Erik Thomsen - Japanese Paintings and Works of Art

Transcription

erik thomsen
japanese paintings and works of art
erik thomsen
asian art
Sales exhibition
March 31– April 5, 2006
The International Asian Art Fair
The Seventh Regiment Armory
Park Avenue at 67th Street, New York, NY 10021
Cover:
Flowers of the Four Seasons, detail, pair of six-fold screens
Anonymous artist of the Rimpa School (Nr. 1)
Table of contents
5
7
33
45
59
75
84
86
92
foreword and acknowledgements
screens
paintings
bamboo baskets
ceramics
lacquers
signatures, seals and inscriptions
notes
bibliography
erik thomsen
asian art
foreword and acknowledgements
It is with great pleasure that I present this inaugural
today, decades later, in immaculate condition. The
catalog, which includes a selection from my five
simple designs, such as in catalog item 22, are partic-
specialties within classical Japanese art: screens,
ularly effective against the mirror-black roiro ground,
paintings, bamboo baskets, ceramics and lacquers.
and, when examined up close, reveal superb details.
Unlike most Japanese art objects seen in the West,
Hanging scrolls and folding screens have been an
all items presented here were made, not with ex-
important part of Japanese art and culture for over
ports in mind, but rather for the Japanese market.
a millennium. In the tea ceremony, a tea master
Such artwork avoids many of the compromises and
would often select a scroll with a painting or callig-
alterations in artistic traditions that mark the art
raphy that provided the best match for the season
made to fit foreign tastes. Instead, we see works of
and occasion. Screens were also used within the tea
art that were clearly created in line with Japanese
ceremony, as well as in performances of classical
aesthetics and traditions. Most of the objects here
arts, where they functioned as dramatic or festive
were made with one or more of the four classical
backgrounds to the event.
arts in mind: the ways of tea, flowers, calligraphy,
and incense (Sadô, Kadô, Shodô, and Kôdô).
I would like to thank those who made this catalog
possible: the designer Valentin Beinroth for his
Ceramics used in the Way of Tea, Sadô, mirror
clean, imaginative design, attention to detail and
Japanese aesthetics especially well. The simple,
boundless energy, which kept me focused on the
imperfect shapes of tea ceramics draw our attention
catalog in spite of fairs and travels; the photogra-
to their beautiful textures and colors that can only
pher Klaus Wäldele for his patience, long working
truly be appreciated upon holding them in one’s
sessions and good eye; Hans Bjarne Thomsen, my
hands.
brother, professor in Japanese art history at the
University of Chicago, for his invaluable research,
Bamboo baskets such as the ones presented in this
which uncovered several surprises; and Inger Sigrun
catalog were made for the Way of Flowers, Kadô,
Brodey, my sister, professor in literature at the
to present ikebana flower arrangements. They also
University of North Carolina, for her proof-reading
represent another important element of the tea
and good suggestions.
ceremony, or Way of Tea. Highly prized by tea masters,
they commanded princely sums in the peak years of
I would also like to thank Mr. Daizaburô Tanaka,
basket making during the Taishô and early Shôwa
owner of the gallery Tanaka Onkodô in Tokyo, where
periods, ca. 1910 to 1940. Their beauty is obvious in
I apprenticed 23 years ago, and my parents, Harry
their form, and, upon closer inspection, in the skillful
and Ene Marie Thomsen, for giving me the founda-
workmanship of the fine details. Signed bamboo
tions upon which I could grow.
baskets such as these were largely unknown in the
West until the acclaimed exhibition in 1999 at the
Above all I want to thank my wife, Cornelia, for all
Asia Society, New York, of the Cotsen basket
her support, encouragement, and help that she has
collection.
given me now during the catalog production and
over the years. I can think of no one else who better
Lacquerwork, such as writing boxes and paper
manages the many tasks as wife, mother, exhibitor,
boxes, are intrinsic to the Way of Calligraphy, Shodô.
student and artist.
They were meant to be used, but, like most artwork
in Japan, were carefully stored away into fitted boxes
when not in use. As a result, they are therefore
Erik Thomsen March 2006
screens
1
Flowers of the Four Seasons
Anonymous artist of the Rimpa School
Edo period (1615–1868), early 19th century
halves combine to form a coherent program: the
H 65" × W 144" each
panels furthest to the right display the only cluster
(165 cm × 366 cm)
of spring flowers, from this, the directions (like that
Pair of six-fold screens
of a handscroll) goes left, and we travel through
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on gold foil.
groups of summer and autumn clusters. At the very
end, we meet with the only winter group in the
This fine pair of Rimpa School screens presents a
screens: a small group of narcissus peeking from
journey through the four seasons of the year by
around the farthest corner.
representative plants and flowers for each season.
For example, plants representing the spring are the
Similar examples may be seen in a number of
kodemari, sumire, and yamabuki. The summer is
museum collections.1
represented by the iris, lily, nadeshiko, aoi, and kiri.
The fall by the chrysanthemum, morning glory, bush
clover, ominaeshi, and susuki. And the winter is
represented solely by the narcissus.
Each of the twelve clusters on the screens represents a group of plants from a particular season.
The grouping of the clusters is according to a larger
plan: the larger cluster of chrysanthemums growing
around a fence forms the left-most panels of the
right-hand screen. This group connects to another
autumn group in the right-most panels of the lefthand screen. Placed next to each other, these two
2
Birds and Flowers of the Seasons
Circle of Ogata Kôrin (1658–1716)
in other works, the flowers of the autumn are clearly
H 65" × W 142 ½" each
favored: the autumn flowers are centered on an
(165 cm × 362 cm)
entire six-fold screen, while the other six-fold screen
is divided among the flowers of the three other
Ink, colors, and gofun on paper
seasons.
An anonymous Rimpa School artist has created a
A favorite technique of Rimpa artists can be seen
luxurious and dense undergrowth of flowering plants
here, namely the tarashikomi, a process that involves
and trees, which conceals not only additional flora,
dripping ink of differing modality into ink that has
but also a pair of quail and pheasants among its
not yet dried, thus producing a mottled effect. In
vegetation. This pair of folding screens with painting
addition, the ink modalities are carefully varied, in
in ink, colors, and gofun represents a collection of
order to create a convincing sense of depth to the
the flowering plants of the four seasons.
leafy undergrowth: there is a clearly articulated layering of leaves, important in a work with this many
There are the spring flowers, wisteria, willow, thistle,
leaves and flowers arranged on top of each other in
kodamari, suzushiro, shakuyaku, and kobushi.
a small space.
The summer plants are represented by mizuaoi, uri,
tsuyukusa, iris, lily, peony, and an eggplant. The
autumn plants include susuki, kikyô, keitô, nadeshiko,
ominaeshi, kuzu, bush clover, morning glory, and
gourds. The sole winter plant is the pine. Here, as
12
3
Fan Screen with Scenes from the
Tales of Ise
Follower of Tawaraya Sôtatsu (?–1643?)
fans significant? And are there inner meanings within
H 64 ½" × W 74"
the fans themselves? There was certainly an element
(164 cm × 188 cm)
of play within some fan screens, for example, the
Single two-fold screen
pairs by Sôtatsu in the Kunaichô and the Sanbôin
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper,
of the Daigoji Temple, where each fan relates to a
with gold foil ground
specific literary source.1 The object for the viewer
was then to be able to identify each scene, poem,
A follower of Sôtatsu painted this fine and early
or chapter from the available evidence. Likewise,
two-panel screen with the depiction of twelve fans,
identification was the key in examples where all the
scattered on a gold ground. Of the twelve, two are
fans on a screen stemmed from one narrative, as,
closed and ten are either fully or partly opened.
for example, fifty-four fans representing each of the
Most of the fans are seasonal in nature and depict
fifty-four chapters of the Tales of Genji.2
flowers or plants in bloom or in the process of
changing colors. For example, spring is represented
This particular screen may also contain an inner
by cherry blossoms and the willow; the summer
meaning: a meaning that focused on the only figural
is represented by the hydrangea (ajisai), and the
representation in the screen, namely Prince Narihira.
autumn by the bush clover (hagi) and the maple
The placement of the Prince may be significant, as
leaves. In addition, vigorous waves are associated
we have another screen, a six-fold screen by the
with the stormy seas of the autumn. The winter is
school of Sôtatsu, that is roughly contemporary to
represented by a pair of fans to the lower left corner,
the two-fold screen in this catalog. In the six-panel
which depicts Prince Ariwara no Narihira (825–880),
screen, a fan with a seated figure appears at exactly
the main character of Ise Monogatari, on horse,
the same position, i.e., the lower left corner, on the
looking at a snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the neighboring
last panel, second to bottom fan.3 In this case, as
fan; the distance between the rider and the far-away
with the other, a courtier appears among fans whose
mountain is here represented by separating the
subjects are all seasonal markers. In the case of the
scene onto two different fans. The source of the
two-fold screen, the ensemble of fans, if indeed
image is a poem by Narihira that describes Mt. Fuji
intended as an ensemble, may all be markers to
as seen on a journey:
various poems within the Tales of the Ise. If so, this
leaves the viewer (and the reader of this catalog)
Indifferent to the seasons
with a distinctly challenging game: the identification
Mount Fuji stands aloft
of all the specific poems represented by the images
Flecked like a kanako cloth
on the screen.
With fallen snow
The visual representation of this famous poem
usually centers on the Prince on horseback, looking over his side at the snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the
distance.
Fan screens present us with distinct puzzles: was the
placement of the fans on the screen controlled by
the artist? Are the groupings and placements of the
18
3
Fan Screen with Scenes from the
Tales of Ise
Follower of Tawaraya Sôtatsu (?–1643?)
fans significant? And are there inner meanings within
H 64 ½" × W 74"
the fans themselves? There was certainly an element
(164 cm × 188 cm)
of play within some fan screens, for example, the
Single two-fold screen
pairs by Sôtatsu in the Kunaichô and the Sanbôin
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper,
of the Daigoji Temple, where each fan relates to a
with gold foil ground
specific literary source.1 The object for the viewer
was then to be able to identify each scene, poem,
A follower of Sôtatsu painted this fine and early
or chapter from the available evidence. Likewise,
two-panel screen with the depiction of twelve fans,
identification was the key in examples where all the
scattered on a gold ground. Of the twelve, two are
fans on a screen stemmed from one narrative, as,
closed and ten are either fully or partly opened.
for example, fifty-four fans representing each of the
Most of the fans are seasonal in nature and depict
fifty-four chapters of the Tales of Genji.2
flowers or plants in bloom or in the process of
changing colors. For example, spring is represented
This particular screen may also contain an inner
by cherry blossoms and the willow; the summer
meaning: a meaning that focused on the only figural
is represented by the hydrangea (ajisai), and the
representation in the screen, namely Prince Narihira.
autumn by the bush clover (hagi) and the maple
The placement of the Prince may be significant, as
leaves. In addition, vigorous waves are associated
we have another screen, a six-fold screen by the
with the stormy seas of the autumn. The winter is
school of Sôtatsu, that is roughly contemporary to
represented by a pair of fans to the lower left corner,
the two-fold screen in this catalog. In the six-panel
which depicts Prince Ariwara no Narihira (825–880),
screen, a fan with a seated figure appears at exactly
the main character of Ise Monogatari, on horse,
the same position, i.e., the lower left corner, on the
looking at a snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the neighboring
last panel, second to bottom fan.3 In this case, as
fan; the distance between the rider and the far-away
with the other, a courtier appears among fans whose
mountain is here represented by separating the
subjects are all seasonal markers. In the case of the
scene onto two different fans. The source of the
two-fold screen, the ensemble of fans, if indeed
image is a poem by Narihira that describes Mt. Fuji
intended as an ensemble, may all be markers to
as seen on a journey:
various poems within the Tales of the Ise. If so, this
leaves the viewer (and the reader of this catalog)
Indifferent to the seasons
with a distinctly challenging game: the identification
Mount Fuji stands aloft
of all the specific poems represented by the images
Flecked like a kanako cloth
on the screen.
