ISLAM AND COMMERCE: WAQF AND THE BAZAAR OF
Transcription
ISLAM AND COMMERCE: WAQF AND THE BAZAAR OF
41/1987 !82_Erdkunde_Band H.: Untersuchungen landwirtschaftlicher Kulturen zur Unterscheidbarkeit Maurer, sertation, 1965. Geographisches u. Nuesch, E. Meier, Bildern D.: Geometrische immitteleuropaischen Raum, Luftbildauswertung 14. Bonn-Bad 1979. Godesberg R.: Land-Cover Studies and Crop Acreage Esti Schogh, mates from Aerial and Satellite Photography Imagery A Case in the of Ta'izz Yemen Turbah, Study Region Arab Republic. Remote 5. Depart Series, Vol. Sensing Nr. von Entzerrung Heft BuL, SAR-Systeme. orbitgestutzter kundl. im farbigen Luftbild. Dis lnstitut Universitat Zurich 5, 1986. ment D.: Nuesch, Seasat of Landsat Augmentation for Agricultural Imagery Sensing Series, Vol. 7.Department of Zurich 1982. University SAR E. a. Royal, T. F. B., Wescott, on Agricultural Encroachment on Remote Land. Proc. Vol. of Environment, Sensing a. Kak, A. A. C.: - kunde, Bd. : Methoden des. - Berichte - zur Deutschen 1969. Godesberg : Gewasseriiberwachung mittlere - 29. Bad Godesberg der Raumgliederung 1985. USA Amherst, Symposium, D.: Die Jahreszeit als Faktor bei auf panchromatischen zungsinterpretation Saar. Landeskundl. Raum, teleuropaischen 1974. Landeskundl. - in Landeskunde, durch 42. Bad - Fernerkundung Helvetica Die Swain, immit Luftbildauswertung Nr. 12. Bonn-Bad Godesberg und tale Aufbereitung nahmen der Unterelbe Godesberg 1977. - Digi Fernerkundung von Thermalauf Auswertung Landes und des Oberrheins. ISLAM AND COMMERCE: a. Davis, Ph. Waqf und der Bazar Religiose Stiftungen (waqf) waren eine der wichtigen sozialen im der Stadt Einrichtungen mit dem Bazar Weise In besonderer und wirtschaftlichen islamischen Orient. aus diesen Stiftungen dienten die Einkommen verknupft, von Moscheen, vor allem zur Finanzierung Koranschulen Der und Einrichtungen. und anderen religiosen Gebauden folgende Beitrag untersucht den besonderen S. M. Republik Enschede Zusammen E. Geographica (Eds.): Remote New York 1978. Analysis Sensing and Remote - The Sen 1981. O. u. Meyer, Trachsler, H., Koelbl, von Luftaufnahmen weise Auswertung Arealstatistik. rung der Eidgenossischen Verstappen, Institute in der Pro Jemen). B.: Stichproben fiir die Erneue Bundesamt Bern und Raumplanung, 1980. inGeomorphology. H.: Remote Sensing for Aerial Survey and Earth Science fiir Int. (I.T.C.). 1977. WAQF AND THE BAZAAR OF YAZD, Michael Islam und Handel: der Landnutzungsinter zur Deutschen Lan Berichte Approach. J. R. G.: Terrain sing. London Statistik Luftbildern. 29. Bad Godesberg 1962. von Luftbildkarten (Arabische 1, 1976. With 3 figures (partlyas supplementsVI-VII) Zusammenfassung: von Yazd, Iran der Landnut Herstellung Townshend, durch Nr. 13. Bonn-Bad schen Raum, :Gewasseriiberwachung durch und Methodik Bd. Quantiative Der Fernerkundung zur mittleren im Vergleich mittlere Oberrhein Saar. im mitteleuropai Landeskundl. Luftbildauswertung : Gewasseriiberwachung - im mitteleuropai 1961. Luftbildauswertung Nr. 5. Bad Godesberg von Luftbildern. deskunde, H.: Steffen, vinz Ta'izz des Luftbil Bd. schen Raum, : Zur Technik pretation 1962. mit Hilfe 1982. Photogrammetrie Steiner, Processing. USA 1982. Orlando, der Luftbildinterpretation S.: Die Schneider, Stellung zur Deutschen der Landesforschung. Berichte Landes F.: Data Processing Capabilities. Digest IEEE/IGARSS'85 J. A.: Urban Intern. Symp. I. Ann Arbor Picture Digital of Zurich University u. Ackermann, K. 1976. Verfahren, Grundlagen, Anwendungen. Stuttgart E. H., Nuesch, D. R., I. K., Meier, Staenz, Itten, K. a. Haefner, H.: Resource Oriented Monitoring Sensing ofGeography 1982. Rosenfeld, of Geography Schwidefsky, by Inventories. Remote Park, Data MSS IRANn and 4 tables Bonine ? Thanks are given to the Alexander von Humboldt on the for partial for this research support I thank Prof. Dr. E. Ehlers Eastern city. (Marburg) Foundation Middle for valuable comments and Mr. for the excellent originally extended Science Abedi cartography. in 1970-71 conducted G. Fullenbach Field research (Marburg) in Iran was and 1977, and thanks are and the Social for support by Fulbright-Hays comments The Council. ofMr. Mehdi Research also have been most helpful. Michael hang von Stiftungen islamischen Orients. und E. Bonine: in der Bazarbereich Ausgehend des waqf und Kennzeichnung men sowie seiner historischen von seiner and commerce: waqf and the bazaar Islam des Stadt einer allgemeinen For verschiedenen fiir die Entwick Bedeutung Stadte wie Aleppo oder Istanbul, dient die lung einzelner iranische Stadt Yazd als Fallbeispiel fiir eine Detailanalyse. waren Hier fiir die Entwicklung des Stiftungen aus der engen wie auch heute noch und kommerzieller Bausub religioser religiose Bazars bedeutsam, von Verzahnung stanz im Bazarbereich Mieten deutlich wird. im Bazar fiir Geschaftsraume Eine war und insofern von Bedeutung zu im preise Vergleich privaten Vermietungen als eine spezifische Institution des Islam Waqf fiir das Verstandnis grundsatzlicher Bedeutung auch deren Charakter der Stadt im islamischen der Analyse zeigt, dafi waqf ist, als es die Miet niedrig halt. ist somit von vom beson Orient und ihrer Entstehung. The impact of Islam on the city in theMiddle East is a subject fraughtwith difficulty and controversy. The concept of the "Islamic City" as formulated and espoused by theMarcais brothers (W.Marqais 1928; G. Margais 1940, 1945) and promoted by von Grunebaum (1955) depicted Islam as an urban reli gion and the Islamic City as a settlementwhose main were elements the Friday central Mosque, market, and public baths. Abu-Lughod (1985) has shown that this "model" was based upon a very limited number of case studies, principally ofNorth African cities, but also on the Syrian cities of Aleppo and Damascus, derived largely from the work of Jean Sauvaget (1934, 1941). Others also have commented on the limitations of the stereotyped model (Bonine 1979; Hourani 1970;Wirth 1975). Although the influence of Islam on the city in the Middle East remains rather suspect, one religious phenomenon which may have had a rather direct effecton city structurehas been ignored in the geogra phic literature and has been neglected in research by geographers until relatively recently. This is the role and impact of Islamic religious endowments on city structure. endowments, Religious were one of the called waqf in Arabic2), fundamental institutions of the Islamic Middle 2) social and term waqf is used throughout the common transliteration English The Arabic although sian pronounciation common Another economic Eastern city. They is vaqf, and the Turkish term in Northwest Arabic Arabic, plural Persian, auqaf. Other foreign words or Turkish form. Iran 183 supported mainly religious structures, but also were a means of sustaining other public works and toprovide for the needy - and even for one's own family. Waqf property itselfismainly real estate, especially commercial shops, and so the spatial component is most significant. Endowments were particularly associated with theMiddle Eastern bazaar, where the mix of commercial and religious establishments im parted a special quality to this traditional central eco core. nomic This study examines the role and impact ofwaqf on the physical structure of theMiddle Eastern city, emphasizing the importance for the principal com mercial area. The small provincial city of Yazd, Iran, isused as an example to show in detail the loca tion and function of waqf in themain bazaar in the 1970's - before the establisment of the Islamic Re public of Iran. Such an examination will indicate the between interrelationship the commercial and reli gious sectors, as well as showing the historical fluence of waqf on the central commercial in zone. 1. The institutionofwaqf Ll. Characteristicsand originsofwaqf Waqf is an endowment of personal property which is dedicated for thebenefit of some good cause, which may be anything not incompatible with the tenets of Islam (Heffening 1961; Schacht 1964, 126). It is mortmain or property which has been restrained or immobilized by the irrevocable, voluntary act of a private