Open Up - The Electoral Reform Society

D E M O C R AT I C
F U T U R ES
OPEN UP
The future of the
political party
J ES S G A R L A N D & W I L L B R E T T
D EC EM B ER 2014
CONTENTS
Foreword by Professor Tim Bale4
Introduction: only parties have the answer?6
1. What are parties for?
10
2. The changing environment
16
3. How not to adapt
26
4. Encouraging signs
31
Conclusion: Tomorrow’s Party
42
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FOREWORD
By Tim Bale, Professor of Politics at
Queen Mary University of London
Political parties aren’t exactly winning any popularity contests
these days. But however much people vilify parties, the truth is
they can’t do without them. Democracy can’t function without
political parties. Anyone who thinks differently should just look
around the world and try and name a democratic polity that
operates without party competition. It can’t be done.
That it can’t be probably explains the fact that academics
writing on the subject invariably end up quoting the words of the
American political scientist, E.E. Schattschneider, who wrote way
back in 1942 that ‘political parties created democracy and modern
democracy is unthinkable save in terms of the parties’ – which is
presumably why, despite the low esteem in which they hold parties
nowadays, people remain willing to go out in their millions and
vote for them, however reluctantly, every four or five years.
Pundits and commentators nevertheless now routinely claim that
our political parties are in ‘freefall’ or in ‘terminal decline’. And on
the face of it, they have a point. Parties are clearly struggling on a
number of fronts. Yet even then, there are arguably positive aspects
to that struggle.
Many parties are losing members, it is true. But, as UKIP, the
SNP and the Greens have recently shown, it is more than possible
to buck that trend if you offer people an alternative that inspires at
least some of them with fresh hope.
Parties are also losing the loyalty and affection of those sections
of the electorate that they used to be able to call their own. This
may be no bad thing, however, since it suggests that people are
increasingly making up their own minds about who to vote for
rather than relying on atavistic, almost tribal instincts.
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And, partly as a result of that volatility, parties are finding it
increasingly difficult to win sufficient support to garner the kind of
vote shares necessary to produce single-party governments capable
of controlling the House of Commons. Again, though, some would
argue that this is, in fact, a good thing. It forces parties to put
together coalitions based (as the current coalition is based) on a
majority rather than a minority of the electorate. It also encourages
the legislature to stand up to the executive.
So if everything is changing, all is by no means lost. Parties, believe it or not, are not so cut off from society that they fail to realise
they have a serious problem. And they are trying as best they can
to think hard about solutions, including some of those discussed in
more detail in the following pages. Becoming more transparent, less
hierarchical, and more eclectic surely has to be the way to go.
But it won’t be easy. That parties don’t always take the advice
offered to them isn’t necessarily because those who lead them are
stupid or consumed by self-interest. It’s because many of those
solutions involve trade-offs which are difficult to make: ‘open
primaries’, for example, sound wonderful – until one remembers
that they remove one of the few remaining incentives to joining a
party, namely being granted the exclusive right to select candidates
for one’s party of choice.
What we do know, however, is that – inasmuch as politics is
a market – some parties will respond better to the preferences of
their consumers, be they voters or members, than others. Some will
therefore survive, maybe even thrive, while others will go to the
wall. Those outfits hoping to do the former rather than the latter
would be well advised to read this stimulating new contribution to
the debate.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to all staff at the Electoral Reform Society and others for their
help and feedback. We would especially like to thank the 721 ERS
members, supporters and members of the public who contributed
to our consultation and provided us with such a rich collection of
thoughts and ideas. We hope we have fairly reflected their views in
what follows.
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INTRODUCTION:
ONLY PARTIES HAVE
THE ANSWER?
Britain’s political parties are caught between two competing trends.
On one hand, parties have never been as unpopular as they are
now. People are becoming more and more alienated from formal
politics, and parties tend to be seen as causing or at least exacerbating this problem, rather than as a means of solving it.
Back in the 1950s, one person in every ten was a member of
a political party. Now, there are more people who identify their
religion as ‘Jedi’ than there are members of the Conservative
party – and almost the same as the number of Labour members1.
This year, 83% of UK citizens surveyed said they ‘tend not to trust’
political parties2. And one in five (21%) citizens say they do not
identify with any political party3.
But on the other hand, challenger parties traditionally seen as
outside the mainstream have enjoyed significant successes recently.
While the traditional parties take the full brunt of people’s disgust,
newer parties such as UKIP, which (at least in part) models itself
on its opposition to the established party system, benefit from the
anti-party mood. At the same time, post-referendum Scotland has
seen a huge surge in membership of the SNP, and the Green Party
in England and Wales has seen its membership double in the space
1 See ONS Census data: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/about-ons/businesstransparency/freedom-of-information/previous-foi-requests/people-population-and-community/religion-classification---jedi/index.html.
2 See Eurobarometer: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb_arch_
en.htm.
3 Park, A., Bryson, C., Clery, E., Curtice, J., and Phillips, M., (eds), British
Social Attitudes 30: 2013 Edition, National Centre for Social Research.
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of one year4.
At the Electoral Reform Society, we believe that parties should
be a part of the solution to political disengagement, not part of the
problem as they are often seen. Parties should provide a forum for
discussing and reaching agreement on multiple issues; they should
be groups of people working together to pursue their visions of the
good society; and they should be the building blocks of governments and governmental scrutiny. At their best, parties can bridge
the divide between people and politics.
This report is the start of a long-term investigation by the
Electoral Reform Society into the future of political parties. It is
built on an assumption that parties, in some form or another, are
crucial to the good functioning of any representative democracy.
But it is also built on a recognition that people have largely lost
faith in political parties. They are going to have to work hard and
be innovative if they are ever to regain that faith.
Our analysis of the state of the modern political party – based
on a combination of polling, secondary research and above all a
survey of our members and supporters (see methodology note, p8)
– provides a simple recommendation for the future: parties need
to open up. They need to reach out beyond traditional membership
structures and open up to supporters and the wider public. They
need to think differently about how they relate to other parties. And
they need to shift structurally to provide the catalyst for fundamentally changing the culture of our politics. By doing this, parties
may begin to catch up with the way citizens want to do politics.
They may have a chance of meeting people’s (often contradictory)
expectations of a party fit for today and prepared for tomorrow.
To provide background for what follows, we commissioned a poll
of voters in the 40 most marginal Conservative-Labour constituencies5. This poll found that – even in these 40 areas where the
two-party competition is most fierce – a clear majority preferred
a system where multiple parties compete for votes. Some 67%
thought “the rise of smaller parties such as UKIP and the Greens is
good for democracy”, and 51% believed “it is better to have several
smaller parties than two big parties (versus just 27% who thought
the opposite)”. These respondents also demonstrated a commitment
to multi-party and consensual politics at the parliamentary level.
4 See http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-29505094.
5 Fieldwork by ComRes, 15-24 November 2014. Sample: 1,002 GB adults.
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Methodology note
This report is based primarily on a consultation of our own members
and supporters, which was also open to the general public. We
asked three open-ended questions: What are political parties for?
