ (arts and theatrics). To
gain mastery of numbers pertaining to the known and unknown aspects of life, one studies ‘astrology’. etc.
D. Justifying the need to take speedy action to preserve these sciences. In the modern
era of technology and communications that has overtaken the whole world, the place of
Tibetan culture has gained some degree of recognition under the rubric of ‘Tibetan Studies’. However, a closer examination of the overall situation reveals that, far from being
happy one can see a situation of serious concern even within Tibet itself, the origin of
these ‘Ten Sciences’ as there are relatively very few who may qualify as being fully trained
and specialised in these sciences. These may be attributed to a number of factors but the
main fact is that the future survival of these sciences is as precarious as a patient who is
abandoned by his doctor. In particular, among the Tibetan youth there is an alarming and
woeful lack of appreciation and desire to study these sciences. As a result there are very
few who may be regarded as having studied, internalised, apply and teach these sciences. The contrary is true. As such not only would this precious cultural heritage be lost,
but with it, Tibet will lose its very identity because they derive their identity from the
continued study and practice of these sciences. That would tantamount to self-inflicted
cultural genocide.
E. Here the writer argues that the Ten Sciences be made the foundation to build on a
system of modern education for Tibetans. As the saying goes, there can be no new culture
without an old culture. Likewise, if the Ten Sciences are adopted as the foundation for
building and developing modern Tibetan education, then Tibetan education will become
more complete and worthwhile.
On the traditions of the Vair ocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra and its
ma˚˜ala in Tibet
Tanaka Kimiaki
In the Tantric Buddhism of Tibet, the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra is regarded as the basic
tantra of the Cary› Tantras in the standard fourfold classification of Buddhist tantras. But
because the current of Tantric Buddhism based on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra fell into
decline quite early in India, not very much material has been preserved. This current of
Tantric Buddhism was, however, introduced to Tibet during the Tufan period, and exemplars of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala, although few in number, were previously known
to exist. These included a copy in the Ngor Collection, brought out of Tibet by bSod nams
rgya mtsho, a former abbot of Ngor Monastery, and a version preserved at Tateyama
Museum in Toyama prefecture, Japan.
But when I was searching for material to assist in the reproduction of the Tibetan
Vajradh›tu-ma˚˜ala and Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala at the Toga Meditation Museum in
Toyama prefecture in 1994–96, the number of related texts, line drawings and photographs that I managed to obtain exceeded my expectations. An analysis of these various
sources revealed considerable differences among the different Tibetan versions of the
Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala regarding the arrangement and iconography of the deities.
A thangka put on the market by a London art dealer in 1993 is the oldest extant
example of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala among these, dating from the thirteenth century, but the central deity faces east and the arrangement of the deities is also the reverse
of the norm. In addition, the four Buddhas of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra are depicted
in the archways above the four gates. The Samantabhadra Chapel (Kun bzang lha khang)
and Amoghap›Ÿa Chapel (Don zhags lha khang) in the stÒpa at dPal ’khor chos sde (early
15th cent.), meanwhile, preserve murals depicting various deities from the
Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala.
Today, the traditions of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra and its ma˚˜ala have more or
less disappeared in Central Tibet, but it has come to light that these traditions have managed to survive in Amdo in northern Tibet. The K›lacakra College (Dus ’khor grva tshang)
at Bla brang Monastery (Bla brang bkra shis ’khyil) in Gansu province, China, runs a
course on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra, and during my visit in 1996 I was able to take
photographs of its Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala. This ma˚˜ala is similar to the Tateyama
Museum version, and my conjecture that the latter derived from Amdo was thus confirmed.
In addition, I acquired copies of numerous wood-block ritual manuals preserved at
Bla brang Monastery. These included some which have already been reprinted in India,
such as those on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala by the first and third Panchen Lamas,
but there are also a number of texts that were not even known to exist, such as a lengthy
manual of 62 folios by bTsun gzugs shes rab rgya mtsho. The dates of this author are not
known, but I was told that he had been a scholar-monk attached to the K›lacakra College
at Bla brang Monastery.
At Rva rgya Monastery in mGo log county, Qinghai province, I was also able to
obtain photographs of a line drawing of a samaya-ma˚˜ala of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhima˚˜ala used when creating a ma˚˜ala in powdered colours, as well as copies of xylographs
and manuscripts of ritual manuals preserved at this monastery. These too include some,
such as the above-mentioned manuals by the Panchen Lamas, about which we already
knew, but again there are a number of texts that had not been known to exist, such as an
anonymous commentary on procedures for measuring out the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhima˚˜ala.
In this paper, basing myself on the above materials, I propose to shed light on the
traditions of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra and its ma˚˜ala in Tibet, which have hitherto
been veiled in mystery, and I also hope to survey their iconographical characteristics
through a comparison with Japanese exemplars.
Jag ’dul gzha’ tshon gling: a Bonpo mountain pilgrimage in
Dolpo, Nepal
Marietta Kind
Situated in a remote side-valley in the westernmost part of Dolpo, ’Jag ’dul has been
forgotten for a long time. Before this valley was deserted, there used to be a village, a
monastery and several fields as well as a direct trail through the high mountains to the
monastery of Samling in Upper Dolpo, to which strong ties were kept. Due to a landslide,
the trail to Samling was cut off. As a consequence, direct communication and trade stopped.
The village moved southwards to the area known as Kaigaun-Hurikot while the deserted
valley of ’Jag ’dul became a place for meditation and summer pastures. When Ka ru Grub
dbang bsTan ’dzin rin chen reached the area around the end of the 19th century, he had a
revelation concerning the hidden valley of ’Jag ’dul and predicted that his student ’Gro
mgon bsTan ’dzin Nyi ma would succeed in opening the pilgrimage and write the guidebook (dkar chag).
During the last ten years, the practice of this Bonpo pilgrimage has been revived and
the local population, which follows Bonpo and/or shamanic beliefs, sets out for the pilgrimage once a year. This paper is an account of the pilgrimage based on the dkar chag
and guides through the outer (physical) and inner (spiritual) landscape. Oral explanations recounted on the trail and the actions taken at the respective places will provide
additional insight for an understanding of this specific pilgrimage and its significance for
the Bonpo community of Dolpo.
Mythos and logos: Reading authenticity (tshad ma) in the
early Bon tradition
Anne C. Klein
A close examination of gTan tshigs Gal mdo rig pa’i tshad ma and related materials makes it
clear that the category of authenticity cannot be fully appreciated by examining its tenets
on rjes dpag and mngon sum, as is the case in the tshad ma traditions stemming from Dign›ga
and DharmakÈri,
In this paper, therefore, I explore the proposition that, in the cultural life of which
this text is a part, philosophical and mythic perspectives are profoundly interfused and
have a crucial bearing on questions of authenticity. Nor is mythic import confined to
philosophical inquiry. I show that mythos is also invoked in historical accounts of this
work and its tradition. In short, mythic dimensions, syllogistic logic, and an epic sense of
history as well as ontology form the matrix in which various questions of authenticity
can be raised. Thus, along with the philosophical concerns of Authenticity, we must also
pay attention to the Terma tales alluded to in its colophon, and to contextualizing narratives from Bon histories, such as the early dissemination of Bon throughout the heavenly
realms, or Lishu Daring’s transference of thousands of texts on the backs of birds in flight
from Zhang Zhung to Tibet.
Whereas Aristotle’s logic rejected myth, thus setting the course for Western philosophy as a genre, traditional readers of Authenticity were as comfortable with rigorous logic
as with the mythic-fantastic elements in the background of that logic. I examine how that
logic is infused with mythos, especially in the figure of Samantabhadra, who embodies –
that is, who presents, rather than represents – the central logos of the text. For this I draw
on Authenticity as well as Zhang Zhung sNyan rGyud as well as several historical sources.
The Rawang of Hkakabo Razi, Tibeto-Burmese border
P. Christiaan Klieger
The ancient salt routes between the Tibetan plateau, Yunnan, China, and northern Burma
historically brought many Tibeto-Burman speaking peoples into Myanmar. Perhaps the
most recent group to migrate south was the Rawang. Now living along the headwaters of
the Irrawaddy River in southwest Yunnan, China and Kachin State of Myanmar near Mt.
Hkakabo Razi, the largely unknown Rawang group of Tibeto-Burman speakers subsist at
the extreme southeast corner of the Tibetan culture area. Here, in one of the last stands of
old growth forest in Southeast Asia, they hunted and gathered, farmed, and became involved in the trade of salt headed southward and the movement of jade, rubies, and
exotic animal products flowing northward into Tibet. Extremely short of statue, especially individuals of the Taron or T’rung clan, the Rawang were preyed upon by slave
raiders from China and Tibet until modern times. They were cursorily described to the
outside world through the journals of Prince Henri d’Orleans in the late 19th century and
Frank Kingdon-Ward in the early 20th century, but very little has been written about
them since Burma was closed to foreign anthropologist after WWII. Our research in 2001
and 2002–2003 in the land of the Rawang provides a glimpse into the life of a group not
wholly dissimilar to their Lhoba neighbors to the northwest, but one to which is conditioned by extreme isolation, Baptists missionaries in the 1930s, and the recent establishment of the Hkakabo Razi National Park. How the Rawang construct their notion of
identity vis-à-vis their Tibetan and Burmese cousins is one of the themes of this paper.
‘Welcome to Shangri-La’: the making of place in Diqing
Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan
Åshild Kolås
This paper deals with the development of ethnic tourism in ‘Shangri-La’, and the concomitant reconstruction of the area as a ‘Tibetan’ place. It discusses how the area has been
‘sacralised’ in the process of incorporating it into the ‘sacred realm’ of Buddhist Tibet,
how it has been ‘ethnicised’ in connection with the establishment of Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, and finally how it is currently being ‘exoticised’ with the promotion of Diqing as a tourist destination, and the renaming of one of its counties, Zhongdian,
as ‘Shangri-La’. The paper explores the tensions between these various ‘place-making’
strategies, how ‘place’ is reinvented, and how hegemonic interpretations of ‘place’ are
contested. Theoretically, it brings together some contemporary perspectives on ‘place
making’ from various different fields, including anthropological studies of place and identity, the political geography of territories and boundaries, and studies of pilgrimage and
religious geography.
Situated on the edge of the Tibetan Plateau, this area has for many centuries been a
part of the Tibetan cultural realm often referred to as ‘ethnographic Tibet’. Khawa Karpo
Mountain is one of the most significant sites in the local geography, and is also known as
one of eight major mountain pilgrimage destinations (’gnas ri’) for Tibetan worshippers.
The worship of territorial deities, known locally as ‘ri bdag’ or ‘mountain owners and
protectors’, has a long history in this area. Every village community, or even a monastic
community, is responsible for maintaining a particular ‘la rtse’ on the top of a hill or
mountain, in honor of the ‘ri bdag’ whose lands they live on. Whereas the ‘ri bdag’ is
important to the local communities who acknowledge this deity ritually, the deity who
inhabits a ‘gnas ri’ such as Khawa Karpo is important to all Tibetan Buddhists. Local
Tibetans compare Khawa Karpo to a palace for the deity bDunchog, for whom offerings
are performed during the Kalachakra ceremony. As interpreted in this paper, the association of Khawa Karpo with a significant deity in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon is an
important way of incorporating the area into the Tibetan realm. The paper discusses this
as a process in which the land itself has been ‘sacralised’ in new ways.
In 1957 ‘Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture’ was established as the only ‘Tibetan’
area in Yunnan Province. According to the guidelines of the newly founded People’s
Republic of China (PRC), the boundaries of ‘autonomous’ prefectures were supposed to
reflect the ethnographic distribution of ‘nationalities’, i.e. ‘ethnic minorities’ distinguishable from the majority ‘Han’ population by virtue of distinct, shared, cultural traits. The
establishment of ‘autonomous’ administrative regions has thus been a process of
‘ethnicising’ the territory of the PRC. The explicit strategy of the PRC authorities was to
break down the influence of the ‘feudal theocracy’ in the Tibetan areas. With the onset of
the Cultural Revolution, pilgrimage and the worship of territorial deities was made illegal. When these practices were again allowed in the early 1980s, they became significant
not only as religious expressions, but as a way to contest the atheist ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the technocratic ‘place-making’ strategies of the
authorities, which failed to comply with the meanings of place that were significant to
people living there. In other words, I suggest that the revival of mountain pilgrimage and
the worship of territorial deities have become means of reclaiming places as ‘Tibetan’.
However, currently tourism development is creating new tensions, between the use of
sites as tourist destinations and the maintenance of ‘sacralised’ notions of place.
The contemporary reinvention of the area as ‘Shangri-La’ builds on the ‘ethnicising’
processes described above, while in some respects challenging hegemonic representations of Diqing as a ‘minority area’. In CCP ideology, ‘minority nationalities’ have been
cast as representatives of less ‘advanced’, more ‘primitive’, stages of social evolution. In
school textbooks as well as the media, the ‘backwardness’ of the minorities has been
contrasted to the ‘modernity’ of the Han Chinese. However, currently this contrast has
taken on new meanings, as urban Chinese search for the place of their dreams in the
unspoiled nature and simple lifestyles of ‘minority areas’ such as Diqing. Tourism developers have taken advantage of this trend, and represent Diqing as an exotic ‘Shangri-La’,
a place where people live in harmony with nature. Though its purpose is largely commercial, the mythologising game played by bureaucrats and entrepreneurs has consequences for how Diqing is understood as a ‘minority’ area, and a ‘Tibetan’ area in particular. This further affects the meanings that local Tibetans attach to the place where they
live.
Inner morphology in the verbal domain in the Tibetan
language
Irina N. Komarova
The majority of verbs in the modern Tibetan language has a paradigm of two or three
forms, which differentiate the present, past and future tenses. The verbs in the modern
Tibetan language have complicated grammatical forms. These forms are produced by the
combinations of synthetic and analytical means of which synthetic ones are of particuliar
interest to us here. In this context vowel and consonantal alternations of phonemes and
also tonemes alternations within temporal forms of the verb stems will mainly be discussed below.
The morphonological description aims at discovering of regular morphemic alternations.
Within the bounds of tense category there are binominal opposition, expressed by
the verbal stems:
1) present–future tense vs. past tense:
/u – y/: ku ‘steal, will steal’ vs. ky?4 ‘stole’;
2) present tense vs. future–past tense: /o – a/: ny?4 ‘‘want’ vs. nya ‘will want’, ‘wanted’.
This morphonological phenomenon is of typological value. Thus the distribution of
the vowel and consonantal phonemes with relation to the so-called grades of alternation
may be presented as follows:
Vowels representing two grades of alternations in temporal verbal stems:
/e – a/. kem1 – kam4 – kam1 ‘to dry’;
Vowels may represent three alternation grades:
/e – e – a/: qe?3, – qe?3 – qa2 ‘to make’;
The regularity of vowel alternations is based on the articulatory vowel rows: front –
back /i – u/, /e – o/ and back – front /o – f/, /u – y/. For example:
front–back /i – u/: zin2– sung2 – sung2 ‘to hold’, ‘to grasp’;
back–front /o – f/: ko2 – kf?3 – ko2 ‘to catch illness’, ‘to be infected’;
Consonants in the Tibetan language may have only two alternation grades:
/t – th/ te?3 – the?3 – te?3, ‘to follow’;
thung/ – tung4 – tung1 ‘to drink’.
Essential changes of the consonant phonemes, which occur in the alternation, are as
follows: desaspiration, aspiration, voicedness, voicelessness, tone changes:
a) desaspiration: /c – z/ cong1 – zong4 – zong1 ‘to sell’.
b) aspiration: /p – ph/: po:2 – pho:2 – po:2 ‘to throw’.
c) voicedness: /ch – zh/: che:1 – che:1 – zhe2 ‘to separate’.
d) voicelessness: /zh – ch/: zhi2– chi?3 – ch2 ‘to ask questions’, ‘to inquire’.
e) These examples demonstrate that vowel and consonant alternations can be accompanied by tone alternations. The high level tone marked as tone 1, the low rising tone
– as tone 2, the rising–falling tone – as tone 3, the high falling tone– as tone 4:
/2 tone – 3 tone/ to2 – tf?3 – to2 ‘to risk’;
/1 tone – 4 tone/ kol – ko?4 – ko1 ‘dig out’, ‘to carve’.
Although in the Tibetan phonological system consonant phonemes outnumber of
vowel phonemes, vowel alternation are more frequent than consonant alternations. Verbs
of certain groups have only one form because tense forms present, past and future) are
not distinct, for example: sum2 (present, past, future) ‘to be closed’, hlung1 (present, past,
future) ‘to fall’.
It should be noted that in many cases the identical phonetic word structures have
different graphic forms.
As it was shown above, consonant, vowel and tone alternations (the inner inflection)
in the Tibetan verbal stems participate in production of morphological forms. This inner
morphology may serve the only indication of the temporal opposition in the same way as
in classical Tibetan. In modern Tibetan the synthetic type of form–building exists along
with the analytical type.
The architecture of the empty shells of Nyar-ma
Gerald Kozicz
The monastic complex of Nyar-ma in the Indus Valley near Shey is considered to be one
of the foundations of Rin-chen-bzang-po and the origin of the site is therefore dated around
1000 A.D. The site consists of five temples and about a dozen of chötens within a rectangular wall, of which today only parts of two sides are recognisable. Today the complex
seems to be in ruins, as the roofs, including the support constructions and the wooden
door constructions were removed. The wall paintings and sculptures which have been
exposed to weather and rain, are almost completely destroyed. When Snellgrove and
Skorupski visited the site in the 1970s, they referred to the buildings of Nyar-ma as “empty
earthen shells”. This point of view, which is based on the art historian interest in decorative arts such as sculpture, painting and wood carving, completely ignored the information about the architectural practice of Second Diffusion of Buddhism, which is still provided by this monastic complex. Therefore research has been undertaken in two respects.
First, especially because of its devastated state, the buildings of Nyar-ma allow the
analysis of building technologies such as brick laying, the construction methods for foundations and the different layers of plaster. Where the plaster is missing, joints can be
investigated. Second, an analysis was carried out on layout and orientation, i.e. a) influences of topography and the sun path, b) patterns of space organisation within the compound and c) proportions, in order to identify geometric criteria for the design and relations to iconometry. In terms of site layout, two geometrical grids could be identified, one
referring to the cardinal points, and a second grid, including the surrounding wall, which
does not follow the cardinal paints. The site layout is a superimposition of these grids
and has a higher complexity than other compounds like e.g. Tabo or the Alchi Chos ’khor.
Most attention was paid to the biggest temple at the northern part of the enclave. This
building is almost identical to the Tabo Main Temple. It is bigger in size and the ambulatory has three niches, which makes the design even more elaborate. By means of exact
plans and analysis it will be possible to show the influence of structural necessities as
well as iconometric patterns and proportions on the architectural design practices of the
2nd Diffusion of Buddhism.
Klimburg-Salter, Deborah (1997), Tabo – A Lamp for the Kingdom, Milano.
Snellgrove, David L. and Tadeusz Skorupski (1980), The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh, Vol. 1, Warminster.
sTag tshaº Lotsaba on the status of pram›˚a studies
Helmut Krasser
In a stimulating paper David Jackson has discussed the view of modern scholars regarding the “question of Pram›˚a’s spiritual significance and soteriological utility”. There he
argued against interpretations by Western scholars that consider the Tibetan tradition’s
own understanding of epistemology and logic (tshad ma, pram›˚a) as being a “secular” or
“non-Buddhist” field of knowledge (rig gnas, vidy›sth›na). Apart from the view of Sa
skya Pandita (1182–1251), Jackson also drew on the Sa skya master sTag tshaº Lots›ba
⁄es rab rin chen’s (1405-?) treatment of this topic in his Rig gnas kun es. This text was not
at that time available to Jackson, and his discussion was based on such quotations as are
found in the Bai durya g.ya’ sel of the dGe lug pa scholar sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya
mtsho (1653–1705). As in the meanwhile the Rig gnas kun Ÿes has become available, this
lecture will focus on sTag tshaº Lots›ba’s understanding of the status of tshad ma.
An exchange of letters between the Manchu emperor Hong
Taiji and A mes zhabs, the abbot of Sa skya
Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp
The early Tangut /Mongol – Sa skya connection was invoked in the early 1640s in two
items of correspondence that survive between A mes zhabs Ngag dbang kun dga’ bsod
nams (1597–1659), Sa skya’s twenty-eighth abbot from 1617 to 1653, and Hong Taiji (r.
1626–1643), the Taizong Emperor of the Manchu state. The letter by A mes zhabs is extant
in Mongol, Hong Taiji’s in Chinese and Tibetan. The essay seeks to provide some background information to these two letters. They were written in very turbulent times. The
year 1637 effectively marks the beginning of the campaign Gushri Qan Bstan ’dzin chos
kyi rgyal po (1582–1654) of the Qoshot Mongols and Bsod nams rab brtan of the Dga’
ldan pho brang launched against Karma bstan skyong dbang po of Bsam grub rtse and
his allies. The campaign ended in 1642 with the conquest of Bsam grub rtse and the death
of Karma bstan skyong dbang po.
The descent of gNya’-khri bTsan-po – an early version of the
myth
Per Kvaerne
In a paper presented in 1992, Samten Gyaltsen Karmay discussed a version of the myth of
the descent of gNya’-khri bTsan-po to Tibet found in the lDe’u chos ’byung. This mythic
narrative, coming at the end of a complex theogony, was by far the most elaborate version of the myth known at the time.
A related and no less complex version is found in the unpublished Grags pa rin chen
gling grags, of which I have completed a translation, based on three manuscripts. A study
of this version of the gNya’-khri bTsan-po myth reveals interesting variants among its
constituent elements. Brief comparisons with other and more well-known versions will
also be made, and an attempt will be made to place the myth in a broader historicoreligious context.
Dynamics of development on the Tibetan Plateau
Gabriel Lafitte
No comprehensive account is as yet available on the dynamics of modernisation on the
Tibetan Plateau. Given the size, administrative fragmentation and diversity of the plateau, this is not surprising. We now do have many small-scale studies, by development
agencies as well as social scientists, of the livelihoods, indicators of human well being,
and economic opportunities of rural Tibetans and urban centres of capital accumulation.
These enable a tentative political economy model to be proposed.
China has attempted the industrialisation of Tibet for 50 years, and only in the Tsaidam
Basin has it succeeded. Elsewhere enterprise losses are chronic, subsidies are enormous,
dependence on external inputs overwhelming, while the subsistence economy has not
been strengthened or integrated with the enclave economy.
Many Tibetans now wonder if such state failure is systemic, indicative of a dysfunctional model that fails to consider the basic realities. The most fundamental reality is that
nearly all the plateau is an extensive land use zone in which sustainable productivity is
best maintained by traditional community based economic organisation, amid a dispersed
population. The structural distortions resulting from chronic dependence on subsidies,
the failure of industrialisation, the underinvestment in rural production, education, health
and food security, all suggest a policy that, after 50 years, is questionable. Fresh policy
directions are needed.
This paper examines a growing convergence of ideas between Chinese and Tibetan
economists and development policy planners. Tibetan economists and development planners are now enunciating alternative models. The new approach is based on adding value
to subsistence production, reinstituting traditional community based organisations responsible for natural risk management decision making, and strengthening the mobility
required for sustainability, rangeland productivity and biodiversity conservation. These
Tibetan models are based on the comparative advantages of the subsistence economy,
and are a ground-up, farmer first approach. Comparative advantage now includes new
factors, such as the perception among high income Chinese urban consumers that yoghurt, cheese, leather and wool are fashionable and in much demand.
Chinese policy makers are shifting towards seeing Tibet as a water source rather
than an extractive zone. Chinese economists increasingly question whether the standard
emphasis on industrialisation, in large and small urban centres, is a policy suited to remote regions. This policy has been standard for 50 years, through all major policy shifts,
and is meant to foster not only growth and wealth creation, but also employment and
poverty alleviation. Alternative policies emphasise the gains to be made by adding value
to subsistence products, investment in education and basic human services, and targeted
poverty alleviation designed to maintain the mobility of extensive land users.
Within a political economy approach, several models offer possible explanations of
the dynamics of modern Tibetan development. It may be premature to suggest a master
narrative encompassing the past 50 years, especially if such a model is to account for the
persistent failure of a development state to attain its developmental goals in Tibet. Yet we
can test some hypotheses: the geographic and ecological determinist models based in
physical sciences, the evolutionary models of neoliberal economic transition theory, the
dependency theory model drawn from colonial experience worldwide. It may be that
none of these models fit what we know.
We may now tentatively depict the experience of the past 50 years as the creation of
a modern extractive enclave economy superimposed on a pre-existing subsistence
economy, so far with remarkable few linkages between two spatially separate economies.
One is the modern urban economy, which is both capital intensive and labour intensive,
reliant on external inputs, and highly localised spatially. The other is extensive, starved
of capital and short of labour, and persists in subsistence mode, unconnected to the urban
economy and socially excluded from the human service that are delivered only to urban
areas and those enjoying urban incomes.
The major change of the past 50 years is the imposition from above of spatial inequality, of wealth concentrated in enclaves and poverty spread across the hinterlands.
Within the enclaves there are few industries, fewer profitable enterprises, and employment is concentrated in tertiary sectors of administration, logistics and maintaining the
presence of the distant state. In the vast hinterland malnutrition, poverty, rangeland degradation, deprivation, social exclusion and deteriorating productivity are pervasive. This
spatial inequality is not development, nor a stage in a natural evolution towards development.
A discussion on the honorific verses to gods and spirits in
King Gesar narratives
Lan Quejia
One: Definition of the honorific verse
The so-called honorific verse here refers to the verse that the narrators sing about gods,
local deities, and religious protectors at the beginning. This verse includes singing about
jewel (konchok); sing about Buddhist deities; protectors of Bon religion; singing about
gods, dragon and Nyan; singing about local deities; singing about white, black and stripe
creatures (Thesrang karnaktra). The way of placing the different honorific verses indicates the emotional attitudes of the narrators towards a particular addressee.
Two: Functions of the honorific verse
Gesar story includes starting, worship, recognizing location, describing oneself, main
body of the story and ending. The honorific verse is one the most important contents of
the story, which carries unique art characteristics by combining with other parts.
Three: The main contents of the honorific verses
Since Tibetans commonly believe in religion, religion becomes the foundation of all
thoughts and behaviors. The honorific verses in Gesar story are also reflections of religious belief. The writers, narrators and listeners of Gesar story get satisfaction of their
belief by expressing and enjoying their artistic work.
Four: The artistic characteristics of the honorific verse
The honorific verses of Gesar story generated from social life, where people worship
gods and protectors. The honorific verses are not copies of social activities. They have
slightly been changed according to the content and artistic reasons of story, according
personalities of different roles in the story. For instance, singing about Tatrin marpo and
Ludolba nakpo in order to express wrathful personality of a role; sing about Manjushuri
(Jamyang) and white Tara to express a peaceful and compassionate personality of a role.
Besides these, the honorific verse also carries some characteristics – which cannot be found
in other parts of the story such as beauty of Nyannga.
A newly discovered old perspective drawing of Lhasa
Knud Larsen
During a stopover in Kathmandu in September 2002, in a curio shop, I came across an old
drawing which clearly showed the centre of Old Lhasa. The drawing was in bad shape
and was in the process of being eaten up by insects and cracking into pieces. It is an ink
drawing on Chinese bamboo paper with application of watercolour and gold paint (on
sacred roves). The main roof of Jokhang has a layer of leaf gold in relief. The dimension is
50 x 66 cm. The type of perspective is Western. It is a rather naturalistic representation of
Central Lhasa around Jokhang seen from South West.
The type of drawing is unique. I have in my research for representations of Old Lhasa
for my book* never come across anything similar. However, a large thangka in the Ryukoko
University in Kyoto depicts Old Lhasa in the same type of perspective from the same
viewpoint.
My first thought was that my drawing could be the original sketch, done on location,
while the thangka, as the final result, could have been executed in Kathmandu. However
the drawing is much more detailed than the thangka and there are interesting differences
in the shape of buildings. The drawing is therefore hardly the “blueprint” for the thangka,
but what is then their relationship?
* “The Lhasa Atlas”, Tibetan Traditional Architecture and Townscape, Serindia 2001 (co-authored with Amund
Sinding-Larsen).
Fragments of pram›˚a texts preserved in Tabo Monastery
Horst Lasic
During the last two decades research on Western Himalaya has acquired a new momentum. This development was initiated by Deborah Klimburg-Salter, Ernst Steinkellner and
Helmut Tauscher, all affiliated with the University of Vienna. Their initial research in
Western Himalaya was confined to the fields of Art History and Philology. They were
soon successful in finding international researchers to join them in their effort. During
the next years not only the number of collaborators but also the fields of research increased and became more specialized, ultimately comprising research on oral traditions,
architecture, manuscripts, inscriptions and art history. The different projects are now incorporated into an interdisciplinary research unit dedicated to the cultural history of
Western Himalaya.
In the beginning the focus was set on Tabo Monastery in the Spiti Valley in Himachal
Pradesh. In 1989 research on manuscripts began when Helmut Tauscher, in charge of the
philological investigation, took part in the first expedition to Tabo. Dunng the following
years the overwhelmingly large number of unsorted manuscript folios of evidently high
historical value that were found there have been examined, regrouped into manuscript
units and documented in situ. A greater part of them have also been photographed. The
primary collaborators in this work have been Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Paul Harrison,
Christoph Cüppers and Helmut Tauscher.
A catalogue, compiled by Cristina Scherrer-Schaub and Paul Harrison and due to be
published in the near future, will provide scholars with a means of systematically approaching the filmed material, essential for studies concerned with the history of the
individual texts and groups of texts as well as of the history of the Tibetan bKa’ ’gyur and
bsTan ’gyur as a whole.
The present paper will focus on a particular group of texts found in Tabo, namely the
Tibetan translations of Sanskrit texts belonging to the so-called logicmepistomological
tradition within Buddhism, which started in India with Dign›ga and Dharmakırti. Tibetan scholars started to produce translations of texts belonging to this highly complicated genre at an unexpectedly early date, and twenty-five or so are already mentioned
in the lDan kar catalogue.
Manuscript fragments of Dharmakırti’s Pram›˚av›rttika, his own V¸tti on the
anum›na chapter, ⁄›kyabuddhi’s commentary Pram›˚av›rttika˛ık›, Dharmakırt’s
Sambandhaparık˝› together with his own V¸tti thereon, Vinıtadeva’s Sambandhaparık˝›˛ık›, Vinitadeva’s Ny›yabindu˛ık›, and of Dharmottara’s commentary of the same
title have been found in Tabo Monastery. An examination of these fragments will try to
find clues to determine the historical position of these manuscripts in the development of
the bsTan ’gyur.
Dzödge Nyima and Ngylra Lhade’s tribal council formed in
late 1780s
Lha mchog gyal
Both Dzödge Nyima and Ngylra Lhade in Kanlho were the parts of eight Lhade in Labrang
monastery. Before the democratic reform, a tribal council system was practiced, which
was different from the feudal system.
One: Definition of tribal council
All the affairs were decided by agreement of administrative leaderships.
Two: The members and their responsibilities in the council
Highest leader, called Labrang Gopa, was elected from the eighty servants (Zhabchi) of
Labrang. Under the Labrang Gopa, there was an organization, called Gurgangpo, formed
by nine people coming from different groups and permitted by Jamyang Zhalpa. Under
this leadership, there are various lower leveled leaders such as Gope Garkor, Godardzin.
These leaders also have their own responsibilities.
Three: Regulations of the tribal council
This regulation was like a law, where the responsibilities, election, terms and selection of
the council were described; these regulations also functioned as a base for judging a case
of crime, and described the responsibilities of Chozhi of Labrang monastery.
Four: The political effect of the tribal council
The system of the tribal council was quite democratic, and members of the council had
freedom of act, and the tax is very low. At the same time, the council had very strong
supporters outside of the council. Therefore, people, such as who got political problems
in Gansu and Sichuan, who used to live under depression of Mabufang, who used to
have poor life condition, and who would like to work for a community, jointed the Labrang
Lhade. Labrang became famous in the Tibetan area, particularly in the area of Dome, and
gradually became a centre for religious and secular affair.
Tibetan studies in China today
Lhagpa Phuntshogs
I.
The Course of the Evolution of Tibetology in P. R. China
II. The Present Situation of China’s Tibetological Cause
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Organizations.
Personnel.
Publications.
Conferences.
Works.
International exchange.
III. Several basic characteristics of China’s Tibetology from 1949
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
The secularisation of the main body engaged in Tibetological studies.
The popularisation of research content.
The modernization of the canıers of studies.
Scientism of theories in Tibetological studies.
The variety of methodology in the studies.
The expansion of the field of study.
The research contingents are open towards various ethnic groups and different professional groups.
IV. Several characteristics of China’s Tibetology Today
1.
2.
3.
4.
The purposes of the Tibetological studies will become clearer. The purposes in making researches are all for application, i.e. for applying the research achievements into
the great practice of the Tibetan people in their construction of their new life and
marching towards a new era, into the great practice of serving the ethnic Tibetan
society’s progress and development, the Tibetan people’s well-being and happiness,
the ethnic Tibetan culture’s development and prosperity, not only for today, but also
for the long-term future.
China’s Tibetological researchers become younger, more competent professionally
and further modernised.
The trend in internal cooperation and coordination within China’s Tibetological circles further speed up.
The theories of the discipline of China’s Tibetology are further established, the academic thinking become further active and brisk, the research methods and means
5.
6.
further modernized, the quality and ability of the contingent as a whole is improved
and increased effectively.
China’s Tibetological studies develop in depth, the fields of studies become more
extensive, the degree of depth in these studies changes greatly, the achievements of
studies are more noticeable.
Along with the steps of the economic globalization are speeding up, the trend that
China’s Tibetology march towards the world is becoming more obvious, the contacts
and exchange activities with Tibetological circles in various countries are carried out
more extensively and deeply.
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Dus rabs bco brgyad pa’i lo rabs brgyad cu ba nas ‘go tshugs
pa’i mdzod dge nyin ma dang dngul rwa lha sde’i gur gang
boi lam lugs la cung zad dpyad pa
(Dzödge Nyima and Ngulra Lhade’s tribal council formed in
the late 1780s)
Lha mchog rgyal
Both Dzödge Nyima (mDzod dge nyi ma) and Ngulra Lhade (dNgul rwa lha sde) in
Kanlho were the parts of eight lhade (lha-sde) in Labrang monastery. Before the democratic reforms, the local administration comprised a tribal council system that was different from the feudal system.
1. The definition of a “tribal council”, in which all affairs were decided by agreement
of administrative leaderships
2. The members and their responsibilities in the council
The highest leader, called Labrang Gopa (‘go ba), was elected from the eighty “servants” (zhabs phyi) of Labrang. Under the Labrang Gopa, there was an organization, called
Gurgangpo, that consisted of nine people from different groups and permitted by Jamyang
Zhalpa. Under this leadership, there are various lower leveled leaders such as Gope Garkor,
Godardzin. These leaders also have their own responsibilities.
3. Regulations of the tribal council
This regulation was like a law, where the responsibilities, election, terms and selection of the council were laid down; these regulations also functioned as a base for judging
criminal cases, and specified the responsibilities of the Chozhi of Labrang monastery.
4. The political effect of the tribal council
The system of the tribal council was quite democratic, and members of the council
had considerable freedom. Moreover, taxes were very low. At the same time, the council
had very strong external support. Consequently, people who lived under the oppressive
rule of the warlord Ma Bufang in Gansu and Sichuan and ran into political difficulties
would often join the Labrang Lhade. Labrang became famous in the Tibetan area, particularly in the area of Dome, and gradually became a centre for religious and secular
affairs.
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Comparison of historical works and archaeological field
research on Zhang-zhung studies
Dondrup Lhagyal
This presentation is trying to study what are accounting concerning on Zhang-zhung
and its culture in well-known Tibetan and Chinese historians. On the basis of that study
the presentation is showing what were actually found during two months archaeological
field work on Zhang-zhung study in Northern Tibet and Western Tibet, namely Byangthang and stod-mnga’-ris. It is using both comparison of historical accounts and modern
archaeological fieldwork on the topic and analysing the main feature of zhang-zhung
and its culture.
The presentation is consisting of three chapters. Chapter one is review on Zhangzhung studies. In this chapter I shall point out what have been done on Zhang-zhung
study and analyse the study methods have been using. In Chapter two, I shall analyse in
the accounts of Zhang-zhung that are accounted in both Tibetan and Chinese historians.
In this chapter, I use many important Tibetan and Chinese historical works. Those Tibetan works are analysed into two categories namely Bonpo works and those of Buddhist. Through comparing between Bonpo works and Buddhist one shows the main differences of the accounts in the two historians. Especially showing various features of
Zhang-zhung in the different works that composed in different periods by Bonpo authors. Then showing that Zhang-zhung described in Tibetan works is proved as a historical concept by Chinese documents. Chapter three is analysing the main characteristic of
zhang-zhung and its culture through comparison of historical accounts and the result of
field research on the topic. In this chapter I am describing and analysing what I found in
Northern and Western Tibetan plateau during two months field work, then comparing
historical accounts and field research on Zhang-zhung and try to showing the Zhangzhung and its cultural characters.
In short, through the article showing the Zhang-zhung research has to basis on both
historical works and field research. And field research has to include two part namely
finding important archaeological sites and local oral history.
Modeling Tibetan rural urbanisation: the case study of
Naiqiong village in the past twenty years
Li Tao
Urbanisation is not only the inevitable trend of the world’s economic development, but
also one essential activator factor for such development. This essay is to study the author’s recommended way for rural urbanisation of Tibet featuring unique natural, historical and cultural characteristics on the Roof of the World.
The project serves as part of the Study on Socio-cultural Changes and Urbanization process in Ethnic Areas of Sichuan and Tibet – a Ninth Five-year-plan project supported by the
National Foundation for Social Sciences. It started in the early 90s and was completed on
the basis of the field studies in Naiqiong village respectively in 1991, 1993, 1996, 2001 and
2002.
One of the six villages in the Naiqiong town, Duilong Deqing country, Lhasa, Tibet,
Naiqiong is about 12 km from downtown Lhasa and a few km to the county town. We
analyze the urban progress in the last 20 years – the transformation of the traditional way
of production, the farmers’ way of living, the formation of the rural urbanization concept, the construction of social and community orders. This essay aims to reveal that
Tibet differs from inland and coastal China in the land-and-human struggle and grounds
of economic takeoff. Tibet should, instead of copying the coastal model of “building factories in all villages and townships”, solve the problem of population which is destroying the environment to some degree, and drastically the urbanisation model in small
towns. This model should be distinguished fro the typical Asian “Kostadesasi” mode, by
proposing a Tibetan rural urbanisation model featuring conservation of traditional culture, development of local eco-tourist and human resources, and concentrated rural urbanization in medium-sized towns.
The wall paintings of Guru lHa-khang, Phyi-dbang castle,
central Ladakh
Erberto Lo Bue
This paper is meant to draw attention to the wall paintings in the small temple of Guru
lHa-khang, at the foot of the ruined castle of Phyi-dbang, Central Ladakh. Erberto Lo Bue
first drew attention to these paintings in an article published in Oriental Art in 1985/86
and has visited the chapel twice since. Its iconographic programme is composite: it certainly relates to the figure of Rin-chen-bzang-po and to its spiritual lineage, but also to
the ’Brug-pa tradition as well as to the figure of Ma-gcig, as well as that of Padmasambhava.
The author discusses the relationship among the various iconographic themes illustrated
in the chapel, attempts to relate them to the lay and royal figures with inscriptions portrayed therein, and eventually tries to contextualize them stylistically through comparison with wall paintings in temples at A-lci and in the caves at Sa-spol, as well as in a
temple at Nyo-ma, in Eastern Ladakh.
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Srid pa’i mdzod phug dang chos mngon par mdzod kyi dpyad
zhib (Srid pa’i mdzod phug and Abhidharmakosa)
Geshe Lodoe Rabsal Gatsa
There are different definitions of mdzod in Tibet that are mainly based on two mdzod: the
Tibetan version of Srid pa’i mdzod phug taught by Tonpa Shenrab and the Tibetan version
of Abhidharma written by Dbyig gnyen.
Srid pa’i mdzod phug was translated by Zhangzhung Stong rgyud mthu chen and
Tibetan Sha ri dbu chen between 967 B.C. and 683 B.C., while Abhidharma was translated
by the Indian scholar Jinamitra and the Tibetan translator Ban de Dpal rtsegs.
There are some differences between these two mdzod. Srid pa’i mdzod phug uses both
Zhangzhung language and Tibetan and separates the mdzod into seventy mdzod gnas in
accordance with the great vehicle, while Abhidharma uses only Tibetan and classifies Mdzod
into seven mdzod gnas. Moreover, according to the Kha che bye brag smra ba, Abhidharma
describes two truths and four truths.
One interesting point is that there are many more similarities between these two
mdzod, although they have different origins. I have even found that some of the sentences
and paragraphs in these two mdzod are exactly the same. In this present presentation, I
shall show more examples on the differences and similarities and further state my own
suggestions about these two mdzod.
Dge ’dun chos ’phel’s History of Colonialism
Donald S. Lopez
Despite the fame (for different reasons) of his ’Dod pa’i bstan bcos and his Klu sgrub dgongs
rgyan, Dge ’dun chos ’phel considered the account of his travels, entitled Rgyal khams rig
pas bskor ba’i gtam rgyud gser gyi thang ma to be his most important work. It is by far his
longest work; its pages account for more than one half of his surviving writings. The
seventeenth and final chapter of the work is entitled simply Mjug rtsom and was apparently written in 1939 while he was living in Sri Lanka. In this chapter, Dge ’dun chos ’phel
surveys a wide range of topics, including the arrival of the Portuguese in India; the European slave trade; Christian missionaries in India; the character of the British; the meetings of Bogle and Pan chen Blo bzang ye shes; the practice of sati; the rise of new religions
in India under the British, (including Theosophy and the Ramakrishna Mission); and
Gandhi and the Indian independence movement. He also devotes a long section to “science” and its compatibility with Buddhism, before concluding with a discussion of the
remnants of Buddhism in India. As usual, the author does not hesitate to offer his own
opinion on any topic and to provide advice to his fellow Tibetans. This paper will provide a survey and brief analysis of the final chapter of what Dge ’dun chos ’phel regarded
as his most important work.
Tibetan identity: marginality and hybridity within the
transnational Tibetan community
Losang Rabgey
It has been widely noted that anthropology as a discipline has passed through a moment
of considerable epistemological anxiety (Marcus and Fisher 1986; Kuper 1999). The
Geertzian hermeneutic turn pushed many anthropologists towards a more humanistic
approach to social science and, in so doing, made the discipline more vulnerable to the
deconstructive mood that overtook humanities departments throughout the 1980s and
1990s. But while the critical turn toward text led to much disciplinary introspection and
important illuminating insights, there is a growing sense that the abandonment of political economy that this approach represents is now unacceptable. In Micaela di Leonardo’s
recent indictment of contemporary American anthropology, it is argued that anthropology ‘has isolated culture from power and, as a result, from the processes and changes of
history itself (l998: xi). American anthropology has ‘gone wrong’ because too often it
forgets that one cannot understand a culture without understanding its political economy.
To talk about political economy, and issues of power more generally, is to take seriously epistemological frames other than what travels under the sign of poststructuralism
or postmodernism. It is in this spirit that I take as my primary object of study the concrete
and gendered manifestations of power in women’s everyday lives. Feminist theory and
analysis provide the key tools with which to examine women’s struggles, their engagement with and embracing of social change and new opportunities. Earlier feminists forefronted the need to make visible and theorize gender oppression, in part by clearing
space for a radical critique of theory-building and, indeed, of entire disciplines. At the
same time, an ethnographic account of these particular women’s lived experiences demonstrates the need to work toward a feminist theory that engages with discourses on
agency/resistance, nationalism/transnationalism, and identity/representation.
Within this context, then, this paper includes a focus on political economy and begins to address some of the complexity of Tibetan identity by examining marginality and
hybridity within the transnational Tibetan community. The process of en-gendering Tibet, educing an understanding of gender construction and notions of the feminine, begins to give voice to women, a key subaltern in Tibetan society. This paper examines how
culturally scripted practices of gender and power differently shape women and men.
Women’s responses to, and narrativization of, these practices lead to an exploration of
how women assimilate, accommodate and resist gendered norms. The unprecedented
rate of social change in the Tibetan diaspora necessitates an examination of the implications of transnational diasporization for women’s self-identification. From daily life observations ant oral life narratives emerge accounts of both the agency and subordination
women experience in diaspora.
I engage theoretical discussions of gender, nation, diaspora and the body through an
ethnographic account of the lives of ‘ordinary’ Tibetan women – non-elite laywomen – in
a specific historical moment. Now numbering approximately 130,000, the diaspora originated when thousands fled the plateau after an unsuccessful uprising against Chinese
occupation. Since the formation of the diaspora in 1959, Tibetans now live in widely dispersed locations across the Indian subcontinent, the West and other parts of the world.
While they have struggled for and gained a measure of access to the global media, the
diaspora population remains minuscule. Tibetans live in settlements of farming villages,
nunneries, monasteries, boarding schools, former colonial hill stations as well as major
international urban centres. I engage in this theoretical exploration through an ethnographic account of the lives of ‘ordinary’ Tibetan women from two sites. These women
are laywomen, mostly in their sixties and older, from the ordinary classes living in diaspora.
The first site, Bylakuppe, is a refugee settlement in south India with approximately
12,000 Tibetans, most of whom are maize farmers located a few hours drive from Bangalore
and Mysore beyond, Bylakuppe is the largest of all the Tibetan settlements in India, in
part because of the influx of new refugees to the largest local monastery of Sera Second
site is Toronto, Canada’s largest and one of the most cities, It is home to one of the first
waves of Tibetan migrants to be settled in the west, and a new larger wave of migrants.
Whether working in south Indian cornfields or Toronto office towers, an ongoing engagement with change by Tibetan women from both locations indicates a shared
transnational space of culturally scripted meanings and political economy. This study
then opens a critical space for the discussion of transnational feminism and Buddhist
concepts in rethinking the categories of woman and selfhood in Tibetan society.
On the iconography of thangkas dedicated to the
Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala
Christian Luczanits
Two years ago I discovered that there are also numerous Central Tibetan thangka paintings dedicated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala. These paintings are part of a series of at least
five where each is dedicated either to the centre or a quarter of the mandala. As the main
deities on these paintings are the regular Jinas (the five Buddhas) the relevant thangka
have not yet been accurately identified and differentiated from other depictions of the
five Jinas. As I have briefly noted in the case of the first example of this that I discovered
and published in a review article, one has to differentiate between those paintings which
depict the five Buddhas with the secondary Bodhisattvas displayed symmetrically and
with only the standing figures individualised, and those where all secondary Bodhisattvas
clearly convey an iconographic meaning by being individualized. To date, 27 such paintings from different museums and private collections have been identified, documented
and subjected to preliminary analysis.
The thangka paintings allow the development of the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala to be followed far beyond the examples preserved in early western Himalayan art. As preliminary analysis reveals, these paintings display different iconographic compositions which
are certainly the result of the differences in the context in which they were created and
the development in their usage. Although the context in which the paintings of the four
quarters of the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala were created is still unclear – these thangkas, for example, do not allow any inference as to which Tibetan school(s) initiated their making
and thus continued the tradition of this Yoga Tantra topic – a way of resolving this matter
is already becoming clear.
During my visit to the Musée Guimet in Paris (1–9/612W2) representations of the
complete Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala were researched in detail. This collection is extremely informative because it contains four different versions of the same mandala of different
Tibetan schools which can be clearly identified. Thus, comparison of the iconography of
full mandala representation with those where only quarters are represented in detail will
allow associations to be established and the respective context to be differentiated.
In general, extending the scope beyond western Himalayan art allows the development of this particular theme to be followed up to our times. Complementary research on
later textual sources may also reveal changes in the usage of the theme and/or the differences in usage between the different schools and their interrelationship.
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Gnam ri srong bstan gyi lo rgyus go gnas
(Namri Songtsan’s Position in Tibetan History)
Lumbumjie
1.
Based on the standard Tibetan history books, Lde’u chos byung, Lha brag chos byung,
Deb ther sngon po, and Deb ther dmar po, I shall discuss how these scholars ignored
Namri Songtsan’s achievements and deeds owing to sectarian beliefs.
2.
1). During the early 6th century when sTag ri gnyan gzigs was in power, Sumpa had
unified all the kingdoms around Lhasa River and the other four sides. In terms of
military and economy, Sumpa was much more powerful than the Spu-rgyal, which
was located in the Yarlung area. Since it was difficult to conquer Sumpa by force,
Namri Songtsan used the conflict between the King and ministers (blon-po) of Sumpa
that manifested furing the time of his father, to pave the way for the unification of
Tibet.
2) Besides conquering most of the petty kingdoms into Spu-rgyal, Namri Songtsan
paid close attention to the economic development of Tibet. Even Drugu, in the northwest of his sphere of influence, respected him as their own king.
3) In addition to recognising the loyalty and achievements of his own ministers, Namri
Songtan also showed respect towards ministers from neighbouring principalities who
sought refuge in his realm. This enabled him to acquire many excellent ministers
such as the Myang, Dba’s and Mnon clans, who were instrumental in unifying the
country. 4). While there was little discord among the ministers such as Khyung po
spung sad and Myang Dba’s, the king also brought an end to entrenched rivalries
between his old ministers. This made it possible to divert all his energy into the
construction of the kingdom.
3.
The unification of Tibet must be considered one of the most important achievements
of Namri Songtsan, and he should be seen as the founder of the ruling dynasty.