With fallen snow
The visual representation of this famous poem
usually centers on the Prince on horseback, looking over his side at the snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the
distance.
Fan screens present us with distinct puzzles: was the
placement of the fans on the screen controlled by
the artist? Are the groupings and placements of the
18
4
Cranes of Summer and Autumn
Tosa School
Edo period (1615–1868), 18th century
combined the two compositions. When placed next
H 28 ¼" × W 98 ¾" each
to each other, as intended, large growths of autumn
(72 cm × 251 cm)
flowers anchor the extremes of the larger composi-
tion. The autumn flowers are composed of various
Ink, mineral colors and gofun
types of chrysanthemums as well as the kikyô plant
on paper and gold foil
(a Chinese bellflower). The area between the two
large groups of plants is punctuated by smaller plant
Here four pairs of cranes are shown inhabiting a
groups, both autumnal plants (chrysanthemums and
marshy landscape against a rich gold background.
marshy reeds) and summer plants (iris and mizuaoi).
The cranes represent the different species that
frequent the Japanese archipelago. The image,
In other words, the land mass to the extreme right
of course, represents an ideal space, one in which
and left represents autumn, and the lake, the space
the stylized cranes can strike poses and be shown
that unites the two, represents summer. Traversing
next to the flowers and plants of different seasons,
this distance in time, seasons, and space, are the
blooming at the same time within the space of the
cranes and plants, all of which are shown, one after
screen surface.
the other, in striking poses. The artist has incorporated a relationship of equality between the plants
The two halves of the screen pair were made to
and cranes, all of which occupy about the same
be shown together, and the lake that is depicted
space and have been shrunk (or expanded) to
on both was constructed as the spatial unit that
appear to be the same height and volume as each
other. Moreover, the spacings and compositions had
been ably planned out on the basis of the twelve
individual panels of the screens: the artist has
succeeded in creating within each panel pair (traditionally thought out as a unit), a balanced, independent composition.
An interesting aspect of the screen is the signature
to the right extreme of the combined pair. The
signature was clearly added later, as can be seen by
the discoloration of the gold surrounding the signature. Another name was probably removed and
replaced by one which reads »by the brush of Tosa
Mitsuoki, the [honorary] Imperial Guard« and a seal
marked Fujiwara.1 Both names and honorary title are
associated with the artist Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691),
the most important Tosa school painter of the last
four hundred years. Although the work is a very fine
example of the 18th century Tosa School, a previous
owner apparently felt it necessary to try to improve
on the pedigree of the screen by changing the
artist’s name to that of a better-known artist.
20
5
Four Elegant Pastimes
Shibata Zeshin (1807–1891)
24
Meiji period (1868–1912), 19th century
This pair is an important work in the oeuvre of Shibata
H 48 ½" × W 109" each
Zeshin. It is one of four variations on a theme by an
(123 cm × 277 cm)
older painting. The screen pair with painting in ink,
Signed (right screen): »Zeshin,« with
black lacquer and mineral colors depicts women and
Zeshin jar seal. (left screen): »emulating older
men partaking in the four classical Chinese elegant
paintings, Zeshin« (Koga ni narau Zeshin); with
pastimes. The four pastimes, or the kinki shoga,
Zeshin jar seal
were traditionally the koto (musical instrument),
chess, calligraphy, and painting. Within these panels
Ink, colors, gofun, and lacquer on paper
the four undergo humorous changes: the musical
instruments become the samisen and the biwa,
Zeshin based his composition on the famous Hikone
chess becomes backgammon and go, calligraphy
Screen, a single, six-fold screen from the early
becomes the act of letter writing, and paintings
seventeenth century.1 The screen is presently in a
become the pair of standing screens located within
Hikone museum, but was at the time of Zeshin in a
the right screen.
rich merchant’s house, where Zeshin was allowed to
study it closely. From the study and reworking of the
The left screen is signed »emulating older paintings,
Hikone Screen emerged four innovative variations
Zeshin (Koga ni narau Zeshin) and sealed Zeshin;
on the Hikone theme. As a truly inspired artistic
while the right screen is signed and sealed Zeshin.
personality, Zeshin was not satisfied with making a
25
mere copy and made all four versions significantly
that likely joined four panels of one screen with
different from each other.
two from another) and stretched it out into a unified
twelve-panel composition. Up close, both the new
In this particular version, two of the figures are
and old versions show a similar emphasis on textile
straight copies from the Hikone Screen, but many
patterns; however, Zeshin also introduces new fea-
others are adaptations, many by slightly changing
tures, such as the innovative use of black lacquer in
angles of depiction. For example, the girl pointing
the women’s hair.
at the two screens in the present version appears in
the Hikone Screen as a girl pointing in the opposite
Of the four sets that Zeshin made from the Hikone
direction. Likewise, entirely new figures abound,
original, one is in the collection of the Metropolitan
most notably the three central dancers. In effect,
Museum, New York, and illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1,
Zeshin started with a single six-panel screen (one
ills. 219–220. The second is in the Lee Institute for
26
Japanese Art at the Clark Center, Hanford, CA, and
illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1,
210–211.2
The third is the
Provenance:
Collection of Fujiyama Raita 藤山雷太 (1863–1938)
present screen pair, illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1, ills.
221–222. And the fourth is a pair that has not yet
Exhibited:
been illustrated, but rests in a private Japanese col-
Yugei no Bi at the Fukuoka Municipal Art Museum
lection.3 Most of the four have been passed down
in 1997.
in prestigious collections; the present pair was, for a
long time, in the collection of the industrialist
Published:
Fujiyama Raita (1863–1938).
Gôke Tadaomi, ed. Shibata Zeshin meihinshû:
Bakumatsu kaikaki no shikkô kaiga. 2 vols. Tokyo:
Gakken, 1981, vol. 1, item 221–222.
27
6
Flower Viewing Season in the
Pleasure Quarters
Attributed to Bai’ôken Eishun
梅翁軒永春 (active 1704–1763)
Edo period (1615–1868), circa 1710–1720
be seen to the back of the building; here the doors
H 42" × W 89 ½"
are almost closed, leaving, however, a crack open
(107 cm × 227 cm)
to allow the viewer a voyeuristic glance into the
Single six-fold screen
interiors, where a woman is seated and attending
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper
a reclining figure, whose identity cannot be ascertained. The room seems to be lit by an andon lamp,
This early nikuhitsu screen presents the viewer with a
whose light casts the shadows of the shapes within
festive flower viewing scene, complete with interior
the rooms on the paper-covered sliding doors.
scenes of lounging courtesans and outside scenes
of playing children and performers. The scene to the
The exterior scene, that occupies the entire left side
right describes two buildings within a certain plea-
of the screen, shows a larger group of people enjoy-
sure quarter. Judging from the bucket and brooms
ing a whole range of activities. This is a typical genre
attached the roof of the building seen below and
scene showing the various contemporary games and
from the blossoming cherry trees lining the streets
occupations. We have a prominently placed blind
surrounding the two houses, this may well refer to
masseur, here seeming to dance with two young
the Yoshiwara area of Edo.1
women, while observed by a large male figure. Other
girls are playing, some with a long stick, others
The interior scene describes a number of courtesans
breaking a branch off the cherry tree, still others are
in relaxed modes; they are seen conversing, drinking
playing with a kemari ball. A dog painted on the far
rice wine, and playing the samisen, a three-stringed
left completes the last of the six panels.
musical instrument. One group of courtesans, in
finely-differentiated kimono, enjoys the flowering
The painting is unusual for its creative combination
cherry trees from an open room that has had its
of two known genres: one a type that shows scenes
sliding doors removed. An interior room can also
within the Yoshiwara quarters, and the other showing the daily occurrences of commoners, usually
in terms of street scenes. The combination may
well connect to the possible authorship by Bai’ôken
Eishun, who was an Osaka artist known for his
wide repertoire, with not only paintings, but with
an oeuvre that includes both surimono prints and
illustrated books.2 A number of paintings are known
by the hand of this exceptionally long-active artist,
including key works in the Freer Gallery of Art in
Washington, D.C.3
Provenance: Formerly in the collection of the Manno
Art Museum, Osaka, Japan
Published: Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan,
Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7. (Tokyo: Kodansha,
1996), cat. nr. 32.
28
paintings
7
Hakuin Ekaku
(1685–1768)
Edo period (1615–1868), circa 1765
was one of the key rituals in Zen Buddhism, Hakuin’s
H 35 ¼" × W 9" (incl. mounting 66 ½" × 12 ½")
choice of the seated meditating Bodhidharma
(90 cm × 23 cm, 169 cm × 32 cm)
seems quite apt.
Three seals of artist: Kokanki, Hakuin and Ekaku
Hanging scroll, ink on paper
The painting is not, however, simply an illustration
of a Buddhist dictum; there are artistic traditions
Bodhidharma in Meditation, Facing a Wall
and other layers of meaning behind the painting.
(Menpeki Daruma 面壁達磨)
One striking aspect of the painting is its brushwork
and ink modulation. It is clear that the brush moved
Inscription:
quickly to create the seated figure and inscription
in a few dramatic strokes, paying little attention to
「為心之師莫師於心」
finer modulation of line. However, by using coarsely
ground ink and heavy-sized paper, Hakuin was
Become the master of your heart,
able to create a dramatic mottling effect within the
and do not let it master you.
individual lines of the figure.3 The dramatic tonal
contrasts within the lines, the vigorous speed of the
Kokoro no shi to nari, kokoro no shi wa nashi
brush, and the immediacy of the brushwork significantly heightens the intensity of the painting. In
In this dramatic hanging scroll, the Zen Buddhist
addition, the curious mottling effect of the ink also
monk Hakuin has adopted an admonition from the
increases the presence of the figure: the lines seem
Six Parmitas Sutra, and placed it in the context
to imply age and a sense of permanence. Although
of a meditating Bodhidharma (J. Daruma)
figure.1
brushed in only a few strokes, the figure acquires
The sutra text admonishes the reader (and, in
paradoxically a sense of monumentality that goes
extension, Hakuin his viewer) to disregard his or her
beyond its actual space on the paper. The technique
own heart, or worldly matters, and to instead focus
is closely connected to the message: they reempha-
one’s energy on ruling the passions. By depicting
size the immobility and greatness of the Zen Bud-
the meditating Bodhidharma beneath this phrase,
dhist patriarch and create a sense of timelessness
Hakuin may well be indicating that strict adherence
for Bodhidharma as well as for Buddhist rituals and
to Zen Buddhist doctrines and rituals such as seated
doctrine. Hakuin uses the mottled ink technique in
meditation is the correct way to become the master
other paintings, including other forms of the seated
of one’s passions.
