A child in school.indb

Transcription

International
International
Forum for
Forum
for
Education
Education
2011, No. 1(1)
A Child
in School
Setting
A Child
A
Child
in School
inSetting
School
Setting
Edited by:
Inetta Nowosad
&
Grażyna Miłkowska
Jarosław Bąbka
Emīlija Černova
Linda Daniela
Hans Döbert
Jana Marie Havigerová
Daiga Kalniņa
Soňa Kariková
Ewa Kobyłecka
Maija Kokare
Inetta Nowosad
Dace Medne
Grażyna Miłkowska
Dita Nīmante
Agnieszka Olczak
Jana Ondráková
Jitka Oravcová
Zanda Rubene
Martin Skutil
Gabriela Slaninová
Anetta Soroka
Věra Tauchmanová
Irēna Žogla
A U T H O R S
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EDITORIAL SERIES: International Forum for Education
EDITORIAL BOARD:
Editor in Chief: Inetta Nowosad (University of Zielona Góra)
Associate Editors: Maria Hallitzky (University of Leipzig)
Soňa Kariková (Matej Bel University, Banská Bystrica)
Aida Krūze (University of Latvia)
Grażyna Miłkowska (University of Zielona Góra)
Iris Mortag (University of Leipzig)
Jana Ondráková (University of Hradec Králové)
Jitka Oravcová (Matej Bel University, Banská Bystrica)
Zanda Rubene (University of Latvia)
Věra Tauchmanová (University of Hradec Králové)
Secretaries: Ewa Bochno (University of Zielona Góra), Justyna Brylewska
Volume Reviewers: prof. zw. dr hab. Andrzej Radziewicz-Winnicki
prof. zw. dr hab. Mirosław J. Szymański
Technical Editing: Iwona Banasiak
Proofreading: Dariusz Nowosad
Translation: Dariusz Nowosad (articles by: G. Miłkowska, I. Nowosad, A. Soroka-Fedorczuk)
Cover Design: Irena Bulczyńska
Co-publishing: Uniwersytet Zielonogórski and Wydawnictwo Adam Marszalek
Toruń 2011
ISBN 978-83-7611-906-9
Institutional subscription can be ordered in the sections of Kolporter S.A. throughout Poland.
Information at infoline number 0801-205-555 or on website
http://sa.kolporter.com.pl/
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, ul. Lubicka 44, 87-100 Toruń,
tel./fax 56 648 50 70; tel. 56 660 81 60, 56 664 22 35
e-mail: info@marszalek.com.pl www.marszalek.com.pl
Drukarnia nr 1, ul. Lubicka 46, 87-100 Toruń, tel. 56 659 98 96
Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7
The Context of School Education in Selected Countries
Hans Döbert, Schools and Pupils in Germany – Problems, Developments and
Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Irēna Žogla, Emīlija Černova, Daiga Kalniņa, Schools of Latvia for Learners:
System and its Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Inetta Nowosad, Schools and Pupils in Poland – Problems, Developments and
Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Soňa Kariková, The Issue of School Competence in the Republic of Slovakia . . . . . .
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88
School as Pupils’ Working Environment
Ewa Kobyłecka, On Difficulties in Recognising, Understanding and Selecting
Values in the Process of School Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Maija Kokare, Zanda Rubene, A Child and Contemporary Schooling:
Exploring the Narratives of Teaching and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jitka Oravcová, Activating Teaching Methods as a Means of Developing Pupils’
Personality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jana Ondráková, Věra Tauchmanová, Language Learning and Language
Acquisition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Martin Skutil, School Rituals in Opinions of Secondary School Graduates . . . . . .
103
123
140
158
169
Creating the Environment for Cooperation at School
Linda Daniela, Dita Nīmante, Teachers’ Perception of Discipline Problems . . . . .
Jana Marie Havigerová, Pupils’ Information Behaviour – Introduction, Survey
and Theoretical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jarosław Bąbka, Cooperation between Pupils in Contemporary School – the
Selected Theoretical and Empirical Aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Agnieszka Olczak, A Child in the Social Contract at School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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203
217
237
6
Spis treści
Typical Problems and Applicable Remedies
Grażyna Miłkowska, Adolescents’ Conflict-Solving Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Gabriela Slaninová, Jana M. Havigerová, Cyberbullyingn Adolescence . . . . . . . . .
Dace Medne, Jazeps Vitols, Life Scenarios of Hyperactive Children at School . . .
Anetta Soroka-Fedorczuk, Children’s Opinions on People with Disabilities and
Suggestions for School Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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278
296
311
Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Introduction
Education is losing its time framework, as nowadays it is initiated way before
formal school instruction, and continues for entire lives of contemporary
humans. However, such extension has no detrimental influence on the importance of school as a key institution in the educational process. On the
contrary, it is a safe assumption that the multiplication of new-fangled challenges of modern lifestyle makes school a more important element of life than
ever before.
The pace and extent of ongoing changes, which leave their imprint on each
and every aspect of social life, have prompted numerous countries to undertake
elaborate analyses of their educational systems and to inspect the functioning
of their school institutions. Miscellaneous areas have fallen under scrutiny,
from universal guidelines and future-oriented objectives to explicit details of
everyday school practice.
The scope and intensity of the ongoing endeavors is reflected in nationally
and internationally published reports. Also, numerous measurement instruments are being implemented to indicate most constructive schemes of development and to improve the effectiveness of their execution. The ubiquitous
focus on school is also reflected in academic publications, attempting to forecast possible ways of development and advocating the introduction of necessary changes.
The entire assortment of signs of interest in school generates a multidimensional image of educational institutions and makes it possible to see (and examine) it from several perspectives, and to prescribe applicable innovations
in order to establish its present condition.
8
Introduction
The title of the publication A Child in School Setting has been chosen for
a reason, as all its components are focused on various aspects of school functioning in five countries: Poland, Latvia, Germany, Czech Republic and Slovakia. The articles, being merely a humble fraction of extensive academic interests of their authors, strive to depict school as a constant element of their
respective educational systems, which is conductive to the creation of social
cohesion and cultural openness.
The analyses of research results are particularly meant to portray school
reality in the context of changes typical of Central European countries, as their
reformatory processes in education are running concurrently with the processes of social and political transformation in the wake of former Soviet influence. As all authors have first-hand experience with the region-specific phenomena and are aware of the extent of challenges imposed on their
newly-sprung democracies, it seemed wise to embark on a dialogue and exchange experiences.
School, being a key element in the publication, is presented at all its levels
and in multiple aspects. Every day school practices, seen through the eyes of
pupils, are especially emphasized, as according to Terrence E. Deal and Alan
A. Kennedy in Culture and school performance, internal processes at school are
still partly incomprehensible for their actors:
‘In many schools neither teachers nor pupils know what to expect from
each other. Nor do they recognize the influence of their behaviour on
broadly understood educational results. Parents, teachers, pupils and administrative/technical personnel frequently function like separate subcultures,
which look after their own business and thus maintain parochial arrangement
at school’ (1983, p. 15).
Without realisation of their own potential of influencing educational processes, teachers surrender the effects of their efforts to spontaneity factors. Instead of preparation, cooperation and determination, they can only hope for
the best.
The authors also demonstrate that educational space is continuously supplemented with brand new substance. They analyse both the ongoing internal
changes at school and changes which are yet to be introduced. Moreover, the
content of the articles seems to be permeated with postulates oriented towards
reinforcement of school quality and prevention against possible problems,
Introduction
which are undoubtedly a part and parcel of every search for innovative solutions. The ongoing processes have been depicted in the context of accompanying preconditions and ever-changing dynamics, as well as with an insight into
which innovations are socially beneficial and which are supported by political
authorities.
The material may facilitate more effective recognition of internal processes
at school, being conductive to the betterment of school practices in Central
European countries. It is of great importance that academic milieus become
involved in the search for new solutions or deliver new methods of argumentation, rather than remain passively withdrawn, so that on the one hand,
public attention is brought to the less prominent aspects of school functioning,
and on the other hand, universal interest in the attainable potential of school
to shape individual and collective lives is triggered.
Inetta Nowosad
&
Grażyna Miłkowska
9
A Child in School Setting
The Context
The Context
of School
of School
Education
Education
in Selected
in Selected
Countries
Countries
Hans Döbert
Schools and Pupils in Germany –
Problems, Developments and Perspectives
1. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AND ITS CULTURAL CONTEXT
The general cultural context of education in Germany
Germany’s education system, like that of its neighbours, developed its distinctive features within the general framework of common European educational
forms and traditions.1 The early historical factors, which considerably influenced the modern education system in Germany up to present times, include:
the coexistence of religious and culturally different, or even opposing, group
identities simultaneously establishing the principle of cuius regio eius religio,
which means the sovereignty of the individual states entailed the coexistence
of these different groups, the belated modernisation of Germany and the – in
many ways – progressive role of centralist Prussia in shaping the modern German model of education. This development was possible in spite of political
diversity and of the still existent cultural and educational sovereignty of the
individual Laender.
The heterogeneity described above, a certain particularism even, is reflected
in the specific idea and form of the German educational federalism. Symptomatically, it is expressed in the overview of the world’s education systems compiled by the International Bureau of Education (IBE) in Geneva from quasi1
For recently published overviews on the school system in Germany, see the IBE country studies (www.ibe.unesco.org).
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official publications, in which the German presentation of the first item
‘Principles and objectives of education’ mentions neither content nor general
aims, giving instead a formal portrayal of the federal principle. In contrast, most
other nations use this heading to outline the basic ideas of their educational
philosophy. For example, France outlines its principle of republicanism and
secularism, and Finland uses it to state that it aims at raising the level of education
and guaranteeing equal educational opportunities, etc (www.ibe.unesco.org).
The reluctance towards fundamental change in post-war West Germany
formed a coalition with the general conservatism of the development of systems and institutions. This ensured that certain traditional structures and
functions did not simply vanish, but continued to be effective despite the
far-reaching and fundamental changes and upheavals of the last 200 years.
These traditional functions and structures happened indirectly, though, and
in a specific manner. For example, an ambivalent attitude towards school success and achievement, which still prevails today, developed as a reaction to the
strongly elitist and authoritarian tendencies of the education system. This
manifests itself, on the one hand, as a demand for ‘emancipation’ (even actively
anti-authoritarian education) which sees all forms of elitism as taboo, yet, on
the other hand, implies an individualistic, partly class-determined, partly biologically justified understanding of ability and school performance. This is
reflected, for example, in the fact that well-performing students are being
‘generously’ attributed the designation of ‘swots’ by peer groups. The German
education system of today is undergoing considerable transformation after
a long period of stagnation (‘reform congestion’). This arises not so much from
a genuinely active, broadly calculated, consensually planned, and comprehensively co-ordinated reform from within, but rather as an overdue reaction to
mounting external pressure which, in the context of europeanisation and
globalisation, is reacting sensitively to a dysfunctional and ossified system.
The roles of family and school
Family and school can both be described as educational institutions, which
provide an educational environment with relatively clear boundaries, each
of which takes on its specific, explicit and implicit educational and socialising
function. Whereas the educational conduct of schools and teachers in
the ‘educational space’ of school is relatively homogenised (corresponding to
Schools and Pupils in Germany – Problems, Developments and…
the framework of the homogenised school) and fits the general pattern of the
dominant culture of that particular society, the educational conduct of the
family is influenced to a large degree by the social class, culture and subculture
of the family, that is of dominant culture, minority or migrant culture, etc.
It seems that in Germany, this pattern is further strengthened by the fact
that the family plays a central role in preparing for and accompanying the child
through its schooling. There is a strong ‘privatised’ understanding of pre-school
child care, in the sense that it does not fall within the remit of the educational
authorities, but is the responsibility of denominational, municipal and other
bodies. The significant role of the family translates, among other things, into
a child benefit payment system which is quite generous compared to the rest
of Europe. The family is entrusted with this benefit so to say as a ‘trustee’ to
take care of the child’s costs of living and education. In light of the family’s
strong position, it is hardly surprising that the expectation and encouragement
of achievement is especially strongly influenced by the family and its social
and cultural environment. There are clear, individual and distinct differences
in the way the discrepancies, which arise between the two educational environments, are coped with. This situation may lead to considerable discontinuances,
but could also lead to an intensive cooperation and mutual complementation
(cf. Krumm, 1991)
The rights of parents in Germany are firmly anchored in the Constitution
as a basic principle. They reflect a formally sanctified separation of powers,
entailing scrupulously formulated, distinct competence zones of responsibilities and rights for both family and school. In the international comparison of
education systems, the attention is drawn to the early stage of parental choice
regarding the three-tracked education system in Germany. It allows the classspecific family-related expectations of the respective type of school, including
its culture and achievement expectations to be met, thereby reducing conflict
between family and school. On the other hand, this seems to discourage a targeted compensation of cultural and/or class-specific deficits of readiness for
reaching higher achievement goals. On the whole, the family in Germany can
be regarded as having been allocated the role of ‘switching the points’ of their
children’s future prospects (cf. Toyama-Bialke, 2000, p. 313).
Educational styles and goals, and parents’ expectations of school before
the child even starts its schooling are based in deeply rooted cultural attitudes
to the idea of man and to the child’s upbringing. Striking empirical evidence
regarding this is given by Trommstorf who analysed cultural differences be-
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tween German and Japanese styles of bringing up young children (Trommsdorf, 1989). This study reveals the orientation of German society towards
autonomy and the accentuation of self-control and control of the environment.
