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PROOF COVER SHEET
PROOF COVER SHEET Author(s): Virpal Kataure Article Title: The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves Article No: RSAD722385 Enclosures: 1) Query sheet 2) Article proofs Dear Author, 1. Please check these proofs carefully. It is the responsibility of the corresponding author to check these and approve or amend them. A second proof is not normally provided. Taylor & Francis cannot be held responsible for uncorrected errors, even if introduced during the production process. Once your corrections have been added to the article, it will be considered ready for publication. Please limit changes at this stage to the correction of errors. You should not make insignificant changes, improve prose style, add new material, or delete existing material at this stage. Making a large number of small, non-essential corrections can lead to errors being introduced. We therefore reserve the right not to make such corrections. 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A full list of the comments and edits you have made can be viewed by clicking on the “Comments” tab in the bottom left-hand corner of the PDF. If you prefer, you can make your corrections using the CATS online correction form. RSAD722385 Techset Composition Ltd, Salisbury, U.K. 9/3/2012 South Asian Diaspora Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2012, 1– 20 5 The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves Virpal Kataure∗ and Margaret Walton-Roberts 10 Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada Canada has experienced the development of suburban ethnic enclaves by established immigrant diaspora groups surrounding major metropolitan centres. However, less is known regarding the housing and location preferences of their maturing offspring population, known as the second-generation. This paper seeks to explain the housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians residing in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves, a suburban city on the periphery of Toronto. This research draws on the home leaving process and integrates the theoretical perspectives of ethnic enclaves and the life cycle. A telephone survey conducted in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves suggests a dominant preference of low-density, detached-style dwellings in suburban areas. The life cycle perspective has proven to be a powerful explanatory tool during the household-formation phase, but does not appear to be valuable during the independent-living stage, since ethnic enclave residency seems to persist. The importance of familial ties in the South-Asian culture, the growth of ethnic enclaves, traditional ideas of socioeconomic success and life cycle values during family-formation shape preferences for second-generation South-Asian-Canadians. 15 20 25 Keywords: Brampton; second generation; South Asians; ethnic enclaves; housing; suburbs; settlement; life cycle 30 40 CE: KRR QA: Coll: 35 45 Introduction Immigrant diaspora groups have had an immense impact on the Canadian landscape by shaping physical and social environments through the development of culturally distinct ethnic enclaves. As these ethnic enclaves continue to grow (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010), the settlement choices of immigrant offspring, known as the second generation, have become of great interest (Alba et al. 1999, Reitz 2002, Mendez 2009a, 2009b).1 It is important to understand the future housing and residential location choices of immigrant offspring to determine whether they will reproduce the settlement patterns of their parents. With extensive research conducted on immigrant ethnic clusters and segregation in Canada’s major metropolitan centres (Fong 1996, Ray 1999, Driedger 2003, Myles and Hou 2003, Agrawal 2006, Walks and Bourne 2006, Haan 2007), implications of specific second generation visible minority residential patterns outside of urban centres have yet to be fully explored in the Canadian context (Walks and Bourne 2006, Teixeira 2007). This paper seeks to address the following questions: What factors determine a desirable place to live for second-generation ∗ Corresponding author. Email: kata4550@mylaurier.ca ISSN 1943-8192 print/ISSN 1943-8184 online # 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2013.722385 http://www.tandfonline.com AQ1 2 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts South Asians in Canada? What are the group’s main priorities when deciding where to settle? Is the group likely to continue residing in suburban cities (and possibly ethnic enclaves), or is there a trend towards core urban settlement? South Asians are among the most concentrated visible minority groups in Canada (Walks and Bourne 2006, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010), and the largest share of this population is found in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA).2 The outer suburb of Brampton has the largest number of South Asians comprising its’ total population (31.7% in Brampton versus 12.1% in the City of Toronto) resulting in prominent ethnic enclaves. This paper reports findings from a telephone survey to understand the future housing preferences and residential location choices of South-Asian second-generation immigrants living in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves. It is important to begin to understand the nature of intergenerational change in ethnic enclaves, and how settlement choices might be affected by life cycle and socio-economic transitions. Ultimately, understanding some of the dynamics that shape the residential preferences of second generations will enhance our ability to assess the current status and future development of diaspora communities in ethnic enclaves, suburban and urban cities. Defining concepts and theoretical framework Settlement theories There is a sizeable body of research concerned with immigrant residential settlement patterns. Most of these early theories hypothesize that immigrants are underprivileged and thus reside close together in ethnic enclaves until their socioeconomic status improves, allowing them to settle in the higher status suburbs (Burgess 1925, Duncan and Duncan 1957, Massey and Denton 1987, Gans 1992, Peck 