Document 6525269

 1 UTS: International Studies
Assignment Cover Sheet
Spring Semester 2013
Subject: 978542 – In-country Study 2, Argentina
Assignment item 2: Research Project Proposal
Student name: Tom Smith
Student number: 10877177
Student contact email: Thomas.W.Smith-1@student.uts.edu.au
Tutor’s name: Marivic Wyndham
Due date: 1 September 2013
Date submitted: 1 September 2013
Word count: 2178
Assignment title: “‘El club judío: what Atlanta’s identity reveals about the Argentine
Jewry’, Research Project Proposal”
I confirm that: this assignment is my own work, I have kept a copy of this assignment,
and I am aware of the penalties for lateness and plagiarism.
Ethics of research checklist
In my research I have appropriately considered:
-­‐ Issues of privacy for participants
-­‐ Issues of confidentiality
-­‐ Potential risks involved for participants
-­‐ Potential risks for myself as the researcher
-­‐ Provision of information to participants so they are informed of the purpose of
the research
Signed: Tom Smith
2 Table of contents
•
Cover sheet
Page 1
•
Table of contents
Page 2
•
Introduction
Page 3
•
Plan of section s
Page 3
•
Literature review
Page 4
•
Methodology
o Observation
Page 7
o Interviews
Page 8
•
Conclusion
•
Appendices
•
Page 10
o Letter of approach
Page 11
o Interview questions
Page 12
References
Page 13
3 Research Project Proposal
Introduction
‘El club judío: what Atlanta’s identity reveals about the Argentine Jewry’
Football carries immense social significance in Buenos Aires. Argentina’s ten
highest-rating television programs all focus on football (Rodriguez 2005, p.232), and
more than 20 professional clubs and 70 canchas (stadiums) are located in the capital
(Gaffney 2009, p.160). However, the current volume of literature fails to reflect the
sport’s salience in everyday life (Rodriguez 2005, Gruschetsky 2013), which leaves
plenty of room for further investigation. Indeed, almost no academic material
concentrates on Club Atlético Atlanta, nicknamed Los Bohemios; a small outfit from
the Villa Crespo barrio considered the country’s club judío, or Jewish club.
My research project will discuss how Atlanta’s identity sheds light upon local
attitudes towards the Argentine Jewry. My chosen methodologies - observation and
interviews - will test the validity of three central hypotheses: that Jewish culture is
incompatible with the notion of argentinidad (meaning the essence of being
Argentine (Liebman 1981, Valverde 1997, Metz 1992)), that the hyper-masculine
antagonism of porteño fútbol harnesses an entrenched undercurrent of Judeophobia,
and that this anti-Semitic sentiment helps sustain Atlanta’s Jewish identity in the
current day. I am confident that the two chosen research methods will yield engaging
results and produce a compelling contribution to the existing body of academic work.
Plan of sections for final research project
1. Introduction (250 words)
2. Literature review (500 words)
3. Methodologies and research parameters
•
Observation (250 words)
•
Interviews (250 words)
4. Results and discussion
4 •
The incompatibility of Judaism and argentinidad (1200 words)
•
Anti-Semitic attitudes in la cancha (1200 words)
•
El club judío in the 21st Century (1200 words)
5. Conclusion (250 words)
6. Appendices
•
Letters of consent
•
Observation field notes
•
Interview transcripts
•
Additional material
7. References
Literature review
The “flourishing scholarship” (Hyland 2012, p.199) concerning Argentina’s racial
history is relatively uniform in its depiction of a nation built on Enlightenment values
and a racial hierarchy placing European Catholics at the top and Jews towards the
bottom (Klein 2007, p.1127, Schneider 1996, p.183). Over time, this institutionalised
anti-Semitism has been consolidated by post-War Nazi influences (Hyland 2012,
p.200, Mirelman 1975, p.213), violent right-wing nationalism (Senkman 1990, p.37),
brutal military dictatorship (Hyland 2012, p.200, Startt & Sloan 1989, p.121), and
“economic chaos” (Mirelman 1975, p.220). General apathy towards anti-Jewish
terrorism in the 1990s (Rein 2012, Weisbrot 1994) - and, although less grave, the
continued maltreatment of Atlanta (Braylan & Jmelnizky 2005) - suggests a residual
negativity towards Jews has sustained itself in the present day, and my research
project will utilise Atlanta as a lens to examine this deep-rooted Judeophobia in
contemporary Buenos Aires.