In the German family, the interaction between parents and children regarding
conflict is more equal, but with conflicting interests, which results in children
learning how to assert their own will (Toyama-Bialke, 2000, p. 81). This approach, however, creates its own set of problems.
In Germany, liberal behavioural patterns in children’s upbringing have, on
the whole, continually gained dominance in the last decades. Even at an early
age, children are allowed to, or often forced to, make their own decisions.
Regarding this matter, though, there are class distinctions (Nave-Herz, 1994,
p. 62). ‘Learning goals centred on individuality’ such as ‘forming one’s own
opinion’, ‘self-confidence and independence’ are characteristic of the German
cultural educational pattern and its dominance in social-competence oriented
and ‘conformity-oriented’ goals (Paetzold, 1988, p. 280).
2. ORGANISATION OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AND DEALING
WITH HETEROGENEITY
The Basic Law and federal competences
Continuing a tradition, which has its roots far back in German history, federalism, as set down in the Basic Law (Constitution), can be seen as one of the
most important structural characteristics of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Article 30 of the German Constitution provides: ‘The exercise of governmental powers and the discharge of governmental functions is incumbent on the
Laender insofar as this Basic Law does not otherwise prescribe or permit.’ For
the education system, this means that the Laender have the legislative and
administrative competence for all issues of cultural policy and administration,
from radio to state libraries to theatres, schools and universities. The concept
of ‘cultural sovereignty’ of the Laender describes this division of competences
(cf. Arbeitsgruppe Bildungsbericht, 1994, p. 79ff ).
This cultural sovereignty of the Laender is restricted by several different
far-reaching provisions of the Basic Law. The most significant of these restrictions can be summarised as follows:
State school inspection: Article 7 (1) of the German Basic Law (Constitution) provides that: “The entire education system is under the supervision of
the state.” This provision explicitly refers to private schools as well (cf. parts 4
and 5 of Article 7 German Basic Law (Constitution)). This principle, as formulated in Article 7 German Basic Law (Constitution) can be seen as the preliminary ending of an historic development, which led to a long history of regarding
school primarily as a state institution (see Avenarius/Heckel, 2000).
In the 19th century, the state took over responsibility for schools, especially in Prussia but also in the other German-speaking countries. Thus, education was freed from direct interference and control:
– by the church, which had responsibility for schooling and religious
supervision, and whose clergy often worked as teachers,
– by the aristocracy, whose members often ran schools,
– by the upper middle class, who could afford private teachers and private
schools.
The process of emancipation achieved by the state taking over responsibility
for the school went hand in hand, within the scope of the newly acquired school
supervision, with its obligation and with the opportunity thus acquired to formulate and push through its ideas on what the tasks of the school should be.
According to Article 3 (3) German Basic Law (Constitution), equal opportunities in the education system are laid down as follows: “No one may be
prejudiced or favoured because of his sex, his parentage, his race, his language,
his homeland and origin, his faith or his religious or political opinions”. Further
areas of competence for the German state at federal level include pay and
ser vice issues, vocational training outside school, buildings for further education, promoting vocational training, and educational planning and the promotion of research. (Articles 70–75, 91a and 91b).
Next to the areas where the Basic Law (Constitution) reserves direct
competence for the Federation, this very Basic Law also requires that uniformity of living conditions in the Federal Republic of Germany be maintained.
This task is set as part of provisions concerning the concurrent legislation at
the federal level. The Federation has powers to legislate, in those particular
cases where “the maintenance of legal or economic unity, especially the maintenance of uniformity of living conditions beyond the territory of a Land”
(Article 72 (2.3)) can be guaranteed only by doing so.
As a rule however, the Laender fulfil their implicitly allocated task of ensuring the uniformity of living conditions by coordinating their educational
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policy, thus avoiding the need for federal intervention with its legislative
competence. The ‘Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education and
Cultural Affairs of the Laender in the Federal Republic of Germany (KMK)’
was created for this purpose in 1948. It serves as an instrument for the coordination of education policy, which largely comes into effect by the adoption
of unanimous recommendations. One of the best known of these recommendations dates from 1972 and is the recommendation, in which the upper level
of the grammar schools were re-organised.
Competences of the Laender and municipalities
All other areas of the education sector are the responsibility of the Laender
and municipalities. Article 8 (3) of the constitution of the Land of NorthRhine Westphalia, quoted here as an example, provides: “The Land and municipalities are obliged to build and support schools. The entire school system
is under supervision of the Land…”. The division of the competences between
a land and its municipalities (cities outside of districts, cities within a district,
cities within a district and municipalities) can be described for simplicity’s
sake as ‘internal’ and ‘external’ school matters.
Among the external school matters, which come under the remit of the
municipalities in their role as school maintaining bodies are:
– the construction and maintenance of school buildings,
– the appointment and remuneration of non–teaching staff (school
secretaries, caretakers),
– communal school development planning, which ensures that the
school premises are in the appropriate location, are the appropriate size
and are available at the right time.
Internal matters under the remit of the Laender are generally understood
to be all specifically pedagogical areas. In particular:
– the objectives and contents of instruction (curriculum, timetables,
textbooks, transfers, examinations),
– the training, appointment and remuneration of teaching staff,
– the structural design of the school system (type of school, length of
schooling, etc).
The school inspectorate is the central body, which enables the Laender to
put their school policy into action and supervise it within the framework of
their competence. Each of the 16 Laender has its own school administration,
which consists of several authorities which are responsible for school supervision. The organisation of the school inspectorate varies from Land to Land. At
the top of the school inspectorate is a ministry, which among other things is
responsible for schools. The most important tasks regarding school development are set by the ministry. Whenever central areas of the school system are
concerned, these specifications – according to the jurisprudence of the federal constitutional court – have to be passed as legislation by the parliament
of the land (cf. Arbeitsgruppe Bildungsbericht, 1994, pp. 98ff ). “On this legal
basis, the ministerial administration fulfils its tasks through its provision of
staff, materials and financing, on the one hand, but also chiefly through the
laws and prohibitions laid down in the legal and administrative documents
and which can generally be described as a ‘regulative programme’“ (Arbeitsgruppe Bildungsbericht, 1994, pp. 98ff ).
In particular there are regulations on the quantity and distribution of
subjects taught (timetables), curriculum, recognition of textbooks, student
careers (grading, moving up to the next grade, transfer to other types of
school), class size and allocation of teaching staff.
School inspection covers the following areas:
– Academic supervision, which deals with the subject matter and methodology of instruction and education.
– Legal supervision, which, unlike staff supervision, does not deal with
the schools but with the municipal school-maintaining bodies.
– Staff supervision, which evaluates the service given. In the context of
the debate on stronger decentralisation of the school system, the focus
of school inspection nowadays is more on an advisory and supportive
role.
The position of the individual school
In Germany, the framework of the complicated cooperation of the Federation,
Laender and municipalities leaves very little autonomy for the individual
school. It cannot decide upon its own learning aims, it teaches what is in the
curriculum of the Laender; it may only select its textbooks from a range of
state-approved books; it has to orient the students’ school career according to
certain guidelines laid down for the whole land; it works with staff appointed
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and remunerated by the Land and in buildings erected and maintained by
those responsible for the schools, and its running costs, too, are paid by the
school-maintaining body. The school receives its financial resources for its
smooth running from the school-maintaining body. This ‘absence’ of autonomy in the aforementioned areas, which all affect the ‘input’ and ‘process’ of
the school’s work is set against a far-reaching autonomy over the control of
results. With only a few exceptions, the German Laender insist that tight
control of input and process sizes secure the desired output sizes.
This confidence yielded to growing scepticism in the 1990s. In the light of
the (at best) mediocre results of German students in international performance tests of the 1990s, drifting school structures, obligatory schooling periods
to be observed following German Reunification after 1989 and the clear Landspecific differences in student achievement ascertained after the TIMS study
and then the intra-German PISA study results, older tendencies are gaining
ground in Germany. They aim to give individual schools greater leeway to
bring in and use resources, recruit teachers, shape the curriculum, and control
output more strongly by using different forms of external evaluation. Here,
partial autonomy of the individual school is necessarily accompanied by external evaluation.
The structure of the school system
For all children in Germany, compulsory schooling begins at the age of six
years and generally consists of nine years of full time school (ten years in
Berlin, Brandenburg, Bremen, and North-Rhine Westphalia). After finishing
compulsory schooling, pupils who are attending neither a general-education
school at upper secondary level nor a full-time vocational school have to
attend a part-time school, generally for three years (the duration of school
attendance is based on the duration of the apprenticeship years of recognized
vocational-training professions). In some Laender there are regulations according to which pupils who neither attend a general-education school at
upper secondary level, nor start an apprenticeship, must attend a full-time
vocational school. Furthermore, in most Laender there is the possibility of
completing a tenth school year, thereby acquiring supplementary qualifications. Compulsory schooling also applies to children and young people with
handicaps. Depending on their special-schooling and support needs, they
attend either a school together with non-handicapped pupils or a special
school.
In structural terms, the school system in Germany is at best a ‘partly integrated system’ that, after a relatively unitary elementary and primary level,
splits into different parts at lower and upper secondary levels, at higher-education level, and at the level of further education. This structure, which is
different from Land to Land, and covers both school forms of varying levels
and institutions of vocational training, confers upon the German education
system, and especially the school system, a degree of differentiation, visible at
an early stage, and numerous transfer decisions that make Germany stand out
in international comparison. Currently, the manifold and differentiated general-education school system in Germany comprises:
− Primary school (compulsory education from six years of age), whose
duration is of four or (in Berlin, Brandenburg and in some primary
schools in Bremen) six years.
− The lower secondary level, which is organized in a different way in
nearly every Land.
The only school form that exists in all the Laender is grammar school –
Gymnasium – which starts in year 5 or year 7, with Abitur after year 12 or 13.
Tracked systems in the ‘classic’ fashion, comprising Hauptschule, Realschule
and grammar school are in place in Baden-Württemberg and in Bavaria. In
Berlin, Hamburg, Hessen, Lower Saxony, North-Rhine Westphalia, and Schleswig-Holstein, these three school forms are complemented by a range of
comprehensive schools (co-operative or integrated, and with or without the
upper level of grammar school). In most of the new Laender, and now also in
many ‘old’ Laender, there is a two-track school system: the Mittelschule in
Saxony (with a leaving certificate combining the Hauptschule and the Realschule), the Sekundarschule in Saxony-Anhalt (with the same leaving certificates), and the Regelschule in Thuringia (likewise with leaving certificate for
the Hauptschule and the Realschule from year 9). In Brandenburg there are
currently Realschule and comprehensive schools (as from the school year
2005–06, these two school forms will be replaced by an upper school), as well
as grammar schools. In Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, there is, next to Hauptschule, Realschule, comprehensive schools, and grammar schools, the integrated form of the regional school (for school years 5 to 10). The most varied
school landscape is found in North-Rhine Westphalia: alongside Hauptschule,
Realschule, comprehensive school, and grammar school there are the regional
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school (comprising the instruction of Hautpschule and Realschule) and the
‘dual upper school’ (Duale Oberschule), which aims at linking general education to vocational training. Moreover, in all Laender, there are special schools
for children with special needs. Often years 5 and 6 are run as ‘probationary
periods’ of the transfer phase from primary school to the secondary level; this
is supposed to foster, monitor, and orient the pupils.
− The upper secondary level comprises educational and training courses at
general-education schools (upper level of grammar school), vocational
full-time schools, and vocational courses under the dual system (in the
vocational sector, there are around fifteen different school forms).
− Schools run by private bodies (private schools), catering for around
5.7% of pupils. There is a distinction within this type of school; some
are recognized by the state as replacement schools, whose leaving certificates enjoy unrestricted recognition. Other schools are permitted by
the state (supplementary schools); pupils at these schools have to sit
examinations at a state school or at a school recognized by the state.
− Furthermore, there are various courses at ‘second chance’ schools, such
as colleges, evening Realschule, and evening grammar school.
The upper secondary level is followed by higher education, which can also
be acquired through a second-chance education course. Not only from outside
Germany is it difficult to recognize a specific German school system among
the diversity of structural characteristics of schools in the single Laender.
The status of integrated comprehensive schools in the federal German
system deserves a special explanation. Originally conceived as a country-wide
replacement of the traditional three-tracked school system in Germany and
initially introduced as part of an experiment in all of the West-German Laender
(Deutscher Bildungsrat, 1969) this model did not really take off in any of the
Laender. Instead, the Laender governed by Social Democrats, whose interests
lay in the success of the comprehensive school, were only able to bring it in as
a fourth alternative, with a maximum percentage of 31% of all 15-year olds (in
Berlin).
Leaving certificates and qualifications (admission requirements)
Corresponding to the traditional three-track school structure, there are, in the
German school system, generally three school-leaving certificates: the Hauptschule leaving certificate (Hauptschulabschluss), the Realschule leaving certificate
(Mittlere Reife), and the Abitur. Holders of the Hauptschule leaving certificate
are entitled to entry to a vocational school, and it is the admission requirement
for an apprenticeship and for training as a skilled worker in the industrial and
commercial professions.