individual, the founder (waqif) having full rights of disposal over his (or her) property. Waqf developed mainly as an Islamic institution, although Christians and Jew sometimes had a similar type of community/religious endowment (Goitein 1971, 112-121; Gil 1984). Agricultural land and shares of irrigationwater are endowed in the rural areas, where commonly can be entire In urban real areas, villages waqf. such as land, houses, or commercial property stitute the usual endowment. even estate con 1.2. Types ofwaqf this article, of the Per term is vakif. is habs Africa (Frenchhabous).An English plural, waqfs, isused insteadof the Arabic of Yazd, may be the Two types of waqf generally are distinquished: a) public or charitable waqf (khayri or }amm) and b) private or familywaqf (ahli, dhurri,khass or auladeh). a) Public waqf ismost common, and it is usually an endowment for a religious purpose. A mosque, theological college (madrasah), shrine, sufi hospice 41/1987 184_Erdkunde_Band (khaniqah), sufl complex (zawiya), or any other reli gious building may be the recipient of a waqf. Waqf also commonly supports religious ceremonies and feasts as well as baths, water bakeries, and cisterns, other public facilities. It is the use or usufruct of a piece ofwaqf property which generates an income, which then is to be used for the designated purpose. The usufruct consists of an annual revenue (or rent) in most and cases, this sum isused for theupkeep of the endowed structure or activity. Another popular purpose of public waqf is for support of the poor, sick, and disadvantaged. Cash payments or the purchase of food or clothing might be named in the endowment, and a particular group or of people a specific individual city quarter, may recipient. Hospitals, such location, rest and an as the be designated orphanages, as homes also might be supported by waqf. One special type of - the endowment, the waqf of the two Holy Cities Two Harams (Harameyn) - is used only to support the poor and institutions ofMecca and Madina (Ochsen wald 1984, 39-57, 174). in Other special shrines, such as Imam Reza Mashad, in Cairo, or such as al-Azhar colleges, and widespread considerable pro reknowned also had toMecca pilgrimage the hajj or for their support. Even perty endowed had andowments. In theory, however, for some charitable under Islamic law (shari'a), family waqf is not different than public waqf, for theultimate purpose of a family endowment also must be of the endowed property reverts cause. to a The religious revenue institu tion or to the poor ifand when the individuals desig nated as beneficiaries by the founder all become deceased. endowment is written in a foundation deed (waqfiyya or Persian: vaqfnameh),and this document specifies the properties involved, and the terms and conditions of the endowment. An administrator or An supervisor of the waqf receives a set is named, salary and this nazir or or a percentage to receive compensation service. Qadis (judges) of a particular city helped insure the integrityof waqf, seeing that the administrators functioned properly and according to thewaqf deed's In other instructions. cases, as inMamluk cities of the 14th and 15th centuries, the local governors would have to arbitrate disputes among the ulama over the management or control of waqf properties (Lapidus 1967, 74-77). 1.4. Motives for endowingproperty Several primary motives can be identified for indi viduals to convert their property into waqf. It was a way to circumvent Islamic the inheritance laws, whose rigid prescriptions of division to children and relatives leads to extreme of property, fragmentation particularly over several generations (Coulson serve It could as as well a means to exclude 1971). certain rightfulheirs who should inherit property according to Islamic law, particularly women (Gerholm 1985, 133). Waqf being which also was confiscated was not an attempt by to prevent the government, uncommon, from property an occurrence particularly even Yet, and larger properties. sanctioned law, was perty, by Islamic used the more ruler, who rapacious not such for more pro waqf to immune tactics not only to enrich his coffers, but also to undermine the status and wealth of rivals and great families (Baer 1962, 161). One further advantage of waqf was that charity property was often subject to less types of taxes than 1973, 140). In private property (al-Sayyid Marsot for zakat Yemen, instance, only (an alms-tax) is paid on waqf property (Serjeant a. Lewcock 1983, 151). Although these practical reasons for establishing important, true religious one not underestimate charitable motivations. should and Many pious Muslims are, indeed, moved by a desire tohelp thepoor and support theMuslim religious and social institutions. Middle Eastern city 2. Waqf and the of the revenues - usually in the range of 5 to 15 persent. The founder of a waqf can name himself/herself or a family member as the administrator, even if the endowment is public waqf. And, similar to family waqf, members of the family also can be named in a public waqf at a special were waqf or discount 1.3. Administrationofwaqf mutawalli Qur'an valuable b) The second type of endowment, private or familywaqf, is for thebenefit of thedonor's family, or for specifically designated family members and/or relatives. certain duties and services, such as the reading of the for rendering Waqf was essential for supporting the cultural and social institutions of the traditional Islamic Middle and powerful individuals, Eastern city. Wealthy and rulers governors, were in a position to especially endow considerable property in a city, and such large-scale public acts of piety served as a means for Michael esteem buying and prestige, E. Bonine: often Islam a means and commerce: waqf and the bazaar of upward mobility and entry into a city's elite class (Marcus 1985, 123). In medieval (Mamluk) Cairo the city's local elite not only supported mosques, religious schools, and hospitals, but they also provided endow ments for libraries, baths, public fountains, and even chairs for scholars, teachers,mystics and poets (Petry mosque, in some while suitably the commercial active place imarets were When near settle Iran of Yazd, them, creating 185 institutions established, new stood nearby 1973, (Inalcik or 142). people would quarters. Other cities outside Anatolia also contained con siderable waqf property and this institutionwas im portant for urban gathering transfer of surplus Much development. of Ottoman 1981, 30). Aleppo was waqf, principally from largewaqfs of the Typical of a large waqf was the endowment of the 16th-18th centuries. the whole suq area Practically in 13th founded late Mamluk century al-Zahiriyya, its shops, and workshops khans (caravanserais), two A Damascus. complex theological comprising was waqf property (Gaube a.Wirth 1984, 131-138). colleges, a school for teaching thehadith, and a tomb, The extensive waqf inAleppo devoloped principally the original waqf supported 36 staffmembers, later from foundations established by a succession of pashas increased to a total of 141 individuals (Leiser 1984). in the 16th century, and similar patterns of large Another enormous tomb complex supported by waqf foundations occurred in other major Ottoman cities, was theRab'-e Rashidi, built by the Ilkhanid vizier, such as Damascus and Cairo (Raymond 1979, 1984, Rashid ad-Din, (d. 1318), inTabriz at the beginning 1985). of the 14th century (Blair 1984). Zawiyas and other Smaller towns could also have considerable waqf sufi foundations also were common inOttoman Egypt property. Studies have included the small Anatolian (Fernandes 1981, 1985). city of Lefke (Griswold 1984), and the Iranian cities Waqf was, in fact, extremely important in early ofMalayer (Momeni 1976, 30ff.) and Zabol (Rist Ottoman cities. Inalcik (1973, 142-150) notes that 1981, 104ff.). Stober (1985) has recently analyzed the system ofwaqf essentially created the cultural and the waqf of Chaouen, Morocco, where 444 waqf commercial complexes ofMuslim Istanbul when it are in the small town. properties was established as the capital