A study on the size of the Han Chinese population living in
Tibetan areas and the TAR
Luorong Zhandui
This paper will focus the study on the quantity of the Han Chinese people from outside
TAR (Tibetan Autonomous Region) in present and the population change in other Tibetan areas in past 10 years. As a Tibetan economist, the author of this paper has made a
Long time field study about the nationality population structure in many Tibetan areas in
past 10 years. So the study will mainly depend on the case study the author made in TAR
and the latest data the author collected form the Tibetan areas. Beside the materials the
author personally collected from Tibetan communities, this paper will certainly use many
other reference materials such as the latest national census made by Chinese government
in 2000, some related research paper written by west scholars and the Tibetan scholars in
exile and news given by west medias.
By the comparative studies on such a sensitive topic and the author’s personal experience in TAR and other Tibetan areas, this paper will draw an orbit about the development of the Tibetan population of China. One more aim of this paper is to expose the
truth about the change of the nationality population structure in TAR in past 10 years.
Tibetan literary life and activities in the Yunnan Tibetan areas
(1980–2002)
Lara Maconi
In May 2002, the Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House published a Tibetan translation
of the novel Lost Horizon, James Hilton’s classic of 1933 (its subsequent film adaptation
was in 1937) which contributed largely to the construction of the Western ‘myth of Tibet’
through the invention of the word and world of Shangri-La. The Tibetan version of Hilton’s
novel in the PRC, has come after a series of successful Chinese translations of this type of
Western ‘myth-making’ literature on Tibet throughout the late 1990s. The publication of
all these translations in the PRC is not innocent. As is written in the introduction of the
Tibetan version of Lost Horizon, Hilton’s novel is meant to further implement the new
Chinese tourist policy in the Yunnan Tibetan areas, and to legitimise the subsequent renaming of bDe-chen county (Diqing zhou, in Diqing Tibetan autonomous prefecture) as
Shangri-La county (Xianggelila zhou). Now that Mythos Tibet has finally found its location in Yunnan, the Yunnan Tibetan areas – which have traditionally represented the farthest south-eastern outskirts of the Tibetan cultural world – are supposed to become the
new attractive centres for all those people who are interested in experiencing ‘authentic’
Tibetan life. The Chinese tourist promotion of Shangri-La has put the Yunnan Tibetan
areas in the limelight.
The recent prolific and diverse Tibetological studies in the international arena, have
paid little attention to the specific evolution of Tibetan social and cultural life in the Yunnan
Tibetan areas. The fact that these traditionally belong to the greater Khams region does
not justify any underestimation of the importance and distinctiveness of local realities
here. All the more since the PRC partition of the Tibetan world into different provinces
does affect the evolution of Tibetan socio-cultural life in different ways according to different regions.
In this paper, on the basis of interviews with Tibetan writers and publishers carried
out during fieldwork in Yunnan Tibetan areas (September-October 2002), and through a
critical reading of an ensemble of literary publications collected on the field, I describe
and analyse modern Tibetan literary life and activities in Yunnan, mainly between 1980
and 2002. Besides presenting Tibetan writers and editors, their creative and editorial initiatives, according to their language of writing (Tibetan and/or Chinese), in different
areas in Yunnan, I focus on the specificities of the Tibetan literary world there, seen in a
comparative perspective with the other Tibetan worlds of literature in the PRC. I will pay
particular attention to literary relations among the different Tibetan cultural regions, both
in terms of contacts and common activities. My objective is to observe the present day
Yunnan Tibetan world of literature both in a Tibetan inter-national perspective, and against
the background of the changing weather of the PRC Yunnan economic and nationalities
policy.
The Baltistan movement and the emergence of Tibetan
identity in Baltistan today
Jan Magnusson
When you first come to hear about it, it sounds bewildering: “The emergence of Tibetan
identity in Baltistan today”. Until recently, Baltistan appeared to be completely Islamised.
There were no conspicuous traces of a Tibetan material culture, and Islamic influence in
local politics was strong. Local history told a story of Muslim descendance and rule. But
although the local population has been Muslim for generations and use the Urdu alphabet they speak an archaic dialect of Tibetan.
Language has formed an important part in a number of recent local projects intended
to raise awareness about Baltistan’s forgotten Tibetan past. They have been started by a
small group of mostly young and intellectual Balti male migrants, some of them even
believing that the survival of the Balti people as a nation is impossible without a break
with Pakistan and a union with Ladakh. Today, a visitor arriving in Baltistan’s municipality Skardu is met by an increasing number of signs written in Tibetan script. It is this
social process in contemporary Baltistan that is the subject of this paper.
’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa and the emergence of religious
orthodoxy and political hegemony under the dGe-lugs
Derek Maher
The lifetime of ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa (1648–1721) closely corresponds to the pivotal
period of Tibetan history between the conquest of Gushri Khan and the establishment of
dGe-lugs-pa political authority under the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1642 and the intervention
in Lhasa of the Manchu Dynasty in 1720. Moreover, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa stands at
the intersection of several of the key competing forces that influenced events during this
seminal time. His great importance within the dGe-lugs-pa School is signalled by the
very prestigious lineage of “pre-incarnations” constructed for him by his followers and
by the fact that he became a key target of criticism by scholars from other Schools. In this
paper, I will discuss the life of Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa in the context of these larger historical forces.
First of all, I will position him within the dGe-lugs-pa School, showing the unique
role he played in consolidating the tradition at a time when its political fortunes were in
the ascendant. Through his writings, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa worked to present a unified and coherent interpretation of Tsong-kha-pa’s system, surpassing his fellow textbook authors in the attempt to create philosophical consistency. Through these efforts, he
endeavored to fashion a sense of dGe-lugs-pa orthodoxy by responding to the various
Sa-skya and bKa’-rgyud critics of Tsong-kha-pa.
At the same time, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa represented a conservative element within
dGe-lugs that resisted the inter-sectarian syncretic tendencies of the Fifth Dalai Lama,
sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas-rgya-mtsho, and others within his own School. Along with the Second Panchen Lama, he worked to encourage the Sixth Dalai Lama to take on his vows
and to behave as a Dalai Lama, attempting to minimize the influence of the sDe-srid over
the youth. When he understood where events were leading, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa
gradually distanced himself from all of the figures who were seen as threatening the
purity of Tsong-kha-pa’s message.
Finally, because of his strong connections to his birthplace in A-mdo, ’Jam-dbyangsbzhad-pa also had particularly good relations with some Mongolian factions. This involved him in many of the gripping political dramas and power plays that unfolded in
Central Tibet during the first decade of the eighteenth century. He was close to the Qosot
Mongolian Hla-bzang Khan, who murdered the Regent, took over control of Central Tibet, and perhaps murdered the Sixth Dalai Lama. He had a long and important relationship with the leader of the other faction of the Qosot family, Erdenai Junang Khan, the
eventual Patron of ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa’s monastery in A-mdo. It is largely as a result
of ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa’s prestige among various Mongolians factions and the Qosot
Mongolians in particular, that the center of gravity of dGe-lugs shifted to the east, a circumstance that is vitally responsible for the prosperity of the School in the chaotic decades that were to follow.
A tantric rewriting of the history of China by mGon-poskyabs in the rGya-nag chos-’byung
Guilaine Mala
For specific reasons linked to the political circumstances of his time, the 18th-century
Mongol scholar mGon-po-skyabs, who was probably one of the best polyglots and polymaths of his time, was asked to write, in Tibetan, a History of Buddhism in China. He
completed it in 1736 under the title rGya-nag chos-’byung, ‘The Chronicle of Buddhism in
China’. This chronicle is unique in historical literature written in Tibetan, not only because it is the only work entirely devoted to the religious and worldly history of China,
but also because it seems to be the first to present a historical ‘montage’, which goes back
in time as far as to the period of the mythical kings and which, being carefully Buddhicised
ab initio, adapts perfectly to the Manchu Emperors.
The rGya-nag chos-’byung illustrates the Mongol supreme achievement in mastering
Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism, so much so that its author clearly intended to be the spokesman for all the upholders of the dGe-lugs-pa tradition.
The present paper addresses the following:
1.
It briefly describes the content of the three main parts of the Chronicle of Buddhism
in China and emphasizes its differences with the earlier Chapters on China written
in Tibetan.
2.
It explains what literary techniques mGon-po-skyabs uses to build up his setting,
and which Tantras and Mahayana Sutras allow him to encompass all tenets whatsoever within his Buddhist view.
3.
It examines the finality of mGon-po-skyabs’ elaborate construction and raises the
question of the intricate relationships between the Mongol and Tibetan Buddhists at
the Manchu Court.
Nine Great Translators: The transformation of a list and what
a difference it makes
Dan Martin
This paper concerns a group of translators said to have been active during the reign of
Emperor Khri-srong-lde-btsan known as the Nine Great Translators. My basic insight is
that the list has been transformed during the course of post-Imperial Tibetan history writing, by gradually eliminating ‘unknown’ names and by growing to encompass names of
translators that were probably in fact active during the early ninth century and not during the eighth. This would affect the datings of some canonical translation work, of course,
but more significantly, it appears to have consequences for our understanding of how the
historical traditions, consciously or not, made adjustments in their portrayals of the Imperial Period in order make them better conform to contemporary demands.
Blending the Sûtras with the Tantras: Maitrîpa’s role in the
formation of Sûtra Mah›mudr› in the Kagyu Schools
Klaus-Dieter Mathes
In defence of their p›ramit›-based pith-instructions which enable a beginner to work with
direct perceptions of the luminous nature of mind in a not specifically Tantric context,
Kagyu scholars usually refer to a cycle of Maitrîpa works called “free from mentally engaging” (Skt. Amanasik›ra) and the related works of his disciples, especially the
Tattv›vat›ra by Jñanakîrti and the Tattvadaßaka†îk› by Sahajavajra. These works reflect the
latest developments in Indian Buddhism, which may be characterized as a genuine attempt to incorporate the Tantric teachings of the Mah›siddhas into the more traditional
mainstream Mah›y›na. But why did these teachings remain so controversial in Tibet,
especially among the pre-eminent masters of the Sakya school?
It was not so much the free use of Tantric concepts such as “union into a pair” (zung
’jug), “luminosity” (’od gsal) or mah›mudr›, what made Maitrîpa’s amanusik›ra cyclc and
its Indian commentaries revolutionary, but the claim that the path of mah›mudr› meditation is already contained in the Sûtras in a hidden form, and that it is thus possible, and
even advisable, to follow the Tantric approach of directly cognizing luminosity on the
Sûtra level. In other words, what really became controversial, was the introduction of a
Sûtra-based path that was as direct and effective as Tantra, even without Tantric initiations and commitments.
It will be shown how Sahajavajra justifies such an approach by referring to the
Ratnagotravibhåga and the Avikalpapraveßadh›ra˚ı in his commentary on Maitrîpa’s
TattvadaŸaka.
The divine palaces of the Buddha: painted and sculptured
architectural frames in the Indo-Tibetan art of the Western
Himalaya
Marialaura di Mattia
In Indian Buddhist art, at least since Gandh›ra times, it is noticeable the use to enclose
Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and other prominent personages (grouping all together in a narrative scene, or singly) into architectural frames.
In the golden reliquary from Bîmar›n (Afghanistan), now in the British Museum, a
sequence of Buddhas, Hindu Gods, and devotees are indeed all contained within arched
niches. The architectural forms that appear on the Bîmar›n reliquary reflect the cultural
milieu in that region in those times. In fact, it shows a blend of Indian styles, as it is
evident in the pointed arched elements of each unit, recalling the caitya windows shaped
as ogival arches – later called gav›k˝a – recurrent in the Indian rock carved cave architecture, and in the Hellenistic inspired components, as the pillars that support the arches.
Similarly, in this synthetic survey of painted and sculptured architectural frames
found and examined in the ancient Western Himalayan temples, it is noticeable a blend
of styles, nevertheless each element harmoniously contributes to the composition of an
organic whole. The combination of different forms and patterns is more rich and complex in the Himalayan temples, if compared to the early specimens from India. In the
course of time, the Indian prototypes developed and became highly differentiated, according to the areas, the cultural-historical periods and the building materials. Hence,
the articulated architectural production of Buddhist India was reaped as a mature fruit
by the Tibetan artists, and combined with the local taste and traditions: then the various
styles were elaborated. Therefore, the representations of architecture enclosing divinities
can actually tell the history of the interweaving crossed influences that were covering,
like a precious net, the Western Himalayan regions.
Once searching for the Indian origins of the architectural framing, we are overwhelmed by a lot of specimens, mainly sculptured architectural frames, starting for in-
stance from the stûpa basement known as the “Double-headed eagle shrine” at Sirkap
(Taxila), to the fragment showing a devotee within a torana, from Butkara I (Sw›t), now in
the National Museum of Oriental Art of Rome, and so on.
However, observing a slab from Amar›vati, now in the British Museum, we can notice an interesting development: the Buddha figure is here surrounded by an elaborate
architectural structure, representing a stûpa, with basement and terraces populated and
enlivened by other figures.
Also in the façade of cave 19 at Ajanta, a sculpted stûpa surrounds the Buddha. Not
to speak about the interior of cave 26, where a complex stûpa structure accommodates a
seated Buddha. However, this last instance can be classifiable in a further category, on
account of its tri-dimensionality.
Anyway, two stelae of the P›la-Sena period from Vikramapura now respectively in
the Varendra Research Museum of Rajshahi and in the Dacca Museum, represent what
can be considered a further development, allowing us to trace a closer correction with
Himalayan art. Here the Buddha figures, presumably Ratnasambhava and Amit›bha,
are surmounted by a Ÿikhara structure, therefore depicting the Buddhas inside real palaces.
In fact, analysing the Himalayan specimens we need to operate a methodological
distinction between elaborate prabh›ma˚˜ala (that can suggest architectural frames) and
actual representation of architecture; in other words, a distinction has to be made among
those images framed only by a tora˚a (usually adorned by mythological animals) and
those depicted within a palace whose architectural structure is developing all around a
toraˆa.
Particularly in the Buddha palaces, as represented by the Himalayan sculptors and
painters – for instance at Nako (Kinnaur), Lha-lung (Spiti) and A-lci (Ladakh) – it appears that the buildings are cut by vertical sections, in order to expose the garbhagha where
the Buddha and/or other Buddhist divinities are located. We are in front of the representation of a monumental architecture intended to lodge holy personages, the ideal conclusion of the long artistic journey from the prabh›ma˚˜ala to the palace, culminating in the
detailed Himalayan architectural frames.
The detailed rendering of these divine palaces will be one of the topics of this paper.
I shall compare a rich series of typologies documented by the door tympanums – trilobated or polylobated – by the columns, by the windows and terraces, by the shapes of the
buildings – often surmounted by multiple roofs and by the decoration of the façades.
The, I shall try to examine the recurrence of the patterns and to analyse the problems
posed by the research of the stylistic sources. Consequently, a question could be posed:
which ones were the actual models? Presumably, the Tibetan artists were reproducing
almost contemporary buildings, which they could see in nearby trans-Himalayan areas,
cultural contexts in their turn inspired by P›la-Sena architectural prototypes. But also a
big role should have been played by the transportable sculptured specimens, as for instance the ivory Buddha group with painted wood frame from Kashmir, now in the Gopi
Krishna Kanoria Collection, at Patna.
Therefore, it is conjecturable that inside some ancient Western Himalayan temples
we could find clues that will enable us to reconstruct at least a portion of the history of
the Indo-Tibetan styles of art and architecture. The unfolding of a series of architectural
elements, the comparison with actual structures – drawing parallels and looking for
crossed influences – will be tools, instrumental for the study of the artistic milieu at the
beginning of the Second Diffusion of Buddhism (bsTan-pa phyi-dar) in the Western Tibetan Himalaya.
Ventures into virgin territory: initial findings from the rDo rje
khros pa rtsa ba’i rgyud and other exorcistic texts
Robert Mayer
Fifty years ago, several hundred editions of the rNying ma’i rgyud ’bum (NGB) existed.
Today, only seven are known to have survived. Of the approximately 1,000 surviving
NGB texts, less than ten have so far been systematically studied within the modern academic tradition, and even fewer of these on the basis of critical editing. Yet given the
considerable differences often found between the versions of texts in different NGB editions, and their frequent textual corruption, studies that lack a genuinely critical editorial
basis can prove quite misleading. The NGB texts are also comparatively unknown to the
Tibetan tradition, since NGB collections existed more as religious objects than as texts for
study. Nevertheless they potentially provide a rich source of data on many aspects of
Tibetan history, culture and religion.
In an attempt to examine this data, we began a research project, funded by the UK
Arts and Humanities Research Board, to systematically edit NGB texts, and examine them
for clues to the historical and cultural conditions in which they were produced. Our project
entails rigorous philological analysis, combined with contextualising studies of contemporaneous materials from outside the NGB with a view to sociological and anthropological enquiry. One feature of the NGB collections is the enormous quantity of exorcistic
materials they contain. What can we learn from this?
In this paper, I present initial findings arising from my study of some NGB exorcistic
texts, in particular the rDo rje khros pa rtsa ba’i rgyud.
Suffix *-s and parts of speech in Old Chinese
Olga Mazo
Suffix *-s is one of the few suffixes reconstructed for Old Chinese. It is considered to go
back to the Sino-Tibetan *-s. In Old Chinese the suffix has several functions and one of
them is converting verbs into nouns. The problem is that it is difficult to tell parts of
speech apart. In Old Chinese there are neither morphologic nor syntactic criteria for the
procedure of determining them. Most of the words can occupy any syntactic position.
There are two ways to solve this problem and in both cases the syntactic criteria is used.
The first way is to define the parts of speech statistically, according to what syntactic
position, predicate or actant, the word occupies more frequently. Another way is not to
define parts of speech at all, but divide all the words into semantic-grammatical classes
according to their syntactic functions.
The usage of suffix *-s seems to be a good provement of the first theory. By means of
suffix *-s nomina passiva, instruments and results can be formed. So it can be decided
that the existence of such derivations allows the way of telling parts of speech apart. But
the problem is more complicated. The suffix also converts nouns into verbs. The verbs
mean the standard action that the person “makes” with the noun, the standard action
taken by the person or the action whose “result” is the noun. Morpheme *-s is also used
for making causatives, for deriving locatives from the verbs and vs. etc. But there is also
a pair of characters where the word without the suffix has a causative meaning “to frighten”
and the word without the suffix means “to be afraid”. The situation with locative –verb
and verb-locative derivation is also rather interesting: e.g., from the word “be downwards, lower part” the word “to descend” is formed, but from the word “to ascend” –
“upper part, be upwards”. So the word with the suffix doesn’t allow us to predict the part
of speech of the word.
Sino-Tibetan *-s had two main functions: deriving nouns from verbs and making
causatives. Both derivations are not typical for Old Chinese but the suffix preserves in
some words. Later it is used as a special marker of a “non-standard” meaning of the word
in its position, a marker of “non-standard” semantic change. In the case of verb-noun
derivation the meanings of the nouns are not typical, for the verb in the actant position.
In the case of noun-verb derivation sometimes the semantic of the verb is typical for the
noun in predicate position, but sometimes the semantics of the verbs changes. Since the
number of Old Chinese texts is limited and the only source of our knowledge about that
suffix are rhymes and the remarks of the medieval commentators it is very difficult to tell
now for sure why *-s was used in these particular words.
Shifting margins: Tibet as self and other among the Gurungs
of Nepal
Ernestine McHugh
Gurung identifications with Tibet, while strong, have long been ambivalent. Tibetans
had been accorded a low status when the caste hierarchy was imposed by the Hindu
state on the peoples of Nepal in the 19th century. In conducting research in a Gurung
village in the southern foothills of the Himalayas during the 1970s, I discovered a complex set of beliefs and feelings about Tibet including ideas about real spiritual power,
pretended spiritual power, moral laxity, and moral strength so on. Gurung beliefs and
feelings about Tibetans bore an interesting relationship to the national culture of Nepal
and to stereotypes of T’ibetans that been expressed in Nepali literature and codified in
law, though Gurungs were believed (by themselves as well as others) to have migrated
many centuries ago from Tibet, this connection tended to be downplayed.
As globalisation and revolution altered the political and economic landscape of Nepal, Gurung perceptions of Tibetans have altered profoundly. Over the past thirty years.
There has been a firm shift from conceptualizing the Tibetans as sharply distinct to viewing them and publicly pronouncing them to be part of the Gurungs’ historical line of
descent. This is enacted in the sponsorship of rituals, change in patterns of worship, collective pilgrimages, and is confirmed from the Tibetan side in a variety of ways. As the
Gurungs with whom I worked have become more urbanized and self-conscious about
ethnic identity, and as the global media has recontextualized Gurung perceptions of Tibetans, the representation of Gurung-Tibetan history and relations has been dramatically
recast. The juxtaposition of present discourses with those that existed earlier in the village setting reveals a great deal about how the definition and significance of Tibet has
shifted among Gurungs, and about bow the value of being Tibetan has changed as the
fundamental reference points for articulating identity have altered.
Himalayan medical encounters: the establishment of Western
biomedicine in Tibet
Alex McKay
During the 19th century, the first point of contact with Western medical systems for many
Tibetans came via encounters with European travellers (who were generally either accompanied by a medical officer, or had acquired some practical medical knowledge themselves), or during their own excursions to British India. In the 20th century, the
Younghusband mission (1903-04), marked the formal introduction of Western biomedicine into Tibet. Medical officers with the mission offered free services to Tibetans, including wounded ‘enemy’ combatants, and at the completion of the mission officers of the
Indian Medical Service were stationed in Tibet to continue this free provision of biomedicine to the Tibetans. Despite initial cultural resistance, biomedicine proved popular there,
and its development was further stimulated within the limited modernisation project
initiated by the 13th Dalai Lama in the period 1913–23. By the 1940s, biomedicine appeared to be replacing the Tibetan medical system(s), not only in regard to its adoption
by Tibetan elites, but across the broader community.
This paper is concerned to briefly examine the general nature and consequences of
the informal encounters of the 19th century, before focussing on the explicit political aims
of the British introduction of biomedicine, the medical aspects of the modernisation project,
and its consequences for Tibetan medical systems. In conclusion, these elements will be
considered in regard to the subsequent (post–1950s) renaissance of Tibetan medicine in
the West, in order to bring out the two-way nature of the political aspects of this medical
encounter.
Deathbed visions in medieval Tibetan and Chinese
Buddhism
Ching Hsuan Mei
Not surprisingly both Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism have developed teachings applicable by deathbed, which provide visions and means for the dying to travel safely from
this world to the other. It is intriguing to find however that certain elements from these
two branches of Buddhist teachings seemed to be combined in one manuscript (at least)
– a treasure text (gter ma) discovered in 14th century Tibet. We can simply regard this as a
“phenomenon” in the progress of doctrinal compilation in Buddhist history. However,
what makes it interesting is the fact that the composite teaching constantly dominates
believers’ thought and influences their lives up to this day. Based on this combined version, ’pho ba yoga was established as an important festival of pilgrimage and religious
instruction later in 17th century Tibet. This festival/practice is not only alive in Tibet but
also has spread to the world where Tibetan culture and religions are active.
It is not my intention to investigate the modern development of this festival but
rather place emphasis on the emergence of Buddha Amitabha in the ’pho ba yoga (the
teaching of transferring consciousness). In the primary narrative of ’pho ba teaching in the
10th century, there is no specific Buddha and Buddha-field indicated. However, in its
14th century treasure version, Amitabha is described as the initiator of this teaching and
who naturally become the ultimate saviour of the dying.
The emergence of Amitabha in the revealed version of ’pho ba yoga reflects various
aspects of religious phenomena in 14th century Tibet. How exactly does Amitabha associate with tantric ’pho ba yoga? Why is it Amitabha but not others? What type of devotion
to Amitabha has been absorbed in the medieval ’pho ba practice? To figure out these puzzles, I shall first clarify the fundamental issue: the nature of the connection between ’pho
ba yoga and Amitabha traditions.
Long before Buddhism had been transplanted into Tibet, Amitabha tradition earned
its populace among certain groups in North India and East Asia. However it remains
implicit as to when and how the belief of Amitabha was introduced to Tibetan people.
Thus, my research will hopefully bring light to the mystery and contribute to our understanding of Amitabha tradition in Tibet.
A number of reasons bring me to the belief that the 14th century is an important
period to explore. Firstly, it was at this time that there was large-scale development of the
gter ma movement. This background makes the discovery of ’pho ba by rNying ma masters more interesting since ’pho ba is supposed to be transmitted by the bKa’ brgyud pas.
One approach of my study is to extend the survey among these rNying ma pas and try to
understand what is the common thought dissimilated in their contemporary.
Secondly, both the land of Tibet and China was under the control of the Mongolian
regime during the 14th century. They had frequent contacts back to the time of late Tang
and Sung periods. The particular information I would like to mention here is, in the border region Szechwan, visualization yoga and breath-controlled meditation were widely
promoted by some Chinese Ch’an and Pure Land masters. Also this trend of practice had
penetrated to the lay practitioners. Against this, I assume that the parcel of thought related to Amitabha teaching which can be seen in ’pho ba yoga could possibly have been
derived from Chinese Pure Land tradition.
The paper I shall present here is set in this framework. The specific theme I shall
discuss is the similarities found in both ’pho ba yoga and Pure Land teachings. This paper
will consist of three sections.
In the first section, I shall briefly describe the early transmission of ’pho ba yoga and
its content. The treasure version of this yoga, ’pho ba ’jag tshugs ma, uncovered by the 14th
century treasure-revealer Nyi zla sangs rgyas, will then be presented. I will discuss the
extent of difference among these ’pho ba texts in the change of time and pinpoint the
thoughts related to Amitabha teaching seen in the latter revealed text.
The second section will focus on a specific Pure Land Sutra, its commentators and
their works. In my preliminary studies, I put forward that the Sutra of Visualization on the
Buddha of Immeasurable Life (Kuan Wu Liang Shou Fo Ching) bear interesting elements for
scrutinizing the similarities. The commentaries made by the early patriarchs of Pure Land
tradition provide an abundance of data as well. Study on the biography and hagiography sources of these patriarchs such as Shandao and Fazho could broaden our view on
different aspects of Pure Land tradition. I shall discuss in this paper that both Shandao
and Fazho promoted the combination of visualizing meditation and breath controlling
technique. Fazho was even seen as the reincarnation of Shandao in some hagiography
source.
In the last section I will interpret the “mystery” elements in the lineage of Shandao
and Fazho, which have been neglected in the studies of Pure Land Buddhism. This in
turn will raise the issue of how difficult it is to draw the line between esoteric and exoteric Buddhism. I shall further analyse thoughts extracted from ’pho ba and survey their
relationship to Chinese Pure Land teachings.
The legend of Cig car ba criticism in Tibet: a list of six Cig car
ba texts in the Chos ’byung me tog snying po by Nyi ma ’od
zer (12th century)
Carmen Meinert
The twelfth century work Chos ’byung me tog snying po by Nyang Nyi ma ’od zer mentions a list of six texts which are said to represent the system of Chinese Meditation Buddhism connected to Heshang Mahayana, the apparent advocate of a subitist path to awakening in the legendary debate of bSam yas. This particular form of Chinese Meditation
Buddhism spread to Tibet in the eighth century via the Central Asian oasis Dunhuang
and became known as Cig car ba. Nyi ma ’od zer is the first Tibetan scholar to mention
such a systematic corpus of texts connected to the development of the Cig car ba school.
Soon after, Sakya Pandita and Bu ston mention again this list with slight variations. At
the time of Bu ston the legend was complete that these texts were actually composed by
Heshang Mahayana himself. Although none of these texts were probably composed by
him, the creation of that corpus of texts was rather used for one particular aim, namely to
criticise Chinese Meditation Buddhism, Cig car ba, and eventually stigmatize it as a heretical path.
The aim of the present paper is to identify some of the texts mentioned in the list of
Nyi ma ’od zer in order to elucidate the very complex situation of a variety of Chinese
Meditation Buddhist teachings spreading in Dunhuang and in Tibet in the eighth and
ninth centuries. At least two titles are connected to sixth and seventh centuries meditation masters from central China, namely Wolun and Hongren. These two figures are known
from a number of Dunhuang manuscripts representing the situation of Chinese Meditation Buddhism before the split of this movement into the Northern branch of Shenxiu
advocating gradualism and the Southern branch of Huineng promoting subitism. The
analysis of some of these Dunhuang manuscripts will reflect this very situation. Moreover, gNubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes’ bSam gtan mig sgron (9th/10th centuries), the very
first commentary quoting extensively from texts now available among the Dunhuang
materials, also quotes texts which later appear in the above mentioned list of Nyi ma ’od
zer. Although Sangs rgyas ye shes is the only early Tibetan scholar to have analysed the
Cig car ba tradition on a wide textual basis and has qualified it as an authentic Buddhist
path, nonetheless, he deprives the tradition of the possibility gaining complete insight
into the absolute. As it will be demonstrated, Sangs rgyas ye shes thereby seems to fail
acknowledging that some metaphors of Chinese Meditation Buddhism actually point to
a kind of ‘luminous emptiness’ which he only connects to the rDzogs chen teachings. In
this regard Sangs rgyas ye shes might even be seen as the first critic in the Cig car ba/
rDzogs chen debate – although the later Tibetan tradition might have criticised him for
being pro Cig car ba!
A new handlist of Tibetan rare book collections in the Library
of Congress
Susan Meinheit
The Tibetan collections housed in the rare book cage of the Asian Division, Library of
Congress, currently include nearly 3,000 volumes. In addition to the Derge Kanjur,
Narthang Tanjur, and Choni Kanjur and Tanjur, collections from Joseph Rock, William W.
Rockhill, Berthold Laufer, and others formed the majority of these collections until recent
years. Now, however, in addition to these early 20th c. acquisitions, we are actively acquiring newly printed xylographs such as those of the Derge par khang and special reprint volumes such as the “Historical Materials of Tibetan Buddhism” (Dpyad gzhi’i yig
cha phyogs bsgrigs). Since these texts are acquired specially for LC they are not included in
the cooperative acquisitions program (formerly PL–480) and have not received LC
cataloging so far. This paper will present an updated outline of the contents of the Tibetan rare book cage and report on progress towards entering these collections into the
Library’s online catalog. It will serve as an inventory and handlist which can be expanded
upon over the next several years, thus making these collections known to scholars worldwide. Included will be titles of collections, number of volumes, date of acquisitions, and
in the case of large collections, a list of individual authors. It will include the following
sections: canonical texts, early 20th c. collections, modern xylograph/reprint collections,
fragments, and non-book items. Until such time as online catalog records are created it
will serve as an access point for locating individual texts within these collections.
New discoveries about the life of Chos-dbyings rdo-rje, the
Tenth Karma-pa of Tibet (1604–1674)
Irmgard Mengele
Though the Tenth Karma-pa has long been one of the most enigmatic major figures in the
history of seventeenth century Tibet, recently a series of remarkable text discoveries has
thrown much new light on his life and personality. I would like to report on one such
discovery, a comprehensive biography of the Tenth Karma-pa, most probably composed
by the outstanding scholar and artist Si-tu Pa˚-chen Chos-kyi-’byung-gnas (1700–1774),
For his presentation of Cho-dbyings-rdo-rje’s life-story, the author used not only all the
sources we know today, but also biographies which are still lost. This work clarifies the
traumatic events during Chos-dbyings rdo-rje’s childhood, his special relations to certain
people, his love for solitude, his courage in travelling alone and his political role in the
conflicts of seventeenth-century Tibet. The source is particularly interesting for what it
reveals about the Karma-pa’s amazing artistic skills and art works.
A brief introduction to the contents and contexts of La Ye
Songs in Amdo
mGonbo Tshering
Introduction
Throughout Tibet, regional songs and dances hold a special place in the life of local people and communities. Under the general field of local songs in Amdo is a variety of subgenres, including songs for celebratory occasions (ka mtshar), call and response riddles
(srid pa), participatory group song-dances (rtsed rigs) and songs which question the nature of the world (srid pa ’dri ba). All of these songs embody long historical traditions and
remain popular among Tibetan people throughout Amdo. Certain genres are prominent
in particular areas. For example, while music of the Tibetan lute (rdung len) is most popular in the Labrang region, the Trika region is the most famous place for La Ye. The custom
of La Ye (meaning “melodic songs”) is especially favoured among gatherings of young
men and women. This summary paper briefly outlines the definition, longitudinal development and the content and contexts of La Ye songs in Amdo Tibetan communities.
La Ye and the life of Amdo Tibetan people
The tradition of singing La Ye as an annual competition takes place almost everywhere in
Amdo, particularly in rural areas. The songs present a space in which the theme of love in
all its aspects and guises may be discussed by its principal protagonists; the young people of a given place. Gatherings are held during the two-to-three day “Festival of the
Gods” (lha rtse dus chen) which falls in the sixth Tibetan lunar month (roughly corresponding with July in the western calendar). After the dancing of the afternoons has died
down, the La Ye performances may begin.
Context and content of La Ye
A single singer’s welcome initiates La Ye. This preamble is a signal to the prospective
performers’ older acquaintances or opposite sex relations to leave, for fear of being
ashamed by the songs’ candid content. Children are allowed to remain, as they are not
considered able to understand the full significance of the songs. Thereafter, different kinds
of La Ye follow in a conventional order. Yet while certain sections of the sequence may be
omitted, the opening preamble (rtse mgo), love songs (rogs mthun) and farewell (bde mo)
must not be overlooked. Each singer must rely on his or her individual creativity, knowledge of the medium and wit in composing the impromptu and/or pre-prepared exchanges
that make up each performance. Diverse ideas and emotions may be aired in these “song
discussions”. During the love songs proper, singers weave in messages expressing love,
the missing of a cherished partner and the bidding of a farewell. The fact that La Ye are
sung in pairs of men and women, whose status in life makes them potential mates, adds
a extra frisson to the proceedings. The songs are composed using different melodies, though
the tempo is frequently upbeat. Performers must skilfully manage an assortment of variables – timing, manner of singing, tune, evaluating the audience’s preference and mood
etc. – and be evaluated by the expectant onlookers accordingly.
The changing social nature and musical structure of La Ye
During the 1980s and 90s, a highly entertaining form of La Ye (the sarcastic/mocking kla
shags) emerged. This new genre perhaps constitutes an innovative form of the long-established non-amorous sarcastic songs (glu shags). The new form of sarcastic/mocking
song is similar in musical form, but differs in content, from the older song type. Kla shags
is becoming popular at contemporary young people’s gatherings. For example:
My song is like a Gesar song . . .
Even if you wanted to answer me,
You would be too ashamed!
(Meaning: I have so many songs, and you have so few.)
The older-form of La Ye (which has seven word-per-line stanzas) is currently being
replaced by a present-day form which uses stanzas of nine words-per-line. Once the metaphor, and then content, were expressed in separate stanzas. However, this convention is
being replaced in approximately 20–30% of cases by verses which combine analogy and
a moral.
Significance of La Ye for the audience and participants
La Ye is an important social event, marking a much-welcomed moment of entertainment
and recreation after the demanding winter period has abated, and before the hard graft
of harvest-time begins. People from many walks of life gather together from the surrounding locale. The Festival of the Gods, and the La Ye performances within it, presents
a time when community bonds may be strengthened or renewed, barring an occasional
beer-fuelled disagreement. Participants often undertake a period of preparation prior to
performing, which may involve the study of specialised texts and/or the gaining of advice and suggestions from respected family elders. La Ye may thus constitute one way in
which the transmission of traditional knowledge is continuing today. The messages promulgated within La Ye performances are also considered to be a source of moral guidance
for local people. Certain people may be persuaded to mend their errant ways on the
strength of realising the legitimacy of a song’s message.
Conclusion
The information presented in this abstract is based on first-hand research, which has
been undertaken by the author over a three-year period, to date. The material suggests
that La Ye continues to constitute an important social phenomenon for younger generations in Amdo society today. As a social practice, gifted singers are able to draw on the
long-running social and textual legacies of La Ye, while selectively integrating contemporary features. The on-going popularity of the song-gatherings throughout Amdo indicates that La Ye is still considered relevant and constructive for rural societies in today’s
so-called “modern” world. La Ye constitutes a progressive, living tradition, which simultaneously shows traces of a rich cultural heritage. As such, La Ye is a regionally distinctive, social expression of cultural continuity and social innovation.
The adaptation of Tibetan Medicine in a Western cultural
context
Colin Millard
This paper presents some preliminary results from research carried out in several Tibetan
medical clinics in the United Kingdom. The clinics are all part of the Tara Institute of
Tibetan Medicine, which is part of the Tara Rokpa International Charitable Organisation.
At present clinics are held once a week in Edinburgh, and once a month in Glasgow,
Dundee, London and Samye Ling Tibetan Centre at Eskdalemuir in Dumfriesshire. The
doctor who practises in each of these clinics, Doctor Lobsang Dhonden, is a graduate of
the Lhasa Medical Institute, and has also been awarded a degree in medicine from the
Tibetan Medicine and Astrology Institute at Dharamsala. Prior to him being invited to
work for the Tara Institute of Tibetan medicine, he had worked in the hospital of traditional Tibetan medicine in Lhasa, and in clinics in Ladakh and Orissa, in India. The information presented here forms part of a long-term research programme that has been implemented by the Tara Institute of Tibetan medicine on the safety and efficacy of Tibetan
medical treatment.
Information has been gathered about the patients through two methods. First, the
patients have been asked to fill in a standard questionnaire. Second, during each clinical
interaction a range of information has been recorded, this includes, general details about
the patient, medical history, and history of therapeutic recourse, the patient’s comments
on their condition, how they have responded to the Tibetan medical treatment, biomedical disease classification (if known), forms of diagnosis, the doctor’s questions and the
patient’s responses, and the treatment.
Drawing on information that has been gathered so far this paper will address several
major issues that have arisen during the clinical sessions. The first issue relates to the
effects of the patient’s cultural assumptions, and the way that these cultural assumptions
inhibit the flow of the interaction or in certain cases can lead to an openness to what
Tibetan medicine has to offer. The second issue concerns cultural labels, whether or not
the patient describes their disorder according to a fixed nosological term, and if their
condition has been labelled by medical practitioners in different ways, and the effects
this has on the clinical interaction. The issue of cultural labels leads to the related theme
of translation between the notions of different medical systems. What does the Tibetan
doctor understand when the patient describes their condition in western biomedical terms
such as hormonal, immune, or neural disorders; and conversely to what extent does the
patient understand the Tibetan doctor’s own conception of their disorder. The paper will
discuss these issues by relating them to clinical interaction involving patients suffering
from thyroid disorders and chronic fatigue syndrome (ME).
A further issue addressed in the paper is the way that Tibetan Medicine, as it is practised in the Tara clinics, has been adapted to fit into a new cultural context. The adaptations that have been made partly relate to the Tara Institute of Medicine’s attempt to
achieve accreditation by meeting the standards set in The Report of the House of Lords Select
Committee on Science and Technology on Complementary and Alternative Medicine. The paper
will indicate differences between the way that Tibetan medicine is practised in Tibetan
communities and the way that it is practised in the Tara clinics. This section of the paper
will consider three broad areas. First, a discussion will be made of the forms of diagnosis
that are used and those that have been left aside. Second, the paper will consider the way
that Tibetan medical therapy has been adapted to the cultural requirements of the clinics.
The doctor uses a pharmacopoeia that has been specially adapted to fit the legal requirements of the U.K. The paper will assess this circumstance in terms of the safety of Tibetan
medicines, and the way that, in the doctor’s opinion, this limitation has affected therapeutic efficacy.
The third category of adaptation that will be considered relates to disease causation.
In an article in Charles Leslie’s Asian Medical Systems (1976), Frederick Dunn gives four
causative factors that lead to health or disease: exogenous, endogenous, behaviour, and
human population. He further subdivides the category of exogenous factors into: biotic
and non-biotic. For the endogenous factors he gives: genetic. This accords well with the
biomedical view of disease causation, but a cross-cultural study of medical systems shows
considerable divergence in what is classed under these various headings. The endogenous factors of Tibetan Medicine relate primarily to the proportions and flows of humours; and exogenous factors, could include a range of factors, such as astrological influence and disruptions caused by harmful spirits. Under behaviour, Dunn lists psychological, social and cultural factors; where biomedicine might downplay these components of
disease causation, in Tibetan Medicine these are deeply related to health concerns. The
Tibetan medical system views health as arising from the harmonious interrelationship of
physiological, psychological, social and environmental factors. It is breakdowns in this
interrelationship which is the cause of disease. Tibetan medicine conceives these relationships in Buddhist terms and as such for certain kinds of disorder ritual intervention is
required. The paper will consider the approach that has been taken to the Buddhist and
ritual elements of Tibetan medicine in the Tara clinics.
Pax Tibetica: Tibetan Buddhist models of globalisation?
Martin A. Mills
In the decades following the diaspora from Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1959, the performance of Tibetan Buddhist ritual practice on the ‘global stage’ by exiled Tibetans has intensified markedly. Monastic masked dances, sand mandala rites and elaborate tantric initiations by prominent Buddhist leaders such as the Dalai Lama occur on a regular basis
across the world, in places as diverse as Mongolia, London, Tokyo, Graz and New York.
Generally, this trend been read by Western scholars in terms of the articulation of Tibetan
ethnicity and the continuity of religious culture: a ‘theatre’ which ritually re-enacts a lost
culture of a dispossessed group as a basis for the encouragement of political participation
in the Tibetan cause by concerned Westerners.
This paper examines the manner in which certain core sets of ritual practices have,
since the early 1990s, been organised under the rubric of ‘World Peace’, and examines the
use of that rubric in terms of its relationship with the practice of Tibetan Buddhism as
both a diplomatic tool in the transnational context, and – I would argue – as a means of
constituting a particular understanding of the exiled Tibetan polity as a non-national
form of religious governance, centred on the Dalai Lama as the focus of a specific, but
cross-sect religious lineage.
Specifically, the paper will examine the manner in which several ‘World Peace’ projects
– all directly or indirectly linked to His Holiness – manifest a highly specific ritual dynamic central to pre-modern modes of religious governance in Tibet, but mobilised in a
transnational context. These include:
•
•
•
•
•
The World Peace Ceremony instituted by Tarthang Tulku in 1989, and carried out at
principal Buddhist sites in India each new year as part of a Monlam Chenmo.
The Kalacakra for World Peace empowerments given by the Dalai Lama. Whilst the
performance of mass Kalacakra empowerments is part of the traditional repertoire
of the Dalai Lamas, the multiple and transnational nature of the present Dalai Lama’s project is widely acknowledged to be unprecedented. The addition of the rubric ‘for World Peace’ is also an innovation on His Holiness’ earlier empowerments.
The World Peace Vase Project inaugurated by HH Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche and presently under the auspices of Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche: designed to plant 6200
gter-bum medicinal vases at geomantically designated sites of religious power, political governance and conflict, and sites of substantial ecological damage and sensitivity.
The Stupas for World Peace Project founded by Dr. Akong Tulku Rinpoche as a function of the expansion of the .
The Tibetan Peace Gardens founded by the Dalai Lama, such as that presently located
within the grounds of the Imperial War Museum in London.
Much modern scholarship has interpreted this new formulation as a form of idealised cultural theatre – as representing a ‘Shangri-la-ist’ Tibet in the guise of a uniquely
‘peaceful’ spiritual tradition (in the Western sense of the term). In this paper, I suggest
that they actually manifest a wider Tibetan religio-political project designed to recontextualise a series of key ritual understandings about the pre–1959 Tibetan polity within
the transnational context of the Tibetan diaspora.
Specifically, I argue that the mobilisation of ‘World Peace’ as a ritual tradition has the
following features:
•
•
•
•
It derives primarily from extant Nyingma terma traditions concerning the geomantic
relationship between Buddhism and the landscape, that were decisive components
of Tibetan myths of state relating to the First Diffusion.
In line with the pre–1950 context, this relationship between Nyingmapa ritual traditions and the exiled Tibetan polity is mediated (though not necessarily organised)
within World Peace rites primarily through the figure of the Dalai Lama, and projected into the transnational context as a component of the globalisation of Tibetan
Buddhism.
It arguably derives its modern formulation from the Dalai Lama’s advocacy of Tibet
as a ‘Zone of Peace’, as presented within the Strasbourg Proposal of 1987.
It depends on an explicitly non-sectarian understanding of the relationship between
the four principal orders of Tibetan Buddhism and, in an emergent sense, the Bon
tradition.
In these senses, the development of the new World Peace traditions is both an inward- and outward-looking project: it represents as much an internal ideological re-formulation of the Tibetan religious state in exile as it embodies a loosely-mobilised ideological framework for a transnational ‘sacral polity’ based on a ‘Tibet’ that is increasingly
equated with Buddhism.
The Bon sgo gsal byed reexamined
Katsumi Mimaki
The author of the present paper published, with the collaboration of Samten G. Karmay,
a facsimile edition of the fourteenth century bon po doxographical treatise, the Bon sgo
gsal byed. He published also three articles concerning this text. There are still several
details to be reexamined before publishing a critical edition and a translation of the text
in question.
It is these details that will be discussed in the present paper.
The inappropriate embellishment of ancient Tibetan
buildings
Minyak Choek yi Gyaltsen
Nowhere in China, or perhaps even the entire world, is it possible to see such major
changes as in the case of traditional building methods in the Tibetan region. All the modifications or alterations to Tibet’s historical monuments have been carried out by the Tibetan themselves. Apart from the temples, castles and palaces that have disappeared
without trace, building, embellishing or extending in such a way as to alter the original
design substantially entails a deviation from the local tradition. This is a very grave mistake, an error that should not be accepted or tolerated. The main point is that Tibet has
produced some world-famous examples of buildings, as its many palaces and monasteries testify. Our architectural designs and features are exceptional in many respects. However, we should be aware of the following fact: that until now we have failed utterly to
cherish and preserve our own architectural heritage. Thanks to benevolent natural conditions, such as the dry climate, many ancient buildings that are mentioned in the histories have managed to survive to the present day, and we ourselves should also do something to protect and preserve them. Nevertheless, apart from the damage and destruction
suffered by ancient buildings as a consequence of war and natural disasters, all other
modifications and alterations have been wrought by the inhabitants of the country themselves. This is a serious blight on our history, and should be a source of deep regret to all
Tibetans. Insofar as I have devoted my time to the study of ancient Tibetan buildings, I
would like to present this state of affairs to as wide as possible an audience, since I regard
it as my duty to speak out against this trend. I shall attempt to do so by presenting the
following cases.
1. The Lhasa Jokhang
The Lhasa Jokhang is a very important temple that is over 1350 years old. The earliest
temple has only two stories, and the original dimensions were confined to that same
square shrine. In the eleventh century, following the restoration by Zanskar Lotsawa,
extensions were added to the eastern and southern sides. The most significant development occurred around 1650, when the Great Fifth Dalai Lama built the three-storey temple with materials from Kagyupa monasteries that had been destroyed, and erected the
four-storied towers at each of the four corners. This was when the building acquired its
present form.
2. Samye monastery
Samye is the first Tibetan monastery. Attributed to Padmasambhava, the monastery has
been shown to have featured tiled balconies and to have had a number of outer faces [i.e.
it was polygonal]. It was damaged by fire on two or three occasions. The first occasion
was in the thirteenth century, after which it was restored by Ra Lotsawa. It suffered another outbreak of fire in the eighteenth century. The subsequent restoration by Demo
Delek Gyatso may have been the occasion when the monastery received its distinctive
gold and copper pagoda style roof. Alternatively, this roof may have been added in the
nineteenth century, during the time of the Eleventh Dalai Lama, when major alterations
were carried out in the course of the restoration by the Kalön Shedrawa.
The pagoda-style roof was completely destroyed in 1967. In 1987, thanks to a substantial Government subvention, Samye was again restored to its pre-Cultural Revolution form.
Figure 1: Samye’s original appearance, as shown in an early mural painting
Figure 2: Detail of a mural showing Samye following Demo’s restoration
Figure 3: Samye at the time of Shedra
3. Sekhar Guthog in Lhobrak
The construction of Sekhar Guthog is attributed to [the famous twelfth-century poet and
saint] Milarepa. This palace is very similar in design to other palaces that are still to be
seen in the Lhobrag area. During the fifteenth century Pawo Tsuglag Trengwa built the
assembly hall of Sang-ngag-ling and added many images to the topmost storey, thereby
changing somewhat its original appearance. In the seventeenth century, during the time
of the Fifth Dalai Lama, the appearance underwent a substantial change following the
addition of a gilded roof.
4. The Great Assembly-hall of Drepung monastery
The hall is said to be the largest of its kind anywhere in the Eastern Hemisphere, with 192
pillars. It was built by Ne’u Dzong in the time of Sonam Gyatso [the Third Dalai Lama].
Later, in the time of Kesang Gyatso [Seventh Dalai Lama, eighteenth century], Pholane
[the effective ruler of Tibet] extended the assembly hall and altered its original form.
5. The Songtsen Temple in Chongye, Lhokha
The temple that stands atop the tomb of Songtsen Gampo [d. AD 649] seems originally to
have been the living-quarters of the tomb’s guardian, but over the course of time it became a commemorative temple for the deceased emperor. It faces west, and there are
only four pillars. A twelve-pillared assembly hall was built adjacent to it in the time of the
Fifth Dalai Lama. The construction of houses to the south and west of the original temple
has rendered it invisible from these angles.
6. The Great Temple of Sakya
The Great temple of Sakya was first built around 1268 by Drogön Chögyal as a single-storey square construction. Later on, in the time of the Sakya ruler Wön Wangchen, a
new temple was built to the north, giving the edifice its present form. In 1947, a wealthy
trader named Bomdawa sponsored the construction of a number of stone-walled temples within the great hall, and by installing a mezzanine, the creation of the new twostorey constructions resulted in very major changes to the interior design. This is the
greatest of all the modifications to be wrought in the case of any ancient Tibetan monument, and the result is a disaster. Nowadays the building that most closely resembles the
original form of the Great Temple of Sakya is the Tragyema temple of Riwoche Dzong in
Chamdo [Eastern Tibet].