Some works, however, are criticised for failing to address the complex origins of the
discrimination (Schneider 1996, p.188, Klich 1995, p.66), which necessitates further
reading. Allan Metz (1992) thoroughly explains the position of early 20th Century
fascist intellectual Leopoldo Lugones, that Jewish settlers’ maintenance of their own
unique ethnic identity “threatened Argentina’s cultural patrimony,” a homogeneous
national unity based on the Catholic values of predominantly Spanish and Italian
5 immigrants. The Jewry’s “double loyalty” (Ibid., p.43), Lugones argued, alienated the
israelita community from argentinidad, or the mainstream national character.
Lugones’ argument is weakened by his obvious bias, but nonetheless elucidates
Argentine intolerance of ethnic heterogeneity. Estela Valverde (1997) echoes
Lugones’ view, suggesting the Jews’ collective reluctance to assimilate into
Argentina’s “melting pot society” (Ibid., p.189) stoked Judeophobia amongst an
otherwise uniform pueblo, or national community.
This tension between Jewish culture and argentinidad attracted the focus of much
additional research, and this debate will play a central role in my research project.
Stephen Hyland (2012) provides a useful overview of the discussion, suggesting that
despite some optimism that immigrants can be both “national and diasporic” (Ibid.,
p.199), “successful integration” into Argentine society is still widely regarded as
assimilation rather than contributing one piece to a heterogeneous cultural “mosaic”
(Ibid., p.200). Weisbrot (1976) and Setton (2012) similarly lament the way
argentinidad fails to account for religious diversity, presenting the Argentine Jewry
with a “dilemma identitario” (dilemma of identity) (Ibid., p.95) that is still being
grappled with today.
The scholarship explains that this “double loyalty” (Metz 1992, p.43) cast serious
doubts over the long-term survival of Jewish culture in Argentina. Settlers either
assimilated totally by abandoning their native ethnic customs, emigrated back to their
countries of origin, or established separate institutions in Buenos Aires - like schools
and businesses - that segregated porteño Jews from the Argentine mainstream
(Liebman 1981). This alienation from argentinidad - from the “tejido nacional,” or
national fabric (Setton 2012, p.112) - prompted many academics and community
leaders to question the capacity of Jewish culture to survive in Buenos Aires (Metz
1992, Weisbrot 1976). Club Atlético Atlanta, therefore, presents a compelling area of
potential research because it constitutes a rare example of an institution that
encouraged (and continues to encourage) Jews to integrate with non-Jews (Rein 2012,
p.2), blending “national and diasporic” culture (Hyland 2012, p.199).
On a different note, the results of the Methodology assessment prompted more
concentrated reading on the nature of la cancha as a site heavy in “sentido pesado”
6 (Bromberger 2001, p.1), or heavy sentiment. Mariano Gruschetsky (2013) and
Christian Bromberger (2001) corroborated the observation made in the Methodology
module, that the stadium is a male-dominated space with a clear “jerarquía social”
(social hierarchy) (Ibid., p.2) and laden with “actitudes codificadas” (codified
attitudes) (Ibid.). Additionally, the two scholars explain how the pseudo-religious
ritualism of la cancha binds the community together in a “parentesco ficticio”
(fictional kinship) (Ibid.), not necessarily based on “concrete, distinguishing traits”
(Gruschetsky 2012, p.568) but rather symbolic expression; “no es cierto, pero
creemos” (it is not true, but we believe) (Bromberger 2001, p.3). The stadium’s ability
to “asegurar la continuidad de la conciencia colectivo” (ensure the continuity of the
collective consciousness) (Ibid., p.1) resonates with Atlanta, whose perception as el
club judío is grounded in myth.