of theOttoman empire Considerable rural agricultural land also suppor theConquerer in themid-15th century. byMehmed ted the pious foundations in the cities (as well as The key to this commercial development was the supporting structures within villages). This waqf bedestan,a covered market with iron doors which not revenue, similar to taxes and goods which flowed only protected valuable commercial goods, but also from the countryside to the city, can be seen as part of was the depository for themoney and jewelry of the the rent capitalist system which has characterized city's wealthy. The bedestan itselfwas waqf and much of theMiddle East (Bobek 1971, 1979; Ehlers were as well. erected the structure shops surrounding 1978;Wirth Faroqhi (1984, 45), for instance, 1973). For instance, therewere 118 shops with storerooms in notes that thewaqf of theAnatolian countryside was Mehmed's bedestan, with 984 shops erected in the channelled to the Ottoman towns; part of the tax surrounding Bedestans markets. also were this waqf-supported property cial center of the town. Other grew up around in other constructed the bedestans. as served This and the commer centers trade cities, of imarets, which were occurred complexes of public buildings and institutions supported by waqf. Important inmany Ottoman cities: It [imaret] was a complex of institutions med mosque, traveler's hostel, water reses, hospital, roads installations, and bridges - founded with or charitable and motives, pious the institutions such as an which provided revenue which from village resulted to in a constant city. or bazaars pattern particularly in the large Ottoman towns of the Bal kans, including such cities as Plovdiv, Sarajevo, Sofia, Skopje, and Salonica. Besides bedestans, theOttomans were responsible for the creation mechanism for their upkeep, bath house, well, inn, market, caravanserai, or soup kitchen. The dyehouse, slaughter house and charitable institutions were usually grouped religious a around 3. Waqf and theYazd bazaar3) The small provincial city of Yazd in central Iran provides an illustration of the role ofwaqf, not only for the evolution of thebazaar but also for influencing the rents and types of shops which may exist in this central commercial area. Specifically, this examina tion of Yazd will show that: 1) waqf was significant in the spatial evolution of the bazaar; 2) waqf within 3) This discussion the Yazd bazaar in an histo presents rical perspective, and the latest time period is the 1970's before the Islamic Revolution. Hence all proper names, such as Shah Avenue, refer to names before the establish ment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. 186_Erdkunde_Band 41/1987 thebazaar isprincipally for religious and public insti south of thewall was called Mahalleh-ye Sar-e Rig, tutions within the bazaar complex; 3) considerable and before 1331-32 a double rowed bazaar had been as well as caravanserais. A built, waqf property outside the city also supports themain large mosque, structures in the within the was in city, including 1368-69, and the religious completed Masjed-e Rig, bazaar and 4) waqf commercial complex; ture within this the affects area, rent struc influence the spatial distributions of shop types due to incomes differential trades. by Iran repaired contained Yazd has been one of the principal cities of the arid, of associated an bazaar with the structure, old and new The mosque. bazaar was joined with an existing branch, one which 3.1. Evolution of theYazd bazaar plateau shops which were undoubtedly waqf. Later an excellent bazaar with 60 shops was built Tahher, who by Hajeh Shams ad-Din Mohammad also central had mosque can hence, and, over for well a millenium, In shoemakers. many an 1421-22 excellent bazaar was built outside theMehrijerd (Mehriz) gate. Built by the darugheh (market overseer) of Yazd, Ali Aqa, thebazaar had 50 shops with facing rows. Later 30 more shops were added and the bazaar was noted for its tailors Qa'fari 1960, 50ff.). Hence by the 15th century the present bazaar had begun, outside the citywall (note Fig. 1) and with two being founded during the Sassanid period (224-641 A number of villages were built in Yazd's C.E.). hinterland by the Sassanids and the city remained an important center for a surrounding hinterland of villages throughout the Islamic period (Bonine 1980, and the other at the foci, one near or at Masjed-e 12-15). The city is described in the 10th century as Rig well built, well fortified, and possessing two iron Mehrijerd the next centuries Over gate. (Mehriz) more and theolo branches, caravanserais, mosques, gates, while in the llth century a large wall was constructed the around town a moat with and four gates, as well as a great palace and Friday Mosque the central part of the city. the During 14th a great century in first due to Sayyid struction took place in Yazd, Rukn ad-Din (d. 1331-2), the vizier to theMongol Il-Khanid, who endowed considerable waqf property in the city, as well as qanats, villages, and gardens, 1962). Then, in the agricultural land (al-Khairat middle of the 14th century the citywalls ofYazd were rebuilt byMohammad Muzaffar, doubling the size of Throughout centuries many the 14th and the firsthalf of the 15th shrines, mosques, schools theological and sufihostels were built in the city and its suburbs, as well as in the rural areas. The rulers, such as the and religious the intermix creating structures typical of (Wirth 1968, 1974-75, 1975). The next major changes in themorphology of the Yazd bazaar came in the latter half of the 18th cen tury during the long reign (1747-98) of the Yazdi governor, Mohammad number of theological Madrasah-ye new Several Bazar-e the city. constructed, Eastern bazaar theMiddle of con amount schools were gical ture of commercial Khan bazaar Qaysariyeh, Khan. Taqi constructed the commercial within branches an He a schools including the large were built, well-built especially complex. including bazaar with doors and which was entirely waqf for the sup port of the new religious school. In the early 19th century Bazaar-e Kashigari was made waqf (but not built) by the son ofTaqi Khan, Ali Naqi Khan, for the n. d., and Timurids, were responsible for same theological school Muzaffarids (Na'ini, 184-186). were the in the bazaar resulted from the Further of the many majority buildings, although changes was reign of another Yazdi governor, Mohammad Khan actually sponsored by local patrons. This period one of considerable growth for the city, and many Vali, who was governor in the late 19th century. He an exten was which Khan the Bazar-e built Vali, villages were incorporated into the city as it expan sion of the old original Bazar-e Ali Aqa outside the ded, particularly to the south of the original city. Although commercial districts or bazaars were Mehrijerd (Mehriz) gate. The lastmajor additions to the bazaar came in the early 20th century, resulting always associated with the city, the main bazaar in also head of the Yazd finance the its from Mushir Mamalik, had which exists origins today complex 14th century. On Muzaffar a new the south side of thewall built by commercial zone began to develop near theMehrijerd (Mehriz) gate. It evolved outside the 14th century citywall, a pattern somewhat diffe rent than the inner-city shahristan commercial areas of Central Asian cities (Giese 1980) or some Iranian cities such as Tabriz (Schweizer 1972). This area officeduring the last fourdecades of theQajar period. He was responsible for the building of two bazaars, Bazar-e vanserai Sadri and Afshar, forwholesalers) as well as several sera (cara at one end of the Bazar-e Khan. The bazaar evolved and grew to its present shape and size (Fig. 3 a (Supplement VI)) mainly due to Michael # E. Bonine: and commerce: waqf and the bazaar Islam Wall Old City Bozorcheh = ? ? ? Old CityWall Alignment Major ReligiousBuilding Bazaar Qld CitadelArea Main 187 Iran of Yazd, " ? Major Avenue 2?? Sm?" S,ree,S 'Kuches) 1967 68 National BasedonYazd,1 :2 500, Iranian Centre, Source:FieldSurvey Cartographic byAuthor, Fig. 1: Distribution Verteilung