Read More - Raphael - Prints And Drawings

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Read More - Raphael - Prints And Drawings
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56
Raphael
Sketches for the Disputa (verso)
c. 1508–9
Pen and brown ink, over black chalk
200 × 153 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 1935
In November 1507 Pope Julius II decided
to move from the Borgia Apartments to
the second floor of the Vatican Palace.1 He
launched a campaign of redecorating the suite
of rooms constructed half a century earlier
for Pope Nicholas V (1447−1455), and his
original idea was to assign the whole task to
Perugino. When the ageing master refused
such an extensive commission and undertook
only a small part of the work, other painters
were brought in to help.2 The decoration of
the new state rooms, called Stanze, was then
simultaneously entrusted to several independent workshops: the Stanza dell’Incendio to
Perugino’s,3 the Stanza della Segnatura to that
of Sodoma and the Flemish Johannes Ruysch
(1460?−­1533),4 while the Stanza di Eliodoro
went to Luca Signorelli, later augmented by
Bramantino (c. 1465−1430) and Lorenzo
Lotto (1480−1556).5
Raphael arrived in Rome probably in the
autumn of 1508 to join the illustrious group
of artists summoned from far and wide.6
Although the painter had already completed
prestigious commissions in Umbria and the
Marches, his fame was not yet established
in Rome.7 Vasari reports that Raphael was
recommended to the pope by Donato Bra-
mante, one of the most influential artists at
the papal court,8 but Julius could also have
learned of the painter through the Della
Rovere inheritance of Urbino. Whatever the
case, it is clear that Raphael’s name was not
completely unknown in Rome, where some of
the colleagues he had previously collaborated
with were also recipients of papal commissions. Besides Perugino and Pintoricchio,9
Signorelli was also working in the town at that
time;10 moreover, the humanist Baldassare
Castiglione and Piet­ro Bembo already knew
the young artist.11 Nevertheless, Raphael
himself was also manoeuvring for the papal
commission: in his last letter from Florence
of 21 April, 1508, he asked his uncle to obtain
a letter of recommendation on his behalf.12
The oldest surviving document relating to
Raphael’s Roman activity is a payment dated
13 January, 1509, for work effected in a vaulted
room (sala a volta), in all likelihood the Stanza
della Segnatura.13
For Raphael, still inexperienced in largescale, multi-figured decorations and in the
technique of wall-painting,14 the Vatican commission must have posed a serious challenge.15
He began work in the central room, called
camera della Segnatura by Vasari, for by the
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57
Raphael
Study for the Disputa
c. 1509
Brush and wash in brown ink, heightened
with white, over stylus and charcoal
276 × 283 mm
Windsor, Royal Collection, RL 12732
time he wrote the Lives it had already housed
sessions of the Signatura gratiae, a division
of the supreme tribunal of the Curia.16 There
is copious evidence, however, that the room
was originally the library of Pope Julius II.17
Although documents are not explicit about the
location of the Bibliotheca Iulia, it is identified
with the Stanza della Segnatura primarily for
its decorative scheme, which reflects the traditional arrangement of Renaissance libraries.18
Female personifications of the Four Faculties
(Theology, Poetry, Philosophy and Jurispru-
dence) appear in the tondi of the vault, and
were amplified by the main frescoes showing
antique and contemporary personalities
engaged in activities appropriate to the disciplines. The decorative program was intended
to illustrate the spiritual and temporal mission
of Julius’s pontificate. Its iconographical content must have been developed by the pope’s
theologians and humanist advisors,19 who
also surely closely supervised the execution.20
Vasari claimed that on seeing Raphael’s
first fresco, the pope was so overawed that
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he dismissed the other artists, had their works
destroyed and entrusted Raphael exclusively
with the decoration.21 This view is no longer
plausible, as it has been demonstrated that
Raphael’s success and complete control over
the Stanze actually grew far more gradually.22
The prestigious commission, the highly educated milieu of the papal court, and the rivalry
between the artists working side by side all
encouraged the young and ambitious painter.