This reputation, coupled with stereotypes of Jewish masculinity and the aggressive
machismo of porteño fútbol, has repercussions for Atlanta’s treatment by rival clubs.
Supplementary reading into Jewish masculinity revealed that israelita culture places
more value on “traits like studiousness and forbearance” rather than “physical
prowess, courage and sexual libido” (Halkin 1998, p.43), which often results in
Jewish men being “feminized” or viewed as “sissies” by outsiders who tend to
valorise brawn and aggression (Ibid., p.44). Within the hyper-masculine milieu of
Argentine football, where supporters use highly sexualised and emasculating
language in an effort to assert masculine dominance over their rivals, ‘Jewishness’ is
hence viewed as a weakness, the “bookish” antithesis” of “virile” Latino machismo
(Klein 2007, p.1134).
The treatment of Argentina’s club judío within this antagonistic environment
therefore represents a rich opportunity for fresh investigation, on a topic almost
untouched in the existing body of literature. The only exception is Ranaan Rein’s Los
Bohemios de Villa Crespo: judíos y fútbol en la Argentina (2012), which according to
Gruschetsky (2013), “does not deliver on the promise contained in the title” to
adequately explore the link between the club and Argentina’s sizeable Jewish
community (Ibid., p.568). My research project will hopefully provide one of the
“many pieces of the puzzle” (Ibid., p.567) that the commentator believes is currently
missing from Argentina’s football scholarship.
7 Methodology
Observation
After being successfully applied in last semester’s Methodology assignment,
observation will be refined and reapplied in the final research project. The observation
of one case study - a game of football hosted by Atlanta - was a “pragmatic” choice of
a “typical, self-contained” community event from which accurate generalisations
could be confidently drawn (Denscombe 1998, pp.34-36). While this preliminary
research focused more on gender and tribalism, the revised application of observation
will hone its attention on the markers of Jewish identity at the Estadio Don León
Kolbowsky, as well as the site’s “emotional endowment” of nostalgia and memory
(Iverson 2008, p.4), in order to more closely concentrate on the three key hypotheses,
and gain an understanding of how this match-day “ritual” (Bromberger 2001, p.1)
cultivates Los Bohemios’ identity.
The obvious limitation of this research method is its scientific inaccuracy
(Denscombe 1998, p.40, May 1997, p.154). However, this frailty can be guarded
against by providing clear parameters of time, location, and focus (Denscombe 1998,
p.36) and presenting data in these defined categories, as in the Methodology module.
Similarly, using “concrete language” (Spradley 1980 in Baker 2006, p.183) that
avoids “metaphors, vague allusions, cryptic comments or rhetorical flourishes”
(Creedy 2008, p.25) enhances the reliability of results by articulating observations in
a “precise manner” (Ross 1974, p.74). Furthermore, “observational consistency”
(Adler & Adler 1994 in Baker 2006, p.186) can be achieved by observing multiple
matches involving Atlanta - both at home and as visitors to hostile rivals - to prove
that the research’s findings are broadly representative.
This research method’s principal deficiency in the Methodology assessment was its
inability to shed light on any visible markers of Jewish identity on game day, which is
a key aspect of my argument. Observation provides good insight into the “nosotros y
los otros” (Di Nucci 2012, p.1) - or ‘us versus them’ - mentality of porteño fútbol, but
revealed little more about Atlanta’s relationship with the Buenos Aires Jewry. This
8 crucial shortcoming will be offset by the effective implementation of my second
research method - interviews - to supply the link that “helps us interpret the
significance of what we are observing” (Whyte 1984, p.96).
Interviews
As the second chosen methodology, interviews will complement observation by
facilitating a more sophisticated understanding of the observed “social worlds” and
“lifestyles” (May 1997, p.150). Steven Talmy explains that successful interviews
“entextualise” the researcher into the culture of the “in-group” (2011, p.31), which is
clearly pertinent to a research project concerning the ingrained tribalism and cultural
customs of football fans. Oral histories - long form interviews that explore “the
emotions of ancestors’ experiences” (Cannell 2011, p.466) - are appropriate for works
detailing “social history” (Ibid.), like the formation of Atlanta’s perceived Jewish
identity, so the techniques outlined by Ross (1974) and Robertson (2006) will be
employed.