What does the political party of the future look like? And what can
parties do now to reconnect with people? The responses have given
us a detailed picture of people’s aspirations for political parties1.
The results from our consultation are not intended to be widely
generalisable. Our survey respondents are self-selecting and
unrepresentative demographically. They are also more likely to be
interested in politics, being (in the main) supporters of democratic
reform. In this, however, we see a strength: our respondents are
already interested and engaged in politics, and therefore represent
a constituency of critical friends to political parties. If the parties
cannot persuade these critical friends of their own worth, then what
hope do they have of persuading anyone else?
We use the survey responses to complement the research. Our
argument is supported and illustrated throughout with quotations
from the respondents because we believe parties will not survive
– let alone prosper – unless they can bring the public back on their
side. Ultimately, parties need to reconnect with people.
1 The survey was conducted between November 2013 and January 2014,
with 721 respondents. The respondents ranged in age from 20 to 88
with 57 being the mean age. Their political affiliations were spread
across all parties and none, with no one party affiliation dominant.
Respondents from all over the UK contributed to this survey though
the sample group was not gender balanced.
Some 78% thought “the Opposition should work with the government on issues they agree on”, while 54% believed “parliaments
work best when no party is too dominant so that cross-party
agreement is needed to pass laws” (against just 28% who thought
the opposite).
This poll chimes with the findings presented in the remainder of
our report. The responses to our members’ and supporters’ survey
paint a rich, detailed picture of people’s desire to see a modern
party system: multiple parties opening up to their membership
and the wider community, competing for votes across the country,
and working together in government for the common interest. To
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summarise this picture, we provide four central recommendations
to increase the popularity and effectiveness of political parties.
These are:
nn Increased role for non-members Parties’ experiments with
involving non fee-paying supporters should be accelerated
nn More member- and supporter-led policymaking People want to
see an end to top-down, command-and-control politics
nn Party funding reform Parties’ reliance on big donors is under-
mining people’s trust in them
nn Electoral reform A fairer voting system would help meet
people’s expectations of having a greater choice of parties and
more consensual policymaking
Structure of the report
The report proceeds by first (Chapter 1) looking at the role of political parties (in theory and in the views of our survey respondents)
and the degree to which today’s parties are seen to be fulfilling that
purpose. Chapter 2 places the role of political parties in its historical context, showing how changes in society and the way people
behave politically have presented parties with significant challenges
to their continued legitimacy and even existence. Chapter 3 shows
how parties have tended to adapt to these changes, and how these
developments have arguably fuelled a disconnect between people
and parties. Finally, Chapter 4 looks at some of the more positive
innovations with which parties are experimenting, and what else
parties can do to ensure people do not turn away from them forever.
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1
WHAT ARE PARTIES FOR?
Political parties have come to be seen as part of the cause of
widespread disillusionment with politics. Yet they are also central
to a well-functioning democracy. From providing many voters with
their first point of contact with politics and recruiting candidates
for elections, to developing policies that shape society, parties are
a necessary part of representative democracy. This section sets out
the multiple roles that parties should (ideally at least) perform. We
also set out the degree to which our survey respondents a) recognise these roles and b) believe political parties are fulfilling them.
Playing many parts
For the electorate, parties have traditionally been key communicators of political issues, and political educators of the general
public. They also structure electoral choice: a party banner provides
a short-cut to understanding a candidate’s position on issues. In
this way they also encourage turnout, making the voting process
simpler and therefore requiring less effort from the voter. They
mobilise people to vote in a multitude of other ways too, stimulating
interest in the election, campaigning and providing activists to
encourage turnout.
As organisations, parties seek elected office: finding, training
and nurturing candidates for elections and filling leadership
positions. They also represent the interests of their membership as
well as aggregating their demands.
In government, parties implement policy programmes; in opposition they scrutinise and provide an alternative vision. They also
ensure government responsibility: the buck stops with the party.
Our survey results suggest that voters understand and value
these roles, and view parties as integral to a healthy democracy.
Asked about their view of the role of political parties, the vast
majority of our respondents saw parties in a positive role, or at least
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thought that there is a positive role for them even if they do not live
up to the ideal. Some 80% of responses included positive sentiments
about parties’ role in democracy.
Respondents highlighted parties’ functional roles in providing
candidates for public office, forming or scrutinising governments,
and in creating policy (see page 11). They also highlighted parties’
representational roles, from providing representatives for election to
performing the fundamental (although highly problematic) function
of “representing the will of the people” (see page 14).
As well as making reference to these functional and representational roles, people also saw the potential for parties to fulfil
a transformative and inspirational role in society. In answer to
the question “what are parties for?”, respondents saw parties as
reflecting, shaping and structuring citizens’ ideals to change society
for the better:
“[Parties] provide a structure around which people’s aspirations
can be channelled, debated and clarified.”
“To give a voice to the people. To help decide what sort of a society
we are and want to be and help build a package of measures to
help make the transition from what we are to what we want to be.”
Some respondents expressed more explicitly the positive role parties
can and should play in society, helping to create a better future for
citizens:
“Raising the quality of life for ordinary citizens.”
“To help maintain a social structure that helps people to live in
freedom from oppression.”
“Working to build a better society.”
Not all good news
But many respondents also expressed concern that in reality, political parties do not live up to this ideal. They believe that parties are
not fulfilling these roles in society, the legislature or in government;
and they are concerned that parties are not fit for purpose. Of
the negative responses, the majority homed in on a sense of the
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political party as a club for other people, with widespread concern
about the power of vested interests and cronyism (see page 19).
Some saw political parties as purely in it for themselves:
“Political parties promote the interests of the party not the interests
of the people.”
“Self-interest, self-aggrandisement and power for power’s sake.”
Some viewed political parties as having other paymasters:
“To mask the real decision makers who are the elite, corporations
and lobbyists.”
“Doing the bidding of industry and inherited money over the
wishes and betterment of the vast majority of the country.”
Respondents also felt that parties simply sought to secure power as
an end in itself:
“They’re a vehicle for getting power and therefore don’t serve the
common good.”
The gloomiest news for political parties is that some of those
surveyed saw parties as redundant, and could imagine a democracy
without them:
“I do not agree that parties are essential. They are part of the
problem.”
Our survey responses reflect a strong sense of political parties not
living up to their expected roles. But the results also reflect the fact
that parties’ functions are multiple, varied and contested. The many
roles which parties perform – as political organisations, in society
and in government – make it extremely problematic for parties to
live up to expectations on all fronts.
It should be restated that most respondents saw a very positive
role for parties, from “representing the will of the people” to
being “essential for democracy and the prevention of dictators and
despots”. Even if they felt that political parties currently do not live
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up to expectations, nearly all respondents saw a positive role for
them in our democratic system and society at large.
Yet despite a seemingly widespread public acceptance that political parties are an essential component of our democratic system,
there is clearly a growing anti-party political mood. The following
two chapters set out the historical and social context in which that
growth in anti-party sentiment is situated.