2005). Many have criticized these theories in that they assume immigrants are socioeconomically disadvantaged, which is often not the case of ‘new’ immigration cohorts from Asia, Africa and the Middle East (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, p. 201, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002). Others also criticize these theories as they assume involuntary segregation and the formation of ghettos. But in Canada this may not be AQ2 ¶ the case, since even the most segregated neighbourhoods are on the whole multi-ethnic (Fong 1996, Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Logan 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005).3 Recent theories suggest that settlement in city centres is also a sign of success and integration. The gentrification of neighbourhoods and their unique characteristics makes them highly attractive to urban dwellers (Hiebert 2000, Bauder and Sharpe 2002), although existing less economically successful residents might experience gentrification displacement (Thomas and Darnton 2006, Lewis and Donald 2009, Murdie and Skop 2012).4 The experiences of Italians in Toronto have shown successful dispersal to the suburbs while still maintaining a presence in longstanding inner city communities (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Zucchi 2007). The arrival of recent skilled immigrants may also lead to settlement in major urban centres, since according to Florida (2002) highly educated and ‘creative professionals’ are attracted to these chic urban places rather than to traditional communities such as the suburbs (Florida 2002, 2004, Thomas and Darnton 2006, p. 155, Delisle and Shearmur 2010, p. 308). 95 Ethnic enclaves Before beginning to analyse suburban ethnic enclaves, it is important to understand the meaning and history behind this unique urban form. Ethnic enclaves are said to have South Asian Diaspora 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 140 145 3 progressed from areas of involuntary segregation and discrimination to being starting points for immigrants and a desirable destination for others who have diverse socioeconomic backgrounds (Logan et al. 2002, p. 302, Marcuse 2005, Peach 2005, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, p. 318). Ethnic clusters began to form with the help of chain migration, connections with families back home, changing labour market locations from urban to suburban cities, and the development of ethnic businesses and community organizations (Li 1998, Teixeira 2007, Murdie and Skop 2012). Qadeer and Agrawal (2010) identify ethnic enclaves as the formation of ‘an axis or band of high-ethnic-density territories . . . surrounded by zones of lower ethnic concentrations’ (p. 315). The degree to which an ethnic enclave is concentrated is defined differently in various studies (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Walks and Bourne 2006). Contrary to the assumptions of the human ecology model (Burgess 1925), Doucet’s (1999) ‘dispersed city’ hypothesis shows that the socioeconomic status of immigrants has changed, where the previously homogenous suburbs have become reception zones for immigrants creating more heterogeneous communities on the periphery (Kalbach 1990, Ray et al. 1997, Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Hiebert 2000, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Teixeira 2007, p. 499). In Canada, ethnic enclaves can attract long-term immigrant residents, the second generation, and other members of society (Logan et al. 2002, pp. 300–2). There are some drawbacks that scholars have noted from continued segregation (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Djajic 2003, Ghosh 2007, Agrawal 2010, Frost 2010, Murdie and Skop 2012), but the Canadian experience of voluntarily clustering is, on the whole, viewed positively (Zhou 1992, Logan et al. 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Peach 2005, Borjas 2006).5 South Asians South Asians are persons other than Aboriginal peoples, and are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour and whose ethnic background is identified as Bangladeshi, Bengali, East Indian, Goan, Gujarati, Kashmiri, Pakistani, Punjabi, Nepali, Sinhalese, Sri Lankan, Tamil or South Asian (Statistics Canada 2006). This characterization is used as the standard definition in this study, although it should be noted that there is tremendous intragroup diversity within immigrant populations due to differences in socioeconomic backgrounds, places of origin and settlement patterns (Zhou and Lin 2005). Myles and Hou (2003) caution that ‘skin colour alone does not produce shared identities’ and that ‘the “average” experience of Chinese, South-Asian and Black families potentially conceals important differences among immigrant populations’ (p. 28).6 Nonetheless, the term is AQ3 relevant as a category of assessment insofar as it represents a form of official categorization for data collection, is representative of broadly similar cultural traits (White 1994, Zhou 1997), and describes comparable racial and labour market deskilling experiences (Portes and Zhou 1993, Bauder 2003), shared housing trajectories (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Bauder and Sharpe 2002) and educational attainment outcomes (Coleman 1990, Zhou 1992, Picot and Hou 2011). Understanding second generations Settlement in ethnic enclaves The ‘segmented assimilation theory’ proposed by Portes and Zhou (1993) incorporates some analysis of second generation settlement patterns by arguing that different ethnic 4 150 155 160 165 170 175 180 185 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts groups exhibit various types of residential patterns, and they discuss three possible relationships: traditional upward mobility and assimilation to the host society, opposite downward mobility and ethnic segregation or upward mobility while sustaining ethnically homogenous immigrant communities (most often associated with ethnic enclaves where second generations are present) (Gans 1992, Portes and Zhou 1993, Perlmann and Waldinger 1997, Boyd 2002). Logan et al. (2002) called their similar model the ‘new assimilation’ theory, where the maintenance of ethnic enclaves actually form more durable communities giving rise to positive