Bodhidharma, but in few other example has he so
successfully created a simple figure of monumental
A meditating Bodhidharma, here facing an imagi-
strength through so few lines.4
nary wall, is a singularly apt symbol of strict adherence to ritual. The central, defining event in the life
The painting is clearly also intended to take a place
of Bodhidharma, a semi-legendary monk, credited
in the »one-brushstroke Bodhidharma« (Ippitsu
with bringing Zen Buddhism from India to China in
Daruma) tradition, in which the robes of the Bod-
the sixth century CE, was seen as his single-minded
hidharma were drawn with one continuous stroke
period of meditation, said to have been conducted
of the brush.5 The tradition ultimately derives from
in a cave, facing a blank stone wall, for nine years.
early Chinese depictions of the patriarch, in which
Distractions were done away with, for example,
the robes were described with a bare minimum of
after falling asleep during meditation, he tore away
strokes. Numerous examples of one-brushstroke
his
34
eyelids.2
Moreover, as seated meditation (zazen)
paintings exist, including a Sengoku period (1334–
1392) example at the Erinji Temple in Kai that may
depth from the deeper implications of this switch in
have served as a prototype for Hakuin as well as
identities. By representing himself as iconic figures,
examples by Shôkai Reiken (1315–1396), Isshi (1608–
Hakuin challenges our preconceptions through
1646), and other Zen monks of the Edo
period.6
flashes of insight and humor.
Hakuin, however, takes that pictorial tradition a step
further by incorporating another word-and-image
Although this painting was probably performed as
tradition, that of incorporating hidden characters
a sekiga (»seat painting«) or a performance piece
and messages into an image.
completed in an instant with only a few brushstrokes at a communal occasion, the painting is by
The idea of hiding characters within images is an
no means a trifle of little meaning. Many layers and
older Japanese tradition that has been incorporated
traditions operate behind this seemingly simple
into a number of media, including sutra frontispiece
painting, giving it a profound sense of depth and
paintings and lacquer boxes. Hakuin, however,
importance and, at the same time, playing humor-
seems to have been the first to combine the two
ous games with the viewer. Hakuin’s paintings were
into a single image. The question then arises for
never entirely serious or entirely playful: forming a
the viewer: what specific character? Various authori-
key element within his complex and timeless art.
ties have attempted to describe Hakuin’s seated
Bodhidharma figure as one character: Katô Shôshun
The painting is housed in a fitted kiri wood box,
suggests that it represents the character gu (愚,
certified and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku
»foolishness«), and others the character nin (忍 en-
(1891–1974), the seventeenth abbot of Hakuin’s
durance). Both are possible in terms of the standard
temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara.
Japanese reductions of Chinese characters. Another
possibility is the character in (the right part of the
Published: Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin
character 隠) that forms Hakuin’s own name. This is
Bokuseki. Kyoto: Bokubisha, 1980, nr. 279.
supported by a pair of Menpeki Daruma paintings in
the Konchi’in Temple in Tokyo.7 The two paintings of
the pair were painted by Hakuin at the same time to
commemorate the meeting between him and Gudô
愚堂, a fellow Rinzai sect monk. From reading the inscriptions, it is clear that the two seated figures were
the two friends, reduced to simple Chinese characters of gu and in, representing Gudô and Hakuin.8
This is then a clear case where the seated Daruma
can represent the name of Hakuin and also a clear
indication that Hakuin’s Menpeki Daruma may have
multiple meanings. In other words, the seated
Bodhidharma painting in this catalog may also be a
playful representation of the monk Hakuin himself
engaged in seated meditation. If so, this would also
play in with the Hakuin we know from other paintings, where the painter sometimes takes the place
of Daruma, Hotei, or other figures, thereby gaining complexity from the layering of identities and
36
8
Hakuin Ekaku
(1685–1768)
Edo period (1615–1868), Late 1750’s
Chinese versions usually showing him in a group
H 12 ¾" × W 12 ½" (incl. mounting 60 ¾" × 18 ¾")
image with other legendary rulers, while Japanese
(32.5 cm × 32 cm, 154.5 cm × 47.5 cm)
artists have tended to depict him alone, seated on
Three seals of artist: Rinzai seishû, Hakuin, and
a rock in wilderness. Notable Japanese depictions
Ekaku no in
of Shennong include those made by Hakuin, Sesson
Hanging scroll, ink on silk
Shûkei (1504–1589), Kano Tsunenobu (1636–1713),
and Ike Taiga (1723–1776), but a whole range of
God of Agriculture Viewing Waterfall
painters, carvers, and printmakers participated in
(Takimi Shinnô zô 瀧見神農像)
the tradition.2 Interest in the god increased during
the eighteenth century—at which time this image
Inscription:
was made—partly through the renewed interest in
Chinese culture, through the importation of Chinese
撃草知薬 / 劉木為犁 / 人身牛首 / 斯道神農氏
visual materials, and through the antiquarian interest
of Japanese sinophile cultural figures.
Crushing herbs to understand medicines,
uprooting trees to plow the land.
At the same time, this painting by Hakuin presents
Human body and head of ox:
us with a number of innovations in this venerable
this is the way of the Shennong
tradition. One curious departure in this painting, which the Hakuin scholar Takeuchi Naoji has
Kusa o uchi, yaku o shiru / Ki o koroshite, suki to
described as possessing a strange expression for
nasu / Karada wa hito, kubi wa ushi / Shidô Shin-
a works from his last years,3 is the ox head and
nôshi
the rope leash worn around its neck. While the ox
head was long an aspect of the literary tradition
The exotic figure with human form and ox head
of Shennong that emphasized a human body and
in this painting is Shennong (J. Shinnô), a legend-
an ox head, the visual tradition has persisted in
ary ruler of China first mentioned by Mencius and
depicting his head in mostly human form, hinting at
also known as the Emperor of
Fire.1
He is said to
the ox connection through the pair of horns on his
have taught humans a variety of abilities, includ-
forehead.4 Hakuin’s depiction of a fully bovine face
ing the use of fire, the ways of agriculture, and the
makes that aspect explicit and marks a significant
knowledge of herbs and medicine. The complex
departure from tradition—seemingly unprecedented
mythological status of this god is retold in numerous
in the visual culture of Japan and China. Hakuin may
sources, including his conception at the sight of a
in part have been influenced by Hakutaku images,
dragon and an upbringing in the wilderness. At one
where depictions of the ox-headed creature vary
time, he is also said to have harnessed dragons in
between a human face and an ox-like head.5
order to measure the circumference of the earth.
Another unusual feature of the painting is the
Shennong’s legendary status is also emphasized by
placement of a seated Shennong by a waterfall.
visual media that usually depict the god with horns,
Hakuin has in fact taken the iconography of the
wildly unkempt hair, and clothes made of natural
waterfall-viewing Kannon Takemi Kannon and
leaves. He usually also holds blades of grass in his
adapted that to the Shennong. While Hakuin has
hand or mouth, symbols of his knowledge of herbs.
made a number of waterfall-viewing Kannon figures
A long tradition of depicting Shennong in paint-
with similar compositions, upon looking through
ings and sculpture exists throughout East Asia, with
Hakuin’s extant oeuvre, it becomes apparent that
38
this work represents the unique example of a waterfall composition centered about a person who is not
the Kannon. It is hard to give a specific reason for
this change in iconography, except to point to other
examples where Hakuin has excluded, merged,
and otherwise adapted iconographical features of
his subjects. In such variations we clearly see the
hand of an experimenting artist, unafraid of trying
new ideas in his paintings.6 The composition may
also relate to the unusual small, square format of
the painting, in which the god could hardly be seen
standing up, which is how Hakuin usually presented
Shennong in his paintings.7
The combination of unusual factors of this painting,
including the above-mentioned features, its appearance on silk, the high state of finish and details, the
unusual square format, and the unusual calligraphic
style, point to a special occasion and purpose.
Perhaps it was made for a special customer? Hakuin
often did so, according to other documented cases.
Here we may look at the topic of this painting. We
know that it was a common yearly ritual for medical doctors and pharmacists to display an image of
Shennong at the winter solstice and to make offerings to the god. And we also know that Edo-period
doctors were often wealthy collectors of art works. It
would make perfect sense for Hakuin to have made
this finely painted work on relatively costly silk for
such a person in return for a generous contribution
to Hakuin’s Shôinji Temple.
The painting is housed in a fitted kiri wood box,
certified and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku
(1891–1974), the seventeenth abbot of Hakuin’s
temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara.
Published: Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo:
Chikuma Shobô, 1964), 80.
40
9
Watanabe Gentai
(1748 – 1822)
Edo period (1615–1868)
short time in the country, created great interest in
H 19 ½" × W 27 ¼" (incl. mounting 54 ¼" × 33 ½")
his painting style which was new for the Japanese.
(49.4 cm × 69.3 cm, 138 cm × 85 cm)
After his departure, he left behind a growing group
Inscribed: Hen’ei
of followers, which is popularly referred to as the
Seals: Hen and Ei
Nagasaki school of painting. The inspiration if
Hanging scroll, colors and ink on silk
not prototype of this particular painting was likely
a work of this school: we see the characteristics
The artist has depicted five finely-detailed horses
through the strong color contrasts of the horses; the
in a marshy meadow by a lake. Each of the horses
balanced composition of the work; the lush, marshy
seems to be of a different color and type and each is
placement of the work; and the strong ink brushwork
shown in a different activity: whether drinking water,
of the tree trunks.
grazing, scratching its head, looking away, or simply
lying down. The season is clearly spring and the soft,
This painting seems also to be a loose adaptation
light greens of the willow branches and meadow,
of the popular Chinese Eight Horses of Mu Wang
as well as the light blues and grays of the lake and
theme, in which eight horses of different colors and
far-away shores, form the stage for the bright and
types belonging to a legendary emperor are shown
assertive colors of the five horses.
in a marshy meadow. Typically they are shown in expressive freedom, interacting with each other in an
The artist of this painting, Watanabe Gentai (1748–
equine paradise, without the interference of human
1822), was one of the many talented students of
beings. Three Chinese horses, however, get lost in
the Edo-based painter Tani Bunchô (1763–1840).
the translation to this particular Japanese paint-
Gentai’s connection to Bunchô may be seen here in
ing, and as a result, the connection to the story of
his interest in naturalistic detail and harmonic color
the Chinese emperor becomes loosened, but other
patterns, as well as in his interest in contemporary
elements, such as the setting and the idea of the
Chinese paintings, particularly the type made popu-
freedom-loving horses are kept. Gentai may have
lar by the Qing dynasty painter Shen Nanping and
chosen a smaller number of horses in order to better
his followers. Shen traveled to Japan and, during his
show the individual details of the horses.
After his apprenticeship with Bunchô, Gentai started
an atelier of his own and succeeded in establishing
a smaller school by training sons and relatives, who
in turn trained their offspring. He seems to have
been successful in gaining customers during a time
of intense competition between artists, perhaps
by balancing the public’s interest in China and other
foreign countries with domestic needs, such as
paintings of animals for the various zodiac years.
This painting was very possibly created for such a
purpose, for a discriminating merchant who needed
a painting for the year of the horse.
42
bamboo baskets
10
Iizuka Rôkansai
(1890–1958)
Shôwa period (1926–1989), circa 1936–1941
with those illustrated for 1936–1949 in Iizuka Rôkansai:
H 9 ¾" × L 10 ¼" × W 10"
Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi Prefectural
(25 cm × 26 cm × 25.5 cm)
Museum of Fine Arts, 1989, pages 118–119); the box
Signed: Rôkansai saku
signature most closely matches those illustrated for
1936–41.