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2
THE CHANGING
ENVIRONMENT
The first step in explaining the growth of people’s distaste for
political parties is to understand how the social and political
context has changed since parties’ heyday in the middle of the 20th
century. This chapter sets out those changes, and – with reference
to our survey – how public expectations of parties have changed at
the same time.
The big picture
Changes in society including expanding education, technological
advances, globalisation and consumerisation have contributed to
a profound shift in the way citizens engage with politics, and have
challenged the authority of representational party politics.
Citizens are more educated than ever before and have access
to a mass of political information which has replaced parties in
their role as political communicators. Globalisation has arguably
contributed to a sense that no party or government can solve
the internationally interlinked problems facing the country, and
this has been compounded by a crisis of faith not just in political
parties but across national institutions from finance to the police
and the media. Weakening social ties and class structures coupled
with expanding communications have led citizens and parties to
a distinctly market-based approach to engagement, with policies
tailored for consumer citizens to ‘buy’. We have also seen the
emergence of a plethora of single-issue campaigning organisations,
and citizens are increasingly choosing to participate in these rather
than in traditional party political activism.
The biggest challenges to traditional party structures stem from
the behaviour of the electorate: far fewer citizens are identifying
strongly with a political party, and far fewer are choosing to vote.
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Those who identify strongly with a party has dropped ten
percentage points since 1987 (from 46% to 36%), although there
has been little change since 19971. Likewise the number of people
enrolling as members of established political parties has dropped
dramatically. Combined party membership of the Conservatives,
Labour and Liberal Democrats comes in at less than half a million 2.
In the 1960s parties’ membership extended into the millions, with
around one in ten people holding membership of a party in 19643.
Correspondingly parties have fewer core voters to mobilise and
fewer activists to mobilise other voters.
Representatives that stand on a ‘not the others’
ticket have enjoyed recent successes
Turnout decline is one of the most obvious indicators of the
shifting patterns of engagement in society. Whilst turnout has
improved since reaching a low of 59.4% in 2001, the number of
citizens using their vote has dropped dramatically since the 1950s.
These changes represent a real drift away from traditional party
politics, and have significant implications for parties’ future.
An anti-party era
Recent years have seen a significant growth in anti-party politics.
Representatives that stand on a ‘not the others’ ticket have enjoyed
recent successes, with populist politicians and parties achieving
support not just in the UK but across Western Europe. In Iceland in
2010, a satirical party led by a former comedian ran on the promise
to be openly corrupt. Mimicking established political parties and
drawing on public anger over the financial crisis, they won enough
seats to co-run Reykjavik’s city council. The party’s leader, Jón
Gnarr, became Mayor. Italian comedian Beppe Grillo’s Five Star
Movement, created in 2009 in the wake of the Eurozone crisis,
continues to perform well in the polls, coming second in the 2014
1 Park, A., Bryson, C., Clery, E., Curtice, J., and Phillips, M., (eds), British
Social Attitudes 30: 2013 Edition, National Centre for Social Research.
2 House of Commons library note, 3 Dec 2012, Membership of UK Political
Parties. SN/SG/5125.
3 Wilks-Heeg, S., Blick, A., and Crone, S. (2012) How Democratic is the UK? The
2012 Audit, Liverpool: Democratic Audit. www.democraticaudit.com.
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European elections with 21.2% of the vote. The movement positions
itself outside of the political establishment, claiming ground as the
voice of the people. In Britain, the UK Independence Party (UKIP)
– running on a distinctly populist, anti-establishment ticket – came
first in the 2014 European elections with 32.9% of the vote.
This trend has been attributed, at least in part, to growing
political cynicism, distrust in political institutions and anti-party
sentiment. Though difficult to measure, to gain an idea of anti-party
feeling we can look to some key questions designed to test how well
people think politics responds to citizens. In the UK, changes in
opinion have not been all that dramatic over the last 30 years, but
there is nevertheless very clear evidence of an increasing cynicism.
In 1987, 64% of people agreed that ‘parties are only interested in
people’s votes, not in their opinions’. By 2011 this had risen to 75%.
Likewise in 1994, 57% of people agreed that ‘it doesn’t really matter
which party is in power, in the end things go on much the same’. By
2011 this had risen to 71%4.
Why so cynical?
Perhaps there is something in the culture of our politics that creates
a more cynical response to political parties. It has been said that the
UK has adopted ‘cynicism bordering on nihilism’ as something of a
national ideology5. The seemingly endless cycle of political scandals
has certainly damaged the reputation of politicians generally and
created a sense of the political class being unfit for purpose.
Whilst it might be easy to blame politicians’ behaviour for
this turning away from formal politics, it would be too simplistic.
Research shows the 2009 expenses crisis had little impact on voters’
view of politicians, mainly because it was so low even before the
crisis (in 2004, 70% of people said they trust politicians either ‘not
very much’ or ‘not at all’; in 2010 this figure was 73%)6.
Perhaps the problem lies instead with some of the contradictory
expectations of politics itself. Our survey respondents clearly felt
that parties should be more collaborative and co-operative, working
together in the best interests of the country, not themselves:
4 Park, A., Bryson, C., Clery, E., Curtice, J., and Phillips, M., (eds), British
Social Attitudes 30: 2013 Edition, National Centre for Social Research.
5 See: http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/102d71fc-cebe-11e3-8e62-00144feabdc0.
html#axzz30GZOtLfg.
6 Hansard Society (2010), Audit of Political Engagement 7: The 2010 Report.
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“I wish they were less about confrontation and opposing views,
and more about working together to find solutions.”
“We need more consensus, less party-political politics.”
“Stop the inter-party warfare. There is a lot more common ground
that should be worked on.”
Respondents felt that parties of the future should engage in more
open and honest discussion on issues.
“Get rid of the party whip system. Allow more dissent and
discussion.”
“Hide less behind party dogma. Dismiss the idea of certainties and
try to engage people in a genuine discussion where uncertainties
and unknowns are welcomed.”
Our survey of voters in Conservative-Labour marginals clearly
demonstrates this desire for a more consensual politics. We found
that, even in constituencies which could be said to represent the
archetypal two-party system (ie. Conservative-Labour marginals), 78% believed that “the Opposition should work with the
Government on issues they agreed on”, and 54% believed that
“Parliaments work best when no party is too dominant so that
cross-party agreement is needed to pass laws”7.
And yet, whilst greater co-operation is desired, our respondents also
wanted parties to be more distinct in their ideology.
“The main reason party politics is seen as irrelevant is that there
is, in reality, very little difference in their policies.”
“We need parties to look different... There is no real difference
between the three main parties: all are centre, with a tiny degree
of left or right.”
7 Survey by ComRes for the Electoral Reform Society. Fieldwork took place from
15th to 24th November 2014, sampling 1,002 GB adults living in the 40 most
marginal constituencies where the Conservatives and Labour shared first and
second place between them at the last General Election in 2010.
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“The problem is many people have lost faith in the current parties
because they are not distinctive enough.”