While he assumed control over the frescoes
of the Stanza della Segnatura as early as 1509,
it was only later that he replaced his fellow
painters at work in the Stanza di Eliodoro and
Stanza dell’Incendio. The post of inspector of
all artistic enterprises of Pope Julius II was
probably assigned to him simultaneously with
his appointment as Papal Secretary (Scriptor
Brevum) in October 1511.23
According to Vasari, Raphael left intact
the architectural divisions,24 the grotesque
ornamentation and the minor scenes on
58
Raphael
Study for the Disputa
c. 1509
Brush and wash in brown ink, heightened
with white, 233 × 400 mm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 542
Sodoma’s vault of the Stanza della Segnatura,
and repainted the larger areas.25 It is more
likely, however, that Sodoma and Raphael
worked side by side on the vault, at least
for some time,26 and that the framing grotesques were executed by Ruysch.27 Contrary
to the general belief deriving from Vasari’s
assertions, Raphael probably never worked
unaided in the Stanze.28 The new arrival did
not yet command his own workshop, and so
must have initially shared the assistants of his
colleagues. Towards the end of work in the
Stanza della Segnatura, partly because of the
sudden change to the original programme29
and partly perhaps because of the pressure of
the approaching deadline, Raphael involved
other painters in the work.
The scene portraying Tribonian Presenting
the Pandects to the Emperor Justinian on the
Jurisprudence wall, due to its difference in
technique and style from the other frescoes,
has been recently attributed to Lorenzo
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Lotto.30 Near the completion of the room,
Raphael must have worked in close collaboration with the Venetian artist,31 and it
seems that Baldassare Peruzzi (1481−1536)
also assisted in the painting of the last wall.32
Raphael entrusting the execution of smaller,
but not insignificant sections of the frescoes
to talented, independent painters foreshadows
his later working method. The fourth wall
of the Stanza della Segnatura, created under
Raphael’s control but with the involvement
of skilled artists, may be regarded as an early
example of Raphael’s gradually evolving workshop practice.33
The sequence of work in the Stanza della
Segnatura remains a matter of debate to this
day. Even Raphael’s early biographers held
different views: Vasari believed that the School
of Athens was the painter’s first Vatican work,
which established his Roman success,34 while
towards the end of the seventeenth-century
Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1613−1696), followed
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59
Raphael
Disputa c. 1509
Fresco
Rome, Palazzi Vaticani
60
Detail of fig. 59
by the majority of modern scholars, argued
for the precedence of the Disputa.35 Although
technical evidence has recently been applied
in attempts to determine the relative chronological order of the two frescoes, which were
executed in close sequence,36 conclusions are
primarily based on the preparatory drawings.
Raphael created more drawings for the
Disputa than for any other work in his career,
and more than the total of drawings for all
the other scenes in the Stanza della Segna­
tura; no less than thirty sheets have survived.37
Raphael always improved his works through
whole series of drawings, but the sophisticated composition of the Disputa [fig. 59]
demanded exceptionally careful preparation.
This was the first time Raphael employed his
Florentine experiences in composing complex,
multi-figured narratives. This explains why
the studies for the Disputa are more markedly
related to Raphael’s Florentine practice than
the drawings for the other walls of the Stanza
della Segnatura.38 The monumental figures
of the Disputa were chiefly inspired by the
works of Leonardo and Fra Bartolommeo,
and the manner of the early sketches for the
upper section of the fresco also reveal their
influence.39
During the preparatory process for the
Disputa, Raphael applied the same method
as for the elaboration of The Massacre of the
Innocents. His initial concept was considerably
different from the fresco. The radical changes
in the composition were due in part to the
artist’s endeavour to find a visual means of
expressing the intricate theological content,
and perhaps also to meet the gradually evolving demands of the papal advisors. Raphael’s
early studies for the fresco, preserved at the
Royal Collection, Windsor, and the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, follow traditional
patterns [figs. 57 and 58].40 Their static, frontal
view, and symmetrical, compact grouping
closely corresponds with Pintoricchio’s previous frescoes in the Borgia Apartments. On the
other hand, they evoke the arrangement of Fra
Bartolommeo’s Last Judgement in the convent
of San Marco in Florence, which had already
served as a model for Raphael’s early fresco
in San Severo, Perugia. Raphael achieved the