In short [under certain circumstances] it is possible to know how ancient buildings
looked a thousand years ago. However, of all the early Tibetan buildings that have not
succumbed to natural disasters there is not one that has not undergone subsequent artificial modification and alteration. There are a great many other cases that could have been
described beyond the examples cited above. Even though buildings such as the Jokhang
and the Potala may have gained in splendour and beauty thanks to their embellishment,
the alterations that were made to the interior of the Great Sakya Temple are nothing less
than a crime against architecture, a real act of violence.
Careful decisions have to be made as to whether alterations represent an improvement or a defacement. Nowadays, when any restoration is carried out on temples, monks
are delighted to see an old temple demolished and newly rebuilt, and laypeople too are
perfectly happy to knock down their own houses – houses that may be several centuries
old – and reconstruct them.
Our excellent ancestral craftsmanship and building skills should be praised and valued and should receive the fame they deserves. Alterations have been made to many
buildings of great historical value by a number of well-intentioned people. However, the
complete modification of the original form of these buildings is something I would regard as a cause of regret.
Knee-joint bone games in Tibet, Mongolia, and beyond:
a study in comparison
Eric D. Mortensen
In the Tibetan world, games played with the knee-joint bones from goats or sheep (and
occasionally yak) are still common and widespread. Children play more than 30 different
types of games with the bones, with countless variations. This paper is an attempt to
outline the basic Tibetan types of bone games, with an eye to the patterns of geographic
morphology of the games. Variants of these “knucklebones” games are prevalent in the
Mongolian cultural sphere, and, in fact, versions of the game are well known in western
and northern Europe.
In the paper, I will discuss the findings from my fieldwork in Mongolia and Tuva in
2000, in comparison with my fieldwork on Tibetan children’s games in North India and
Tibet beginning in 1991, and continued in 1995, 1997, and 2002. I will also outline the
small academic body of literature on such bone games, and offer some preliminary conclusions as to the likely historical diffusion of the practice of these games in Tibet. I will
then explain some of the Tibetan versions of the bone games in detail. In conclusion, I
will offer evidence of an emerging model of similar diffusion patterns for divinatory
animal bone ritual materials, and question the viability of comparing bone games to either scapulamancy or to (cubic six-sided) dice. Included in this inquiry will be questions
of the divinatory aspect of some children’s games, the distinction between Indic and (predominantly) Mongolian dice, and the extent to which the games have been vanishing in
Tibet throughout the last half-century.
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Dorje Gyatso (Muya Doujjiejiancuo)
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Bod rgya’i rig gnas kyi khyad par dang sgra sgyur skor gleng
ba (The difference between Tibetan and Chinese culture and
its translation)
Muya Doujie Jiancou
This presentation, comprising some 8000 words, will discuss Chinese- Tibetan and Tibetan- Chinese translation, and methods for translation. The approach is based on a discussion of the characteristics of these languages as well as on features of the societies and
their religions.
The paper will first compare these two concerned cultures; and then will go on to
discuss some previous translations; the conclusion will discuss the kinds of methods that
can be used in order to preserve the cultural characteristics of the respective languages.
An American translator has said that excellence in translation demands proficiency
in the two cultures even more than in the corresponding languages. He further states that
difficulty in translation is related to culture rather than to language. However, translators
have often considered translation as a mere interpretation of languages, and have ignored cultural aspects.
Regarding Tibetan and Chinese cultures, there are both similarities and differences.
One of the most significant differences is that the Chinese culture is base on Confucius,
while Tibetan culture is based on Buddhism. The paper therefore emphasizes the importance of Chinese and Tibetan culture as the basis for translation between the two languages.
The politics of a refugee problem: a study of Tibetan refugee
settlements in Mysore District, India
Subramanya Nagarajarao
This paper explores the dynamics of Tibetan refugee settlements in South India and examines the process of existence of the refugees in the Indian social, cultural and political
context. Daily life in the settlements is seen in relation to the broader Tibetan issue.
The study was conducted in four settlements in Mysore district, Karnataka state:
Lugsung Samdupling, Tibetan Dickey Larsoe (TDL), Rabgayling and Dhondenling. These
settlements were the first to be established in India in the aftermath of the displacement
of Tibetans after 1959.
Although not the political center of the Tibetan refugees, the area around Mysore
hosts around 45 000 refugees and several of the most important religious institutions in
exile. Up until this study very little research has been done about these settlements, partly
due to the restrictive position of the Indian authorities. No systematic comparison between settlements has been available so far.
The study draws on local and regional (and central) sources of primary and secondary data. Apart from fieldwork carried out in the settlements, primary data includes interviews with (local and central) key informants, top functionaries of the Central Tibetan
Administration (CTA), as well as Indian state and central government functionaries.
Secondary data includes documents from the office of the Tibetan Chief Representative in Bangalore, which is responsible for the overall administration of the settlements
and scattered communities in Karnataka. Other documents were obtained from the Settlement offices, and the Office of the Indian Administrator of the Tibetan refugee settlements of Mysore district under the Karnataka state government. Some rare photos of the
settlements in the formative stages were also found in this office. Documents were collected from the regional offices of the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), Tibetan Women’s
Association (TWA), Tibetan Freedom Movement (TFM) and the editor of the Voice of
Tibet as well as from many private collections of Tibetans. Other sources of secondary
data were the Libraries of the University of Mysore, the UNHCR Chair on Refugee Law
at the National Law School of India University, the British Council, USIS Chennai and the
Mythic Society, Bangalore. Many of the Tibetan documents also originate from CTA publications.
When the settlements were established the economic sustenance structures were almost totally based on agriculture. Today agricultural production is no longer enough to
support the community and there is an increasing need for secondary income generating
activities. There has been a perceptible increase in the number of young, educated Tibetans trained to enter the informal job and professional sector in India. Also, there has been
a notable decline in the participation of the youth in the freedom struggle. Now often an
activity emerging from the monastic institutions, the struggle shows a tendency to become ritualistic, formal and symbolic, while ordinary people are primarily concerned
with the economic security of the family.
The relationship that has evolved between the Tibetans in the settlements and the
surrounding Indian community can be aptly described as cordial. Although the Tibetans
have not really integrated in the surrounding Indian society, the two communities have
been getting on comparatively well. On the other hand, Tibetan invitations extended to
local neighbors at the celebration of the Dalai Lama’s birthday, the Tibetan new year
(Losar), the occasional organizing of so called Blood Donation Camps by the TYC on
local festivals like Rajyothsava (State Reorganization Day), and the singing of an occasional song in public are often symbolic and formal. Inter-marriages between Tibetans
and local people are still extremely rare. While there is no apparent resistance towards
Tibetans working in the informal sector or in business, large-scale involvement or participation in the local socio-economic structure is still absent. A contrary trend is the handful
of Indian youth that has been employed in the carpet weaving and incense making enterprises at the settlements. In many cases they have learned to speak Tibetan language with
their colleagues and employers.
The larger Tibetan issue and exile institutions have been transplanted in the settlements along with the attendant dynamics right up to the democratisation efforts of the
Tibetan exile administration. But there is a discernible gap in the implementation of the
intended policies due to various factors like, for instance, the treatment of the democratization as an instruction from Dharamsala (a “democracy from above”) rather than as a
vibrant political dynamic and an opportunity of broad-based political participation. The
paper concludes that the process of existence in the settlements goes on in the past, as
well as in the present and the future: The interplay of past pride, present perceptions and
future hopes and aspirations is making a transition from a collective to a more pronounced
individualistic approach apparent among the Tibetans living in the settlements.
Chinese and other models of development in Tibet: subsidies,
infrastructure, urbanization and the search for sustainability
Namgyal
This paper studies and analyses impacts of China’s development efforts in the Tibetan
Plateau region over the past five decades and identifies and recommends alternatives to
present development model. China is so diverse in terms of geography, culture and ethnicity. The geography and culture of the Tibetan Plateau are exceptional, and yet the
model for development in the Tibetan Plateau region since the late 50s has been based on
the lowland Chinese experiences and features. This lowland China model for development in the Tibetan Plateau results in the present chronic dependency on support and
subsidies from Beijing and other provinces; and dismal performance in the socio-economic outcomes exacerbating the rural-urban divide. This dependency is not sustainable
and healthy in the long term.
The rural and urban divide is by no means a uniquely Chinese or Tibetan experience,
it is as much a part of the modernization worldwide. However, the divide between the
Tibetan rural sector and the urban Chinese sector is more glaring and a result of neglect
of rural sector and the role of indigenous knowledge through the state’s development
policies and plans.
China is now at a very early stage of another massive program, West China Development Strategy, to develop its western region. It is wise to pay attention to an ancient
Chinese proverb: “To know the road ahead, ask those coming back.” Present development policies in the Tibetan Plateau region rely on state subsidies and support to fuel
non-productive and unsustainable infrastructure development and urbanization projects
in the Tibetan Plateau region.
Since the 1950s, in the pursuit of modernization and regional economic development, there has been a tendency on the part of the State planners to blame Tibet’s backwardness on its geography and the “extremely poor quality of human resources”. Yet
Chinese immigrants into the Tibetan Plateau are viewed as asset rather than being viewed
as an economic pressure on a fragile environment and its human carrying capacity. In
Poverty of Plenty – a comparative economic study of the two poorest regions of China,
Guizhou and Tibet Autonomous Region in the late 80s, the two Chinese economists also
note that the large Chinese population would invigorate the economies of backward regions... since they would “bring new learning and culture.” However, this has not happened if available Chinese statistics particularly on education and literacy are any
indication.
The paper discusses the fact that the differences in the economic system, concepts of
resources, land and social organization of the Tibetan Plateau would mean different paths
for achieving the goals of economic development. It discusses the relevance of traditional
Tibetan economic and environmental relations, and indigenous Tibetan agricultural and
pastoral practices in Tibet’s development policies, and the need for incorporating the
indigenous knowledge into present development model. The paper also mentions the
growing evidence that population explosion has occurred on the Tibetan Plateau, which
in turns puts pressure on the carrying capacity of the land to sustain the growing
population.
The paper identifies the clear lack of rural development strategy as a major factor for
the failure of development efforts in the region. Although the Tibetan Plateau is characterized by physical, economic and cultural uniqueness which are viewed as constraints,
there are natural and comparative advantages offered by the very nature of the Plateau’s
natural and social conditions. The Tibetan farmers and herders have maintained sustainable livelihoods on the fragile ecology over thousand years, and the first right step is to
involve and listen to the very people that the state is attempting to develop. Just across
the Himalayas, Nepal and Bhutan have much experience of with different development
alternatives such as community-based development, social forestry, participatory rural
development, eco-tourism and gender sensitive development. Their experience gives a
wealth of information and guidance on approaching development work in land locked
mountainous regions with fragile ecology.
The paper concludes with recommendations for an alternative development model
based on appropriate and relevant infrastructure development so as to ensure real benefits to the local inhabitants and ensure sustainable development practices. Change in
development thought and implementation is necessary. Empowerment of the local population is the key issue to reduce regional disparities. How should China empower the
backward regions? Purely income subsidies are not recommended, except for those living in absolute poverty. In addition to appropriate and relevant infrastructure development, the focus should be on enhancing the long-term development capabilities of backward regions through investment in human capital and tapping potentials in rural development through appropriate policy and institutional support.
The lost wall-paintings of the mGon khang of lCang sgang
kha near Thimpu
Helmut F. Neumann
Wall paintings in Bhutanese temples and dzongs mostly date from the last few centuries.
There is one exception: the wall paintings of the mGon khang of the lCang sGang kha
near Thimpu. They are painted in a very early style.
Only a few black and white photos of some of these deities were published so far by
I. Lauf (1972) and by M. Aris (1979). These authors, who were fully aware of the fact that
the lCang sGang kha paintings were the earliest wall-paintings in Bhutan, date them to
the periods “end of 13th to 14th century” and “perhaps first half 14th century” respectively. In the more than two decades that have elapsed since these two publications were
written, significant progress has been made in the history of Tibetan painting. On this
basis, the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings must be dated about a century earlier. In this
paper the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings will be compared to other early wall-paintings, particularly those of Shalu and Grathang (on the basis of colour photographs taken
by the author in all three temples).
Iconographically the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings represent navagrahas, nagas
and nakŸaktras. They remind us of the iconographic program of Chapel 1 and 2 of the
dGong khang of Shalu, which also consists of navagrahas, nagas and nakŸaktras, in addition to mah›devas and dikp›las, thus inviting to speculate that they might originally
have served a similar religious function. This paper derives additional relevance from
the fact, that these earliest Bhutanese wall-paintings have been overpainted some years
ago in the course of renovation of the dGong khang and have therefore to be regarded as
lost (Françoise Pommaret, personal communication). They deserve to be recorded in a
publication especially devoted to them.
The use of technology in representing cultural geography in
Tibetan studies: GIS, XML and Flash
David Newman
David Germano
The present paper will discuss technical issues surrounding the use of GIS technologies
as a means of integrating a variety of data sets to create an integrated GIS model for the
collaborative publication of place studies on Tibet on the Internet. We will focus on the
creation of an XML DTD for a gazetteer and how we have utilized it for Tibetan places,
including issues of how to deal with variant toponyms, the relationship between contemporary and historical toponyms and geographical regions, the relationship between administrative and ethno-linguistic regions and so forth. In addition, we will more briefly
discuss the problem of relating such textual resources on Tibetan places to GIS-based
digital maps of Tibet that show broad statistical data. The specific technical model illustrated will be using Flash to display XML data sets, but the focus will be on how this
provides for a comprehensive solution to the documentation of Tibetan places.
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Norbu Gyamtso
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Visualizing the arhats
Braham Norwick
Years ago, not many after 1950, a set of watercolors of the 16 Arhats, painted by a Tibetan
artist, Tenzing Yongdue Ronge, was obtained in Delhi. That gave an incentive to find
other earlier pictures. It was especially interesting to seek and determine an original source
of the imagery of those watercolors. Since the topic of control and variations of hieratic
imagery has become of more interest, it seems appropriate to note in detail how different
representations and traditions of the Arhats has been over many centuries. The Arhats
have been pictured and named by Buddhist artists in accordance with what they had
been told, had read, and had seen. The number of Arhats has varied from 16 to 18 and
even to 500 and 1,000. But the Tibetan tradition, though it once seemed about to accept
18, has now apparently settled back to 16. The names, and the succession or order in
which they are listed has also varied. The pictured attributes, surroundings, postures,
mudras, while described in the texts, somehow differ considerably. A large and varied
collection of identified Arhat portraits, namings and transliterations of names in various
scripts and media, will be illustrated and explained.
Women’s studies in Tibetan Buddhism (bTsun ma and ani yi
dgon pa : “Tibetan Buddhist nuns and nunneries”)
Nyima Lhamo
This paper is based on first-hand field research conducted during the last four years at
Tibetan Buddhist nunneries throughout the five Tibetan-inhabited provinces of China
(Sichuan, Qinghai, Yunnan, Gansu and the Tibet Autonomous Region). Due to extreme
geographical isolation and strict traditional rules, few outsiders have had the opportunity to visit Tibetan nunneries and gain a real understanding of conditions there. The
author, a Tibetan academic at Sichuan University, devoted many months of her time to an
in-depth study of more than 30 nunneries across greater Tibet. Her findings constitute an
important contribution to Tibetan studies worldwide.
The paper first explores the historic and cultural background to the formation of
nunneries, dating back to the transmission of Buddhism from India to Tibet in the eighth
century. According to folk legend, the first Tibetan nun was Princess Yeshe Tsoje, who
renounced her riches for a life of austerity in the snowbound Himalayas and became
Tibet’s first female tantric master. Over the centuries, countless girls and women chose to
take the robes; some to escape the hardships of life as a wife and mother, some longing
for an education, others simply through profound faith in Buddhism. While nunneries
consistently lagged far behind monasteries in social and economic status, a handful of
female tulkus “reincarnations of great masters” were recognized and revered both inside
and outside the nunneries. The political vicissitudes of the 20th century led to the closure
of all monasteries and nunneries from 1959 to the early 1980s, but the liberalization of the
past twenty years has brought rapid development, as old nuns return and new nuns
flock to join the rebuilt nunneries.
The author goes on to explain the institutional structure and management of nunneries, and the progression of a nun from novice to genye. The scope of their studies
varies, depending on the sect to which the nunnery belongs and the qualifications of
resident teachers, who are nearly always male tulkus or high monks. It usually includes
the study and memorizing of scriptures, the history of Buddhism, life story and teachings of the Buddha, and the precepts to which all nuns and monks must adhere. Besides
their studies, nuns are also expected to participate in domestic work and labour at the
nunnery. During Buddhist festivals, large-scale ceremonies are held, sometimes lasting
several days or even weeks.
The paper includes a detailed study of the financial status of nuns and nunneries.
Unlike monasteries, which are usually located near towns and are held in high public
esteem, nunneries receive little regular support from the lay community. They are rarely
asked to hold ceremonies and recite scriptures for families or groups of lay people, one of
the chief sources of income for monks. Also unlike monasteries, nunneries are also not
allowed to own land, cattle or businesses. The vast majority of nuns are provided for by
their families, and their standard of living varies accordingly. Families also make donations to the nunnery itself, according to their means, upon the admission of a novice and
twice a year thereafter. The nunnery’s communal income is supplemented by the alms
gathered by nuns during two traditional periods each year. Living conditions are extremely poor in most nunneries.
Why do nuns take the robes? By way of background, the author first examines the
status of women in Tibetan society. The majority of nuns come from rural farming or
nomad families and would otherwise face a life of backbreaking work both inside and
outside the home, plus the perils of childbirth with no access to medical care. To this day,
most still have no hope of receiving an education outside the nunnery, since they live too
far from government-run schools. Some are sent by their parents to the nunnery, but
most take the decision themselves. The author has personally interviewed many nuns
and drawn up detailed statistical analyses of their demographic, economic and social
background. Case studies of individual nuns¡¯ life stories are available to give colour to
the study.
The paper contrasts the difference between the lives of monks and nuns, monasteries and nunneries, in terms of historic and present conditions. It concludes that social
injustice to Tibetan women does exist within the Tibetan Buddhist religious field. With
the exception of a few female masters, the social and economic position of the vast majority of nuns is lamentably low. The author suggests ways of improving the conditions of
Buddhist nuns in the Tibetan region.
Prajñåkaragupta on par›th›num›na
Motoi Ono
The concept “par›th›num›na” is an invention of Dign›ga. It is, however, not clear why
Dign›ga had to divide inference into two categories, i.e., the sv›rth›num›na and the
par›th›num›na, because the latter is essentially a verbal expression that Buddhist logicians can never recognize as valid cognition. We could assume that with this concept
Dign›ga tried to distinguish logical and dialectical problems, and above all intended to
provide a proper section for explaining his most favourite invention, “hetucakra”.
PraŸastap›da as well as Jaina’s logicians accepted the concept, while Kum›rila criticized
this.
In the Buddhist logical school, Dharmakırti and his followers accepted the categorization of inference. Tibetan Buddhist scholars also held it. Nevertheless, the tendency not
to make much of the concept “par›th›num›na “ seems to have appeared even in
Dharmakırti’s thought. He actually neglected the theory of the hetucakra, so that in his
system the par›th›num›na only means a section which deals with the thesis and fallacious
reasons. ln short, the necessity of maintaining the concept “par›th›num›na “ became unclear in Dharmakırti’s system.
It is probably Prajñ›karagupta who first theoretically reconsidered the concept
“par›th›num›na ’. In his commentary on the par›th›num›na section of the Pram›˚av›rttika,
he reflected on the concept. He tried to show that the par›thanum›na is essentially not
different from the sv›rth›num›na and the concept is at least not contradictory to
Dhannakırti’s system. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate Prajnakaragupta’s reconsideration and point out its importance by interpreting his text and Yam›ri’s commentary, which is extant only in Tibetan translation.
De’u dmar dge bshes’s method of compounding colors
Shunzo Onoda
Continuing to my paper of last IATS meeting, I will discuss on the eighth chapter of De’u
dmar dge bshes’s Kun gsal tshon gyi las rim which focuses on the theories of color compositions. In this chapter 159 secondary colors are introduced. Some of them give us
quite interesting points. For example, we haven’t had very much information about “sbyar
ljang (compounded green)”, but in this chapter, we find the following account:
bab lar ram bsres sbyar ljang snyeng/ dngos dang ljang ser ljang nag gsum/
(Orpiment-yellow and indigo-blue makes a compounded green which can be divided
into three: true (compounded green), green-yellow and dark-green.)
This method seems to be corresponding to the way of compositional technique by
Mi pham rgya mtsho (1846–1912) and also to the method by Rong tha Blo bzang rgya
mtsho (1863–1917).
De’u dmar dge bshes also gives information about 3 kinds of na ros (pink), 2 of
mchin kha (liver color), 3 of mon kha (mauve) and others in this chapter. \
A newly rediscovered manuscript edition of the
MañjuŸrınamasa˙giti
Giacomella Orofino
During the restoration works of the ’Khor chags (Kho char/ Kha char) monastery, undertaken in 2000 by the Italian Ngo A.S.I.A, a large number of manuscript texts of great
interest were discovered in a hollow space, between two walls of the XIII cent bKra shis
brtsegs pa’i gtsug lag khang.
The buried volumes, most of them fragmentary copies, might represent an exceptional find for the history of the second phase of propagation of the Buddhist doctrines in
Western Tibet, as well as for the history of the formation of the Tibetan Buddhist canon.
Among the volumes, I have identified a manuscript, annotated edition of the
MañjuŸrınamasa˙giti (MNS), a text that, as is well known, has been of crucial importance
in the religious history of Tibet since the VIII century. Moreover, the cult of the Bodhisattva
Manjusri holds a particular significance in the history of the‘Khor chags monastic settlement, if we consider that, according to the legend recorded in the Kho char dkar chags, the
adjoining temple, the Yid bzhin lhun grub gtsug lag khang, was purposely built by the Gu
ge dynasty in 996 to house the famous silver “talking” statue of the Bodhisattva MañjuŸrı.
Through the paleographical and philological analysis of this manuscript edition of
the MNS I hope to contribute to the study of the development of the religious and philosophical thought in the Tibetan middle ages.
Role of amchi and onpo in Ladakhi society; past, present, and
future
Padma Gurmet
“Ladakh” popularly known as little Tibet in the west has been the custodian of Tibetan
art and culture for centuries. Five major and five minor Tibetan arts and sciences have
been popularly practiced in Ladakh since ages. Being historically, culturally and geographically close to each other Ladakh and Tibet has always been in touch throughout
the history. Until Chinese occupation of Tibet, it used to be the higher study center for
Ladakhi students. Besides religion Amchi (Tibetan- sMan, English- medicine) and Onpo
(Tibetan- rTsis, English- astrology/astronomy) studies used to be the favorite subjects of
the students due to its high social and religious acceptance. There are still some Tibettrained Amchis and Onpos are practicing in Ladakh.
Amchi (Practitioner of Tibetan medicine) and Onpo (Practitioner of Tibetan Astrology) have been a major part of day-to-day social and spiritual life of Ladakhi society.
Every major village and hamlet has been having an Amchi and Onpo of their own since
ages. They were well respected in the society as skutak (higher class) and their place in
social gatherings is always after the lama (monk). The villagers used to offer crops during
harvesting time and free labor every year to the Amchi and Onpo family for their services.
It was therefore being an Amchi or Onpo has been matter of great dignity in Ladakhi
society. It takes several years to become a skillful Amchi or Onpo, which includes hard
theoretical and practical trainings. In Ladakh generally Amchi and Onpos are trained
through rGudpa (lineage) system in families. After finishing their training the new Amchi
has to give an exam in front of entire community in presence of few expert Amchis in a
ceremony called rtsa-mkrid. Good knowledge of Buddhism and Onpo (Astrology) is also
very important requirement for a qualified Amchi.
The services of Amchi medicine have always been significant for the people of Ladakh.
Before the 1960s Amchi used to be the only health care facility for the people and even
after the introduction of modern medicine with all government support it cannot replace
Amchi system in many parts of Ladakh till now. Amchis have not only social respect but
also spiritual respect as the representatives of Sangyas-sManla (Medicine Buddha) and
their services for ailing beings are priceless. Besides treating the patients as doctor of the
village Amchis and Onpos are most learned and resourceful persons of the village and
many times they are village headmen (Goba). The relation between Amchi and patients is
always cordial, according to Ladakhi tradition Amchi never ask for cost for their medicine and services, whatever the patient wish or afford they can offer and even most of the
time it goes without any price.
The role of an Onpo in Ladakhi society starts with the birth of new baby and its
service will be required throughout life till the cremation of the body. It is considered
necessary to visit an Onpo when the child is a new born to prepare the complete life
prediction of the baby (Skai-skar), which states the major difficulties and disease in life,
marital status, number of children, financial status, time and mode of death etc. Every
major event in Ladakhi life and society like sowing, harvesting, marriage, entering a new
house, religious ceremonies and so on, is fixed with the consultation of an Onpo.
Till now the role of an Amchi and Onpo is very active in Ladakh, but with time and
modernity things are rapidly changing with some positive and negative effects. The traditional Amchi practice is replacing with formal Amchi clinics and Institutional trainings.
The renowned village Amchis prefer to practice in urban areas with formal clinics, the
personal relation between Amchi and patient is gradually losing and Amchis started charging for their medicine and services. The training of Onpo can be also obtained from formal Institutions. The traditional Onpos are now preparing calendars with elaborate paintings and pocket diary with astrological predictions.
The biggest setback for the survival of these traditions in the coming generations is
the lack of interest in young educated people in absences of good Government job opportunities. Most of the ancient Amchi and Onpo families have already lost their family tradition and are only left with the family names. However little efforts have been taken by
the Amchi leaders and some Amchis have been given some Govt. support. Unfortunately,
it is not enough for survival of this tradition unless it gets proper support from national
and international communities. This paper will focus on above issues in light of author’s
experiences and discussion with Ladakhi Amchis and Onpos
.
The development of monastery tourism in Zungchu County
Padma tsho
“Tourism first if the West is to be developed.” This idea has turned out to be the people’s
common consensus in western part of China and is being put into action around Tibetan
areas in Sichuan Province. Now tourism departments as well as local Tibetans are eager
to explore the tourism resources in Tibetan culture.
Located in the famous travel routes in Rngba Tibetan District, Zungchu County is
well known for its Gsermtsho scenic resorts, a world culture heritage site. The Bon religious district called Lcangla chus is situated between the Gsertsho and Sdedgu tourist
tracks and seven main Bon religion monasteries are gathered there.
For the past few years, some monasteries have made an attempt to develop the tourism business but that has aroused the dispute from local society and therefore much
attention has been drawn by the government.
Through a survey in the field, this thesis, a composition of both pictures and literary
discussion, has now been worked out. In it the present situations and the future prospects of tourism in several monasteries have been analyzed and the feasible tourism modes
of Bon religion in Zungchu County are offered and suggested.
The main aspects of the thesis are:
First, the form of tourism in Zungchu monastery is based on a contract model. I provide
a survey of local monasteries in detail.
Second, the main conflicts are the following:
1.
The convention in traditional monastery has been broken down by the conflict between modernity and tradition.
2.
3.
The conflict between commodity economy and traditional folk culture has deepened
the influence of market economy on the monastery.
The economic conflict between monasteries and contractors has made the former a
limelight concerning tourism.
Third: the main causes of the conflicts
1.
2.
The contract mode of tourism economy in a monastery is much against the idea of
religion as traditionally being a non-commercial kind of culture.
Traditionally speaking, the notion of monastery tourism could hardly make any sense
to local monks and therefore it is impossible for them to promote tourism by themselves.
Fourth: some examples of monastery tourism modes.
In Zungchu County, we have already gained some experience from the tourism development in several great monasteries and this has set up a typical mode for future
monastery tourism.
Therefore, based on the experience we gained in Zungchu County, we should further learn other experience of tourism development in order to shape a representative
tourist mode which not only reconciles modernity and tradition but also conforms to the
religious and cultural spirits.
Here are some main modes of monastery tourism.
1.
2.
3.
Blabrang monastery mode, a specialized one.
Skughbum monastery mode.
Diversification mode.
In the 21st century, when the western part of China is going to be widely developed,
the western tourism to prosper and the monasteries in Zungchu County open to the tourism business, we should try our best to reconcile the conflicts between modernity and
tradition so as to make possible a smooth tourism development. By doing so, we will not
only present the national culture treasures but reach a balance between economic development and culture preservation.
As a result, it would manifest much of the cultural and practical meanings if a sound
and reasonable mode of monastery tourism is successfully constructed.
Report on the identification of Vinaya manuscripts from Tabo
Jampa L. Panglung
Among the manuscripts preserved in the ancient monastery of Tabo (Spiti) there is a
number of texts pertaining to the Vinaya section of the Tibetan Canon. These consist in
great part of single sheets, hitherto only roughly identified. For the catalogue of the socalled “Kanjur of Tabo” in progress, these Vinaya-texts will be identified and compared
with the printed Kanjur versions. At present a number of single sheets from the
Vinayavibhaºga section have been identified. The results of an investigation into its writing, orthography and textual tradition will be presented. A short review of the total of the
fragmentary Vinaya of Tabo is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the different
Vinaya sections represented in the “Kanjur of Tabo”.
A discussion of Ke ru Lha khang: cultural support and
interdisciplinary research in Central Tibet
Pasang Wangdu
This paper addresses some questions concerning Ke ru Lha khang, one of the earliest
temples in Central Tibet, from different points of view. This temple, not far from bSam
yas, dates back to the 11th century and currently keeps a large collection of early manuscripts. Since 1990 I have visited this temple several times. When I visited the place together with Prof Deborah Klimburg-Salter, art-historian, and Prof Christina SherrerSchaub, codicologist, we came to the conclusion that this temple was not identical with
the 8th century’s Kwa chu temple, as sometimes claimed. In my paper I will discuss this
issue in detail.
Furthermore I will present the project that I started there together with the local
monastic community. While in Ke ru I had noticed that some of the folios presented very
early forms of Tibetan writing and were in a rather disordered state. I therefore initiated
a simple project for their preservation and cataloguing with the support of the Tibetan
Academy of Social Sciences, the Austrian anthropological project “Tradition and Modernity in Tibet” of the FWF and the New Generations Foundation from the USA. In my
paper I will outline this project, present its current results and its future perspectives.
Finally on the basis of this case study, which involved an interplay of art-history,
philology, history and anthropology, I will explore benefits and difficulties of an interdisciplinary approach to research on and support of Tibetan culture
Culture specific diet in birth and child care practices among
exile Tibetans in contemporary Dharamsala
Nupur Pathak
The study explores the concept of culture specific diet in Tibetan health care practices to
exhibit different interpretations and its importance in contemporary world. Tibetans profess a variety of beliefs in health care practices. A sample of 92 Tibetan women of child
bearing age group and above were interviewed from different socio economic strata at
Dharamsala (India) between January-June 2002 following random sampling method, indepth interview schedule. Findings suggest despite exposure to modern media, Tibetan
& Allopathic medical facilities 58% Tibetan women opted for home delivery. Tsampa is
considered as ‘hot’ food in the traditional Tibetan medical system. A strong cultural belief underlies its common application together with warm butter on the naval area to
quicken the process of delivery. The application of tsampa in birth practices among exile
Tibetans, as first feed to the new born babies and its importance in health care practices is
governed by traditional beliefs as were practised in Tibet. It is also introduced to babies
with an intent to prevent any imbalance in normal harmonic state of bodily elements.
Encouragement from elders, and the belief in and application of Tibetan notion of ‘hot’
and ‘cold’ food appear to contribute to a successful preservation of the Tibetan humoral
system in contemporary Tibetan health culture.
I argue that the preferential use of tsampa acts as a kind of placebo substance in Tibetan health care practice and is part of the social importance to actively uphold its existence and perseverance of Tibetan cultural tradition in exile.
In the hollow of the taiga: sacred Buddhist landscapes in the
Darxad Depression of Northern Mongolia
Morten A. Pedersen
Based on 17 months of doctoral fieldwork among Darxad hunters and pastoralists in the
Darxad Depression of Northern Mongolia, my central proposition in this paper is that
this environment constitutes a total cognitive form from within which Darxad social life
is imagined. The crux of my argument is that the highly explicit contrast between steppe
and taiga zones in the Darxad Depression is perceived in the form of an asymmetrical
opposition between a homogeneous centre and a heterogeneous margin, and that this
opposition between a “singular centre” and a “multiple margin” is replicated across a
range of different aspects of Darxad social life. Notably, the Darxads perceive themselves
to consist of two different “sides”, a Buddhist “yellow side” (shar tal) and a shamanic
“black side” (xar tal), and these two aspects of Darxad personhood are homologous to the
asymmetrical environmental contrast in question. Following Gell, the taiga thus emerges
as an external objectification of the Darxads’ “black side”, and the steppe as an external
“objectification” of the Darxads’ “yellow side”. Darxad shamans, for example, appear as
asymmetrical eversions of prominent Darxad elders. Evidently, both kinds of leaders are
personifications of what all the Darxads supposedly contain “inside”, but if the prominent elder man personifies the Darxad’s “yellow side” by embodying the absolute centre
in the form of a person, then the shaman rather personifies the Darxad’s “black side” in
the form of the multiple taiga as instantiated within.
The salience of the aforementioned environmental contrast undoubtedly is related
to the fact that the Mongolian Buddhist church never managed to eliminate the shamanist religion from the Darxad Depression. To be true, the ecclesiastical office (shabi yamen)
of the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu clearly sought to render the Darxad steppe zone into a
mandala-like whole by virtue of a variety of politico-religious interventions, such as the
strategic construction of monasteries in this environment. But the point is that this prerevolutionary Buddhist “domestication” project only had the effect of pushing the Darxad
shamans and their domains of activity towards the taiga zone. For instance, most shamanic
spirits (ongon) are understood to have their abodes in the taiga zone, where, on the other
hand, the steppe zone is dominated by Buddhicised spiritual entities. It is, then, unquestionable that the Darxad concept of the “yellow side” is related to the pre-revolutionary
establishment of the Buddhist church within the Xotgor. Yet, according the Darxads’ own
understanding, the situation back then was a different one. It was not just that the Darxads
asked to be “protected” by the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu. It was also that the Mongolian
Buddhist church was attracted to the Darxads and to their landscape. Indeed, from the
point of view of certain Darxad narratives, the Buddhist church did not bring in anything
new to their land; the church only brought out something that was already there. The
Darxad and their land were not made “yellow” by the Buddhist church, for they were
“yellow” already. Rather, the Darxads’ “yellowness” only needed to be extracted by someone who could sense this attraction, and who had the capacity to make it visible. Invariably, in the narratives I have heard, this “someone” was the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu.
In memory of Blo gros chos mtsho: feminine and local politics
in modern Kham
Peng Wenbin
There has been, recently, growing interest in Tibetan gender discourses and their sociospatial practices. Yet, issues of femininity and local politics have not received adequate
attention in modern Kham studies, whose enunciations will deepen our understanding
of the essential fluidity of Sino-Tibetan frontiers.
This paper locates modern Kham politics at the individual level. It discusses Blo gros
chos mtsho’s marital relationship to the Han Chinese geographer-cum- ethnologist, Ren
Naiqiang and its political ramifications in Kham during the Republican era. By reading
Blo gros’ political propositions at the National Assembly in 1947, her personal memoir,
and Ren Naiqiang’s recollections after her death in 1949, I explore Blos gros’ participations
in “women’s work” of Xikang (Sikang) and in minorities’ constitutional representations
in Republican China. I also discuss her contributions to Ren’s political and scholarly work
in Kham and her narrations of tragic involvements of the Rgya re family of Nyagrong in
local, provincial and national politics.
As a Tibetan woman from an influential Khampa family, and wife of a famous Chinese bureaucratic scholar, Blo gros’ personal and political career sheds much light on
complexities of Tibetan gender issues, mediated by local/national politics, ethnic relationships and intercultural appropriations. An inquiry of this kind of hybridization also
necessitates a critical intervention in the Chinese or Tibetan historiography emphasizing
“purity” of its historical and heroic figures in legitimizing a coherent nationalist ideology.
Insisting on agreement: Tibetan law and its development in
Ladakh
Fernanda Pirie
Most studies of the legal realm in Tibet have focussed on the law codes which were developed in the various Tibetan polities from the 14th century onwards (Meiserzahl; Schuh;
French). The practice of law is everywhere highly influenced by its political context and
these codes were primarily instruments of governmental control, albeit ideologically
founded on the Buddhist moral laws which were used to legitimise these regimes= power.
For the anthropologist, however, an analysis of the legal realm can be of much wider
interest. Local forms of dispute resolution shed considerable light on social structures,
political organisation and the contested relationships between religion and politics, between cosmological practices and secular morality.
The Ladakhi kingdom of the 10th to the 19th centuries established a system of government that was less elaborate than that of the Dalai Lamas in central Tibet, with very
light administrative control in the villages. There is little evidence of elaborate judicial
procedures or the use of law codes. The region=s subsequent incorporation into the state
of Kashmir, now part of India, has seen the introduction of courts and laws based on
western models. These are, however, largely avoided by the Ladakhi people who continue to solve most conflict within their villages and local communities, even in the towns
relying on mediation rather than adjudication, and placing a strong emphasis on the
symbolic restoration of order. Ladakh, therefore, offers the anthropologist an opportunity to study contemporary and local legal practices, forms of conflict resolution rather
than centrally imposed control.
I describe how the village=s legal practices are characterised by a deep disapproval
of all forms of anger and conflict. Disputes are regarded as problems for the community,
requiring the intervention of families, neighbours, the headman and, ultimately, the whole
village meeting. Resolving a dispute requires agreement between the protagonists, although the collectivity of villagers can impose punishments and sometimes exert considerable pressure on individuals to accept a compromise. Above all, order must be ceremonially restored. The legal culture of the Ladakhi village is, thus, characterised by an emphasis on the need to restore order over and above the protection of individual rights.
Disputes are regarded as disturbances to the social order rather than clashes of individual
interests.
Similar practices of and attitudes to dispute resolution have, in fact, been found in
vastly different situations elsewhere in the Tibetan region: in 20th century Lhasa where
law officers would refer cases back for local mediation and refuse to adjudicate on unclear issues of fact; in 20th century Sakya where local mediation was again the preferred
form of dispute resolution; even in the provisions of the legal codes themselves. In all
these cases the Tibetan authorities demonstrated an unwillingness authoritatively to determine the solution to a dispute or to adjudicate on questions of right and wrong. As in
the Ladakhi villages, they were effectively refusing to impose order on the parties, something which could only be found in local agreement.
While central and eastern Tibet have been subsumed into the TAR, Ladakh has been
introduced to democratic political structures as part of the Indian nation state. Administrative control remains light, however, and this has allowed the development of a centralised mediation service by the regional political party. Consciously applying “traditional”
methods of conflict resolution, as found in the villages, with a similar emphasis on mediation and agreement above adjudication, and appealing to the pervasive concern with
order, this offers a real alternative to the State’s courts. I will describe how the practices
ad procedures mirror those of the villages and the way in which authority is founded on
an appeal to a sense of community boundaries, albeit that this notion has been strategically extended to incorporate a sense of regional unity. While the Tibetan government in
exile has established political and judicial structures expressly based on western democratic models, Ladakh has seen the development of legal structures based on local practices which are no less characteristically Tibetan.
The circulation of Tibetan works of art: some remarks on the
Italian national law and the international market
Massimiliano A. Polichetti
The illicit trade in art and cultural artifacts has increased dramatically in recent years.
This includes theft of individual works of art, illegal export of objects protected by international laws, and pillaging of archaeological sites. Art theft is therefore a global problem
requiring cooperation at all levels of law enforcement. Coming closer to the topic of this
paper, Tibetan antiques have become extremely valuable objects on the international art
market. At the last IX IATS held in Leiden (2000), scholars adopted a resolution regarding
the dangerous and damaging traffic in Tibetan art. Many collectors argued that they are
saving Tibetan culture by buying artefacts that are at risk of destruction in Tibet, however
it was desumed that the high prices paid by collectors stimulates the continuing thefts.
The legal issues surrounding the trade in these works are complex. Chinese law dictates
that no object more than 180 years old, or deemed important to cultural heritage, may be
taken out of the country. But a piece can be exported if the Chinese Cultural Affairs Bureau determines that it is neither a prohibited antique nor a cultural relic. This is how
most legitimate dealers operate, but government officials can be unfortunately receptive
to compromises. The Chinese government, pushed by world opinion, has in recent years
tried to reduce the issue, but the trade has merely been diverted to underground channels. Museum collections of Tibetan art are furthermore reported to be growing rapidly
through purchases and donations, with not many questions being asked about provenance of the objects acquired. Since they might be lost if returned to occupied Tibet, the
United Nations’ treaties that require the repatriation of stolen cultural treasure have been
considered inapplicable to them. Notwithstanding, in April 1998 the FBI returned a statue
that had been stolen in 1993 from TAR. On this ground, the paper will present an overview of the main international Laws and Conventions (the 1970 UNESCO Convention,
the Museum of the University of Philadelphia Declaration of 1970, the Code of Professional Ethics of the International Council of Museums, the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention,
the 1996 Treasure Act for England and Wales, the European Council Regulation on the
export of cultural goods, the Cambridge Resolution, and so on) along with a survey of
the Italian Law, that is the most ancient juridical frame on this issue (the first
Superintendent for the Rome’s Antiquities was Raffaello Sanzio): the 1939 Law n. 1089,
the 1998 organic arrangement of this fundamental act, the 1998 Law n. 88 and others
among the foremost; mentions will also be made with regards to the Italian Ministry for
Culture and its institutional activities, rooted in the Italian Constitution, of acquisition of
Tibetan and Himalayan single items and collections as well, direct preservation of works
of arts, organization of seminars. A presentation also will be made of the Italian Army
Department (Carabinieri) with direct operative competence on this matter and its international links. Helping what once was Tibet to maintain and preserve his cultural patrimony is decidedly complex and not susceptible to easy answers. Assuming that the international trade in antiquities cannot be stopped merely by regulations prohibiting their
exportation, and given that it is unlikely that Chinese government could smother the
incentive to send antiquities out of the country clandestinely, a more wide approach is
necessary. The real goal should be to establish some degree of control over what leaves
the Himalayan countries and to get archaeology and history of art students into that
areas to work on the many sites.
Estate and rituals in central Bhutan: the example of O rgyan
chos gling
Françoise Pommaret
The O rgyan chos gling estate in the sTang valley of Bumthang (Central Bhutan) is associated with the great Tibetan masters Klong chen rab byams (1308–1363) and rDo rje
gling pa (1346–1405).
In the 19th century, the estate became powerful and prosperous because of one of the
family members, mTsho skyes rdo rje. He was governor (dPon slob) of Trongsa dzong
(Krong gsar rdzong) and the de facto leader of Bhutan. Moreover, marriages between this
lineage coming from rDo rje glingpa and the lineage of Padma gling pa (1450–1521), also
from Bumthang, enhanced the religious prestige of the family.
Today O rgyan chos gling is still privately owned by the same family. This family
belongs to what is known in Bhutan as chos rgyud gdung rgyud, which means they are
holders of both a religious and a noble lineage.
This position in traditional Bhutanese society carries with it a certain number of duties as well as rights, which represent in fact the two sides of an exchange process. This is
brought to light during the annual bskang gso festival held in the manor.
This paper examines the social and ritual significance of the festival, focusing on
what it reveals in the context of a traditional society where social class – although diluted
by modernization – is still an operating concept, especially when it is involved in a religious event.
Œdipus AEgyptiacus: Ippolito Desideri on the sins of the
Sixth Dalai Lama
R. Trent Pomplun
I propose to trace the influence of Renaissance and Baroque ideas of Egypt on Ippolito
Desideri’s characterization of the sixth Dalai Lama Blo-bzang rin-chen tshangs-dbyangs
rgya-mtsho (1683–1706). Scholars have long known that the Jesuit missionary was familiar with works such as Athanasius Kircher’s China illustrata, since he himself criticizes
the work for perpetuating false myths about the Dalai Lama’s character and office. Scholars have been less attentive, however, to way that Desideri used such works positively to
construct his own myth of Tibet. After showing how the Italian missionary subtly portrays Tibetan religion as a genealogical descendent of Egyptian idolatry, I shall offer some
tentative conclusions about Desideri’s sources and their implications for future studies of
the history of European fascination with Tibet. My presentation will proceed in three
sections: (1) a brief description of the role of the sixth Dalai Lama in the political arena in
which the young Jesuit missionary wrote his refutation of reincarnation; (2) a discussion
of Desideri’s dependence on classical sources for his notions of reincarnation and an explanation of the frequent allusions to Egypt in the Notizie istoriche; and (3) a final argument that Desideri meant his allusions to Egypt to further his own political and economic
agenda. I thus hope to show that the Jesuit missionary described the sixth Dalai Lama in
terms redolent of the cursed mysteries of Egyptian in order to frighten readers into supporting him in his battle against the Capuchin fathers for the legal rights to the Tibetan
mission.
Few characters in the Notizie istoriche are so roundly criticized as the sixth Dalai Lama.
While the Jesuit missionary praised the moral and intellectual virtues of ordinary Tibetans, he seems to have harbored a particular dislike for the sixth Dalai Lama. For the Jesuit
missionary, the sixth Dalai Lama was a symbol of the doctrine of reincarnation that he
believed to be the chief impediment to the conversion of Tibetans to Catholicism. The
immensity of Desideri’s refutation of reincarnation, however, bespeaks a vehemence that
goes beyond a mere dispute between Buddhist and Christian scholastics. Having fled the
sack of Lhasa in December 1717, the young missionary blamed the political use of rein-
carnation for the atrocities during the Dzungar invasion and the Manchu takeover in
1720. The theological and philosophical motives for the missionary’s refutation of the
doctrine, however, are more complex – and less obviously apparent. I should like to demonstrate that their roots can be found in Renaissance literature about Egypt. When Desideri
describes the Bsam-yas oracle reading the “hieroglyphics” that form in the sky or the
“obelisks” that dot the Tibetan landscape, he betrays a common Renaissance belief that
all pagan religions have their origins in the “idolatry” of the Egyptians. This association
is furthered by his description of Tibetans as “Pythagoreans,” an allusion to Xenophanes’
attribution of the doctrine of transmigration to Pythagoras and the often-citedæand often
parodiedætestimony that Pythagoras remembered four of his previous incarnations. This
allusion would have quickly pricked his readers’ ears, for Pythagoras was still widely
believed to have been the disciple of the mythical harbinger of Egyptian wisdom Hermes
Trismegistus. By identifying Tibetan doctrine of reincarnation with the Egyptian wisdom
of Hermes, Desideri thus took advantage of the Roman fascination for all things Egyptian in order to wage his own battle for the rights to the Tibetan mission. In the Jesuit’s
account then, Lha-bzang Khan’s war with the Dzungars becomes a tragedy set in motion
by the Tibetans’ devotion to the sixth Dalai Lama and the “sad error of metempsychosis.”
In this way, the Jesuit could call attention to his own skills as a student of Tibetan language and scholasticismæskills that his Capuchin rivals lackedæwhile contrasting the
sins of the sixth Dalai Lama with the natural virtues of Tibetans. The manuscript of
Desideri’s refutation of reincarnation itself could then play the role of witness in Desideri’s
legal battle to the Tibetan mission, becoming the sole key that might turn the Tibetans
from Egyptian necromancy using the very scholasticism they used to support the office
of the Dalai Lama.
Narrative composition in the ambulatory of the cella in the
’Du-khang in Tabo
Renate Ponweiser
This 11th century narration, which is 42 cm high and 15,3 meters long, is set in a Tibetan
environment. This is clearly depicted by the architecture and the people who are wearing
typical West Tibetan dresses, heavy, loose and certainly woollens.
At first sight the protagonist in the frieze in the Ambulatory looks like the hero in the
Sudhana-frieze in the ’Du-khang. But as we know, Sudhana’s path towards his goal of
ultimate realisation is finished at the end of the west wall in the ’Du-khang with his final
meeting with Samantabhadra; therefore the Ambulatory painting cannot be a continuation.
Well known scholars who visited Tabo, such as A.H. Francke in 1909, David L.
Snellgrove 1957, Giuseppe Tucci 1933, M.N. Deshpande 1965, S.L. Nagar 1990, S. Khosa,
A.K. Singh., M. Chaturvedi et al 1964, O.C. Handa 1994 and Th. J. Pritzker 1996 did not
write any word about this cycle in the Ambulatory. Deshpande identified 1973 one Avadana
Story and Peter van Ham and Aglaya Stirn described 1997 in “Vergessene Götter
Tibets”…(p.90) is a narrative frieze with the legend of Sudhana. Some other scholars
thought that this painting might represent latakas. But I do not believe in these interpretations.
The pictorial narrative in India developed in a context where the basic philosophical
concepts and methods were familiar. As the pictorial language developed, it drew on
other visual models and folk stories became an independent visual tradition, differing
from region to region and suited to the needs of the Tibetan community in India. The
formative phase of Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism in the Indo-Tibetan borderlands during
the 10th and 11th centuries borrowed different literary sources and thus makes the identification of the narrative paintings in the Cella’s Ambulatory so difficult.
To find a way to decipher this composition, it was not only necessary to compare it
with the contents of canonical sources which are pictorially evident in Tabo and to use
the manuscript fragments of the library of Tabo, it was also necessary to try to explain the
paintings by means of the historical context and the inscriptions in the temple of Tabo.