The sense that parties are growing more similar is supported by
survey data: only 23% of respondents in 2010 felt there was a ‘great
difference’ between Labour and the Conservatives – though higher
than in 2005, still a good ten percentage points lower than any
election between 1964 and 19978.
So, people want parties to be more consensual and work together, but they also want them to be more distinctive in terms of policy
and ideology. That is the tightrope which parties must walk – later,
we examine how parties may be able to do so (see chapter 4).
Aggregation and articulation
The way citizens choose to participate politically has changed
fundamentally, with more informal and direct forms of engagement
becoming increasingly popular. Instead of becoming members of
political parties, citizens are choosing single-issue campaigns and
issue-specific membership organisations such as those supporting
conservation, human rights or even democratic reform. There are
also more ways to participate in politics through online petitioning
and action groups such as 38 Degrees. It could be argued that such
groups have overtaken parties in articulating citizens’ interests.
These interest-based organisations and campaigns seem better
adapted to the way citizens want to participate, with looser structures, a more direct approach and fewer calls on supporters’ time.
Citizens have access to a seemingly limitless range of information
sources and no longer depend on parties for their political information. Likewise political participants are better educated and
less deferential, but also more individualistic. The political party is
elite-driven, with organisational structures reminiscent of a bygone
era. For many citizens, parties therefore no longer appear to be the
appropriate vehicle for political self-expression.
Politics is about collective decision-making and the allocation of
resources. This places severe constraints on what political parties
are able to achieve in comparison to the other types of association
which are much more popular in the 21st century. Politics requires
parties to aggregate interests as well as articulating them. Whilst
8 Park, A., Clery, E., Curtice, J., Phillips, M., and Utting, D., (eds), British
Social Attitudes 28: 2010-2011 Edition, National Centre for Social Research.
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interest groups are able to articulate citizens’ views, they do not
perform the task of mediating between them. They can campaign
on their chosen issue or group of issues without the need to balance
competing demands. Parties – if they are serious about forming a
government or being part of one – are required not only to articulate their supporters’ views but also to put them into some kind
of order. Under circumstances where resources are scarce (as they
always are), what are the top priorities for government? If the party
pursues policy A, what effect does that have on policies B, C and
D, and how does that affect the decision to pursue policy A? These
are political questions which parties are in a position to answer, but
which often do not feature in the articulation of citizen interests
through narrow-focused or single-issue groups.
One of parties’ most important functions is being
largely overlooked by members of the public
Political parties’ dual roles – aggregating citizen’s interests as
well as articulating them – came through strongly in our survey.
However, representing individuals’ interests (articulation) was mentioned far more frequently than the role of prioritising and choosing
between them (aggregation). This suggests that one of political
parties’ most important functions is being largely overlooked by
members of the public, perhaps because other, more popular, types
of association do not have to perform this function.
Respondents clearly saw a role for parties in translating
ideas into action, though most saw this as translating the will of
‘like-minded people’.
“To channel the representative views of a section of society into the
governance of the nation.”
“So that people of a like mind can join together to try to change
society in a way they would like to see it go.”
However, some responses reflected the need to compromise,
manage varying views and protect those in the minority.
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“Members’ views are not monolithic and the party has to be able to
incorporate and tolerate... variances.”
“Political parties are ways of ensuring that individual voices are
heard and solutions are found when opinions differ.”
Some of those surveyed who saw parties as vehicles for articulating
ideas and interests believed parties should bring citizens’ voices
into the policy-making process.
“[Parties should be] engaging people in democracy, putting
ordinary people into politics and expanding participation.”
“Bringing people with similar ideals together; providing an organising framework and social support where individuals can discuss,
debate and generate ideas and policies that will seek to realise the
greatest good for the greatest number of people.”
Our survey reflected the idea that people want parties to open up
more and to give them a far greater role. Today citizens have a
range of opportunities to self-organise and campaign. It would seem
that parties need to respond to this by letting go of the top-down
structures of the past and allowing people in (see chapter 4). But
parties are faced with the challenge that, while anyone can articulate their views, not every view can be accommodated; aggregating
interests and views remains an important role for parties, and one
not easily or readily appreciated.
Smaller, and more of them
As well as desiring more direct involvement and a bigger voice in
party politics, our respondents wanted more choice.
The two-party system in Westminster, which for so long has
been propped up by a broken electoral system, is a thing of the
past. In elections where the system allows it, people are choosing
to support a wider range of parties, and more conditionally 9. Our
survey of voters in Conservative-Labour marginals showed that
even where competition between the two ‘big’ parties is fiercest,
9 Dunleavy, P., (2005), ‘Facing up to Multi-Party politics: How Partisan
Dealignment and PR Voting Have Fundamentally Changed Britain’s Party
Systems, Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 58 No. 3, 503-532.
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people are more likely to see British politics as a multi-party arena.
Some 67% in these marginals thought “the rise of smaller parties
such as UKIP and the Greens is good for democracy”, 50% thought
“the era of two parties dominating British politics is over” and 51%
believed “it is better to have several smaller parties than two big
parties”. And when these voters in Labour-Conservative marginals
were asked who they would vote for if all parties had a realistic
chance of winning, five parties received over 5% of the vote10.
The respondents to our survey on the future of political parties
expressed a desire to have parties which more closely fit their
political preferences than the large, catch-all parties of the past.
Many of our respondents felt that the parties of the future should
be smaller and more diverse in size and number. This would give
voters options which more closely fit their preferences. What is
more, these smaller, more various parties would be incentivised to
co-operate and collaborate – another important improvement which
our respondents want to see in the way parties operate:
“[Parties of the future would be] smaller and based more around
central issues than previously. They will be competing for an
increasingly short-term thinking voter. Their strategy will be based
around bargaining within coalitions, not on a broad programme.”
“Coalitions having a mandate from more than 50% of the electorate would be able to make the necessary reforms and bring this
country into 21st century.”
Our respondents were clear that such an aspiration for smaller,
more coalition-minded parties could only be achieved with a
change in the electoral system:
“A voting system that doesn’t automatically disenfranchise most
of the electorate would be the main change I would recommend.
10 Survey by ComRes for the Electoral Reform Society. Fieldwork took place from
15th to 24th November 2014, sampling 1,002 GB adults living in the 40 most
marginal constituencies where the Conservatives and Labour shared first
and second place between them at the last General Election in 2010. Asked
to imagine a situation where all parties had a realistic chance of winning,
voters said they would vote for a wide range of parties: 28% Labour, 23%
Conservative, 19% UKIP, 10% Green, 6% Lib Dem, 3% Independent, 1% BNP,
1% Other, and 7% for a ‘new party which better reflected [their] views’.
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There isn’t much point in joining any political party unless you
feel they can change things, and that your involvement can make a
difference.”
“All the time we have First Past the Post then the parties stay
polarised and look after their own interests.”
It is clear that parties are operating in a very different world from
the past – one in which citizens’ expectations are not as they were.