enclave effects (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997, Borjas 2002). As mentioned earlier the Canadian experience does not show any significant evidence of visible minorities contributing to segmented or underclass assimilation, since most settlement in enclaves is considered voluntary (Boyd 2002, Murdie and Skop 2012). Recent findings suggest that immigrants and their offspring favour living in suburban enclaves surrounding major urban areas (such as Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver) in order to access jobs within commuting zones (Reitz and Sommerville 2004, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Scholars conclude that such residential segregation among European and visible minority groups is unlikely to decrease in the future, and confirms an increase in ethnic concentrations for the Jewish, Chinese and SouthAsian populations in Toronto (Fong and Wilkes 2003, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). In general, studies show a hierarchy of residential segregation among groups in Canada where whites are the least clustered, and minorities the most concentrated, even when controlling for socioeconomic status (Richmond 1967, Balakrishnan 1982, Kalbach 1987, Balakrishnan et al. 2005). Educational attainment and settlement A large and growing body of literature has shown second-generation immigrants exhibit superior socioeconomic prospects since their educational attainment exceeds that of their parents, and is even above that of their Canadian-born counterparts (Boyd and Grieco 1998, Boyd 2002, Farley and Alba 2002, Fong and Wilkes 2003, Aydemir and Sweetman 2006, Yan et al. 2008, Picot and Hou 2011, p. 9).7 Secondgeneration residential segregation however has shown to persist when social class is controlled for, and even as their education level increases (Balakrishnan and Selvanathan 1990, Coleman 1990, Kalbach 1990, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002, Logan et al. 2004, Walks and Bourne 2006). In particular, Kalbach (1990) found the same level of segregation for many second-generation groups in Toronto. Studies also show that second-generation educational achievement may even be improved through continued settlement in enclaves (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997).8 On the other hand, some scholars argue that residential segregation may decrease once education increases (Fong 1996, Boyd and Grieco 1998, Farley and Alba 2002), but do not indicate where they choose to settle instead. 190 195 Homeownership Among immigrant groups, there is a great deal of cultural importance placed upon homeownership (Ozuekren and van Kempen 2002, Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 12,). There is still some debate as to whether immigrants are better off than the nonvisible minority population in terms of socioeconomic achievement (Hiebert 2000, Reitz et al. 2011), but many have demonstrated the ability of visible minority South Asian Diaspora 200 205 210 215 220 225 230 235 240 245 5 immigrants to attain owner-occupied housing at a rate faster than the Canadian-born population (Kim and Boyd 2009). Mendez (2009a, 2009b) reported that homeownership decreases with generational distance from immigration, although others found that homeownership is consistent in Canada’s three metropolitan regions, where it continues to rise and stabilizes up until the third-plus generation, when it begins to fall (Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 15). After examining the existing literature, it seems that the higher socioeconomic achievements of second-generation South Asians increases their homeownership prospects, freedom of choice and ability to obtain their desired housing options more so than their parents and other groups. Life cycle One theory which plays a critical role in answering housing preferences is the life cycle theory. The life cycle perspective can be understood as ‘the changing demographic characteristics of a household as it progresses from initial formation to dissolution’ (Clark and Onaka 1983, p. 47, White 1994). Rossi’s (1955) conceptualization hypothesizes that housing need or unsuitability comes from changes that occur in the household life cycle, and these changes then alter the preferences and needs of the individual or family. The typical process is the following: a new married couple demands a small dwelling in a high-density neighbourhood close to the city core; increase in age and family size lead to increased demand for space and suburban living arises; lastly, as family size decreases, a trend back to smaller units and higher densities in the city centre is desired (Lansing et al. 1964).9 The transition into adulthood is seen as part of the life cycle theory and is indicated by events in one’s life: ending schooling, getting married, having children, becoming a fulltime member of the labour force or establishing independent-living arrangements (White 1994, Mulder and Hooimeijer 1999, Dieleman 2001). Therefore, the life cycle structures the motivation to move during these stages. Although many have criticized the model for its failure to incorporate divorced, never married individuals and non-traditional relationships, scholars have adapted a more flexible model with phases and a greater number of outcomes or pathways, with the possibility of counter transitions (White 1994, p. 83). Furthermore, the lifecycle theory has also been limited in examining specific ethnic groups who have distinctive cultural traditions and settlement patterns. In this study, I am not scrutinizing the validity of the theory or examining how the stages of the lifecycle influence second-generation South Asians. Rather, the aim is to determine whether the traditional theories of the household life cycle still have an influence on residential preference from urban to suburban settlement or vice versa, especially for those who have been raised in suburban ethnic enclaves. In this paper I specifically examine second-generation South Asians’ preference when considering the process of leaving home and developing independent-living arrangements. The case study: Brampton South Asians in Brampton The City of Brampton has a substantial South-Asian population, approximately 31.7% of the total population and 55.6% of