Like observation, the “soft data” (Denscombe 1998, p.40) produced by this qualitative
research method is its primary criticism (Denscombe 1998, Startt & Sloan 1989,
Talmy 2011). In particular, the researcher needs to be wary of bias from subjects
discussing highly contested themes or topics in which they have a vested interest
(Startt & Sloan 1989, p.121). This will certainly arise when talking to football fans
about the club they support, however, even a subjective “perception of reality” (Ibid.,
p.138) can present useful information, as long as the veracity of any assertions is
scrutinised by secondary sources (academic literature).
A draft list of questions (included as an appendix in this paper) has been designed to
test the validity of my three central hypotheses: that Jewish culture is incompatible
with the essence of argentinidad, that the antagonism of la cancha harnesses
ingrained social Judeophobia, and that this broad undercurrent of anti-Semitism helps
sustain Atlanta’s identity as el club judío in the current day. I am familiar with the
basic protocols of interviewing - outlined by Al-Yateem (2010) and De Bono (2004) given my professional background as a journalist. Open-ended “fishing” questions
phrased in a concise and neutral manner (Ibid., p.79) will be the most effective way of
9 building rapport and conversation with the subject, and generating the most
penetrative findings.
I believe that conducting five or six in-depth interviews of approximately one hour in
length will successfully produce a “cumulative, multifaceted, panoramic view” of the
topic that robustly tests my argument (Ross 1974, p.66). The wide range of fanoperated websites concerning Atlanta - specifically, SentimientoBohemio.info,
PlanetaBohemio.com.ar, AtlantaPasion.com.ar and www.BohemiosDePrimera.com.ar
- will form the starting points of the social networks that become crucial to a
researcher gathering data about personal beliefs (Baker 2006, p.183). For example, I
could use Sentimiento Bohemio to contact Martín Vainerman, a Jewish hincha who
has discussed religion on that site in the past (SentimientoBohemio.info 2013), and
would therefore make a compelling participant in my research project. The “chain
referral technique” (Teske 1997, p.157) will help me find a group of appropriate
interviewees who offer a range of different responses and opinions on the three key
hypotheses.
The means of recording data is another important consideration. Al-Yateem (2010),
Ross (1974), and Fowler (1996) all remark that although recording an interview can
place pressure on the subject, it tends to improve the accuracy of results. Considering
the limitations of language, I believe accuracy is imperative, so I plan to record my
interviews. I will attempt to conduct the interview in Spanish because it is important
that participants are able to express themselves clearly and precisely. It is impractical
to transcribe such a volume of material, so I will take written notes during the
interviews to highlight key passages to later transcribe verbatim. Transcription - as a
“neither neutral nor transparent” process (Fowler 1996, p.336) - is another key
concern, and I intend to use the assistance of native Spanish speakers to ensure the
accuracy of translations. It is advisable to send a “naturalised”, word-for-word
transcript of material to the interviewee before using “denaturalised”, polished content
in the final project (Mero-Jaffe 2011, pp.232). This demonstrates a commitment to not
exploiting the participant (Ibid., p.241), as well as helping to overcome language
constraints by offering the subject a chance to make any corrections, clarifications, or
additions (Ibid., p.238).
10 There are several other ethical concerns due to the sensitivity attached to a topic like
religious vilification. Robertson (2006, p.13), Fowler (1996, p.234), and Mero-Jaffe
(2011, p.241) all emphasise that the comfort of interviewees is paramount at all times.
Participants can choose to reveal as many or as few personal details as they please, or
indeed remain anonymous, if they are not comfortable with speaking on the record
about a sensitive theme like ethnic discrimination. It is important to obtain written
consent from all participants before the interviews, and a formal letter of consent is
attached to the draft letter of approach in the appendices of this paper.