The two-party era, when the vast majority of citizens both voted
for and identified with one of the two main parties, is categorically
over. People want to see the shape, nature and activities of political parties changing to meet their expectations of what politics
should look like in the 21st century. The next chapter sets out some
of the ways in which parties have already adapted to changes in
society, while Chapter 4 examines the immediate future in terms of
party innovation.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
25
3
HOW NOT TO ADAPT
Claims that parties are in terminal decline may be too hasty.
Political parties have shown an enormous amount of resilience and
are continuously adapting to survive. But while some of the ways
in which parties have adapted to the changing environment are positive for our democracy (see Chapter 4), other developments could be
exacerbating their unpopularity. As people have moved away from
parties, parties have also moved away from people.
This section looks at two of the changes which parties have
made since the mid 20th century, and how these could have contributed to the dire situation in which parties now find themselves.
Reliance on money
Whilst political parties do not necessarily need members to
function, membership decline has had various impacts on the way
parties operate, particularly in terms of finance. Declining numbers
of fee-paying members, combined with centralisation of party
organisation and campaigning techniques, has forced parties to rely
on a few large donors to fill the gap left by membership dues and
meet substantial campaign budgets.
Correspondingly there has been an increase in perceptions of
corruption in parties, with suggestions that donors are receiving
undue influence for their cash. Our own research1 found that 61%
of people think that the current party funding system is corrupt and
that 75% of people think that big donors have too much influence
on political parties.
Similarly, the respondents to our survey on the future of the
political party overwhelmingly felt parties were in the pockets of
their donors and correspondingly that they held far greater sway
over decisions than ordinary voters:
1 Survey carried out by Greenberg, Quinlan, Rosner, 24-27 February 2014, 1402
respondents.
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“[Parties] exist to whip their Parliamentary Members to tow the
party line which is too often dictated by big donors.”
“[Parties exist] to serve the banking, financial services, energy, and
the media. To manufacture fear, and to manipulate consent.”
“[Parties] should be a means of exercising collective democracy
for the people: but in the UK they seem to be representing only the
vested interests of the few.”
There is little doubt that negative public perceptions of money in
politics has contributed to people’s growing cynicism. Whilst the
British political system has not experienced corruption on any
significant scale in comparison to countries around the world 2,
people are suspicious of the ways parties obtain funding. The
perception of unfair advantage, be it a seat in the House of Lords,
dinner with the Prime Minister or policy influence, is keenly felt.
Our surveys clearly showed that citizens feel their voice has little
weight compared to big business and lobbyists.
Negative public perceptions of money in politics
have contributed to people’s growing cynicism
The trend towards seeking a smaller number of large donations
is unstable and probably unsustainable. It is therefore crucial
that parties find a solution. In 2011 the Committee on Standards
in Public Life published a proposal for reforming political party
funding. In these proposals the Committee recommended a cap on
donations at £10,000 from individuals or organisations and state
support for political parties (for parties with two or more representatives in Westminster or devolved governments) based on number
of votes.
Many of our respondents felt that public funding of parties was
key to keeping vested interests outside party politics:
“Stop taking donations from big business and wealthy pressure
2 See Transparency International’s Global Corruption Report, available
at: http://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub/global_corruption_
report_2004_political_corruption.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
27
groups, even if it means funding politics from the public purse.”
“Be funded by the taxpayer instead of vested interests.”
“Government funded so that no party is dependent on unions or
big business and a budget cap on electioneering.”
Parties play a crucial role in our democracy and need funding in
order to carry out many of these functions. Moving away from relying on a handful of larger donors could provide the right catalyst for
parties to reach out to a broader support base, but public funding
should also be reviewed and considered as part of that picture.
Creating a level playing field for all parties, large and small, is an
essential task.
Too much control?
In recent years, parties have also changed the way they operate
as campaigning organisations: centralising and professionalising;
becoming better informed about what voters want (gained through
polling and focus groups); and putting greater emphasis on image,
of both party and leader3. Parties have adapted to a more participatory age by creating a new, distinctly consumerist model of
engagement.
Some respondents to our survey clearly saw parties in this more
consumerist model:
“[Parties] provide a kind of brand recognition for a set of shared
values.”
“The post-modern [party] model seeks to present whatever image
or message or approach is most palatable to most voters in most
relevant constituencies, in order to win general elections.”
Yet these very adaptations, which have enabled parties to survive
and respond to a changing environment, have themselves contributed to the popular sense of alienation. The ways in which parties
have adapted, such as targeted campaigns, centralisation and
3 Webb, P., and Farrell D., in Dalton, R., and Wattenberg, M. (ed) Parties
Without Partisans: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies
(2002).
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professionalisation, are the very things people consider wrong with
the modern party. These innovations make parties feel remote from
people and far from genuine grassroots membership organisations.
Our survey respondents wanted the party of the future to be less
focused on this narrow vote-winning electoral strategy.
“There is a need to abandon the communications techniques
learnt from marketing. These encourage the idea that citizens are
consumers of politics and ‘spend’ their vote. This is promoting the
disconnect.”
“[A party] should be focused on its policies, not its PR.”
The centralising and professionalising tendency of parties can also
reduce the role of members. A vote-winning strategy requires a
focus on what will appeal to the largest number of voters, not their
members. Parties need to be able to change direction swiftly and
with a view to winning votes, not pleasing members. But party
members want to be more than megaphones for whatever their
party’s policies happen to be; they want to shape them too.
Party members want to be more than megaphones for policies; they want to shape them too
Our survey respondents saw involving party members in policy
decision-making as an important function of the political party
(see chapter 1) and viewed the party of the future as being more
connected internally with its members. They felt the party of the
future would be:
“One that works from the bottom up. By definition, that means
mass membership and a structure that invites discussion and
participation.”
“More inclusive. It treats its members as active participants not
passive recipients of words from on high.”
Clearly, parties’ reliance on big money and relentless election-winning messages has had a significant negative effect on people’s
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
29
perceptions. Perhaps there are better ways of adapting to the
changed environment in which parties operate.
HOW OUR RESPONDENTS ANSWERED THE QUESTION:
“ WHAT ARE POLITICAL PARTIES FOR?”
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4
ENCOURAGING SIGNS
The degree to which parties are distrusted by the public – and the
seriousness of the problem in terms of their future sustainability – has not been lost on the parties themselves. As well as the
longer-term changes outlined in the previous section, parties have
more recently been experimenting with new ways of organising
their affairs. These changes are considerably more promising in
terms of their ability to close the gap between parties and people.
This section sets out some of these innovations, and shows how
they have been received by our respondents.
Supporter, not member
The rapid decline in party membership has created a legitimacy
problem for political parties. Whilst capable of operating without
members, parties should aspire to attract the backing of more of
the population. Parties have met this challenge by loosening their
membership rules, and expanding affiliation with the party to
encompass less formal attachments. Research on election activity1
has found that parties are using their non fee-paying supporters
as well as members in campaigning activity: some 78% of local
Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat parties recruited
supporters to help with campaigning in the 2010 election. A
shortage of members is therefore not necessarily an impediment to
organisational capacity.