painted version of the Disputa, comprised
of sophisticated groups of figures in various
poses, through discarded and finalized solutions in his preparatory drawings.41
The central figure of the Budapest drawing,
outlined with flowing pen lines, was intended
for the angel in profile in the upper right of
the fresco [fig. 60], while at the top of the fragmented sheet Raphael sketched a detail for the
group of cherubs [fig. 56]. In this rapid sketch,
the painter was imitating Leonardo’s method
of producing compositional studies. Leonardo
strove to draw his initial ideas as quickly as
61
Raphael
Angels for the Disputa (recto)
c. 1508–9
Pen and brown ink, 254 × 176 mm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 549
87
62
Raphael
Angels for the Disputa (verso)
c. 1508–9
Black chalk, 252 × 356 mm
London, British Museum, 1895,0915.621
possible. He considered none of the forms
in his sketches to be final; he altered them
repeatedly, adding in new lines (pentimenti)
in search of the ideal solution. This procedure
counted as revolutionary, for it prioritized the
artist’s first concept (primo pensiero) over the
assured and infallible lines of the centuries-old
practice of producing highly finished and
elaborated drawings.42
Leonardo’s compositional method had
found fertile ground in the art of Raphael, although he used pentimenti sparingly,
reaching for a new sheet when in doubt. In
the Budapest drawing, the painter was seeking
the ideal pose of the angel, so he only rapidly
sketched the half figure’s main contours. The
same angel reappears in a drawing at the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, in which the
more developed nude study was summarily
modelled with parallel hatching [fig. 61].43
Only one further sketch for the angels in the
upper part of the fresco has survived: in the
chalk study at the British Museum, London,
the figures are more detailed, but only slightly
modelled, while Raphael executed another
version of the angel on the verso [fig. 62].44
The three surviving drawings, however, do
not suffice to reconstruct the evolution of the
figure, which must have been further elaborated in additional detailed studies. In all
probability, the Budapest primo pensiero is one
of Raphael’s earliest drawings for the fresco.
The pen drawing on the other side of
the Budapest sheet, depicting a sculptural
ensemble, bears no relation to the Disputa
and was presumably created somewhat later.
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63
Raphael
Design for a Temporary
Decoration (recto)
after 1509
Pen and brown ink, over black chalk
200 × 153 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 1935
The main figure and the small putto hold a
slightly modified pose of the famous Apollo
Belvedere. In the 1490s, this antique marble
was the property of Cardinal Giuliano della
Rovere and was set up in the garden of San
Pietro in Vincoli, Rome, as documented by the
inscription of a drawing in the Codex Escurialensis. When the cardinal was elected pope
as Julius II in 1503, the statue was moved to
the Vatican and installed within a niche in
the Belvedere courtyard.45 The marble, now
considered a Roman copy of a Hellenistic
bronze, awakened the interest of all artists
visiting Rome. Located in the Cortile delle
Statue, the Apollo Belvedere was accessible
for direct study, but its fame spread even wider
through drawn, sculpted and engraved copies.46 Artists were fascinated above all by the
anatomy and harmonious gestures of the tall,
slender figure of ideal beauty, whose posture
they transferred in their own works into both
secular and religious iconographic contexts.
In the Budapest sheet the Apollo Belvedere
reappears probably in the guise of Mars.47
Raphael altered the statue’s contrapposto into
a lighter, more open pose, supplementing the
antique model with arms and trophies laid at
its feet. The puzzling Budapest drawing has
been interpreted as a preliminary study for a
statue,48 but in a more plausible hypothesis,
it is seen as an initial sketch for a temporary
decoration.49 However, very little is known
about Raphael’s role in temporary decorations,
and no surviving document indicates that
the painter ever received such a commission,
so the purpose of the Budapest drawing
remains shrouded in mystery.50 While the
figure of Mars generally alludes to a victory
celebration,51 the putto with the inverted torch
implies rather a funeral context.52 Without any
other related drawing, it seems likely that the
decoration designed in the Budapest sheet
never progressed beyond the preliminary
stage and was never carried out.
90
1 Julius II had already temporarily occupied the
second floor apartments; for his decision to move
there permanently, see Shearman 1971, pp. 5–6
and 27, note 10; Jones and Penny 1983, p. 49.
2 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 6, p. 385; Mancinelli and
Nesselrath 1993, pp. 292–98.
3 In the Stanza dell’Incendio Perugino painted the
vault frescoes, see Scarpellini 1984, no. 159.