of bazarchehs von Viertelsbazaren and major und religious bedeutenden the actions of individuals, and this growth was not a necessarily slow accretion due to economic needs. structures were established particularly Religious influential and beneficent governors, and shops by were founded as waqf to help support these struc tures. religiosen shops were the most effect on the commercial structure because itwas built right through the bazaar (note Fig. 1 and 3 (Supplement VI, VII)). And, even though the avenues came traditional commercial remained (Bonine to have a viable, many area, more shops the bazar important has economic than the nonethe center 1981). tures In the early 1970's theYazd bazaar comprised 954 separate shops and 20 wholesaling sera. About 1,500 the avenues and in 60 smaller neighborhood bazaars scattered, another 1,000 (bazarcheh) or as The establishments. separate bazarcheh and separate shops provide many of the daily necessi ties, themain bazaar specializes especially in textiles avenues the main and a have majo rity of the personal goods and services, household provisions, and daily necessities (Bonine 1981). Associated with the commercial structures of the are bazaar main four mosques, four smaller eight as two shrines, large mosques, and schools, theological well as other religious structures nearby (Fig. 3 a (Supplement VI)). Many of the religious structures in thebazaar are partially supported by rents from shops which have been endowed for those specific build ings. In fact, waqf property one almost constitutes fourth of the bazaar. Of the 954 shops (occupied and closed), 229 are waqf and five are partly endowed. The purpose of the waqf indicates that almost all are the endowments complex 3.2. Distribution andfunction ofwaqf and religiousstruc on located von Yazd im Zentrum Gebauden and metalwork, Major changes also occured in the form and func tion of the commercial zones within thePahlavi period due to the construction of large avenues through the city and the bazaar. As has been observed for other Iranian cities (Wirth 1968; Bonine 1979), the policy instituted by Reza Shah Pahlavi had a profound influence on the bazaar of Yazd. Shah Avenue had less in central Yazd buildings to (Table structures Masjed-e former Some center. outside Fort and mosque for structures 1). Only the within the bazaar five shops are endowed bazaar, these the Friday Mosque, is, in fact, next and the to the bazaar. is for outside however, waqf, common A practice for being in Yazd the commercial is for a shop 188 Erdkunde Band 41/1987 Table 1: Purposes ofwaqf property in the Yazd von Zuordnungen 1971 Waqf-Eigentum bazaar, im Bazar No. 1971 von Yazd Annual of (within bazaar Masjed-e Masjed-e Masjed-e Masjed-e Masjed-e Masjed-e Masjed-e Mosques Mulla complex) Ism'ail Rig Hajji Hosayn Pustini Beya Khan Tabriziyan Amir Chakhmaq Mesgari (outside bazaar rent (tumans) 15 29 4 8 4 1 1,426 5,540 830 Madrasah-ye 1,760 725 240 1 50 had many schools Theological bazaar (within complex) Madrasah-ye Khan Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh Madrasah-ye Mosalay Abd Madrasah-ye (within bazaar complex) Shahzadeh-ye Fazel Water storages Imam Hosayn (forrouzeh) FeedingMullas Zoroastrian Private waqf Unknown waqf (for gahambar) 13,644 1,729 1,260 1 300 5 26 1 844 4 390 5,218 3,000* 15 1,896 8 auladeh) (waqf-e purpose 84 17 8 al-Rahim Khan Shrines 3 950 272 2 1 1,117 Total 237**> 42,091 ($ 5,538) #)One very large confectionary **> Includes are three of which five shops partly waqf, twice because counted they are waqf for two institutions Source: Field madrasahs. survey by author, 1971 central waqf-an Mohammad unusual occurrence. Ali Khan This zone commercial Khan, waqf Zoroastrian is for digaham school structures: four Mas Shafi'yeh, Ism'ail, and the 14th centuryMasjed-e it should be mentioned thatMadrasah-ye Rig. And, which has eight waqf shops, actually once Mosalay, more construction in the bazaar, but the shops the branch Avenue destroyed endowed of Shah along the front of the school and these shops were rebuilt the avenue. along One interesting phenomenon is the existence of five shops that are only partially waqf (Table 2). Their exact division reflects the practice of ownership being reckoned in six dang. Further subdivisions often are as reckoned of one parts as has dang, to two occured of the shops. The four split-waqf shops in Bazar-e Maydan-e Khan are probably four of the five shops that each had four dang (= % waqf for each shop) endowed by Ali Naqi Khan in the early 19th century (Ayati 1938, 376). The distribution of waqf property in the bazaar occurs usually in specific clusters or branches 3a (Fig. This pattern is partly due to the (Supplement VI)). stalls of commercial to adjacent parti cular religious structures when these buildings were established (or repaired). Hence, waqf shops are one around Masjed-e or more sides Khan, Madrasah-ye toMasjed-e Beya have ofMasjed-e Madrasah-ye Rig, Mosalay, Khan. The waqf shops, Bazar-e Kashigari, Khan. Small mosques are is for only Madrasah-ye jed-e Mulla may in Bazar-e gathering the religious Khan, Madrasah-ye however, keeper tomake his shop waqf for Imam Hosayn, and the rent from such an endowment goes forconducting mourning ceremonies (rouzeh) during themonth of Moharram, when these Shi'a bewail the tragedy and death of their third Imam. A specificmosque (which could be in the bazaar), Hosayniyeh (a takiyehor open square specifically forMoharram ceremonies), or other location, including private houses, are designa ted as the location of the rouzeh. Fifteen of the shops at a is served in the 18th century, has 84 built by Taqi Khan endowed shops, 35 percent of all the waqf shops in the bazaar. Two-thirds of the waqf property in the construction 400 free food where Except for eight shops which are private or family waqf, the rest are public or charitable waqf. In fact, 80 percent of thewaqf shops support eithermosques or shops complex) Masjed-e Fort Masjed-e Jami (FridayMosque) event endowed Public waqf (waqf-e khayri) Mosques bar, an of Zoroastrians. one or Mulla Ism'ail, Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh, the entrance and along largest concentration is in Bazar-e Qaysariyeh for Madrasah-ye endowed both two and water contiguous of and cisterns shops (abambar) for their up keep. The few scattered waqf shops include endow ments for various major religious institutions in the bazaar (and outside it),much of the private waqf, and some of the shops for Imam Hosayn. The location and purposes of all thewaqf in the central bazaar is illustrated in Fig. 3 b (Supplement VII). Most of thewholesaling sera that are interspersed throughout the bazaar are privately owned, although in a number of cases the ownership has been divided over many generations and is reckoned in hundreds of shares (sahm). Sera-ye Tehrani, however, is entirely E. Bonine: Michael Table 2: Division of Yazd bazaar shops partly waqf, von Geschaften Eigentumsverhaltnisse Bazaar Shop Islam and commerce: waqf and the bazaar of Yazd, Iran 189 1971 im Bazar mit Waqf-Anteilen branch division* Dang 1971 or owner Waqf 3 Khan 1 Meydan-e von Yazd Madrasah-ye Waqf: 2Waqf: Madrasah-ye 1 Landlord 4 Khan 2 Meydan-e 4 Khan 2)2 ) 1part Waqf: Madrasah-ye Khan Khan Waqf: Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh Landlord parts Private2 Khan 4Meydan-e Shafi'yeh Waqf: Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh Shopkeeper parts part 2)2 ) 1 3 Meydan-e Madrasah-ye Waqf: Khan waqf 3 Landlord 1 Shopkeeper Private 2 waqf 5 Ja'far Khan * 6 dang Source: 4 Landlord = entire property Field 1971 survey by author, and water cistern (Fig. 2). praying), Hosayniyeh, The rent from the shops is for support of theHosay Qadim has two dang waqf (= xhof the revenues) for niyeh only. A similar complex isBazarcheh-ye Sayyed Imam Hosayn, while Timcheh-ye Mesgari has four Gol-e Sorkh, where the rent of four shops help to and one-half dang waqf (= 3Aof the revenues), partly support a shrine,mosque, Hosayniyeh, houzkhaneh, and water cistern (Fig. 2). Vacant land around the for a rouzeh, but also