The Labour and Conservative parties are looking to expand
their reach beyond members. Labour is encouraging local parties to
register ‘supporters’ who do not pay fees. And Labour’s reforms to
the union link (whereby union members will now need to ‘opt in’
to their affiliation rather than being automatically affiliated) will
1 Fisher, J., Fieldhouse, E., Cutts, D., (2014), Members are Not the Only Fruit:
Volunteer Activity in British Political Parties at the 2010 General Election,
BJPIR.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
31
potentially create a new group of non-member supporters. There
are also moves within the Conservative Party to engage supporters
online and in campaigning. Inspired by the Olympics Gamesmakers
and campaign development in the US, party chairman Grant Shapps
launched Team 2015, which aims to build a grassroots volunteer
network. It is aimed at people who want to get involved in campaigns but are not necessarily members of the party2.
These moves present an important change in the way parties
connect with citizens, embracing the looser, less formal structures
that have served campaign organisations well (see page 21) and
expanding parties’ reach by doing so.
Our respondents thought parties should connect with the public
by doing more in the wider community. They felt parties should:
“Open up debate to non-members and become less hierarchical.”
“Engage with their communities more, by getting out more in
the streets to talk to people and being proactive in contacting
communities.”
People are much less likely to stick with a political party for life.
We have seen an increase in undecided voters in recent years.
Three weeks before the 1983 election, only 17% of voters had not
decided who to vote for. In 2010, three weeks before the election,
49% remained undecided3. Combined with other trends such as
split-ticketing (voting for candidates of more than one party in
the same election) and an increase in the number of parties, this
suggests that whilst parties may be able to draw on supporters at
a particular moment or for a particular campaign, their affiliation
may be short-lived. Creating new roles for supporters in specific
campaigns or for particular moments is an important adaptation to
the way citizens choose to participate in politics today.
Social media
The media in its various forms has become the dominant political
2 See http://www.conservativehomes.com/thecolumnists/2013/07/grantshapps.html.
3 Ipsos MORI http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/
researcharchive/39/Voting-Definitely-Decided-or-May-Change-Mind.
aspx?view=wide.
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communicator, taking away from parties their traditional role in
fulfilling this task. The way politics and political party activity is
covered by media outlets plays an important role in perceptions of
politics too. Negative and cynical reporting contributes to citizens
moving away from party politics. Developments in technology
and the rolling 24-hour news cycle have created an environment
in which politicians fear to say anything authentic lest they be
accused of a ‘gaffe’. No wonder, then, that the new populist politician-as-comedian and comedian-as-politician has emerged over the
last few years (see page 17), giving the media the soundbites they
want, free of the party press officers and approved ‘lines to take’.
But this does not necessarily reflect the politics people want.
In future, parties’ messages may be less shaped
by the national media lens
The public are all too aware of the role the media plays. The
2014 Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement looked at the
accountability and conduct of MPs. Their research found that 62%
of people agreed that ‘politicians in the past were no better than
today; they just didn’t face the same media scrutiny’, and only
14% disagreed4. Our respondents also recognised this effect and
expressed a desire for a politics free from these constraints.
“Perhaps the biggest problem is the poisonous attitude of the press
to all parties, politicians and politics in general.”
“We need a media that is more interested in political visions and
public policy than political drama and skilled in interesting and
educating the public in what’s at stake and in facilitating the public
debating of the issues. Dramatise the issues not the personalities.”
In future, parties’ messages may be less shaped by the national
media lens. Parties are adapting to new forms of communication
and increasingly connecting with people directly through social
media. Established political parties have, over the last few years,
increased their social media presence and are using channels such
4 Hansard Society (2014) Audit of Political Engagement 11, The 2014 Report.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
33
as Facebook and Twitter to increase support and disseminate their
political messages. Labour and the Conservatives now have more
Twitter followers5 than party members. The Liberal Democrats’
and Conservatives’ Facebook ‘likes’6 also outnumber their formal
membership tallies7.
New social movements and parties, particularly populist parties,
are using social media to great effect. Beppe Grillo’s Five Star
Movement (expressly a movement rather than a political party)
was born online. Grillo specifically bypassed traditional news
channels, choosing to speak only directly to his supporters through
social media. The Tea Party movement (or more accurately ‘Tea
Parties’ as it is made up of an array of independent organisations)
in the US has also made significant use of social media to bring
groups together no matter how far separated by distance. Larger
organisations in the movement also trained supporters on Facebook
and Twitter in order to help get their message out, again bypassing
traditional media outlets.
Asked about what they thought parties would be like in the
future, a large number of our survey respondents saw an increased
use of and role for political communication and activity online.
“With social media commonplace in everyday lives the best way
to engage people in politics is no longer through parties but rather
through individual engagement through this medium.”
“Connect more via social media and mobile technology to understand what people think and are concerned about.”
Social media not only gives parties the ability to get their message
across directly but also gives them access to a large number of potential supporters. These supporters are online foot soldiers for party messages as well as potential sources of campaign funding too.
But it should also be recognised that there might be a difference
in how parties and citizens exploit social media. Whilst political
actors may be embracing social media to get their message across
5 Based on people who follow a single party or its MPs (minus the leader).
6 Including the official party page and also the party leader’s page.
7 Bartlett, J., Bennett, S., Birnie, R., Wibberley, S., (2013), ‘Virtually Members:
The Facebook and Twitter Followers of UK Political Parties’, A CASM Briefing
Paper. DEMOS. www.demos.co.uk.
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HOW OUR RESPONDENTS ANSWERED THE QUESTION:
” WHAT CAN PARTIES DO NOW TO RECONNECT WITH PEOPLE?
and harness voluntary support, citizens are using social media to
network, socialise and connect with others. For citizens, being part
of a movement often presents a space where political activity and
the social world come together (rather like the social aspect of party
politics through associations and local branches which is thought
to have been part of the appeal of party activity in the heyday of
local party membership). It may not be enough to try to use social
media to expand existing centralised campaigning techniques, but
social media should offer a place to create a dialogue and a new
relationship with citizens.
Social media has given citizens a political voice outside of
political parties, creating new opportunities to form networks,
socialise, organise and campaign with great effect. Parties have an
opportunity to support and connect with this activity rather than be
lessened by it. Flatly organised social movements have great power
and voice but lack the structures to support the holding of public
office. It is here that parties continue to provide a necessary link
between people and the state.
Citizen-led campaigning and policy-making
It is a subject of debate whether the rise of internet-based and social
media-driven activity is opening parties up to a more networked
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
35
organisational model (as envisaged above) which gives supporters a
stronger role, or whether it is simply extending centrally controlled
voter targeting activity.
The 2008 Obama campaign is widely thought of as the most
successful example of using technology to ‘blend’ top-down and
grassroots organising. The Obama e-campaign gave supporters
(who signed up via a central hub) autonomy to run campaigns at
the local level. Canvassing voters, fundraising and recruiting other
supporters was ‘outsourced’ to an army of volunteers who had a
greater role in both the initiation and delivery of this activity.