4 Nesselrath 2004a, pp. 282–84.
5 Nesselrath 1992, pp. 31–33; Nesselrath 1993, pp.
203, 216; Nesselrath in Bonn 1998–99, no. 302;
Henry and Kanter 2002, pp. 70 and 216; Nesselrath
2004b.
6 Francesco Albertini’s Opusculum de mirabilibus novae et veteris Urbis Romae, completed 3
June, 1509, mentions a group of excellent artists
(pictoribus concertantibus), see Bartalini 2001,
p. 547, note 19. For the individual artists working
in the Stanze, see Shearman 2003, pp. 124–28;
Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 64, note
211.
7 This is also suggested by the painter’s first biographer, Paolo Giovio, see Shearman 2003, p. 807.
8 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 164 and 328–29.
Julius II, while still a cardinal, had already met
Bramante in Milan. After he was elected pope, he
entrusted the architect to design the new scheme
for the Vatican Palace and Saint Peter’s, and put
him in overall charge of all architectural and artistic enterprises in Rome. For Bramante’s Roman
activity, see Nesselrath 2004a, p. 293, note 17.
9 At that time, Pintoricchio was decorating the
vault of the chapel of the choir of Santa Maria del
Popolo, see Schulz 1962. For his frescoes designed
with the assistance of Raphael for the Piccolomini
Library in Siena, see chapter 1, note 43.
10 For the relationship between Signorelli and Raphael, and a drawing in the Ashmolean Museum,
Oxford that reveals their contact, see chapter 2,
note 14.
11 Henry and Joannides 2012–13, p. 20.
12 For this issue, and for the possible interpretations
of ‘una certa stanza’ and ‘sua S.’, see Shearman
2003, pp. 112–18. For Raphael’s letter, see also
chapter 4. Vasari referred to the Vatican rooms
also as ‘certe stanze’, see Vasari (ed. Milanesi)
vol. 4, p. 329.
13 Shearman 2003, pp. 122–23.
14 The only wall paintings Raphael had executed
previously were those of the San Severo, Perugia
in 1505, see Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004,
p. 33.
15 In Rome, Raphael initially concentrated almost
exclusively on the Vatican frescoes, besides which
he only painted several Madonnas, see Meyer zur
Capellen 2005, nos. 48–51.
16 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 330; the room had
already been described as Camera della Segna­
tura by the papal master of ceremonies, Paris de
­Grassis, see Dussler 1971, p. 69.
17 For the room’s original function, see Shearman
1965, pp. 159–60; Dussler 1971, pp. 69–70;
Shearman 1971, pp. 13–17; Jones and Penny 1983,
pp. 49–50; Nesselrath 2004a, p. 293, note 31. Its
identification as the papal library is supported by
the fact that in 1509 Ruysch was documented as
working ‘in camera bibliothece’, see Shearman
2003, p. 126.
18 Shearman 1993, p. 23. For the location of the papal
library, see Bartalini 2001, p. 550, note 32. Julius II
was not noted for his literary interest, and the list
of books made after his death, containing perhaps
only the most precious items, records no more
than some 220 volumes (Dorez 1896). However,
the room’s original function as a library is also
suggested by the large number of books Raphael
included in the frescoes (Jones and Penny 1983,
pp. 49–50).
19 For the iconographic program of the Stanza della
Segnatura, and the hypothesis that the involved
humanist advisor may have been the papal librarian, Tommaso Inghirami, see Joost-Gaugier 2002.
20 The decorative scheme of the Stanza della Segnatura was inspired by Perugino’s frescoes in the
Collegio del Cambio, Perugia, and Pintoricchio’s
decorations in the Borgia Apartments, see Jones
and Penny 1983, p. 52.
21 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 332–33; for the
Stanze, see comprehensively Shearman 1971 and
1993.
22 Pon 2004a, pp. 64, 184, note 3.
23 Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, pp. 51 and
64, note 214.
24 The vault has its place in the revival of all’antica illusionistic decorations. Its models may be found in
late fifteenth-century ornamental cycles in Rome,
an excellent early example of which is Pinto­ricchio’s
decoration in the choir chapel of Santa Maria del
Popolo, see Bartalini 2001, pp. 550–51.