The striking bamboo ikebana basket illustrated
here is a masterpiece by Rôkansai. The cubic form
For similar bamboo works by Rôkansai, see Iizuka
is simple yet bold and dramatic. In keeping with
Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts, e.g.,
the simple form, the handles are composed of two
item 18, a cubic brazier (ca. 1927) and item 32, a
short cylindrical sections. The body is woven with
flower basket using a similar architecture of dark
light-colored split bamboo in the triangular asa-no-
vertical supports against a light body (ca. 1932).
ha pattern and is dramatically offset by dark brown
vertical supports, which continue from the inside to
Rôkansai is widely acknowledged as the greatest
the outside and from one side to the other, crossing
Japanese basket maker of the 20th century. The
each other below and thereby forming a dynamic
sixth son of the basket maker Hôsai I, he started out
pattern on the bottom. The two wide flattened
making intricate baskets in the karamono-style but
bamboo sections are the most striking feature of
went on to develop many new ideas and techniques.
this basket.
He pioneered modern bamboo crafts and exerted
great influence on numerous post-war bamboo artists.
It is signed on the side with an incised signature
His works are in the collections of many institutions,
reading »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai.«
including the Tokyo National Museum of Modern Art
It comes with the original fitted sugi wood box,
and Idemitsu Museum of Art.
which is inscribed on the top of the beveled lid
»Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside of
the lid it is titled »Shikô« or »Four Bright Things,«
which refers to the wide bamboo strips on the four
sides; signed »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai;«
and sealed Rôkansai. The red oval seal is consistent
46
11
Iizuka Rôkansai
(1890–1958)
Taishô period (1912–1926), 1910’s
Accordingly, Rôkansai must have inscribed and signed
H 11 ½", D 11 ¾"
this box between 1920 and 1934, but the basket itself
(29 cm, 30 cm)
is an earlier work by him, made probably in the late
Signed: Rôkansai
1910‘s. The original box had been lost and he signed
this replacement box later for the owner of the basket,
This round ikebana basket by the bamboo artist
using more valuable kiri wood.
Rôkansai is woven with darkly colored split bamboo
in the square yottsu-me pattern, here arranged
For a similar bamboo basket using the same weave
diagonally; the inside bottom is in the hexagonal
in a round form, see Iizuka Rôkansai, item 5, a flower
kumo-no-suajiro (spider web) pattern.
basket from circa 1924.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
For biographical details on Rôkansai, see previous
signature reading Rôkansai. It comes with a fitted
catalog entry.
kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the
beveled lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the
inside of the lid, he signed »Rôkansai kyû-saku« or
»made long ago by Rôkansai,« and stamped three
red seals, together reading Rôkansai. According to
Iizuka Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts
(Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 1989,
pages 118–119), this set of three red seals was used
by Rôkansai from the early 1920’s to circa 1934. The
signature is consistent with those illustrated in this
catalog of the large Rôkansai exhibition in 1989 at
the Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, where
110 of his works were exhibited.
48
12
Maeda Chikubôsai I
(1872–1950)
Shôwa period (1926–1989), circa 1930
H 16" × L 15 ¾" × W 6 ½"
(41 cm × 40 cm × 16.8 cm)
Signed: Chikubôsai kore tsukuru
According to Chikubôsai’s box inscription, this
outstanding bamboo ikebana basket is made in the
shape of a drum; it could, however, equally well be
in the shape of the full moon. Indeed, a very similar
basket is illustrated and entitled »Moon-shaped
flower basket« in Japanese Bamboo Baskets:
Masterworks of Form & Texture from the Collection
of Lloyd Cotsen (Los Angeles, Cotsen Occasional
Press, 1999), item number 91.
Apart from the dramatic design, the exceptionally
fine details using numerous weaving techniques
sets this basket apart. It is a delight to examine the
basket details up close.
signature reading »Chikubôsai kore tsukuru« or
»this made by Chikubôsai.« It comes with a copper
liner for ikebana use and with the original fitted sugi
wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the lid
»Taiko-shiki Hanakago« or »Drum-shaped Flower
Basket.« On the inside of the lid it is signed »Senyô
Kuzezato Chikubôsai-zô« or »made by Chikubôsai of
the Senyô Studio in Kuzezato« and bears a red seal
reading Chikubôsai.
50
Chikubôsai was one of the greatest basket makers
of the Kansai region. His son, Chikubôsai II (1917–
2003), continued the tradition and was named a Living
National Treasure for the bamboo crafts in 1995.
13
Morita Chikuami
Active circa 1900–1935
Taishô period (1912–1926), circa 1920
H 24", D 7 ½"
(61 cm, 19 cm)
Signed: Chikuami kore tsukuru
This elegant basket in the karamono-style has a tall
handle and a hexagonal body that becomes round
at the opening. It is woven using a combination of
very narrow split bamboo strips and wide lacquered
bamboo pieces.
signature reading »Chikuami kore tsukuru« or »this
made by Chikuami.« It comes with the original fitted wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the
lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside
of the lid it is signed »Chikuami zô« or »made by
Chikuami« and bears a round red seal reading
Chikuami.
Chikuami was the artist name of Morita Shintarô,
who lived in Kyoto and was active from the late
Meiji to early Shôwa periods.
52
14
Tanabe Chikuunsai II
(1910–2000)
Shôwa period (1926–1989), circa 1950
makers of Osaka. Chikuunsai I lived from 1877 to
H 23 ¾", D 8 ¼"
1937; this basket was made by his son Chikuunsai
(60.5 cm, 21 cm)
II; he in turn passed on the artist name to his oldest
Signed: Chikuunsai kore tsukuru
son, Chikuunsai III (b. 1940), in 1991.
This tall bamboo ikebana basket in double-gourd
shape is woven with very narrow strips of split bamboo.
The attractive shape is enhanced by the superb details
throughout the basket using numerous weaving
techniques. In spite of its size, it is surprisingly light
in weight.
signature reading »Chikuunsai kore tsukuru« or »this
made by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original
fitted kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top
of the lid »Hyô-gata Taka-te Hanakago« or »Gourdshaped Flower Basket with Tall Handle.« On the
inside of the lid it is signed »Sakaifu Nansô Chikuunsai
zô« or »made by Chikuunsai of the Nansô Studio in
Sakai-fu« and bears two red seals reading »Tanabe
no in« (»seal of Tanabe«) and Chikuunsai.
The artist name Chikuunsai belongs to the Tanabe
family, one of the most important bamboo-basket
54
15
Chikuunsai II
(1910–2000)
Shôwa period (1926–1989), dated 1969
For biographical details on Chikuunsai, see previous
H 9", D 14 ½"
catalog entry.
(22.6 cm, 37 cm)
Signed: Chikuunsai zô
The illustrated large bamboo ikebana basket is
woven in the hexagonal muttsu-me pattern using
very narrow split bamboo strips. Entitled »En« or
»circle,« it was exhibited at the 8th Japanese Contemporary Art Exhibition in 1969.
The artist signed the basket on the bottom with an
incised signature reading »Chikuunsai zô« or »made
by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original fitted kiri
wood box, which is entitled on the top of the lid
»En« and inscribed »Kikkô-sukashi-ami Hanakago«
or »Hexagonal Open-Mesh Weave Flower Basket.«
On the inside of the lid, it bears the inscription
»Dai Hachi-kai Nihon Gendai Kôgei Bijutsu Tenrankai
Shuppin« or »Exhibited at the 8th Japanese Contemporary Art Exhibition« and is signed »Tekisuikyo
Chikuunsai zô« or made by »Chikuunsai of the
Tekisuikyo Studio« and stamped with two red seals
reading »Tanabe no in« (»seal of Tanabe«) and
Chikuunsai.
56
ceramics
16
Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji
»Pale Fall Colors«
the finely carved foot with the janome kôdai, or
H 3 ¼" × L 5 ½"
»snake-eye« foot, completed with a finely formed
(8.5 cm × 14 cm)
Kugibori »carved nail« pattern in the center, formed
With fitted silk brocade pouch
while turning on the potter’s wheel. The wabi aes-
and inscribed kiri wood box.
thetics of incompletion are especially effective when
areas of unbalance and spontaneity are contrasted
This striking Hagi tea bowl (chawan) carries with it
with such areas of planned symmetry.
a long history of the tea ceremony and a complex
layering of meaning. The bowl has received its name
The name of the bowl, Usumomiji, or »pale autumn
from a tea master and it has been handed down in
colors,« likely refers to the unusual patterning of the
Japanese tea master collections for centuries and
glaze, which varies in color from creamy white to
comes with its set of pedigree.
light red as one looks across the mottled surface of
the bowl. The bowl seems to have been praised for
The bowl was turned on the potter’s wheel as seen
the colors and for the poetic connotations that they
in its overall symmetric form: the body curves out
would awaken, especially in the fall tea season. The
gracefully from a small well-formed foot, creat-
word itself appears quite often in Japanese poetry
ing rows of lines on the lower half of the bowl and
and many poems use the word as a marker of the
culminating in a slightly asymmetric, uneven rim.
season and for creating specific settings with their
The bowl has been immersed in a vat of glaze into
deeper implications.2 In giving names to bowls, it
which it was dipped two or three times, as can be
was important to choose a name that would awaken
seen in the uneven application of glaze close to the
poetic connotations, either to specific poems or to
foot. Some glaze was even splashed on to the foot
broader poetic sentiments.3
itself, a sign of the speed with which the application
was undertaken, adding to the sense of spontane-
This bowl has a fascinating pedigree, as listed on
ity that was highly prized by the tea connoisseurs.
the outermost paper wrapper. The inscription to
Other spontaneous expressions of wabi, the tea
the lower left describes the nature of the various
term that denote the sense of incompleteness and
layers of appreciation and inscriptions that have
imperfection,1
grown around this particular tea bowl. First of all, it
can be seen in the small circles of
unglazed areas on the side of the bowl; these could
describes the »three-character ink inscription« on
have been bubbles in the glaze that hindered the
the wooden box to have been written by a Hokô
direct contact of the glaze to the clay surface. With
甫公, which we know to be one of the artist names
time, these imperfections have become emphasized
used by the noted tea master, Kobori Enshu 小堀遠州
through the tea stains on the glaze on the inside of
(1579–1647).4 The inscription goes on to say that a
the bowl, which represent evidence of appreciation
paper attachment (kakitsuke) has a »four character
and constant use of the object within the tea world.
inscription« by a Sôchû, who is Kobori Sôchû Ma-
The stains have with time highlighted the glaze im-
sayasu 小堀宗中政優 (1786–1867), the eighth genera-
perfections by forming circular stains around them.
tion head of the Enshû school, originally founded by
Enshû. Another layer in this trail of tea appreciation
The piece was made by a potter who was highly
and tea bowl ownership is provided by the unidenti-
aware of tea aesthetics and of the need to produce
fied writer of this inscription, who, by tradition, does
imperfect elements within a controlled framework.
not write his own name.5 We can only assume that
The areas of imperfection are here balanced by
he was the owner of the tea bowl after Sôchû parted
areas of total control and symmetry, for example,
with it.
60
It is possible to match other evidence to these assertions. Enshû was known for his ability to provide
poetic names and many examples of bowls that were
named by him exist; moreover, the inscription on
the box is done in his well-known calligraphic style.