the total visible minority population (Statistics Canada 2006). The proportion of total South-Asian population residing in enclaves 6 250 255 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts has also greatly increased in the GTA between 2001 and 2006 from 30% to 49%, although these areas still contain a large British population (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, pp. 328–9). Most South-Asian visible minorities in Brampton self reported ancestral backgrounds from the Indian subcontinent (69.0%), followed by Pakistani (9.3%), Sri Lankan (7.8%), Punjabi (4.1%), Tamil (2.7%) and Bangladeshi (1.8%) (Statistics Canada 2006). For the purposes of this research nationality groups were not used due to sample size. However, concerns about intra-group diversity may be countered by the fact that the majority of respondents self-reported East Indian origin in the census and 64.7% reported Punjabi as their mother tongue (Statistics Canada 2006). Based on these indicators the prominence of East Indians should be noted when interpreting this data. Using the second-generation South-Asian values for the City of Toronto, this study approximates there to be 20,649 second-generation South Asians residing in Brampton as of 2006. 260 265 270 275 280 285 290 Brampton: the suburb Taylor and Lang (2004) examined the obscurities associated with the term ‘suburban’ and counted 50 names given to this metropolitan form in the literature, thereby illustrating how complicated analysing and conceptualizing urban growth can be (Charney 2005). For the purpose of this study, Brampton is deemed a suburban city as development occurs in greenfield sites, it is located on periphery of the Toronto urban region, it has seen rapid development in homogenous housing styles and built form to meet the needs of the baby boom population, it has higher owner occupation rates than the region, and is largely automobile dependent (Statistics Canada 2006, Brampton 2011); it therefore has all the characteristics of a suburb (Charney 2005, Lee and Leigh 2007). Scholars also recognize that ethnic enclaves in the GTA are present in suburban areas with higher homeownership rates, have shown an increase in ethnic concentration, and contain newly developed, sprawl-like housing (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, p. 216, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Qadeer 2005, Agrawal 2010, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Brampton is the youngest community in the Toronto CMA with a median age of 33.7 in 2006, compared to Toronto and Ontario at 37.5 and 39.0 years, respectively. A significant second-generation population is also present, and approximately 20% of the population aged 15 or older has moved, or is moving, through secondary education (Statistics Canada 2006). Lastly, Brampton’s working-age population (20–64) has also increased by 32.28% from 2001 to 2006 and now comprises 62.24% of the total population (Statistics Canada 2006). These statistics suggest that the region’s growth is linked to Brampton being seen as a desirable area for young families and homebuyers with affordable housing, relatively speaking.10 Figure 1 shows SouthAsian ethnic concentration in Brampton by census tract (CT). The Bramalea neighbourhood contains one small CT comprised of virtually all apartment buildings.11 The Fletchers Creek neighbourhood has slightly older dwellings with lower levels of homeownership than the other enclaves, although the housing stock is more diversified, and consequently has a higher population density (Statistics Canada 2006). The highest value of dwellings can be found in Castlemore, which contains very large houses on large lots and is reflected by its higher income residents (Statistics Canada 2006). Springdale also contains large houses but on smaller lots reflected by higher population densities (Statistics Canada 2006). Qadeer and Agrawal’s (2010) study on the evolution of ethnic enclaves in the Toronto area shows that the development of new housing and continued immigration from South Asia have led to the growth of enclaves; specifically South Asian Diaspora 7 295 300 305 310 Colour online, B/W in print 315 320 325 330 Figure 1. Ethnic concentrations by CT using percent concentrated for the City of Brampton. Note: Above 50% South Asian of the total CT population is considered concentrated. Springdale and Castlemore saw the greatest growth in enclaves between 2001 and 2006.12 335 340 Methods The methods used in this case study are telephone surveys, focus groups and semistructured key informant interviews. A triangulation approach aims to ensure reliability, rigour and validity through the exploration of the same general questions from different angles (Winston 1997). In this paper the primary focus will be on the telephone survey results as they provide important and robust findings on the generally under-researched issue of second-generation housing preference. Some data from the interviews and 8 345 350 355 360 365 370 375 380 385 390 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts focus groups are incorporated in order to bolster the main findings of the survey. A telephone survey was used to examine the opinions, beliefs, characteristics, present behaviours and trends of the broader second-generation South-Asian population in Brampton through the use of nonprobability random sampling (Neuman and Robson 2007, McGuirk and O’Neill 2010).13 The telephone survey consisted of 14 questions in total, most of which were close-ended with a few semi-open ended questions to allow for ease of analysis and coding. Statistics Canada (2006) data were used to identify South-Asian ethnic enclaves. The percent of South Asians residing in each CT (of the total population in the CT) was used to determine whether the CT was an ethnic enclave. An indicator of 50% or higher South-Asian origin population in the CT was used, and 13 CTs were idenitified. These 13 ethnic enclaves were located in 5 of the total 10 wards. One ethnic enclave in each of the five wards with the highest concentration of South Asians was selected to be sampled. The following website allowed sample data to be collected using the reverse phone application and searching for surnames common to South Asians (Owusu 1999); using street