The Realschule leaving certificate (Realschulabschluss) and its equivalents,
the Mittlere Reife and Fachschulreife, qualify for further school education at
upper secondary level in a general or vocational grammar school (generally
a certain minimum grade is required). Once vocational education is completed, these qualifications also qualify for the vocational upper level (vocational college). They further constitute the admission requirement for training
in skilled professions (for example industrial clerk, bank clerk, dental technician, technical drawer, amongst others). The advanced technical college entrance qualification (Fachhochschulreife) qualifies for admission to a university of applied sciences. The Abitur or general higher-education entrance
qualification allows admission to a course at university, an institution of
higher education, or a university of applied sciences. In some Laender, the
acquisition of the general higher-education entrance qualification can contain
an expert vocational element. But such a leaving certificate only qualifies for
certain university courses. The leaving certificates obtained after successful
completion of the different school types qualify for certain admissions, which
can, however, be restricted, for example by a numerus clausus. In other words,
the leaving certificate must have a given grade or above in specific subjects, or
a certain average grade. Incidentally, for broad sectors of state and especially
private education careers, there is no legal regulation stipulating what leaving
certificate qualifies for what. The requirements are set by the school operators
and their organizations – the guilds of the trades and handicrafts, chambers,
and associations – according to their own judgement. Increasingly in the state
and above all in the private further and higher education sectors, schools and
other educational institutions no longer require only a leaving certificate but,
additionally, a pass in an entrance examination or ability test.
Dealing with heterogeneity at the system level
The plurality of secondary schooling is the characteristic of the German education system, which most clearly represents the principle of segregation aimed
at homogenising learning groups. In this context, the allocation of students to
different schools at the end of the primary level should be discussed. This
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decision is usually taken at the end of Year 4, which in international comparison is especially early. This transfer decision can later be corrected by transferring the student to another type of school. Furthermore it includes premature
interruption of the chosen educational path. In this context, the repetition of
the school year should also be discussed.
The decision to send students to a certain type of secondary school is
regulated differently in each Land. Some Laender leave the decision entirely
up to the parents, with only a non-obligatory recommendation from the primary school. In other Laender the parents whose children fail to obtain a recommendation for grammar school by the primary school, may overrule this
recommendation and have the child sent to grammar school for a probationary
period of six months, at the end of which an examination is set to determine
whether the student may stay at the grammar school. Theoretically, Years 5
and 6 are seen as a probationary period. However in practise, secondary
schools have a great interest in retaining matriculated student in view of the
allocationthis is why comparatively few students transfer to another type of
school. Selection of students for different types of secondary school shows
that social background has a considerable influence, even if the learning condition (non-verbal intelligence) are not evenly distributed across social classes
and the different levels of learning established at the end of the primary schooling are not taken into consideration.
In general, the parents’ education and occupation are very closely correlated to the type of secondary school to which their children are sent, although clear differences exist between the Laender. It is not the case however, that in the Laender where this correlation is particularly high, the
achievement-related ‘social gradient’ (Education at a Glance, OEDC, 2010)
or correlation between social background and achievement is particularly
steep. The opposite is true: in the south German Laender, in which social
background and the type of school children attend are particularly closely
linked, the social gradient is comparatively flat (Baumert et. al., 2001). In
any case however, along with social effects there are also pedagogical effects
of dividing students into different schools. Different learning environments
arise, in which individual students go through different developments despite
having the same learning pre-conditions. Generally, girls are not at all disadvantaged in this process, they enjoy preference, which cannot be explained
by intelligence or achievement, but is more likely due to socially better
adapted behaviour. It cannot be proven that children with a migration back-
ground are disadvantaged. With the same level of achievement their
chances of attending a grammar school are higher than those with a nonmigration background, which may be explained by different entry requirements in the favourite choice schools.
The homogenisation of learning groups, already achieved by sending students to different types of schools, is further strengthened by transfers of
students between school types. These transfers are institutionally planned as
a possibility, at the end of the observation, orientation and support period, but
they may take place before or after this period. The introduction of teaching
of a second foreign language, increasing learning demands from Year 7 onwards, may lead to transfers to less demanding types of school. This downward
mobility relieves the school, which hands over the students from that part of
the achievement spectrum, which requires particular effort to keep up in view
of what is required from that type of school. In the schools accepting the
students however, the group of ‘dropouts’ represent a rather high-achieving
group.
Dealing with heterogeneity in the classroom
For every teacher, whether at primary, secondary or tertiary level, heterogeneity in the classroom presents a challenge. Apart from group dynamics, each
student has his or her individual demands on instruction, whereby a heterogeneous group is usually seen as a problem rather than as a welcome challenge
(Ditton, 1999). Despite the often-heard complaints that there is too much
discrepancy between student achievement within a class, it has been shown
that, in international terms, German classes are relatively homogenous
(Baumert and Schümer, 2001b). In principle this is a positive finding, although
it is regarded to be relative due to the discrepancy in achievement between
classes. In this context, the PISA study showed that there is no other country
where student achievement is so dependent on social background as Germany (Baumert and Schümer, 2001a). Thus, the study has produced two interesting findings with regard to discrepancies in student achievement in
German schools. The first finding reflects the homogeneity imposed by structural measures in the education system. Children and young people are assessed according to their academic potential and assigned according to
a particular type of school or a particular learning group. The assignation of
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primary-school leavers to one of the types of secondary school becomes
a turning-point in the children’s academic development – a decision which is
often dependent on questionable diagnosis and grades given by teachers, and
on the parents’ wishes. But it is not only the transition to secondary level that
contributes to the homogenisation of classroom achievement. Within the
individual types of school in the tracked system and within the comprehensive
school, the students are streamed into different groups and different courses.
Another factor contributing to the homogenisation of achievement is the
current practice of not moving weaker students up to the next school year.
There is no opposite policy for the stronger students. They often lack sufficient
support, and one reason for the homogenous class achievements may be this
lack of attention paid to stronger students (Helmke, 1988).
Surprisingly, how to deal with heterogeneity is not a topic raised explicitly
in teaching and learning theories, nor does there seem to be any concrete
suggestions for lesson work. But should this have been expected? Ditton
(2002) notes that general didactic concepts are in any case not helpful for
actual lesson planning. One reason for this could be that lesson planning,
whether or not for heterogeneous groups of students, can only take place once
the composition of the group is known. This means that, while heterogeneity
is an important issue for deciding on practical teaching methods, it is not
a relevant issue when choosing basic didactic concepts. On the other hand,
this topic should still be raised, for example in connection with the topics
‘internal differentiation’ or ‘sequencing’ (Einsiedler, 1998).
The discussion of teaching methods is often conducted normatively. The
consensus appears to be that teacher-orientated (frontal) lessons are the worst
method, even though more than three quarters of all lessons in Germany are
organised using this approach (Gruehn, 2000). In contrast to this, an individualised, student-orientated lesson is seen by many as being the best alternative – even though it has been shown that not all students profit from this
type of lesson (Helmke, 1999).
On the issue of “good lessons”, the different studies have in the end reached
similar conclusions. According to Helmke & Weinert (1997), for example,
a good lesson is characterized by
a) efficient running of the class,
b) a high level of structure,
c) support of individual students in the subject area,
d) variation in lesson structure,
e) clear instructions and tasks and
f) high degree of student encouragement.
Some of these features do reflect the fact that lesson planning must take
into account different levels and rates of development among students. The
emphasis on support of individual students in the subject area and on motivation makes it clear that lessons involve integrating different individuals and
therefore, implicitly, the topic of heterogeneity in class. The features ‘variation
in lesson structure’ and ‘clear instructions and tasks’ show that a “good” lesson
takes into account that not every student is equally receptive to every type of
lesson or communication. This knowledge can be used in the class by teachers
with the appropriate training in diagnostic competence. When discussing
heterogeneity, it is important to remember that school lessons do not promote
cognitive skills alone. Enjoyment of learning, interest, motivation and generally positive attitudes towards instruction must also be supported.
3. SCHOOLS AND EDUCATIONAL SUPPORT IN GERMANY
Early recognition and early support
According to the Children and Adolescents Welfare Act (KJHG) the system
of pre-school education has a “double function” (Bundesministerium für
Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, 1995). In the “daycare institutions for
children” (day nurseries, kindergartens, etc.) it is important to enable young
children to the acquisition of knowledge and skills, so that they take possession
of their own world and can act in it responsibly (educational function); also it
is important to offer them protection and help besides their parents‘ home so
that they are kept from societal disadvantages (prevention function). At
present, nearly as many children attend daycare institutions as are attending
primary schools. This is connected with the fact that, meanwhile, for children
aged three to four years, the attendance of a kindergarten belongs to a normal
biography.
Principally it is true that attending a kindergarten effectively contributes
to guarantee social educational conditions and to cushion social educational
obstacles. This effect can be intensified by directed preventive measures. Corresponding offers have been made in daycare institutions since the 1970s.
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Most of these projects are based on concepts according to which the development of a child is potentially in danger if the child belongs to a group, which
is excluded from or disadvantaged by society. As a result of this, special efforts
are made for socio-economically disadvantaged, poor and disabled children
as well as for children from other cultures. The aim of these measures is to
integrate all children into one group. In practice, these projects have a high
acceptance not least because of their closeness to the situation approach (see
Fried and others 1992; Fried 2002). The fact that these pilot schemes are
carried out using the action research method has also contributed to this
acceptance. The focus here, is on the development and testing of didactic
material for the work with children or the in-service training of pre-school
teachers. Whether this achieved a preventive effect among children cannot
be found in the reports. At least it can be observed that the number of institutions with an integrative concept has reached “considerable dimensions”. This
is based upon the fact that the integration of children has proved to be practicable. And it seems to offer better stimulation and learning opportunities
for all children if the frame conditions are given and if real processes are right.
To top all this, additional efforts have been made recently to do more justice
to the prevention function of daycare institutions by making better use of
institutional resources. Up to now, it is above all the possibilities of a network
of daycare institutions and special services, which have been investigated (see
Bildung in Deutschland 2010).
Support systems for schools and teachers in Germany
In recent times the expression ‘support systems’ has entered educationalpolitical usage in the context of the decentralisation of school administration,
which entails the strengthening of independence and responsibility of individual schools and the paradigm shift from ‘administrated’ to ‘learning’ schools
(see Jens, 2002). In this context, support systems can be described as instruments serving to stimulate the ‘educational performance’ of individual schools
as well as the teachers’ activities and the school management staff. Support is
closely accompanied by overall control of the schools, so that instruments used
by the state to govern schools can be summarily described as ‘control and
support systems’. More specifically, this covers the following areas:
– school inspection,
– school counselling,
– in-service training for teachers,
– facultative advising based on the school,
– evaluation of the schools,
– the cooperation of schools in the region,
– school psychology service,
– school social work,
– school information and media services.
This section concentrates on facts and current developments of in-service
training for teachers, school supervision and the institutional counselling of
schools. Several sections in this study are dedicated to ‘evaluation’. Currently,
there are several characteristics of school support systems in Germany:
a) Federalism in the German school system manifests itself in legally and
organisationally varied forms of support systems.
b) Increasing the profile and professionalism of support systems is a part of
the current reform of the school system and the object of pilot projects.
Teacher training and the qualification of principals
Regarded systematically, in-service training for teachers in Germany is a third
part of the competence development of teachers (teacher training): it follows
the phases of subject learning at university and the preparation of practical
training in schools (see Avenarius/Heckel, 2000, p. 82 f.).With institutionalised offers of further training for teachers, there are legal differences between
the two types of training, ‘in-service training’ and ‘continuing training’. The
aim of ‘in-service training’ for teachers is principally to maintain subject
knowledge and qualifications through training offers on a subject-specific or
cross-curricular basis. Teachers thus attend further training in the subjects they
have studied and teach, as well as in cross-curricular, pedagogical and other
school-oriented topics. In contrast, teachers’ ‘continuing training’, is about
broadening their qualifications, either with the aim of teaching another subject
or working on the qualifications necessary for promotion.
Teacher training consists of initial teacher training and continuing teacher
training. The characteristic feature of teacher training in Germany is that it is
structured in two phases. The first phase involves the higher-education course,
which ends with the first state examination. The second phase consists of
preparation for service (Referendariat) following the university degree in
special seminars and at the schools themselves. Only after passing the second
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state examination do teachers acquire the full qualification to practise the
profession they have trained for. In spite of the formal equivalence of the
various teaching qualifications, different emphases are placed during the study
programme on specific school types or on the level that the teacher will be
teaching. For those studying towards a teaching position at grammar school,
subject-related contents serve as the basis for the two subjects that the
teacher will teach; conversely, for students who will be teaching at primary
schools or at a Hauptschule, pedagogical subjects are given more weight.
A regulation of the KMK of 1990 lays down the minimum study requirements
(number of taught hours in a semester) for the various teacher positions. There
is no special training for future principals, but there is continuous training
parallel to the job. Generally speaking, teachers apply for positions as school
heads or as primus inter pares (first among equals), and grow into the task
through ‘learning by doing’. The working hours of principals and teachers are
comprised of management time and teaching time. The increasing pedagogical
and administrative responsibilities of schools have led to increased demands
on principals. It is already the case that the functions carried out by a principal,
demand high pedagogic and management qualifications. It has therefore been
argued that school principals need specific training before entering their position, so as to be competent school leaders able to organize and further develop an all-embracing communication between all school stakeholders.
Teachers are legally obliged to participate in in-service training. For this
purpose, the Laender have central and often also regional institutions of
teacher in-service and continuing training, which are under the responsibility
of the education ministries. These institutes offer their own courses of one or
several days as individual events or in sequential form.