Also, Sôchû was known for his reinvigoration of the
Enshû line, which had fallen into disrepair; he was
known for his immense collection of tea utensils and
also for his unusual running script calligraphic style.6
While we do see both the Enshû-like three-character
inscription on the box and a Sôchû-like four-character inscription on a (now tattered) piece of paper
that belongs to the top of it, other elements need to
be taken into consideration before conclusions can
be made. One is a list of objects in the collection of
Enshû, the Enshû kurachô 遠州蔵帳, which is a long
list of items owned by Enshû and his son, as written
by Kobori Sôjitsu, the third generation head. Our
bowl is not listed on this document. Also, the age of
the ceramic bowl itself, is more likely to be eighteenth century than seventeenth century. One possible conclusion is that the bowl was given a name
and a box by someone before Sôchû, who gave the
bowl a box in the style of Enshû. The Sôchû inscription could be genuine and the anonymous owner
after Sôchû may have interpreted the calligraphy as
being that of Enshû.
The tea ceremony is celebrated for its ability to give
layers of meaning to objects and rituals. Sometimes
the layers harmonize with each other and at other
times there are contradictions. This bowl is a case
in point: the bowl itself has taken on layers after
frequent use over two centuries and the staining
by tea has now changed the original appearance of
the bowl and glaze. Likewise, the layering of provenance provides layers of meaning surrounding the
bowl within its box: here, the link of previous owners
includes a misinterpretation of one and the lack of
identity of another. The complexity of meaning in
the tea ceremony itself is here aptly echoed in this
fine Hagi bowl that continues to echo the pale colors
of early autumn.
62
17
Takatori chawan
of porcelain.4 The glazes applied on the bowl are
H 2 ¾", D 5 ¼"
also typical to the Takatori tea wares; these glazes
(7.2 cm, 13.5 cm)
were thick and of various colors and consistencies,
With inscribed kiri wood box
mainly produced by mixing different minerals, ashes,
and stones. The glazes were then applied to the
This Takatori tea bowl (chawan) was created by the
objects and mixed in a rich tapestry of colors. The
descendants of Korean laborers taken from Korea
yellow-gold glaze forming the central glaze on this
during the Japanese invasions in the 1590’s. The
tea bowl is called the dôkeiyû and is one of the
Korean potter Palsan (later given the Japanese
more famous of the Takatori glaze types. The glaze
name Takatori Hachizô) left Korea with his wife and
application method is also typical for Takatori wares:
family and set up a kiln in the domain of Kuroda
broad bands are applied and allowed to run down
kiln.1
Nagamasa, forming the origin of the Takatori
the sides, producing mutations in colors where
In the process of the next generations, the Takatori
glazes mix and a drop design along its bottom
line of potters was in charge of a number of kilns in
edge. On this bowl, some areas on the outside did
the domain throughout the Edo period. At the time
not get covered with glaze. In the tea world, such
of the production of this tea bowl, the third-genera-
places of imperfection are considered to imbue a
tion Takatori Hachizô was in charge of the Higashi
tea object with its own personality; and, rather than
Sarayama Kiln, where tea utensils were
made.2
This
detractions, they are seen as the embodiment of tea
kiln, which was modeled on Korean climbing kilns,
ceremony aesthetics of rusticity, incompletion, and
is the likely source of this bowl. The Takatori pot-
astringency.5
ters combined Korean technology with Japanese
tea aesthetics; the first generation Hachizô even
traveled to Kyoto with his son to receive instructions
in tea ceramics from the famous tea master Kobori
Enshû (1579–1647) and their tea ceramics bear the
traces of the tastes of the Kyoto tea masters.3
This tea bowl bears the marks of the type of clay
used at Higashi Sarayama, which was highly refined to a density and strength approaching that
64
18
Shino Serving Bowl
Momoyama (1573–1615) to early Edo period
»carved nail« indentation in the center of this area:
(1615 - 1868), first half of 17th century
this indentation forms a single curving wave in the
H 2 ¼" × L 6" × W 6"
middle of the three birds. The viewer is rewarded for
(5.7 cm × 15.3 cm × 15.3 cm)
looking closely and the puzzle is now solved.
Stoneware with underglaze iron.
With kiri wood box inscribed Shino Perforated
The second zone of decoration is on the rim. The
Small Bowl
decoration here is formed of quickly-drawn, stylized vines, curling out from two diagonally opposed
This small Shino bowl was made for the kaiseki sec-
corners. Two other sides are marked with series of
tion of the tea ceremony, in which guests were served
parallel lines along the edges of the vessel. The fine
from small dishes filled with various refined dishes.
perforated design of round clusters are placed close
to the vines and may well represent clusters of fruit,
This vessel was created through a number of sepa-
such as the grape.3 While the design appears simple
rate steps. It was initially thrown on the wheel and
and spontaneous, it is in fact highly sophisticated.
then sculpted by hand. Three loop feet were then
Such a design could easily be imagined to have
added to the bowl and it bears traces of spur marks
been ordered by a tea master or artist with a keen
on both the top and the bottom of the bowl, indicat-
sense of play and visual design.4
ing that it was fired as a stack of smaller bowls and
dishes. The stoneware vessel was then covered with
Similar Shino bowls and dishes were often made in
a thick feldsparic glaze, which fired milky-white over
sets of five and ten and used in the tea ceremony,
a simple iron decoration that had been applied with
during the kaiseki meal.5 This particular type of bowl
a brush.1
would have been appreciated as a kaiseki vessel for
a number of reasons. First, as stated above, for its
The design on the upper surface of the bowl is
visually appealing, sophisticated design. Second,
separated into two zones. The inner, round area is
for ease of use: the central area could easily hold a
decorated with a simple motif of three flying plovers
small amount of food without spilling, the three feet
(chidori) on a blank ground. In Japanese visual cul-
giving the vessel stability. In addition, the uneven
ture, plovers are almost always paired with
waves,2
surface of the vessel, with its heavy glaze, would
and the lack of waves on this design is at first puz-
have provided a pleasantly tactile surface to hold
zling until one notices the fine under-glaze kugibori
during the meal. Finally, the bowl would have created an interesting temporal program: when food was
served, the food would have been in the center of
the bowl, framed by the outer zone with the design
of vines and fruit. Upon eating the food, the central
design of the plovers become gradually visible,
and, when the food was entirely gone, the indented
central wave would suddenly become visible, perhaps accented by the food’s liquid runoff settling in
the wave-shaped indentation. The bowl carries yet
another association as both the plover / wave design
and that of the vines/grapes carry an autumnal association. This Shino bowl would have been an ideal
vessel to serve that important guest at the autumn
tea setting.6
66
19
Ko-Seto Vase
Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
Seto ware excavated throughout the country, and
H 9 ¾", D 6 ½"
it is entirely possible that the Asihikaga shogunate
(24.5 cm, 16.7 cm)
government in the city of Kamakura was a close
Stoneware with green wood-ash glaze
sponsor of the kiln in its earlier days. As the gov-
With inscribed kiri wood box
ernment also largely controlled the importation of
luxury vessels from outside Japan, it made excellent
This early stoneware vase stems from a Seto ware
economic sense for the government to also control
kiln, near the present city of Seto, in present-day
the production of the Japanese imitations.
Aichi Prefecture. The vase, which has been formed
on a potter’s wheel, is elegantly shaped in the
This particular vase was made in the imitation of
meibing shape with a gradual outward curvature
Chinese Yingqing ware porcelain vases from the
as one goes up the object. The vase ends in a firm
Jingdezhen area.2 The type of vase was the meibing
shoulder and a generous neck and mouth, the latter
(lit. »lotus blossom«) type that were imported to
with a large midriff. The vase has been decorated
Japan at this time.3 As the Japanese potters could
with three sets of lines (again, while on the wheel)
not produce porcelains at the time, the next best
on the mid-body, on the edge of the shoulder and
solution was to produce stoneware with a thick
halfway between the second line and the mouth.
wood-ash glaze to give the impression of a celadon
There is no stamped decoration; rather, through a
porcelain vase. These vases have in the past been
generous application of ash-glaze, small rivulets of
discarded by some commentators as mere imita-
olive-green glaze (caused by the reductive kiln) run
tions.4 Recently, however, persuasive arguments
down the sides of the vase.1 This particular piece is
have been made for the aesthetic values of these
in excellent condition with only a small chip on the
remarkable objects. It is important to remember
mouth that has been repaired with gold lacquer.
that the act of copying in East Asia is significantly
different than that in the West, and it is likely that
The Seto kiln is traditionally seen as one of the Six
the imitations were seen as acts of homage to the
Old Kilns, taken to be the six medieval kilns active
luxurious imports from exotic places.5
in Japan at the time. Later research has shown that
there were a much larger number of kilns active at
This type of vase was used for storing liquids for
this time, including Suzu ware, which also appears
both religious and non-religious occasions. The
in this catalog. According to tradition, the Seto kiln
pronounced midriff on the neck allowed ropes and
was founded by one man, a Katô Kagemasa, who
stiff paper to be tied to the top for a close seal
traveled to China in 1223 and learned the Chinese
over the plug. An earlier type of Ko-Seto vases with
way of producing ceramics. Upon returning to Japan
similar forms were produced in the Kamakura period
and the Seto area, he set up production here. No
(1185–1392). This earlier type, however, had various
matter whether a historical Katô Kagemasa existed or
stamped patterns, whereas the type seen in this
not, it certainly seems true that Chinese and Korean
entry was without the stamped designs and is seen
ceramics played a large role in the early history of the
to stem from the Muromachi period (1392–1573).6
kiln, as many of the first products were imitations of
foreign luxury objects. Tenmoku bowls from China
A foremost ceramic expert, Katsura Matasaburô
were imitated as were Celadon vases from Korea and
(1901–1986) has certified this particular piece to
China.
have come from the Seto kiln and to date to the
mid-Muromachi period.7 His certificate, including
The Seto kiln also seems to have been one of the
the size of the vase, and his signature and seals, is
most favored kilns at the time, judging from the
placed on the underside of the kiri box lid.8
68
20
Suzu Jar with Paddled Design
Kamakura period (1185–1392), 13th century
to a high point of technical sophistication. As usual
H 13 ¼", D 11 ½"
with works of this type, the outline of the jar, an
(33.5 cm, 29 cm)
egg standing on its thin end, displays traces of the
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
clay coils from which the upper part of the body
was formed on top of a sculpted base. The outward-
The Suzu 珠洲 kilns were located on the northern tip
opening short mouth of the jar is segmented into
of the Noto 能登 peninsula in present-day Ishikawa
two parallel parts and successfully counter-balances
Prefecture, on the coast of the Japan Sea. The kilns
the widening shape of the jar beneath it. This
are thought to be a development of the medieval
jar does not display the heavy ash glaze of other
Sueki ware culture, a type of ceramics closely related
contemporary kilns, such as Tamba or Shigaraki,
to Korean prototypes that once spread across Japan.1
but rather a thin glaze with traces of white spotting
Some scholars have posited that the production of
from ash that fell on the parts of the body that were
the Suzu ware with its characteristic sandy clay, dark
exposed during the reductive firing.
gray coloring, and egg-shaped vessels, was initiated
by Korean potters that had arrived in the twelfth
A distinctive kiln mark can be seen on the shoulder
century from the Korean peninsula, not very far from
of this work in the form of three arcs that form a
the Noto
area.2
Whatever the origins of the kilns, the
circle.4 Marks such as this, possibly made from the
kilns enjoyed sponsorship by religious institutions
carved end of a bamboo stick, are sometimes found
and aristocratic families, partly through the large
on Suzu vessels of this period. Specialists have
Wakayama manor on the same peninsular. Through
speculated on the exact meaning of these marks;
these connections Suzu vessels spread widely: ves-
theories often center on possible religious functions
sels have been excavated from numerous places
of the vessels.5 It is certainly possible that this
along the western coast of Japan, reaching as far
particular vessel with its sophisticated and carefully-
as southern Hokkaido. The first pieces of Suzu ware
done design may also have been created as a com-
that clearly differenciated from Sueki ware can be
mission for a special religious ceremony.
placed in the twelfth century during the late Heian
period (794–1185) and the last pieces in the fifteenth
The Suzu kilns have gained considerable attention
century during the Muromachi period (1392–1573).
since the discovery of the kiln site in the 1950’s and
After this period, the kilns were abandoned, perhaps
Suzu objects are now eagerly collected by museums
due to intense competition from the nearby Echizen
and collectors. Although the kilns were discontinued
and Tokoname kilns.
during the Muromachi period, the area has since
fund new ceramic life as numerous potters have now
This outstanding jar dates from the thirteenth century,
set up businesses in the Noto peninsula, in attempts
which, judging from the relatively large number of
to renew the lost traditions of the Suzu kilns.6
pieces produced at this time, was a period of high
activity for the Suzu kilns.3 The pieces from this
period often display a highly developed paddling
technique (tataki 叩き) – where wooden paddles
with incised lines are beaten on the still-soft clay,
resulting in a distinct appearance, often likened to
plowing marks or pinecones. On well-designed pots,
the resulting texture alternates seamlessly between
areas of horizontal lines and diagonal lines, and this
particular pot is notable for carrying this technique
70
21
Shigaraki Jar
Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
of this vessel possibly also occurred through the
H 18 ½", D 15 ¼"
spontaneous accidents of the firing process.