Conclusion
Fortunately, to date, the progress of my research has been steady and successful,
meaning no radical overhaul has been proposed ahead of the final project. However,
honing my focus on three central hypotheses has demanded more concentrated
academic reading and clarified how the two chosen research methodologies can most
rigourously test the strength of those key arguments. Observation and interviews working in tandem to illuminate the social rituals that determine Atlanta’s identity as
el club judío - will hopefully generate a sophisticated discussion of this broad topic,
and produce a research project that offers fresh insight into the host society.
Word count
Excluding references: 2178 words
11 Appendices
Letter of approach
University of Technology, Sydney
15 Broadway, Ultimo, NSW, 2007, Australia
+61 2 9514 2000
Tom Smith
Humberto Primo 529, Casa 3, San Telmo, Buenos Aires, C1103ACK, Argentina
+54 11 6744 2943
Thomas.W.Smith-1@student.uts.edu.au
Hello, my name is Tom Smith and I am a university student from the University of
Technology, Sydney (UTS) in Australia, and I am currently on exchange at the
Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina (UCA) in Buenos Aires.
As part of my exchange, I am conducting interviews to research the relationship
between Club Atlético Atlanta and Buenos Aires’ Jewish community. I would like to
invite you to participate in my research.
If you would like to participate, I will ask you several informal, open-ended questions
in a recorded interview about Argentina’s national identity, the antagonistic nature of
Buenos Aires football, and Atlanta’s historical and contemporary identification as el
club judío.
You can choose to withdraw from the study at any time and you can choose to remain
anonymous and withhold your personal information, due to the sensitive nature of the
topic.
I can be contacted via email at Thomas.W.Smith-1@student.uts.edu.au if you have
any questions about the project or would like to receive further information.
Please sign this letter to confirm your consent to participate in the research.
Signature
Name
Date
Sincerely,
Tom Smith.
12 Interview questions
Firstly, I would like you to describe your relationship with Club Atlético Atlanta.
• How many years have you been a supporter of Atlanta?
• Why did you choose to support Atlanta?
• Are you a socio (club member)?
• How often do you attend matches?
• Who do you attend matches with?
• Do you ever attend away matches? Why/why not?
• Who do you consider do be Atlanta’s chief rivals? Why?
Next, I would like to discuss the relationship between Jewish Argentines and the
Argentine nation.
• How would you define argentinidad, or the essence of being Argentine?
• Is it possible to belong to both the Argentine nation, as well as another nation?
• Does argentinidad embrace other cultures, or should other cultures assimilate
to Argentine customs?
• Is it possible for a non-Christian to be truly Argentine?
• Do separate institutions - like schools and synagogues and social institutions make it difficult for Jewish Argentines to participate with mainstream
Argentine culture?
• Do you think Jewish culture is incompatible with argentinidad?
On a different note, I am interested in the ‘us-versus-them’ mentality of football in
Buenos Aires.
• Do you agree that la cancha is a ‘man’s world’?
• How does this affect the behaviour of the crowd?
• Do you behave differently in la cancha than you do in every day life? How?
• What are the most common terms of abuse? Why do you think these gendered
and sexualised terms are used?
• What are the terms used to abuse Atlanta? Why do you think these are used?
• Do opposition fans use Atlanta’s perceived ‘Jewishness’ as an insult?
Finally, I would like to explore the link between Judaism and Atlanta in the modern
day.
• Do you think Jewish culture is still an important part of Atlanta’s identity?
• Is Atlanta important to Buenos Aires’ Jewish community?
• Why do you think other teams abuse Atlanta for being el club judío?
• What is your reaction to anti-Semitic abuse?
• Do you think anti-Semitic insults galvanise the club’s identification with the
Jewish community?
• Do you think that anti-Semitic attitudes exist generally in porteño society?
• Why are these attitudes vocalised at la cancha?
13 •
•
Are the authorities - the AFA, government, and police - serious about
eliminating anti-Semitism in football?
Have you seen this situation improve in recent years? Are you optimistic
about the future?
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