to help support a water storage is Bazarcheh last illustration iswaqf. One Sheshbad shrine also facility outside the bazaar inMahalleh-ye out of fourteen where Abambar-e shops, five yeMahallah-ye Tal, Sheshbadgir). gir (for are waqf for the nearby Masjed-e Mahallah-ye Tal the exact use often are very specific, Endowments and one shop is private waqf (Fig. 2). Within the being stated in the waqf deed. Although Bazar-e are a water are for the mosque, and Bazar-e both besides cistern, waqf Kashigari Qaysariyeh complex, are for rents from the former Khan, public bath, and houzkhaneh. Madrasah-ye One furtherpoint should be mentioned about waqf upkeep and repairs of the school, while rents from the for the religious structures of the Yazd bazaar. It latter are only for the living expenses of the religious should not be construed because of the support of students (taleb). Even though considerable property is found in the these structures by shops within thebazaar that this is Yazd should be that endow their only support or even their principal support. it bazaar, recognized ments do exist throughout the city, including other Besides other waqf property within the city for some waqf for ten-day Imam rouzeh the and Hosayn, during Moharram. rent Sera-ye supports a Khan-e shops, houses, and land. Some of thiswaqf is also for the structures in the bazaar, but much (if not the majority) is for other mosques (such as the Friday shrines, schools, rouzehs, and theological Mosque), various other purposes. Usually thewaqf will be fora structure or event in the same neighborhood. Many of the small bazarcheh, for example, are waqf and have shops associated with local religious structures or water cisterns. Bazarcheh-ye Shah Abul is a node of six shops with a large mosque, Qasem smaller mosque, houzkhaneh (for ablutions before of these structures, the hinterland of Yazd contains considerable waqf for the city. Inmany of the villages there are gardens (bagh), agricultural land, and espe cially shares of qanat irrigationwater which are waqf for religious structures inYazd. Although the waqf deeds and contemporary waqf statistics of theOffice ofWaqf (Edare-ye Auqaf) were unavailable to the author, data from themid-19th century found in the Yazd Ketabcheh-ye Mouqufat-e (Taraz 1841-42) illustrates the types of total support of a particular structure. For instance, the waqf for Madrasah-ye 190_Erdkunde_Band Bazarcheh-ye Shah Abul Qasem 41/1987 Bazarcheh-ye Sayyed 0 1 50 25 ,i_i_i Gol-e Sorkh 100m , i 75 Bazarcheh-ye Tal Mahallah-ye C/, Mosque A Houzkhaneh ^ Shrine <^r^anzn; A/JG- rpzJ -tj " / // //?C7/ II II JZfl ^ CY> Water Storage ^Z^^l/H) ^^f^ 011111111111 CoveredLane //FTP! Waqf Shops rm Source: Field Survey byAuthor, Based on Yazd, 1:2500, Fig. 2: Examples Beispiele Khan and Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh port from outside the bazaar Khan Madrasah-ye indicate shows of waqf great sup that more money was obtained from the surrounding village waqf than by the urban endowments. Although the amount of pay ments are not indicated for Madrasah-ye Shafi'yeh, very possibly thevillages also may have contributed a greater percentage of the support for this religious school. 1841-42 four shops in Meydan-e Khwajah Shafi'yeh [Khan] were partly waqf forMadrasah-ye (each two shares of nine shares). As previously shown (Table 2), there are still four split-waqf shops in Meydan-e Khan, two of which are the same as the In Non-Waqf Shops IranianNational Cartographic Centre, 1967-68 distribution der Waqf-Verteilung (Table 3). Payments for Hosayniyeh Hammam in bazarchehs in Viertelsbazaren earlier divisions, and a third still partly for themadra sah. The fourth shop, however, is now private waqf. 3.3. Rents, keymoney, and theinfluence ofwaqf Rents for shops inYazd are collected at the begin ning of thePersian New Year (March 21) and are paid fora year in advance. If the shopkeeper possesses the key money (see below) the landlord cannot remove him - but the landlord can attempt to raise the rent, which now may be set fora period of three to fiveyears or have built-in raises for inflation. Often, however, the same rent tends to be perpetuated fora particular shopkeeper (there is no lease from landlords), and Michael and commerce: waqf and the bazaar Islam E. Bonine: of Yazd, Iran_ 191 Table 3: Waqf property for twomadrasahs,1841/42 von Waqf-Eigentum zwei Koranschulen 1841/42 Amount Payment Khan Madrasah-ye City (= bazaar) Bazar-e 26 Qaysariyeh Baker beside minaret Outside City Water of Gerd shares +) 1 [= Gerd Faramarz] of meydan Falamarz T 12 shop shares Water of Shamsabad-e Madrasah-ye 130T jurreh"0 130 Water shares ofMaryabad [= Maryamabad] ? Water shares ofAbrumobarakeh [=Mobarakeh]? Water shares of new suburb 150T shops Mint (Zarrabkhaneh)+> 1 mint 75 T + D 88175,000 jurreh 26T/5,000D jurreh 130 65 190 Maybod 60T/1,250D jurreh 130 (?) 60T/1,250D jurreh Shafi'yeh City (= bazaar) Meydan-e Khwajah Meydan-e Khwajah near Shops Outside Water [Khan] the school city shares 4 [Khan] 12 of Ashkezar shops Meydan of 9 shares each) (2 of 9 shares each) (2 land shops 53 jurreh 32 qafiz*1*0 land of Ashkezar Agricultural shares Water of Roknabad-e Ashkezar 38 jurreh 4 qafiz land of Roknabad-e Ashkezar Agricultural shares of Allahabad-e Ashkezar 53 jurreh Water Water shares of Abrumobarakeh 65 jurreh [= Mobarakeh]? 31 jurreh shares of Taft Water T = D Tuman, +) of new water shares Water (?) for the school 7 jurreh = Dinar the mint In the latter part of the 19th century was located in Bazar-e location in 1841/42 + + ) located at one corner ofMeydan-e Rig, from 120-196 units (jurreh) per 24 hours in cycles of 6-16 days the minaret ofMasjed-e Undoubtedly *)Water shares are time units, varying for the annual **) One Source: qafiz equals Abd Taraz, use of these 900-1,000 al-Vahhab, shares square meters 1841-42. in the Yazd Present-day author's fieldwork (Bonine 1979, 1980, 1982) only when a new shopkeeper comes to the establish rents of shops in the same location can occur. A man who has been inhis shop for ten years may be paying 200 tumans ($ 26) annually while a shop next door (and the same size) thatwas occupied by a new shop keeper one year previously may have a rent of 500 tumans ($67)4). 4) In 1971, 7.6 tumans (or 76 rials) equalled $ 1.00; 7 tumans (or 70 rials) equalled $ 1.00. 1977, by was it probably in the same Khan in the Yazd region, the rent being paid region equivalent ment will a new (and current) rent rate be applied. Rents for new shops had been increasing rapidly in the 1960's and 1970's, and so great inequalities in the and Qaysariyeh, of villages, Besides variable income ment locations, units the temporal element, shops based partly upon there is another to a Analogous graduated there is an understood agree are more to generate which going the affecting tax structure that and rents. income should be able topay more rent (and more key money). A goldsmith or modern appliance seller is expected to make more money than a tinsmith or a carpenter, and so the former two tenants might pay more for the same shop than the latter. Of course, there is a minimum value imposed by the land value due to the location and accessibility which will keep out many lower income trades and shops. Sometimes a landlord will establish a mini 192 Erdkunde Band 41/1987 Table 4: Waqf Mieten Bazaar and non-waqf fiir Geschafte rents in the Yazd mit Waqf- branch No. Ja'farKhan 'Alaqabandi Panj-eAli Tabriziyan Qaysariyeh Chitsazi Masjed-e Rig Meydan-e Khan Kashigari Hazrat-e Abbas Mesgari Khan Zargari Afshar Sadri 24 19 3 19 12 282 200 150 300 213 7 4 42 100 240 360 11 18 73 28 8 24 180 180 360 360 270 240 45422 294 2 150 12 301 15 0 201 310 6 126 17 330 10 374 280 195 16 7 201 7 532 411 8 2590 252 0 Total 292 number Underlined +) non-waqf mum rent that is rather high for the location and survey by author, inflexible. Such remain may shops unoccu pied foryears until a shopkeeper decides he can afford the rent or the landlord lowers his rent. Shops also remain closed for long periods while the shopkeeper the outside city, even sometimes for several