Occasionally, further services are offered by independent providers of adult
education and other external institutions as part of the programme. In most
of the Laender, the in-service and continuing teacher training institutions have
their own premises. University lecturers as well as guests from school practice,
traditionally play an active role as speakers at such events. Only recently have
the universities started to play a role as providers in this field. This is happening in tandem with the extension of postgraduate educational offers and the
building of ‘centres for teacher training’ or indeed ‘centres of teaching and
learning’ at the universities. The tasks of these centres stretch across the whole
spectrum of teacher training and its different stages. In spite of the obligation
to participate in in-service training, the pursuit of such events generally occurs
on a voluntary level. Participation has to be approved in advance, usually by
the school management. Once the approval is granted, participation in the
training event becomes part of the duties. To guarantee lesson delivery, organisers are increasingly encouraged to offer courses outside teaching hours. The
content of the training programme covers a wide range of themes. Popular
current topics focus on enhancement-of-reading-competence programmes,
early learning of foreign languages, encouraging healthy living, developing and
ensuring quality teaching of individual subjects, pedagogical diagnostics, new
media in schools and dealing with violence and racism. At the moment, there
are no statistics available in Germany on the extent to which these offers are
taken up and on the distribution of their content.
In Germany, school principals and senior school management usually reach
their positions without previous training in their functions. This fits in with the
principle that school principals are “not only superiors, but are first and foremost
teachers within their school” (Wissinger, 2000, p. 858). With the decentralisation of school inspection, which arose out of the introduction of new models of
school-system governance, the position of school management has been considerably strengthened. In addition, findings of Anglo-American school-effectiveness research show ‘that school management has a decisive influence on the
quality of a school’ (Rosenbusch/Huber, 2001, p. 8). From this the conclusion
can be drawn, that there exists a need for professional development, chiefly aiming to increase competence in the areas of general management, staff and quality management, leadership and school development. Today, school management
training and qualification programmes exist for staff across the whole of Germany. The responsibility generally lies with state institutes of teacher in-service
and continuing training, which chiefly offer management training concepts in
a modular system to be completed on the job.
The introduction and implementation of concepts of ‘school development’
as well as measures for improving the quality of school education in the wake
of the discussion of the results of international studies on school performance
show the following tendencies of in-service and continuing teacher training:
– improved dovetailing of the three phases of teacher training,
– growing significance of universities as providers of in-service teacher
training,
– the extension of training and advising of newly qualified teachers,
– improvement of the teacher’s diagnostic and supportive methodological competences,
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– the introduction of training schedules as a part of staff planning in
schools,
– the introduction of training certificates, which are taken into greater
consideration in career decisions,
– the extension of training for school management.
The role of school inspection
The constitutional rank of state school inspection in Germany is laid down in
the Basic Law (Constitution), article 7, paragraph 1). In a narrower sense,
school inspection means academic supervision, staff supervision and legal
supervision.The duties of the school inspectorate have traditionally been
characterised by the ‘structural context of inspection, advice and training as
the basic form of school inspection work’ (Rolff, 1998, p. 97). Following this,
the school inspection takes on regulatory as well as supporting roles.
Studies of working hours show that the working practice of civil servants in
the school inspectorate is chiefly spent on staff planning and appraisal and administrative tasks. On the other hand, the majority of civil servants in the inspectorate are more interested in the supporting role of their function. (Burkhard,
2001, p. 154). Within the academic supervision, the task of the civil servants in
the inspectorate is to ensure that legal and administrative provisions are observed
and that instruction and education corresponds to the content and didactic
requirements of the subject taught (Avenarius/Heckel, 2000, p. 251f.). This takes
place within an advisory capacity, thus maintaining the legally protected principles of teachers’ pedagogical freedom and the school’s pedagogical independence. Counselling traditionally occurred within the framework of lesson observation and a formal appraisal of the teacher. There is little research on the effects
of the school inspectorate’s duties on school events.
With the expansion of the autonomy of individual schools, the functions
of school inspection have also changed. At the moment, school inspection is
in a state of upheaval above and beyond the reform of the organisational
structure, which has brought no clarification of new tasks. This also applies to
the governance of the school system and to individual school guidance. School
inspection therefore sees its task as counselling schools as organisation, but it
finds itself competing with other school-advisory bodies. In particular, the
‘function mix’ of advice and control is perceived as increasingly problematic.
Attempts at a ‘situative’ and ‘institutional’ separation of the two functions have
been discussed and partly tried out (see Burkhard, 2001, p. 151).
School counselling, aimed at the individual school, is a part of the whole
‘counselling within the school system’. The system addresses both the school and
everyone who is involved with it: students, parents, teachers and management.
Both internal and external counsellors provide counselling to the school. The
school inspectorate, the school psychologist and further advisory services count
among the external counsellors. School management staff, teachers, advisory
teachers and, in a few cases, also school psychologists allocated to one school,
provide internal counselling. In the following only external school counselling
is taken into account and this only in so far as the counselling refers to the school
as a social and pedagogical action unit. In the 1990s, in keeping with concepts
of school development, the majority of Laender obliged their schools to formulate a school programme. The school programme is a planning and regulatory
instrument of the school. It serves the individual school to plan, implement and
evaluate the attainment of its objectives. External school development counsellors or experts are available for advising on school development processes. In
pilot projects, teachers were trained to do this task with specific school development work. Among the characteristics of school development advising and
school development itself, are the establishment of networks and the adoption
of international developments. Alongside their normal jobs, teachers act as
school-development advisers or speakers in schools requiring counselling.
4. DEVELOPMENT OF QUALITY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM
AND INDIVIDUAL SCHOOLS
System Monitoring: International and national Large Scale Assessments
and weak points of German schools
A type of comparative assessment of chosen year groups, either the whole
population or a representative sample, carried out irregularly in the course of
their educational path, came to prominence in Germany in the 1990s. These
studies are intended to provide general knowledge about educational processes and it is also hoped that they will be useful for the individual school. The
second point particularly applies to the studies carried out within Germany.
This type of external evaluation has three forms:
– international-scale studies with German participation,
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– cross-national studies within Germany,
– comparative assessment within one Land.
As a consequence of the so-called PISA-shock and with the aim of overcoming the „black box“ image which had been criticised by PISA, the Laender
carried out national achievement studies, which took account of various factors and their complex interaction. Thus, the aim was not just to find differences through comparison, but also to explain these differences using information about context and process variables. The range of these studies was
extended to include variables within and outside the school which influence
achievement. These are ascertained through questionnaires, which complement the achievement tests and are evaluated, giving more depth to the results
(van Ackeren/Rolff 2002). It is no longer merely a question of drawing up
general reports of results; rather, the data are intended to give schools an orientation to help improve their teaching.
The conclusions for Germany derived from these studies were shocking,
both for the general public and for the experts. The conclusions, whether new
or a confirmation of previous conclusions, carried particular weight through
the comparison with other industrial nations. The main conclusions were:
– The competency of German students in maths, science and reading
literacy at the end of their compulsory school career and at the end of
upper secondary level are far behind those of the internationally leading nations, and generally below OECD average.
– This weakness in student achievement is apparent both among the
stronger and among the weaker students. This finding attracted particular attention because it contradicted the assumption behind the
German tracked school system, namely that students have more support if taught in homogenous learning groups. The finding did not,
however, trigger off a broad debate about the advantages and disadvantages of the German school structure.
– Not only is across-the-board school achievement below average, but
the difference in achievement between stronger and weaker students
is greater in Germany than in any other country.
– The connection between the attainment of competencies and social
background is stronger in Germany than in any other country. The
German PISA publication (Baumert et al., 2001) regards this as an
effect of assigning students at an early age to educational paths of different difficulty levels.
– The evaluation of the school achievement of young people from migrant backgrounds indicates that, compared with other countries with
a migrant population comparable to Germany’s, German schools encourage students from migrant backgrounds less successfully than
schools in other OECD countries.
– Finally, extended samples taken in the different Federal Laender enabled an internal analysis of PISA within Germany, which showed that
there is a large difference between cognitive achievements of individual Laender in the areas tested. The most successful Land is, in international terms, only at the lower end of the top third of the participating countries; the gap between the Laender is alarming, given the
commitment made in the Basic Law to maintaining equivalent living
standards within the Federal Republic.
The German school system has no evident advantages to counteract the
weak points revealed by the Large Scale Assessments of the last ten years. In
the course of the education policy debate, which brought this problem to the
public’s attention, this has had considerable consequences:
– The debate incited the introduction of national quality evaluation
programmes for the school system, in nearly all Laender.
– The debate initiate national development programmes to improve
school quality. The most important reforms in these programmes were
and are aimed at changing instructions.
– The debate gave an unprecedented boost to empirically orientated
school research.
– The debate led to the KMK’s resolution that Germany must participate
in future international Large Scale Assessments. Another consequence
was that several Laender carried out land-wide achievement tests.
– Finally, the difference between the PISA results of different Laender
caused the KMK to initiate the development of national standards of
achievement; to be regularly controlled.
The initial attempts to improve quality in German schools, which have
been briefly described here, do not yet add up to a coherent whole. This is
partly because the education policy debate is still ongoing, but also partly
because the complicated consensus mechanisms of the federal education
system make unified responses to universally recognised problems difficult.
Terhart (2001, p. 105) emphasises that the feedback of results does not
in itself represent an intervention, nor does it contribute to the improvement
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of what has been assessed. He means here that further interpretation and
development by the school must be supported, in order for the reporting
back of results is to be useful. Rolff (2002, p. 79) is even more critical: he
emphasises that every report back to an individual school is interpreted by
the school as an intervention, which can lead to measures which an external
observer cannot easily foresee. It seems that the feedback given to individual schools represents the Achilles’ heel of the large scale assessments (LSAs)
at the moment. Other researchers they also suggest criteria for the involvement of schools in LSAs and for appropriate forms of feedback. They demand
that participation should be voluntary and that individual schools’ data
should be secret, in order to protect them from political exploitation, which
could be directed against an individual school. Further, they point out the
possibility of complementing the LSAs with more specific surveys, and finally, they demand that the results of individual schools should be reported
back with clear reference to their context – for example, the type of school
and its social context. Independently of these criteria, all researchers are in
agreement with Rolff and Terhart in demanding further research into the
conditions and effects of feedback of individual school results from large
scale assessments.
Measures for the development of quality in the Laender after PISA
At centre stage of the current education debate in Germany, there is a series of
central pedagogical and education-policy issues. These issues are for example the
question of how to deal with standards, with performance assessment, with system monitoring and feedback, the question of the independence of educational
institutions (especially of the “autonomy of the school”), the role of support
systems, of teacher pre-service and in-service training (including preparing for
handling heterogeneity of the student body) and finally the question of shaping
a performance-oriented instruction that at the same time promotes every student
equally. In this context, the structure of the school system is critically scrutinized
(especially planned educational careers and their factual educational realisation
/ real educational career, in the pre-school and primary sector), the handling of
empirical findings from previous research or assessments as well as questions of
cultural background (relation of education and family, role of learning in the
family and society). But also issues concerning new education objectives and the
corresponding curricula (keywords: core curriculum and literacy aspect), the
relation of inner school development and external differentiation, of the shaping
of performance comparisons and insuring standards as well as the implementation of steering information and in measures to qualify instruction, the setting-up
of steering models and the strengthening of professional development of teaching
staff are being discussed. To this effect, a series of measures has already been introduced in the individual Laender or are at the planning stage:
– measures aimed at improving the interlocking of pre-school and primary school in order to further the chances of all by doing justice to all
students and by age-adapted instruction;
– measures to change the teaching and learning culture, which would
permit a stronger individualisation of learning processes, the promotion of the increasing self-steering of individual as well as co-operative
learning and use of learning settings where students increasingly solve
real, problem-oriented, “true-life” tasks;
– measures aimed at the efficient individual promotion of disadvantaged
children, in particular of children and young people with migration
background;
– measures aimed at developing all-day schooling or extra-mural care
possibilities, with a view to broaden the educational and promotion
possibilities, which would do justice to students with educational
deficits as well as to students with special talents;
– measures for further developing and securing quality of tuition and
school on the basis of binding standards (such as a central Abitur) as
well as results-oriented evaluation, the individual school having increased responsibility;
– measures aimed at opening up the school to its environment and the
development of cooperation with neighbours, sports associations,
churches, artists, independent maintaining bodies promoting activities
with and by young people, the keywords being partnership, cooperation
and dialogue for the nascent educational networks;
– measures aimed at improving the professionalism of the teaching staff,
particularly with regard to diagnostic and methodical competence as
a component of systematic school development;
– measures aimed at strengthening the change of paradigm in teacher
in-service training, from the qualification of the single teacher to their
qualification in teams and in the school, as well as to a close-to-reality
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Hans Döbert
teacher pre-service training being an important momentum of the
necessary educational offensive.
As a whole, a series of recent developments, which could take the form of
a long-term and effective reform and innovation strategy, are emerging. Among
them are, in particular: the tendency fed mainly from the new Laender to
flexible institutional solutions within the school structures, which have been
in existence up until now (for example double-tracked secondary level), the
step-by-step enforcement of a new control of the school system by limiting
central requirements and extending the sphere of responsibility of the individual school, the emphasis on quality of school and instruction as the core of
school development, the change of paradigm in the control of the school
system towards an output-oriented control as well as the introduction of
a system of system monitoring and of quality assurance.