names and postal codes within a CT, the website lists residents name and number: http://www.whitepages.ca/reverse_phone. However, this approach does present its own set of limitations (see Owusu 1999). A screening question was used to determine whether a participant was eligible in the survey. The requirements were: 20 years of age or older, currently living in the City of Brampton, born in Canada, and of South-Asian heritage. A total of 3930 households were contacted which returned a total of 103 usable surveys with participants that met this criteria.14 The average response rate was 2.3%. Procedure Housing preferences Studying housing choice is limited in that it only reveals partial explanations, especially when dealing with the complicated nature of immigrant offspring and their future housing preferences. Mulder (1993) defines preferences as actual transformations of overall goals during certain times in an individual’s life. Preferences reveal a liking or taste in mainly ideal situations and have the obvious potential to change and evolve in the future (Molin 1999). Ozuekren and van Kempen (2002) point out that work has been criticized for its emphasis on choice and lack of attention to constraints (p. 368). Although analysing preferences is complicated, difficult and may not reveal actual outcomes (Buck and Scott 1993, Dieleman 2001), the decision to study preferences was made given the difficulty of collecting adequate and assessable data from existing sources such as Statistics Canada. In favour of this, Molin (1999) illustrates how key elements in housing preferences often remain during selection, such as the type of house, the type of neighbourhood and the location – all three elements that are examined in this study. Ozuekren and van Kempen (2002) suggest that it is most ideal to examine this longitudinally, although this approach is only feasible on a large scale with a small number of respondents, and is often very costly; the alternative of cross-sectional methods is used by asking participants about their previous and preferred housing arrangements (p. 367). Given the limited time and resources available, the latter approach was taken and questions of preferred housing type and location, and opinions on current living arrangements were asked. Similar to Buck and Scott (1993), I distinguish between participants who are ‘leaving home’ and ‘living away from home’. I use the more restrictive ‘leaving South Asian Diaspora 395 400 405 410 415 420 425 9 home’ definition for the fact that I want to understand housing preferences for independent residency where ‘living away from home’ is understood as moves into institutions or other housing arrangements as a result of entry into college or work with some economic dependence on the parents. For the purpose of this study, I will view first-time home leaving as the individual’s desire to move out of their parents’ home into their own residence. This would most often be associated with marriage, cohabitation or independent living, although the reasons for wanting to leave the parental home are not discussed in detail. The results of the telephone survey represented a demographic of young individuals mostly residing at home. The life cycle stage of the majority of telephone participants’ is mainly that prior to first-time home leaving (87 participants) with a few in the independent housing arrangement stage (16 participants). This reflects the relatively young age of the population surveyed, which averaged 24.5 years old. Based on current demographic factors, the parameters of this cohort are suitable for understanding the housing desires of second-generation South Asians in Canada. Overall findings Characteristics of telephone survey participants There were 55 female and 48 male participants answered the telephone survey. Approximately 82% of those surveyed currently reside with their parents.15 The last level of education completed among these participants was high school (46%), followed by an undergrad (32%).16 A slight majority (55%) of participants were currently enrolled in school, with 71% attending a university to complete an undergrad.17 A large portion of participants (65%) had resided in Brampton for over 11 years, while the remaining participants resided in Brampton either 6–10 years (21%) or less than 5 years (14%).18 Future residence in Brampton Overall, second-generation South Asians seem generally satisfied to very satisfied living in the City of Brampton (Figure 2). AQ4 However, when asked whether they would reside in Brampton in the future, the response was virtually 50/50; 49.5% responded yes and 50.5% responded no. For those who would reside in Brampton in the future, the overwhelming reason was being close to friends and family (66.0%), while some preferred the lifestyle (14.9%) (Figure 3). Of those individuals who do not wish to reside in Brampton in the future, many said they would like a change in lifestyle (40.8%), they disliked features of the city (18.4%), and other undisclosed reasons (30.6%) (Figure 4). 430 435 440 Figure 2. AQ4 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts Colour online, B/W in print 10 445 450 Figure 3. Reasons to continue residing in Brampton. 455 460 Preferred housing characteristics The majority of second-generation South Asians preferred to live in semi-detached or detached housing types (67%) and the most important living feature noted was residing close to family and friends (49%) (Figure 5). Other important features when deciding where to reside include living in their desired house or neighbourhood (23%) and being close to work (19%) (Figure 6). 465 475 Colour online, B/W in print 470 Analysis and discussion Independent living and South Asians The average age of survey participants was 24.5 years old, and a large number were currently living with their parents. This suggests the group will be entering the leaving-home stage of the life cycle over the next decade. The process of leaving the parental home was usually associated with marriage but is now increasingly motivated by the preference for independent living (Buck and Scott 1993, p. 864). In the South-Asian culture, however, there is the general belief that children, especially females, are not expected to move out until they are married. The interviews with professionals also suggest that moving out prior to marriage is uncommon among South Asians. 