years. Unlike the renting arrangements with private land shops are rented on a lease. Such an agree ment may be foronly a few years, but more often it is a long-term 240 115 150 160 100 60 72 180 160 227 135 151 185 129 77 88 241 225 8 24 46 300 180 21 285 250 15 150 34 299300 12 201213 31 240 13 130100 21 193180 56*> 360 100 28 27 125 100 25 170180 506360 80 36 369330 259 270 252 240 150 227 341 129 181477*> and waqf; dashed line indicates same value lease - even up to 99 years. The muta (or the Edareh-ye Auqaf) is in charge of the leasing arrangements and is responsible for negotia walli in the same establishments non-waqf location. Of the 11 bazaar branches that have both types the contrast is often striking, indicating much lower rents for the waqf shops in the same bazaar (Table 4). Because of the long leases waqf property is less influenced by the market values. lords, waqf 177 200 150 297 - No. 1971 Field works 120 200 150 300 - shops rent (tumans)+) Median Mean Annual (1971) 4 shops part waqf Source: remain 1971 = $1.00 7.6 tumans ** Includes lower figure between indicates von Yazd im Bazar All Non-waqf Waqf rent (tumans)+) Annual No. Median Mean rent (tumans)+) Mean Median Annual Mohammad Ali Khan 1971 bazaar, und Nicht-waqf-Charakter and less apt economy same rent tends The to reflect to be current perpetuated market even when changes occur in the occupancy (unless a new lease is negotiated). The waqf shops have been taken out of themore fluid competitive pricing system and adjustments to increasing land values of inflation lag behind the private sector. This situation is especially evident where thewaqf is half or less than the non-waqf median median new also is The mutawalli arrangements. ting any not Bazar-e in tenant Mohammad Ali Khan, Meydan-e Khan, does responsible for insuring that the to Hazrat-e or the Abbas, Mesgari, Khan, and Zargari (and damage the shop make changes unacceptable are even the means differences between the cannot his busi endowment. A shopkeeper greater). change are the more and properous bazaars ness ifthe change means a degrading or less sanctified These vigorous to de rents have due increased occupation. There have even been cases inYazd in ones, and non-waqf to due the out mand. his of which the shopkeeper has been forced opposite situation, in Similarly, shop by themutawalli. The long-term Bazar-e leases of waqf shops create a diffe rential in the rents of these stalls compared to private property. Rents on waqf shops tend to be less than Chitsazi waqf rents are lower than non-waqf ones. This small, morbund bazaar, bypassed by the main flow of pedestrians, ismuch less important than many decades ago when the chitsazi (printed cloth) Michael were craftsmen rents waqf ones. - here located have E. Bonine: actually the non hence, and, become and commerce: waqf and the bazaar Islam than less the waqf from waqf shops compared to the nearby non-waqf shops are not only less, but they tend to be more uniform as well, similar to the situation of one landlord having the same rents for all his adjacent Rents is the best example of shops. Bazar-e Qaysariyeh this phenomenon, because bazaar the entire is waqf and 19 of 31 shops have the same annual rent of 240 tumans ($ 32). This bazaar, consisting of a majority sellers, is a rather Maydan-e Khan of cloth Bazar-e one prosperous and between Ali, Panj-e and the rents would undoubtedly be higher (and more vari able) if itwere not waqf. Waqf rents can influence the spatial and economic structure of the bazaar. are more rents that shops, to the leases Due and regular and shopkeepers and can craftsmen the fact than lower nearby remain who might be forced out by higher rents. Key money (sarqofli) is a payment for the right a to occupy usufruct establishment. particular of a specific no and shop It proclaims can dispossess one the shopkeeper of that right - not even the landlord. In one sense the rent of a shop is to the landlord for the space or the land and the shop itselfis "owned" by the occupant. If a shopkeeper repairs or rebuilds the shop this expense becomes part or all of the key money. A new shopkeeper may take possession of a delapidated shop without any key money and his investment in repairing the shop becomes his keymoney. Payments are made between for possession shopkeepers of the shop (which can be the landlord ifhe is also the shop keeper). One minimize not On of the key money consequence investments get rid of a tenant the other hand, itmaximizes keeper and he because can get system is to can because by landlords they once he structure. the occupies he knows he a return on inputs by the shop cannot his be forced investment by out, the key money (besides any increase due to inflation or accessibility changes). In fact, many older shop keepers may keep possession of their shops, making littleprofit in their trade because of the rapidly rising - and key money holding out until the amount be comes too attractive or too needy. The right of occu pancy also helps to explain the large number of closed shops inYazd. Even ifa shopkeeper is leaving the city for six months or a year, he will not "sub-lease" his shop to another person, because he may not be able to remove him upon his return. Key money varies tremendously, both temporally and spatially. Within the last several decades key money avenues poorer has risen some and bazaar 193 Iran of Yazd, on certain of the sections rapidly in a few of the while of the bazaars, has the key money brances actually declined. In the early 1970's the payments ranged from 10,000 to 60,000 tumans ($ 1,316-$ 7,895) on themain sections of the avenues to 500-2,000 tumans avenues. In 1971 ($ 67-$ 263) toward the end of the within the very poor branches of the bazaar there was either no keymoney, or only 500-1,000 tumans as Bazar-e Kashi ($ 67-$ 131) paid in such branches or Ja'far Khan. On the other gari, Masjed-e Rig, hand, payments of 10,000-20,000 tumans ($ 1,316 $ 2,632) were made in the goldsmith bazaar (Bazar-e Zargari), and even as high as 30,000 tumans ($3,974) in the center of Bazar-e sections the esteemed Khan, cloth bazaar. However, the inflationof themid-1970's sent these figuresup considerable. By 1977 keymoney was often over 100,000 tumans ($ 14,286) for the better bazaar locations, and in the neighborhood of tumans ($ 42,857-$ 71,429) for the 300,000-500,000 best locations on the avenues. Key money creates a problem in regard to waqf shops (and even forprivately owned stalls). Sarqofli is forbidden in Islamic law because, similar to usury, the money not is considered to be earned, and there fore is improper. Pious Muslims, therefore,will not or most Since receive give keymoney. public waqf is for religious purposes, it becomes the previous tenant even more impor tant to follow Islamic principles for renting these shops. Hence, either no key money is exchanged or sometimes a hileh-yesharVa (religious legal device or trick) is used. In Islamic law it is the letter of the law which is important, so these devices enable various prescriptions to be circumvented. Instead of paying keymoney, a new shopkeeper may buy an old chair or book from - for tumans 10,000 ($ 1,316)! Of course, these devices may be used to circumvent key money even for non-waqf shops. Key money payments (or theirhileh substitute) for waqf shops often are slightly higher than non-waqf shops in the same location. It is recognized that the rents of the endowed shops in the long-term are lower. Because of the leases, rents will be raised less often than privately owned shops. 