5. PERSPECTIVES FOR SCHOOL DEVELOPMENT
During the past years there have been discussions on education in all parts of
Germany. At the centre of the current discussion is a range of pedagogical and
policy-related issues; for example the question of how to deal with standards,
performance assessment, and system monitoring and feedback; the question of
the independence of educational institutions (especially the ‘autonomy of the
school’); the role of support systems, teacher-training and continuing teacher
education (including preparation in dealing with heterogeneous classes); and
finally the question of how to devise class instruction that allows every pupil to
make progress. There are critical questions concerning the structure of the school
system (especially scheduled courses and factual education paths v. real education careers, including at elementary and primary level), concerning the treatment of empirical findings from previous studies or assessments, and concerning
issues of cultural background. The discussion also involves issues concerning the
new educational targets and their corresponding curricula (under the keywords
core curriculum and competencies), the relationship between internal school
development and external differentiation, the means of elaborating performance
comparisons and standardization, the implementation of governance information, and measures to certify instruction, to establish new governance models,
and to increase the professionalism of teaching staff.
Comparisons at the international level reveal that the general-education
school system in Germany is characterized by a range of specific features. Seen
from the inside, these features are self-evident, and therefore hardly attract
attention, but seen from the outside they can appear extraordinary: the halfday school, from which only a few schools in exceptional cases have deviated
to provide all-day schooling; the disconnection between the governing body
of the school on the one hand (responsibility for premises and equipment,
mostly at the local level) and the responsibility for curricula, appointment of
teachers, staff control and quality assurance on the other; the civil-servant
status of the teaching staff and their strong integration within an administrative
hierarchy (which, at present, however, is being eroded by tendencies towards
limited autonomy of schools in many Laender); the strong differentiation not
only in educational careers (which can run parallel within one school), but
also in school types, between which binding transfer decisions have to be
taken (tiered education system at lower secondary level), and in which allocation (assignment or free choice) is implemented relatively early; the differentiated extension of special-education and therapeutic education in the shape
of independent schools; and the variety of school forms, transfer and certification rules, teacher training, etc. in the federal structure of the Laender. It is
above all the different school types, each with their specific educational and
professional tradition, social environments, and curricular and didacticmethodological emphases, which lend diversity to all aspects of the generaleducation school system in Germany, from instruction practice to the structure
of the organization of the ministries.
A child’s educational career – if one includes the parallelism that exists
between primary school and special-education schools from the beginning
onwards, and that continues through upper secondary level – involves a variety of decisions (be they by means of official assignment and selection or
through the independent decisions of children or their parents) which are of
great importance in Germany. If the function as a means of educational allocation that is fulfilled by the school types and the educational programmes linked
to them is not taken into consideration, one runs the risk of wrongly interpreting the structures and developments of the German school system. Alongside
its structural and organizational peculiarities, the general-education school
system in Germany – compared to the school systems of other industrial
countries – is characterized by two cultural (one could also say ‘ideological’)
traditions: the aims of the general-education school system are defined neither
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Hans Döbert
by its ‘consumers’, nor in pragmatic terms by the interests, needs, and development perspectives of its ‘clients’, but mainly in a normative manner by the
intellectual tradition of so-called education theory. What is taught and what
comes out of it are not functional and motivated by pragmatic aims, but
rather result from superordinate ideas and cultural and practical traditions.
Connected to this is the continuous discussion on the contrast or equivalence
of general education vis-à-vis vocational education. The scepticism with which
the professional environment often reacts to the notion of ‘competencies’ as
targets, is also the result of this tradition.
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BAUMERT, J., G. SCHÜMER (2001b), Schulformen als selektionsbedingte Lernmilieus,
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DEUTSCHER BILDUNGSRAT (1970), Empfehlungen der Bildungskommission: Strukturplan für das Bildungswesen, Stuttgart.
DITTON, H. (1999), Qualitätskontrolle und Qualitätssicherung in Schule und Unterricht. Ein Überblick zum Stand der empirischen Forschung, in: Zeitschrift für Pädagogik, no. 41.
DITTON, H. (2002), Unterrichtsqualität – Konzeptionen, methodische Überlegungen und
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DÖBERT, H. AND FUCHS, H-W. (eds.) (2003), Leistungsmessungen und Innovationstrategien im Schulsystem. Ein internationaler Vergleich, Waxmann, Münster, New
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OECD (2010), Education at a Glance.
EINSIEDLER, W. (1998), Unterrichtsqualität in der Grundschule, in: Grundschule, no. 30.
GRUEHN, S. (2000), Unterricht und schulisches Lernen, Waxmann, Münster.
HELMKE, A. (2000), Von der externen Leistungsevaluation zur Verbesserung des Lehrens
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HELMKE, A., WEINERT, F.E. (1997), Unterrichtsqualität und Leistungsentwicklung:
Ergebnisse aus dem SCHOLASTIK-Projekt, in: F.E. Weinert, A. Helmke (eds.),
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KELLAGHAN, T. (1994), “Family and Schooling”, in T. Husen, T.N. Postlethwaite
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KEMPFERT, G., ROLFF, H.-G. (2000), Pädagogische Schulentwicklung, Weinheim und
Basel.
KLIEME, E., BAUMERT, J., SCHWIPPERT, K. (2000). Schulbezogene Evaluation und
Schulleistungsvergleiche. Eine Studie im Anschluss an TIMSS, in: H.-G Rolff, W. Bos,
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K. Klemm, et. al. (eds.), Jahrbuch für Schulentwicklung. Daten, Beispiele und Perspektiven, vol. 11, Juventa, Weinheim, München.
KRUMM, V. (1991), Das Verhältnis von Elternhaus und Schule, in: L. Roth, (ed.), Pädagogik, Handbuch für Studium und Praxis, München.
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Handwörterbuch zur Gesellschaft Deutschlands, Bonn/Opladen, p. 207–215.
NAVE-HERZ, R. (1994), Familie heute. Wandel der Familienstrukturen und Folgen für
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ROLFF, H.-G. (1998), Schulaufsichtsentwicklung in Deutschland. Ein vergleichender
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SAMMLUNG DER BESCHLÜSSE der Ständigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der
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rung, Opladen.
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Irēna Žogla, Emīlija Černova, Daiga Kalniņa
Schools of Latvia for Learners:
System and its Management
1. CULTURAL CONTEXT OF SCHOOLING
General cultural and historical context of the school system in Latvia
Among the first issues of the new government in 1918 when the Republic of
Latvia had been proclaimed, were the documents which declared democratic,
humanistic education, aiming at equal rights in education and learners’ individual development, as well as the development of culture and the identity of
the Latvian nation and all its minorities.
Traditionally, since the end of the 19th century the standards and prestige
of education had been high, schools of ethnic minorities had been functioning,
and it had been one of the most important criteria of the national progress
towards a democratic society. Poor natural sources in Latvia emphasize the
importance of education as a background for national development, competitiveness in the labour market and social integration.
The interplay of historical contradictions on this territory through millenia
and cultural processes of the nation did not simply vanish. Despite significant
blows from outside of the country and the flexibility of the system, certain
traditional qualities are still effective and have been shaping the current system
of education and its curriculum.
In the Post-Soviet period, this process has been contradictory and complicated for many reasons, therefore pedagogically sound issues to improve
schooling and to strengthen democratic processes, as well as social integration
Schools of Latvia for Learners: System and its Management
and inclusion in a multi-ethnic country, are of special importance (Pilsoniskās
sabiedrības striprināšana 2005–2009.gads). The contradictions might look
striking, e.g.
– Following the Soviet educational policy by the end of the 1980s, comprehensive secondary education is completed by more than 90% of
learners. In 1991 Latvia returned to compulsory nine-year education.
– Soviet educational policy had been supported by the budget at all its
levels. After 1991 pre-school education decreased, budget financing for
tertiary education went down to 20%.
The educational system of today’s Latvia is still undergoing considerable
transformations in accordance with general tendencies to democratization.
Now, the process has been sped up by economical recession. Educational
transition is pushed ahead not so much by inner forces pronpted by scientific research and comprehensively co-ordinated and planned calculations,
but rather by general processes of contemporary developments, which may
be qualified as acquisition of external pressures of globalization and creation
of educational space comparable to European standards, i.e. forces challenging local traditions and sensitivity, and influencing the processes by means
of financial control, and thus, driving the system towards cheaper education.
The most complicated transition from the totalitarian, centralized to the
democrtatic, decentralized and learner-centred school system is reflected by
changes of legislation and ambivalent attitudes towards school settings, by the
structure of curricula, as well as by learners’ achievements. However, after
a short period of stability and progress, economical recession has brought
about another wave of uncertainty and unstability.
The main tendencies of school reform during
the last 20 years
The foremost goal of the educational development is to carry out the necessary changes in the education system that would enhance the building of
a knowledge-based, democratic and socially integrated society, increase competitiveness of the Latvian population and economy, and that would simultaneously preserve and develop the cultural values that are typical for Latvia
(Ministry of Education and Science, 2005). The school reforms of the last two
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decades may be split into three distinct periods, and all of which having followed the same objective, i.e. to find a better answer to the question of which
school setting is the most beneficial to learners:
a) The Perestroika in the 1980s had initiated democratic changes within
the vast unified system of a big country, and it created a basis for further educational reforms. This initial step itself had been contardictory, by it was also accompanied by additional acceleration resulting
from the national democratic movement, which was to a certain extent
spontaneous and rather unprepared to implement educational
changes.
b) By 1991 the school system had reached a very high level of unification.
In order to support the comprehensive secondary education within the
centralised system, there functioned an extensive network of informal,
external, multi-profile educational institutions. Teachers, parents,
learners and wider communities had become accustomed to a well
structured system of education and to social structures of upbringing
and care-taking, due to which childrens’ involvement had reached high
levels. Eventually, the system collapsed but parents’ expectations towards their children’s involvement remained.
c) The educational system of Latvia has considerably changed since 1991.
There occured considerable redirection towards democratic, learnercentred school, in order to assure educational quality in cooperation
with the policy-makers, stockholders and non-governmental organizations. The school management entered a new stage of schooling without well prepared technologies, pedagogical tools and appropriate
professional competence of teachers. Therefore, also this period may
be subdivided into several stages:
– appropriate legislation for depolitization of the curriculum and for the
acquisition of the ideas of decentralization (contradictions appeared
when democtratization was reduced to decentralization);
– since 1993, the school system has been redirected towards the new
paradigm and towards the implementation of new curricula;
– from 1995 until 2001, the educational system gained its stability in the
wake of the introduced legislation, such as: education law, tertiary
education, vocational education etc. the autonomy of universities, accreditation and orientation towards the European standards, private
kindergartens, schools and tertiary institutions developed, educa-
tional standards directed the system towards its general aims (Law on
Education, 1998; Law on General Education, 1999; Law on Municipalities, 1994);
– the conception of further development of the school system (2002–
2005), among its other principles, emphasised cooperation between
policy-makers, local authorities, schools, parents, employers etc. In
order to follow the UNESCO programme Education for all, the system
of education became balanced with the strategy of economical development and with the long-term, general plan for national development.
This stage marked the full range of integration into the EU (Ministry
of Education and Science, 2005);
– strategic planning of the educational development until 2013 envisages the implemenation of quality management at all levels of education: quality criteria, system of self-evaluation and evaluation,
accreditation and appropriate preparation of specialists etc. (Ministry
of Education and Science, 2006; Mūžizglītības politikas pamatnostādnes 2007.–2013.gadam; Nacionālais attīstības plāns 2007.–
2013.gadam; National Report on the progress of implementation of
the European Commission’s programme Education and Training 2010
in Latvia);
– since 2008, economical and financial recession has brought about
serious amendments into the smooth process of educational development, and it should be evaluated separately.
Cooperation of family and school
Family as an educational institution has its specific traditions in this country.
The long-lasting centralised system and well-developed social education in
kindergartens had added to general family traditions. Parents had become
accustomed to formal pre-school education with relatively clear bounderies
and well organized pedagogical process, which had allowed families to move
a part of educational functions to kindergartens and later to schools. The
tendency fits the general Latvian cultural pattern, and is related to the quality
of life. Educational conduct in families is to a certain degree influenced by their
well-being and social standing, and as such, it is a synthesis of the dominant
culture and minority and/or migrant cultures (Medne, 2010).
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48
Latvian educational conception aims at the strengthening of the role of
families in preparing children to school and at delegating to them more responsibility for schooling. Meanwhile, a large number of families experience
the effects of unemployment, low salaries and comparatively high expences
for schooling, in spite of state support for kindergartens and schools (currently being reduced due to recession). All the factors are conductive to the
formation of a so called child-out-of-school phenomenon, as well as to decreased numbers of students at tertiary education, as adolescents have to look
for jobs in order to support their families. It is one extreme, while another
provides good examples of cooperation among schools and families for the
benefit of children. The discrepancy between the two groups of families is still
perceptible. There are distinct and strongly individualized differences between
these groups, which challenge specialized targeted activities onto educational
institutions and local authorities, so that they can assist families in reaching
better cooperation and mutual complementation.