480 485 490 Figure 4. Reasons to relocate out of Brampton. 11 Colour online, B/W in print South Asian Diaspora 495 500 Figure 5. Type of house preferred in future. Colour online, B/W in print 505 510 515 Figure 6. Most important living feature. 520 525 530 535 Educational level and housing attainment Educational and career attainment inevitably alter housing consumption during the life cycle (Dieleman 2001). As long as the individuals are in school they are less likely to buy homes due to income and mobility limitations (Haan 2005, p. 10). Nonetheless, when the group does complete their schooling they will have higher levels of human capital that should translate into mortgage qualification, thereby increasing their likelihood of securing housing of their choice (Haan 2005, p. 10). Also, higher educational attainment leads to increased future earnings potential, income stability and higher homeownership rates, further adding to their ability to obtain desired housing preferences (Haan 2005, pp. 10–11). Future housing preferences: residing in the ethnic enclave Closeness to family and friends For the half of the sample who said they would reside in Brampton in the future, the overwhelming reason was to be close to family and friends, supporting the notion that the second generation may continue to reside in their ethnic enclave out of 12 540 545 550 555 560 565 570 575 580 585 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts preference rather than constraint (Kalbach 1990, Portes and Zhou 1993). One focusgroup participant stated: Yeah growing up here, I loved it . . . I’d want [my kids] to have a good relationship with their grandparents and realize how important your elders are in your life and . . . that’s one of the things I love about our culture, and I definitely want to impart that on them [U-N1]. The familial ties, closeness to others of the same background, and importance of their culture may be indicators as to why this group still wants to reside in close proximity to their community (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997). Being raised in an ethnic enclave may greatly influence the importance placed on having that sense of community even into the second generation (Kalbach 1990). What is unknown however is how the pursuit of a professional career for a highly educated population may impact the dispersal of the second generation. Suburban style dwelling The preferred type of housing is also reflective of suburban cities, with 81.6% of this group wanting to reside in a semi-detached or detached-type dwelling. Purchasing a house is not only the process of consuming a good; it provides a sense of achievement and it can also be viewed as an avenue for investment, therefore making an owner-occupied dwelling more attractive than a condo or apartment (Haan 2005, p. 6). A focusgroup participant presents the multiple meanings of home ownership: ‘You just feel that you have the house, it’s a nice thing . . . I think that the big house makes it seem that you’ve accomplished something in life . . . [CM-R]’. The sample group that AQ5 stated their intention to continue to live in Brampton included a greater number who have completed a post secondary education (49.0%) versus those who wish to move out of Brampton; those wanting to move out of Brampton only have 34.6% who have completed their education. According to Rossi (1955), these young adults should want to reside in dense urban centres and then eventually move to the suburbs later during the family-formation phase. However, half of the respondents said they would want to continue residing in the suburb of Brampton. It seems the half who wish to continue residing in Brampton are more concerned with obtaining owner-occupied housing ahead of their family-formation phase, and do not consider residing in an urban centre during their single or early marriage years of significant importance. One factor in this is the expectation of families to reside together, as one focus-group participant explained: ‘I might as well just live with my parents for free [U-P]’. Future housing preferences: moving out of the ethnic enclave When examining the motives of the half who would not reside in Brampton in the future, the response was mixed. Many said they would like a lifestyle change (40.8%), and others said they disliked Brampton or wanted to relocate for ‘other’ reasons (30.6%). Some participants elaborated on underlying factors that led to ‘other’ responses. Three out of a total of 15 telephone participants said there was a lack of diversity (too ethnocentric), while two participants said there was overcrowding or too much traffic, and two said that the city did not meet their expectations compared to where they lived before (often Mississauga was used as a comparative). Other single South Asian Diaspora 590 595 600 605 610 615 620 625 630 13 responses included increasing property taxes, poor infrastructure and hospital, not pedestrian friendly, not an ideal place to raise children, and an unsafe city (increased crime). Desire for urban centre settlement among the young Of the participants that said they would not stay in Brampton, 46.2% would rather live in an urban centre or downtown area. This falls in agreement with those respondents who said they would like to see a change in lifestyle. Within the group wanting to move downtown 70.8% are still in the process of completing school, and are younger than those who have completed school (an average age of 23.9 years old versus an average of 27.2 years old, respectively). This further support Rossi’s (1955) life cycle theory since this group has yet to finish their education, and it seems that they have not started to think about living independently or with a spouse/partner. They are also likely to be more concerned with employment opportunities where cities boast central business districts (Woldoff et al. 2011). The desire to reside in an urban city may also indicate a possible shift in housing preferences among younger generations. The urban residency group is also more likely to live in an apartment or condo (28.8%) versus the group who wishes to continue residing in Brampton (10.2%), indicating a possible