3.4. Waqf and theYazd bazaar: thesignificance Waqf property in the Yazd bazaar indicates the significance of religious institutions in this commer cial center, and sheds light on understanding the traditional, conservative attitude oibazaris in Iranian society. The great number ofmajor religious build ings intermixed within the bazaar branches and sera, 41/1987 194_Erdkunde_Band as well as the large percentage of shops endowed to these various institutions, imparts a religious dimen sion to this traditional economic center ofYazd. Although waqf takesmoney out of the private eco nomic sector, it is a means by which themajor socio religious institutions of the city can be supported. In one serve endowments sense, nism, collecting money or quarter used and, hence, mecha banking for reinvestment in the local a mosque or city. When local retailers, artisans, is repaired, are a as school religious and craftsmen Even supported. a rouzeh uses local food, drink and materials as well as paying the orator of the tragedy at Kerbala and the processional groups. The waqf of theYazd bazaar is supporting religious buildings and activities mainly within thebazaar area itself. Secondarily, functions the religious and zone, has been illustrated by the example of Yazd. Property from the countryside also was endowed for these structures within the bazaar (and rest of the city), substantiating the pattern of urban dominance that characterized much of the traditional Middle East. structures the Yet, ture link between more requires Islam and urban The role of waqf research. struc in the broader context of the Islamic legal system and its on urban influence If it can be shown, use land still needs for instance, that investigation. as a Islam legal - has had a significant impact on the spatial organization and structure of the city, (for which, Hakim (1986) is a beginning), then we can start to system in earnest evaluate that elusive, the Islamic City. - concept perplexing in other parts of the city are the recipients of the endowments. And, even much of thewaqf in the hinterland is to support Waqf and economy 4. city's as infrastructure well. was an integral part of the traditional urban its social being met in pre-modern one of the means but whether order, times. of maintaining - or how - the urban Islamic - of Is for the commercial establishments, which with the main commercial area, as bazaar shops and even branches were founded as waqf for these religious institutions. Often, large complexes founded as a unit, as among ima the Ottoman rets and bedestans; or in other cases, only a few waqf shopsmay have supported a particular building or purpose. That a variety of religious and public structures can be located in the bazaar area Functions and be supported by waqf shops in that central commercial ed. by M.T. of the Ulama of the Economic 1987, Ayati, and The A. H.: Ateshkadeh Yazdan [The God]. Yazd 1938 (In Persian). of Landownership Baer, G.: A History 1800-1950. London 1962. K. Barbir, Princeton K.: Ottoman - : inModern in Damascus, of Firetemple Egypt, 1708-1758. Deed and Society. An Analysis Rashidi. In: Iran, of Persian Studies 22, of the Rab-i Institute 67-90. H.: Zum voor Tijdschrift 1971, 73-78. G. Rule Architecture of the British Journal Bobek, Economic 1980. S.: Ilkhanid Blair, of the Endowment 1984, and Political In: Journal in the 18th Century. Social History of the Orient 16, 130-154. 1973, were located principally in the central bazaar. Mosques, religious schools, and other Islamic buildings became were 19, Works of [The Collected of Sayyid Rukn ad-Din a. I. Afshar. Danish-Pazhuh (In Persian). A. L.: Marsot, al-Sayyid have traditional Middle Eastern city. It was a means of support for the principal religious structures and functionaries, as well as other public facilities.Within the city this support was provided in particular by associated Studies Myth, In: al-Khairat Jami'-e The Waqf-nama al-Khairat], Husani Yazdi, Tehran 1962 social law may to be seen. city remains as an and instrument institution Waqf in lamic law, was, any case, most significant from Al-Khairat: law was Islamic affected the spatial organization and structure of the rents Historic Relevance. 177-204. The Islamic Middle Eastern city is often depicted as a citywithout order or even municipal institutions 1959, 22). Yet, the essential public (de Planhol services and municipal requirements of these cities were - Islamic City Abu-Lughod, J. L.: The Islamic and Contemporary Essence, of Middle International East Journal comments Concluding References institutions. des Rentenkapitalismus. Konzept en Sociale Geografie Economische Rentenkapitalismus Schweizer (ed.): und Entwicklung in Iran. In: 65, In: Interdisziplinare Iran-Forschung. aus und neuerer Beitrage Ethnologie Kulturgeographie, zum Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Geschichte. Beihefte B (Geisteswissenschaften) Reihe 40. Wiesbaden Orient, 1979,113-124. of Iranian Cities. Bonine, M. E.: The Morphogenesis Annals of American of the Association Geographers 1979, 208-224. In: 69, E. Bonine: Michael - :Yazd and Dominance - A Central in the Central Iranian Place Plateau. of System Marburger 1980. Schriften 83. Marburg of an Iranian Pro Dynamics Shopkeepers. a. N. Keddie In: M. E. Bonine Bazaar. (eds.): Iran. The Dialectics of Continuity and Change. vincial the British of Persian Institute Studies 20, in theMuslim Succession N.J.: X.: The World of Islam. E.: Rentenkapitalismus Orient. Beispiel Ehlers, Ithaca, und 1982, New la Federation des Societes inDamas of History In: 5e Congres de l'Afrique Savantes de du S.: Towns Faroghi, Crafts Trade, 1520-1650. and Townsmen and Food 1984. Cambridge Leonor: Three Sufi Fernandes, :Two on Variations al-Rumi, Annales 21, Islamologique a. Wirth, H. Theme: 1985, The Zawiya al-Gulsani. einer vorderasiatischen 58. Wiesbaden (Geisteswissenschaften) T.: Aspects Gerholm, ment Fernhandelsmetropole. des Vorderen Orients, Atlas Tiibinger inNorth und geo zur sozia 34, M.: 1980, Dhimmi and Marriage Pay 46-60. and In: Journal (638-1099). cial History of the Orient 27, S. D.: Foundations of the Economic 1984, for Jeru and So In: Journal of the Economic and Social History of theOrient 27, 1984, 175-198. Besim Planning Haffening, (eds.): 624-628. Hourani, Research. Islamic Selim: Principles. W.: Wafk. Shorter A. H.: Arabic-Islamic London Islamic In: A. H. Hourani City. A Colloquium. Building and 1986. In: H. A. R. Gibb Encyclopaedia The Cities. Entwicklung, in Iran. Mar Schriften 68. Marburg 1976. burger Geographische Abu Ja'far: Mirza Jami'-e Ja'fari. Tarikh-e Khan-e Yazd of Ja'fari. History Bozorg-e [The Collected Works of the Great Khan of Yazd], of Unpublished Manuscript Na'ini, 19th Century Ochsenwald, bia. The Vaziri A.D., No Yazd, Library, Date (In a. J. H. Kramers Leiden 1961, of Islam. City in the Light of Recent a. S. M. Stern (eds.): The Oxford 1970, 9-24. W.: Religion, Society under Ottoman Hijaz and in Ara the State 1840-1908. Control, 1984. Columbus, Ohio, C. F.: The Civilian in the Later Elite of Cairo Petry, Middle Princeton 1981. Ages. A.: Les grands waqfs et 1'organisation de 1'espace Raymond, a Alep a urbain et au Caire ottomane l'epoque (XVIe XVIP In: Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales de 1'ln siecles). A Mediterranean Foundation. Hakim, East. Albany, Middle New York, 1985. M.: und sein Umland. Momeni, Malayer Struktur und Funktionen einer Kleinstadt - 156-174. The Society. Jewish as Communities of the Arab World in the Portrayed of the Cairo Geniza, Documents Vol. 2: The Commu 1971. nity. Berkeley W. J.: A Sixteenth Ottoman Pious Griswold, Century Goitein, des Persian). (ed.): Property, in theModern Middle East. salem et Belles-Lettres, Rendus. Comptes Inscriptions 1928, 86-100. A.: Real and Society in the Premodern Marcus, Property Middle East. A Case In: A. E. Mayer Study. (ed.): in the Modern Social and Law Structure, Property, B Reihe In: A. E. Mayer Donations :La mie Dynamik Beihefte Social and Law Structure, New York, 1985, 129-151. Albany, E.: Aufbau, und Genese der islamisch Giese, Entwicklung orientalischen Stadt in Sowjet-Mittelasien. In: Erd kunde 219-231. In: Revue des villes dans ITslam. conception d'Alger 517-533. 2, 1945, et la vie urbaine. W.: In: L'Acade LTslamisme Marqais, 1984. of Inheritance Yemen. of In: 95-111. E.: Aleppo. Historische zur baulichen graphische Beitrage Gestaltung, zur wirtschaftlichen len Organisation und Gaube, 15th 17, 1981, Islamologique of Ibrahim Takiyya Setting, in a Foundations the Same The Anatolia. in an Urban - Paris In: Annales Century Waqfiyya. 