State educational policy and upbringing in families is considerably influenced
by the multiculturality and diversity in various areas: constant decrease of rural
population and increase of urban (68%); ethnic division into approximately 100
groups with comparatively small number of Latvians (Latvians – 59.4%, Russians – 27.6%, Belorussians – 3.6%, Ukrainians – 2.5%, Poles – 2.3%, other –
4.6%); religions (Protestants, Roman Catholics, Greek Orthodox etc.; language
(Latvian – the language of instruction for 77% of comprehensive schools, the
second biggest group of schools have Russian as their language of instruction)
(Demogrāfijas statistikas galvenie rādītāji 2009. gadā; Valsts kultūrpolitikas
vadlīnijas 2006.–2015.gadam; Vispārizglītojošās dienas skolas 2009./2010.m.g;
Vispārizglītojošo dienas skolu kontaktinformācija uz 2009./2010.m.g.). In
2009/10, alongside with schools run by the state and local bodies, there are 21
private schools (Vispārizglītojošās dienas skolas 2009./2010.m.g;
Vispārizglītojošo dienas skolu kontaktinformācija uz 2009./2010.m.g.).
The diversity has acquired a new dimension. Namely, due to recession, the
dramatic changes in the statistics reflect dramatic changes in the economy and
in the financial system. In 2006, the national product per capita was about
7033 EUR and unemployment 6.8%. In 2009, these figures were: national
product per capita – 2013 EUR and unemployment reached 16% (Central
Board of Statistics of Latvia, 2006; IKP uz vienu iedzīvotāju; Reģistrētā bezdarba līmenis Latvijā). These processes influence the system and the wellbeing of education: the state support had been cut considerably.
2. TOWARDS A DEMOCRATIC SCHOOL SYSTEM
The main objectives and priciples of school system
Educational objectives in Latvia revolve around the idea of comprehensiveness and diversity to meet learners’ multiple needs, provide better conditions for their development and reach higher standards of competitiveness
on the labour market (Law on Education, 1998; Law on General Education,
1999; Ministry of Education and Science, 2006; Ministry of Education and
Science, 2005). The concept of education, whose main aims and principles
are defined in the Law on Education (Law on Education, 1998) and Law
on General Education (Law on General Education, 1999), and the state
standard of the basic and secondary education (Regulations on the State
Basic Education Standard, 2000, no. 46221), has concentrated on implementation of knowledge and skills-based competent development of the
younger generation in order to create a democratic, socially integrated society, to provide opportunities for everyone to develop their physical and
spiritual abilities, faculties of free and responsible individuality, creative and
cultured individuals, capable of life-long learning and responsible participation, basic skills for future professional education empowered by democratic values.
The standards of school education formulate goals for each stage of the
educational process. In order to implement the general principles, the programmes must assure that:
– all members of the society have equal rights and education is accessible
for everyone; targeted orientation towards quality education is a priority of educational institutions;
– schools and curricula meet individual needs; the quality of education
is compatible with the labour market and is related to the economical
development of the country; therefore participation of the employers
and the wider community in educational developments is in many ways
an important precondition;
– each level of education makes use of its specific possibilities to facilitate
learners’ life-long learning; coordinated developmental planning and
management and implementation of innovations among different institutions provide learners with better possibilities for their personal
development;
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50
– effective use of resources is strongly related to the benefit of learners;
the functioning scheme: financial support follows the child;
– monitoring, self-evaluation, collegiality in school and kindergarten
evaluation is the main process of quality assurance; and it is followed
by external evaluation and assistance of inspectorate (Kārtība, kādā
akreditē vispārējās…; IZM, 2004; IZM, ISAP, 2002; IZM, ISEC, 1998;
The main directions of educational develoment 2007–2013).
The ways introducing democratization to schools
The direction of educational reforms towards democratization (Law on
Education, 1998; Law on General Education, 1999; Law on Municipalities,
1994) is further developed for implementation by relevant legislative documents of the Ministry of Education and Science (further referred to as the
Ministry): (Kārtība, kādā akreditē vispārējās…) decentralization of education
is being implemented by providing schools with the right to choose methods
of reaching their desired goals (Baltic Institute of Social Sciences…). The
autonomy of schools in choosing or creating programmes and text-books to
meet the needs of their learners and in providing quality of their academic
achievements and skills, as well as many-sided personal development (Central
Board of Statistics of Latvia…); quality assurance and management of improvement by the redirected system from control to internal and self-evaluation, external evaluation and accreditation (Demogrāfijas statistikas galvenie
rādītāji, 2009); developmental planning as an issue which is based on investigation, self-evaluation, external evaluation, consultations with the stakeholders (IKP uz vienu iedzīvotāju); collaboration and partnership within and between schools to assure quality of education and learners’ success (Kārtība,
kādā akreditē vispārējās…; IZM, 2004; IZM, ISAP, 2002; IZM, ISEC, 1998;
Ministry of Education and Science, 2006; Ministry of Education and Science,
2005).
Schools evolve towards creating learning communities and becoming
cultural centres, in order to make better use of local resources for the benefit
of learners; provide different ways of personal development in which the main
target is to parlay curricula into actual, acquired knowledge and skills. The
standards concern such core subjects as Science, Mathematics and Social Science. Special attention is paid to modern languages. Pupils at Schools with
Russian and other minority languages of instruction are obliged to learn
Latvian. Specialists of the Ministry of Education and Science, in cooperation
with the Advisory Board on Ethnic Minority Education Issues, have developed
a Support Plan in order to help educational institutions prepare for transition
to studies in Latvian (Mūžizglītības politikas pamatnostādnes 2007–2013;
Valsts kultūrpolitikas vadlīnijas 2006–2015). Textbooks are released in at least
two languages of instruction: Latvian and Russian.
The notion democracy has always been understood as the power of people,
while people could have different understanding or represent groups differently related to democracy. Those who identify with it, usually experience real
or anticipated activity and participation, though the very content of the notions citizenship, democracy, education might have different culture-based connotations. Such peculiarity is characteristic for Latvia and its school management at all levels, which adopted democracy after a period of totalitarian
regime, where the ruling ideology also called itself democratic. It is discernible
that the government at times perceives positive energy as a threat, rather than
as positive confirmation of social activity, and therefore a number of people
still experience isolation or even alienation. Different loyalties exist in this
country, and there is no easy way to mutual understanding. In democratic
societies, development at national level cannot occur without legimitisation
provided by their members or without their consistent compability with the
development (Pabriks, 2002). As it is by definition related to basic freedoms,
democratic schooling is characterised by: freedoms of religion, education,
association and identity, by freedom regarding one’s mother tongue and culture. These freedoms are still understood and accepted from different perspectives, and consequently different values are brought to schools by parents or
political parties.
The state policy towards the education of minorities is being implemented in accordance with a special state programme leading to strengthening citizenship (Pilsoniskās sabiedrības striprināšana 2005–2009). Therefore,
the concept of integration has obtained some qualities of inclusion in school
curricula and a degree of recognition of learners’ cultural needs, as well as
acquisition of Latvian language. Here are the features which should facilitate
the inclusion:
– schools with Latvian language of instruction (72.9% with 64.1% of
learners). Previously almost mono-ethnic and now multi-ethnic, are
attended by Latvian children and children from other ethnic groups
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with the aim of their integration into the society or as a means of seeking for possibilities to continue tertiary education in Latvia
(Vispārizglītojošās dienas skolas 2009/2010; Vispārizglītojošo dienas
skolu kontaktinformācija uz 2009/2010);
– schools with Russian language of instruction (the second largest group
of schools, 14.9% with 23% of learners), which have always been multiethnic with Russian cultural domination, are attended by pupils who
choose Russian as their first language in order to follow family traditions, cultural identity or political orientations;
– 11.4% of schools have classes with Latvian (8% of learners) and Russian (4.3% of learners) language of instruction;
– schools of other ethnic minorities, such as Byelorussian, Ukrainian,
Polish, Jewish, Romany, Lithuanian, Estonian, are small with 0.4% of
the total number of learners, who are free to choose the language of
instruction to reach the standards, the level of academic achievements
and skills denoted by the state, and acquire Latvian language (Central
Board of Statistics of Latvia. 2006; Vispārizglītojošās dienas skolas
2009/2010; Vispārizglītojošo dienas skolu kontaktinformācija uz
2009/2010).
There exists considerable disagreement regarding the nature and practical
implementations of multiculturality in the society and at schools. There exist
opposite and even conflicting views on some basic issues: some consider that
a democratic society and a free market are two components of one perspective,
and education should cultivate the human capital, so that the society is economically competitive; a part of the society, especially people involved in
education and culture, argue that education in a democratic society is to cultivate human values and potential, foster the development of each person for
active inclusion in all social processes, which corresponds to the basic aim of
education, as it is defined in the Law on Education (Law on Education 1998).
Therefore, education in Latvia is on its way to combine both of these approaches with the dominating aim to develop human values, empower individuals for life in a democratic society by creating inclusive schools and fostering learners’ competitiveness.
The diverse nature of the society and the ongoing changes are reflected in
the types of schools: (Kārtība, kādā akreditē vispārējās izglītības…) state
schools, attended by the majority of learners, financed by the state budget,
including schools for children with special needs; (Baltic Institute of Social
Sciences…) schools run and financed by local authorities; (Central Board of
Statistics of Latvia, 2006) private comprehensive schools, which may constitute an alternative to state schools due to their innovative curricula (financial
support to private schools from state or municipal budget cover only salaries
of the staff ). Adherence to the state standards make the schools follow common goals, though the methods selected by schools and their stakeholders
account for some significant differences. Sturdier coordination of efforts (often
violated by problems of recession) might lead to integration of democratic
values into the culture of every school, of every subject (content, strategy, and
organizational setting) and of extracurricular activities, for the sake bettering
the achievements of every learner.
The contemporary school system
Pre-school and daycare education. According to educational legislation
(Law on Education, 1998; Law on General Education, 1999) and local authorities (Law on Municipalities, 1994), each administrative region is obliged
to provide opportunities for every child to acquire pre-school education. They
open, maintain and partly finance kindergartens. Salaries, including private
kindergartens, are financed by local bodies. Parents pay a part of the expenses.
In private kindergartens parents’ costs are higher.
Children are enrolled on the basis of the parents’ application, but kindergartens for children with special needs also require medical documentation.
Daycare institutions admit 1–3-year-old children, and kindergartens from 3
until seven years. Children join the programme on their first day, and it is
aimed at completion of the pre-school level and at preparation for school, and
follows the quality criteria set forth for this level of education. When a child
has health problems and there is recommentation for postponement of schooling, the child may stay one year longer if parents’ application and medical
documentation are provided. Currently, more than 74% of children attend
kindergartens and (Baltic Institute of Social Sciences…) the number constantly encreases.
Since 2002 (Law on Education, 1998), pre-school preparation for schooling has been compulsory and it has become an obligation of kindergartens or
schools which hold approppriate licence. Children with special needs are
prepared for schooling at specialized kindergartens.
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The number of imigrant children in kindergartens is comparatively small.
They are provided with appropriate assistance for smooth integration into
community.
The main aim of pre-school education is the development of physical and
mental abilities and social skills, development of creativity and other faculties
needed for further education and active participation in the life of their community.
The language of instruction in kindergartens depends on parents’ choice.
Current statistics are as follows: Latvian – 75%, Russian – 23%, other – 0,5%.
All children acquire basic skills of Latvian language. The law on education
requires tertiary education and pre-school specialization for teachers who
work in kindegartens and prepare children for schooling.
Primary school. Years 1–4 According to state educational policy, primary
school provides learners with opportunities to acquire basic knowledge, skills
and personal development for further education, and acquisition of values for
their life in the society. In order to implement the ideas of the national educational policy, national standards have been designed for all levels of education.
Basic schooling starts at the age of seven and currently there is a debate on
a possibility to start it at the age of six. Parents and kindergartens hold mainly
negative attitude towards this initiative, therefore a discussion is open in the
country, and a project is running at 20 schools which have implemented an
experimental programme.
The first level of primary school covers a four-year programme (years 1–4).
During the first year, no marks are given, but achievements are evaluated descriptively. From year 2 until 4, evaluation gradually moves towards the
10-level score system, in which 10 is the highest score and reflects outstanding
achievements. Each school can choose one or more licenced programmes,
including programmes relevant for minorities.
Languages of instruction at this level are Latvian and Russian. The main
foreign languages are English, German, Russian, French, Polish and Hebrew.
The school year starts on 1 September and lasts 35 weeks until 31 May.
Years 5 to 9. This level starts in year 5 and lasts until year 9, which completes
the compulsory basic education at state or private schools. Children with special
needs are integrated in these schools whenever it is possible or enter special schools.
The basic compulsory education can be provided also at vocational and evening
schools, boarding schools, schools or classes for social or pedagogical correction,
other schools (music, sports etc.) which hold the licence for basic education.
These schools follow the state standards and the Ministry controls and
monitors the quality of education, as well as appoints final examinations. Starting from year 5 the learners’ achievements are evaluated in all subjects by means
of the 10-level score system. Pupils pass centralised examinations which are
also denoted by the Ministry. If learners sucessfully complete all subjects with
scores equal or above the level of 4, they are awarded the certificate of basic
education, with the list of the covered subjects and obtained marks. These
documents are valid for entering any programme of the secondary level.
In case of scores 3 and lower, pupils obtain a document which is not valid
for entering a secondary programme. They can either complete the full programme or enroll in a vocational school.
There are three types of special compulsory educational establishments:
special schools, schools for social correction and schools for pedagogical correction. The legitimite basis for these schools is the Law on Education (Law
on Education, 1998). They provide learners with opportunities to complete
the compulsory basic education in accordance with their special needs.