(47 cm, 39 cm)
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
The surface of the jar, with its warm, glowing mosaic
of earth tones and textures presents the viewer with
This stoneware jar stems from the Shigaraki region,
an exciting spectacle of spontaneous events. As
a mountainous area in the modern-day Shiga Prefec-
the clay used in this unpretentious country kiln was
ture, to the southeast of Kyoto. The jar embodies a
largely unfiltered, many pieces of rocks and minerals
sense of austere beauty and a tour-de-force display
became exposed during the construction and the
of surface detail, including firing spots, stone inclu-
firing. Larger pebbles appear in the surface, some-
sions, cracks and melted minerals throughout the
times (in the case of feldspar and quartz) fusing and
vessel. The construction of this bulbous, generously
partly melting away. Other times, producing minor
bulging jar echoes that of other jars from this period:
explosions during the firing, leaving a burst pattern
from its silhouette, it becomes clear that the jar
in the clay. Yet in other places are holes, where
was created in four rounds of clay-coil construction,
pebbles were forced out of the hardening clay during
where the clay was allowed to partially dry between
the firing process.1
applications. The neck and mouth was added at the
end, on the strongly articulated shoulder. As the jar
The Shigaraki kiln was thought to be one of the
was not turned on a potter’s wheel, its asymmetry
Six Ancient Kilns that were thought active during
displays a complex sense of movement, partly bal-
medieval Japan.2 We know now from excavations
anced by the firm base, made larger than the mouth.
that dozens of other kilns were also active during this
time, including the Suzu kiln, and that the medieval
Reading the surface of the jar provides us with a
ceramic world was quite complex and differentiated.
close, blow-by-blow history of its firing process. The
Shigaraki kilns, however, were one of the kiln sites
dramatic color patterns on the jar shows us where
to gain fame from an early date, partly due to its
the jar was placed within the kiln: where it was partly
proximity to the capital city of Kyoto, and partly due
exposed directly to the fire (the dark koge spots),
to the many tea masters, from the sixteenth century
where partly exposed to fire without being touched
onwards, who actively promoted the ceramics from
by it (the lighter browns), and where it was placed
this area. Prior to the discovery of the kiln by the
right next to other ceramic vessels (the light oranges).
tea aficionados, however, the Shigaraki kilns made
In this last group of light spots, it is possible to locate
unpretentious objects for local farmers, merchants,
sections where a ceramic object next to the jar
and religious institutions.3 Their jars were used pri-
actually touched it during firing and became fused
marily for storage, for storing food and seeds for the
together – the resulting chip occurred when the two
next season, and for Buddhist rites, for example, for
vessels were separated after the firing. In addition,
burials and the storing of ritual objects.
the large amounts of ash from the burning pine
wood settled on the vessel during firing and created
a pattern of gray glazes. Here, too, it is possible to
map out the location of the jar within the kiln: from
the amount of glaze, we can see which side of the
jar faced the fire at the front of the kiln and we can
tell from areas untouched by glaze, where objects
shielded the jar from the ash-carrying wind that blew
at high speeds through the kiln. The broken mouth
72
lacquers
22
Stacked Writing Box with Quails
Kôda Shûetsu (1882–1933)
Taishô period (1912–1926), 1920’s
removed for the identity of the artist to be known.
H 7" × L 13" × W 9"
Kôda Shûetsu 迎田秋悦 (1882–1933) was a major
(18 cm × 32.7 cm × 22.5 cm)
twentieth-century Kyoto lacquer artist. He was born
Signed: Shûetsu saku (»Made by Shûetsu«)
into a family of lacquer artists, his father being
With fitted kiri wood box, inscribed by the artist.
the fifth-generation lacquer artist Yamamoto Rihei
(1839–1908), and he became one of the leading
This finely executed stacked writing box (suzuribako)
lacquer artists of his generation. He actively took
is composed of a lower box for paper and an upper
part in national and regional exhibitions and in form-
box for recessed ink stone and water dropper. On
ing artist organizations to further the work of fellow
the outside is the finely delineated design of seven
lacquer artists. He was one of the artists to take part
quails, two on the upper lid and five around the four
in the influential Kôshuen (Fragrant Lacquer Garden)
sides. The quails, a symbol of autumn, are crafted in
under the direction of Asai Chû (1856–1907) in 1906.
gold takamakie with a high degree of naturalism and
In 1927 he formed Kôgei Shunsôsha (Spring Grasses
are shown peacefully flocking in nature, forraging for
Society of the Arts) together with Ida Kôshû and in
food on the roiro mirror-black lacquer ground of the
1930, he took was the leading force behind the for-
box exterior.
mation of the Kinki Shukôka Kyôkai (The Kinki-Area
Lacquer Artist Association), which dissolved follow-
The box interior is formed by a textile pattern in the
ing his untimely death three years later.
togidashi technique on a nashiji ground; the design
playfully alludes to the fine brocade silk interiors of
Shûetsu took part in numerous major exhibitions,
many writing boxes. The artist, Kôda Shûetsu, was
starting with the exhibition in 1915 to mark the
the author of an important book on lacquer design,
seventh anniversary of his father’s death. In 1920,
and that expertise seems to have come to good use
he, together with Akazuka Jitoku (1871–1936), took
in deciding the particular textile pattern that would
part in the first Tokyo exhibition, which was one of
fit with the overall design of the
box.1
The forms of
the more important exhibitions of the Taishô period
the box are placed in a dynamic balance between
(1912–1926). And in 1932 he was selected by the
the angular forms of the water pourer, the ink stone,
government to take part in a large government-
and the outer box, and the softly rounded shapes of
sponsored exhibition for export of the arts.
the abstract flower designs and the quails.
Shûetsu’s works are in many major institutions,
including the Tokyo National Museum.
The artist has hidden his signature inside the writing box, beneath the ink stone, which must be
76
23
Box with Pines and Sakura Blossoms
Taishô period (1912–1926)
traditionally seen as symbolic plants of the autumn.
H 5" × L 15" × W 13"
To finish the box design, the artist has had the
(12.9 cm × 38.2 cm × 32.8 cm)
lacquered edges of the top and bottom halves en-
With fitted black lacquer kiri wood box
cased in heavy silver rims. No expense is spared in
producing the most luxurious effects. The only place
The anonymous designer of this spectacular lacquer
left devoid of design is the inside bottom, which was
box for paper documents (ryoshibako) designed
purposely left bare, as this is where the documents
the box with a finely detailed décor of pines and
were meant to be stored.
blossoming cherry trees across its outer surfaces.
Moreover, he has divided the top cover into two
The seasons of the plants were calculated to rep-
opposing sections, the lower right being occupied
resent a contrast of the inside and outside: as the
by pine trees among flowering plants and the upper
winter and spring seasons are represented on the
left showing a misty landscape with flowering cherry
outside, so the autumn season will contrast on the
trees, pine trees, and smaller flowering plants. The
inside. The beginning of the year is represented by
plants are detailed with the most luxurious gold
the buoyant spring scene on the front, while the
lacquer effects, including details in makie, takamakie
autumn intimates the coming end of the year. And
and kirigane techniques on kinpun and nashiji
rather than inviting the viewer to look at individual
ground.
details, the artist has elected to go for massive effects: the rich sweeps of plants, both outside and
The cover opens to reveal generous profusions of
inside the box, stand in order to impress the over-
autumnal grasses and flowers in takamakie and
whelming richness of design and sheer profusion of
kirigane on nashiji and kinpun clouds. Myriad types
gold details and techniques.
of fall flowers are represented, including the hagi,
kuzu, sekichiku, Suzuki, kikyô, and otokoeshi, all
78
24
Box with Plum Blossoms
Taishô period (1912–1926)
has a relatively simple design of bamboo leaves by a
H 5" × L 15 ½" × W 12 ¼"
flowing stream, which could also be interpreted as a
(12.3 cm × 39.7 cm × 31 cm)
winter design.
With inscribed fitted kiri wood box
The moment of triumph for the plum is often deInscription on lacquer box:
picted in the form of the uguisu or bush warbler,
Uguisu no haru »Spring of the bush warbler«
perched on the branches of the flowering plum. In
this case, the bird appears to be absent, but, in fact,
This large black lacquer box for paper documents
the two symbols, the plum and uguisu, are united
(ryoshibako) displays a thick takamakie décor of a
in the form of the mother-of-pearl character for the
flowering plum branch surrounded by straw and
word uguisu, which is located next to the lower right
inlaid mother-of-pearl characters in the lower right
of the branch. Here, then, a word takes the part of
upper left corners. The flowering plum tree is a
an image, and the symbolic pair is united in two
symbol of perseverance of the tree in winter’s cold,
different media.
and of the dying winter and of the spring which is
fast approaching. The dramatic moment of triumph
The box comes with the original kiri wood box,
against the cold is further emphasized by the stark,
which, according to an attached label, belonged
mirror-black roiro background surrounding the
originally to the Taishô Emperor before it was given
flowers and by the straw, which has been wrapped
as a present, to mark the anniversary of his death
around the plum tree trunk in order to keep it from
in the spring of 1927, the second year of the new
dying in the frost. The inside of the document box
Shôwa reign. If this is indeed the case, then the
design of the cover plays perfectly along with the
occasion: the inscription, »the spring of the bush
warbler,« refers to a new start, the regeneration of a
something old and venerable, and, here, the plum
could be seen as the ancient Japanese imperial line
and the new spring, heralded by the uguisu, is the
ascent to the throne of the new Shôwa emperor.