141-156. Hasan of Ottoman Production in Melanges d'histoire 1940, reprinted Algiers et d'archeologie de 1'Occident musulman, Tome I, Artic Marcais. les et Conferences de Georges 1957, Algers im 32, 124-142. 1978, Gil, Age, 1967. of the al-Zahiriyya of the Economic and Social In: Journal the Orient 27, 1984, 33-55. Marcais G.: L'Urbanisme musulmane. York, Stadtentwicklung In: Erdkunde Iran. islamischen zum Classical The Empire. 1973. Nord. de Planhol, 1959. - York Massachusetts, Cambridge, G.: The Endowment London Family. Ottoman New Leiser, cus. 145-159. Coulson, 1971. The Ja'fari, Yazd New York, 1981, 233-258. Albany, : From to Kort. Traditional Qanat Irrigation Termino in Central Iran. In: Iran, Journal logy and Practices of H.: Inalcik, 1300-1600. 195 Iran of Yazd, ibn Mohammad ibn Hassan: Tarikh-e Ja'far ed. Text of 15th Century A.D., [History of Yazd], 1960 (In Persian). Tehran by I. Afshar. in the Later Middle I. M.: Muslim Cities Lapidus, Ages. Geographische : Shops and Modern - its Hinterland. and commerce: waqf and the bazaar Islam - stitut Francais :The Introduction. :Grandes de Damas Arab Great New villes B.: Die Stadt Rist, len Entwicklung 31, 1979, 113-128. in the 16th-18th Centuries. Cities York a arabes Zabol. ottomane. l'epoque Zur wirtschaftlichen einer Kleinstadt Projektl). Marburger burg 1981. An 1984. Paris und in Ost-Iran Geographische Schriften 1985. sozia (Sistan 86. Mar d'une histoire de la ville de Damas. Sauvaget, J.: Esquisses In: Revue des Etudes 8, 1934, 421-480. Islamiques - : sur Essai le d'une ville Alep. developpement grande des origines au milieu du XIX siecles, 2 Vols. Syrienne, Paris Schacht, 1964. Schweizer, Bazar. 1941. J.: An G.: Introduction Tabriz In: Erdkunde to Islamic (Nordwest-Iran) 1972, 32-46. 26, Law. und London der Tabrizer 196 _Erdkunde R. B.: a. Lewcock, Serjeant, bian Islamic City. London G.:'' Habous Public" Stober, R. (eds.): San'a. An Ara E.: Wirth, Strukturwandlungen denzen der orientalischen Stadt. 1983. inChaouen. Zur wirtschaft - lichen Bedeutung In: Die Welt des inNordmarokko. religioser Stiftungen Islam 25, 1985, 97-125. al-Vahhab: Yazd Ketabcheh-ye Mouqufat-e Abd Taraz, [Small Book of theYazd Endowments], Text of 1257/ ed. by I. Afshar. In: Farhang-e IranZamin 10, 5-123 1962-63, (In Persian). von Grunebaum, G. E.: The Structure of theMuslim Town. 1841-42, in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Essays London 1955, 141-158; published originally islamische Stadt. In: Saeculum 6, 1955, 138-153. In: Islam. und Entwicklungsten In: Erdkunde 22, 1968, 101-128. : Die der orientalisch-islamischen Stadt zur Beziehungen Theorie des Rentenkapitalismus. In: Geographie heute. Ernst Plewe zu seinem 65. Geburts Einheit und Vielfalt, und Schulern tag von seinen Freunden baden 1973, 323-333. - : Zum Problem des Bazars (suq, carsi). Wies gewidmet. In: Der Islam 51, 1974, 203-260; 52, 1975, 6-46. - :Die Tradition. as Die 41/1987 _Band orientalische Stadt: Ein Uberblick zur materiellen gerer Forschungen 26, 1975, 45-94. DUALITY OF MARKET STRUCTURES IN NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY Kultur. jiin aufgrund In: Saeculum OMAN With 5 figures and 5 tables Mark Speege der Marktsysteme Der Dualismus Zusammenfassung: Oman wahrend des 19. und friihen 20. Jahrhunderts Duale Strukturen gehend Handel die Geschichte haben So war gepragt. der Kiistensaum und die weltoffenen ausgerichtet des sozialen stellten Brennpunkte Region schen Lebens traditionell Omans in durch stets auf Stadte und den okonomi Gesellschaft sich u. a. in der aus den Jahrzehnten mit dem Landesinnere das erster Linie den von immer mehr des internationalen Omans System; Fehlen einer der Handel. hatte keinen Anteil es war vielmehr an diesem charakterisiert Die integrierten Marktstruktur. als Zentren fungierten gewohnlich ohne nennenswerte lokalen Marktbereichen Innern darauf verschiedenen Omans war die Kiistehregion iiber ein Omans von Marktorten mit dem gestuftes System Innerhalb des Indischen Ozeans Handelsnetz verkniipft. Markte die untergeordneten dieses Systems waren jeweils der Handler von kleinen, zu anderen Markten Beziehungen zum internationalen Handelsnetz. und um dieser Das Marktorte Die des Marktwesens nieder. Organisation in der Zeit vor dem Beginn raumlichen Strukturen Omans von politi der Olforderung sind am besten in den Berichten Zu samen Kontakt durch Dieser gekennzeichnet. sehr unterschiedlichen und Reisenden Herkunft hierarchischen raumlichen schen Reprasentanten 1900 dokumentiert. ethnische Diese Ver arabischen Omans. eingesessenen Bevolkerung von einem wirk haltnisse isolierten die breite Bevolkerung dieser war das Innere Omans dar. Demgegeniiber stammes durch eine auf sich selbst bezogene, organisierte mafiig Dualismus schlug die des Binnenlandes Ihre Standorte den Austausch oder waren in zwischen ausgerichtet, kulturellen sozialen, naturraumlichen, Einheiten der traditionellen Gesellschaft politischen zu erleichtern. Zeit hierarchisch nur auf einen Markt die Guterstrome den hoherer flossen unmittelbar Ordnung ausgerichtet, innerhalb der Markthierarchie iiber- oder Horizontale untergeordneten zwischen Markten und zu Zentren. Guterstrome gleicher Hierarchie die benachbarte oder Strome, Rangordnung waren sehr selten. Auf der untersten stufen umgingen, Marktebene mit waren wachsender Araber Rangordnung doch des Handels, die Trager der Markte entfernte sich 1. Introduction The history ofOman is largely a story of competi tion, and often conflict, between two vastly different entities. This duality was even symbolized by the name of the country, The Sultanate ofMuscat and Oman, until 1970. The Sultanate was formed from the fusion of the Batinah coastal plain and its port Beilage VI zu ERDKUNDE 41,3 Beitrag Bonine Fig.3a: Waqf, and Commercial Religious Institutions i Commercial Structures of the Yazd Bazaar ^^^^^^^^^ and ^^el'gious Structures Commercial BIB! Mosque ^^^^^^^B Madraseh 'I B^^^^^^bI^W H^^^I^^^h^Ell^h^ BazaarShopWaqf ( ) f^VSi Shrine BazaarShop I. Hosayniyeh (Non-Waqf ) _ i^^^l ?? Source: Cl 0 Bazaar Shop ( Partly Waqf i^^^l ^^^m ) Shops on Avenues (Undifferentiated ) ,-. I ^^H^B t^^B^BT^^^ ^ ^Hfl 1@3 -J^^?1 ??'e r?? Caravanserai ( Waqf Caravanserai ( Partly-Waqf ) Caravanserai (Non-Waqf ) _? ) "5 ^ 5 -g 5 | Built up Area Field Survey by Author, Based on Yazd, 1 : 2 500, Iranian National Cartographic Centre, 1967 6 Mohammad q yv / ^~ j^^H < ? ?i Khan ? x x x _ ? ? ? MPStS^&J //// Hajii Khan ? Qaysariyeh ? A? Zargari A Darvazeh - ye Mehriz Afshar ?HI *\\\* Khan Meydan-e 7777 Sadri Masjed-eRig /'/' Mesgari JfJ1^^"/6 =rr=TFKhajeh o o o o Chitsazi ^H^H -g ^ Hazrat - e 'Abbas q^oT Alaqabandi 77zrz Pani" Ali ?n ? n ? Lard- e Hammalun Kashigari ^jjj^gy (S) (?) -68 Sera-ye 5Sera ^ tographic Centre, 1967 i Ja'far = -z-jrr-r Tabriziyan _ *E flB^B ^ ? ^^^^H^H q- ^B^I^^^h gfefcj ?i r ^^^^J Ali Khan - ye Tehrani Khan - e Old Citv Wnll ^ s_ Qadim ^ Timcheh ye Mesgari |. 1346 / , (Bui,t . , kA . .. 7) Old Mehnjerd Beilage VII zu ERDKUNDE 41,3 Beitrag Bonine Fig.3b: Waqf, n ^ ow?1 and Commer Religious Institutions ii w o ego |& ^ pfcr n?jf^ ~ >mmercialStructures of the Yazd Bazaar Religiousand CommercialStructures^^^^^^^^ ^^"^^^ f^^^ Mosque ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 ^^11 Madraseh HI m |m IHH ^^^^^^^^^ff^^^^H Shrine ^^^^^^^^^B Hosayniyeh^ 1 Caravanserai Caravanserai ( Waqf ) (Partly-Waqf Caravanserai 1-1 ) Field Survey by Author, Based on Yazd, ^^^J Ba*aars Lanes ,R??fed A,so on MaP aa?d) I (Non-Waqf) Source: 6 ^^^^H 1 : 2 500, ( I Built-upArea Iranian National Cartographic Centre, V P urposes of Mulla S// G3 Masjed-e Ismail Rig [ ] Masjed-e rrnMasjed - e Hajji Hosayn ^ Pustini g E3 Masjed O* 51 )L ^ fWbl * \Jpy ?HI Beya Khan Masjed-e @ -e Tabriziyan Masjed-e Amirchakhmaq Masjed-e Mesgari Waqf Q] Madrasah-ye Madrasah-ye ^ mmMadrasah-ye U Rahim Khan Shahzadeh-ye Q [2) Water Fazel Storage [a] Imam Hosayn (for Rouzeh Fedding Mullas Q 03 ,n0i,iej I c ( r i iD Waqf- e Ouladeh Complex )" ,Pri?oteFamj,y Waqf j Khan Madrasah-ye Non-Waqf Unknown Purpose Shop ^ Old CityWall (Built1346/7) Hi 68 Mosalay Abd al B | 0 Masjed-For, " J?mi'f "O : Centre, 1967 Shafiyeh fr Old Mehrijerd (Mehriz ) Gate )