From Tibetan medicine to amchi medicine: the struggle for
recognition
Laurent Pordié
The legally recognised indigenous medical systems of India fall under the auspices of
Indian Systems of Medicine & Homeopathy (ISM). This autonomous governmental body
provides economic support and infrastructure to the included medical practices, namely
Ayurveda, Siddha, Unani, Yoga, Naturopathy and Homeopathy. The amchi’s medical system of Ladakh is therefore today officially illegal. Paradoxically, in spite of its non-inclusion in the ISM, there are governmentally assigned practitioners and other fund allocations, both by central and regional governments, for institutionalised educational structures, training workshops and medicines supply. This situation is locally understood as a
‘partial recognition’ but does not meet the contemporary expectations of the amchi. They
are seeking integration within the ISM and therefore the right to claim a legal status,
which is intimately correlated to a social redefinition of the medical practice.
This communication will therefore explore the process and challenges of legal recognition for what is today generally considered in India as ‘a folk medicine practiced by the
Himalayan scheduled tribes’ or as a local ‘version’ of the scholastic Tibetan medicine
(gso-ba rig-pa). It will shed light on the ways that the Ladakhi amchi community presents
itself and negotiates its medical and social identities with the national authorities. Ethnographical accounts of several encounters between both parts and the analysis of local
discourses and written documents on the subject will illustrate the position of the Ladakh
minority in the nation-state.
Furthermore, this paper will reveal the political stakes and the social challenges of a
medical community today fully active in its own renewal. The amchi of Ladakh define a
space for their medicine within the Tibetan medicines, considering the various social, identity, political and medical expressions of gso-ba rig-pa. They intend to affirm the singularity of both the sociocultural and medical aspects of their practice, whilst keeping a somewhat close identification with other localisations of this medical system. This will lead us
to examine the relationship of amchi medicine (for Ladakh) with other medicines (e.g.
Tibetan-medicine-of-the-Tibetans-in-exile and Ayurveda). It will provide some insights
in the construction of amchi medicine not only medically and institutionally but also ethnically, politically and socially.
In spite of the efforts occasionally made by single individuals, the struggle to achieve
legal recognition in Ladakh shows a very rare case of action shared by the entire amchi
community. Each individual envisions the personal benefits s/he could get from it and is
not reluctant to work in coordination, although it is usually not the case for most of the
other contemporary issues regarding their medical system (i.e. intellectual property rights,
amchi associations, development activities). A central reason is that the neo-traditional
amchi elite sees recognition as the first priority for their medical system and stays confident in leading the contemporary negotiations in India. The amchi of Ladakh therefore
represent not only their region but also this medical system for the amchi of the other
Himalayan areas of India, including those of the exiled Tibetans. The struggle for recognition actually expresses a collective medical identity in Ladakh and its eventual achievement is seen to represent the crystallisation of this identity. It also gives a means to the
Ladakhi amchi to transcend their tensions with and their complex of inferiority toward
the exiled Tibetan amchi and to gain accordingly in social status. The Ladakhi amchi community tries today to achieve what the Tibetan had earlier refused. They aim to make gsoba rig-pa an Indian system of medicine, despite its historical geographical emergence.
Official recognition appears to be a political instrument, which could serve the amchi
both within and outside Ladakh, and the solution to root socially Tibetan medicine in the
Indian land.
The Ladakhi amchi have banned the term ‘Tibetan Medicine’ from their official correspondences and discourses in English, which is the most official and socially marked
medium of communication with the national authorities. It is replaced by ‘amchi medicine’ and very recently, occasionally by Sowa Rigpa (gso-ba rig-pa). This semantic manipulation, emphasised by the local elite, tends to reinforce both the medical and social
identities of the practice in Ladakh. The anthropological exploration of the contemporary
conceptual shift from Tibetan medicine to amchi medicine in the case of legal recognition
will highlight, on a variety of levels, central issues of gso-ba rig-pa in Ladakh.
Amye Sgoldong: the hero of the rGyalrong Tibetans
Marielle Prins
The rGyalrong Tibetans live at the far eastern border of the Tibetan cultural area in the
west of Sichuan Province, in the People’s Republic of China (hereafter PRC). They are
part of the Tibetan nationality as defined by the present administration of the PRC.
Scholars have long thought that the rGyalrong speak an archaic dialect of Tibetan.
Though the classification of rGyalrong is still an issue of debate especially among scholars in the PRC, it is becoming more generally accepted among linguists that rGyalrong is
actually a distinct language belonging to the Qiangic branch of the Tibeto-Burman family.
It was also assumed that the rGyalrong Tibetans transmit their culture orally, that is,
that they have no tradition of writing. However, recently a collection of texts, written
before 1950, has come to light which shows that the rGyalrong did write. They used
Tibetan script to write their own language, covering a wide range of subjects – anything
from folk tales to religious instruction to wedding speeches. The texts are from a variety
of places throughout the rGyalrong area and reflect dialectal differences.
A number of the texts is concerned with the person and cult of Amye Sgoldong, a
legendary warrior hero rather similar to King Gesar. In a sample of one hundred texts,
eleven are related to Amye Sgoldong, more than ten percent of the total. These texts represent a large variety of genres. There are general histories about Amye Sgoldong; there is a
text giving instructions for the celebration of the Amye festival; there are speeches of praise
and worship to be chanted or proclaimed at places of worship outside of the home or at the
hearth, there is even an opera, complete with instructions for the actors and musicians.
Obviously, Amye Sgoldong took a large place in the consciousness of the rGyalrong
Tibetans and in their cultural expressions. But who was he, and why was he so important
to the rGyalrong? And are there, in what seems a uniquely rGyalrong tradition, any links
with the larger Tibetan ethnicity?
In this paper I will give an overview of the story of Amye Sgoldong, based on the
translation of one of the rGyalrong texts. The text provides insight in how the rGyalrong,
while maintaining distinctive aspects of their culture, strengthen their identity as part of
the Tibetan world through linking rGyalrong persons and events with traditional Tibetan
history, religion and worldview.
I will also trace the relevance of Amye Sgoldong in present day life, based on interviews and personal impressions of the Amye Sgoldong festival as presently celebrated in
the rGyalrong area.
Finally, I will discuss the possible sources (historical or otherwise) of the person of
Amye Sgoldong, based on sources other than the translated text, and see if there is any
supportive evidence for a link with the Gesar epic.
Tibetan public health: a historical perspective
Audrey Prost
The paper investigates the roots and contemporary developments with regard to the distribution of medical facilities and the training of practitioners in Tibet. It examines sources
on the training of doctors and their presence in the main Tibetan monasteries following
the establishment of the Chagpori institute, as well as the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s encounter with foreign ideas about public health. The paper then turns to contemporary
conflicting notions of public health, juxtaposing the understanding of health constructed
by TAR policy measures for public health with exile measures to establish a public health
network. Through this I point at the existence of a ‘native’ Tibetan perception of public
health and seek to trace its developments to modern exiles practices.
Juni, zari, and asu puchauni: Why do the ethnically Tibetan
Humli-Khyampas of far western Nepal use socio-cultural
Hindu concepts?
Hanna Rauber
The Humli-Khyampas are a group of nomadic traders who bartered Tibetan and Indian
salt for rice in far western Nepal for many generations. After the 1990s, their traditional
trade came to a standstill because of Chinese policies. The research material on which
this paper is based stems from my field research carried out in 1976–1977 when the HumliKhyampas were still walking with their sheep and goats from the Indian border villages
up to the Tibetan trade marts in Purang to buy or barter Tibetan salt. Living part of their
economic cycle in the hilly region among Hindus meant that they also worshipped Hindu
gods when problems arose. Despite being proud of not being settled villagers and not
being Hindu, they adopted a few distinctive Nepalese cultural concepts, i.e., juni, zari,
and asu puchauni. Why?
The first part of the paper deals with the ethnographic account: juni stands for the
wealth a woman receives in her old age after her husband has died and the household is
partitioned; zari is the compensation money a woman’s previous husband’s family demands from this woman’s new husband’s family after an elopement; asu puchauni means
the compensation a son receives after his father died and his mother remarries into another household. The second part focuses on the interpretation: (1) Are these new customs or do equivalent ones exist in western Tibetan societies? If yes, why did the HumliKhyampas replace the Tibetan terms by Nepali ones? (2) What does it mean for HumliKhyampa women? Is this to their material and/or social profit or loss?
Who are the Kinnauris? the Indo-Tibetan encounter in
question
Isabelle Riaboff
The District of Kinnaur (found in Himachal Pradesh, along the Chinese [TAR] border) is
very interesting when considering the Indo-Tibetan interface. Kinnaur constitutes a cultural march where the Indic and the Tibetan worlds interweave in diverse ways. Broadly
speaking, the further east a village, the more Tibetanised its culture: the easternmost part
of Kinnaur is Tibetan-speaking, whereas its western and central parts speak various TibetoBurmese dialects known as Kinnauri.
The present paper addresses the numerous ethnonyms which are in use in three
localities, namely Kalpa (in the centre of the District), Kanam (further east), and Dubling
(a Tibetan-speaking village, close to the Tibetan border). These three villages are treated
as case studies, where the criteria of ethnic divide are examined in terms of what is relevant in the people’s eyes. One of the findings of these case studies is that the images that
people have (both self-image and the image of others) play on similar themes. For example, all over Kinnaur (be it Kinnauri-speaking or Tibetan-speaking), the Tibetan culture is
regarded in a depreciating manner, in such a way that each community considers its
direct easterly neighbours as Tibetans (Nyam / Khawa / Bod pa) and in so doing, denies
its own Tibetanness.
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Gling rje ge sar rgyal po’i sgrung gi sa bkra bcu gnyis dang sa
bkra de dag gi rnam bshad ces pa’i nang don gnad bsdus
(Twelve Gesar maps and their explanation)
Rinchen Do rje (Ren Qing Dao Ji)
The present study includes two chapters, the maps and the explanation of the maps.
The maps are drawn according to modern maps in which east locates on the right
side and north locates on the upper part of a map. Besides the directions in the maps,
important names for rivers and places are drawn in different sizes of letters and drawings. If a name has been changed, the old name will be given in parenthesis. Besides
giving the names of rivers, places and mountains, I also put animal figures according to
the Gesar story. For example, rich grassland in Ling; sand-dunes in Hor; bamboo forest in
Mon; male and female yaks (‘bri g.yag) of Ling; demonic (bdud) camels; soul-mules of
Jang; tigers of Mon. I have retained the characteristics of the castle according to the description in the Gesar story.
Ten versions of Gesar story have twelve maps:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Map of Lhaling.
Two maps for the birth of Gesar include map of Trungling and map of Masa.
Map of Den place.
Map of horse racing.
Map of Mashetrak.
Map of spyi bsang (fumigation).
Map of the subjugation of devils.
Two maps of Hor-Ling war, one in first volume, and another map in the second
volume of the story.
9. Map of Jang-Ling war.
10. Map of Mon-Ling war.
In the present study, the section of explanations of maps includes introduction of
different editions of the story, citations from the story, study on the citations and specific
explanations of the maps (rkang ‘grel).
In the section of introduction to the different editions of the story, the editions, publishing dates of the sources used in this study will be introduced. Additionally, different
names but same contents of editions will be introduced.
The section of citations from the story refers to the citations from various editions of
the story. In order to make it easier for the readers, the thin underlines indicate the names
of rivers and places; the bolds implies the figures on the maps; the italics indicate the
distances between places and how much time it takes; thick underlines indicate my doubts.
While I cited from the story, I numbered the citations accordingly, but I used abbreviations for the personal names.
I did study on the citations according to my own fieldwork. In this section, the thin
underlines indicate the events, which I thought important. I placed the actual study of
the citations in the section two.
The section of rkang ‘grel would give explanation of the editions and citations; information about the places which I have put in the maps and have ruins for them can be
seen nowadays. Additionally, I compared the different names for places in different
editions.
Twelve explanations of the maps can be found in the ten versions of the story.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
The explanation of the Lhaling map.
The explanations of the maps of Gesar birth include Trungling and Masa.
The explanation of the map of Den place.
The explanation of the map of horse racing.
The explanation of the map of Mashetrak.
The explanation of the map Cisang.
The explanation of the map of conquering devils.
The explanation of two maps of Hor-Ling war, one in first volume, and another map
in the second volume of the story.
9. The explanation of the map of Jang-Ling war.
10. The explanation of the map of Mon-Ling war.
Finally I would like to share some experiences of doing such study and some suggestions for future study.
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Reb gong sa khul gyi stong ’jal ba’i yul khrims kyi lo rgyus
’pho ’gyur
(Penalties for breaking regional rules in Rebkong)
Rinchen Drolma
There are many local rules in Rebkong. However, this present study is concerned specifically with stong ‘jal (penalties for breaking rules) before and immediately after the Liberation with reference to historical cases.
1. Historical Background
Before the Liberation, Rebkong was under the rule of a feudal system, with an administrative structure embracing Tongpon, Nangso, Gyapon and Cukpon. This structure employed a combination of religious and civil law, to rule twelve tribes in Rebkong. Many
regional rules were promulgated in accordance with various conflicts (gyod gzhi). Additionally, the present study will introduce the social situation after the Liberation and laws
on regional autonomy.
2. Analyses of penalties with reference to historical cases
There are three kinds of penalties for breaking rules: gshin stong, punishments for homicide; gson stong, fines for harming others; mo stong, fines for breaking marriage agreement.
1.
2.
Punishments for homicide vary according to the circumstances of the crime: whether
the killing was intentional or not, whether the victim was from inside or outside
one’s tribe, whether the victim was from the Rebkong area, and whether the crime
was perpetrated between individuals or groups. Sentences also vary according to
the social status of the victim: whether the deceased was a man or a woman, a monk
or a leader (bla dpon) or an ordinary person, a child, an adult or an elderly person.
In cases of bodily harm not involving homicide the offender was required to pay a
fine, called (gson stong). The amount of the fine varies according to the severity of the
3.
injury, and whether the action was intentional or accidental. Furthermore, a person
who raised his knife toward another would be required to pay a fine, commonly
known as rmas pa khrag gi zhal lce.
The so-called mo stong refers to a fine which was paid by a woman for changing her
spouse. This fine includes payment of beer (chang) and a kha btags. When a woman or
her family broke a marriage agreement, it might happen that the abandoned husband would cut her hair or nose, or tear her mouth, but such measures could often be
forestalled if the payment of chang and the kha btags were made to the spouse in
advance with an apology.
The present study - based on the sources, historical documents and the present situation – analyses penalties for breaking local rules in Rebkong. Moreover, based on an
examination of historical Tibetan laws, the laws practised in Tibetan areas after the liberation, as well as the findings of other scholars in this area, this paper will analyse the
influence of written law on local law, and local people’s attitudes towards local rules and
the laws of regional autonomy.
New discoveries in Alashan concerning the secret life of
Tsangyang Gyatso (Tshangs-dbyangs rgya-mtsho)
Enrica Rispoli
My presentation concerns my visit, on September 2002, at Alashan and the monastery
founded by Tsanyang Gyatso, once the Sixth Dalai Lama, during his long stay and teaching activity in Inner Mongolia. I had been working at the figure and personality of the
Sixth Dalai Lama in the socio political context of his period since several years, actually
since I started to translate his Secret Biography divulged by Ngawang Lhundrub Dargye
in 1757. It has been published in Italian in 1999, but I hope to have soon an English version of it for its wider diffusion between scholars.
At the beginning, my research has been done only on bibliographic sources, than I
started to make direct surveys on places in order to get some verifications. Once on the
area I could discover a number of circumstances, even small, which lead me to review
some aspects on whose basis were funded parts of the story of Tsanyang Gyatso’s disappearing. It has been the case with his arriving next to the Kokonor while on his way to
Beijing which allows to assess how the place he stopped and from where he could have
escaped would rather correspond to the nowadays town called Gong He Xian which at
that time could just be a sort of post station next to the only water point of the region
(south east of the mountain range around the Kokonor).
My research brought me both to design the figure and personality of Tsanyang Gyatso,
the reasons of his forced removal from Lhasa and to demonstrate the authenticity of the
story as counted by the Secret Biography, a text which takes than an historical value.
At Alashan it had been possible to verify how it is still extremely vivid the devotion
towards Tsanyang Gyatso, after almost 300 years, about what even Kozlow, the Russian
geographer-scientist had spoken in his survey done on 1906. Kozlow was a naturalistic
scientist not an historian, so that even Prof. Aris quoting his research just puts it at the
margin of his study.
Surely it is extremely fascinating for the researcher to arrive at the monastery of his
founder, to stop at his stupa and to speak with his last reincarnation, and also to have the
opportunity to find texts and data which would not be possible to find abroad.
The survey in Inner Mongolia shown also that the Dalai Lama’s personality as it is
remind in Alashan Monastery is quite coincident with the one pointed out in these years
of studying. It is thus confirmed the hypothesis of his escaping and the real reason of his
exile, being he a man with a strong personality and a wish to reform the state rather than
being a rotten and viscous man.
It is also been verified that the Secret Biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama had been
divulged together with the construction of his stupa, both circumstances which happened
only few months after the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama, ten years later the death of
the Sixth Dalai Lama. I believe there had been a sort of agreement between the author of
the Secret Biography and the Seventh Dalai Lama to divulge the text and build up the
Stupa for Tsanyang Gyatso only after the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama himself.
Besides that it is also worth to point out that the language used to write the text, both
in poems and in prose as it was habit for the literary genre, appears to contain several
messages, even more esoteric, that my translation did not point out. This circumstance
now verified casts new light on the whole story. The Secret Biography thus assumes a
different meaning, it becomes like a celebrating message in the occasion of the Stupa
erection. Usually secret biographies are texts written to celebrate rinpoches and their merits on religious basis. In this case it seems that the text could even contain strong messages for someone else. This also could be matter of a specific later study.
Finally, thanks to this survey it was possible to verify that in the concerned area of
Inner Mongolia, lamaism as a religion, despite the destruction of 1896 and the Cultural
Revolution, continues nowadays to have its own autonomy and expression capacity, even
having to coexist with show-business and culture.
The Jurassic Park big advertisement panel with its gigantic plastic pumped up animals welcoming at the entrance of the park of the monastery, for the joy of the children
and the tourists, are somehow reminding us that the show-business is cohabiting the
sacred area of the monastery. Would that be a sort of compromise, here for Tsanyang
Gyatso, in order to let him to continues to be reminded in the third millennium?
History within stories: historical events as narrated in
contemporary historical fiction writing
Françoise Robin
Since the emergence of modern Tibetan literature in 1980, literary scene of the Land of
Snows has yielded roughly twenty medium- to full-length novels, among which a seemingly new genre, i.e. historical fiction (lo rgyus kyi gtam rgyud). Set in the past, such novels
sometimes focus on the life and times of great Tibetan characters, and it is the case for
three of them in particular : Thon mi Sambhotha (7th c.), the King of Tsong kha (11th c.)
and Sa skya Pandita (13th c.). All were published in A mdo (Qinghai and Gansu provinces) and written by A mdo writers either in 1998 and 1999. My paper aims at analysing
the literary background of those novels – how to link this new genre with traditional
chronicles and biographies -, the social reasons for the almost simultaneous emergence of
those three novels, and the meaning and intent of such works within today’s Tibetan
historical and political context – i.e., to what extent do such writings contribute to the rewriting and reappropriation of one’s history. My analysis will be based upon interviews
with authors and readers, and comparison with other similar cases in world literature.
Tradition and fashion in Tibetan society
Veronika Ronge
My paper will be about “Tradition or Fashion”. Arts and crafts had always an eminent
place in Tibetan society as do the traditional regional costumes. Until the introduction of
mass-fabricated materials’ accessories and jewellery, these items were created by talented,
gifted and skilled craftsmen and –women following regional traditions and values,
whereby they tried to find a balance of style and function, the latter defining form and
content. The aim being to achieve high quality. Today artefacts as well as costumes are –
at certain occasions – alienated from their original function and turned into seemingly
pure decoration. Good crafted items are expensive and therefore cheaper, mass-produced,
less exquisite pieces are accepted in increasing quantities thereby loosing style and dignity. For the past 15 years it has been possible to observe an interesting phenomenon –
mostly in certain areas of Eastern Tibet – where traditional costumes and accessories
have undergone fast changes, presumably inspired by local patriotism, TV coverage etc.
Complementing these changes, the different participating groups are competing in new
“disciplines”, encouraged by an official focus on nationalities/ minorities.
The compilation of the Nyingma spoken teachings canon
(bka’ ma) at Smin-grol Gling Monastery during the 17th and
18th centuries
Jann Ronis
The era of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s rule in central Tibet was a time of far-reaching changes
in the religious and social life of Tibet. The transformations that took place in the Nyingma
school during this time represent some of the most dramatic of these developments. In
this paper I will look at the social and religious situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries surrounding the compilation of the Nyingma Spoken Teachings canon (bka’ ma), a
historical event that represents the new conditions enjoyed by the Nyingma and set in
motion new trends in Nyingma scholasticism that are to this day enlivening the tradition.
The term Spoken Teachings as a class of writings goes back to at least the 12th century and has its origin’s in intra-sectarian conflicts in Nyingma over the increasingly
popular Treasures (gter ma). The Spoken Teachings canon contains exegetical treatises
and ritual manuals on topics that span the entire 9-vehicle doxography of the Ancients.
The bulk of the material, however, is devoted to works on the classic Spoken Teachings
triad of the Sutra which Gathers all Intentions, Magical Net, and Mind-class Tantras (mdo sgyu
sems gsum). The canon contains translations from Indic originals, texts composed by Indian masters who visited Tibet, and texts composed by Tibetans (which make up the
majority of the canon). There have been five major redactions of the canon, with the most
recent one currently being prepared for eventual distribution in a digital format. Despite
its ancient pedigree, the dominant view in the Nyingma tradition is that the canon of
Spoken Teachings has its origins in the work of Lo-chen Dharma-sri (1654–1717) and
’Gyur-med Rdo rje (1646–1714), two brothers from Smin-grol Gling monastery in central
Tibet that were active in the Fifth Dalai Lama’s milieu.
These two lamas were very involved in the propagation and preservation of Nyingma
ritual, contemplative, and artistic traditions. A prime example of this is their efforts to
collect, edit and compose works of the Spoken Teachings genre. They were also prolific in
revealing Treasures and building monasteries. This raises interesting issues such as the
relationship in Nyingma between large monastic communities and the study of the Spoken Teachings vis-à-vis the Treasures. As is noted in the introductory synopsis of this
panel, it was during the time period under consideration that most of the major Nyingma
monasteries were founded. Smin-grol Gling being the earliest of these, the role of the
Spoken Teachings in its academic curriculum during this time period may speak to larger
issues faced by all large Nyingma monasteries when selecting texts for their seminaries
from the diverse range of literature that constitutes their tradition. In this paper I will also
cover the reasons why the Spoken Teachings canon was seemingly never published at
Smin-grol Gling; it is generally held that the first printing of the canon took place in the
middle of the 19th century at Rdzogs-chen Monastery in Khams. It may have been that a
completed set of woodblocks of the canon – or the production of them – were destroyed
during the early eighteenth century occupation of Lhasa by the Dzungar Mongols. The
economic factors that did or did enable the publishing of the canon will also be discussed,
including a comparison with the economics of the other major periods of canon formation in Tibet both before and after this time period.
The resources available for such a study are plentiful. Lo-chen Dharma Shri wrote
many biographies of himself and ’Gyur-med Rdo-rje, and the compilation of his own
collected works is well documented in two works. ’Gyur-med Rdo-rje’s resume of teachings received (gsan yig) will also be an invaluable resource, as will that of the Fifth Dalai
Lama. There are many Tibetan histories that date from this time period, including a rare
history of Smin-grol Gling monastery preserved by the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center.
I am also in close personal contact with the two text collectors of the last two redactions of
the Spoken Teachings canon and will be meeting with them in Tibet summer 2003 to ask
questions about the history of the canon during this era. The oral histories they share
with me will be documented in my paper, and will contribute to its accuracy and value. A
study of this canon will be an important contribution to Tibetan studies that will shed
light on decisive developments in religion and society that occurred during the time of
Fifth Dalai Lama.
mKha’ ’gro dbang mo’i rnam thar: the Biography of the gTerston-ma bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo
Donatella Rossi
Volume 48 of the Bonpo brTen ’gyur recently republished under the supervision of sMonrgyal lHa-sras Rinpoche and sPrul-sku bsTan-pa’i Nyi-ma and acquired by IsIAO (Istituto
Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, ex IsMEO) contains a text with no initial title but with
marginal title mKha’ ’gro dbang mo’i rnam thar, (folios 800–1182). This appears to be the
hagiography of bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo, whose birth is placed by the sMan-ri Abbot Nyi-ma bsTan-’dzin (1813–1875) in the Earth-Dragon Year, i.e., 1868, in Nyag-rongshod (dKar-mdzes/Sichuan). bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo was a student of the famous
Bon teacher Shar-rdza bKra-shis rGyal-mtshan (1859–1934). She is credited with the discovery in the Earth-Horse Year (1918) of a text containing sixteen hagiographies of female saints, including those of Mandarava and Ye-shes mTsho-rgyal, apparently the only
Bonpo gter ma revealed or discovered by a woman in recent times. bDe-chen Chos-kyi
dBang-mo’s discovery is mentioned by Shar-rdza bKra-shis rGyal-mtshan, in his Legs
bshad mdzod, as mKha’ ’gro’ bka’ thang. The text has been the object of a preliminary study
by this writer (Eighth Seminar of the IATS, Bloomington, Indiana, 1998). bDe-chen Choskyi dBang-mo is also credited with the compilation of a liturgical text on the practice of
gCod (Yum chen kye ma ’od mtsho’i zab gsang gcod kyi gdams pa las phran dang bcas pa’i gsung
pod, Tshering Wangyal, TBMC, Dolanji, 1974). The contribution will consist of a report on
the study and analysis, based upon an interdisciplinary approach, of the mKha’ ’gro dbang
mo’i rnam thar, a text that can be considered as significant under many respects within the
framework of the Tibetan literary genre represented by biographies of holy figures.
The scale of place: from Asia to Meru Nyingba
Will Rourk
A place is best described in relation to the space in which it occupies. This space exists on
many different levels when a place is described in the context of its environment. With
each place comes a body of information that can be scaled from a very localised level to
the global and eventually universal level. The scaling of information about a place can be
described graphically from world map to building plan. A map can serve as a diagram of
graphical information about a place in which relationships are presented visually. Rich
digital media provides a medium for expanding the experience of place by providing
interactive content that engages the user in a variety of forms.
This presentation will attempt to contextualize the concept of a place and illustrate
the scale at which information about a place can be experienced through rich media technologies with respect to interdisciplinary and collaborative studies of Tibetan places.
Particular focus involves the mapping of the neighborhoods of Lhasa and an innovative
model for integrating ethnohistorical studies, maps and rich visualizations.
It is difficult to focus on a place as a singular static entity when by nature every place
is embedded within a complex array of larger environments which determines its full
significance. The room of a building cannot be completely isolated when it is necessary to
relate the approach to a room through a door or hallway or some other part of the constructed whole. Likewise the edifice itself also has a relationship to the location upon
which it rests whether it is an open field or densely populated neighborhood. There are
many different levels at which a place may be described and as the scale broadens so
does the information about a place. This project attempts to present the information about
places through the use of digital maps. The focus is on the Barkor as a neighborhood
composed of individual buildings and places. To relate the Barkor as place within places
a hierarchy has been developed to define the different levels of environmental scale. This
hierarchy spans from the broadest view at the global level, to the continental, country,
province, city, neighborhood, eventually to the building level and then rooms within a
building. Within the Barkor special attention has been paid to the Meru Nyingba monas-
tic complex. Meru Nyingbu is a built microcosm within itself incorporating a main temple as well as surrounding residential galleries about a courtyard. It is a place that is not
as overwhelming in scale and complexity as the Jokhang temple, and it is typical in layout and form of many other monastic complexes in Tibet. Much field data has been gathered about this place to make Meru Nyingba a justifiable case study in representing the
scale of place.
The medium of digital media offers many ways to present the complex experience of
a place in context of its environment No longer do concepts need to be represented by
static two-dimensional images and diagrams. Images come to life in the digital medium
through interactivity, animation and multidimensional technologies. Digital maps are
the base layer for conveying information. These are constructed from GIS data using
ArcView GIS software. To make this data universally attainable the map data is converted to vector graphics and imported into Flash. Flash is chosen as the most capable
medium for presenting the data on the web due to the ubiquity of its plugin and its
inherent flexibility and dynamic ability. A map of the Barkor neighborhood was constructed in this manner presenting the outlines of its buildings. Each building outline is a
button that accesses data from a MySQL database backend via PHP commands. An XML
document created from the database also feeds information back into Flash to define the
graphics and provide visual information. A cycle of information pours through the graphical interface updated by backend.
A case study of Meru Nyingba is accessed from the Barkor map presenting a variety
of media by which the monastic complex is experienced. A 3D model was constructed of
Meru Nyingba from architectural drawings generously donated by the Tibet Heritage
Fund. This model helped generate a variety of presentation media. A slideshow is provided of 3D renderings exploring the various architectural views of Meru Nyingba including elevations, sections and exploded views. A 3D animated movie clip shows an
aerial approach to a section representation of the main entrance with views of the major
mani wheels. A non-linear user-guided exploration of the spatial composition of the Meru
Nyingba gompa can be experienced in a VRML model presentation. 3D icons are provided within the model that access movie clips of interior and exterior spaces as well as
provide access to QuickTime VR objects describing artefacts typical of a Tibetan gompa,
and panoramas of the place and its position within the Barkor. Architectural views of a
place help to place focus on the construction and composition of a building. 3D technologies can take the viewer on an experiential tour of the space and shape an understanding
of the temporal nature of a place and its surroundings.
This project is a work in progress and continues to be developed. It is the future goal
that the techniques and pedagogy of this project will be able to be applied to other similar
projects in a generic tool as the current prototype becomes more refined. It is also a goal
that this project can be useful to other projects of similar nature in ultimately creating a
generic tool for presenting places within their spaces.
‘Tibetan Buddhism’ vs. ‘Buddhism in Tibet’: the case of Tsong
kha pa’s intellectual achievement and the question of the
Indian in relation to the Indic in Tibet
D. Seyfort Ruegg
At various times and by different observers the activity of Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags
pa ( 1357–1419) has been characterized as that of either a reformer or a conservative, of
either a radical (if not maverick) innovator or of a faithful expositor and continuator. As a
thinker in the line of dBu ma / Madhyamaka thought, Tsong kha pa has himself eloquently and movingly recorded the intellectual and spiritual struggles he went through,
and how he came to feel dissatisfied with certain interpretations current in Tibet. Yet he is
known also as the disciple of the great Sa skya scholar Red mda’ ba; and in his biography
/ hagiography he is represented as a faithful disciple of several other bla mas. What are
we to make of these apparently conflicting characterizations of him? And does being a
‘conservative’ necessarily exclude being a radical thinker, an innovator?
Much more generally, there arises the question as to whether ‘Tibetan Buddhism’
and ‘Buddhism in Tibet’ are really two entirely distinct, and possibly opposed, things?
Or do they turn out to be complementary rather than antithetical in many a chapter in the
history of Tibetan thought?
Such questions are of basic importance for Tibetan civilization, and the answers to be
given them are crucial to Tibetology. For Tibetan civilization comprises a component –
the Indian one – which is recognizably, and avowedly, of historically Indian origin on the
one side, and on the other side a further component – the Indic one – where Tibetans have
creatively developed their thinking with originality, following a style which is typologically inspired and infused by Indian thought without being actually attested from available Indian sources.
The co-existence of a quite ‘conservative’ – and historically Indian – strand which
came to be thoroughly integrated, and enculturated, in Tibet and an ‘innovative’ Indic
component – typologically continuing Indian thought in a creative and quite Tibetan
fashion – seems also to inform some of the writing of Tsong kha pa, just as it does so
much else in Tibetan culture.
Spirit causation and illness in Tibetan medicine
Geoffrey Samuel
A number of passages in the rGyud bzhi, the Tibetan medical classic, deal in some detail
with spirit causation of illness, including several chapters of the Man ngag rgyud and
sections of the Pulse and Urine Analysis texts in the Phyi ma’i rgyud. These have received some attention from scholars, but there has been little discussion about the relationship, if any, between these passages and current Tibetan concepts and practices relating to the spirit-causation of illness.
This paper discusses the author’s observations of several cases of spirit-related illness which occurred in a Tibetan medical practice in north India, and attempts to understand their relationship, if any, to the textual material and to the wider body of Tibetan
ideas and practices regarding spirits and deities in everyday life.
Rise and fall of the great statesman: Desi Sangye Gyatso of
Tibet
Pradeep Kumar Sanyal
An important phase of Tibetan political history runs through 17th century, its repercussions reflected in the first half of l8th century and afterwards. The 5th Dalai Lama’s rule
which evolved as an institution of authority on its own was through the contributions of
four outstanding personalities like Desi Sonam Choephel, Gushi Khan, the 5th Dalai Lama
himself and lastly Desi Sangye Gyatso, who raised the institution to a new height.
The great fifth revered as Gyalba Ngapa attained for Tibet the position of supremacy
in relation to neighbours, particularly Mongolia and China, in the field of spiritual and
political influence and authority. Desi Sangye Gyatso who was an witness and was involved with the authority justly carried out the policies and programs of Dalai Lama
even after his death in 1682. He was an intelligent and energetic young man with high
aspiration to wield great authority attached to the person and institution of Dalai Lama.
A scholar and man of letters, he had five great literary works to his credit. Apart from
governmental, he attained for Gelugpa sect, a centrally administered body to consolidate
both spiritual and secular powers, together.
After Dalai Lama’s death to overcome the vacuum period i.e. search of incarnation
and minority Desi devised “ the rule in absentia”. To perpetuate the Dalai Lama’s authority in person and his image he, according to prevalent custom, kept the death news a
secret. Formally it was announced that the Dalai Lama had gone on a retreat hence no
audience is possible except of Desi, who can obtain his orders. Thus the administration
rolled on the name and authority of the Dalai Lama’s person. More so presence of the
Dalai Lama’s stature was only match to quell the Manchu design.
In China, Emperor Shun Hsi (d.1661) had developed a working relationship with the
fifth Dalai Lama and was content with that. His son, K’ang Hsi, enthroned in l666, pursued the same relationship. But he was faced with the rebellion from three feudatories
He sought Dalai Lama’s help as he had good relationship with two of the feudatories.
But it proved misnomer. Wu San Kuei, prince of Yunan, openly revolted in 1674. which
continued for years. Later the Emperor was surprised to receive a letter from the Dalai
Lama to pardon Wu San Kuei, which was not expected from a person of Dalai Lama’s
status. Actually it was from Desi.
In Mongolia. after Gushi Khan’s death, Qoshot’s power was on the wane. Jungars
under the leadership of Gaden Thaiji were mobilizing Mongol tribal powers. Gaden who
was educated from Lhasa sought and got blessings from the Dalai Lama for his uniting
effort. Gaden’s initial success within Mongolia and advance toward China prompted
Desi to side with Gaden’s fortune to overcome Manchu intervention in Tibet. But it proved
to be a miscalculation for which Tibet had to pay dearly in future. Finally, Gaden was
defeated in 1696 at the battle of Jao modo.
Desi’s reign was faultless and he completed “Phodrang Marpo” a nine-storey building on Potala in 1693. There he entombed Dalai Lama’s remains. Gradually in and out of
Tibet suspicion was growing about Dalai Lama’s death. More so to the emperor, when he
received a letter in the name of Dalai Lama suggesting him to hand over, Tu-sei-Tu Khan,
his refuge to Gaden. Emperor sought the news of death, but Desi avoided a direct answer. From here Chinese policy towards Tibet changes.
Desi’s problems were not over. His secret search and initiation of child Dalai Lama as
sixth by the Panchen Lama proved wrong in the sense that the boy grew to age as different in nature and characters as a Dalai Lama should be. He was boisterous and had a
liking for free life. He even relinquished his Getsul vows. A section of officials, lay and
monks suspected his spirituality, which sided with Chinese court on this issue.
Gaden’s defeat caused vacuums of power in Mongolia and Desi’s acts and Dalai
Lama’s non-presence, prompted Gushi Khan’s descendants who were till then aloof to
recapture their lost position as ruler of Tibet. One of his grandsons Lazang Khan removed
his brother from the throne of Ko-ko-nor. Then he marched towards Tibet. Desi not to
lose his authority and having enmity to Lazang Khan, contrary to counsel given by heads
of great monasteries, stood against him.
In 1697. Desi officially announced and also communicated death-news to the Emperor. The emperor was offended and tried to convince Mongol tribes that Desi hid the
news to usurp the power to rule. Consequently. in 1703 Desi resigned but installed his
son Ngawang Rinchen as regent to rule from behind the curtain, which he did up to 1705.
Lazang Khan ultimately captured Lhasa but freed Sangye Gyatso on seeking pardon. Yet
a tragic end awaited when Lazang Khan’s wife, Tseban-Gyalmo, whom Desi intended to
marry, had enmity and hatred to him, caused him to death on 6th September 1605 at Todlun valley.
Thus ends the long spell of (nearly twenty-five years) reign of a ‘Silent Hero’ of Tibetan history whose experiment of the ‘rule in absentia’ is unique. His statecraft was
unparalleled and gave no respite to the emperor for fifteen long years. Some uncalled-for
developments robbed him of the credit of great statesmanship. Yet. Tibetans remember
him as man of letters, a great statesman and sustainer of the institution of Dalai Lama.
Ritual, festival, and authority under the Fifth Dalai Lama
Kurtis R. Schaeffer
Sangye Gyatso’s literary activities during the mid–1690s were almost entirely concerned
with the Fifth Dalai Lama’s life, death, and legacy. Between 1693 and 1701 the Regent
devoted more than seven thousand printed pages to extolling the greatness of his master,
the Ganden Government, and the Gandenpa School. Two of Sangye Gyatso’s writings
from this period serve well as entry points to the larger project of assessing his role in the
development of Tibetan and Buddhist culture after the founding of the Ganden Government in 1642. In Tales for the New Year Sangye Gyatso argues that the New Year is an
appropriate time to commemorate the Dalai Lama. In the Lhasa Circumambulation Survey,
he prescribes fixed routes for circumambulating the Fifth Dalai Lama’s stupa, the Potala,
and even Lhasa itself. The primary effect of these and related writings was to establish
the legitimate authority of the Ganden Government’s rule over Tibet. The principle means
employed by Sangye Gyatso to accomplish this were the memorialization of the Fifth
Dalai Lama and the re-formation of classical Buddhist traditions of practice and myth in
a new Tibetan context. In these two works we thus see Sangye Gyatso explicitly combining established traditions claiming venerable authority with new rites and ceremonies,
all in the service of his new government. The present paper details how the Regent went
about this task.
Recent research on the Dunhuang tantric manuscripts and its
implications for our understanding of early Tibetan
Buddhism
Sam van Schaik
The manuscripts found in the walled-up cave in Dunhuang, most of which date from the
mid-eighth to mid-ninth centuries CE, are the primary source of information about the
nature of Tibetan Buddhism in this early period, when Buddhism was first being introduced to Tibet.
In a collaborative project involving SOAS and The British Library, the Stein Collection of Tibetan Dunhuang manuscripts kept at the British Library is being catalogued
thoroughly for the first time since the First World War. In the intervening decades, the
field of Tibetan Studies has of course advanced a great deal, and in particular we know
much more about the tantric aspect of Tibetan Buddhism.
In this paper I give a report on the results of the research carried out by the project’s
two cataloguers – Jacob Dalton and Sam van Schaik – over the last year, and discuss in
particular the implications of this research on our understanding of the tantric texts and
practices which were introduced into Tibet in the early period of transmission.
The main points of discussion are: (i) the relationship between the Dunhuang texts
and the canonical collection of early tantric material known as the rNying ma rgyud ’bum,
(ii) the early attempts at the categorization of Buddhist literature in this early period, and
what the significance of the tantric categories of mahaayoga, anuyoga and atiyoga might
have been, and (iii) the relationship between tantric discourse and Tibetan Chan in the
early period and the possibility of Chan’s influence on the later Tibetan tradition.
Tibet: an archaeology of the written
Cristina Scherrer-Schaub
The introduction of Buddhism to Tibet is often associated with the appearance of the
Tibetan writing, modelled after a derived form of a so far – although hypotheses have
been advanced – unidentified “Indian” form of br›hmı. Tradition equally maintains that
the “invention” of the written forced itself upon Sro∫ btsan sGam po in order to enact the
first Code of Law.
Relatively early these two motives, the writing appearing to promulgate legislation
and script created for the sake of translating the religious texts, are juxtaposed and quite
soon intermingled.
A third narrative motive, the legend of the book “that come down from Heaven” at
the epoch of lHa Tho tho ri, when nobody could read nor write, comes to legitimate the
process of the religious institution, taking the form of an indigenous “theme with
variations”.
These motives will be questioned and confronted with the rdo riº epigraphical records
and other documents from Dunhuang, central Asia and northwestern India.
Yig bskur rnam gzhag nye mkhor brjod pa dByangs can rgyud
mangs: A 19th Century Letter-writer by Kong sprul Blo gros
mtha’ yas (1813–99)
Hanna-Christine Schneider
Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’ yas’ manual of official and semi-official written correspondence, contained in vol. “Ta” of his collected works is a typical example of this literary
genre reflecting the main characteristics of Tibetan 19th century letter-writer theory.
In my opinion, the “dByangs can rgyud mangs” is distinctive in two aspects:
Kong sprul’s model letters address, among others, an illustrous circle of recipients
not easily or explicitely to be found in other letter-writers, such as the rGyal dbang
Karmapa, the ’Brug pa Rin po che, the dPa’ bo sprul sku, the hierarchs of the Sa skya
school, the abbots of the Ngor lineage, the Bla chen of Dzam thang, the king and princes
of sDe dge (Derge), the female members of the noble families of sDe dge, the king of
rGyal rong &cc., the author’s (and letter-writer student’s) focus of interest hereby clearly
being directed towards the different strata of Eastern Tibet’s both secular and religious
societies.
Secondly, the “dByangs can rgyud mangs” very aptly reflects Kong sprul’s own clear
and eloquent literary style.
My presentation thus seeks to communicate three main topics: (a) A general outline
of the main threads of 19th ct. Tibetan letter-writer theory – (b) Kong spruls literary [letter-writer] style – and (c) the circle of recipients and the characteristics [the individual
inscriptiones, formulae & cc.] of their corresponding model letters.
Cultural constructions of health, illness and identity among
Tibetan nomads in the TAR
Mona Schrempf
This paper will begin to investigate the relations between urban and rural contexts in
Tibetan medicine in the TAR. Based on case studies with local medical practitioners and
their patients it will focus on narratives of illness and healing found among nomads of
Nagchukha. These ‘nomadic’ narratives of both professionals and patients will then be
compared with those found in urban centralised Tibetan medical clinics. The focus on
narratives wil1 be used to examine socio-cultural constructions of health, illness and identity embedded in everyday life. How is local medica1 knowledge produced and transmitted? Is there a Tibetan ‘nomadic’ epistemology of health different from the known
urban one, and if so, how is it different and why? In which ways do socio-economic
factors and local identity influence health?
Signifiers of modernity in contemporary Lhasa
Ronald Schwartz
A conspicuous feature of the cultural landscape of contemporary Lhasa is the variety of
indicators of modernity. These take the form of television ads and billboards, radio and
television programs, popular music, and sites where modern pleasures and entertainment are provided such as restaurants, discos and Tibetan “nangma.” Signifiers of a “cosmopolitan” modernity exist alongside a still dominant official version of Chinese/Tibetan society that highlights economic progress and national goals. Tibetans in turn attempt to align elements of traditional culture with their own perceptions of modern life.
As Lhasa Tibetans negotiate their way through this layered cultural landscape a number
of contradictory practices emerge which simultaneously serve to affirm the value of modernity while preserving a sense of Tibetan agency and identity. Nangma, for instance,
which originated as a response to Chinese karaoke and disco, mixes traditional Tibetan
music and dance, Chinese and Western popular music (and, in the last couple of years,
Hindi popular music and dance). The audience is almost exclusively Tibetan. Nangma is
a pastiche of modern popular musical culture through which Tibetans can demonstrate
their cultural competence. Television is a ubiquitous feature of life in Lhasa – watched in
private homes, as well as in restaurants, bars, and shops. Programming is available in
both Tibetan and Chinese, but many Tibetans who are bilingual prefer the Chinese channels not just for the greater variety, but because the material has not been “selected” for
translation. As an “official” outlet Lhasa Tibetan-language broadcasting attempts to harness Tibetan modernity to its own aims. The paper will examine these and other practices
surrounding signifiers of modernity in the Tibetan urban cultural landscape. The analysis will be based on conversations with Tibetans in a number of sites where signifiers of
modernity intersect Tibetan lives.
Historical seals and documents related to Tibetan history and
published in the PRC
Peter Schwieger
In my paper I want to focus on some historical seals and documents concerning Tibet
which came to our notice through publications in the People’s Republic of China. Among
them are extraordinary pieces for the study of Tibetan history. Nevertheless, often these
seals and documents were merely published as pictures without adding an edition of the
text or a careful translation or more detailed explanations. Therefore I would like to put
those materials into the framework of our general knowledge of Tibetan history and into
the context of diplomatics and sigillography. The seals and documents in question cover
Tibetan history since the Yuan-Sa-skya period. They originally were selected for publication to shed light on the Chinese-Tibetan relationship and especially to prove the control
of the so-called Central government over Tibetan administrative and religious affairs. In
my paper I do not intend to interpret them against whatever ideological background but
as fine examples of documents of legal and administrative import and as official sources
of Tibetan history.
Kanwal Krishna’s portraiture of Tibetan aristocracy
Tsering Shakya
Kanwal Krishna (1910–1993) is chiefly known Tibetan circles as one of the travel companions of the savant Gendun Chonphel dge -‘dun chos-phel. In 1938 Kanwal companied Indian scholar Rahula Sankratayan and Gendun Chonphel on their research trips to Western Tibet. In 1940 Kanwal was a member of a British delegation headed by Sir Basil Gould
to Lhasa representing the British government at the enthronement ceremony (gser khri
mnga’ gsol) of the 14th Dalai Lama. While in Lhasa Kanwal painted portraits of leading
figures of Tibet at the time, including an oil painting of the Dalai Lama aged five.
My presentation will include thirty watercolour slides of Kanwal’s portraits of Tibetan aristocrats in Lhasa in the 1940s, including members of the 14th Dalai Lama’s family and the regent Reting Rinpoche, and paintings of the enthronement ceremony. These
painting are a unique representation of Tibet and its history. I will also present an insight
into the responses of the Tibetan sitters to the process – Kanwal asked each of the sitters
to place their signature and seal (tham ga) on the finished painting, entreating them to
add comments about the finished work.
Tibetan pilgrims in Jalandhar
Lobsang Shastri
According to the buddhist tantric geography, Jalandhar is considered to be one of the 24
viras of Chakrasamvara tantra. In ancient times, Jalandhar used to cover a wide area in
the northern part of India. It had two capitals- Jalandhar and Nagarkota or Kangra. In the
Mahabharata, the place was known as Trigarta and in later period it was known as
Nagarkota or Kangra. In Tibetan literature it was known as Rna ba’i rgyan or Nags kyi
rgyan. Presently it is well known as Kangra.
Traditionally Tibetan pilgrims who visited Ugyen -Swat also visited Jalandhar. Rgyal
ba rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje(1189–1258), Grub thob u-rgyan pa Rin chen dpal
(1229–1309), Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (16th cen), ’Phrul zhig Ngag
dbang tshe ring (1717–1794) etc visited Jalandhar and described in their respective biography the sacred importance of the place, geographical description and social condition.
This place was considered to be one of the viras of Chakrasamvara. In the Indian literature however, this isn’t confirmed. It is said to be the abode of goddess Devi. The name of
Devi is Maiye or Mata which is a common appellation of all female goddesses. However,
in one of the Hindi version of pilgrimage guide book on the Kangra temple, it is mentioned as the place of wrathful Tara – known as Vajratara or Vajreshwari. This temple is
very famous in the Kangra valley and is one of nine Devi temple in Northern India. The
contrary views regarding this temple will be studied in the following article.
In 1940, Prof. Tucci wrote on Tibetan pilgrims in Swat valley. He consulted the biography of Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje (1189–1258), Grub thob u-rgyan pa Rin
chen dpal (1229–1309), and Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (16th cen). Since
then 63 years have passed. In my paper, I will try to explore the text not used by Tucci and
in writings published thereafter. For instance we now have the biography of Bde ba rgya
mtsho, Dzong khul Ngag dbang tshe ring, 8th Khams sprul, different version of Rgod
tshang pa’s biography, Dge ’dun chos ’phel, Khyung sprul rin po che, Shugs gseb rje
btsun, Skyes rabs Jalandhara of 16th Karmapa, ’Dzam gling rgyas bshad of Btsan po and
Sum pa, Religious histories of Chakrasamvara, Rang rig ras pa’i mgur ’bum, Sham ba la’i
lam yig, and Sham ba la’i lam yig of Bkra shis ljongs rdo rdzong. On the basis of above
texts, I will try to explore the activities of Tibetan pilgrims, sacred importance of the
place, geographical description, and social condtion of period.
Dalai Lama XIII in Mongolia: Russian perspective
Tatiana Shaumian
On the l4th November 1904, the Dalai Lama accompanied by Agvan Dorjieff, five high
ranking lamas, eight lamas to hold divine services, a personal physician, the keeper of
the Dalai Lama’s seal, an interpreter and thirty bodyguards entered Urga. The many
original documents from the Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Empire and the National Archives of India, including correspondence between the Russian Czar and Dalai
Lama XIII, reports and letters from Russian diplomatic representatives and agents from
London, Calcutta, Peking and Urga, gives us an opportunity to deal with the little-known
pages in the history of Tibet and Russian-Tibetan relations.
The very fact of the arrival of the religious leader of the lamaists at the capital of
Mongolia, part of the domain of the Ch’ing China, situated near the Russian borders,
attracted the attention of the Peking authorities and Russian diplomacy, particularly in
the context of very disturbed situation in the Far East brought by the Russo-Japanese
war.