shift in preference that counters previous findings on South Asians and condo living preferences.19 AQ6 As Dieleman (2001, p. 250) suggests, young adults between the ages of 20 and 25 in developed societies are the most mobile segments of the population. However, Mulder and Hooimeijer (1999) note that people (commonly over the age of 30, families with children, and long term couples) who initially prefer to reside in the city are often prepared to move to a suburb in order to obtain the dwelling or residential community of their preferred quality, size or tenure (p. 174). Furthermore, Howley et al. (2009) suggest that urban living is a short-term residential choice and the family-formation stage leads people to move to the suburbs (p. 5). All focus-group participants, even those who would initially live downtown, agreed with this perspective, ‘I feel like downtown would be like now. Ten years from now, downtown would not be me only because I would be thinking about my family . . . I wouldn’t want to raise my kids there [U-N2]’. Overall, the people who want to reside in the city represent a small segment of the overall second-generation South-Asian population, and this movement seems temporary up until the family-formation phase. In this regard elements of the stated choice of this population confirm the life cycle theory. The key for planning purposes though will be whether this population will actualize their stated preferences. Relocate to another suburban city From the respondents who would not reside in Brampton, 36.5% said that they would prefer to reside in another suburban city, which may account for the numbers who ‘dislike the city’. There is some possibility that the values of being raised in the suburbs could carry onto the second generation. One focus-group participant reveals, 635 I’d want a big, big home . . . [my parents] came from back home, immigrated, worked hard, saved for us, educated us and put us through everything, you know what I mean? 14 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts And they are settled in a nice home like at least 3000 or more sq ft so I would want . . . a home [like] that . . . [CF-K]. 640 Feijten et al.’s (2008) study of housing careers over the life-course also resulted in AQ7 similar findings; being born in suburban cities increases the probability of preferring rural or suburban living in later life. 645 650 655 660 665 670 675 680 685 Conclusion Despite the relative shortcomings of the research reported on here,20 it does nonetheless challenge theories of declining suburban settlement preference for highly educated second-generation South-Asian populations. South Asians are a large and rapid growing visible minority population in Canada, especially around the GTA, and this paper explores a largely under researched topic; the impact of suburban residency on contemporary second-generation immigrant groups (Alba et al. 1999). Findings from this research indicate that the life cycle theory, when applied to second-generation South Asians, has better explanatory power for the household-formation phase rather than for the independent-living stage. The survey results suggest that continued ethnic enclave residency persists and most do not wish to reside in dense urban centres. For second-generation South Asians, residing in an ethnic enclave may in fact reinforce traditional ideas of socioeconomic success, at least among those thinking about getting married and starting a family. The importance of homeownership held by immigrant parents are clearly passed onto their Canadian-born children, since the majority of second generations, even if they did not want to stay specifically in Brampton, stated a desire to reside in low-density family style dwellings that perpetuate a trend towards suburban form. This research suggests that settlement in suburban ethnic enclaves may continue for the second generation throughout all phases of the life cycle, thereby modifying the life cycle theory of urban settlement. There is some ambiguity regarding the extent of this preference based on the research sample, and the possibility of weakening ethnic concentrations as a result of a dispersed second-generation population is still possible based on these findings. However, the possibility of a secondary ethnic concentration could also form as an extension of the original ethnic enclave, similar to the case of the Portuguese, Italian and Jewish populations in Toronto (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Teixeira 2007, Zucchi 2007, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Of the majority who do wish to reside in the ethnic enclave, they prefer to be close to family and friends. Of the small numbers who do not want to live in the ethnic enclave, the youngest and least educated prefer to reside in an urban centre or downtown area, while some simply prefer another suburban city. Although the urban residency group follows traditional life cycle theories, this group may show a shift towards residing in the suburbs as they begin to conclude their educational careers and transition into independent-living or family-formation phases. Furthermore, this segment of the population represents only a small number of the survey respondents; so the shift towards urban living in housing forms other that detached homes for second-generation South Asians is limited. The importance of familial ties in the South-Asian culture, the growth in ethnic enclaves, and more traditional life cycle values during family formation, play important roles in shaping preferences for second-generation South-Asian-Canadians. South Asian Diaspora 690 695 700 705 710 715 720 725 730 735 15 Future studies on the actual housing outcomes would be immensely beneficial in fully understanding the housing preferences of this group. Conducting interviews with real estate agents and their clients may yield the best results. Also, understanding whether similar preferences exist for other visible minority groups within ethnic enclaves would help us to explain whether this is a South-Asian phenomenon or if it differentiates along ethnic lines. Continuing to understand the housing preferences among second-generation South Asians in Canada will be challenging, especially with the shortened census form that was implemented in 2011. The topic is of increasing importance though, since Canadian city planners need to better understand why high-density urban communities are not seen as an attractive alternative to suburbs throughout the life course for South-Asian-Canadians. Despite these limitations, this study indicate that a number of factors support the reproduction of suburban housing choices for South-Asian-Canadians throughout the generations. As such, this indicates numerous planning and environmental challenges linked with suburban growth surrounding large immigrant receiving metropolitan areas which will remain a policy issue for some time to come in Canada. Notes 1. Second generations are those who are born in Canada, with at least one foreign-born parent (Statistics Canada 2006). 