Despite a tradition of more formal membership in the UK
compared to the US, parties have begun to exploit similar e-campaigning techniques to involve supporters in campaign activity.
However, research suggests that UK parties have, to date, focused
more on distribution of campaign messaging rather than its creation
and there has been limited opportunity to create policy-focused
correspondence or contribute to policy discussion8.
Some of our respondents saw new technology as an opportunity
to bring citizens into the policy-making process:
“[The future political party] is less rigorously structured and
makes use of the internet to change dynamically in response to the
opinions of its members.”
“More use of online technology to open up the policy process.”
Intra-party democracy is a difficult balancing act for parties. Whilst
it can be an incentive for supporters to get more involved and can
bring parties closer to the views of their members, it may limit the
party’s capacity to respond to the wider electorate.
While for some parties, expanding opportunities for input is in
response to membership decline, for others member involvement is
taking on a renewed importance. The SNP recently scrapped their
‘13 month rule’ for new members to be able to vote in candidate
selections, so as to embrace their recent flood of sign-ups.
Changes to internal policy-making functions more often than not
are in response to electoral context and membership vitality.
The Liberal Democrats’ federalist structure gives considerable
8 Gibson, R., (2013) Party Change, Social Media and the Rise of ‘Citizeninitiated’ Campaigning, Party Politics, (published online before print).
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autonomy to its component parts: state parties (England, Scotland,
Wales), regional parties, local parties and organisations can all submit motions to federal conference, but the Federal Policy Committee
still plays the most substantial role in policy development.
Plaid Cymru, the SNP and the Green Party have relatively high
levels of internal democracy 9. The Green Party structure builds
grassroots participation into its decision-making structures, with
members able not only to elect the executive but also to contribute
to policy development and strategy. It is a structure of policy-making firmly rooted in the party’s ideology: the constitution of the
Green Party enshrines direct and continuous participation in
decision-making processes for its members, reflecting its commitment to new ways of practising politics.
For most people, speaking with party volunteers
on the doorstep is their main exposure to politics
Plaid Cymru recently reviewed their internal policy-making
procedures. Building on the process used to develop their 2007
Assembly manifesto, in which Plaid engaged in extensive public
consultation and one-day policy conferences, new procedures seek
to engage a wider cohort of members and external experts. Changes
include opening up voting rights at conference to all members, not
just delegates. The Labour Party has also expanded its manifesto-shaping process recently, with a fully open online consultation.
These developments suggest parties are seeing the value in wider consultation, and using online capacity to do so. While members
continue to value and desire a role in policy-making, it seems likely
that in future supporters will increasingly be brought into this
activity. Yet this is not a straightforward change. Policy influence is
most often the privilege of membership, and opening up to supporters could sit uneasily with the structures that facilitate members’
policy rights. It is a difficult balance and parties will need to use
all the options available to them, online and off, to create forums
in which both supporters and members can engage. Participatory
mechanisms could help parties connect to a wider constituency of
9 Wilks-Heeg, S., Blick. A., and Crone, S. (2012) How Democratic is the UK? The
2012 Audit, Liverpool: Democratic Audit. www.democraticaudit.com.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
37
views while fulfilling their role as interest aggregators.
As well as taking a more open approach to policy-making, parties are starting to engage a wider group of citizens into party-political campaigning. The Labour Party has sought to establish a better
connection with communities and grow its supporter base through
the community organising model, focusing on local issue-specific
campaigns. And there are moves within the Conservative Party
to engage citizens in specific local campaigns or ‘social action
projects’10. Whilst community-based campaigning is far from a new
invention (community politics was pioneered by the Liberal Party
in the 1950s and 1960s), there has been a noticeable shift to a more
locally focused and constituency directed approach to campaigning.
Positive campaigning and face to face
E-campaigning is not limited to the online world. The Obama and
Grillo campaigns used social media and online hubs to organise
activity in the real world, whether meetings in public squares or
door-to-door ‘get out the vote’ activity. For many, speaking with
party volunteers on the doorstep is an important connection to the
world of politics (though a more common one for those in marginal
constituencies). With declining membership numbers, parties are
finding it harder to resource this activity even though, as we note,
parties are engaging supporters as well as members in it.
This resource problem, combined with targeted vote mobilising
strategies (which focus activity on known supporters), means the
disengaged citizen is unlikely ever to be approached by a political
party (particularly if they live in a safe seat). This has the potential
to create a negative spiral of disengagement, with parties not
reaching out to those who are not already engaged and making it
less likely that they will engage in the future.
Yet reaching out beyond your traditional supporters has been
shown to reap rewards. In the 2007 Scottish Parliamentary elections, the SNP recorded their best ever result, beating Labour who
had dominated Scottish politics for half a century. Much has been
written about their campaigning strategy since, in particular about
their use of social media and distinctly positive campaign compared to the negative campaign employed by Labour. Research on
campaign tone in the 2007 campaign shows that perceiving parties’
10 Barwell, G. (2012) ‘Transforming the Conservative Party’s Organisation’. In
Skelton, D. ed. Access All Areas: Building a Majority, pp92-98.
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campaigns as negative encouraged people to vote for other parties11.
The SNP’s broader strategy also involved reaching out to non-traditional supporters. It is a strategy that has been made electorally
fruitful by the successful adoption of the Single Transferable Vote
for local authority elections in Scotland. Preferential voting systems
encourage parties to adopt less negative campaigns because they
have can pick up second (and third) preferences from supporters
of other parties. It also encourages parties to put up candidates in
constituencies formerly considered no-go areas, thus expanding
both voter choice and the amount of contact they have with party
campaigns. Although parties have been slow to change their campaigning strategies to fully take advantage of these opportunities12
it has opened up a new way for parties to do politics.
Primaries
Another change in the party political landscape in recent years has
been the opening up of selection processes to non-party members.
Experiments with primaries have enabled a much wider range of
citizens to take part in what had previously been a closed process.
Following experiments in 2005, the Conservatives held over 100
primaries between 2006 and 2010 in which, like caucus meetings
in the US, members of the public were invited to hear candidates
speak and then cast a ballot. These meetings were attended by
between 100 and 500 people, half of whom were party members13.
Following this, the party held a full open postal primary for Totnes
in August 2009 and Gosport four months later. Every registered
voter in the constituency was sent a ballot. The participation rate
was 25% in Totnes and 18% in Gosport – a significant improvement
on previous attempts. In Totnes, voters chose local GP Sarah
Wollaston as their candidate, who commented on the process: “the
whole point of an open primary is to demonstrate you can bring
people into politics from non-political backgrounds and bring their
11 Pattir, C., Denver, D., Johns, RA, and Mitchell, J., (2011) ‘Raising the Tone?:
The Impact of ‘Positive’ and ‘Negative’ Campaigning on Voting in the 2007
Scottish Parliament Election’, Electoral Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2, p333-343.
12 Electoral Reform Society (2007) Local Authority Elections in Scotland, 3 May
2007: Report and Analysis, and Curtice, J., (2012), Local Authority Elections
in Scotland, London: Electoral Reform Society.