In the opinion of the Russian diplomats, in the existing situation, the Russian government should bide its time, paying due respect to the Dalai Lama as the head of the
Buddhist religion. The Russian diplomacy feared the possibility of the situation worsening in the Far East, and therefore wanted to avoid any movement vis-a-vis the Dalai
Lama. At the same time, they also wanted to retain the possibility of utilizing the future
services of the High Priest. A change in attitude towards him might follow a change at
the Russo-Japanese front.
The Chinese authorities both in Peking and in Urga were extremely displeased with
the appearance of the Dalai Lama in Mongolia, situated close to the Russian border. They
realized that the Dalai Lama’s sojourn in Urga would strengthen the Russo-Tibetan bonds,
would intensify the inflow of Lamaist pilgrims from Siberia and weaken the control of
the Chinese Imperial government over Tibet and the Dalai Lama. They also realized that
due to difficult situation in the Far East, it was doubtful that at the moment Russia would
lead an active campaign in the Dalai Lama’s defence.
China’s demand that the Dalai Lama be sent out of Mongolia coincided with the
interests of the Mongolian religious leader Khutukhta who received the news of the arrival of the High Priest in Urga with displeasure because it meant a lowering of its own
prestige: thousands of pilgrims went to worship the Dalai Lama resulting in the curtailment of the Khutukhta’s income. The Mongolian and the Chinese authorities in Urga did
not show due respect to the Dalai Lama as the head of the Buddhists.
The demand of the Mongolian and Chinese authorities that the Dalai Lama moves to
Sining received a distinctly negative response from the Dalai Lama since Sining was far
from the religious centres of the Lamaists and had no communications with Russia. Should
China insist on the move using military strength, the Dalai Lama would have to rely on
Russia for help.
The rumours spread in Mongolia that the Dalai Lama was going to Russia were supported by the arrival to Urga to meet the Dalai lama of Bandt Bhambo Lama Iroluev, head
of the Trans-Baikal and Siberian Lamaists. The Russian diplomacy was afraid that the
Buryat Lamas would be guided by religious considerations alone – without taking into
account the diplomatic and military position of Russia in the Far East, which required the
maintenance of friendly relations with China The question regarding the Dalai Lama
should be decided from the Russian point of view and in conformity with the Russian
objectives in the Far East.
The Russian diplomats considered it necessary for the interests of Russia in the Far
East to restrict to some degree the activities of Dorjieff, Iroltuev, and other Lamaists who
otherwise might unnecessarily harm the interests of both Russia and the Dalai Lama.
The Chinese government, in its turn, wanted to get rid, as soon as possible, of the
Dalai Lama in Mongolia and send him to Tibet. The Russian diplomacy having learned
the British government’s attitude in the course of the negotiation regarding the question
of relations with the High Priest and his future, changed their view on that question,
fearing that the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet might aggravate the relations with Great
Britain and break off the negotiations. The Dalai Lama was informed that the Imperial
government had received information from reliable sources that the British disapproved
of his return to Lhasa and that there was a possibility of an outbreak of unrest in the
country which the British will undoubtedly not fail to utilize to revive their intervention
in Tibet. The trend of affairs makes it necessary for Dalai Lama to delay his journey to
Lhasa.
As advised by the Russian diplomatic representatives, the Dalai Lama left for
Gumbum, which was an important focal point on the main highway connecting the roads
from Kashgar, Urga, and Peking. The departure of the Dalai Lama to Gumbum was the
only possible step, given the desire of the Chinese government to be completely subjecting the Dalai Lama to its influence and expediting his return to Lhasa. In this situation
the Russian diplomacy should have suspended their relations with the Dalai Lama in the
Mongolia
The Russian diplomacy relinquished regular contacts with the Dalai Lama for the
sake of concluding an agreement with Britain on other Asiatic problems, and planned to
gain advantage in Mongolia where the Dalai Lama’s authority was strongly entrenched
notwithstanding his having lost temporal power in Tibet. Russia was interested in the
Dalai Lama’s stay in Gumbum, as it, being located outside Tibet, was situated sufficiently
close to Mongolia to enable Russia to utilize the High Priest’s influence there, and there
was at the same time no fear of his complicating matters with Great Britain.
Developments in Tibet changed the original plans and intentions of the High Priest.
Since the beginning of 1904, the Manchurian authorities had pursued the policy of expansion, plunder and mass repression in Tibet.
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Pasture fights, arbitration, and ethno-narration: Aspects of
ethnic relations between the Mongols and Tibetans in
Qinghai and Gansu Provinces
Shinjilt
“Conflict” is one of the traditional themes of ethnology; a large number of scholars have
been studying “ethnic conflict”, in particular. Most scholars hold the view that “ethnic
groups [are] for conflicts, not conflicts for ethnic groups”. However, they have neglected
the severity of the issue when a “conflict” slides into an “ethnic conflict”, especially from
the point of view of those concerned. When a conflict happens among different ethnic
groups in the same nation, things get even more complex. Scholars who have been overlooking this issue tend to discuss “ethnic conflicts” under the rubric of the dichotomy of
“nation vs. ethnic minorities”. Since the publication of Anderson’s “Imagined Communities”, discourses like Imagination or Creation or Invention etc. have become fashionable
to represent ethnicity. However, in real world, “ethnic conflicts” have not lessened but
intensified. If an appeal to ethnic solidarity is a matter of life and death, ethnic category
takes on real meaning and it should be understood as primordial. Imagination lends
power to people in real conflict. In this respect, there seems to be some disparity between
scholars’ understanding of ethnicity and that of the people concerned. It is important to
take the emic view seriously.
Both Mongols and Tibetans are ethnic groups in China, each having splendid traditions and cultures. There have been mutual influences for a long time. Much has been
said about their intertwined histories and religions but there has been little study on their
contemporary social relationship, especially after they became ethnic minorities within
China. Far from segregated, the interaction between two ethnic groups is still ongoing,
particularly in Qinghai Province.
The Mongols in Henan Mongolian Autonomous County of Huangnan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Qinghai Province Rma lho’i sog po = “ the Mongols in the South
of the Yellow River ” in the Tibetan, hereafter Henanmengqi account for 91 percent of all
the Autonomous County population. However, their “Tibetanization” has been
longstanding in culture and language. In the 1950’s, one of Henanmengqi’s four banners
was officially identified as Tibetan. Since the 1980’s, local Mongols have been carrying
out the Mongolian language education, and have attained stronger conscious ethnic identity as Mongols. In the first half of the 1980s, many Tibetans changed their identity into
Mongolian, these new Mongols constituting 30% of the Mongol population. In recent
years, Mongols have been embroiled in severe pasture fights with neighboring Tibetans.
This paper intends to analyze the “ethnic conflicts” between the Mongols in
Henanmengqi and neighboring Tibetans for pasture. My study centers around the narrations of the people concerned, and interpret why and how they narrate about and understand ethnicity in pasture fights. Firstly, I take a brief look at the history of the pasture
fights between Henanmengqi and their neighboring regions since the 1950’s. Then I focus on the pasture fights which took place in the latter half of the 1990’s between a Tibetan tribe of Rma chu County of Gansu Province and a tribe of Henanmengqi, who had
changed their ethnic identity from Tibetan to Mongolian. At this point, I also investigate
the effects of arbitrations by communal authorities such as Buddhist lamas and state
officials i.e. the local government administrators. We can know how ethnic category becomes an important factor when people narrate about the fight processes or judge on the
fairness of the arbitrations. On the basis of the above discussion, I want to bring to light
how the reality of an “ethnic conflict” is formed for the people concerned, and provide
some ethnographic information based on a thorough fieldwork investigation in Qinghai
and Gansu in order to understand some aspects of social relationships between the Mongol and Tibetan today.
Negotiating identity across the border: comparative concepts
of ethnicity in Nepal and Tibet
Sara Shneiderman
Historically, ‘ethnicity’ has been a key concept for anthropological studies in Nepal, yet
the term is rarely used in the parallel scholarly literature on Tibet. Given the shared border between the two national entities and the presence of numerous ‘ethnic groups’ that
straddle it, a closer examination of the ways in ‘ethnicity’ has or has not been deployed in
each context by scholars, governments, and indigenous people themselves poses questions about the construction of the ethnicity concept itself in cross-border situations. Furthermore, a detailed inquiry into the construction of ‘peripheral’ Himalayan ethnic identities sheds light on concepts of otherness emanating from the ‘center’, whether that be
Lhasa, Kathmandu, Thimphu or Gangtok.
This paper explores these broad issues through a detailed ethnographic discussion
of the construction of ethnicity among the Thangmi, a Tibeto-Burman speaking ethnic
group who reside primarily in the Dolakha and Sindhupalcok districts of Nepal, but who
also have communities immediately across the border in Tibet. I will discuss how the
Thangmi, who have remained absent from most ethnographic and national discourses,
negotiate their cross-border position between the Nepali and Tibetan/Chinese state apparatuses, as well as between Hindu and Buddhist religious ideologies. At the same time,
Tibetan attitudes towards the Thangmi, as well as other borderland groups such as the
Mon pa and Lho pa, all of whom have names meaning ‘barbarian’ or ‘border people’ in
Tibetan, offer a key insight into Tibet notions of ‘otherness’. Each of these complex subjective perspectives illuminate the constructed nature of ethnicity in Nepal and Tibet,
and suggest new ways of reworking the concept for truly cross-border studies.
Ala and ngakpa [sngags-pa] in Nyemo (Central Tibet):
reflections on some non-monastic religious specialists and
their designations
Nicolas Sihlé
The aim of this talk is to achieve a more precise understanding of certain categories of
Tibetan, non-monastic priests, and in particular to show that, in certain contexts, terms
that seem to refer to a religious specialization may in fact operate at a different level. I
will present some non-monastic priests of the Nyemo area in Central Tibet, and their
ritual activity, and focus on the seemingly somewhat inconsistent terminology used locally to refer to them. Both the laity and the priests themselves use the very common term
ngakpa [sngags-pa] (“tantrist”) and the less widespread designation *ala to refer to very
similar specialists (Buddhist or Bonpo in the first case, always Bonpo in the second); one
particular lineage is actually called by both names. The people seem to be talking about
two different types of religious specialists, or two different functions, and certain recurrent
distinctions in the ritual specializations and other attributes associatiated with those priests
in local discourse seem to confirm this impression. However, local definitions are far
from being consistent, and the facts are that specialists of both names carry out globally
the same ritual activities. It seems that (apart from the sociologically not very relevant
question of religious affiliation) the two designations are to be distinguished essentially
in terms of connotations (and their contextual relevance), not signification, and that, ultimately, searching for two distinct classes of non-monastic priests in Nyemo may be a
mistaken enterprise.
Old Lhasa changing: how are official private initiatives
affecting the historical environment and traditional
morphology of Old Lhasa, Tibet?
Amund Sinding-Larsen
The paper focuses on my current studies of transformation of typological morphology of
traditional Lhasa townscape, with perspectives towards understanding processes of intervention, managing tourism, and meshing the management of cultural resources with
other efforts of planning and urban development.
The principal question is “Why does old Lhasa change?” Leading on from this, it is
natural to ask “How does old Lhasa change and what are main reasons for urban transformation in Lhasa”.
In order to highlight the current context of Lhasa, I will relate parallel and conflicting
issues of two World Heritage towns – the other being the 16th C mining town of Røros,
located in the midst of the mountainous region of Norway.
1. Introduction – Macrolevel
•
•
•
•
Traditional/historical town in Asia – pockmarked urban ‘chequerboard’ of areas in
development and areas in decline; zones of overcrowding, cultural/socioeconomic
plight and environmental degradation compete with areas in intensive commercial
development.
Fragmenting historical/ traditional centre losing traditional functions and cultural
identity, their lifelines for a sustainable future.
Urban development needs to reflects historic-cultural context and earlier
development.
Urban conservation is meaningless when isolated from overall development activity
in society, and integrating heritage resources with developmental processes requires
society to have a relevant knowledge of its resources – including those of cultural
heritage.
•
•
•
Living historic urban environments have different needs – need tools that reflect the
context.
Can a historic environment accommodate pressures of urban development and economic activity (tourism) without losing the integrity of its cultural resources.
Urban conservation aiming at development with adequate safeguarding of built cultural heritage presupposes intimate collaboration between local community and authorities.
Study Level – Lhasa
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Lhasa demography, economy and cultural base – today different from that of 30 years
ago – modernity, socio-economic and cultural-political interventions, international
influence and gradual opening up.
Old Lhasa population – 25,000 to 80,000 in 40 years.
Urban area – from 1,5 km2 to 100 km2 in 40 years.
Lhasa population – about 30,000 persons in 1950 and today about 450,000.
Traditional-historical buildings and structures are demolished and replaced with
larger new construction allowed also to fill urban space that was earlier not built on.
World Heritage designation of the Potala Palace (1994), Jokhang Temple Monastery
and Barkor (1999) and Norbulingka (2000) sites and buffer zones has highlighted the
needs for an integrated resource management and urban development of the traditional-new townscape.
Urban development is allowed inside the traditional-historical townscape, with new
and in part inappropriate development allowed inside the WH-designated areas.
Study Level – Røros
The historic town of Røros, inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1980, is
today extremely important to the regional tourism industry. This exposes the entire built
and social fabric to considerable pressures, including those of economy and physical development. Central questions are asked today as to how Røros can remain an ‘authentic’
historic environment.
2. Issues
Then and largely Now with reference to the major dynamics of Demography and ethnicity, governance responsibilities and interests, old and new order, fragmenting culture,
new priorities. Unlocking a past, liberating history? Poverty of urban spaces? Urban development versus cultural resources – also WH. Hierarchies, zones and borders, seen or
perceived. Local, national and international concerns.
3. Fieldwork
A case-corridor is selected starting with the Jokhang-Barkor ‘doughnut’ going towards the north-west into the ‘new town’. How to access information, establish relevant
dialogue with authorities? Information reliability and validity, stakeholders and roles?
Selected cases
Shatra Mansion, Pomdatsang Mansion, Tromsikhang Palace, Meru Nyingba Dratsang,
Shide Dratsang, Tsomonling Dratsang, Meru Dratsang, Bonsho Mansion, Jamyang Courtyards, and the Shasarsu Lam and Barkor neighbourhoods are then discussed in terms of
criteria such as
•
•
•
•
public–private processes – process shortcut, bottom-top-bottom,
public–private processes – processes respected
tenure and use patterns, rights
living conditions
Some bronze figurines from Kinnaur Himalayas inscribed in
the name of Nagaraja-the ordained prince of Guge, Western
Tibet
Ajay Kumar Singh
This paper presents six well-preserved Buddhist bronzes inscribed with the name Lha
Na ga ra dza (Nagaraja) on pedestal in old Tibetan script, out of them three are discussed
in details. The images under discussion were discovered by the author at two remote
temples in the frontier district Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India, which has been described as different territory of mNgaris skor gsum under the name Khun nu in old Tibetan texts. Under the project operative from 1992 to 1996, the author documented more
than 700 bronzes, still unpublished except few, from Kinnaur (the upper Sutlej valley). In
a general sense, majority of images belong to the Indo-Tibetan art style and date from
seventh to fifteenth century. In this corpus many of the bronzes bear Tibetan inscriptions
of historical importance registering names of the donors and patrons, even some records
name of the artists (Singh 1994:110).
In the history of Buddhism in Western Tibet (mNga’ ris) Nagaraja (988–1026 AD), the
ordained younger prince, is mentioned as an enthusiastic benefactor of Buddhism who
alike his father, the ordained king Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (Srong nge), devoted his whole
life for promotion of Buddhism in western Tibet. He was younger one of the two sons of
the king Ye shes ’od, namely Khri-lde-mgon-btsan and Lha Khor-btsan who after ordination respectively received Indianised names Debaraja and Nagaraja. Nagaraja, on being
fully ordained at the age of 29, received another name Nagaprabha (Vitali 1996: 241).
Nagaraja’s father king Ye she ’od (950–1040 AD), known as a great patron of Buddhism, devoted his life for re-establishment of Buddhism in western Tibet and laboured
hard to bring cultural renaissance in the land of snow. During his reign twenty-one young
boys of western Tibet were sent into Kashmir for education in Buddhism. Only two survived and returned Guge, Lotsava Rin chen bzang po (958–1055 AD) was one who led a
vigorous move of translating Sanskrit texts into Tibetan and temple building in the three
provinces of Western Tibet (Francke 1972: I, 50–52; Tucci 1988: II, 10–12). He commissioned many Kashmiri artists, at first thirty-two artists directly from Kha che (Kashmir)
in 1001 AD (Vitali 1996: 273 and note 409), for the construction and decoration of the
Buddhist temples under direct patronage of king Ye shes ’od. Several major early temples in the western Tibetan provinces are attributed to have been constructed by Rin
chen bzang po; some still survive and preserve the artistic heritage of the period e.g.
Tholing, Alchi, Tabo, etc. bearing clear evidence of the craftsmanship of Kashmiri artists
(Tucci 1988: II, 3).
During the first quarter of eleventh century Debaraja and Nagaraja provided nonstop support in the task of temple building and embellishing them with artwork. The
Tibetan text “mNga’ ris rgyal rabs” records important evidence in this regard, Nagaraja
established dPe pa chos sde and dbu sde; and placed in the premises several statues of
Buddhist deities cast in silver, gold and brass. Further this account clearly records that
the statues were executed in Kha che (Kashmir) style (Vitali 1996: 272–73). During the
period of second diffusion his missionary activities to promote Buddhism and its culture
were not limited within the kingdom of Guge, rather he was instrumental in a larger area
including the Garhwal Himalayas (Uttaranchal, India formerly northern part of Uttar
Pradesh,) bordering Western Tibet. There he built a Buddhist monastery at Barhat in
Uttarkashi (Garhwal), and commissioned a bronze image of Buddha, which still survives
and worshiped as Dattatreya, a form of Brahmanic god Vishnu. The image bearing an old
Tibetan inscription refers the donor’s name as Nagaraja (Rahul Sankrityana 1990: 236).
Most important evidence referring to the Nagaraja’s passion for the artwork of high aesthetic quality is the well-known standing image of Sh@kyamuni in Kashmiri style, which
is currently at the Cleveland Museum of Art (Pal 1975: Pl. 26). Hence there are substantial
reasons to believe that Nagaraja being a promoter and lover of art commissioned skilled
artist from bordering Indian states or imported the images from art workshops in neighbouring areas.
The images under discussion are often called bronzes but the term, strictly applicable only to the alloy of copper and tin, is conventional. From an early period the metal for
casting the statuary in Kashmir, Swat, Western Himalayas, Western Tibet and Tibet has
most commonly been used is copper alloy with high zinc percentage. The method employed for casting is lost wax method (cire-perdue), most popular throughout the ancient
world. The images are cast in solid except the pedestals, which keep hollow for holding
necessary sacred fillings.
Description of the Icons
Bodhisattva Padmap›˚i
(Height 34 cm.)
The image represents a graceful deity of proportionate physiognomy standing in a subtle
and well-equipoise triple flexion on a lotus cushion resting on a square pedestal which is
inscribed on front reading, “Lha na ga ra dza”. The god is shown holding a lotus stalk in
the left hand and making gesture of munificence (d›na) by the right. His sweet face with
naive and serene expression presents a typical facial formula featuring in medieval
Kashmiri sculptures, which shows oval face, cubby cheeks with protruding chin, crescent eyebrows with dreamy almond eyes, prominent nose and small mouth bearing spiritual smile on sensuous lips. The modelling of chest, shoulder, and abdominal muscles is
remarkably meticulous; especially flare of the belly adds sensuous verve to the figure.
We know this has been a characteristic feature of the medieval art of Kashmir. The deity
is wearing a garland (Vanamal›) reaching down below the knees and lower garment dhotı
in a stylish manner. The Bodhisattva wears the antelope skin on his left shoulder. Besides
a sash and a sacred cord (Upavıta) provided to him, a miniature image of Amit›bha in the
hair bun over the skull ascertains his identification as Bodhisattva Padmap›˚i (Getty
1978: 64). The deity is shown standing against a flame-etched mandorla, the lower part
being a properly mandorla (prabh›man˜al) while the upper one is flaming nimbus
(prabh›vali) toped with a combined moon and sun pattern; the base of which is ornamented
with flowing ribbons as in the case of Buddhist stupas. This image of Bodhisattva, stylistically, is in close analogy of the brass statue of Sugatisandaròana Lokeshavara, S. P. S.
Museum, Srinagar (Schroeder 1981: fig 18A) dated to the 980–1003 AD, the reign of queen
Didda , Kashmir.
∂@kyamuni Buddha
(Height 30 cm.)
The image presents ∂@kyamuni Buddha standing on a lotus cushion in the posture of
comfort- the subtle triple flexion. He is depicted wearing a dhotƒ and samgh@Yi of soft
and fine fabric which reveals his well modelled bodily form which can be compared with
two images of ∂@kyamuni Buddha of Kashmiri origin dating to the eleventh century
(Schroeder 1981: Pls. 23B and 23C). His right hand is raised in abhaya mudra (gesture of
protection/assurance) and the left holds the seam of his upper garment. This seems most
common form of Buddah’s iconic representation from the earliest period (Kushana) depicted at Mathura, Gandhara and Sarnath. Of course belonging to a different stylistic
provenance, the iconic formula of the image seems to have preserved the unique blending of physical beauty and spirituality that was achieved by the Gupta artists, became
Indian standard and eventually adapted by the Kashmiri successors. His facial type
presents a close similarity with that of Padmap›˚i (plate 1). Silver in his eyes and copper
on his lips add extra beauty to the image, which can be ascribed as Kashmiri feature (Pal
1975: 30). The figure is set against a flame-etched aureole combined with a nimbus, of
which the top is damaged. The hairs of deity appear as combed without curls, a feature
found very seldom in some bronzes from Western Himalayas and Western Tibet (Schroeder
1981: Pl. 32E).
Kum›ra MañjuŸrı / Mañju Kum›ra:
(Height 27 cm.)
The image displays fine workmanship alike two previous examples, it seems that the
deity represent esoteric form, of which identification is difficult. Considering the tiger
nail worn in necklace and the peacock as vehicle, the deity gives indication towards the
syncretism of Hindu god of war K›rtıkeya (also called Kumar- the eternal youth) and
Buddhist god of wisdom MañjuŸrı, who is described in the Buddhist text ›ryamañjuŸrı
Mïlkalpa. He is represented very rare, until now no image showing this aspect of MañjuŸrı
has been noticed from Kashmir and Western Tibet or Tibet. Nevertheless, graphic manifestation of Kum›ra MañjuŸrı is found in cave of Yu Kang near Shenshi, China (Mukherjee
1989: 69). The god is shown in youthful valour, standing in the posture of ease (trıbhanga)
on a lotus pedestal and has one face and four arms. By rear hands he holds a Kamandalu in
the left and a Khakkhara with six rings in the right, a symbol of Bodhisattva Kíitigarbha
(Getty 1978: 102), whose images are too rare. The right front hand depicts d›na mudr›
(gesture of charity) and the left holds a stalk of utpala (lotus) with vitarka mudr›. His vehicle peacock is rendered in a stylish way docking with long neck towards the face of the
deity. His three pointed diadem, different from the classical Kashmiri prototypes but resembling to that of Vaiku˚?han›tha (late 8th and early 9th century), Hari Rai temple,
Chamba which became popular from ninth century onwards in the art of northern Kashmir or Western Tibet and Himalayas (Postel 1985: 90 and Fig. 116), is marked with a
vertical vajra. However, his identification is still uncertain since the attributes held by the
deity do not corroborate with the textual prescription.
The eyes of the god are almond shapes filled with silver electrum and the summarised full lips gleaming with pink of copper. The anatomy of the deity is well modelled
and proportionate like athlete with special features like gentle flare of the belly, muscular
chest and abdomen with broad shoulders, this all presents a close analogy with the painted
figures at Mangnang (Tucci 1973: Pl. 115), Alchi and Tabo (Singh 1985: Figs. 55 and 81)
and the bronzes ascribed to the Kashmiri origin (Schroeder 1981:). As in the previous
examples (Plates 1 and 2), the deity is provided a mandorla combined with a pointed
nimbus ensuing flames.
Discussion
The genesis and development of artistic culture in the western Tibetan world is a very
intricate subject since the metamorphosed art style presents a unique blending of various
strands from Indian side as well as from other side of the Himalayas. In the making of the
artistic expression the role of Kashmir, that too in a wider geo-political and cultural perspective, is evident but that of the Central Asian states can not be undermined; for instance the murals of Alchi presents a fascinating case of stylistic complex fusion (Singh
1985: 48–70). In case of western Tibet, which remained in very intimate contacts with
India from time immemorial, Indian influence from adjoining states was inevitable. Many
archaeological remains have survived to prove that since Kushan period Kashmir, as a
politically powerful outpost, remained instrumental in the spread of Buddhism and its
art in the remote parts of the Western Himalayas and even beyond in Central Asia
(Cunningham 1970: 317–57). During the Karakota and Utpala period (600–856), Kashmir
emerged as a strong political and cultural power, besides controlling the political affairs
in the whole region, it played a decisive role in the formation of artistic expression of the
Western Himalayas and later enormously influenced Western Tibet. Neophyte rulers of
the new western Tibetan dynasty in the tenth and eleventh century gave impetus to the
revival of Buddhism. During this period cultural contact of Western Tibet with northern
India especially Kashmir turned very strong and laid solid base for the extension of its
artistic expression into the Tibetan world and later helped in designing a native style
(Tucci 1972: 177–83). Nothing is known about the state of indigenous art prior to the
second spread of Buddhism. Hence, we have to rely on the available sources which af-
firm that early phase of Western Tibetan art was prototype of Kashmir, and most probably it was Avantipura art school of the ninth century which alike the Gupta art style
permeated into the far north Himalayas (Roerich 1966: 109).
While using the term Kashmir, we should bear in our mind that it is denominator of
the medieval Kashmir not in a restricted sense of present political state. The quantity of
bronzes known to have reported from Western Tibet and attributed to Kashmir suggests
that there must have been many art workshops running in the peripheral region to appropriately meet the demand of metal images or cult icons in Western Tibet. These may
have been located in higher northern part far from Jhelum valley, in Gilgit, Ladakh,
Chamba (Chenab valley) and Kulu regions. On comparing with the medieval Kashmiri
sculptures those found from Pandrethan, Parihaspora, Ushkur, Avantipura, Verinag etc.
located in the Jhelum valley, the bronzes reported from the Western Tibetan sites and
attributed to Kashmir display a slight diversion within the greater framework of the
Kashmiri school. Medieval Kashmiri art expression, perhaps, is most unique one in the
Indian art history, exotic in character and eclectic in nature assimilated various elements
of artistic traditions of the east and west. A microscopic analysis of the style reveals a
synthesis of Gupta, Gandharan (Graeco-Roman), Sasanian, Central Asian, Chinese and
Byzantine traditions (Goetz 1955: 68). Still the Sassanid Persian and Khotanese influence
is more distinctly perceptible in the art expression of the northern Kashmir mainly in the
murals of early temples of Western Tibet e.g. Mang nang, Alchi, Tabo, Nako etc. and also
in bronzes (Singh 1985: 28–41).
Conclusion
The images, on the basis of their stylistic analogy with the known work displayed in
different museums all over the world, can be attributed to the Kashmiri art style of the 10
th and 11 th centuries which prevailed in the region of Western Tibet and northern Kashmir. The aesthetic formula and rendering of stylistic details in the bronzes help the speculation about a sub-style in the far northern periphery of Kashmir, the higher regions of
river Indus and Chandra-Bhaga (Chenab) lying in between Kashmir and Western Tibet.
Although no archaeological or material evidence is available to locate any such workshop in the region but the possibility can not be denied since literary references indicate
the Kashmiri artists and metal caster were active in the region and got commissions by
the neophyte rulers and nobility of western Tibetan provinces. The images seem to have
come from the personal collection of Nagaraja or were cast on his behalf for some temples. Hence it would be appropriate to date them more precisely to the first quarter of the
eleventh century, although the style differs from that of the Cleveland statue which is an
excellent work inspired by the great master. The images, bearing the inscription of Nagaraja
known in very limited number, probably not more than ten, display slight variation in
style from each other, because having been executed by different individual hands.
Bibliography
Cinningham, Sir A. 1970, Ladakh-Physical, Statistical & Historical (Reprint), New Delhi
Francke A. H. 1972, Antiquities of Indian Tibet (reprint), New Delhi
Getty, Alice, 1978, Gods of Northern Buddhism (Reprint), New Delhi
Goetz.H, Medieval Sculptures of Kashmir, Marg vol. VIII, no.2, 1955, Bombay
– – – Manjushree in China, Buddhist Iconography, New Delhi
Mukherjee, B. N. 1989, An Illustration of Iconographic Contact Between Kartikeya and New Delhi
Pal. P. 1975, Bronzes of Kashmir, New Delhi
Postel, M., 1985, Antiquities of Himachal, Bombay
Roerich. G. 1966, Tibet (Medieval Buddhist Art), Marg vol. IX, no.2, Bombay
Sankrityayan, Rahul, 1990, Kinnar Desh Mein(3 rd edition in Hindi), New Delhi
Schroeder, U. V., 1981 , Indo Tibetan Bronzes, Hong Kong
Singh, A. K. 1994,An Inscribed Bronze Padmap@$i from Kinnaur, Acta Orientalia, 55, Denmark
– – – 1985, Trans Himalayan Wall Painting, New Delhi
Tucci, G. 1973, Transhimalay, Geneva
Tucci, G. 1988, RIN CHEN BZANG PO (english version of IndoTibetica II, Rome,1932)
Vitali, Roberto, 1996, The Kingdom of Gu ge Pu hrang, Dharmsala
Indo-Tibetan trading and transhumance of Bhotia tribe of
Uttaranchal Himalaya
A.P. Singh
Bhotia, a scheduled tribe of India, resides in Garhwal and Kumaon divisions of Uttaranchal
State of India.This was declared as a scheduled tribe in 1967 and is divided into eight
endogamous groups, namely, Marchha, Tolchha, Jadh, Byangsi, Chandangsi, Derma,
Johari, and Shaukiya.The present research paper examines the trading and transhumance
of these Bhotia-groups with Tibet across the Indian border.It is concluded in the paper
that after the Sino-Indian war of 1962 and consequent closure of Indo-Tibetan border,
much changes with regard to socio-economic profiles of Bhotia have come up still incorporating the Tibetan impact.
The organisation of political space and histories of
governance in Inner Asia: comparing Mongolia and Tibet
David Sneath
This paper explores common themes in the conceptualisation and organisation of political space in Tibetan and Mongolian history at two levels. Firstly, at the local level, there
are striking parallels between the notions of territory and social order that are expressed
in rituals such as the Tibetan lha-rtse/la-rtse and Mongolian oboo rites. Secondly, the history of the administrative architecture of Inner Asian polities reveals common trends in
the conceptualisation of political space, which may also have been reflected in ritual.
At the local level the comparison of ‘mountain cults’ of Mongolia and Tibet reveals
arresting similarities in the ways in which territory is conceived and human relations
with the environment managed. The lha-rtse/la-rtse and Mongolian oboo rituals both propitiate spirit masters/owners or deities of a local territory, and were generally considered
essentially secular traditions, although they came to be generally supported and sanctified by the monastic establishment in Mongolia. In the Tibetan case the local entities
concerned might be gzhi-bdag, yul-lha or sa-bdag. The equivalent Mongolian local spirits
were gazaryn ezed (masters of the land) and classed as sa-bdag by the monastic establishment. Here too rites for mountains were of particular significance. In both traditions the
ceremonies are conducted at a cairn marked with numerous flags, are traditionally attended by adult males and are followed by horse races and archery contests. In both
cases these practices had important political aspects. In Qing times the Mongolian rites
expressed the administrative divisions and subdivisions of the state (Sneath 2000: 235–
50) and reflected the relations of political subjects to district authorities. In the Tibetan
case Karmay 1998:423–50 argues that the concept of gzhi-bdag / yul-lha local deities reflects the territorial divisions of the polity of the early Tibetan clanic society, and may
have originally resembled the muster of warriors by local leaders. This paper explores
parallels between the two traditions, drawing on original ethnography of oboo ritual from
Inner and Outer Mongolia.
Just as ritual practices express comparable local conceptions of political space, at the
level of state administration there are a number of parallels in the ways in which the
centre and constituent parts of the polity are constituted and oriented. The Tibetan state
made use of administrative distinctions between eastern, western and central ‘horns’
since the time of Srong btsan sgam po’s 7th Century empire if not before. Polities of the
Mongolian steppe display parallel distinctions, some of them extremely ancient. The administrative space of the Xiongnu empire of the 3rd century BC was described in the Han
shu as the ‘four horns and six horns’. Since that time steppe polities have persistantly
utilised similar idioms of spacial orientation and distribution, such as the tölis and tardush
(eastern and western wings) of the 6th century Turkish empire. The ston-sde ’thousand-
districts’ were fundamental administrative units of Srong btsan sgam po’s state (Uray
and Uebach 1994:913). These were grouped into the ‘four horns’ ru-bzhi of Tibet: the gyonru (left horn), gyas-ru (right horn) and dbu-ru (central horn). The ru-lag ’additional horn’
was added in the 8th century ’Dus Srong period. Such administrative units of one thousand also appear to be an Inner Asian politico-military form of very long standing. Sima
Qian in the Shi ji records that the Xiongnu were administered in units of one thousand.
The myriad (minggan) was the basic administrative unit of the Jurchens of the 12th century Jin empire (P.K. Crossley1997:27), as was the myangan unit of Chinggis Khan’s 13th
century Mongol state. The administrative divisions the early Mongol state resembled
Srong btsan sgam po’s more closely than either the Xiongnu, or Jurchen in that thousand
units were grouped into a ‘right hand’ (western) a ‘left hand’ (eastern) and a ‘middle’
units of ten thousand (tumen). These administrative forms are clearly different from the
Chinese junxian tradition, as can be seen from the study of areas in which one system
replaced the other – such as 8th century Dunhuang (Takeuchi 1994:856).
Comparisons of this sort provide some insights into the ways in which idioms, notions and rituals of territorial organisation have been widely borrowed and adapted by
the statebuilding elites in Inner Asia since very early times.
A study of Khyung Sprul and his monastery Gur gyam
Sonam Chogyal
My paper focuses on Gur gyam Monastery in Mnga’ ris, i.e.western Tibet and on the life
of its founder, Khyung sprul Rinpoche (1897–1957). The primary source for my work is
the two-volume biography of Khyung sprul, composed by his disciple Dpal ldan tshul
khrims and published in India in 1957. I have also done fieldwork in Mnga’ ris in 1998,
interviewing disciples of Khung sprul as well as local administrators. I have also studied
letters exchanged between Khyung sprul and local officials at the time, and a translation
of two such letters are included in my thesis in order to demonstrate the official relationship between a monastery and the government in old Tibet.
Khyung sprul travelled widely and he went on pilgrimage to holy Buddhist sites in
India twice, in1922 and in 1925 respectively. The reason for his later travels to India in
1946 and 1948 was to print Bon scripture. Khyung sprul’s activities outside Tibet have
been studied by Per Kvaerne in an article from 1998. I have therefore focused on the
construction of the monastery and Khyung sprul’s activities in Tibet. In the mean time, I
have studied how the monastery obtained land, animals, forest, and servants as donations from the government, from ordinary people, from noble families and even from
foreign countries. I have also focused on the policies of the regional and the central government towards the establishment of this monastery, which belong to Bon religion.
Khyung sprul was born into a wealthy family and his father was minister of the King
of Hor, in the Nag chu area, to the north of Lhasa. Khyung sprul was educated by many
learned masters of the Bonpo tradition, as well as by many masters of various Buddhist
traditions in Tibet. After he finished his religious studies at the Sman ri monastery in
Gtsang, Khyung sprul was a wandering lama, preaching Bon wherever he came. After
many years of staying in remote area, he felt the need for a permanent residence. In 1936,
he built his own monastery in Mnga’ ris.
Khyung sprul was well known in western Tibet as a religious master, local mediator
and astrologer, he was even widely sought as a healer with magical abilities in Tibet and
the district of Kinnur in northern India. He came to dedicate his life to restoring the Bon
tradition which had disappeared in western Tibet, and he built monasteries in sacred
places in order to help people avert conflicts, disease and to promote peace and harmony
for the region.
Gur gyam was built and run entirely according to the traditional ways that have
been practised for nearly a thousand years in Tibet. During its construction, many officials of the local government as well as many religious masters from other religious schools
gave their support to the monastery. Although it functioned for only two decades, the
treasures, the precious scriptures, and the religious objects that were preserved in the
monastery at the time could compete with many other older monasteries in Tibet. Unfortunately, Gur gyam monastery was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.
The restoration of Bon and Buddhist monasteries in western Tibet started again in
the early1980s. Not long after the reestablishment of Gur gyam in 1987, all the religious
activities such as performing rituals, staying in retreat and doing pilgrimages were actively revitalized. At present, the monastery is small compared what it used to be and
there are only six monks, and Gur gyam monastery is the only Bonpo institutions in
western Tibet. The monks who live and maintain the monastery come from far beyond
the region where the monastery is located. The process of rebuilding the monastery is
still going on and it attracts many Bonpo believers and scholars as well as tourists again.
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Sonam Drolma (Suonan Zhuoma)
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Trends in integration of Bhutanese Society
Sonam Kinga
Before the late King, His Majesty Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928–72), laid the foundation of
modern education system in the 1950s, only monastic education was available. Writings
and scholarship on Bhutan by Bhutanese authors have largely been limited to a few genres
like hagiographies of Buddhist saints and lama, history, religious treatise and poetry. Almost all of them were written in Chokey, classical Tibetan. Hence, they have a strong Buddhist content. Aspects of popular literature articulating non-clerical values found expression only through oral medium, which has resulted in a strong oral tradition among various communities in the country. For long, non-Bhutanese authors wrote almost every literature on Bhutan available in English. Only recently has Bhutanese authors adopted English as medium of writing. This however, does not indicate total decline or disappearance
of indigenous scholarship in Dzongkha, the national language and Chokey. The first among
non-Bhutanese authors writing on Bhutan in English were political missionaries of British
India beginning with George Bogle in 1774 and continuing till the first half of 20th century
with British Political Officers of Sikkim who directly dealt with Bhutan. On their missions,
the British emissaries kept records of the life and activities of ordinary people. These aspects of life were not the areas of traditional scholarship. The second group of scholars was
mostly Indians but there are some western writers as well. Subsequent to India’s Independence in 1947, and the launching of development programmes in Bhutan in 1960–61
with financial support of the Indian government, many Indians visited Bhutan in various
capacities as technical advisors, expatriates, teachers and others. In their writings, we find
a continuation of the interest on non-clerical aspects of Bhutanese life. A common approach
among them has been to provide a general introduction or write about the country’s geography, people and lifestyle. And all of them, consciously or otherwise followed their predecessors in dividing the country into specific geographic zones inhabited by people to whom
they ascribed specific ethnolinguistic characteristics. Many statements such as the following are very common in their works: Dzongkha is the ‘language of the home’ in western
Bhutan. The different dialects spoken in eastern Bhutan generally fall into two broad linguistic categories – the Bumthang or the Tashigang dialect. The Nepali Bhutanese who
make up the vast majority of the population in southern Bhutan come from a wide variety
of communities in Nepal, most of which have their language or dialect’. Except for people
of Nepali origin who came in the beginning of the last century, this conventional classification must have been valid for most part of the country’s history. But it is no longer applicable to modern Bhutanese society, which has seen progressive trends at integration of various ethno-linguistic groups. Such rigid classification has completely excluded local migrations, population movement and settlements that have occurred over the years either as
results of epidemic outbreak, local migration, resettlement programme, land purchase and
settlement and inter-ethnic marriages. These factors have gradually brought about changes
in the demographic landscape of the country.
The purpose of this paper is to study the gradual development of this rigid conventional classification of ethno-linguistic group into an unchallenged fact over the years,
and then provide preliminary evidences of the trends in social integration in recent decades. I will consider the position of different non-Bhutanese authors on this issue. Some
writers have produced maps to illustrate the cultural and linguistic divisions they wrote
about. I will analyse these maps, and then discuss the confusion pertaining to usage of
geographic terms by writers for directions like ‘east and west’ in their works in referring
to administrative or linguistic units. Finally I will enumerate some social processes that
serve as preliminary evidences of the gradual disappearance of boundaries among different ethno-linguistic groups drawn by the writers. These processes are generated by
socio-economic development, modernization, education and other factors.
The Skyor-mo-lung seminar in Medieval Tibet
Per Sørensen
The sKyor-mo-lung chos sde located in sTod-lung bDe-chen xian south-west of Lhasa close
to the confluence of sTod-lung-chu and sKyid-chu river was a famous Vinaya institution
and seminar established in 1169 A.D. associated with the bKa’-gdams-pa tradition. Its
abbatial seat was over several centuries occupied by a nephew lineage of the mNga’-ris
sBal-ti (~ Val-ti) clan. As a center of erudition, scholasticism and hermeneutics, in the
period up to the close of the 15th century, it counted among the six main-seats (gdan sa) of
erudition in Central Tibet, which were reckoned both as centres of hermeneutics (bshad
grva) as much as centres of spiritual attainment (sgrub grva), which under the triad dGa’
sKyor Zul and the triad bDe gSang Gung in all comprised
dGa’-ba-gdong
bDe-ba-can
sKyor-mo-lung and
gSang-phu and
Zul-phu
Gung-thang
Zul-phu and dGa’-ba-gdong were over the years associated with sKyor-mo-lung and
can be regarded as branch settlements of the latter. bDe-ba-can and Chos-’khor-gling
respectively were erected as dependencies on the initiative of the gSang-phu throne-holders. In the 15th century sKyor-mo-lung was turned into a dGe-lugs institution and thus
was incorporated into the latter’s monastic network. The paper describes the history and
vicissitudes of this once influential seat.
Territoriality and fragmented political control on the GansuTibetan frontier: a local history of Chone and Thewu,
1880–1940
Wim van Spengen
If territoriality is the persistent attachment to a specific territory and fragmentation stands
for the tendency of political power to break up under a variety of pressures, the subject
matter of this proposed history of the Chone and Thewu frontier lands may well have
been sufficiently indicated. A frontier region, by definition, is a marchland, a border area
in which effective territorial control by a central authority is limited. On the southern
Gansu-Tibetan border the central authority of both China and the central Tibetan polity
was at least tenuous for the period under discussion (1880–1940), and the local principality of Chone and its monastic counterpart may be said to have wielded little effective
political power in its more outlying areas too. In particular the Thewu in their secluded
river valleys beyond the Min Shan escaped princely control and were virtually a law
unto themselves. But there was little law to speak of, and infighting between clans and
villages were the order of the day.
Although the history of northeastern Tibet, mainly on the basis of Tibetan and Chinese sources, is increasingly in the process of being unraveled, I propose here to highlight
the contribution the older European travel literature (both published and unpublished)
can make to this attempt at historical interpretation. After all, travelers, missionaries, and
political agents had a chance to see and hear things, which, when put in their proper
context, provide us with an additional perspective on the frontier history under review.
The southern Gansu-Tibetan border region in particular deserves further elaboration, as
the local history of Chone and Thewu is less well known than the historical vicissitudes
of the neighbouring monastic centres of Kumbum and Labrang.
Political power in the Chone princely territory, or rather the lack of it, made for very
unsettled frontier conditions for the greater part of the period, and the main thrust of this
contribution is to show how interlocking spheres of political power at different scale
levels, interacted to produce a unique historical situation. First of all, there were the Thewu,
the inhabitants of the Tao, but more so the deeply eroded Peishui river valley. By the end
of the 19th century historical circumstances had produced an impoverished and utterly
unruly population, more or less kept in check by the prince of Chone. Conspicuous local
Thewu robbery and occasionally wholesale Thewu raids plagued Chone well into the
1920s. Secondly, there was the Tibetan prince of Chone who had to fight Chinese political
encroachment on his territory, intermittently giving way to periods of political vacuum,
as for instance in the years after the Chinese Revolution of 1911. These periods of lesser
central Chinese control, however, brought the danger of roaming warlords like the White
Wolf who terrorized the Tao river valley in May 1914. Thirdly, there were the Christian
missionaries who from about 1895 had settled in the upper Tao valley near Taochou and
later Chone, and from there tried to establish a foothold in the trans – Min Shan Thewu
strongholds. Fourthly, there were the Mohammedan Chinese of the neighbouring districts of Taochow, Minchow, and Hochow, who staged two bloody rebellions against the
Chinese, the reverberations of which were felt all along the Gansu-Tibetan border. Finally there was the fluctuating but persisting, and over time increasing, Chinese political
pressure, at first through the prince of Chone, but later more directly through the viceroy
of Gansu at Lanchow. Ultimately, the prince of Chone was removed from power in the
1930s.
A formerly de facto Tibetan territory, through a period of fragmented political control, itself the product of a complex interlocking set of power relations at different scale
levels in a transitional frontier area, had slowly ended up in Chinese hands. It is the
stated purpose of this paper to trace more in detail the rich local history of Chone and
Thewu, which may finally contribute to a better understanding of the structural dynamics of Sino-Tibetan frontier history at large.
Zhao Erfeng reconsidered
Elliot Sperling
Much time has passed since I looked at the late-Qing campaigns of Zhao Erfeng in Khams.
Those campaigns, in which Zhao attempted to pacify a very restive region, was particularly significant in creating a situation in which the nature of relations between the Tibetan government and the Republic of China, as well as the Sino-Tibetan boundary issue
remained unresolved. Over the course of the last two decades several important works
bearing on Zhao’s activities in Khams have appeared in both Chinese and Tibetan, such
as the biography of Brag-dkar Blo-bzang dpal-ldan (written in 1911). This paper will
explore these sources so as to revise our image of Zhao and take greater account of the
perceptions he generated among Tibetans.
About the human propensity to “visual metaphors”: the
Darsan of lHa-bTsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med in Tholung
monastery, ’Bras ljongs (Sikkim, India), 2003
Brigitte Steinmann
“Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med (Lhatsun Chenpo), the founder of the rdzogs-chen sect in
Sikkim (…), was born in a Southern province of Tibet called Jarpa, in the village called
Lha-yul zhi-rab. He was born of the celestial race. His father was one Cho-skyong mgon-po,
his mother’s name was Yig-dbang buga. He was born in the me-bya year (1597 AD), and
received his instructions under the saints Bsod-nams dbang-po, Rig-’dzin ’Ja’-tshon snyingpo and the learned Padma-legs-grub” (…)
Thus starts the story of the most revered saint of Sikkim, Lhatsun Chenpo, as it is
retold in the ’Bras-ljongs rgyal-rabs or “History of the Kingdom of Sikkim”, composed by
the 9th Chögyal, Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshe Dolma (1860–1914). It is said also
that Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med, who started from Kongbu in Tibet, reached Yoksum
(West-Sikkim), with 35 followers, where it is well-known that he consecrated the first
chögyal of ’Bras ljongs in the 17th century. This place should have a sacred destiny, by
becoming the core of the Buddhist Tibetan kingdom of Sikkim, which declined and fell
with its annexation to India in 1974.
Nowadays, many pilgrims (Northerners, Easterners, Southerners, Westerners, and
among them, Bhotias and Lepchas), converge every three years to Tholung monastery in
Dzongu (reserved and restricted area of India), in order to see again the prestigious figure of the Saint, whose iconography is richly and abundantly displayed all over Sikkim,
through many ancient or more modern monasteries.
This paper intends to retrace the living myth of the saint, through the experience of
his “darsan” in Tholung (April 2003), and further, to re-scrutinize the “metaphoric mania” of a very human habit : “visualizing”, for believing.
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/<ë+-,0<-…ë:-0Ê
Sonam Drolma (Suonan Zhuoma)
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“Eat it up or throw it to the dogs?” dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903–
1951), Ma gcig lab sgron (1055–1153) and Pha dam pa sangs
rgyas (d.1117). On the disposal of corpses of “holy beings” in
Tiebtan Buddhism: the last nine hundred years
Heather Stoddard
From archeological and historical evidence an important rupture or transformation in
Tibetan funerary rites appears to have taken place sometime between the “Fragmentation of Tibet”, Bod gsil-bu’i dus skabs (ca. 842–978), and the initial period of the “Latter
Diffusion”, Phyi-dar (late 10th- early 12th c.). The ancient practice of burial in individual
or collective tombs and tumuli, for people from all walks of life, known from hundreds of
sites all over the Tibetan plateau from paleolithic times onwards, disappears. In its place,
diverse means of disposal of the body come into practice, described according to the
elements: earth, water, fire and air, with the last two predominating, respectively, for
religious masters and ordinary people.
This transformation indicates a radical shift in patterns of belief and attitudes towards life and death and the human body, associated with Buddhism and its fundamental tenets of the composite nature and the impermanence of all phenomena. While fire
burial is consistent with Indian practice, air burial, which comes to dominate Tibetan
society right down to the present day, is not known in other Buddhist societies, and may
be most closely associated with Zoroastrian rites, prevelant in Sogdiana at a time when
the Tibetan empire was at its greatest expansion. Mummification is another important
practice also used for religious hierarchs.
This paper explores various factors that might have contributed to the diversification of funeral rites in Tibet over the last thousand years, with precise examples taken
from literary and oral sources, and from empirical evidence, particularly with regard to
some of the most well known religious masters.
rGyud smad grwa tshang in India: the new ‘emanation’ of a
remarkable Tibetan monastery
Axel K. Stroem
rGyud smad grwa tshang is in many respects different from other Tibetan monasteries
(except its ‘twin monastery’, rGyud stod grwa tshang). It is a sgrub grwa, an institution
dedicated to Tantric practice, but it is also one of the highest seats of learning of the dGe
lugs pa order. As such, it is not an independent institution, but closely affiliated with
gDan sa gSum (the ‘Three Seats’: Se ra, ’Bras-spungs and dGa´ldan) and headed by senior scholars from these monasteries. All students of the Three Seats who have attained
the dge bshes lha rams pa degree are obliged to spend at least a year at either rGyud
smad or rGyud stod, and the incumbents of the highest offices of the dGe lugs order are
chosen from among the former abbots of these two monasteries. The permanent inmates
of the monastery form, however, an unusually egalitarian community, in which all property and income is common and equally shared.