The secondary level. Every person has the right to complete secondary
education at any age if he/she holds a legitimate valid document on completed basic education (2nd level). The aims of secondary education comprise:
development of learners’ abilities and attitudes; human obligations, responsibilities and rights; motivation and abilities for further learning; abilities to live
in multicultural contemporary communities etc. Therefore, the three-year
programmes of the secondary education comprise four thematic parts, which
are defined and described in state standards: comprehensive knowledge and
skills; humanities and social sciences; mathematics, technologies and natural
sciences; professionally oriented knowledge and skills.
The programmes of this level of education may be completed at licenced
schools of three types according to their thematic profile: a) general comprehensive; b) humanitarian/ social; mathematics/natural sciences/technical;
professional (also arts, music, sports, business etc.). All porgrammes at all
types of schools include 8 compulsory subjects. Besides, each type of the
profiled school adds 3–6 other compulsory subjects complementary with their
profile subjects. Learners can choose 10–15% of the subjects or additional
classes according to their needs (expanded programme) of the compulsory
subjects. These programmes may also be combined with the needs of minorities in order to uphold their cultural identity, i.e. native language, literature,
history etc.
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The curricula of the general secondary education are executed at secondary
schools or gymnasiums (lower secondary) financed by the state or local
budget. Normally, gymnasiums cover general secondary educational programmes, and they are obliged to provide at least 2–3 – type thematic programmes of learners’ choice. Secondary schools/gymnasiums financed by the
state budget are equally distributed over the country. Each municipality holds
the right to open/close secondary schools (also special classes or schools) in
accordance with the needs of the community and financial sources to support
these schools.
To complete the level of secondary education, learners have to pass five
centralised examinations, whose content and procedures are denoted by the
Ministry and confirmed by the government (Cabinet of Ministers): one is
common for all secondary schools and denoted by the Ministry for each
particular year; another corresponds to the thematic profile of the programme;
yet another is chosen by the school, and two are the choice of the school
leaver.
Learners who have successfully covered the programme are awarded the
certificate (atestāts) of the secondary education with a list of covered subjets
accompanied by marks (sekmju izraksts). These documents provide schoolleavers with the right to enter a tertiary programme. Each universty formulates
its demands for enrollment, which include the results of the centralised examinations in subjects appointed by the university or they reserve their rights
to appoint additional entrance examinations. When graduates have scores 3
or lower in one or more subjects, they obtain a graduation document and a list
of subjects accompanied by marks. This document is not valid for entering
tertiary programmes. The leavers hold the right to complete successfully the
secondary programme later and be awarded a certificate valid for entering
a tertiary educational institution.
Centralised examinations and tests take place at the end of years 9 and 12.
In years 3 and 6, diagnostic tests take place. The marks from 1 to 10 (highest)
are used in local tests, and the system of A (higher) to F-level evaluation is
used at centralised examinations. The marks and levels are described explicitly. The results of the final centralized examinations (year 12) are recognized
by tertiary educational institutions at the admission.
The secondary education can be completed at two types of schools:
– general secondary schools run academic programmes and mainly
prepare for studies at tertiary educational institutions;
– secondary vocational schools are oriented at profession and entering
the labour market; their graduates also hold the right to continue education at tertiary level.
Secondary schools of any type hold the right to apoint entrance examinations at the basic school level. Local information and assistance centres function in all regions of the country and they provide assistance to teachers and
learners: methods of teaching-learning, exercises to evaluate and self-evaluate
achievements in different subjects, quality monitoring systems etc.
Special schools run programmes with the same subjects as comprehensive
schools. The acquisition of the programmes focuses on the practical component and skills, as well as on skills necessary for social inclusion.
There are 64 special schools for children with developmental problems,
with over 9000 learners. All educational establishments may run programmes
for special needs if they have qualified specialists, materials for teachinglearning, appropriate aquipment, and the licence. Admission to special
schools, as well as integration of children with special needs into comprehensive schools is denoted by the legislation and normative documents issued by the government. Evaluation of achievements follows state standards
of the comprehensive education and a normative document of the government for the mentally handicaped children (Law on Education, 1998;
Ministry of Education and Science, 2006). The graduates are awarded
a document on the completed programme with the list of subjects and individual marks.
Schools of social correction run comprehensive programmes and their
learners, who display behavioral problems, are enrolled on the basis of court
decisions. The programmes are adjusted to specific needs for persons
within the age of compulsory education (Law on Municipalities, 1994;
Ministry of Education and Science, 2005, 2006; Medne, 2010; Pabriks,
2002), and they are run only by specialized schools. They also provide a full
set of medical treatment whenever it is needed. Pedagogical process helps
learners to prepare for life and work in society as well as to reintegrate into
their community.
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3. QUALITY ASSURANCE AND SCHOOL EVALUATION
Quality assurance and the evaluation of learners’ success are based on the
following principles: openness of criteria; acquired education is reflected in
marks for knowledge, understanding, application of knowledge and creative
skills; compliancy of test tasks to all levels of achievement, which are represented in the scoring system; variety of test tasks, written and oral, individual
and group achievements, different forms, which reveal dynamics of success
etc; regularity of control and assessment to promote progress; compulsory
status of assessment (except classes, when pupils have legal right to skip examinations or tests according to the Law on Education).
The system of school education has adopted the documents of Ministers
of Education of European countries concerning three major goals to be
achieved by 2010 for the benefit of the population and the European Union
(EU) as a whole, which are: to improve the quality and effectiveness of EU
education and training systems; to ensure its accessibility to all; to open up
education and training to the wider world. These goals are accepted in Latvia
and reflected in the documents and instructive issues on education. The Ministry monitors the functioning of schools, assures their autonomy, prepares
and conducts the process of decentralization by such strategic programmes as
“Education 1998–2003”, “The Main Directions of Educational Development
in 2007–2013” (Ministry of Education and Science, 2006; Mūžizglītības
politikas pamatnostādnes 2007.–2013. gadam), which is a design for constant
strategic development in all spheres of education (structure, curricula, financing etc.).
Public assistance, control, supervision and school self-government are
carried out by school councils, which consist of representatives of local authorities, parents, which is all who are interested in education and cultural
development of the region. Every school has its pedagogical council (consisting of teachers, parents, community), as well as pupils’ parliament or
council.
Accountability, benchmarking and practices of evaluation at schools are
major issues of discussion in the context of educational quality. In other words,
what learners and teachers ought to be held accountable for, what are the most
productive ways of accountability in the situation when stakeholders participate in developmental planning and evaluation leading to school accreditation,
how to assess and evaluate social dimensions of education.
The implementation of the development of school system is ensured by
state administration institutions: (Kārtība, kādā akreditē vispārējās…) the
Ministry of Education and Science; (Baltic Institute of Social Sciences) State
Education Centre (VISC), which supervises the development of the curriculum, evaluation of text-books, preparation of centralized tests, monitoring of
teaching-learning results in accordance with standards and coordinates teachers’ in-service education; (Central Board of Statistics of Latvia, 2006) State
Educational Inspectorate, which controls and monitors education;
(Demogrāfijas statistikas galvenie rādītāji, 2009) State Youth Initiative Centre,
which implements youth policies, provides methodological assistance in the
area of hobby education, designs programmes of upbringing, organizes teachers’ in-service training for extracurricular activities; (IKP uz vienu iedzīvotāju)
Municipal and Regional Educational Boards, which maintain educational
institutions in the regions, provide methodological support for teachers and
community. The Ministry coordinates the functioning of central public administration institutions, as well as municipal education boards and establishments. At the end of each year the Ministry submits a progress report to the
Cabinet of Ministers (government), which is prepared together with local
school boards. Democratic management is ensured by school councils in cooperation with municipalities, community, parents; (IZM, 2004) school
(teachers’) councils, which deal with didactic issues.
The system of education in Latvia is being developed as a national unit of
European system of education in accordance with general tendencies of educational development, which are defined by the European Parliament and the
Council of Europe (06.01.2001): cooperation to develop QA and assessment,
creating open QA and evaluation systems, facilitating development of selfevaluation and internal evaluation, stake-holders’ participation, experience
exchange among schools. These initiatives are developed in explicit issues on
evaluation, and thus ensure self-evaluation as the main process of evaluation
and comparability, as well as keep an on-going discussion in Latvia towards
further democratization of schools (Ministry of Education and Science, 2005,
2006; Regulations on the State Basic Education Standard, 2000, no. 462).
In order to obtain credible and safe data for the analysis and development
of education policies, a unified education quality assessment system was introduced in 2005. The quality of education is now assessed on the basis of
criteria which include 22 items (IZM, 2004) and lead to: assumption of advanced components of pedagogical process of a particular school; indentifica-
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tion of premature valuable results qualifying for further development; isolation
of the most necessary and possible improvements; provision of research-based
planning of school development. The criteria pertain to all schools of Latvia.
To ensure the quality of education, productivity of school self-evaluation and
external evaluation, in 2002 the Ministry released Handbook for School Evaluation and Development Planning with explicit description of areas and parameters, according to which schools are to be evaluated. Internal and external
evaluation uses the same criteria. In order to assure correct application of the
criteria, the Handbook clarifies their aims and procedures, whose main constituents are: attention to SWOT analysis, criteria and parameters of evaluation, methods and organization of evaluation, data collection and processing
and possible structure of a progress report. The criteria represent 7 areas of the
educational process: curriculum, teaching-learning methods, learners’ achievements, systems of supporting learners, school environment, resources, school
management. The handbook also provides explicit instruction on the modes
of evaluation and developmental planning, which are: possible structure, demands, and explicit instructional materials. Appendices (12 items) provide
recommendations and details for QA, development planning, and the progress
report. Appendices also include evaluation sheets for each of the 7 areas,
analysis questionnaires, as well as evaluation of final state examinations, recommendations for self-evaluation with progress report, database collection of
learners’ achievements, and finally patterns of progressive experience schemes,
questionnaires for stakeholders and observation sheets (IZM, ISAP, 2002).
The common procedure for school evaluation is launched, and a suggested unified system of evaluation is related to QA and comparability of the
results. Internal evaluation is the main procedure in the system of evaluation,
it includes self-evaluation, stakeholders’ (state and municipalities, parents,
learners, other non-governmental institutions) and experts’ evaluation, and
is carried out on a systemic basis. The analysis and the evaluation are a precondition for planning of school development. A typical procedure of internal evaluation at school is a two-phase process: (Kārtība, kādā akreditē
vispārējās …) general overview and detailed evaluation followed by (Baltic
Institute of Social Sciences, 2009) discussion and the improvement of the
developmental planning:
– The preparatory stage for explicit self-evaluation (usually a week is allocated) by principals and their assistants (the most experienced
teachers and other staff members) is meant to formulate general back-
ground overview of the pedagogical process and extracurricular activities.
– Detailed investigation of achievements (usually lasts several months)
in selected areas of school functioning. i.e. collection of data to reveal
developmental tendencies, according to procedures included in the
Handbook (statistics, learners and parents’ opinions, teachers’ opinions, detailed observation and analysis of the process, analysis of results,
evaluation of teaching procedures and equipment). This process involves the entire personnel and all resources. Internal evaluation is held
prior to each accreditation of a given school.
External evaluation is executed by experts purposefully prepared in three
areas: accreditation, activities of the inspectorate, and centralised tests. The
maximum period for school accreditation is six years.
REFERENCES:
BALTIC INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES (2009), Pētījums “Par pirmsskolas
izglītības iestāžu un alternatīvu bērnu pieskatīšanas pakalpojumu attīstību Latvijas plānošanas reģionos”. Valsts reģionālās attīstības aģentūra, 2009. – 203 lpp.
(On the pre-school education and care in regions of Latvia), in: http://www.vraa.
gov.lv/uploads/petnieciba/petijumi/PII_attistiba_GALA_zinojums.pdf. (Retr.
on 30.11.2010.)
DEMOGRĀFIJAS STATISTIKAS GALVENIE RĀDĪTĀJI 2009. gadā. Informatīvais
apskats. (The main figures on demographic statistics in 2009), in: http://www.
csb.gov.lv/dati/informativie-apskati-28307.html (Retr. on 29.11.2010.)
CENTRAL BOARD OF STATISTICS OF LATVIA (2006), Educational Institutions in
Latvia at the Beginning of School Year 2005/06. Riga.
IKP uz vienu iedzīvotāju (national product per capita), in: http://zinas.nra.lv/
ekonomika/latvija/30986-ikp-uz-vienu-iedzivotaju (Retr. on 13.09.2010.)
IZM (2004), Skolu darbības kvalitātes vērtējuma līmeņi un to apraksti (Ministry of
Education and Science. Quality levels of the school and their description), Rīga.
IZM, ISAP (2002), Skolu vērtēšanas un attīstības plānošanas rokasgrāmata. (Ministry of
Education and Science. Handbook for school evaluation and development planning).
IZM, ISEC. Valsts pamatizglītības standarts (1998), Rīga. (Ministry of Education and
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62
Science, the Curriculum and Examination Centre. The State Standard for Basic
Education). Riga, 1998, in: www.izm.gov.lv.
KĀRTĪBA, KĀDĀ AKREDITĒ VISPĀRĒJĀS izglītības programmas un izglītības iestādes,
kā arī atestē valsts un pašvaldību dibināto vispārējās pamatizglītības un vispārējās
vidējās izglītības iestāžu vadītājus. IZM. LR MK 2005.gada 16.augusta noteikumi
No.612. (Instruction for programme’s, schools’, and principals’ accreditation to
implement the governments’ decision (Cabinet of Ministers, No. 612, 16.08.2005),
in: www.izm.gov.lv
LAW ON EDUCATION (1998), LR Saeima in: www.izm.gov.lv and http://www.likumi.lv/doc.php?id=50759 (Retr. on 30.11.2010.)