13 Institute for Government (2011) Party People: How do – and how should
– British political parties select their parliamentary candidates?, London:
Institute for Government.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
39
experience to bear”14.
Many of our respondents mentioned primaries and opening up
the selection process as a way to increase public participation in
party political activity:
“Abandon the selectorate processes and adopt open-primary voting
procedures for the selection of all candidates for elected office.”
“Encourage much more local involvement in party affairs, particularly in the selection of candidates.”
Opening up the selection process is important,
especially under the current electoral system
It is suggested that the primaries procedure increases public
interest, which then carries through to the election and has a
positive impact on turnout. Many also see primaries as a way of
improving candidate selection and encouraging nominations from
a more diverse pool of candidates. In the case of Totnes it certainly
showed the public to be in favour of local, more independently
minded candidates. But caution should be exercised over how much
equality primaries bring to the selection process. The Conservative
experiment shows that primaries do not necessarily widen the
demographic of those participating. People who turned up were
unrepresentative of the electorate as a whole, being generally older
and more politically active15. Yet, primaries do provide a means of
bringing political decision-making to a wider audience.
Opening up the selection process is important, especially under
our current electoral system. The large number of safe seats means
that in many cases, selection is equivalent to election. It is thought
that less than one in two members voted in the Labour selection
contests for their top 106 seats16. That candidates in these seats are
chosen by so few people, as well as being democratically unsound,
14 Today Programme, BBC Radio 4, Friday 20 January 2012.
15 Institute for Government (2011) Party People: How do – and how should
– British political parties select their parliamentary candidates? London:
Institute for Government.
16 See http://www.progressonline.org.uk/2014/02/27/voting-with-their-feet/.
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can also act as a barrier to diversity. Local party members tend to
select the archetypal candidate, believing this to maximise their
electoral chances. This misplaced notion of the ‘ideal’ candidate
prevents a greater range of candidates being selected and impacts
on the diversity of Parliament.
Many of our survey respondents saw the narrowing of those
who stand for election and the emergence (indeed if it did not exist
before) of a political class as something that needs to be addressed
if parties are to reconnect with the public.
“There needs to be greater involvement of people from all walks of
life, not just from elite backgrounds, and a greater involvement of
women.”
“Promote normal people to candidacy level, not just graduates of
that political degree from Oxford.”
Opening up selections to a wider diversity of candidates and voters
can only help move towards a politics that better reflects the
country it serves.
HOW OUR RESPONDENTS ANSWERED THE QUESTION:
” WHAT DOES THE PART Y OF THE FUTURE LOOK LIKE?
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
41
5
CONCLUSION:
TOMORROW’S PART Y
Party-political decline has been a subject of debate since the 1970s,
based on evidence of falls in partisan identification and membership. But long-term trends are now combining with short-term
triggers – party funding scandals, general political scandals and
the intensification of voter disengagement – to create the possibility
that political parties are spiralling into terminal crisis.
The various ways in which parties should be responding to this
threat can be boiled down to a simple message: they need to open
up, even further and faster than they are already doing.
Opening up organisationally
Parties need to continue to adapt to the new ways that citizens want
to participate in politics. Opening up party processes, letting go
of top-down structures and embracing citizen-led activity will
help fundamentally shift the culture of our politics towards what
citizens are demanding. An increased reliance on supporters as
well as members is likely to be a part of this process. Changing
party structures to allow supporters a more active and central role
in campaigning is an important innovation.
Through new technology, parties have more opportunity than
ever to connect with citizens directly and on a more local basis.
Social media enables parties to create a much-needed dialogue with
citizens, and parties should do more to use these opportunities specifically to involve people in policy-making processes. Parties have
greater opportunity to listen as well as talk, and should strive for
genuine democratising of decision-making, avoiding the tendency
to engage in consultation from above.
Parties also urgently need to rebalance party funding in the
interests of the many, by diversifying their funding sources. They
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need to find a solution to keeping vested interests out so that
ordinary supporters and members feel they too have a voice.
Securing a wider funding base is likely to require consideration of
a cap on donations and spending, and a fresh look at how public
funding is allocated.
Opening up electorally
As well as expanding the wider public’s role in their campaigns,
parties should consider increasing outsiders’ role in selecting candidates for election. Breaking the domination of small ‘selectorates’
is an important part of opening up politics generally. Experiments
with primaries and other ways of engaging non-members should
be expanded.
Likewise changing the electoral system would breathe new
life into campaigning by moribund local parties in historically safe
seats, and would give party supporters a reason to be politically
active in areas where the voting system had previously made their
votes worthless1. It could also encourage a less negative campaigning style, which has greater potential to engage turned-off voters.
Opening up legislatively
While citizens want distinctive political parties, they also want a
less combative, more open style of politics; one that is honest
about the choices available and the reasons for decisions made. A
change in the electoral system would see politics respond better
to citizens’ diverging political choices. It would be an acknowledgement that a multi-party system, which makes consensus and
collaboration a necessary and normal part of politics, is what
citizens want.
A more open party politics could also include a greater role for
citizens in decision-making. Parties should think about moving
away from focus-group assessment of voter preferences favoured
by the centralising party organisations of the past, and consider
instead the potential effects of engaging citizens directly in the
decision-making process through deliberative democratic mechanisms. This could help bring citizens closer to politics outside of
election time.
1 The Electoral Reform Society believes that the Single Transferable Vote (STV)
is the fairest method for determining the outcome of elections. For more
information about STV, see http://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/?PageID=483.
ELECTOR AL REFORM SOCIE T Y
43
The new party model
The recent rise in membership numbers for those parties which
are challenging the mainstream – UKIP, the Greens and the SNP
– can teach us a lot about the future of political parties. Granted,
a fair amount of these parties’ appeal can be attributed to people’s
distaste for the mainstream parties or for Westminster politics in
general 2. But, in some cases at least, these parties are also more
likely to experiment with opening up to their members and the
wider electorate. As newer parties, they have fewer institutional
barriers to opening up. And for some of them it is in their very
nature and constitution to be less hierarchical and more open.
The emergence of these more modern challenger parties also
reflects people’s apparent preference for a multi-party system,
where parties work together for the common good3. Given these
facts, and the picture presented by our members’ and supporters’
survey, we can begin to glimpse the outline of what the future holds
for political parties.
The mainstream, traditional parties are already moving towards
this future. But if they are ever going to retain people’s faith, they
need to get there quicker.
2 See eg. http://www.icmunlimited.com/data/media/pdf/2014_guardian_
scotland_poll.pdf#sthash.IQ6zpdeZ.dpuf.
3 Cf. Survey by ComRes for the Electoral Reform Society. Fieldwork took place
from 15th to 24th November 2014, sampling 1,002 GB adults living in the 40
most marginal constituencies where the Conservatives and Labour shared
first and second place between them at the last General Election in 2010.
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OPENING UP
Electoral Reform Society
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www.electoral-reform.org.uk