80
25
Kôetsu Lacquer Box with Poem
Ishikawa Rôseki 石川蝋石, 3rd generation (1950–)
Heisei period (1989–present), 1996
Yet Rôseki did not see the original box by Kôetsu
H 3 ¼" × L 8 ¾" × W 8 ¾"
but rather a copy that Ogata Kôrin (1658–1716) had
(8.2 cm × 22 cm × 22 cm)
made of the original. This copy is now in the Seikadô
Foundation and comes with an inscription by Kôrin
With fitted wood box inscribed on top: Kazaribako:
saying that he saw the original box in Kôetsu’s home
Kôetsu utsushi suminoe makie
in Takagamine.2 Moreover, the copy that Kôrin made
「飾箱・光悦写住ノ江蒔絵」
was clearly not an exact copy as we see distinct
»Ornamental Box: Copy of Kôrin’s Lacquer Suminoe.«
elements of Kôrin’s pictorial style in the depiction
Inscription on side of fitted box: Heian Shishô
of the waves. Furthermore, Rôseki, when making his
Rôseki zô 「平安・漆匠蝋石造」 »Made by Kyoto
copy of the Kôrin copy, also made transformations,
Lacquer Master Rôseki«
changing, for one thing, a writing box with utensils
to a display box. So we have a copy of a copy of an
Inscription on lacquer box:
original, where both copies changed elements of
the original.
Does my bellowed / avoid the eyes of others /
Even on dream paths / visited by night as [waves] /
Visit Suminoe
[shore]? 1
Copying lacquer works of prior masters was a timehonored tradition in Japan, and there are many
records of such events, partly caused by the high
Suminoe no / [kishi] ni yoru [nami] /
incidence of fire and the likelihood of masterpieces
yoru sae ya / yume no kayoiji /
going entirely lost if not replicated. Documented
hitome yoguramu
examples of such events include the famous set of
notes written by Kôami Nagasuki (1661–1723), when
This display box has a complex decoration and his-
he was asked by the Shogunate to make a faithful
tory. As for the decoration, a raging sea with wild
copy of »a box with a plum branch design,« originally
waves in hiramakie technique is pounding over a
made by Kôami Michikiyo (1432–1500).3 Likewise,
shoreline carefully formed by fitted lead plates using
industrialists such as Iwasaki Koyota, (the fourth
the ikakeji and kakewari techniques. The characters
president of the Mitsubishi and one of the founders
of the poem are in silver takamakie. The poem winds
of the Seikadô Foundation) were known for commis-
its way around the box, starting on the top and go-
sioning copies of key works in their collections from
ing down, right to left. The third line is placed in the
artists and artisans.4
lower left corner, and the last two lines run around
the sides of the box. There are two omissions, how-
The third generation Ishikawa Rôseki (1950– ), a
ever, as the words for kishi »rocky shore« and nami
lacquer artist active in Kyoto today, is known for his
»waves« are not included in words, but are instead
creative recreations of major lacquer works from
placed next to places with actual depictions of the
the Momoyama and early Edo periods.5 According
objects, the images taking the place of the words.
to the artist, he sees the act of recreating a famous
Thus the artist creates a witty and sophisticated
work as an act of homage to the master who origi-
design where the cover speaks through lacquer,
nally made the work.6 Beside the obvious aesthetic
poetry, words, and images, all in one.
appeal and high level of technical craftsmanship of
his version of Kôetsu and Kôrin, the present work is
The history of this box is also complex. A lacquer
important for illustrating the process of transferring
box by Kôetsu (1558–1637), now lost, was the origi-
(and altering) designs of older masterpieces, and
nal of this design, hence the title of this lacquer box.
the act of creating, in the process, new visions in art.7
82
signatures and seals
Reproduced actual size
Nr. 5 right
Nr. 7
Nr. 5 left
Nr. 11
Nr. 10
Nr. 12
Nr. 8
Nr. 9
Nr. 14
84
Nr. 15
Nr. 22
Nr. 13
box inscriptions
Reproduced half size
Nr. 13
Nr. 10
Nr. 14
Nr. 11
Nr. 12
Nr. 24
Nr. 16
Nr. 15
Nr. 8
Nr. 25
Nr. 19
85
notes
Nr. 1 Flowers of the Four Seasons
2 See also Ishida Yoshiya and Yamamoto Yukari, eds.
Delightful Pursuits: Highlights from the Lee
1 See Kôno Motoaki. Ogata Kôrin. Nihon bijutsu
Institute for Japanese Art at the Clark Center.
kaiga zenshû, vol. 17. (Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), ill. 17;
(Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shimbun, 2002), 96–7.
Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako, eds.
Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû, vol. 14.
3 See reference in Gôke, vol. 1, 211 and Yoshiya and
(Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), cat nr. 46; Takeda, Tsuneo,
Yamamoto, 97.
et al. Nihon byôbue shûsei. (Tokyo: Kôdansha,
1977–81), VII, 51 and 95 / 6; and Yamane Yûzô and
Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon no bi: Rimpa ten
Nr. 6 Flower Viewing in the Pleasure Quarters
zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion, 1996), cat. nr. 17.
1 See Asano Shûgô’s article in Kobayashi Tadashi,
ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7.
Nr. 3 Fan Screen with Scenes from the Tales of Ise
(Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996), cat. nr. 32. This type of
early fire-extinguisher was common to the Yoshiwara
1 Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako,
district. However, the identity should not be identi-
eds. Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû,
fied too firmly as the Yoshiwara, since the artist may
vol. 14. (Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), cat nrs. 8–12 and 23.
also be describing an expansive restaurant with
garden, establishments that were gaining popular-
2 A diary entry from 1434 by Fushimi no Miya Sada-
ity at this time, or he may be describing a generic
fusa, in his Kanmon gyoki mentions such a screen,
pleasure quarter, of which there were many, not only
with 54 fans pasted on a screen with a depiction of
in Edo and the eastern regions, but also in western
flowing water. See also Minamoto and Hashimoto,
Japan, from where the artist originally came.
cat. nr. 48, for an example by Sôtatsu.
2 Also called Takeda Harunobu 竹田春信 and
3 Yamane Yûzô and Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon
Koga bikô 『古画備考』has Hasegawa Mitsunobu
no bi: Rimpa ten zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion,
長谷川光信. Another well used artist name was
1996), cat. nr. 16. Other examples are fan screens
Shôsuiken 松翠軒. Eishun had a very long career, an-
where all fans had depictions of or allusions to
chored by an early handscroll dated 1704 (illustrated
famous sites.
in Kokka 876) and works dated up to 1763. See also
Shimada Shûjirô, ed. Zaigai hihô. 6 vols. (Tokyo:
Gakushû Kenkyûsha, 1969), 2, 39, for a discussion of
Nr. 4 Cranes of Summer and Autumn
this artist.
1「土佐将監光起筆」(Tosa shôgen Mitsuoki hitsu)
3 See Shimada, 1, ill. 34; and also a handscroll illustrated in Kokka 876.
Nr. 5 Four Elegant Pastimes
Nr. 7 Hakuin Ekaku: Daruma
1 For images of the »Hikone Screen,« see, Hikonejô
Hakubutsukan, ed. Ii-ke denrai no meihô: kinsei
1 The full title of the sutra is『大乗理趣六波羅蜜多経』
daimyô no bi to kokoro. (Hikone: Hikone-shi Kyôiku
and the above phrase appears as the eight rule in a
Iinkai, 1993), 82–5.
set of ten admonitions for Buddhist followers:
「八者常為心師不師於心」T. 8.898b. This influential
86
phrase reoccurs in numerous other Japanese Bud-
2 See images, for example, in Nihon Ishi Gakkai, ed.
dhist writings, for example, in Nichiren’s »Reply to
Zuroku Nihon iji shiryô shûsei (Tokyo: Mitsui Shobô,
the Lay Monk Soya« 『曽谷入道殿御返事』.
1981), vol. 5, 11–15.
2 For a study on the legendary nature and historicity
3 Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô,
of Bodhidharma, see Yanagida Seizan. Daruma.
1964), Addendum, 18.
(Tokyo: Kôdansha, 1981).
4 For example, the early 18th century encyclopedic
3 The ink was allowed to pool and naturally formed
publication, Terashima Ryôan. Wakan sansai zue.
concentric circles around small pieces of unground
(Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1970), vol. 1, 202, describe him
ink. The pooling effect can also be seen within the
in a text, as having a head of an ox.
characters of the inscription.
5 For Hakuin’s visions of the Hakutaku, see
4 See, for example, Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin.
Takeuchi, 80–81. See also current Hakutaku research
(Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô, 1964), 332–334, and 337,
by Donald Harper.
and Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin Bokuseki.
(Kyoto: Bokubisha, 1980), 150.
6 The creative changes within Hakuin’s Hamaguri
Kannon paintings is the subject of an upcoming
5 See, for example, Jan Fontain and Money Hick-
article by the author.
man. Zen: Painting & Calligraphy. (Boston: Museum
of Fine Arts, 1970), 102–3.
7 Besides this image, at least three Hakuin depictions of Shennong are known to be extant: two are
6 See, Takeuchi, addendum, 9; Fontain and Hickman,
depicted in Takeuchi, 78 and 79 and a third exists in
103; Katô Shôshun and Fukushima Shun’ô. Zenga no
the Shin-wa’an Collection, Japan.
sekai. (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 1978), 36, 81, 99, 159, and
185; and Zen Bunka Kenkyûjo. Bodhidharma Exhibition. (Tokyo: Isetan, 1988), cat. nr. 26, 31–33, and 44.
Nr. 16 Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji
»Pale Fall Colors«
7 Takeuchi, 46.
1 For a discussion of wabi aesthetics, see Haga,
8 See Takeuchi, Addendum, 9 and also ibid, cat
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
nr. 334 for a Menpeki Daruma in the gu character
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
that had been in Gudô’s private collection.
Kumakura Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu:
University of Hawai’i Press, 1994, 195–230.
Nr. 8 Hakuin Ekaku: God of Agriculture
2 For example, a poem by Nozawa Bonchô (1640?–
1 Shennong was described the fist time in a 4th
vol. 3): »Hada samushi takekiri yama no usumomiji«
century BCE text, 『滕文公章句』．He was further
(my skin grows cold / the pale autumn colors / of the
elaborated by the Tang historian Sima Qian 司馬貞
bamboo cutters’ mountains.« In this case, the words
(145–90 BCE) in his 『史記補・三皇本紀』, where he
refer to the season: as bamboo are typically cut
is first described as having detailed knowledge of
down in the eighth month, when the fall colors are
medicine and the hundred medicinal herbs.
not yet fully developed, hence »pale.« The sense of
1714) in Bashô’s anthology Saruminoshû (1691,
paleness also implies a sense of distance, to the far-
87
away bamboos and the workers who cut them.
2 In contrast to the Nishi Sarayama, which made
utilitarian objects. For details, see Takeshi Nagatake.
3 For a useful discussion of this phenomenon, see
Agano, Takatori. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1975), 85–95
Yagi Ichio. »Uta-mei: The Poetic Names of Tea Uten-
and 136–140; and Andrew Maske. »A Brief History
sils.« Chanoyu Quarterly 83 (1996), 16–40.
of Takatori Ware.« Originally published on Morgan
Pitelka’s Japanese Ceramics website. See also his
4 See, for example, the secret records of Enshû,
upcoming book: Takatori Ware: Potters and Patrons
preserved at the Secret Transmissions of Hokô
in Edo Japan. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
甫公伝書, one of the »four tea transmissions«
Council on East Asian Studies Publications, 2006).
Chadô shiso densho 茶道四祖伝書. Published in
the Chadô koten sôsho 茶道古典叢書 series, edited
3 Nagatake, 116–7, 138.
by Matsuya Hisashige, Matsuyama Yonetarô, and
Kumakura Isao (Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 1974).
4 Maske, »A Brief History.«
5 For the various traditions associated with the
5 For a discussion of tea aesthetics, see Haga,
inscriptions on boxes and documents, see two
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
articles by Louise Allison Cort. »Looking at White
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
Dew.« Chanoyu Quarterly 43 (1985), 36–48, and
Kumakura, Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu:
»The Kizaemon Teabowl Reconsidered: The Making
University of Hawai’i Press, 1994, 195–230
of a Masterpiece.« Chanoyu Quarterly 71 (1992),
7–30.