The new ‘emanation’ of rGyud smad grwa tshang, located in southern Karnataka,
perpetuates – among the reestablished Tibetan monasteries even to a remarkable extent –
the traditions of its ‘former incarnation’ in Lhasa (which is presently undergoing physical rehabilitation, if not spiritual revival). It is, however, also a local monastery which has
to serve the Tibetan settlement of which it forms the center, and the institution also has to
satisfy new educational needs of its resident monks.
I will in this paper attempt to describe and analyse the monastery’s present mode of
organisation and assess the degree to which the institution manages to fulfill all its
objectives.
The singing of seventeenth-century mgur in Amdo today: A
continuing tradition
Victoria Sujata
I seek to expand our understanding of the genre of mgur by investigating further the
notion that mgur have generally been sung to folk song melodies. In order to do so, I
analyze the ongoing tradition of singing the Mgur ’bum (Collected Songs of Spiritual Realization) of Skal ldan rgya mtsho (1607–1677), the cultural hero of Amdo who to this day is
revered as the first in one of the most important reincarnation lineages of Reb gong.
Oral tradition claims that the present style of singing his mgur dates back to one of
his direct disciples. Still today monks and lay soloists sing them in rituals, which is unusual because the singing of most other siddhas’ mgur has died out. Even more unusual is
the general standardization of their performance today. To my knowledge, this is the first
musical analysis in Western literature of any collection of mgur sung in a consistent way.
My previous textual analysis of stylistic features in the Mgur ’bum led me to conclude
that Skal ldan rgya mtsho’s mgur were more influenced by folk songs than by classical
verse. Most of his meters are found in folk songs, which indicates that be may have sung
his mgur with folk melodies. My present analysis further supports this theory by showing that the melodic and rhythmic style are like those of folk songs sung in Eastern Tibet,
and hence may well resemble how Skal ldan rgya mtsho sang his songs.
Since to my knowledge I am the only Westerner who has heard his songs, I will
illustrate my points with examples from my CD containing some of my recordings from
Amdo.
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Sumpa Rinchen Tashi
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Old Tibetan Buddhist texts from post-Tibetan Empire period
(mid–9 c. to late 10 c.)
Tsuguhito Takeuchi
In my paper given at the 8th IATS (Bloomington, 1998) and its revised version read at
the’Turfan Revisited’ symposium (Berlin, 2002), I proposed 57 Old Tibetan texts belonging to the post-Tibetan Empire period. In that paper, however, I touched only a little
about Buddhist texts. Recently, having extensively checked and rechecked possible candidates among the Buddhist texts, I have come to realize that several groups of Buddhist
texts, e.g., those with the site number ‘Ch.73.III.’ in the Stein Collection, can all be ascribed to that period. Of these, certain number of texts definitely belong to the 10th century. Consequently, the number of Old Tibetan Buddhist texts written during the time of
Gui-yi-jun will increase drastically. This will certainly lead us to reconsider and remodel
our concept of Tibetan Buddhism among non-Tibetans in Hexi and Dunhuang from the
mid–9th to the late 10th centuries onward until the sebsequent Tangut period.
Sikkim’s Namgyal Institute of Tibetology: its origins and
current activities
Tashi Densapa
The intention of this paper is to re-introduce the Namgyal Institute of Tibetology (NIT) to
the world of Tibetan Studies today: its origins, purposes, activities, resources and publications. It hopes to invite scholars from the international community to make use of the
Institute’s facilities, carry out research in Sikkim on any aspect of Tibetology, Sikkimese
history or the languages and cultures of Sikkim’s numerous ethnic communities, and
contribute to the NIT’s Bulletin of Tibetology
Since its establishment in 1958, the NIT has sponsored and promoted research on the
religion, history, language, art and culture of the people of the Tibetan cultural area which
includes Sikkim. The NIT’s library holds one of the largest collection of Tibetan works in
the world outside Tibet and a museum of Tibetan iconography and religious art. It has
published the Bulletin of Tibetology since 1964 and numerous books over the years.
The site on which the institute was established was donated by the late Chogyal
(king) of Sikkim Sir Tashi Namgyal in memory of his departed son Paljor Namgyal. The
foundation stone of the institute was laid by the 14th Dalai Lama on the 10th of February
1957 and the institute was declared open by the late Prime Minister of India Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru on the 1st of October 1958. The building of the institute is an imposing
monument and a splendid example of Sikkimese architecture.
When the Institute was founded in 1958, Sikkim was still an independent Buddhist
kingdom and the Institute, its scholars and library had an important role to play in
Sikkimese society. This role became even greater following the Chinese take over of Tibet
in 1959 and the settlement of eminent Tibetan rinpoches and scholars in Sikkim. The
same was true for the rest of the world and Tibetology soon gained worldwide recognition and greatly progressed as an academic discipline. However, following the end of the
Buddhist monarchy in 1975, the winds of change swept rapidly through Sikkim and the
subject of Tibetology gradually lost the importance it once enjoyed. The NIT now wishes
to regain its prominent position, this time as an important research centre in the Eastern
Himalayas.
In the summer of 2002, as the newly appointed Director of the institute, I undertook
to expand the NIT, restructure its research wing and open its doors to international collaboration. This is being done through the creation of new research programs, monthly
lecture series, seminars, language classes, fellowship programs, publications and collaboration with foreign scholars. It is hoped that the institute will actively promote Tibetan
and Sikkimese studies, and become a dynamic research centre. In order to help me achieve
this, I have appointed Tashi Tsering (Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala) as part-time
Consultant and Anna Balikci Denjongpa (PhD London) as Research-Coordinator.
From its publication department, the NIT has undertaken to translate and publish its
rare manuscripts, histories of Sikkim and sacred guide-books in order to make them available to a larger public. Among its new research programs, the NIT’s Research Officers
have undertaken a project to document the social history of Sikkim’s 60-odd monasteries
in order to publish an illustrated book on the subject. A second project proposes to locate,
digitalize and document old and rare photographs of Sikkim, both in India and abroad.
The aim is to create a digital image bank at the NIT and organize a permanent photographic exhibition .The NIT is also establishing a visual anthropology project in order to
produce an enduring digital record of Sikkim’s vanishing indigenous and Buddhist
cultures.
An international inter-disciplinary seminar on Sikkim will be held at the institute
towards the end of 2003 in honour of famous Sikkimese scholars in Tibetan studies. It is
hoped that the seminar will generate interest in Sikkimese studies and facilitate the establishment of an international association for Sikkimese studies based at the institute.
The NIT will soon undergo a general expansion of its infrastructure and facilities.
The construction of a new building which will house a library, study rooms, a conference
hall, studios and an administrative wing is to begin before the end of the year. The present
hostel will be renovated to accommodate visiting scholars wishing to carry out research
at the institute.
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Tashi Palden
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A preliminary note on two branches of the lha sras btsan po
genealogy in Central Khams
Tashi Tsering
Documents in Tibetan on the scions (either authentic or legendary) of the lha sras btsan
po genealogy in the areas of eastern Bhutan and Mon Rta wang have been published in
the recent past by the late Dr. Michael Aris (1979 and 1984, including English translations) and Drag shos bstan ’dzin rdo rje from Dga’ gling in eastern Bhutan (1984). Likewise, the descendant of the lha sra btsan po who migrated to Tsong kha in A mdo during
the 11th century has been discussed in the works by the late A lags Dmu dge bsam gtan
(1984) and by Bianca Horlemann (1998, plus her subsequent Ph.D. dissertation), as well
as in a number of articles that appeared in several journals. On the Tsong kha’i rgyal po
there is even a semi-historical monograph by Tshe brtan rdo rje (1998). To the best of my
knowledge, not much has been published in the modern studies concerning two branch
lineages of the lha sras btsan po that respectively migrated to the area of Ngom near
Chab mdo in Central Khams and a nearby territory during different periods. Here I attempt to put together some fragmented accounts in order to bring this tradition to the
attention of the scholars, check its reliability and articulate a tentative genealogical outline.
Development and implementation of Tibetan collation
algorithm
Tashi Tsering
W.N. Martin
There are four fundamental issues for a language to be processed or supported in a computer system: encoding, font design, input method, and collation algorithm. Without a
collation algorithm, a computer cannot collate the strings of a language, and hence the
language cannot be processed in a computer thoroughly. For those languages that use
Latin letters, a collation algorithm is not an issue. However, for those complex languages
– languages which have a more complex writing structure – a collation algorithm could
be very complicated. Some languages in the world are still not supported in major operating systems such as Microsoft Windows. Part of the reason for this is that problems
surrounding the collation issue for these languages have yet to be solved, and consequently, the computer systems are unable to thoroughly support the languages. Tibetan
is one such complex language. It has many of the same problems in the design and implementation of a collation algorithm possessed by some other complex languages. Although
a popular opinion of the past was that it was not possible to devise a sufficiently robust
algorithm for the collation of Tibetan strings in a computer, in this paper, we will present
a Tibetan collation algorithm deduced and designed from traditional rules for sorting
Tibetan syllables. In addition, we will discuss the implementation issues of the algorithm,
Java source code for the implementation of the Tibetan algorithm already having been
opened to the public
<http://www.cs.virginia.edu/~tt3e/files/Research.html>.
A demonstration of sorting Tibetan words for a sample dictionary using this algorithm will be presented as well.
Specification for design and implementation of open type
fonts for Tibetan script
Tashi Tsering
W.N. Martin
OpenType is the most powerful and popular font format today. It is a new cross-platform
font file format developed jointly by Adobe, Apple, and Microsoft. OpenType allows
users move font files back and forth between platforms, and hence the same OpenType
font files will work on Macintosh and Windows computers, and (with FreeType – an
open source font engine) under UNIX and Linux. A superset of the existing TrueType and
Type 1 (PostScript) formats, OpenType provides greater language support than any previous font format containing not only the standard font layout data, but glyph processing information (instructions) such as glyph substitution and positioning as well, enabling the full support of complex scripts (such as Tibetan) which require character reordering and/or glyph processing to display, print or edit. OpenType fonts use the international Unicode encoding standard, which is becoming more widely adopted in industry,
which assigns a unique code number for characters that represent most of the scripts in
the world. Currently, the OpenType font format is the only way to thoroughly support
those scripts in a computer system. It is believed that the Tibetan Unicode character set in
combination with OpenType technology will offer a long-term solution to a number of
Tibetan data processing problems. In this paper, we will (1) provide a brief introduction
to Unicode and OpenType technology; (2) address encoding issues in the Tibetan script
relevant to designing various OpenType fonts; (3) survey OpenType features for the Tibetan script; (4) describe the Tibetan syllable and stack processing rules for applications
based on Unicode and OpenType technology; and (5) discuss the various other issues
connected with the Unicode Tibetan character set and OpenType font design for Tibetan
scripts.
The rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don manuscript of the
“Gondhla Kanjur”
Helmut Tauscher
The “Gondhla Kanjur” is a set of 35 volumes of partly illuminated manuscripts kept in
private possession at Gondhla, Lahaul, Himachal Pradesh. It contains the greater part
the text included in the mDo section of the Tibetan canon. However, there are no Sher
phyin and only a few rGyud texts. These parts of the collection are said to be kept at an
unknown place in the western Himalayas and still have to be discovered. According to
palaeographic, orthographic and art-historical evidence it can be tentatively dated to the
late 13/ early 14 century. Some historical information provided by colophons unfortunately do not, at the present stage of our knowledge, allow a more precise dating.
A few texts preserved at Gondhla have, however, never been included into any canonical collection known of. Among them there is the rNal ’byor chen po/por/pos bsgom
pa’i don, a text that seems to have gained some relevance in the course of the so-called
debate of bSam yas/Lhasa. It comprises 40 fols., and essentially it is an anthology of
quotations from 80 – so the texts says, but in fact it lists 82 – sÒtras in answer to 88 questions that are obviously considered to be relevant for the “practice of mah›yoga”, subsequent to the initial and crucial question: “How is the perfection of insight, which is homogeneous by nature and unitary, differentiated?”
Up to now this text has been extant only in fragments: 12 fols. of a manuscript from
Dunhuang (PT 818 and ST 705) and fragments from two manuscripts, consisting of 9 and
3 fols., from Tabo. The Dunhuang material has been studied by Lalou, Imaeda and
Okimoto, the Tabo material has only recently be presented by Otokawa in Tabo Studies II:
Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts, Ed. C.Scherrer-Schaub and E.Steinkellner,
Roma 1999.
Now, with the entire text available, some open points can be clarified. One of them is
the title itself: rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don is given at the end of the various chapters,
at the beginning and the end of the text it is referred to as mDo sde brgyad (b)cu khungs, a
phrase that occurs several times also within the text. As a text with this title is attributed
to Hwa shang Mah›y›na by Bu ston, it has been generally accepted to denote an anthology of sÒtras which served as the source of the quotations in the rNal ’byor chen po bsgom
pa’i don. On the basis of the Gondhla MS, however, the two names have obviously to be
taken as alternative titles, and according to PT 996, where sPug Ye shes dbyangs (771–
850) is given as the author, Bu ston’s attribution of this text to Hwa shang seems to be
mistaken.
The aims of the present paper are preliminary presentations of the “Gondhla Kanjur”
in general and of the rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don in particular, as well as a comparison of the Gondhla MS with the fragments of Tabo and Dunhuang.
The ‘Twelve Tamangs’ and the ‘Eighteen Great Clans of
lDong Chenpo’
Gabriele Tautscher
The aim of the paper is to discuss the origins in the formation and coneceptualization of
socio-political (Tamang) clan units at the periphery of the Tibetan world and within the
sphere of the Nepali state. One central issue herein are the references to the ancient Tibetan clannames and to the Tibetan kingdom found in the genelogies of the clans (gdun
rabs) and in the Tamang Buddhist cosmogonic texts (rus chen bco brgyad). The other theme
are the varying interpretations of Tamang origin and history stated in the written and
oral accounts, as well as those expressed by the recent Tamang indigenous movement.
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Bod kyi rlung rta’i rgyan ris dang de’i khyad chos skor mdo
tsam gleng ba
(The patterns on rlung rta and their implications)
Tempa Rabten
Rlung rta (hereafter lungta) feature widely in Tibetan society and Tibetan cultural areas.
However, the present study mainly concentrates on the patterns on lungta and their development. The paper is divided into three parts, as follows:
1.
The patterns on lungta developed after the spread of the Bon religion in Tibet. This
religion has more than three thousand years history, something that can be confirmed
by documents of the Bon religion. The patterns on lungta reflect the spiritual life of
Tibetans, since Tibetans put lungta on the mountain peaks and roofs of houses in
order to achieve auspicious results. However, in the chapter I shall discuss some
patterns on lungta that reflect the influence of the Bon religion. Moreover, I shall offer
a definition of the term lungta.
2.
After Songtsan Gampo married the Chinese and Nepalese princesses and built Buddhist temples in Tibet, the Buddhist culture influenced the lungta and its motifs. I
shall give more information about the nature of this Buddhist influence.
I shall discuss the later development of lungta and its patterns after the Second Diffusion. At the same time, I shall discuss variations in style that have come about as a result
of the work of different artists.
Tibetan landshape: an unusual geomantic document
David Templeman
Recently an unusual Tibetan document came into my hands. It appears to be ‘village
lama’ business, dealing as it does with geomancy, but there are aspects of it which seem
to be of some special interest. The document was hand written in the early 20th century
but appears to contain material from a much earlier date. It sets out a series of 53 shapes
which land may be seen to adopt. The factors controlling the outline of the shapes are
mountains and hills, ridges, paths, fields, rivers and forests, among others. The document sketches the shapes so defined and locates the sites within those shapes which may
be used for the building of tombs, stupas,temples and other structures. It also suggests
which locations are more auspicious than others. The reader will immediately be reminded
of certain aspects of Chinese Feng-shui which, in the form of landscape geomancy is
generally believed to have evolved in the 9th cent. My contention is that although the
document under consideration does display certain aspects of late T’ang geomantic knowledge, there are aspects of it which may have developed from a somewhat earlier Tibetan
strata of knowledge about the importance of the shape of land for tomb construction.
Tibetan medicine in the 21st Century: clinical trial of Tibetan
medicine in the treatment of newly diagnosed Non-Insulin
Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (NIDDM)
Tenzin Namdul
Tibetan medicine can be traced back for about 2500 years. It started from a basic knowledge of people and their diet. As time passed, Tibetan medicine explored and integrated
with the various traditional medical systems from surrounding regions. These were the
Indian Ayurvedic system, the Greek system, the Chinese system and the Unani system.
In the 7th century, King Songtsen Gampo (617–650 AD) invited physicians from India,
china and Persia to Tibet in order to share and add to Tibetan medical knowledge. In the
8th century, during the reign of King Trisong Deutsen (742–798 AD), the first formal,
recorded international medical conference was held at Samye in Tibet. After the conference, Yuthok Yonten Gompo, the Elder (708–833 AD), synthesises the essence of the various Asian medical systems and wrote gGyud-bzhi. This is the Four Tantra; the fundamental classical text of Tibetan medicine. It is still today a classical text. Throughout the second millenium, Tibetan medicine produced many eminent scholars and physicians, and
flourished.
In 1916, H.H. the 13th Dalai Lama established Men-Tsee-Khang (Tibetan Medical &
Astrological Institute) at Lhasa in Tibet. In 1959, with the invasion of Tibet by China,
Men-Tsee-Khang was closed temporarily. Many staff and students as well as village based
Tibetan physicians were arrested and imprisoned. In the following years, the Chinese
authorities destroyed many Tibetan medical scriptures, paintings and traditional medicines.
On March 23, 1961, in order to revive and promote Tibetan culture, H.H. the 14th
Dalai Lama re-established Men-Tsee-Khang at Dharamsala, India. Ever since this new
beginning, Men-Tsee-Khang has worked to fulfill its original objectives: to preserve and
promote Traditional Tibetan Medicine and Astro. science, and to provide an Alternative
form of healthcare. Till date, it has successfully trained more than 200 Tibetan physicians.
With the increase in manpower, Men-Tsee-Khang has been able to take initiatives
and expand. It has opened a medical & astro. college, a research & development department, a materia medica department, a documentation & publication department, a herbal
product research department, and pharmaceutical department. Men-Tsee-Khang has been
working closely with Western medical practitioners in India and from all over the world.
Initiating mutual interaction and referring patients to each other has been one of the
Men-Tsee-Khang’s priority. Such interactions and dialogues are creating a greater awareness of the strengths and weaknesses of each of our systems.
Tibetan Medicine has shown positive effects on many chronic diseases such as asthma,
rheumatic arthritis, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, neuron problem and also some
mental illness conditions. However, as Tibetan medicine and for that matter other traditional medical systems have become subjects of both popular and professional attention,
there has, at the same time, been an understandable increase in levels of professional
skepticism. Men-Tsee-Khang has accepted this concern and instituted a series of systematic research studies to prove the efficacy of Tibetan medical treatments. These research
studies use the statistical assessment techniques, which are accepted worldwide. Tibetan
Medicine, as explained, has been carefully documented and recorded in papers and book
s for over 2500 years. These range from the Four Tantra to Clear Mirror, a detailed description, with illustration, of Himalayan and Tibetan Medicinal plants and herbs. However,
the number of publications on clinical research are few and those available are not statistically conclusive.
In April 1997 we started conducting a multi centric, randomised control trail on 200
newly diagnosed type II Diabetes Mellitus patients in collaboration with All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi. These were randomised into two groups: a
treatment group and a control group. The patients were evaluated; their detailed histories taken and full examinations given to them. Technically, plasma glucose, glycated
hemoglobin (GHb), serum creatinine and serum lipids were measured at the start of the
study, after 12 weeks and again, finally after 24 weeks. At the end of the 24th week, the
treatment group was compared to the control group. The treatment group showed a greater
decrease in plasma fasting glucose (23.4±20.0% Vs 6.4±27.7%). The decrease in post
prandial plasma glucose was also significant, both at 12 weeks and at 24 weeks. There
was greater improvement in glycated hemoglobin (GHb) in patient receiving Tibetan
medicine (21.4±30.1% Vs 6.7±29.3%). From this study, we have been able to conclude
that Tibetan medicine is significantly beneficial in lowering blood glucose and glycated
hemoglobin in newly diagnosed or untreated patients with type II Diabetes Mellitus. The
study has been recognised and accepted in the form of a letter to the editor of the Diabetes
Care Journal, based in the USA. Men-Tsee-Khang released the detailed study paper in
December 2000.
Men-Tsee-Khang is continuously working with its international colleagues on programmes of assessment and measurements to demonstrate the validity of the benefits of
traditional Tibetan medicine. Further study on diabetes Mellitus and other projects are in
progress. Tibetan Medicine is continuing its long and respected tradition of contributing
its extraordinary science of healing to the world’s knowledge.
New materials on Tibetan Buddhist iconography
Andrey Terentyev
The subject of this paper (which was actually accepted by IATS seminar in Japan, but I
was unable to come and read it there or elsewhere) is two new Tibetan pantheons comprising more than 500 images.
The first relates to the Kalachakra system. It is a set of the dbu-lha – book illustrations of a rare woodblock edition of the Tibetan text of the Kalachakra-Tantra (Toh. 362).
The 160 illustrations are of the size 100 x 85 mm and are interspersed throughout the text.
All illustrations have Tibetan captions. The first images are of Buddha Shakyamuni and
Shri Kalachakra followed by a series of Shambhala kings. Then come selected deities of
all circles of the Kalachakra mandala.
Although the full Kalachakra mandala was created recently at Namgyal Monastery
in Dharamsala and published, our 160 woodblock illustrations are still interesting as a
much older traditional sample of Kalachakra pantheon.
The second pantheon contains 364 painted miniatures of tsagli type, made in usual
Tibetan technique on canvas. Symbols and deities of the Nyingma school are depicted in
the miniatures. On the back side of each illustration the following data is given: (1) letter
symbol, (2) number, (3) caption, (4) second number, (5) second caption – all in the ume
script.
The letter symbols (1) are “E” and “VAM”. They divide the entire pantheon into two
parts.
The numerical signs (2) and (4) relate to the divisions of the pantheon and determine
the internal position of the images.
Caption (3) gives the titles of the sections of the pantheon, for example, “rigs-’dzin
zhal-lung”, “dman rnying-ma’i skor”, “bka’-brgyad zhi-khro rnams rim” etc.
Caption (5) largely confines itself to the name of the depicted character. However,
sometimes it also gives additional information.
As the systemized iconographic materials of the Nyingma school are rare, the St.Petersburg’s Nyingma Pantheon is an interesting source to study.
Householders and monks: a study of treasure discoverers in
contemporary Kham
Antonio Terrone
Recent events in eastern Tibet have dragged attention on a phenomenon that has aroused
curiosity among Tibet scholars and provoked indignation among local authorities. Last
decade has seen the rise of large religious monastic-like compounds, called “gar” (sgar),
and at the same time the rejuvenation of an ancient activity seldom studied in its contemporary manifestation, the tradition of treasures (gter ma). I think these two phenomena
are not isolated, but intimately linked. The leaders of at least four of the largest presently
active sgar-s are themselves treasure discoverers (gter ston) and tend to adhere to a monastic lifestyle. However at the same time another figure of treasure revealer, more isolated, less publicly involved, and less popular, coexist with the more famed ones. They
are lay Tantric specialists (sngags pa) who prefer to live in remote areas or on mountain
peaks, with a small entourage of close disciples or even alone. Developing healing charismatic powers, visionary experiences, and revelation of mental treasure teachings they
are often on the move to monasteries, nunneries, and retreat centres to transmit teachings, mass empowerments, and meditation instructions.
In this essay I will describe the social cultural phenomenon of treasure tradition in
present areas of Kham as represented by both trends briefly mentioned above. I will also
attempt to provide analysis of the symbolic processes enacted by the phenomenon in
both the manifestations.
Survey of Ro-dpag, an important Buddhist site in the upper
Sutlej basin, Kinnaur district, Himachal Pradesh
Laxman S. Thakur
The upper Sutlej basin in Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh was explored earlier by
many scholars such as Alexander Gerard, A. H. Francke, G. Tucci and Rahul Sankrityayan.
None of them carried out a village to village survey in the region thus many sites of
historical and archaeological significance remained unexplored to date. The present paper discusses the results of archaeological explorations carried out by the author from
1988 to 2003. One of the most important Buddhist sites explored in the upper Sutlej basin
was Ropa (Ro-dpag). The archaeological data of immense historical significance have
been found in the lo-tsa-ba‚s lHa-khang. Massive wooden and clay Buddhas and
Bodhisattavas, wall paintings and Tibetan inscriptions have been studied in detail taking
into consideration the expansion of the ‘second diffusion’ of Buddhism in western Tibet.
The possibility of the existence of Buddhism in the region prior to the introduction of
phyi-dar is also examined.
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Bar do’i sems can dang kho lun sems can bar gyi ‘brel ba la
dpyad pa (The similarities between intermediate beings and
cloned beings)
Thubten Phuntshog (Tudeng Pengcuo)
1. Soul wind and consciousness
There are conditions for developing bodies and a wind for soul to rely, which is together
called “soul wind” (srog rlung), when bodies of sentient beings, particularly human beings, take shape. This soul wind is generated by a combination of parental cells and further development and maturity of the cells. One week after the combination of parental
cells, the soul wind is generated; after the second week, all the sub-soul winds generate,
the different parts of body gradually develop. After the body takes shape and is born, the
five main winds (rtsa ba’i rlung lnga) and five subsidiary winds (yan lag rlung lnga) make
the body function. These winds become the main basis for being alive and will disappear
through nine bodily orifices when the body collapses; the body is then a corpse, and the
soul wind is referred to as an intermediate consciousness (bar do’i rnam shes).
Consciousness does not exist by itself, but coexists with the soul wind. The awareness is called ye shes (transcendental wisdom). How the combination of consciousness
and winds functions in the world can be seen from the Non-separate existence of consciousness and winds of Karma Mi bskyur rdo rje, and also can be read in the Gsang ‘dus.
2. The intermediate beings
As we have mentioned above, when the body collapses, five elements and all kinds of
winds will disappear, and finally the soul winds will also disappear with the consciousness through nine holes. Before incarnating into another being, the consciousness or the
being is called the “intermediate consciousness”. (See Chos spyod rab gsal pp. 76 where
more detailed informationis given on how Buddhists understand intermediate
consciousness.)
3. Acquiring consciousness (rnam shes ’jug tshul)
There are four forms in which the sentient beings of the six realms can incarnate: 1) viviparous beings, such as human beings, who are the result of parental cells; 2) oviparous
beings, such as snakes, that are produced from eggs; beings of warmth and humidity,
such as small insects, that are born from these conditions; embodiment, such as gods and
intermediate consciousness, that are the invisible sources.
4. Consciousness among cloned beings
The acquisition of consciousness by cloned beings is very similar to that of the intermediate beings in Buddhism. According to Tibetan medicine and Buddhism, the intermediate
being or intermediate consciousness is the basis for the consciousness of the soul wind in
our body. After departing the body, the consciousness, the base for the soul wind, becomes an intermediate being. The combination of the cells of one sentient being and another are the precondition for the production of another sentient being. I therefore suggest that the acquisition of consciousness by cloned beings lies within the purview of this
theory.
The Lotsawa vocation: scholarship and translation in Tibet
and in today’s academy
Robert Thurman
First, I will look at the massive, centuries-long Tibetan work of study and translation of
Indic literatures of arts and sciences from Sanskritic languages, which relied on the efforts of scholar/practitioner/translators called “Lotsawa” – literally “world-eye,” or my
favorite, “public eye.” Examining the principles, practices, and historical contexts of these
Lotsawas, I focus on a number of key decisions and their ramifications: e. g. 1) use of
original languages in titles and mantras, and its non-use in names; 2) use of variant target
language terms used for same word in original language in different contexts; 3) use of
same target language term for different originals, and so on; 4) attempts at standardization, use of neologisms, etc. I will compare this translation process in broad terms with
those used in translating Buddhist texts into Chinese, and perhaps with the practices of
Tibetan scholars translating Tibetan works into Mongolian. Finally, I will look at the comparable principles, practices, and contexts of translation work into English in the academy today, focusing on examples of key terms: e. g. ’dgra bcom pa, bcom ldan das, las, nyon
mongs, rang bzhin, rang ngo, rang mtshan, rdzogs rim, rdzogs chen.
Cultural aspect of relations between Russia and Tibet in the
19th and early 20th centuries
Eugenia Tikhonova
In the beginning of the 21st century, on the threshold of the new century’s culture, it is
quite natural to observe the development of interest towards culture’s origins, to the
period of the very beginning of interregional and interethnic contacts. The question of
interaction between different cultures represents a part of a universal problem of relations between peoples having different views upon the universe, the mankind’s place
and role, the ways of economic development and State organization.
During the last centuries Russia and Tibet maintained close spiritual and cultural
links. Catherine II proclaimed Buddhism (the main religious tradition of Tibet) one of
Russia’s official religions. Since the 17-th century Buddhism has been professed by the
peoples of Buryatia, Kalmykia and Tuva as well as of Chita and Irkutsk regions. The basic
values of Buddhism are a part of the indigenous Russian culture and constitute Russia’s
spiritual heritage side by side with Orthodox Christianity and Islam.
Studies of Tibetan language began in Russia more than 200 years ago, although before the early 18-th century those researches were limited to personal curiosity. A more
significant interest to Tibetan writing arose only in the third decade of 18-th century.
While evaluating works of Russian scientists in the sphere of Tibet culture in the 18-th
century, one should not forget that studies of Tibetan language in Europe only began at
that time and knowledge of Tibet by European Orientalists was extremely limited. Under
such circumstances it is necessary to mention the merits of the Russian Academy of Sciences which maintained in European science interest to Tibetan language and culture
preparing the coming of the period of their intensive studies.
Substantial scientific studies of Tibetan language and culture began in Russia in 1829
when the rivalry between Russia and Britain in Asia started to grow which made Russian
politicians turn more frequently their eyes on the East. The oriental policy became strategically important for Russian policy as a whole. This period coincided with the beginning of activities of Jacob Schmidt who enriched science through translation and publication of different Tibetan and Mongol texts and compiled a dictionary and grammar of
Tibetan language. At the same time Russian Orientalist Vassiliev, who made an enormous contribution to Russian and world Tibet studies, started his researches. He studied
Tibetan language on his own and was sent, as a member of Russian spiritual mission, to
Beijing where he spent 10 years collecting data for his researches. In China he started to
work on “The Lexicon of Buddhist Terminology” and on articles dedicated to Tibetan
Buddhism. Vassiliev wrote multiple books on Tibetan language and history as well as
works on Tibetan literature and peoples who influenced history of Tibet.
In that period of time a number of expeditions to Tibet were organized. A primary
attention should be paid to the results of the expeditions conducted by Nikolay
Przhevalsky, Mikhail Pevtsov, Vsevolod Roborovsky, Piotr Kozlov, Gombozhab Tsibikov,
Baradiin. Apart from political goals they pursued studies of geography, ethnography
and culture of peoples of Central Asia and Tibet. There was also a significant growth of
interest to Tibetan language literature and culture in Russian scientific and political circles, the time for a new group of researchers came. Oldenburg was the initiator and propagandist of Tibet studies.
On Oldenburg’s initiative the Academy of Sciences launched in 1897 the publication
of “Bibliotheca Buddhica” dedicated to literary monuments of late Buddhism in different
languages. This and other works of Oldenburg brought him fame of one of the best specialist in Buddhist culture in general and in culture of Tibetan Buddhism in particular.
Being aware of the important political and scientific consequences of staying in Russia of the Tibetan mission, Oldenburg maintained close contacts with representatives of
Dalai Lama and rendered them assistance including efforts aimed at establishing of the
Tibetan Mission in Saint Petersburg. Besides, he managed to make a classification of all
the books on Tibet studies which had been published before.
In the end of the 19-th century the leader of Tibet Dalai Lama XIV addressed to Russia searching for patronage and protection from Britain’s colonial expansion, since China
failed to guarantee its territorial inviolability. In 1900 and 1901 its first counselor Buryat
lama Agvan Dorzhiev conducted negotiations with the tsarist government which resulted
in an open, although short-timed, rapprochement between Russia and Tibet. Russia responded to Dalai Lama’s appeal and promised to render him diplomatic support and
certain military assistance.
As a response to lord Kerzon’s military expedition to Tibet in 1903, Russian military
headquarters had plans to organize a Russian military and diplomatic mission to Tibet
led by famous traveler Piotr Kozlov.
Right up to the beginning of the World War I Saint Petersburg maintained contacts
with Dalai Lama, mainly through efforts of Agvan Dorzhiev who acted as his unofficial
representative in Russia and made an important contribution to development of cultural
links between the two countries. Dorzhiev was also famous as a serious and profound
researcher of religious, historical, national and ethnographic traditions of Tibet and Mongolia.
Cultural contacts achieved their apogee in that period (Tibetan medical treatise
“Zhudshi” was translated into Russian, Buryat doctor Badmaev began researches and
active practice of Tibetan medicine, a Tibetan Buddhist shrine was opened in Saint
Petersburg etc).
Thus, together with Russia’s growing political activity in Central Asia and its rivalry
with Britain for influence in the region, the 19-th century witnessed the growth of interest
to Tibet in Russian scientific and political circles as well as an active penetration of oriental ideas into the Russian society. Though the idea of establishment of a Russian protectorate over Tibet did not meet support, cultural interaction between Russia and Tibet was
obvious.
A catalogue of the thangka collections of the Tarap Valley
Francis V. Tiso
The presenter organized a research team in the summer of 2000 to photograph, analyze
iconography, and catalogue the thangka collections of the lha khangs and gompas of the
Tarap Valley, Lower Dolpo, Nepal. Over seventy scroll paintings from the Ribum Gompa,
Gakar Gompa (Labrang and Lhakhang), Jampa Gompa, Mekhyim Gompa, Shipchok
Gompa, and Chuktso Gompa collections were photographed and catalogued. Several of
these works may in fact be very old. According to local historiography (the Gakar Gompa
Lo rgyus), one of the paintings (Sangye Tongu in the Gakr Gompa Lhakhang) is 900 years
old. A very fragile mandala thangka showing saints of the bKa’ brgyud Order could be
from the thirteenth century.
In our monograph on the paintings, we sought to relate current anthropological data
to traditional histories of the Tarap Valley. Basing ourselves on a study of the styles of
Western Tibetan and other “border” and regional styles, we also responded to questions
posed by David Jackson about the provenance of several thangkas in Western collections.
Our research provides a survey of Buddhist Vajrayana and Bon po collections in the
valley. We attempted to identify most of the deities and historic figues in the paintings. In
addition, our informants provided the identity of known historic artists, including such
still-active painters as Lama Ngawang Chopel. The monograph is to be published by the
Lumbini International Research Institute, which funded the project.
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On an inscription in the gSum brtsegs temple at Wanla
Ladakh
Kurt Tropper
The three-storeyed temple at Wanla has been the object of several recent studies examining its art, architecture and history. While some of them have drawn on a lengthy inscription located immediately to the left of the niche at the South-Eastern side of the temple,
the complete text of this epigraphic document hasn’t been edited, translated and studies
yet. In the summer of 2002 I was able to record the inscription in detail and on the basis of
this documentation a diplomatic edition and an annotated translation is presently being
prepared. In my paper I will give a summary of the inscription’s contents and discuss a
few selected passages.
Why did the Hoshut Mongols occupy Tibet in the first half of
the 17th century?
Tsengel
In my paper I will explore the question of why the Hoshut Mongols occupied the Koknuur
area and Tibet in the first half of the 17th century. Historians have been attributing to the
request of the Tibetan dGe lugs pa Buddhists headed by the 5th Dalai Lama Ngag dbang
blo bzang rgya mtsho the reason for the migration of the Hoshut tribe of the Oirats and
their occupation of Tibet in the 1640s under their able leader Gushi Khan. But an examination of the situations of the Oirats, the historical circumstances of the Mongols at large,
and those of Central Asia would make it apparent that the dGe lugs pa Buddhists were
not the sole agents for the occupation; the answer has also to be sought in the political
and social dynamics internal to the Oirats. In this paper, I will critically examine Mongolian and Tibetan source materials, with particular attention to the characteristics of the
political and social organization of the Oirats. In addition to introducing new source
materials, I shall venture my own opinion and provide a new explanation for the reason
why the Hoshuts occupied Tibet. In particular, I will make the following arguments:
The earliest records of the invitation of the Oirats to Kokonuur and Tibet by the
Tibetan clergy headed by the 5th Dalai Lama could be found in Ko‘knuuriin tu’uke (History of Koknuur, T: mtsho sngon lo rgyus tshangs glu gsar snyan zhes bya ba bzhugs so) and
Burhan shashinii tu’uke (History of Buddhism, T: Dpag bsam ljon bzang) both written by the
Mongol lama Sumba-kambu-Ishibaljur (Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor). All later
writings referred to these two documents. However, a careful reading would reveal that
Ishibaljur was not always faithful to historical truth, for he, as a Gelugpa monk, deliberately linked every historical event to Gelugpa Buddhism.
The materials written in Tod Mongolian script, between 1637–1642 cast a different
light on these events. According to these historical sources, a confederate Oirat army
consisting of Durbet, Torgut and Hoit tribes, entered Koknuur and Tibet. This is not the
first, nor the last time that the Oirats invaded Tibet. The confederate Oirat army annihilated the existing groups of the Halh, Yungsyebu and Tumed Mongol tribes who were
worshipping rival Buddhist sects. Eventually they managed to defeat the king of Tsang
and establish the dGe lugs pa rule in 1642. However, according to the Biography of the 5th
Dalai Lama, the 5th Dalai Lama at first opposed Gushi Khan’s entry into Tibet.
Judging by all these evidences, it is clear that the Oirats did not come to Koknuur
and Tibet simply at the invitation of the Tibetan Gelugpa clergy headed by the 5th Dalai
Lama. Then why did the Oirats come to Koknuur and Tibet? In my view, it had to do with
a number of factors that were internal to the Oirats, and their “inheritance” system in
particular. This is testified by the concrete activities carried out during the Oirats’ inva-
sion of Koknuur and Tibet and by the way in which they organized their rule over the
region, lasting some 80 years.
Finally, I do not support the view that the rise and the fall of the nomadic societies
should be attributed to external relations. Rather, I propose that the inheritance system,
foundational to the nomadic social organization, should be highlighted in seeking answers to the questions raised by the expansive activities of the Oirat Mongols.
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Mongolian-Tibetan authors and contemporary Tibetan
literature
Tsering Dhondup
The paper will examine the writings of contemporary authors who are ethnically
Mongolians but write only in Tibetan. The relationship between the Mongols and Tibetans can be traced back many centuries when the Mongolians adopted Tibetan Buddhism
as their state religion. As a consequence, many Mongolians came to study in Tibetan
monasteries and later became great masters of Buddhism. Thus, throughout the history
many Mongolians were fluent in Tibetan.
Henan or rMa lho is a Mongolian autonomous county located in Qinghai province.
The people from Henan gradually assimilated into Tibetan culture and nowadays most
of the inhabitants from this county speak only Tibetan. The paper will show this
assimiliation by looking at the works of Jangbu, Deckyi Dolma and Tsering Dhondup.
They were all born in Henan and are considered as ethinically Mongolian. However,
their writings deal only with Tibetan subjects. The paper will examine why so many
writers emerged from this county and how they identity themselves within the Tibetan,
Chinese and Mongolian community.
Jangbu was born in 1963 and graduated from the North-west Nationalities University (Xibei minzu xueyuan) in Lanzhou in 1988. Like most of the students from Henan, he
was enrolled in the Tibetan language department. After some travelling across Tibetan
areas, he finally settled down in Lhasa and became a member of the Tibet Autonomous
Region (TAR) Writers’ Association (Xizang zizhiqu zuojia shehui). Since then, he has been
the editor of the Tibetan literary journal Bod kyi rtsom rig sgyul rtsal (Tibetan Literature
and Art) and works also as a researcher and consultant for various enterprises.
Jangbu published his first poem, “Return”, in the Tibetan version of Qinghai Daily in
1980. Since then he has published his works in various journals and four anthologies of
his works are in print. He has also won numerous prizes for his poems and short stories,
including the first prize for poetry for the Tibetan Literature Prize of the Five Provinces in
1985, first prize for “Decade of Literary Achievement”, a prize awarded in 1992 by the
literary journal sBrang char (Light Rain), first prize for TAR short story competition of
1994 and a prize in the “TAR Decade of Literary Achievement Prize” in 1995.
Tsering Dhondup was born in 1961 and graduated from the Huangnan Prefecture
Teacher’s Training School in 1982. The same year, he published his first work and has
since then written numerous short stories and novellas. He has received numerous literary prizes, including the Tibetan Literature Prize of the Five Provinces (Wuzhengqu zangzu
wenxue chuangzuo) in 1985. Two full-length novels, Mes-po (Ancestors) and sMug pa (Fog),
were published in 2002 in Xining, Qinghai province.
Deckyi Dolma was born in 1967 and graduated from the North-west Nationalities
University (Xibei minzu xueyuan) in Lanzhou in 1990. She has published numerous poems and her first anthology of poems was published in 2002 by Tianma Book Company,
Xining, Qinghai province. She is one of the few women poets who regularly publishes
her works.
The works of Tsering Dhondup and Jangbu are included in anthologies of Tibetan
literature as well as in a few Mongolian anthologies. Tsering Dhondup was told that a
short story of his had been translated into Mongolian but did not receive much attention
from the Mongolian readership. The explanation for this rejection was that his works
revolve entirely around a Tibetan lifestyle and was therefore too remote for the Mongolian speaking readership. This is hardly surprising since most of the people in Henan
have adopted the Tibetan culture as their own.
Tibetan literature faces many challenges such as ethnically Tibetans writing in Chinese or ethnically Mongolians writing in Tibetan. Likewise, it is known that in the Tibetan communites abroad, many Tibetans write in English. How do we define Tibetan
literature and does ethnicity play an importance when defining literature?
Ra Nyi monastery in Mnga’ ris
Tsering Gyalpo
Ra Nyi Monastery, which is located in prefecture of Mnga’ ris, Rtsa Mda’ county, Gti
Gyag town and Ra Nyi village. It is built in 11th century, by the great translator Rin Chen
Bzang Po, during the 15th century who became ’brug Pa Bka’ Rgyu sect until great fifth
Da Lai La Ma, this means since the end of 17th century, up to the middle of 20th century,
that donated by Dge Lung Pa school.
The shape of Ra Nngi Monastery very similar with Mtho Ling Brgya Sa temple, which
is typical form of Mandala, and the huge wall, the color full of mural painting, the characteristic statues, the rarity inner support like Tangka and text book etcetera.
In this village with Monastery, still kept unique ancient religion ceremony, such is
kilt two sheep offer to God, offer to mountain, offer to holy river and so on. In the meantime, the oracle how to performing and very special costume of this areas, which are still
keeping Guge kingdoms times dress and folk song of Shon and so on.
Primary study on the early history of the Nenying Monastery
Tsering Norbu
gNas snying, literally means “the essence of place’’, is located on the southern bank of the
upper part of the Myang River near Gyantse in Tsang District. At the present time, it is
under the jurisdiction of the Khangmar Dzong, yet under the control of Gyantse Dzong
in old Tibet. According to the historical records, the whole place where the Nenying monastery is situated was called ‘’skyegs’’ and belonged to the territory of the ’Gos clan during the Tibetan Kingdom.
Nenying monastery was first established during the King Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan’s rule.
It was founded by rGya ’Jam-dpal-gsang-ba, one of the twenty-five disciples of
Padmasambhava, in the favour and support of the minister ’Gos, and its original name is
known as ‘’rgyags grong’’. In the beginning of the second diffusion, Nenying was developed into a monastic teaching centre along with the establishment of monastic communities (tsho) by the ‘’men of dbus gtsang’’ after their return from Kham. In the later historical development, Nenying was turned into an eclectic Buddhist teaching centre. First of
all, due to the fact that Yol Drangsong, the ‘’three brothers of Yol family’’ and close disciples of Atisha, took over the abbotship, the Nenying monastery was not only expanded
but also became an important Kadampa centre. Then, Lato Konchokhar, one of the close
disciples of the founder of Shangpa Kagyu Khyungpo Nejor, became the abbot and brought
Shangpa Kagyupa teachings to the monastery. In the 15th century, Nenying monastery
was converted to Gelugpa tradition in the course of the successful patron and priest relationship between the King of Gyantse and Khedrupje. Later on, with the success of developing teachings of the Gelugpa tradition and gaining political power of Tibet, Nenying
became a significant Gelugpa centre. In the 17th century, Sangye Gyatsho, the regent of
Tibet, gave a brief account of Nenying monastery in his famous book of the census of the
Gelugpa monasteries named ‘’dGa’ ldan chos ’byung Vidhurya ser po’’.
In the process of historical development, it is also undeniable that Nenying monastery had experienced a great deal of tragic and sufferings from wars in different periods
of time in the history. In accord with relevant dates, it was firstly damaged during the
first Mongol’s invasion in the 12th century, and once again seriously destroyed by the
British intruders in 1904.
By and Large, Nenying monastery is one of the most famous Buddhist teaching centres in the river valley of Myang and has played an important rule in both preaching and
prevailing Buddhism in Tibet in general and in the Myang area in particular, and it has
been enjoying a great reputation of being ‘’bhodagaya’’ of the Myang river valley. In spite
of the significance of the monastery, there was only a few scholars touch in this monastery, for instance, Kathog Situ and Giuseppe Tucci, and what they provided is the
information relevant to situation of the monastery in their time. In this point, it is essential and necessary to carry out a more specific study in order to provide a vivid early
period of the monastery. Thus, this paper will try to give a clear picture of the early history of the monastery based on the fragmentary information obtained from both historical records and field studies.
A brief introduction to Tibetan kha-btags (ceremonial
scarves)
Phuntso Tsering
China is a country with lots of ethnic groups and every ethnic group has its own unique
cultural and traditional customs for greeting friends from different cultures and foreign
counties. For instance, kha-btags have been used as a tool to express one’s sincerity for
both happy and sad circumstances in Tibetan culture. People and friends from other ethnic groups and foreign countries are very pleased with this custom and it is being developed popularly. It is, I think, important to understand how the kha-btags tradition has
been developed in Tibetan culture contact. This paper will illustrate my understanding
of this particular tradition.
1.
How the kha-btags tradition has become widespread and popular in Tibet
•
•
•
To understand the definition of the term “kha-btags”
Where is the origin of kha-btags tradition whether it adapted from other cultures or it
is an indigenous one.
Difference between Mongolian kha-btags and Tibetan kha-btags.
2.
Why should Tibetan kha-btags be white color only?
3.
The tradition of offering kha-btags
offering kha-btags for VIPs (Lamas, Officials, …)
offering kha-btags for relatives and friends;
Superior offers kha-btags to inferior
Discussion on Ya-Tar and Ma-Tar
My conclusion is that the tradition of the kha-btags is a part of our indigenous culture
and it has been developed since its origin in the form of GarDak, and gradually developed Pel-Tar, Supshe, Chinyi, A’dra, A’ni and Nangzuel.
The ‘spirit-mediums’ (lha pa) of Rebkong in Dhomay
Tshering Tenzin
The paper is primarily based on my personal interest and research into the history, beliefs
and ritual practices of all the practicing ‘Spirit-Mediums’ of Rebkong area in light of the
changes taking place in their socio-cultural, economic and political context. For over ten
years I have had first hand acquaintance of this unique phenomena in my local village of
Changkya in Rebkong County. My subsequent research covers the ‘Spirit-Mediums’ of
Rebkong, an area that is widely considered the cradle of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Amdo region.
The presentation focuses on the following main areas of investigation:
Myth and facts surrounding the origin of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Tibet; a brief account
of how a predominantly ’Bon’ religious practice and rites evolved into a Buddhist religious practice and rite.
First of all, the predominantly conservative society holding on to ancient beliefs and
the relative lack of external influence, control and check on ‘Tibetan psyche’ and beliefs is
seen as fertile ground for the prevalence of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ prior to the Cultural Revolution and; the evolving religious and social status of the ‘Spirit-Mediums’, public perception and attitude towards ‘Spirit-Mediums’, and their impact on Tibetan social and
individual psyche and world-view under social conditions of near poverty.
Secondly, the paper considers how people lost faith and regard for the ‘Spirit-Mediums’ during the Cultural Revolution when all ‘olds’ were targeted for destruction and
stringent restrictions imposed on Tibetan people’s religious faith and practice; how the
‘Spirit-Mediums’ lost their socio-religious status and role in arbitrating social affairs; how
they were forced to lead a life of mendicants; how some devout and fervent believers
among the people continued to revere and consult and support them, and what were the
consequences of the forcible displacement of the role and function of the ‘Spirit-Mediums’ on the wider Tibetan society.
Thirdly, the paper considers the position, role, functions and real influence of the
‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Rebkong commensurate with the changes taking place locally and
globally in terms of ideas, attitudes, material and spiritual progress during the last twenty
years or so since the end of the Cultural Revolution when a modicum of religious freedom was restored to the present times when there is absolute religious freedom.