25 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 6, pp. 385–86; Shearman 1993, pp. 21–22; Bartalini 2001, pp. 548–51;
Shearman 2003, pp. 124–28.
26 This is also supported by the evidence of painted
layers and the giornate, see Nesselrath 2004a,
pp. 284 and 293, notes 39 and 40. For the technique
of Sodoma and his assistants, markedly different
from that of Raphael, see Bartalini 2001, p. 549; for
Sodoma’s and Raphael’s role in the decoration of
the Stanza della Segnatura, see ibid., p. 552.
27 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 6, p. 550; Shearman
1965, p. 160; Jones and Penny 1983, p. 56; Shearman 1993, pp. 21–22; Bartalini 2001, pp. 549–50.
28 For the possible participation of assistants in the
early phase of the decoration, see Shearman 1983,
pp. 44–45.
29 Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 55.
30 Nesselrath 2000. For Lotto’s Roman activity
between 1509 and 1511, see ibid., p. 7, note 9; for
his contribution in the Stanza di Eliodoro, see
Nesselrath 2004b.
31 For the supposition that Lotto employed drawings
or even cartoons by Raphael, see Nesselrath 2000,
pp. 10–11.
32 Nesselrath in Bonn 1998–99, p. 245.
33 For Raphael’s Roman workshop, see chapter 7.
34 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 330–33.
35 Bellori 1695, pp. 22–24.
36 For technical observations supporting the precedence of the School of Athens, see Nesselrath
2004a, pp. 284–88; cf. Chapman, Henry, and
Plazzotta 2004, pp. 54 and 64, note 219.
37 Joannides 1983, nos. 197–226. The title Disputa,
in general use since the late seventeenth century,
originates from Vasari, see Vasari (ed. Milanesi),
vol. 4, p. 335-36. For the interpretation of the subject and identification of the figures, see Dussler
1971, pp. 71–73; Jones and Penny 1983, pp. 50–58;
Joost-Gaugier 2002.
38 Hugo Chapman in Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 233.
39 Jones and Penny 1983, p. 60; Hugo Chapman in
Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 235.
40 Joannides 1983, nos. 197 and 198; Gere and
Turner 1983, nos. 85 and 87.
91
41 Joannides 1983, no. 204; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 89. For the preparatory drawings of the Disputa, see most recently Hugo Chapman in Chapman, Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, nos. 78–86, and
Joachim Jacoby in Frankfurt am Main 2012–13,
nos. 15–18.
42 For Leonardo’s drawing method, see Gombrich
1966.
43 Joannides 1983, no. 216r; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 98.
44 Joannides 1983, no. 217v; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 99.
45 The early placement of the Apollo Belvedere in the
church garden is documented by the inscription
of a drawing in the Codex Escurialensis, executed
before 1509 and attributed to the workshop of
Antonio da Sangallo, see Athens 2003–4, p. 324.
The sculpture was restored between 1532 and
1533 by Giovanni Montorsoli; before that date
artists completed the sculpture’s fragmentary
right arm and missing left hand according to their
own imagination. For the suppositions about the
location and date of the sculpture’s rediscovery, see
Winner 1998.
46 Dürer’s awareness of the statue also derived from
drawings and engravings. The German artist
devised an ideal male figure based on classic proportions, whose pose quotes the Apollo Belvedere,
see Athens 2003–4, p. 324. The most significant
early prints representing the statue are by Marcantonio Raimondi (Bartsch XIV.249.330) and Agostino Veneziano (Bartsch XIV.248.328 and 329).
47 Middeldorf 1945, no. 65.
48 Pulszky 1881b, pp. 81–82 and 1882, see also ibid.,
pp. 23–29. For Raphael’s hypothetical sculpture
workshop, see Henry and Joannides 2012–13,
p. 22.
49 Fischel, vol. 6, no. 302.
50 For the most significant festival decoration of the
age, the Florentine entry of Pope Leo X in 1515,
see Shearman 1975.
51 For the supposition that Raphael intended the
drawing as a design for the celebration of Pope
Julius II’s victory over the Venetians in May 1509,
see Fischel vol. 6, no. 302.
52 For iconographic interpretations and further
hypotheses for the purpose of the drawing, see
Zentai 1998, no. 7.
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