Nr. 18 Shino Serving Bowl
6 For examples of the two, see Oda Eiichi. Chadô no
hako to hakogakii (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 2003), 94–5.
1 Shino ware is thought to have been the first ceramic
type in Japan to have decoration applied by brush.
Nr. 17 Takatori Tea Bowl
2 Influence of Kakinomoto Hitomaro and his poem
in the Manyôshû: »O plovers, flying over the evening
1 Many Japanese warlords took Korean potters and
waves, / On the lake of Ômi, / When you cry, my heart
other laborers with them back to Japan. For ex-
grows heavy, / With memories of by-gone days.«
ample, the daimyô of Hirado, Satsuma, Nabeshima
「淡海の海夕波千鳥汝が鳴けば心もしのにいにしへ思
took with them 125, 80, and »a large number« of
ほゆ」Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkôkai. The Manyôshû.
Korean laborers, there amongst potters. For details
(New York and London: Columbia University Press,
on the Korean Takatori potters, see Andrew Maske.
1965), 50.
»The Continental Origins of Takatori Ware: The
Introduction of Korean Potters and Technology to
3 The grape was a non-native plant, but was well-
Japan through the Invasions of 1592–1598.« Trans-
known through its appearance in Chinese paintings
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 4th ser., 9
and through references in classical Chinese litera-
(1994), 43–61. Andrew Maske posits that, since Palsan
ture. Another possibility is the yamabudô, a native
left Korea with his family and received a generous
Japanese vinous plant with small fruits, somewhat
stipend, he must have left voluntarily. However, this
similar to the grape.
does not necessarily follow.
4 Japanese scholars have claimed that the Shino
designs derive entirely from native sources. See, for
88
example, Tadanari Mitsuoka. »Momoyama jidai no
3 See example excavated at Ehime Castle in Tsugio
tôgei.« Sekai tôki kôza. Nihon section. (Tokyo:
Mikami. The Art of Japanese Ceramics. (New York
Yûzankaku, 1972), 2, 2, 182. Japanese sources do
and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1972), 42.
seem to predominate, and this bowl is such an example. However, other sources, such as the imported
4 Soame Jenyns writes: »…Seto kilns’ attempts to
Chinese Tianqi porcelain plates may also have influ-
copy these [Chinese] celadon wares were a failure. It
ences Shino designs through their simply drawn, but
was impossible to imitate these successfully with the
sophisticated designs, especially as they were also
clay that was available. They only achieved a brownish
used in the kaiseki section of the tea ceremony.
olive-green glaze, which, owing to the over-lavish
application of wood ash, coagulated and ran down
5 Similar bowls and dishes can be seen in many
the surface of the vessels in rivulets, giving them a
museums, for example, Barbara Brennan Ford and
curiously mottled and wrinkled appearance.«
Oliver Impey. Japanese Art from the Getty Collec-
Japanese Pottery. (London: Faber and Faber, 1978), 81.
tion in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1989), 53; Lorna Price,
5 See, for the aesthetics of imitation Koga Kenzô,
ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art.
»Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.« Chanoyu
(Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 1987), 204–5; Edmund
Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–34.
Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces from the Idemitsu
Collection. (Sydney: International Cultural Corporation
6 Numerous examples of both types can be found
of Australia, 1982), 136–7; and Yoshiko Kakudo. The
in museum collections. For the Kamakura types, see:
Art of Japan: Masterworks in the Asian Art Museum
Barbara Brennan Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese
of San Francisco. (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum
Art from the Getty Collection in The Metropolitan
and Chronicle Books, 1991), 166–9.
Museum. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 1989), 44; Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto. Nihon tôji
6 For an English-language summary of the kaiseki
taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989), ills. 14–27;
meal, see Hiroichi Tsutsui. »The History of the Kaiseki
Hakone Museum of Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
Meal.« Chanoyu Quarterly 78 (1994), 7–46.
tebiki. (Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 1982), ill. 22;
and Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures
of Japanese Art. (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum,
Nr. 19 Ko-Seto Vase
1987), 200. Examples of the Muromachi type can be
seen in: Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
1 In an oxidizing kiln, the glaze would turn dark
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
olive brown. See color examples of both types in:
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 1982), 130–1;
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
and Louise Allison Cort. Japanese Collections in
and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
the Freer Gallery of Art: Seto and Mino Ceramics.
1986), ills. 11 and 12.
(Washington DC: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian
Institution, 1992), 62–4.
2 A number of other similarly-shaped vases were
made from other models, such as vases from China
7 Katsura wrote over thirty books on older Japa-
and Korea. Points of differentiation were the size
nese ceramics and was seen as the world’s greatest
and form of the mouth and the slope of the shoulder.
authority on old Bizen ware.
See the various styles in Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto.
Nihon tôji taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989),
ills. 14–27
89
8 The older inscription on the lid misdates the vase
Nr. 21 Shigaraki Jar
to the Kamakura period. It also states that the vase
stems from an excavation.
1 Two jars with almost exactly the same forms, firing
patterns, and proportions can be seen in Mitsuoka
Tadanari. Shigaraki Iga. Nihon tôji taikei, vol. 8.
Nr. 20 Suzu Jar with Paddled Design
(Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989), ill. 6, and Louise Allison
Cort. Shigaraki, Potters’ Valley. (Tokyo, New York,
1 For a thorough discussion of this question, refer to
and San Francisco: Kodansha International, 1979), ill. 2.
Yoshioka Yasunobu. Chûsei sueki no kenkyû. (Tokyo:
Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1994).
2 The Shigaraki area saw the production of sueki
ware from the fifth to the twelfth centuries. The
2 Sawada posits that the Korean potters brought the
exact nature of contact between the sueki ware
tataki technique with them to the Noto peninsular.
produced in the area and the succeeding Shigaraki-
Sazawa Yoshiharu, Tokoname, Atsumi, Echizen, Suzu.
type ceramics has not been established. Although a
Nihon tôji taikei. Vol. 7. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989),
large number of ancient kilns have been excavated
p. 125.
in the Shigaraki, none of the kilns of the Shigarakitype predate the Muromachi period. See Masahiko
3 Other examples of this period can be seen in
Kawahara. Shigaraki. Nihon tôji zenshû, vol. 12.
Sazawa, ill. 84–85; Gotô Art Museum, Hokuriku no
(Tokyo: Chûô Kôransha, 1977), 50.
kotô: Echizen, Suzu. (Tokyo: Nihon Kokusai Bijutsu
Sentâ, 1985), ills 78–81. Hakone Museum of Art.
3 For examples of Shigaraki Jars from the same
Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô tebiki. (Atami: MOA
period in museum collections, see: Barbara Brennan
Museum of Art, 1982), ill. 25. See also the collection
Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese Art from the Getty
of the Suzuyaki Shiryôkan, Ishikawa Prefecture.
Collection in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York:
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1989), 46–47;
4 A similar kiln mark formed of three circles can be
seen in Gotô, ill. 79, and in Yoshioka, 408 (113–5)
tebiki. (Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 1982), ills. 31–35;
and 410 (172).
Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of
Japanese Art. (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 1987),
5 Sawada suggests that the marks were intended as
200–201; Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
marks or devotion or as specific prayers. Some jars
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
were indeed also used as containers for sutra burials.
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 1982), 126–7; and
Sawada, 125–6.
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
6 A museum now stands in the area: the Suzuyaki
1986), 36–37.
and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
Shiryôkan offers visitors and locals publications and
tours of the local history, ceramic traditions, and
excavated objects—while showing the works of con-
Nr. 22 Stacked Writing Box with Quails
temporary artists. A clear attempt is made to unite
the old and new traditions of Suzu ware.
1 Together with younger brother Gôda Katei
(1886–1961), wrote the Kyô makie monyôshû
『京蒔絵文様集』 (Kyoto Lacquer Design Collection), published posthumously by the Kyoto publisher Tankôsha in 1980.
90
Nr. 25 Kôetsu Lacquer Box with Poem
1 Poem 559 in the Kokin wakashû. Above translation
by Helen Craig McCullough in Kokin Wakashû: The
First Imperial Anthology. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 127.
2 See, for example, Seikadô Foundation. Seikadô
Art Treasures. 2 vols. (Tokyo: Seikadô Foundation,
1992), I, ill. 170 and II, 88–89.
3 These notes were themselves copied by Shibata
Zeshin and we now have the copies of the notes, but
not the originals, which are presumed to have been
lost to fire. See Bijutsu Kenkyû 99 (1940), 495–509
and Andrew Pekarik. Japanese Lacquer, 1600–1900.
(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980),
121–3.
4 See, for example, Christine Guth. Art, Tea, and
Industry. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
5 Ishikawa Kometarô, the first generation Rôseki
established his workshop in central Kyoto during
1885 and was active until 1944. Ishikawa Yasuji, the
second generation relocated the shop to its present
location in Fushimi, where the third generation
Ishikawa Kôji became head of the workshop in 1992.
6 Personal communication with the artist.
7 For the aesthetics of recreating famous works, see
Koga Kenzô, »Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.«
Chanoyu Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–34.
91
bibliography
Capon, Edmund, et al. Japan: Masterpieces from
the Idemitsu Collection. Sydney: International
tebiki. Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 1982.
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 1982.
Kakudo Yoshiko. The Art of Japan: Masterworks in
Cort, Louise Allison. Japanese Collections in the
the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco.
Freer Gallery of Art: Seto and Mino Ceramics.
San Francisco: Asian Art Museum and Chronicle
Washington DC: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian
Books, 1991.
Institution, 1992.
Katô Shôshun and Fukushima Shun’ô. Zenga no
Cort, Louise Allison. »The Kizaemon Teabowl Recon-
sekai. Kyoto: Tankôsha, 1978.
sidered: The Making of a Masterpiece.« Chanoyu
Quarterly 71 (1992), 7–30.
Kawahara Masahiko. Shigaraki. Nihon tôji zenshû,
vol. 12. Tokyo: Chûô Kôransha, 1977.
Cort, Louise Allison. »Looking at White Dew.«
Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe
nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996)
Cort, Louise Allison. Shigaraki, Potters’ Valley.
Tokyo, New York, and San Francisco: Kodansha
Koga Kenzô. »Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.«
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Earle, Joe, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
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Yonetarô, eds. Chadô koten sôsho. Kyoto:
1986.
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Fontain, Jan and Money Hickman. Zen: Painting &
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Calligraphy. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970.
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Ceramics website.
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Art from the Getty Collection in the Metropolitan
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and Technology to Japan through the Invasions of
1592–1598.« Transactions of the Asiatic Society of
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Bakumatsu kaikaki no shikkô kaiga. 2 vols. Tokyo:
Gakken, 1981
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in Edo Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
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forthcoming.
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93
Erik Thomsen
Asian Art
Ernst-Ludwig-Straße 30
D-64625 Bensheim
Germany
Tel. +49 – 62 51– 6 67 65
Fax +49 – 62 51– 61 04 99
info@erikthomsen.com
www.erikthomsen.com
erik thomsen
© 2006 Erik Thomsen
Text Nr.1–9 and Nr.16–25: Hans Bjarne Thomsen
Photography: Klaus Wäldele
Design: Valentin Beinroth
Production: Henrich Druck + Medien GmbH, Frankfurt am Main
Printed in Germany
www.erikthomsen.com

Erik Thomsen - Japanese Paintings and Works of Art

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