The paper also discusses how ‘Spirit-Mediums’ are discovered and initiated, how
they operate to mediate with the other worldly beings, their special costumes, chants and
‘mudras’ during the ritual of ‘possession and trance’; how they discriminate between
possession by the desired ‘deity’ or ‘spirit’ and how they thwart attempted possession by
unscrupulous and evil spirits’. In particular, mention is made of the adaptations to certain rites that ‘Spirit-Mediums’ had to make following conflicts and contradictions of
their traditional beliefs with ‘modern’ rational beliefs and concepts.
Finally, the paper takes up the issue of the future role and status of the ‘Spirit-Mediums’ and posits that given the reality of the mass illiteracy and contemporary social and
cultural situation of the Tibetan people, the phenomena of ‘Spirit-Medium’ practice and
ritual should be reviewed dispassionately on the basis of their relative benefit and harm
and accord them a status that is due to an ancient and integral part of Tibetan religious
tradition and practice rather than condemning them outright or using them as convenient scapegoats for advancing one’s own petty beliefs or ulterior motives.
The history of the educational system of sNang zhig
monastery
Tsering Thar
The sNang zhig monastery of rNga khog in Amdo is the largest Bonpo monastery in the
Tibetan cultural area. Its education system presents the highest level of monastic education in Bonpo tradition. This paper will talk about the education system of the sNang
zhig monastery.
1. General history of the educational system in the Bonpo tradition and its evolution
From the beginning, the traditional Bonpo education was carried out by the hereditary
teachers (gdung rgyud bla ma) and so continued for the thousands of years of their early
history. During that period, since Bonpos did not have any places for giving or receiving
teachings, Bonpo teachings were spread from father to son with the lineages being kept
within the families. From the beginning of the existence of gSas khang, the first gathering
place of Bonpos in Tibet, Bonpo people started to gather and receive some public teachings. Thus the way of transmitting Bonpo teachings was enlarged. But until the later
development of Bon religion in Tibet, gSas khang existed mostly as a temple and its function was very limited.
Characteristic of that later second development was the discovery of numerous Bonpo
gter ma texts and the foundation of several monasteries. Especially at the Wensakha monastery, where the adherents were a mixture of both laity and monks, the monastic studies
achieved a new level of development. In the 14th century, Wensakha monastery was destroyed by a flood. After that Menri monastery continued the Wensakha traditions but
became exclusively monastic. This development influenced the general development of
Bonpo monasteries for the following centuries. As time went on, it was sNang zhig who
advanced monastic studies in the Bon religion to their highest level, There was also significant adherence to monastic traditions in rTogs ldan, sTeng chen, and in recent times
the Shar rdza hermitage.
2. General history of sNang zhig monastery
In the eleventh century, Zhu sgom ’phrul zhig, a Bonpo master from Zhu family in central Tibet, came to Amdo to spread the Bon religion. His activities were undertaken in
Amye Machen area. At the beginning of the twelfth century, Do ’phags Yon tan rgyal
mtshan (b. 1088), a disciple of Zhu sgom ’phrul zhig, established the first Bonpo monastery in rNga ba, at the south eastern edge of the Amye Machen range. In the 14th century
it also became the first Bonpo monastery to be converted into Buddhism by Tshakho
Ngag dbang grags pa (b. 1410).
After Do ’phags Yon tan rgyal mtshan founded the first rNga ba monastery, he then
moved to Khri gdan nor bu yang rtse in the middle part of rNga ba. There he opened a
hermitage in 1168 which was later enlarged by his eldest son, Nyi ma ’dzin, to become
the sNang zhig monastery. The foundation of that hermitage which later became sNang
zhig was a symbol of the beginning of the spread of Bon in rNga ba area as a official
religion. It was the principal Bon monastery for the whole of the rNga ba area. A few
years later, another monastery, Cog lo, was founded in rNga ba by ’Dul ba rgyal mtshan,
the middle son of Do ’phags Yon tan rgyal mtshan.. From the beginning, this latter monastery was a branch monastery of sNang zhig. An uncertain number of generations later,
Bon blon bla ma, a lineal descendant of Nyi ma ’dzin, opened another hermitage about 4
km west of the sNang zhig which also became a monastery in later time called rTogs
ldan. Because of this extensive activity, all of the people of rNga ba gradually became Bon
followers.
In the 19th century, Brag dgon pa dKon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas of Labrang, a
famous historian of Buddhist monasteries in Amdo, said “this place (rNga ba) was full of
Bonpos at that time” meaning the 14th century which was when Buddhism started to
spread and build monasteries in rNga ba. Up until then and for more than two centuries,
Bon was the only religion in rNga ba. In 1920, sNang zhig Nam mkha’ blo gros (1891–
1945) invited abbot Shes rab grags pa, of gYung drung gling monastery in central Tibet,
to sNang zhig monastery to initiate the inclusion of philosophic debate into their curriculum. Thereafter, sNang zhig monastery started to have its own dge bshes degree and later
became the largest monastic university in the Bonpo tradition.
3. Description of the present education system and its use of texts
Bonpo people have long considered that Tantra and rDzogs chen are the main teachings
of Bon religion. However, because of the influence of Buddhist scholasticism, Menri and
gYung drung gling monasteries began to adopt more and more methods of philosophic
debate and set up the system of dge bshes study mainly in the Sutra tradition. Zla ba rgyal
mtshan, who founded gYung drung gling monastery had been Sa skya monastery to
learn Buddhist sutra and earned the title of dge bshes rab ’byams pa at the age of 25. This
greatly affected the development and use of philosophic debate later at gYung drung
gling. At that time debate was in vogue among monasteries of all traditions, especially
the dGe lugs pa, and so it also stimulated Bonpo monasteries to develop their own dge
bshes studies. With gYung drung gling as a center of philosophic debate and dge bshes
studies for the Bonpo in Tibet, Sutra became much important than Tantra or rDzogs chen
and other Bonpo monasteries began to emulate gYung drung gling. Not only because of
the success of the system of dge bshes studies of gYung drung gling, but also because Zla
ba rgyal mtshan was a descendant of sNang zhig clan, sNang zhig monastery gradually
adopted the method of philosophic debate and its own tradition of dge bshes studies. The
educational system and the system of promotion for dge bshes degrees in sNang zhig
monastery was founded by Shes rab grags pa in the beginning of the twentieth century.
Similar to the system of gYung drung gling monastery in central Tibet, Shes rab grags pa
established a system of thirteen different subjects to be studied which are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Kha dog ’gab ma
Kha dog gong ma or bsdus chung ’dzin gvra
bsDus ’bring
bsDus chen
Blo rig
rTags rigs
gZhung gsar or sa lam
gZhung gong ma
Phar phyin
rDo rim ’og ma or ’dul ba
rDo rim gong ma or dbu ma
rDo rim bar ma
rDzogs chen
This system had been continued until the middle of the twentieth century when
sNang zhig monastery was destroyed during the middle of the 20th century. After more
than three decades in ruins, sNang zhig monastery began to rebuild and re-establish
their system of education as well. The number of subjects and the texts are almost the
same as before. However since this system is very much related to gYung drung gling,
and even remotely to Sa skya monastery, it concentrated very much on the philosophic
studies of Sutra instead of Tantra and rDzogs chen which had previously been considered to be at the core of Bon religion.
In Dolanji, Menri monastery has also established a system of dge bshes studies under
the guidance of abbot Sangye Tenzin and Lopon Tenzin Namdag. However, they concentrated very much on Tantra and rDzogs chen instead of Sutra and this has become a very
important characteristic of that monastery. Since several monks from sNang zhig have been
Dolanji for further studies, they have started to teach in sNang zhig following the system of
Dolanji, so now the educational system of Dolanji is strongly influencing the sNang zhig
monastery. The present program of dge bshes studies in sNang zhig monastery has already
added many texts which have been used in the curriculum at Dolanji. Their program therefore now concentrates more on study of Tantra and rDzong chen.than Sutra
4. Conclusion
Across the panorama of Tibetan history there have been many cross fertilizing influences.
In this case, we can see that the development of dge bshes studies at sNang zhig was
affected by many factors including prevailing influences of the times. This trend continues to this day with a shift in the current sNang zhig curriculum as the result of contact
with Dolanji and this also represents a return to the roots of traditional Bonpo religion.
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Bod rigs dmangs khrod kyi gter sgrub cho ga dang de las
’phos pa’i khor yug srung skyong gi ’du shes
(The concept of protecting the environment spreads from gter
sgrub rituals in Tibet)
Tseten Dorje (Tsedan Duoji)
1. The definition and origin of treasure
In this presentation I would like to discuss the gter sgrub ritual, which is commonly performed in Tibetan society. The treasure in question consists mainly of five grains, gold
and other jewels, which are hidden in lakes, forests, and mountains in order to bring long
life and abundant harvests to human beings and protection to nature. The procedure of
hiding treasure includes collecting materials, reciting prayers, performing ritual practices, and involves special locations, time arrangement and classification of the treasure.
This tradition may have originated thousands years ago, and is still practised by Tibetans.
2. Topics related to treasure
There are three main aspects to these treasure-rituals:
1.
2.
3.
The types of associated ritual activities.
The places in which the treasure should be concealed
Containers and contents.
3. The procedure of hiding treasure
1.
2.
3.
The purposes of hiding treasure should be for the well being of sentient beings.
The practice of hiding treasure includes the procedure of praying and selection of
locations.
The principal purpose of hiding treasure is that it should destroy all the results of
bad actions and ignorance, and bring about auspicious circumstances in the future.
4. Environmental protection
This section discusses the relationship between the gter sgrub ritual and the natural environment.
The growth of Tibetan studies in China
Tsewang Gyurmy
The tradition of Tibetan Studies in Tibet has a history of more than a thousand years.
There are enormous records and collections on the culture of Tibet. Today, the term
Tibetology has become practically a household word, while the subject itself is coming to
occupy an increasingly important place in the humanities. Tibet is the homeland of Tibetan Studies and scholars of the Tibet Autonomous Region of China have made an outstanding achievement in this field.
The Formation of Modern Tibetan Studies and Its Development
The fortunes of Tibetan Studies are related with the development of the state, especially
with the transformation of Tibetan society. Over the last forty years, the nation has paid
great attention and given support to the perpetuation and development of the remarkable culture of Tibet. We have achieved a great deal in the way of collecting and classifying the rich cultural heritage of Tibet, and have obtained important materials for studies
in fields such as history, linguistics, education, medicine, astrology, arts, sociology, ethnography. In the meantime, many historical sites have been restored and more than ten
thousand volumes of historical documents and archives have been collected and sorted.
Chinese scholars, including Tibetan scholars, attend seminars held both at home and
abroad, and there are more and more scholars from China visiting foreign institutes for
collaborative projects, presenting lectures and conducting reviews. In a word, the undertaking of the modern Tibetan Studies has entered into a new stage of its development in
Tibet. In my paper, I introduce the latest research outcome of Tibetan Studies in the Tibet
Autonomous Region. The paper is divided into four parts as follows:
1,
2,
3,
4,
The fruit of studies in history, art and culture
The outstanding achievement in the field of archaeology
The protection of rare literature and archival material
The preservation of the Gesar Epic in Tibet
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2é-+/$-T-0ëÊ
Tsewang Lhamo
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Bod yig kho nar yod pa’i khyad chos ‘ga’ zhig
(Some unique characteristics of written Tibetan)
Tsewa ng Lhamo
1. The basics of written Tibetan
Written Tibetan is alphabetical, with thirty consonants and four vowels. Thus there are
120 combinations of consonants with vowels which, in addition to the 30 consonants
without vowel signs gives a total of 180, to which prefixes and suffixes may be added.
But of the 180 which may all take suffixes, not all can have prefixes. The question of
gender (masculine, feminine and neuter) is also discussed.
2. Phonetic characteristics of written Tibetan in relation to orthography
Written Tibetan has unique characteristics with respect to the way in which spelling relates to pronunciation. Mgo-can and ‘dogs-can may be pronounced, a feature that is not
found in other written languages. Written Tibetan was based on the Tibetan language as
it was spoken at the time. The evidence can be found in modern Tibetan dialects: for
example, Mgo-can and ‘dogs-can are still pronounced in Gyarong dialect with slight changes.
Therefore, it is clear that written Tibetan was founded based on the Tibetan language, but
not based on Lantsa and Wartu. According to Gedun Chopel, Zhalu Lochen was the first
scholar who suggests that written Tibetan was founded by using Lañwaas model. The
evidence is irrefutable, and for the most part theories to the contrary have little scientific
basis.
Contemporary Tibetan art
Tashi Tsewang
The most publishing and studying on Tibetan art focused on the traditional Tibetan art
and which is considered as “authentic” artistic of the region. Contemporary Tibetan art is
not understood very well by the outside world. However, Tibetan artists have been influenced by the external influence and have created quite a large number of non-traditional
arts. Especially, in the early 20th century Tibetan artists embraced Western artistic influence in Tibet. Some Tibetan intellectuals and artists had the opportunity of establishing
contact with foreigners and absorbed their visual art technique such as photography and
realistic style painting from the outside world. Non-traditional Tibetan paintings and
artists astarted to emerge in Tibet in the 1930s. Among them Gendun Choephel (1903–
1951) and Amdo Chamba (1916–2001) who played a pioneering role.
Han Chinese artists have come to Tibet since the 1950s. They used different media,
such as woodcut print, wash ink, oil, etc. Their works mainly were in the socialist realist
style of the 1960s and 1970s, which came t dominate Tibetan artists at that time.
During the Cultural Revolution, some young Tibetans, such as Cham Sang, Abu,
Wandor, Tsering Dorji studied int eh art schools in Beijing, and other parts of China When
they came back to Tibet they worked as art designers, illustrators or poster artists – “ri-mo
dmag-mi” (fine-art soldiers). Amdo Chamba and some Tibetan thangka painters like Tanba
Rabten, Yeshi Sherab became poster artists during that time as well.
At that time some secondary schools had fine art courses in Lhasa and the teachers
usually taught calligraphy and simple sketching to the students, which were useful for
making billboards and posters.
In 1978, The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CCP
was convened. It changed the policies of the CCP from its “Class Struggle” to the “Economic Reform and Open Door Policy”. These changes had far-reaching consequences for
all Tibetan ethnic areas and the TAR.Some monasteries and temples were reopened and
lost manuscripts were reprinted. Some Western and other foreign art and artists were
gradually introduced to China. From the late 1970s, some books about western art and
artists were available in the Lhasa bookshops.
Since the middle 1980s, Tibetan artists used different media and experimented with
different styles, influenced by modern art. At the same time, some former thangka painters started to teach traditional Tibetan painting to students. Tenpa Rabten, the Monri
school thangka painter, came back to Lhasa from a farm in Lhoka, and set up a private
school in Lhasa.
In 1981 the Tibet Artists Association (TAA) was established, and in 1997 the Lhasa
Artists Association was established (LAA). In 1985 Tibet University was opened, which
included an Art Department. The Art Department has three major areas of study: fine
arts, music and dance.
In 1980, art and artists in the TAR and other Tibetan ethnic areas have tended to
diverse: except traditional Tibetan painters, some other Tibetan artists have done varied
experimental art. Some artists base their works on traditional Tibetan thangka techniques,
but incorporate elements of realism, surrealism in drawing, chiaroscuro and perspective.
The themes are contemporary or non-religious. Some other artists were inspired by the
modern western paintings, and they used Tibetan traditional motifs and a free arrangement of composition and colour. These artists are interested in making new synthesised
painting.
The Realism style of painting is an important part of contemporary Tibetan painting.
Generally there are three different types of realistic art in the TAR and Tibetan ethnic
areas. Realism no longer appears to be orthodox style as during the 1960s and 1970s, but
rather as another artistic alternative language, which artists employ to express their feelings and thoughts.
As we have noted, socialist realism dominated in the 1960s and 1970s in the TAR,
and Tibetan ethnic areas, some artists continue to produce socialist realism paintings and
street billboards for specific occasions in the TAR and other ethnic Tibetan areas.
In the TAR and other ethnic Tibetan areas, Tibetan artists and non-Tibetan artists,
traditional and non-traditional art, serious and non-serious art continue to coexisit. Thus,
hybridity and diversity have become key elements of contemporary Tibetan art.
ÐuÜ$-…å$-Ñ:<-7*/-'ß<-Uë9-5Ü#-uè$-/Ê
2é-+/$-*9Ê
Tsewang Thar
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Gling sgrung gi ’thab jus skor zhig gleng ba
(An analysis of military strategy in the Gesar epic)
Tsewang Thar
All the stories of Gesar are connected with wars, where both Ling and his enemies used
diverse strategies in order to conquer the enemies. This study will focus on several strategies, such as Shan ’og gri ’dzin, beheading poisonous snakes (dug sbrul mgo gcod), and
changing goats into dogs (ra pho khyi sgyur). I will discuss the definitions, meanings, characteristics, usages, advantages and disadvantages of these mentioned strategies, based
on the different war theories in the world and Tibetan historical documents, such as history, legs bshad folklore, etc.
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Tshultrim Tenzin
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Nyag rong Mgon po rnam rgyal, a leader of the serf rebellion
or a military expansionist in 19th century Khams? The
historiographical construction of a hero and a villain
Yudru Tsomu
In the mid–19th century Nyag rong Mgon po rnam rgyal, a local chief in Khams, rose to
be a prominent regional power by annexing large areas of the neighboring territory with
sheer military force. He became so powerful that he was able to champion an independent Khams kingdom and to contest the authorities of both China and Central Tibet. Consequently, the contemporary evaluations of him and his military expansion are rather
negative, denouncing him as a sinister rebel and a ruthless devil who disturbed the peace
and order of the region. The relative evaluation and moral judgement of individual historical figures, however, have always been subject to the influence of particular perspective of the historians. Historical reports are inescapably subject to the theoretical, political
and ideological circumstances surrounding the time and place in which they are written.
The evaluation of Mgon po rnam rgyal provides a particularly interesting case because
quite disparate views concerning him and the territorial expansion he championed have
emerged in subsequent historiographical constructions.
This paper explores the factors leading to diverse evaluations of Mgon po rnam rgyal
that have emerged over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Based on
available primary and secondary sources in Tibetan, Chinese and English, this study is
divided into four parts. The first part is a general introduction, focusing on the importance of the study and providing background information about the incident.
The second part examines the issues from diverse Chinese perspectives, ranging from
the official Qing stance, to views drawn from Republican period sources, and reports as
well as studies from the People’s Republic of China. Confucian historians have traditionally praised harmonious social relations, vilified rebellion, and emphasized the merits of
the reigning dynasty for which they were in service. It comes as no surprise that Confucian historians from both the Qing and Republican periods considered Mgon po rnam
rgyal a disturber of the peace and a bandit. By contrast, historians influenced by post-
liberation Marxist ideology, with its emphasis on class struggle and a tendency to glorify
any resistance to the late “feudal dynasty”, were the first to praise him as the leader of a
serf uprising. This is evident in the report of a field investigation carried out in his home
region in late 1950’s. But Marxist historians are inconsistent. Though some later historians take a similar approach in interpreting the issue, others, also based on the class analysis, consider his activities as exemplifying “contradiction within the governing class,”
and condemn him for being a feudal lord engaging in territorial expansion and the exploitation of serfs.
The third part provides an overview of various Tibetan perceptions. As mentioned
above, Mgon po rnam rgyal, in the mind of the contemporary central Tibetans and fellow
Khamspas in the neighboring regions, has always been a much hated and feared enemy
for his anti-religion stance and his military conquest of most of Khams. By contrast, Chinese investigators report that local people from his home region portrayed him as a chivalrous leader of the serf uprising against the serf owners, who performed various deeds
to alleviate the sufferings of the poor serfs. Some Chinese historians attempted to dismiss
this favorable account of a “reactionary” feudal lord by denying its veracity. However,
this to some extent indicates that Mgon po rnam rgyal might have enjoyed some support
and respect by the local people because of his popular policies. As in the case of the
Chinese perspectives in the PRC, the local Tibetans in his home region are also divided in
their standpoints of the issue. While a 1985 article by a prominent local Rinpoche, presents
him as an ambitious military expansionist disturbing the stability and peace of the region, we also find him lauded as the leader of the serf uprising in the Gazetteer of Nyag
rong County published in 1992. In addition, compared with historians subject to the Marxist
ideology, a 1985 study of the issue by a Tibetan historian in exile presents a relatively
balanced picture of him without either demonizing or glorifying him. What particularly
merits our attention in this study is the argument that “with his death Tibet lost the last
wall that might have stopped expansionist Chinese designs.” As this study was mainly
based on the author’s interviews with the descendants of Mgon po rnasm rgyal and accounts of the incident by the contemporary local Lamas, questions emerge regarding
whether or not this study reveals the underlying local perspective, which may have been
obscured in official accounts.
In conclusion, since each of the above-mentioned accounts of the activities of Mgon
po rnam rgyal renders some illumination from its own perspective, this exploration attempts to provide a more balanced assessment by offering a presentation of the many
facets involved. The historiographical construction of historical figures is rather complex
and ambivalent. This study provides an opportunity to consider various pressures that
have bearing on that complexity, including the role of the historian’s ideological focus,
the biases of official documents, and the influence of contemporary politics and academic
concerns.
Gelugpa and Qing Empires: an alliance of ideologies
Nikolai Tsyrempilov
One of the basic misinterpretations regarding the history of the Qing Empire is when this
political regime is solely referred to as a dynasty [Alternative way of expressing this idea:
The history of the Qing Empire is misinterpreted by referring to this political regime as a
mere dynasty.] By understanding the phenomenon of the Qing Empire as a result of the
efforts of myriad forces and tendencies with contributions from various national and
state formations opens up a number of perspective directions in this field. One such prospect is bringing to light and analyzing the prevailing political tendencies in Central Asia,
which promoted or impeded the process of establishing Qing domination. This issue
aroused discussion among experts in Mongolian history, yet it is practically ignored by
tibetologists. The problem was clearly formulated in one of the works of Melvin Goldstein,
who stressed the point that “religion” (and the religious segment) was not the homogeneous entity it is typically implied to be, even within the Gelugpa sect”. He argued his
point by illustrating several cases where the government of the Dalai Lama and the greatest Yellow Hat monasteries collided in the 19th–20th century. It seems the issue of internal contradiction within the Yellow Hat church appears most vividly when correlated
with the general political situation in 17th century inner Asia, especially in light of Qing
expansionism.
The history of Gelugpa internal controversy begins with the establishment of the
Dalai Lama institution. The concept of reincarnation possessed a number of advantages
over other institutions of authority. By the end of the 16th century, it had attracted various Mongol khans to personally establish a special kind of relationship with the Dalai
Lama through the revival of the patron-priest concept, already elaborated on during the
early Yuan. This resulted in the rise of the Dalai Lama institution, which in turn caused
asymmetry in the hierarchical structure of Gelug because the Dalai Lamas, unlike the
Karmapas, never officially headed the sect they come from. The Fifth Dalai Lama’s actions aimed at sacralizing the institution and consolidating authority strained his relations with the Gelugpa monastic hierarchy. This contradiction, in my opinion, had its
root not just in an adherence of the Great Fifth to Nyingmapa School, but in the fact that
“he attempted to build a state with a broader power base, state which he presented as the
re-establishment of the early Tibetan empire. His rule was to be supported by the Ge-luk
tradition, but would also include groups affiliated with other religious traditions”. I think
I wouldn’t be so much wide of the truth suggesting, that the majority of Gelugpa followers considered their tradition as a true and most adequate transmission of Buddha Doctrine and hence regarded its political predominance as a triumph of Buddhist religion.
Moreover, a certain number of Tsonkapa followers thought of interests of the school more
highly than of Tibetan national interests and, therefore, could consider a policy of rapprochement to other Buddhist sects pursuing by the Dalai Lama V, if not as betrayal of
Yellow church interests, but at least as an unfavorable for their own school tendency. The
efforts for creation of a national state seems to have caused a reaction from side of some
representatives of the high Gelugpa hierarchy that was expressed in harsh conflicts fixed
in some Tibetan historical sources. I emphasize, that it was not a reaction to the institute
of Dalai Lamas in general, but a reaction to strengthening of this institute and to its deviation from sect-orientation with the purpose of creation of more representative government. In this case Gelugpa would lose its authority monopoly, or this monopoly would
be threatened. Some Yellow-sect monks might regard such tendency as adverse, and that
seems to have made them opposed to the Fifth Dalai Lama. It seems that the expansion of
the Qing empire intensified this tension. After their unsuccessful attempts to affect Mongols through the Dalai Lama, Qing emperors were compelled to invent many-sided policy
for neutralization of Dalai Lamas spiritual authority over Mongols and taking control
over this influential institute. I suggest that in their efforts Manchu, rather unexpectedly,
received a backing of separate representatives of the high Yellow-sect hierarchy. Some
unknown earlier facts discovered in one of the biographies of Jamyan-Zhadba I, an authoritative representative and, most likely, the leader of Lhabzang-Qing-oriented part of
Gelugpa clergy seem to have confirmed the last suggestion. Jamyang-Zhadba’s position
probably reflected the viewpoint of many other monks and can be understood as a care
of interests of Gelugpa as a dominating sect, which to the beginning of the 18th c. has
already stepped over boundaries of the national states, becoming a phenomenon of international significance. Fear of the perspective of missing the exclusive position occupied
in the empire by Gelugpa strengthened sectarian tendencies within its clergy. There are
cited some episodes recorded in the biography of the Second lCang-skya Khutukhtu,
displaying political orthodoxy of Gelugpa hierarchy in Peking. It is noted, that the lCangskya Khutukhtu institute had been used by the Qing emperors in purpose of reducing
nationalist tendencies in Inner Mongolia down to 30s of the 20th century. It is important
to remember, that at the same time Yellow-hats used the emperors too. In other words the
interests of the Qing and Gelugpa agreed: expansion and strengthening of the empire
meant also spreading of the Yellow sect.
‘Your border is my centre’: re-examining the Thakali of Nepal
Mark Turin
The Thakali people of Nepal have long been of interest to anthropologists and scholars of
the Himalayas. For their relatively small population size (13,000 according to the Nepal
Population Census of 2001), the sheer volume of published work on this ethnic group is
remarkable. By 1985, the Thakali were the most studied people in Nepal in relation to
their number, and the subject of 50 published works by 15 trained anthropologists.
Within this substantial corpus of literature, however, opinions on the Thakali vary
widely. Some scholars choose to highlight their role in the trans-Himalaya salt-grain trade
with Tibet and India, while others focus on their mass exodus from Mustang, a district in
which they claim to be autochthonous, to more fertile pastures for international business,
such as Hong Kong, Japan and California. In the last 40 years, Thakalis have been portrayed as pragmatic social agents adjusting to the pressures of increasingly globalised
economics as well as adept cultural manipulators who make use of powerful invented
traditions to fit with the social expectations of the time.
In this paper, I take a fresh look at the position of the Thakali both in Nepal and
further afield. Based on over twelve years of association with the ethnic group, supported
by long term fieldwork in Mustang district and other regions of Nepal where Thakalis
are numerous, I reassess earlier anthropological judgements on the group as a whole. In
particular, I discuss the involvement of the Thakali in janajati activism, the political movement for and by the indigenous ethnic groups of Nepal. Furthermore, I recast the Thakali
as a truly trans-Himalayan ethnic group who have found themselves, in different historical epochs, straddling the liminal borderlands between the Tibetosphere to the north and
the Indosphere to the south. In short, from the Thakali perspective, one groups’s periphery is another group’s centre.
Tibetan officials and the eighth-century south-eastern part of
the Empire
Helga Uebach
In the early eighth century the Tibetan had succeeded in expanding their empire towards
the south-east. Information on the subject from Old Tibetan texts is scarce, and Tibetan
activities concerning the domination of the White and Black Mvya and lJang-yul remain
somewhat vague. The names of the Tibetan officials involved in the process in great part
are known only from Chinese sources. Recently, however, new evidence in Tibetan has
turned up. Therefore an attempt will be made to identify the Tibetan officials active in
this area. The information gained contributes to our understanding of Tibetan policy concerning the south-east border of their empire and to shed light on the administration of
the area under Tibetan domination.
Jo mo Kun mkhar: a pilgrimage to the abode of Ama Jo mo,
the yul lha of the ’Brog pa of Eastern Bhutan
Ugyen Pelgen
Known to the rest of the Bhutanese population as the Brokpas (’brog pa), the yak herding
semi-nomads of Me rag and Sag steng in Eastern Bhutan (Trashigang district) occupy a
special place in Bhutan. Literally the “Fire Burnt Valley” Me rag and the “Plain of Bamboos” Sag steng, has been the home of these semi-nomads of Tibeto-Burman stock, since
their displacement from Tsona, of Tibet at a date which is still not identified but this
displacement is attested in their myth of origin.
Living close to the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, the Brokpas have for centuries
endured the harsh life in the wilderness tending to yak and sheep for their livelihood.
With settlements situated 3500 meters above sea level, agriculture is virtually impossible
and non-existent, besides a few turnips. Bartering of yak meat, cheese, butter yak, tails
and products of matted hair with their Tshangla counterparts (Eastern Bhutanese neighbours who engage in agriculture) for maize and paddy help sustain their living and add
to their staple diet of cheese and milk.
Their uniqueness is reflected not only in their outlook appearances and their dress
(which is made of yak and sheep hair and covered on top with animal skin) but also in
their language and social norms. Polygyny and polyandry in the forms of fraternal and
sororal marriage are accepted norms that keep the family property and units together.
The Brokpas have a profound sense of the intrinsic worth of their way of life and
distinct identity. They maintain a homogenous socio-cultural entity with utmost concern
for their tribal polity. Despite being strong adherents of the dGe lugs pa school of Buddhism – an oddity in itself in Bhutan – the earlier forms of original nature worship and
animal sacrifice still feature in their way of life, and they refer to these practices as Bon.
Their daily religious practice is made up of associated rituals such as fumigation (bsang),
erecting prayer flags, consulting local shamans (*Phramin) as well Buddhist priests.
The highlight of their religious calendar is the pilgrimage around Jomo Kuengkhar
(Jo mo Kun mkhar) abode of their territorial deity, the yul lha Ama Jo mo sMan btsun Re
ma ti. Therefore their territorial deity is a woman, a fact which is quite rare in the Tibetan
world. Ama Jomo is revered as their leader who saved them from the impossible task of
bringing down a mountain in order to build their king’s palace and she secretly led them
to their present habitat of Me rag and Sag steng.
This festival that lasts from the 1st day to the 30th day of the 7th month of the
Bhutanese calendar is a festival with a pilgrimage to her mountain abode.
However, she is also worshipped by the neighbouring Tshangla population and gsol
kha are offered to her, seeking her help and protection.
Therefore, I intend to present a paper focussing on the worship of the deity Ama Jo
mo sMan brtsun Re ma ti as well the festival in form of pilgrimage that is made to her and
that I could witness in 2002.
The Fifth Dalai Lama’s “Secret Visionary Autobiography”
and Manchu Prince Yunli (1697–1738)
Vladimir Uspensky
The.” Secret Visionary Autobiography” (Tib. rNam thar rgya can; henceforth SVA) is a
collection of about sixty-five texts which contain descriptions of the mystical experiences
of the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682) and instructions on ritual practices based on these
experiences. In order to facilitate the correct performance of these rituals it is accompanied with a volume of illustrations. It is only in recent years that the SVA has become a
subject of scholarly studies.
An ardent propagator of the SVA was Prince Yunli (1697–1738), the seventeenth son
of the Emperor Kangxi (reigned 1662–1722) of the Manchu Qing dynasty. He received
many Tibetan Buddhist tantric initiations and had several Tibetan religious names, of
which he preferred Buddha-guru-rtsal. He possessed a big personal library of Tibetan
and Mongolian books, parts of which are found today not only in China but also in European collections.
In the Library of the St. Petersburg State University there is kept a complete Mongolian translation of the first twenty-five chapters of the SVA (i.e., the “Autobiography”
proper). Also in this library is found and instructional text in Mongolian on a longevity
ritual. It was composed by Yunli himself on the basis of the sixteenth chapter of the SVA.
Some Mongolian texts from the collection of Yunli relating to-the SVA are found in the
Cambridge University Library.
It became known only quite recently that forty Tibetan texts on the SVA from the
collection of Prince Yunli are presently kept in the Copenhagen Royal Library. These are
ritual instructions based on the SVA. These texts relating to the SVA which were collected
by Prince Yunli are of utmost importance for the further study of this extraordinary collection.
La “remise en vie” (“revival ”) de la culture Bhotia au Sikkim:
un point de vue sur la sécularisation de la société
Mélanie Vandenhelsken
Le Sikkim forme une enclave entre le Bhoutan à l’Est et le Népal à l’Ouest, qui rejoint la
frontière du Tibet autonome au Nord. Il est un État fédéré de l’Union Indienne depuis
1975. Jusqu’à cette date, et depuis le XVIIe siècle, il était un royaume conduit par un «roi
dirigeant selon les principes de la Loi bouddhique» (chos-rgyal en tibétain).
La frange de la population du Sikkim qui se réclame d’ancêtres tibétains, et à laquelle
appartient la famille royale, est habituellement désignée par le terme générique “bhotia”
(elle se préfère toutefois l’ethnonyme tibétain de lho-rigs, “le groupe du Sud”, qui affirme
son origine tibétaine).
À leur arrivée au Sikkim, les Bhotia dominèrent les différentes populations de langue
tibéto-birmane (Lepcha, Limbu, Magar) qui y vivaient déjà. À la suite de la colonisation
britannique du royaume au XIXe siècle et de l’intégration du royaume à l’Inde ils sont
devenus numériquement minoritaires. L’essentiel de la population est aujourd’hui de
confession hindouiste, et la lingua franca du Sikkim est le népali.
Dans la région du chef-lieu du district Ouest du Sikkim, Gyalshing, une association
de “remise en vie de la culture Bhotia” (“revival”) a récemment vu le jour. C’est ici que se
trouve le monastère royal de Pemayangtse, qui fut construit auprès de la deuxième capitale
du royaume, Rabdentse, avant que la capitale ne soit installée à Gangtok où elle se trouve
encore aujourd’hui. La première association crée à Gyalshing emprunta son nom à l’une
des nombreuses associations de Gangtok: “Tribal Youth Association”. Elle fut fondée par
de jeunes Bhotia de clans nobles. Ses membres ont notamment pour but de développer
les activités religieuses du monastère de Pemayangtse. En 1999, les mêmes personnes
fondèrent une deuxième association portant cette fois un nom tibétain: “‘bras-ljongs rigsbyung rgyal-rabs srung-skyob tshogs-po” c’est-à-dire “L’assemblée de préservation de
l’histoire politique des descendants de Denjong”. ’bras-ljongs, littéralement “la vallée du
riz”, est le nom tibétain du Sikkim qui désigne à la fois le royaume et le lieu saint que le
pays constitue aux yeux des Bhotia.
Une étude des activités de cette association révèle une conception de la société
particulière à ses membres. Ces derniers se sont notamment impliqués dans le
rétablissement de la cérémonie de dpang-lha gsol, “La demande aux divinités témoins”.
Cette cérémonie est dite célébrer le serment d’amitié mythique que scellèrent l’ancêtre
tibétain des Bhotia et un chef Lepcha, un événement considéré comme un précédent à
l’installation de la royauté Bhotia sur le territoire des Lepcha. La cérémonie de dpang-lha
gsol est l’occasion de danses rituelles masquées (’cham) au cours desquelles les principales
divinités-montagnes protectrices du Sikkim sont représentées.
Quelques années après la constitution du Sikkim en État de l’Inde, le fils du dernier
roi Bhotia décida de mettre fin à la pratique de dpang-lha gsol dans la chapelle royale de
Gangtok, comme il était d’usage. Là, la cérémonie se déroulait en présence du chos-rgyal.
Après plusieurs années d’interruption, les membres de la Tribal Youth Association et les
lamas de Pemayangtse s’organisèrent pour rétablir dpang-lha gsol à Pemayangtse contre
l’avis du prince. Ce dernier exprima son désaccord en refusant de fournir les chevaux du
troupeau royal qui représentaient les montures des divinités-montagnes, et en remettant
en question l’efficacité spirituelle des lamas de Pemayangtse dans la presse.
Les membres de l’association firent le choix de pratiquer les danses de laïcs effectuées
lors de la cérémonie (et appelées dpang-bstod, “prise à témoin”) qui mettent en scène les
guerriers de l’armée des divinités-montagnes. La plupart d’entre eux avaient cependant
prononcé des vœux de religieux dans l’enfance, ce qui leur permettait de pratiquer les
danses religieuses de dpang-lha gsol plutôt que celles de laïcs. Bien qu’ils aient prononcé
ces vœux, ces jeunes hommes ont aussi fait le choix de mener une vie de laïc, comme
beaucoup d’enfants de donateurs de Pemayangtse.
Leur manière de s’impliquer dans l’organisation de dpang-lha gsol dévoile une certaine
conception des relations entre le domaine spirituel et le domaine temporel: ce serait des
sphères imbriquées et interdépendantes. Cette conception des relations entre le domaine
spirituel et le domaine temporel s’oppose à celle en vigueur dans la société indienne
depuis la fin de la colonisation qui, si elle donne une place à la religion, vise à “privatiser”
la sphère du religieux. Avec le rétablissement de dpang-lha gsol, c’est non seulement une
vision du pouvoir royal comme étant légitime grâce aux religieux qui est affirmée, mais
aussi une vision de la société comme devant permettre à la sphère religieuse de se
perpétuer.
Notes on a dkar chag of the monastery of Sa skya
Federica Venturi
The main source of the paper I propose to present at the Tenth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies is a dkar chag of the monastery of Sa skya entitled
gDan sa chen po dpal ldan Sa skya’i gtsug lag khang dang rten gsum gyi dkar chag. This guidebook was brought to Italy by Giuseppe Tucci after his visit to Sa skya in 1939 and was
subsequently used by him as one of the sources for his Tibetan Painted Scrolls.
As well as being an extremely useful source for reconstructing the architectural and
artistic aspects of the monastery of Sa skya, the guide book also contains interesting and
curious anecdotes about holy personages of the ’Khon lineage and holy receptacles kept
in the monastery. In particular, this dkar chag presents a picture of the conditions of the
monastery of Sa skya after the renovation work made by snags chang Kun dga’ rin chen
(1517–1584) and points out the differences in the appearance of the monastery before and
after its restoration.
It is thanks to these notations that it is possible to pinpoint with more exactness the
temporal frame in which the guidebook was written, and thus to provide insight into the
issue of its authorship. This paper will then illustrate the particular passages of the dkar
chag which provide internal evidence for a different evaluation of the authorship and the
period of writing of this text than has heretofore been posited, and in so doing will suggest some corrections to apparent discrepancies in the XVIth and XVIIth century lineage
of the Sa skya pa.
Tibet’s challenging place in contemporary literary studies
Steven J. Venturino
Literary critics inevitably situate works of Tibetan literature on maps already informed,
not only by popular opinion and official policies, but by motivated interpretations of
global trends in literary theory. The pigeonholes that stand to contain scholarly discussions of Tibetan literature, I would argue, principally include those formed by existing
debates on third-world literature, minority literature, postmodernism, and
postcolonialism. In my paper, I offer a critical examination of these contexts for reading
Tibetan literature and the ways in which Tibetan literature both supports and challenges
these perspectives.
While I argue that works of Tibetan literature are productively approached by way of
existing critical theories – which have generally been developed without regard for Tibetan
literature – the unique aspects of Tibetan works should lead us to re-evaluate and revise
these approaches, particularly with regard to their implicit assumptions of national identity and their insufficient attention to the history of non-Western colonialism. Tibetan literature’s presence is growing on the world stage, but as an increasing number of critics acknowledge this body of work – particularly in English and through English translation –
the challenges facing existing debates in literary theory begin to multiply.
At present, scholarly study of Tibetan literature is largely conducted by Tibet specialists in a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, religious studies, sociology,
and Asian studies. The International Association for Tibetan Studies has, over the past
decade, devoted increasing attention to the importance of studying contemporary Tibetan literature. Seminar panels and publications sponsored by the IATS, as well as volumes produced by affiliated organizations and IATS members, have led to significant
cross-fertilization of disciplinary approaches and an appreciable expansion of the scope
of traditional Tibetological concerns. However, the same cannot be said of literary studies as such, where Tibetan literature remains acutely underexplored, in part because of
the relative dearth of accessible texts, and in part because of the difficult institutional
decisions – demanded of Western and Chinese critics alike – involving Tibet’s status within
China.
Yet I believe we are at a turning point of sorts, and by addressing the issue of Tibet’s
place in literary studies, I hope to show that while the field of Tibetan studies continues
to be influenced by other disciplines, Tibetan studies also serves to influence other disciplines. This is particularly true with regard to theories of minority literature, postmodernist
literature and postcolonial writing, which have yet to meaningfully acknowledge Tibet’s
history, politics, and literature as elements of debate and discussion of a globally informed
literary criticism.
Indic principles in Tibetan Buddhist hermeneutics
Pieter C. Verhagen
As one of the results of an ongoing research project on linguistic and language-related
concepts and principles underlying Indo-Tibetan Buddhist hermeneutics, the present
paper will offer a case study of a pivotal document in this connection, the Mkhas-parnams-’jug-pa’i-sgo, written by an eminent early exponent of Tibetan scholasticism, the
famous Sa-skya-pa erudite Sa-skya Pandita Kun-dga’-rgyal-mtshan (1182–1251).
In this paper I will discuss some of the salient traits of this treatise, focussing on the
second of its three chapters, which addresses the topic of ‘exposition’ (Tib. ’chad-pa), thereby
supplementing the major study on this text so far, Prof. Jackson’s The Entrance Gate for the
Wise (Section III), Vienna 1987, which is primarily devoted to its third chapter on ‘debate’
(rtsod-pa).
The structure of the second chapter is based on the fivefold classification of hermeneutical or didactical categories found in the Vyakhyayukti by Vasubandhu. This pentad
will be briefly reviewed in the present paper, and certain details in Sa-skya Pandita’s
exposé on these topics will be highlighted.
One point of note is that Sa-skya Pandita devotes special attention to difficulties
which Tibetan scholars may encounter in their exegesis and promulgation of the Buddha-Word, for example, various types of problems which may arise in the consultation of
the Sanskrit originals of canonical scriptures and in their translation into Tibetan.
Lineage holders of bsnyung gnas (“fasting”) and the cult of
sPyan ras gzigs (10th–12th century)
Roberto Vitali
bsNyung gnas is a system that was transmitted to Tibet in the 11th century as part of the
religious movement focused on sPyan ras gzigs which was popular during bstan pa phyi
dar. The transmission of bsnyung gnas had several features typical of bstan pa phyi dar:
the Indian origin; sngags gsar ma; Bal po as a land through which it was diffused to Tibet;
the individual, rather than collective, endeavour of Tibetan masters to establish it on the
plateau; its early Tibetan exponents being part of the scholastic network of the time; the
foundations of temples; and the involvement of great Indian masters and even of important yon bdag-s. Highly Tantric in India, more monastic and sdom pa-oriented in Tibet,
bsnyung gnas was never to evolve into one of the established religious schools which
took shape during the 11th and 12th centuries, nonetheless continued to be practised in
the subsequent periods.
I will devote my attention to the biographies and the related gdung rabs material in
order to trace the late 10th century lineage holders of bsnyung gnas from India who
transmitted it to Tibetan masters. The significance of a few of the latter has not been fully
acknowledged because the evidence concerning them is fragmented in the literature due
to their belonging to other religious systems. I will try to show that different biographies
of some of them provide different records of their activity and religious inclinations. Collating these biographies helps to assess these masters with a more all-round perspective.
I plan briefly to deal with: dge slong ma dPal mo, the incestuous daughter of a king
of Kashmir; her disciples Ye she bzang po and Zla ba gzhon nu; dPe nya ba, a proponent
of bsnyung gnas from the heart of the Kathmandu Valley; Byangs sems Zla ba rgyal mtshan
and Ba ri lo tsa ba who each introduced different aspects of the cult.
Gift from the Tsar: the photos of Tsybikof and Norzunov
Sjoerd-Jan de Vries
In the library of the Ethnographical Museum in Leiden (The Netherlands) I discovered a
very interesting album with photographs, illustrating many of the religious monuments
in Central Tibet. This album was a gift of the Imperial Geographical Society in St.
Petersburg to the Dutch Royal Geographical Society and was received in 1905.
Important although is the fact that the photos were made in 1901 and are therefore
the earliest known photos of Lhasa. They were made by two Buryat monks, Tsybikof and
Norzunov, who travelled for a year as pilgrims through Central Tibet, with a camera that
was given by the Geographical Society. The 50 photos in this album are in excellent condition and depict the capital Lhasa, the great monasteries Sera, Ganden and Drepung.
Furthermore there are photos of Gyantse and the earliest monastery Samye.
One thing is the importance of these photographs, as the earliest known of Lhasa. I
want to explore how and why this album was presented to the Dutch Geographical Society; there seem to be other examples in Berlin and Paris. And, the most intriguing question is how two Russian subjects, armed with a camera, could travel through this sensitive area of Central Tibet, in the middle of the ‘Great Game’.
Tibetan information technology in perspective: traditional
belles-lettres and new media
Christopher E. Walker
Seen broadly, the history of information technology (I.T.) in Tibet spans the earliest forms
of Tibetan scripts to the current online collections of texts and multimedia. Given this
expansive duration of communication tools, specific Tibetan practices and cultural
understandings surrounding I.T. have grown in unison. Although most current social
theory theorizes the impact of new media on traditional communities, we might fruitfully ask how Tibetan reading and writing practices can impact newer Tibetan language
media, such as on-line databases and chat forums. The challenge now for developers of
Tibetan electronic media is to pursue a methodology incorporating not only literary content, but traditional practices that Tibetans will both recognize and esteem. To this end,
this paper provides an ethnography of older, lay education in Lhasa related to collective
and individual reading, memorization, and calligraphy. Based on interviews with elder
and distinguished lay scholars in Lhasa, this presentation aims to describe a public of
belles-lettres which functioned, most notably, within the leisure classes. How might
vaunted traditions and notions surrounding Tibetan publication and discourse find renewed existence and recognition in the digital age? Is an assimilation of such Tibetan
practices desirable, let alone feasible, within current Internet databases and hypermedia
libraries? An anthropology of Tibetan information technology should attempt to provide
some grounded data from which a discussion of such issues can proceed.
An introduction to the newly discovered Tubo InscribedSteles
Wang Yao
Inscribed stone steles of the Tubo period play a very important part in the study of Tibetan history (including the history of Tibetan language and script, political history, religious history and cultural history). In the last century, Professor Li Fanggui, Mr. Richardson
and I all collected and published separately rubbings from stone inscriptions and published discussions on certain issues.
Over the past few years some newly found stone steles have been made known.
Here I’ll make a brief introduction of them.
1) The stele found at Lijiang, Yunnan
It was probably made in 756–757, and it was erected at Gezi Village on the Jinsha River.
There are five lines of Tibetan words on it and decorated with line-carved patterns of the
sun, the moon, lions, and deities. I have made a translation was published on the academic journal Tang Studies, pp. 421–427, Vol. 7 (2001). (See photos). The content of the
stele inscription is about “vjang-sa-dam betraying the Tang to pledge its allegiance to
Tubo.” This may serve as a proof to the records in the Dunhuang Version Tubo Historical
Documents and the Old Tang Annals and New Tang Annals.
2) The cliff inscription found at Bido (vbis-mdo) Stone Buddha Cave at Jyekundo, Amdo (skyesdgu-mdo, Amdo)
The ten lines of Tibetan words on the stele were inscribed in 806, in the Dog Year of
Tibetan calendar during the region of Tesnpo Khri-lde Srong-btsan. The content is about
the sculpture of Vairochanna and the eight great Bodhisattvas. It prays for blessing and
longevity of Tsenpo Khri-lde Srong-btsan and his ministers (See photos).
3) The inscription on Avalokiteshvara stele found at Purang, Ngari (spu-sreng, mngav-ris)
Tibetan words are carved on both sides. Twenty-four lines of words on the left side, nineteen lines on the right side. It was carved in the autumn of a Horse Year. It should be in a
horse year during the period before the Od-sung (vod-srung) family having settled down
in Ngari (See photos).
A multivalent religious icon: the Jo bo Shakyamuni statue in
Lhasa, Tibet
Cameron David Warner
This paper is on the history and present worship of the Jo bo Shakyamuni statue in the Ra
sa ’Phrul snang gtsug lag khang (Jo khang) in Lhasa. The present statue in Lhasa is the
most important Buddhist icon of Tibet. It is intimately connected with Tibetan self-identity and nationalism, as well as being an important object of pilgrimage for all Tibetans.
Despite its importance, it has been hardly mentioned in secondary literature on Tibet.
Since the beginning of Tibetan historiography, until the present, the history and worship
of the statue has been complicated and controversial. Early sources tell us the statue was
the focus of anti-Buddhist fervor during the dynastic period, and its symbolism has been
appropriated by Communists seeking to deepen their authority over religion ever since
the end of the Cultural Revolution. Complicating things further, the present statue is
likely the latest in a series of replicas.
In my opinion, the future of Tibetan Studies lies in a multidisciplinary approach to
understanding our object of study which implicitly accepts the notion that the production of knowledge is a subjective endeavor. Therefore, I employ multiple analytical tools
in order to present my reader different ways of seeing the importance of the Jo bo
Shakyamuni for the development of Tibetan self-identity. The paper begins with a close
reading of passages that I have translated from the Sba bzhed, as well as from Per Sorensen’s
translation of the Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long by Bla ma dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan.