2. In 2006, 54.2% of Canada’s South Asian population lived in the Toronto CMA which includes the City of Brampton (Statistics Canada 2006). 3. Other criticisms include the fact that these theories were developed based on the experiences of European settlement groups, and may not be the same for recent visible minority groups who have distinctive cultural backgrounds and structural labour market experiences (Fong and Wilkes 2003). Also, these theories assume that socioeconomic mobility can be used as a measure of integration into society (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, p. 201, Boyd 2002, Hiebert 2000). 4. Gentrification is when neighbourhoods undergo increased socioeconomic achievement of residents and rising home prices from renovations make these neighbourhoods highly desirable. 5. Some of the possible negative impacts from ethnic segregation are: constrained housing and employment choices/opportunities, emergence of a ‘ghetto’, reduced social interactions with others (possibly creating a mono-culture community, impedes acculturation, and the possibility of stereotyping or discrimination. Some of the potential benefits in continued clustering are: sustaining ethnic economies, maximizing social interactions, retaining cultural heritage and community organizations, and providing gainful employment or access to other resources within the neighbourhood. 6. Similar arguments were made in Ghosh’s (2007) study on different sociospatial patterns and outcomes of South Asian subgroups such as Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshis, and in Lo and Wang’s (1997) study on subgroup variances within the broad category of ‘Chinese’ immigrants (Mendez 2009, p. 102). 7. The higher educational attainment level of second generations actually accounts for about one year of education more than the third-and-higher generation. 8. Some argue that tight knit communities may encourage young immigrants to pursue higher education through the sharing of similar values and obligations, social support systems, a strong sense of family, and the monitoring of children’s activities in the community. 9. Others have borrowed from this thesis with more detailed phases; see (Foote et al. 1960, Murdie et al. 1999). 10. The average price of a dwelling was $404,104 in Brampton versus $459,508 in Mississauga or $553,923 in Toronto year to date for 2012 as of June according to MLS prices from the Toronto Real Estate Board (Board 2012). 11. Due to the nature of the survey methods, this CT did not return any results, and for that reason is not included in the discussion. 16 740 745 750 755 760 V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts 12. In their study, ‘20% of the housing stock in the fastest growing South Asian enclave was built between 2001 and 2006, much higher than the CMA average of 11.5%’ (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, p. 330). 13. Much of the data on education level, the type of housing, average age, etc., though possible to access, could not be pre-determined through statistical data analysis due to cost limitations. 14. This total also includes 10 surveys completed by focus group participants. Three focus groups were also conducted with a total of 15 participants with an average age of 22.8. Participants were recruited using a snowball method and followed the same eligibility criteria as the telephone survey. Three key informant interviews were also conducted using personal networks; one with a local real estate agent, one with a regional planner, and one with a local private sector planner. All focus groups and interviews were conducted by the researcher, audio recorded, and held in a local community centre or location of the participants’ choice. 15. The remainder reside with their spouse/partner (9%), with spouse/partner and parents (6%), with extended family (2%), and friends/others (1%). 16. The remainder had completed a postgraduate degree/ other (4%), masters (2%) or a PhD (1%). 17. The other 29% were completing a college diploma (18%), postgraduate degree (5%), masters (4%) or a PhD (2%). 18. Many of the participants had or were currently studying business (39.4%) or science (16.7%). Also, 74.5% of participants were employed and of that group, 60.5% of them had jobs that related to what they studied in school. Most of the cities where people worked were local. The majority (62.3%) of participants were employed within the Region of Peel (32.5% in Brampton and 29.9% in Mississauga) and 15.6% in Toronto. 19. Kim and Boyd’s (2008) study noted that ‘With the exception of South Asians, all other non-White groups are more likely than Whites to own condos versus other housing in Toronto’ (p. 11). 20. Investigating only one ethnocultural group within a geographically specific community limits this research’s applicability to other groups and cities as it may not have an adequate number of cases (Winston 1997). Furthermore, the cross sectional quality of this research assumes that social phenomena are static over time but preferences typically change and this relationship may only be ‘true’ under certain conditions (Baxter 2010). This analysis is also hampered by small sample numbers. 765 Notes on contributors 770 775 780 Virpal Kataure is completing her Master of Arts in Geography from the department of Geography and Environmental Studies at Wilfrid Laurier University. She completed her Bachelors of Urban and Regional Planning at Ryerson University. 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