Unlike Sorensen, Hugh Richardson and others, I am not interested in proving or disproving the historical accuracy of early Tibetan historiography. Rather, I use Jo bo passages in
order understand how and why the statue became so important to Buddhists in Tibet. It
is my opinion that either during the Dynastic Period, during the 1717 Jungar Invasion of
Lhasa, and possibly the havoc during the Cultural Revolution, the statue was repeatedly
damaged and or completely destroyed and rebuilt. I use the destruction and reconstruction of the statue as a bridge to discussing the Jo bo from an art historical point of view
especially concerning material reproduction and simulation. I also add some of my own
observations and information from interviews with Lhasa Tibetans during the summers
of 2001 and 2003. Lastly, through demonstrating the Ra sa ’Phrul snang gtsug lag khang
can be seen as a living museum controlled by the Communists authorities as means of
controlling religion, I segue into the final part of the paper which is concerned with the
fight between Tibetan nationalists and Communists who are both attempting to appropriate the statue and its house for their own political agendas.
Throughout the secondary literature, the notion that the Jo bo Shakyamun i is the
palladium, the sancta sanctorum of Tibet is universally accepted, and yet no one has taken
the time to write either a descriptive history of the statue, nor an interpretive analysis of
its significance for Tibetans. Obviously, just writing a history of the Jo bo Shakyamuni
would be a large project in and of itself, let alone moving into an interpretive analysis. On
the other hand, both projects are inherently dependent on each other due to the normative style of Tibetan Buddhist historiography. Therefore, it is my intention that presenting
Jo bo Shakyamuni in a multidisciplinary fashion the will elicit comments and helpful
suggestions from my peers for a larger project in the future.
Alternative translations of Sanskrit sources in the writings of
rJe Tsong-kha-pa: a survey and analysis of the criteria for
preference
Christian K. Wedemeyer
With the work of assembling the Tibetan translations of Indian Buddhist literature into
the great collections of bKa’-’gyur (containing sÒtra-s and tantra-s) and bsTan-’gyur (Ÿ›stras), Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290–1364) initiated a process which ultimately led to the standardization and univocality of canonical reference works in the latter half of the second
millennium. Those translations selected for inclusion in the canonical collections assumed
thereby a privileged status and soon eclipsed those other translations which had not
been so selected. This process was accelerated considerably by the later adoption of the
practice of block printing, which allowed the mass reproduction – and thus wider and
easier availability – of the standard collections. As a result, almost none of the excluded
translations have come down to us today.
However, during the lifetime of rJe Tsong-kha-pa bLo-bzang Grags-pa (1357–1419) –
a half-century after the time of Bu-ston, yet over two centuries before the widespread
adoption of block-printing – a variety of translations were still available and tantalizing
traces of these “alternative” texts are to be found in his surviving works. Often, these
citations are among the only surviving evidence of these texts. In his writings on the
Guhyasam›ja Tantra, for example, Tsong-kha-pa makes frequent reference to such alternative translations, often expressing a preference in his exegesis for one or the other over
the “standard” translations of ⁄raddh›karavarman and Lo-chen Rin-chen bZang-po. In
his interlinear commentary (mchan ’grel) on Candrakırti’s Pradıpoddyotana, his work on
the Pañcakrama system of N›g›rjuna and firyadeva (rim lnga gsal sgron), and his smaller
commentaries on the explanatory Tantras (vy›khy›-tantra, bshad rgyud) of the Guhyasam›ja,
he often cites a preference for one Tibetan version over another, legitimating his own
interpretation in light of the variant readings.
In this paper, I undertake to independently evaluate some of these alternative passages against the “standard” translations, in light of the surviving Sanskrit texts of these
works. Attention will especially be paid to the criteria which may have been in play in the
preference of one translation over another. Are they, in fact, prefererable considered from
a philological perspective? To what extent were his choices based on the authority of the
Sanskritic tradition and to what extent on that of indigenous Tibetan exegesis? As Tsongkha-pa does not himself explicitly outline his reasoning – he does not, as it were, “show
his work” – it is only from context that we can attempt to determine his thought processes. This paper represents an essay in that direction.
A brief study of Tibetan Buddhist style woodcuts illustrated
in Chinese Buddhist books during the Ming Dynasty
(1368–1644)
Xiong Wenbin
The Tibetan Buddhist woodcut occupies an important place in the history of Chinese art
of woodcuts. Because of several reasons, only a few art historians have devoted their
attention to the research of these woodcuts. Among them, French scholar Heather Stoddard
is one of the important scholars. In 1975, she published her important work Early SinoTibetan Art and studied systematically two groups of Tibetan Buddhist woodcuts. One is
illustrations of Tibetan bKav-vgyur printed in 1410 during Emperor Yongle reign, and
another is illustrations of ZHU FO PU SA MIAO XIANG MING HAO JING ZHOU printed
in 1431 during Emperor Xuande reign. However, most of other Tibetan Buddhist woodcuts of the Ming Dynasty have not brought art historian’s attention because these works
are scattered in all kinds of Chinese Buddhist books and are difficult to find. Recently,
Collections of Chinese Ancient Woodcuts, edited by Zhou Xinhui and Published by
Xueyuan Press in 1998, collected more than 30 Tibetan Buddhist woodcuts from the Chinese Buddhist books of Ming Dynasty. This book provides a best way for us to continue
to understand and research these woodcuts and artistic exchange between Tibet and the
interior of China although it does not conduct any research into them. My topic here is
focusing on these woodcuts by discussing their dates, donors, styles and artists.
1. On the dates of woodcuts
Most of these woodcuts in Chinese Buddhist books with Tibetan Buddhist style have
inscriptions of date. According to Collections of Chinese Ancient Woodcuts, these woodcuts were created and printed during the reign of Emperor Hongwu, Emperor Yongle,
Emperor Xuande, Emperor Zhengtong, Emperor Chenghua, Emperor Zhengde, Emperor
Jiajing, Emperor Longqing and Emperor Wanli, respectively. The earliest one is illustration of Qi FO SUO SHUO SHEN ZHOU JING and its date is 24th year of Emperor Hongwu
reign (1391) the latest one is the illustration of LUN GU JIN FO DAO LUN HENG SHI LU
and it was printed in the period of Emperor Wanli reign (1573–1619). Among them, most
woodcuts were cut and printed during the reigns of Emperor Yongle, Xuande and Wanli,
which were coincident with the creation of bronzes with Tibetan Buddhist style in royal
court of Ming Dynasty. All these woodcuts clearly reflect not only the development of the
Tibetan Buddhist art in interior of China, but also the history of large-scale exchange
between Tibetan and Chinese arts through the whole Ming Dynasty.
2. On donors
The majority of these woodcuts have not the name of donors and only one-third of inscriptions mentioned their donators’ name. According to these inscriptions, donators can
be classified into two parts briefly in line with their status. The first part of donators are
those who came from government institutes or royal court with official status, mainly
including Neifu, department of administrating the royal affairs of court), Senglusi, department of administrating affairs of Buddhist monks and nuns), Empress and eunuch.
For example, the illustration of FO SHUO MO LI ZHI TIAN PU SA JING printed in the
1st year of Yongle reign (1403) was donated by the most famous eunuch and navigator
Zhenghe. The illustration of NIAN FO WANG SHENG XI FANG GONG JU printed in
the 14th year of Yongle reign (1416) was donated by Senglusi. The illustration of YU ZHI
JIN GANG BAN RUO BO LUO MI JING JI ZHU printed in the 21st year of Yongle reign
(1423) was donated by Neihu. The illustration of FO SHUO CHANG SHOU JIA ZUI HU
ZHU TONG ZI TUO LUO NI JING printed in the 2nd year of Jijing reign (1523) was
donated by Empress Xingguo. Among these donators, Neihu played an important role in
donating these woodcuts. Many of these woodcuts were cut and printed by the order of
emperors. The other donors were lay Buddhists. For example, the illustration of GUAN
SHI YIN PU SA PU MEN PIN printed in the 7th year of Zhengde (1512) was donated by
a Buddhist named Zhushi. In general, official institutes and royal family made a great
contribution to these woodcuts. This situation is similar to the creation of bronzes during
this period.
3. On the style and artists
Generally speaking, these woodcuts take on their remarkable characteristics in style although their style source can be traced to the woodcut of Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368), such
as the illustrations of Chinese Tripitaka Qishazang. Comparing to woodcuts of Yuan
Dynasty, these woodcuts in Chinese Buddhist books of Ming Dynasty with Tibetan Buddhist style have stronger Chinese artistic style. Furthermore, in case of these woodcuts of
Ming Dynasty themselves, there also exist some differences in style. In another word,
works those were created in earlier time of Ming Dynasty have a stronger similarity with
those of Yuan Dynasty. Meanwhile, works those were created after Xuande period have a
strong Chinese style. From the period of Zhengtong on, the Chinese style not only gets
stronger and stronger but also becomes the domain style of these woodcuts. In the later
woodcuts, except for some decorative patters such as halo, throne, its decoration and a
few attendant Bodhisattvas, there are not any Tibetan Buddhist art elements. In addition,
inscriptions of these woodcuts lack of names of artists. Judging by inscription of donators
and style of woodcuts, these artists were not only familiar with Tibetan Buddhist art
tradition, but also good at Chinese Buddhist art tradition. To some degree, many of them
could be Chinese and they had some close links with royal court.
4. Conclusion
The large-scale political, economic, cultural and religious exchanges between Tibet
and interior of China in Ming Dynasty had a great influence on the development of Tibetan Buddhist art in the interior of China. Under these circumstances, Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist arts mixed together and formed a new school with remarkable characteristics of Chinese art. This new school had an important influence on Tibetan Buddhist art
creation in both Tibet and the interior of China.
Constitutional change in the Land of the Thunder Dragon:
remarks on the draft constitution.
Richard W. Whitecross
This paper represents an initial examination of the draft constitution of Bhutan and the
surrounding debate in the National Assembly. The Constitutional Drafting committee,
under the Chief Justice of Bhutan has prepared and submitted for debate by the National
Assembly a draft constitution for Bhutan (Kuensel 14th December 2002). As the first formal written constitution of the country, the document is of major significance. This paper
traces the recent development of the draft constitution and public opinion as expressed,
for example, by the readers of Kuensel, the national newspaper. In particular, it considers
the role of the judiciary and its members as part of the drafting committee and the future
role of the Supreme Court of Bhutan in the administration of the Constitution.
The importance of law and the legitimacy accorded to acts of the National Assembly
of Bhutan is a major feature of contemporary Bhutan and based on fieldwork to be carried out (before the conference), I intend to attend the National Assembly to follow the
debates on the draft constitution. In presenting the National Assembly debates, I intend
to draw on private interviews with a range of officials and private citizens to build up a
broader, more textured understanding of how ordinary Bhutanese view the debates and
their own interpretations of the draft constitution and its implications for them. The draft
constitution introduces for the first time many new issues and rights to Bhutan and the
debates merit close attention and consideration. The main features of the draft constitution will be described and briefly placed in context, before turning to examine in turn, the
debates of the National Assembly, the reporting of the debates on television and in the
newspaper, and the general reaction of Bhutanese interviewed during the period of the
National Assembly and afterwards.
This paper develops previous work on the political structures of Bhutan (Mathou
1998, 1999, 2000) and develops the analysis of the material by locating it with the Bhutanese
judiciary and the legal institutions which have been created since the 1950s (Whitecross
2002). However, rather than focusing on the constitution as representing a radical break
with past lineages of authority and notions of government and state, the paper will attempt to trace, where evident, earlier indigenous concepts of power and authority (notably with reference to the system of government instituted by the Zhabdrung Ngawang
Namgyal. Here, it is anticipated that the paper will compliment the work of Dr Cüppers
on the eighteenth century law code.
In addition to locating the draft constitution in terms of its historical antecedents and
its recent political and legal history, the paper will emphasis local level understandings
concerning the draft constitution and its practical effects on the political structure of Bhu-
tan. Since the royal kasho of June 1998, the framework of the Bhutanese political system
has undergone significant changes which culminated in a major move towards decentralisation of authority in 2002. Based on interviews with a range of Bhutanese, both in
official positions and private individuals, I will examine the means by which the changes
are disseminated to the ordinary Bhutanese. The members of the National Assembly who
will debate the draft constitution play a central role in the dissemination of information
about the draft constitution and will be responsible for informing other low level officials
about it. The newspaper, Kuensel, will similarly be important for providing information
about the new constitution. Yet, it is important to examine what these sources say and
how it is interpreted by the ordinary Bhutanese. How for example will the right of assembly be understood? What about concerns already voiced about the impact of political
parties based on ethnic lines? How will cultural and religious pluralism be implemented,
and how will this affect current educational materials as well as the official promotion of
driglam namzha?
The paper therefore draws on textual analysis of the draft constitution, participant
observation of the National Assembly proceedings, interviews with officials and discussions with private individuals. The forthcoming debates will be among the most significant in the history of the National Assembly as a legislative body. Furthermore, the role
of the Bhutanese judiciary, and indeed of various bodies, including the Central Monk
Body, reflects a major development in the process of Bhutanese statecraft. The paper will
serve to reflect these changes and emphasis the continued maturity of the Bhutanese
state as it seeks to involve its citizens in the decision-making process.
Ban-de skya-min ser-min: Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho’s
complex, confused and confusing relationship with sde-srid
sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as portrayed in the Tsangs-dbyangs
rGya-mtsho’i mGu-glu
Simon Wickham-Smith
There is almost nothing in the life and work of Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho, the Sixth
Dalai Lama, of which we can be certain. The events surrounding his death are so hazy
that scholars are still not sure, either that he did indeed die in 1706, or that the “secret”
biography, written in the 1740s by the Mongolian monk Dar-rgyas Nom-un Qan, is in fact
an elaborate hoax; at the other end of his life, moreover, the account of his first eighteen
years, written by sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho, is a work of such hagiography that
it’s impossible to tell what is true and what is blinkered devotion. Even the provenance of
his most famous work, the mgu-glu, is uncertain maybe they are his songs, more likely
the text is a mélange of popular song, fabrications and secondhand recensions.
Even though the Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho’i mGu-glu presents us with a corpus of
songs which, in reality, may very well not be by Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho, nonetheless, so strongly is the text associated with this most fantastical of real-life characters, that
we have at least to read it in parallel with the biographical “facts” of the young man’s life,
looking for connections, indications and subtexts – for pointers, on the one hand, towards the external world of history and society and political intrigue inhabited by the
Dalai Lama as temporal and spiritual leader, and, on the other hand, towards the
psychospiritual, emotional and intellectual world inhabited by the poet, the Nying-ma
tantricist, the maverick popular hero Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho.
We do, however, know a great deal about his regent, the flawed diamond Sangsrgyas rGya-mtsho. His writings reveal a brilliant mind with a profound breadth of learning – but we also have the thang-ka of him as Manjushri, we have his many mistresses (in
series and in parallel) and we have his inability to decide whether he is a layman or a
monk. As spiritual disciple and political deputy of the Great Fifth, his loyalty and devotion is clear; as regent to the Sixth, however, his selflessness is less obvious and he lacks
clarity. His machinations lead eventually to his own death and the subsequent demise of
his beloved, wayward charge.
My intention in this paper is to investigate the relationship between Tsangs-dbyangs
rGya-mtsho and his regent as presented (ostensibly by the Sixth) in the Tsangs-dbyangs
rGya-mtsho’i
mGu-glu. In many ways, it shows us the relationship between a father and his son:
after all, the younger man was raised largely by the older and it could be argued that the
sde-srid acted towards the teenage Dalai Lama as a powerful, controlling and devoted
parent, endlessly exasperated by behavior which he considered inappropriate or perilous, trying (inexpertly) to define boundaries – and, finally, propelled by a genuine sense
of love and loyalty, seeking to protect and form the young man’s brilliant yet defiant
character.
The text itself presents us with a number of poems about the lover and his beloved,
and it is these which will form the backbone of my analysis. Several scholars, notably
Xiao Diyan, interpret these as relating – at least in part – to the relationship between the
sDe-srid and the Dalai Lama and, while this is clearly not the only way in which they can
be understood, it’s nonetheless an approach which allows us to examine this relationship
in some depth.
What I hope most of all to achieve with this paper is to examine the effect of
mythopoësis, both on the text and on the characters themselves. After all, as I have said,
Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho exists in a very uncertain set of circumstances and, through
his position in the canon of Tibetan literature and folk myth, he has transcended his identity as the Sixth Dalai Lama; Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho managed to forge for himself a
supramundane identity, he mythologised himself as a Tibetan version of Henry VIII –
scholar, theologian, politician, sportsman and stud.
As for the text, simply the fact that we cannot be sure whether any or all of these
poems is truly by Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho is enough to mythologise them: they become incantatory, more than the sum of their words; as with folksong throughout the
world – and lovesongs in particular they take us beyond the confines of our own existence, beyond the world of the poet, into the realm of eloquent parrots, secret trysts and
the unwritten language of the heart. In looking at the ways in which the Sixth Dalai Lama
(re)presented his Regent, his (substitute) father, I hope to show how the poems have
themselves created versions of both men which, whether they be truthful or not, help us
somehow to analyse their relationship and thereby better understand the literary, historical and political context in which their relationship takes place.
Buddhist, Bonpo or ‘Nameless’? Healing in Humla
(NW Nepal) and the Kailash-Khyunglung connection
Mariette Wiebenga
This paper is based on explorations into West Tibet in 1998 and 2002, and ethnographic
research in the Himalayan borderlands of Humla, NW Nepal, in the period in between.
The Nyinba, a small Tibetan-speaking community inhabiting a mountain valley on a side
stream of the Upper Karnali, had links to West Tibet since time immemorial, as evident
from their origin myths, ancestor worship, incantations and healing practices. They have
managed to maintain these links over centuries through trade and pilgrimage, though
reshaping them time and again in response to fundamental socio-political change in the
region.
In this paper, scenes from Nyinba healing practices will form the entry to examine
first, the roles of dhami, dangri and lamas in changing social and political contexts; second, the links of their practices with West Tibet, notably Kailash and Khyunglung; and
third, some epistemological questions related to the ‘(re-) imagining of history’.
The first point concerns matters of ethnographic interest, such as how Nyinba healers and their clients (used to) negotiate positions through ritual practices, how village
rituals (used to) reinforce their ‘Tibetan-ness’ in a mainly Hindu country, and how these
things change in face of recent developments (including the Maoist revolt). The second
point, concerning the ‘Kailash-Khyunglung connection’, pertains to sacred geography,
power places and related religious history. This point, finally, raises epistemological questions as to what extent ethnographic research and oral history, in combination with study
of textual sources and ancient sites, may contribute to ‘imagining history’ (in this case
pre-Buddhist, or early Buddhist and Bon history).
Craftsmen, Gifts, and Ritual: The Economics and
Organization of Production of a Gold-Ink Kanjur Set under
the Fourth Dagyab Lama, in Degyab, Kham, East Tibet in 1719
Edwina Williams
The most significant craft production in traditional Tibet was the production of major
works of religious art. But little is known about the economics and organization of production of such works. How were the necessary funds acquired? What craftsmen were
needed and where did they come from? How was work organized? How long did major
projects take to complete? How were craftsmen compensated? What rituals were performed?
Answers to many of these questions are to be found in the Biography of the Fourth
Dagyab Lama of Dagyab, Kham, East Tibet. The Biography is in manuscript form, written in Kham-bris script. J worked with Nima Dorjee Ragnubs on translation into English
of this portion of the document.
In 1719 the Fourth Dagyab Lama commissioned production of a Kanjur set written
in gold ink. Such gold-ink books were the highest level of book production in Tibet. Details about every aspect of production are included in the account,
Completion of the set would create great merit and enhance the Lama’s status, but
required significant amounts of funds, labor, and time. Several kinds of craftsmen were
needed, to produce not only the books, but the covers, art, and a shrine to house the
completed set. A large work force labored for almost three months. These included 186
calligraphers, 24 proofreaders, and S chanters. Artists and wood-carvers worked on the
book covers and shrine. Supporting workers included the paper-makers, gold-grinders,
and cooks. Each phase of the project, when completed, required rituals, celebrations, and
the giving of gifts appropriate to each level of worker.
This paper will discuss every aspect of economics and organization used to produce
the Kanjur set The economics of production will also be placed within the larger context
of gift-exchange within Tibet.
Mushrooms, flowers and herbs: income opportunities for
rural communities in Kham
Daniel Winkler
Tibetans have been harvesting herbs, mushrooms and animal parts as a source of income
for centuries. Most of the materials were collected for sale for the Chinese medicine market. However, the impact of globalization is affecting the most remote places in Tibet, ie
rare wildflowers being harvested and sold on the international market by Chinese companies through the internet.
The herb and mushroom trade is constantly growing. Local Tibetans profit considerably from open access to these resources. However, unsustainable use is undermining
long term benefits. Households don’t receive the necessary support to organize themselves in order to achieve a more powerful position in selling their harvest and receive no
training that would guarantee high quality of products and ensure sustainable harvest
rates. Substantial profit remains with a few middlemen and companies in the Chinese
lowlands.
One of the most important ‘plants’ is Yartsa Gunbu (dbyar rtswa dgun ’bu), caterpillar fungus (Cordyceps sinensis), which parasites on a butterfly larvae in grasslands. Since
1988 matsutake mushroom (Tricholoma matsutake) has been harvested, generating substantial income for rural households in Kham. In Dechen, unsustainable harvest techniques have reduced the output substantially in recent years.
Tibetan communities benefit substantially from assistance in how to manage their
resources sustainably. Also households benefit from support in developing and diversifying natural resource based income opportunities, which also help to protect the environment. Introduction of sustainable harvesting techniques, efficient solar drying, and
clean storage of mushrooms and herbs, as well as support in packaging and marketing
are important factors. In addition, cultivation of medicinal, aromatic and horticultural
plants would transfer knowledge, generate new sustainable income sources for rural communities, and reduce pressure on wild populations.
The contents of the rDzogs chen murals of the klu khang in
Lhasa
Jakob Winkler
On a little island in the lake behind the Potala we find a three-story temple. Its location
and function are expressed in its formal name: rDzong rgyab kyi klu khang, which literally
means the “Nâga House Behind The Fortress”. Following the construction of the Potala
in the second half of the 17th century, a lake was created following the extraction of building
material. To pacify the disturbed nâgas the Fifth Dalai Lama, Blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–
82) promised to satisfy them by building a temple as a place for regular pûjâs. It is said
that he used the small artificial island in the lake for retreat. Later a temple dedicated to
the nâgas was built on this island.
In its present condition, in the klu khang we find marvelous murals with unique depictions of the Great Perfection tradition (rDzogs chen) in the top floor. The parts I have
been able to identify so far are based on Padma gling pa ’s (1445–1521) gter ma called
rDzogs chen kun bzang dgongs pa kun ’dus. I will examine the arrangement of the illustrations and their relationship to the literary sources by collating them with the inscriptions in the murals.
Zhao Erfeng: a hero of Kham
Jun Xu
Zhao Erfeng was born from Han-Eight Banners, and began to be official by purchase. As
one of aids and staffs of Xi liang who is the High Commissioner of Sichuan, he came to
Sichuan in Guangxu 29 (1903). Guangxu 31(1905), the Assistant High Commissioner to
Tibet, Feng Quan was killed in Batang, Zhao was appointed to be a Commissioner of
Lubian to deal with problems arising from Batang, then he came to Kham and began his
administration in Kham. From Guangxu 31(1905) to Xuantong 3(1911) he administrated
Kham for about seven years and he stayed in Kham was about four years (June Guangxu
31 – July Guangxu 32 and August Guangxu 34 –June Xuantong 3). During the seven
years he was appointed to be the High Commissioner of ChuanBian (Kham), High Commissioner of ChuanBian (Kham) and Sichuan, High Commissioner of Tibet (Amban) and
ChuanBian, High Commissioner of ChuanBian, High Commissioner of Sichuan respectively. And was confer the First Class of Commissioner by Imperial order, the rank of
Minister, the Rank of Military officer Balutu.
During the seven years, Zhao Erfeng did many things to administer Kham: reformed
the hereditary local headsman system into a mobile official one (Gaituguiliu) and want to
set up a new province. Established administrative management of economic development and cultural assimilation. All that he did in Kham was stupendous both to Country
and to Local Khampa people. To Qing Central Government, the administrating in Kham
was so important that resisted British affecting from southwest Border and reclaimed its
rights of Tibet successfully. To Kham local people, Zhao’s arrangement of economic development and cultural assimilation gave them a deep influence, though not all of it is
good. ”As mighty waves beating a thousands year sleeping stagnant water, all old things
became new ones” and people yearn for him only in ten years.
It’s not my purpose to figure Zhao Erfeng as a hero of Kham and to advocate him.
Even it seems not so suitable to put the issues of Zhao er feng into the panel of Hero of
Kham, because it is so sensitive to talk with Khampa especially with Batang people about
Zhao Erfeng, not to say that Zhao Erfeng is a hero of Kham. But to some extend, Zhao
Erfeng was a “Hero”.
One hundred years past, both Khampa and Scholars should overtake the sensibility
and look back the special era’s special region, see through what had happened on earth
in Kham during the reign of Zhao Erfeng. Some scholars paid more attention to it and
wrote some papers in these years (Sperling 1976, Lawrence Epstein 1997, Wim Van Spengen
2002, William Coleman 2002). But nobody focused on Zhao Erfeng himself and his administration in Kham. That’s the reason that I write this paper.
This paper provides an in-depth analysis of Zhao Erfeng’s much-disputed administration in Kham. It looks in detail at how Zhao Erfeng designed and set up an administrative management to consolidate the Qing government’s hold on the southwest border
area and promote its prescribed policies and plans. It gives a comprehensive description
of how he reformed the hereditary local headsman system into a mobile official one and
established administrative management of economic development and cultural assimilation. Even promoting production and education was just subject to his political aim.
But it suggests that the first inklings of modern political and economic culture were already appearing in the administration in Kham, influenced by the wider trends of the
time. It makes clear the effects and features of the administration in Kham at that time
from the perspectives both of the Qing government and of local people.
This paper presents an objective, comprehensive and scientific discussion of the administration in Kham in the late Qing Dynasty, largely based on original files and foreign
sources and research.
The temple of Mani Lhakhang
Gabrielle Yablonsky
The tiny temple of Mani Lhakhang, named after the huge mani wheel dominating its
interior, is known only to a few Western scholars. Located in bDe-chen County, in the
obscure village of Rigs-lnga and nestled between the Pa-lam and Glang-sgo mountains
to the east and south, respectively, the temple may have lain on an important old trade
route to Samye Monastery. Little is known of the temple’s ancient history by villagers
who still support the temple, or by the present married Gelugpa lama-caretaker trained
at Ganden Monastery, though local stories state that the temple is at least 1000 years old.
In recent times the temple was briefly owned (in the 1940s) by a noble family whose
power declined; and subsequently (until 1959) it was under the jurisdiction of Ganden
Monastery. The back wall of the temple was completely rebuilt during the 1930s; and,
due to damage suffered during the Cultural Revolution, additional repairs were made in
the 1980s to a chamber adjoining the main room. However, the beautiful paintings on the
remaining three walls of the main room are quite well preserved and depict groupings of
images reflective of the Nyingmapa Sect, except for the right entrance wall which portrays Atisha and his two main disciples. All of the paintings, however, may date from the
same period (perhaps from the 17th century, according to Tibetan art historians), a seeming sectarian contradiction which this article hopes to resolve, among other problems
connected with the imagery displayed in the paintings.
Dancing to the beat of modernity: the rise and development
of Tibetan pop music
T. Yangdon Dhondup
Present-day Tibet is going through a transition marked by contradictions and dilemmas.
This paper aims to portray some aspects of the changes that have taken place in cultural
production in Tibet from the mid-eighties onwards, focusing on the production of popular music in Tibet. In particular, I am focusing on the transition from the past to the present,
from revolutionary songs to romantic ballads, and on the challenges that such a passage
entails, reflecting the socio-political changes in Tibet during the 1980s. In my paper I
hope to chronicle the cultural scene of this aspect of culture production and to show how
the people involved in this cultural scene struggle for Tibet’s modernisation.
Tseten Dolma was the first Tibetan woman who represented Tibet in the musical
world throughout China. Between 1950 and 1980 in China, her name became synonymous with Tibet. Although the lyrics of her songs were mainly eulogies for the Communist Party or for Mao Zedong, her songs are widely loved and sung by Tibetans. Zai
Beijing de jinshan shang (On Top of the Golden Mountain in Beijing), probably her most
famous song, is not only known by Tibetans, but even Chinese audiences can sing along
with her. Tseten Dolma was, however, a state-sponsored artist and her lyrics and background conformed to Beijing’s idea of ‘minority’ representation.
A sudden change of wind came when Dadron appeared on the music scene in the
early 1980s. Dadon’s songs freed popular culture from the Party’s control and her lyrics
stunned the public with their freshness and with their references to Tibet as the native
land. The rhythms and the lyrics had changed and she brought Tibetan music to another
level – Tibetan pop music was born and Dadron became the first genuine Tibetan popstar known throughout the Tibetan areas. Her popularity, however, brought new tensions between the state-sponsored artist and the independent artist involved in the production of popular culture. Unfortunately, her career did not last long as she escaped into
exile. It is clear, however, that she prepared the stage for other artists and soon other
Tibetan singers, mostly women, tried to live up to Dadron’s image. Dechen Drolma, a
singer from Amdo, is considered the nearest to her but it is clear that her audience does
not match the one that followed Dadron. After Dadron, artists from Kham and Amdo
overtook the musical production taking place in central Tibet. This meant that popular
culture was disintegrating at the centre and was revived from the periphery. The same
phenomenon can be seen in the field of literature, and the eighties saw a powerful group
of writers emerging from east Tibet.
Even nowadays, the cultural agenda is set by the periphery. Among the most wellknown is Yadong, a former truck driver from Ganze, whose songs such as Qingzang gaoyuan
(The Tibetan Plateau) or Shenying (Divine Eagle) have become popular with millions of
listeners in Tibet and China.
Changes became visible in the musical scene by the late eighties. Modern technology
facilitated the making of music videos and Tibetan artists favoured singing songs in Chinese in order to reach a wider audience. The music videos depicting colourful Tibetan
festivals or picturesque Tibetan scenery became popular. The fusion of an image of an
unspoilt Tibet with contemporary songs shows the attempt to mould the traditional with
the modern. The makers of the videos seem to struggle as to how to portray Tibet and its
changing face in the wake of an ever-increasing social transformation.
The latest music videos emerging from Tibet with Tibetans in traditional dress dancing to the beat of disco music, and the publication of Zhogs dung’s infamous article raise
interesting questions about the modernising process in Tibet. Is it desirable to wage an
attack on traditional culture in order to modernise Tibet or does modernisation enhance
Tibetan culture? What effect does the new capitalism visible in China have on Tibetan
culture and how does this change Tibetans’ perceptions of themselves and their culture?
The spread of the Gesar in modern Tibetan society
Yang En-hong
With the changing of social and cultural development, King Gesar, the well-known Tibetan Epic has been handed down for about a thousand years, and still maintained by a
number of singers. As a living oral tradition, it has transformed from oral singings to
written texts gradually. Based on recent years’ investigation in Tibetan region, this article
will primarily embark upon on the spot observation of spreading situation of epic King
Gesar in today’s Tibetan and Qinghai Plateau.
It is a striking phenomenon that the epic singers become less and less, in which, the
traditional singing form was substituted by a new performance namely Tibetan Opera
Gesar. Concurrently, as a new cultural choice, a couple of Cultural Center dealing with
epic King Gesar funded by monasteries, from where common people share and benefit a
lots of traditional education, cultural edification and artistic appreciation.
Researchers and scholars have double responsibilities for preserving Tibetan cultural heritage and for helping the local communities to rich their cultural and spiritual
life, in particular, in modern environment of information flow and technology expansion
from local to global (as well as from global to local).
Studying early Tibetan medical manuscripts
Yang ga Trarong
Several important old Tibetan medical manuscripts, which were written in the eightcentury, have recently been discovered in archives, old libraries, and private collections
in Tibet. Traditional medical histories indicate that many Tibetan scholars believed that
such manuscripts were authored by the Buddha, or by Indian, Chinese or Persian scholars, and that they were later translated into Tibetan. But close study of those manuscripts
makes it hard to believe that they really were translated from another language. In this
paper I will try to explore who really were the authors of some of these recently discovered manuscripts, and when they were written. I will also try to explore their relationship
with rGyud bzhi.
Finally, I also would like to discuss how different political views and religious beliefs
influenced the formation of Tibetan medicine during this early period. The manuscripts
sources for this paper include sMan dpyad zla ba’i rgyal po; Bi ji’i po ti kha ser; gSang tig
sgron me; sGrol me’i sngo ’bum; and bSe sgrom smug po.
Notes on the evolution of the Burmese phonological system
Rudolf A. Yanson
At present we know the phonological systems of the two extreme periods of the development of Burmese – Old (OBur, xii-xiiith c.) and Modern (MBur). Intermediate stages of
the evolution of the system have not hitherto been given much attention. The problem is
intriguing because since the old period Burmese orthography has almost not changed,
and in the inscriptional heritage of the Burmese there are no illiterate samples which
could contribute to obtaining convincing conclusions.
The key for establishing the periodization of the evolution of the initials lies in the
analysis of the peculiarities of OBur syllables with velar initials followed by high front
vowels. In the course of time such syllables acquired medial y in their orthographic form.
This minor orthographic reform tells us that the original complex palatalized initials, i.e.
those which originally contained medial y and were represented already in OBur, had by
the time of this reform evolved into simple palatals without changing their graphic form.
The described processes of palatalization triggered the rephonologization of the original
simple palatal initials c and ch, represented as such in OBur, which evolved as s and sh, in
which phonetic form they are represented in MBur, preserving their original graphic form
unchanged.
We may infer also that the merging of medial r with y and subsequent evolution of
the complex palatalized initials into simple palatals took place simultaneously with the
evolution of velar initials followed by front vowels into simple palatals.
It appears that the system of initials as represented in MBur was formed already by
the end of the XVth century. As for the rhymes, minor orthographic changes that have
taken place since the OBur period do not contain any hints on when the essential sound
shifts, especially in the system of closed rhymes, occurred. Yet it is possible to come to the
important conclusion that the vowels in closed rhymes evolved to their present phonetic
value before the final consonants underwent overall merger, and not vice versa as might
be expected. This becomes evident from the analysis of the origins of the alternation of
the sequences in some MBur words.
Cabbage, carrots, and the cultivation of Tibetan modernity:
the history of Lubu, Hebalin and the state farms
Emily Yeh
State development discourse in the TAR promotes vegetable agriculture as a key component of a modern, urban, and thus civilized landscape. Officials often claim, for example,
that only barley grew in Tibet, until “PLA units…introduced and successfully cultivated
scores of varieties of…vegetables…including tomatoes and green peppers.” In fact, Tibetans in Lhasa’s Lubu and Hebalin neighborhoods cultivated tomatoes, green peppers,
and many other kinds of vegetables before 1951. However, official narratives erase their
vegetable-growing skills and histories, instead attributing the introduction of vegetables
to Tibet to modern science, the agents of which were the revolutionary workers of the 7–
1 and 8–1 state farms.
In this paper, I examine several aspects of the histories of Lubu, Hebalin, and the 7–
1 and 8–1 state farms, and use them to address “modern Tibetan history” in three ways.
First, my attention to farming, ordinary workers, and memory goes against the grain of
elite-centered conventions of Tibetan “history.” Second, I examine how the state farms
contributed to the production of Tibetan modernity, through early workers’ sense of pride
in helping to “construct” modern Tibet. Furthermore, many workers later became influential in surprising ways – one, for example, starred in Serf, a film about Tibet’s “feudal
past” that was shown for years throughout China. Third, I address the question of ethnicity and the category “Tibetan.” Here I examine the history of Lubu and Hebalin families
as Tibetanized descendants of Han and Hui soldiers; as well as ethnic tensions experienced by Tibetan women who joined the 7–1 and 8–1 state farms in the 1951–59 period.
Chinese code switching in modern Lhasa Tibetan
Kalsang Yeshe
There has been a long tradition of Tibetan studies both in the East and in the West. As a
subject of research, the Tibetan language, particularly the topic of code switching in Tibetan, has however been neglected by both Western and Eastern scholars. The general
aim of this paper is to do an investigation of Chinese code switching and loanwords in
modern Lhasa Tibetan. More specifically I shall focus on modern Lhasa Tibetan and analyse the frequency, domains and typology of code switching and loanwords in naturally
occurring conversations.
Tibetan has widened its vocabulary by borrowing words from other languages from
as early as between 4,000 to 2,000 B.C (Michael Walter and Christopher I. Beckwith 1997:
1037–1044). Some of the loanwords are recorded in Tibetan written materials, while most
loanwords perhaps merely existed orally and disappeared with the changes of circumstances.
The data presented in this paper were collected during my fieldwork in Lhasa between August and December 2000. These conversations possess the following characteristics:
1.
2.
There is a clear distinction of matrix language (main language) and embedded language (supplementary language). Tibetan language is always used as the matrix language while Chinese is always employed as the embedded language in the conversations.
These conversations occurred naturally in terms of lexicon choice.
In terms of code switching and types of code switching, many research findings have
been published in the West (Li Wei 2000; Suzanne Romaine 2000; Myers-Scotton 1995,
1997; Heller 1988). The typology of code switching suggested by Myers-Scotton (1995,
1997) is employed in this paper, where code switching is employed as umbrella-term to
cover intersentential code switching and intrasentential code switching. The conversations are analysed one by one. The settings of conversations and information about the
speakers are given at the starting point for each conversation. The code switching and
loanwords are discussed in terms of frequency, domains and types of loan processes.
Analysing the conversations, I found that occurrence of Chinese code switching
amounted to 13.6% of the total words employed in the conversations, but occurrence of
Chinese code switching in each individual conversation varies. The highest occurrence
of Chinese code switching was to 42.1% (conversation 3), while the lowest occurrence of
Chinese code switching only was 3% (conversation 1) of the words used in the concerned
conversation. Regarding the typology of Chinese code switching in the conversations,
the majority of the code switching occurs in intrasentential code switching as I found
only seven intersentential code switching occurring in six conversations.
In addition to the 13.6% of Chinese code switching, there were thirty-two Chinese
loanwords, covering 5.7% of the total words employed in the conversations. The loanwords
mainly fall under the domains of culture and modern sciences.
Based on the limited conversational sources, I found that the locations do not always
determine the occurrence of Chinese code switching although Myers-Scotton suggests
this. I would suggest that the location itself does not determine the occurrence of code
switching, but location may determine it when the topic of a conversation related to the
location. Furthermore, occurrence of Chinese code switching partially depends on the
groups the speakers belong to. The occurrence of code switching is not only determined
by the age of speaker, but is also connected with education level, occupation, work experience and their conversation partner with whom they talk to.
This occurrence and absence of Chinese loanwords in the concerned domains is most
likely a direct result of the topics of the conversations. The conversations used in this
paper mainly concentrate on the daily topics. Additionally, the occurrence of Chinese
code switching in modern Lhasa Tibetan may be a result of lexicon shortage in both spoken Lhasa Tibetan and literary Tibetan in concerned domains such as modern sciences.
At the same time, it might be a result of the fact that more Tibetans become efficient in
Chinese through getting education in inner China or in the Chinese language in the TAR.
The increasing use of Chinese originated words, particularly Chinese code switching, in
modern Lhasa Tibetan may be connected with many social factors. However, due to the
limited conversational sources – at least in terms of quantity and diversity of conversations – particularly conversations in marked code switching, it has to be left for another
paper.
Contemporary oral histories of the K›lacakratantra
Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim
This paper discusses various ways in which the source of the K?lacakra is being presented
in oral teachings. The paper focuses on two contemporary dGe-lugs masters operating in
exile, the 14th Dalai Lama and Kirti Tsenshab Rinpoche and compares their oral presentations with a number of textual sources. The paper argues that although oral presentations on the source of the K›lacakratantra
are very closely related to their textual sources, the deviations that do exist between
them reflect the process of change which Tibetan Buddhism is presently undergoing in
exile.
Teachings on the source of the K›lacakra tradition are recounted by masters conducting the K›lacakra initiation at the beginning of the ceremony. The accounts begin by relating to the source of the K›lacakra teachings, refering to the following questions: Who
taught the K›lacakra? Where? To whom? What was taught? Why? The presentation on the
origin of the teachings is then followed by an account of its dissemination in India and
Tibet, leading up to the master who is teaching and conducting the initiation.
The exposition of the history of the tradition within the teachings themselves establishes their continuity. The exposition also establishes the authority of the teachings as
well as the authority of the master himself. Establishing the authority of the master is
achieved through the analogy of the Buddha with the guru, which is very central both to
the teachings and to the initiation. The centrality of the guru is also what defines the need
to state the lineage of the teaching, which usually starts from the Buddha and ends with
the master who is giving the initiation. The lineage, the direct link with the Buddha, in
whichever version it is given, is significant not necessarily in a historical sense, but as it
closely relates to the possibility of enlightenment.
Analysing different oral versions of the source of the K›lacakra vis-à-vis their textual
sources and their scholarly counterparts, brings about a concern with the different approaches to what is termed as “history” and what is termed as “myth”. In my paper I
refer to three historiographical categories, each treating the lines between mythical/sacred/real in a different way.
The contemporary setting in which the oral presentations of the source of the teaching is presented, defines the way in which these accounts are constructed. A specific historical version, as De Certeau has argued, is a “product of a place”. In the case of contemporary Tibetan Buddhist historiography, the epistemic configurations, which define the
construction of the various contemporary historical versions of the K›lacakra, are based
on Buddhist ideas while being in dialogue with western notions as well. The analysis of
contemporary oral versions of the K›lacakra’s history, therefore, is relevant not only for
the study of the history of the K›lacakra, but also as a reflection on contemporary Tibetan
Buddhism and the contemporary dialogue it maintains in exile with western ideas and
western-based scholarship.
In terms of the expositions of history from within the tradition, the way in which the
history is represented at present is not just a re-statement of what has been written and
stated in the past but is also taking into account the time and the place which the teachings are given, each master with his own “skill in means.”
In the case of the 14th Dalai Lama, his oral presentations reveal an attempt to make
his teachings relevant to a contemporary audience, both westerners and exiled Tibetans.
With these aims in sight, the Dalai Lama has developed his unique interpretations, adhering to Buddhist principles whilst transforming issues which may seem problematic to
western-based or western-inclined audience. The oral histories presented by Kirti Tsenshab
Rinpoche, on the other hand, are versions which are closer to their textual sources, yet
still contain his own interpretations. Kirti Tsenshab views the co-existence between “real”
and “myth” as not unique to Buddhist historiography, but as existing in a similar way in
western-based histories. His view implies that he sees no problem in presenting a mixture of myth and history to western audiences. The main objective of Kirti Tsenshab’s
account on the source of the K›lacakra teachings is to provide authenticating elements of
it, in order to enhance his students’ motivation for receiving the K›lacakra initiation and
later – practising the K›lacakra teachings.
mKhas grub and rGyal stab on the false association of
Dharmakırti’s teachings with the dbu ma (Madhyamaka)
Chizuko Yoshimizu
In their commentaries (i.e. the Rigs pa’i rgya mtsho and the Thar lam gsal byed) on
Pramaa.navaarttika I 39–42, both mKhas grub dGe legs dpal bzang po and rGyal stab Dar
ma rin chen, the most prominent scholars of the lineage of Tsong kha pa, suggests the
existence of their preceding or contemporary interpreters of Dharmakırti’s philosophical
system who claim that Dharmakırti concurs with dbu ma pa (the M›dhyamika) in some
essential points. From their brief discussions, it can be assumed that these interpreters
associate Dharmakırti’s theory of the two kinds of reality (bden gnyis, satyadvaya) and his
concept of an individual existent (dngos po, rang mtshan, vastu/ bh›va, svalak˝a˚a) with
those of the Madhyamaka. The aim of this paper is to clarify this association as well as the
critics thereof by mKhas grub and rGyal stab through examining their arguments and
focuses. The characteristics of their commentaries on the apoha theory of Dharmakırti are
also to be specified.
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Yungdrung Gyaltsen
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gYung drung bon gyi sa dpyad mdo rgyud
(Geomancy in the Bon tradition)
Yungdrung Gyaltsen
The living conditions and psychological status of sentient beings, particularly human
beings, are related to the question of whether the Samig (‘Earth-eyes’) are good or not. A
person’s harmonious relationship with a place depends on whether the secret lord of the
place has been disturbed or not. For example, when one starts building a house in a place
where messengers of naga-demons (klu bdud), symbols of earth-lord (sa-bdag) such as
snakes and frogs are found, and construction work is continued, there might be two results: a possible good result is that building a house in such a place brings wealth to the
owner; the opposite possibility is that disaster might befall the house owners, in the form
of impoverishment, ill-health, or the loss of livestock to disease. In order to avoid disasters, certain rituals may be performed to propitiate the earth-lord and the klu. Sa ‘Bom
writes that: “if one were not to worship the earth-lords, all sentient beings would have
nameless diseases”; “The earth-lords are the most powerful entities in the earth, and if
they are disturbed the nature of earth will also be disturbed, with the consequence that
unfortunate events - a rise in disease and famine - might occur in the human world”.
However, Geomantic works propose three ways to avoid disasters of this nature: 1. To
investigate the nature and formation of the earth according to the prescriptions of the
Mdzod; 2. To investigate a meditation place for peace according to the outer Tantras (gSang
sngags phyi rgyud), investigate a meditating place for wrath in accordance with the inner Tantras (gSang sngags nang rgyud), and a gNyan sa according to the secret Tantras; 3.
To build secret temples and houses according to the suggestions in the tantras, and investigating funerary sites.
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Gender in Tibetan medical iconography and texts
Serinity Young
In ancient and medieval medical texts from around the world the normative patient is
male, unless there is a specific reason to discuss or illustrate a female patient. This holds
true for the elite medical tradition of Tibet. My paper will focus on recent copies of a wellknown set of late seventeenth century paintings that illustrate the Vaidurya sNgon po and
were used to train Tibetan monk-doctors. The paintings were done in the Nepalese altier
of Romio Shrestra and are now part of the permanent collection of the American Museum of Natural History in New York City.
I will explore both the presence and absence of the female body in paintings that
represent: (1) physical reality, as in two interrelated paintings on anatomy that present
several views of the human body as a male body, with one miniscule image of a partially
clothed woman to illustrate the female orifices; (2) esoteric understandings, as in a painting illustrating the subtle body in male terms; and (3) cultural practices, as in the painting
of rules for sexual intercourse presented entirely from the male perspective and illustrated by images of acceptable and unacceptable female sexual partners. Furthermore,
with one exception, the paintings always depict doctors as male.
A more specific ideology of gender is presented in a painting about fetal development that also illustrates the reasons one is born female or male, reasons that are related
to a karmic ideology of gender illustrated in several other paintings, and to concepts of
odd & even, left & right, blood & semen, that are loaded with cultural assumptions about
the relative value of the sexes. Significantly, this painting ends with an illustration of a
birth scene showing only female attendants – no male doctor is present.
First these images will be examined in relation to the commentary (Vaidurya sNgon
po) and the core text (rGyud bZhi) they illustrate to reveal a scientific discourse of gender
that codifies the secondary status of women.
Second, despite this emphasis on the male body and the male medical expert, the
paintings contain many female deities as healers and protectors of the medical tradition,
and the role of these deities will be explored through the biography of the semi-legendary
first doctor of Tibet, Yuthog.
Evidentials in Old Tibetan direct speech
Abel Zadoks
This paper is the third in a series on the historical grammar of Tibetan evidentiality,
catchily defined by linguists as ‘the linguistic encoding of epistemology’ (Chafe & Nichols
1986). For Tibetologists, the issue is perhaps more easily identified with reference to the
system of auxiliary verbs in e.g. the modern Lhasa dialect. Though already operative in
the earliest datable sources, lexical and grammatical distinctions of this type were never
recognized in grammars of so-called ‘Classical Tibetan’ because of a bias to grammatical
categories that survive translation from Sanskrit and/or into European languages, not to
mention a general lack of linguistic method (scant attention paid to essential details of
diachronic and dialectal variation).
At the 9th Seminar of the IATS (2000), I have shown that the use of clause connectives such as nas in Old Tibetan narrative relates to the views of the referents involved,
much like the modern auxiliaries. A closely connected sequel at the 8th Himalayan Languages Symposium (2002) surveyed the development of evidential and directional auxiliaries from the 10th to the 15th century. The present paper reconnects to the first and
investigates the evidence from direct speech in Dunhuang manuscripts. Here the involvement and interaction of 1st- and 2nd-person interlocutors shows grammatical concerns
scarcely observable in run-of-the-mill 3rd-person narrative, some peculiar to Old Tibetan,
others familiar from modern dialects.
Las , byaba’i yul, and the ladon particles: on the Tibetan
understanding of the Sanskrit case-relation karman
Bettina Zeisler
For Western scholars, themselves speaking an accusative language, it has always been a
matter of fact that the Sanskrit “second case” or the k›raka relation karman has to be understood as the “accusative” case marker or as a case relation corresponding to the syntactic category of Direct Object. The application of the term karman in its Tibetan translation as las or byaba’i yul to the directional case marker ladon, used for recipients, goals, and
locations, thus, seems to be a gross error on the part of the Tibetan grammarians, due to
their blind imitation of a prestigious model that simply cannot be applied to an ergative
language such as Tibetan. But can we be sure that their understanding of karman was
something like “Direct Object”? And can we be sure that the ladon is always only a directional marker?
The Sanskrit “second case” does not only indicate the typical Direct Object of transitive verbs, but also the direction or destination of verbs of movement and other nontypical “objects”. In fact, most of these “objects” are in need of one of the ladon particles in
Tibetan. In particular, Tibetan and other Tibeto-Burman languages show quite a few intransitive verbs with ladon marking on the “object”. Due to the ergative marking of the
subject these verbs have been treated as “transitive” (thadadpa) by the Tibetan grammarians as well as by European scholars. While such case marking patterns may already
sufficiently motivate the identification of the ladon particles with the k›raka relation karman,
early grammatical treatises as well as empirical data indicate the possibility of facultative
use of ladon particles for real Direct Objects in earlier stages of the language.