LAW ON GENERAL EDUCATION (1999), LR Saeima, in: www.izm.gov.lv and http://
www.likumi.lv/doc.php?id=20243 (Retr. on 30.11.2010.)
LAW ON MUNICIPALITIES (1994), in: http://www.likumi.lv/doc.php?id=57255
(Retr.on 29.11.2010.)
MEDNE, D. (2010), Audzināšana ģimenē Latvijas transformatīvajā sabiedrībā: promocijas darba kopsavilkums doktora zinātniskā grāda iegūšanai pedagoģijā.
(Family upbringing in the transformative society of Latvia: synopsis of the doctoral thesis), Latvijas Universitāte, Rīga, p. 74.
MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE (2006), The main directions of educational
development 2007–20013, in: www.izm.gov.lv (Retr.on 10.11.2010.)
MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE (2005), National Report on the Progress
of Implementation of the European Commission’s programme Education and
training 2010 in Latvia, in: www.izm.gov.lv (Retr.on 10.11.2010.)
MŪŽIZGLĪTĪBAS POLITIKAS PAMATNOSTĀDNES 2007.–2013.gadam (The concept
of life-long education 2007–2013) Ministru cabinets, 23.02.2007. No.111. in:
www.izm.gov.lv (Retr.on 10.11.2010.)
NACIONĀLAIS ATTĪSTĪBAS PLĀNS 2007.-2013.gadam; Izglītības attīstības
pamatnostādnes 2007. – 2013.gadam (LR Ministru Kabinets, 2006, No.742)
(Plan of the national development 2007–2013; Educational development for
2007–2013. Cabinet of ministers, 2006, No. 742).
NATIONAL REPORT ON THE PROGRESS OF implementation of the European
Commission’s programme Education and Training 2010 in Latvia, in: izm.gov.lv
(Retr.on 20.10.2010.)
PABRIKS, A. (2002), Political Culture: Identity and Participation. In: Towards Civic
Culture in Central and East European Countries. Materials of the international
conference. Latvian national Commission for UNESCO, Ministry of education
and science, Soros Foundation. pp.43–45.
PILSONISKĀS SABIEDRĪBAS STRIPRINĀŠANA 2005–2009.gads. Sabiedrības
integrācijas programma. (Strengthening of Citizens’ Society in 2005–2009.
Programme for Social Integration in 2005–2009), in: www.integracija.gov.lv
(Retr.on 20.11.2010.)
REĢISTRĒTĀ BEZDARBA LĪMENIS LATVIJĀ (registered unemployment in Latvia) –
16,0%, in: http://www.ekonomika.lv/registreta-bezdarba-limenis-decembri-latvija-160/
(Retr.on 30.11.2010.)
REGULATIONS ON THE STATE BASIC EDUCATION STANDARD (2000, No 462),
Regulations on the State General Secondary Education Standard (2000, No 463),
Regulations on the State Professional and Vocational Education Standard (2000,
No 211), in: www.izm.gov.lv (Retr.on 22.11.2010)
THE BALTIC INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL RESEARCH (2000), Towards the Civic Society, Riga.
THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF EDUCATIONAL DEVELOMENT 2007–2013, in: www.
izm.lv (Retr.on 22.11.2010.)
VALSTS KULTŪRPOLITIKAS VADLĪNIJAS 2006.-2015.gadam. LR Ministru Kabinets,
2006, No.264 (The state concept of cultural development 2006–2015. Cabinet
of ministers, 2006, No.264).
VISPĀRIZGLĪTOJOŠĀS DIENAS SKOLAS 2009./2010.m.g. (Comprehensive full-day
schools in 2009/10), in: http://izm.izm.gov.lv/registri-statistika/statistika-vispareja/4948.html (Retr.on 30.11.2010.)
VISPĀRIZGLĪTOJOŠO DIENAS SKOLU kontaktinformācija uz 2009./2010.m.g. (Information on the comprehensive full-day schools in 2009/10), in: http://izm.izm.
gov.lv/registri-statistika/statistika-vispareja/4948.html (Retr.on 30.11.2010.)
63
Inetta Nowosad
Schools and Pupils in Poland – Problems,
Developments and Perspectives
All challenges and global problems of contemporary world manifest themselves in various proportions on Polish ground. The map of objective, external
processes is additionally superimposed by an intricate pattern of our own internal preconditions, mostly concerned with procedures of the implementation of democratic order and mechanisms of free market economy. On top of
the two sources of factors, there are also endogenous conditions rooted in the
state of education, which experienced multiple perturbations in the course of
post-war history of Poland. It was never successfully reformed and continually suffered from insufficient funding. At the same time, social and economic
expectations towards education have been continuously growing, especially
now after the accession to the European Union.
As a result of the aforementioned factors, there is an entirely new set of
legal practices developing in our country, which apart from other considerations, strongly insists on changes in education. Thus, external conditions are
exerting unremitting influence on the functioning of schools and other educational institutions by driving them towards far-reaching reforms. In the
demanding environment, infested with complex stipulations and manifold
barriers, the development of educational institutions requires careful planning,
meticulous supervision at each and every step of the procedures and most of
all considerable and well distributed funding. Automatic and spontaneous
progression is no longer an option.
Schools and Pupils in Poland – Problems, Developments…
The complexity of the processes is conductive to sociological consideration
about the nature and character of the society that we are aspiring to create,
about the types of changes that we want to make in its social tissue, about the
prospects for the development of its members and in consequence about the
role of school.
1. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AND ITS CULTURAL CONTEXT
At the threshold of the socio-political changes of 1989, the level of education
of Polish society was much lower than in the countries of the West: only 7% of
the population had a university degree, 25% had secondary general school
certificates, 23% had diplomas of vocational training, 39% had completed
primary education, and 6% of the population had not even reached the end of
the primary level (Pachociński 2000). Therefore, the new order after 1989
emphasized the need for democratization and for levelling of educational
changes.
The preamble of the Education Act of 1991 laid new foundations for Polish
schools (Hörner/Wompel 1994, p. 32), which include the following:
– The school system belongs to the whole society.
– It respects international constitutional regulations, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Convention on
Human and Civic Ethical Principles with special emphasis on the
Christian system of moral values in order to develop social awareness,
responsibility, patriotism, and respect for the cultural heritage of both
Poland and the rest of the world.
– Schools are required to provide adequate environment in which every
pupil is prepared to fulfill societal functions in the spirit of solidarity,
democracy, tolerance, truth, and freedom.
The changes initiated by the Ministry of Education were designed to adapt
the system to contemporary, rapidly changing conditions (Lewowicki 1994).
The changes involved:
1. A shift of the position that education holds in the social system, with
special emphasis on critical analysis of educational reality, as well as on
endeavours to create a better reality.
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2. Differently perceived values and objectives of education with the reintroduction of basic ethical values, such as freedom, democracy, the
right to life, peace, personal development, self-fulfilment, political
pluralism, and tolerance. The hierarchy of the new objectives highlights the provision of conditions necessary for unhindered personal
development with emphasis on self-development and access to information.
3. Re-orientation of teaching contents towards functionality and usefulness, with emphasis on knowledge about the present and the future,
and tendency to integrate the contents of different subjects in order to
make them more comprehensible.
4. Changes in educational strategies, diversification of teaching methods,
and relaxation of fixed requirements, as well as broadening of sources
of knowledge and of the possible means of communication.
5. Changes in the relations between pupils, teachers and parents; integration of their objectives. This co-operation results in enhanced outcome
of mutual effort.
6. Changes in administration and financing, with decentralization of all
domains of education and improved privileges for local communities,
as well as for the three parties involved: pupils, teachers, and parents.
However, the gradually diminishing responsibilities of the State and the
shift of the decision-making process to local authorities and/or parents failed
to produce anticipated eruption of social activity in education. It seems that
the majority of citizens focused their endeavours on adapting to the market
economy, on securing their income, and on politics or recreation, whereas
education was perceived as a domain of social life habitually taken care of by
‘someone in the governing bodies’.
Characteristically, a random survey of 1995 revealed that a mere 30% of all
Poles approved of the direction of the transformations, while the majority of
55% objected to it. Only every fourth Pole believed that living conditions
would improve; and every third Pole feared that they would further deteriorate
(Bogaj/Kwiatkowski/Szymański 1997, pp. 7ff.) The reservations were mostly
expressed by farmers, pensioners, housewives, manual workers and the unemployed. However, the interpretation of this data must take into account the
fact that the period in mid-nineties was the culminating point of the economic crisis after the political change.
Socio-economic context
Poland is ethnically and religiously homogeneous. German, Ukrainian,
Byelorussian, and Lithuanian ethnic minorities comprise only between 2.5
and 4% of the whole population. Statistically, Poland cannot be seen as a country of immigration. Although after the wave of Polish emigration, there has
been a period of illegal immigration to Poland from Asian or East-European
countries, this is not yet an omnipresent problem at schools. However, multicultural education in areas that are already inhabited by ethnic minorities was
successfully addressed after the 1990 reform, Where possible, lessons are
thought in the language of the local minority. In the years 2002–03, there were
452 primary schools with languages of instruction other than Polish: 261
teaching in German, eighty in Ukrainian, forty-eight in Kashubian, twentyfour in Byelorussian, thirteen in Lithuanian, and six in Slovak. Additionally,
there where 142 lower secondary schools with a foreign language of instruction, sixty-three of which teaching in German (GUS 2003). At the secondary
level, ethnic minority institutions have statistically ceased to play a significant
role; their number is gradually decreasing.
Social position of the teaching profession
There are 692,000 teachers working in primary and secondary schools and
further 88,500 in tertiary education. Their working week is relatively short,
with eighteen hours of teaching at primary and secondary level and between
five and seven hours in higher education. At primary and secondary level,
educational skills, rapport with children, and co-operation with parents are
required from the teachers, rather than specialized knowledge. The immediate aims of the Ministry include teachers’ specialization in more than one
subject and the enhancement of their prestige in society. Such objectives
must be accompanied by changes in financing policies: increased wages are
expected to be followed by increase in the quality of teaching. Therefore, the
revised Teacher’s Code includes new regulations concerning the system of
promotion: from teachers on probation to contract teachers, and from
nominated teachers to the highest rank of certificated teachers. Promotion
to the higher ranks in contingent on demanding requirements and successful completion of qualifying measures; it is also accompanied by significant
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pay rise and is expected to enhance quality. The highest rank of certificated
teacher may be additionally honoured with the title of Professor of Education.
Despite these changes however, teachers’ salaries are still at a very low
level. Teachers’ concerns are additionally aggravated by the scope of new requirements introduced together with the educational reforms of 1999, to such
extent that only 8.3% of them regard their preparation for the new responsibilities as adequate and 78% claim that it is insufficient.
School and the role of the family
The crisis of the 1990s also affected family life. Surveys published by the
Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS) indicate that as many as 75% of all
Polish families were in need of some support with respect to the education
of their children, and that the level of educational competence in rural families was dramatically low. At the same time, there was a striking lack of institutions designed to solve this problem (such as the formerly successful
‘universities for parents’). All responsibility in educational matters was given
to schools and teachers. It also appeared that the strained relations between
parents and teachers failed to yield successful co-operation, as the former
preferred to believe that school was solely responsible for the education of
their children, comfortably assuming the role of occasional supporters. It was
believed that the introduction of Religious Education (R.E.) in schools would
improve the relationships between parents and school, as about 93% of the
Polish population is Roman Catholics. However, subsequent surveys failed
to confirm the significance of this factor (Ferenz 2000, pp.187ff.). Apparently, parents seem to be mostly preoccupied with didactic functions of
schools, with the development of their children’s interests, and with the organization of after-school activities. This argument was supported by 55% of
the questioned families.
2. ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT AND MANAGEMENT OF CURRENT
SCHOOL SYSTEM
In spite of major economic difficulties accompanying social change, educational reforms have been persistently introduced in parallel with ongoing
processes of decentralization and democratization of educational structures.
Decision-making prerogatives have been placed in the hands of head teachers
and the competencies of local consulting structures have been broadened,
especially those of parents. The intermediate level of school management and
assessment was abolished as early as in 1990. Two levels of competence remain, namely the local school supervising institution (Kuratorium Oświaty)
and the National Ministry of Education. Moreover, the management of schools
has been separated from the supervision of teaching contents. Local administration has been made responsible for nursery and primary education, for
special care units, and for sporting as well as recreational venues. Secondary
education, in contrast, has been placed under the supervision of county administration. In practice, this division has created much room for decisionmaking at the level of particular units, such as an individual school, with its
head teacher, teachers and parents, all present at the heart of the process.
Financing
The sector of state education is financed by the government. Whereas in
1990 all payments came directly from the central budget, 1991 saw a shift
in responsibilities for pre-primary and primary education to local authorities. Thus, in 1991 local administration covered 20% of all expenses. Since
1998, this quota has been stabilized at the level of 70%. Nowadays, educational expenses constitute a major segment of local expenditure. For many
municipalities, especially those in rural areas, educational expenditure
constitutes, in fact, more than half of their total budget. The level of financing is still insufficient, even for the most basic needs. The scarcity of funds
limits expenditure to obligatory payments, such as salaries, which account
for more than 85% of the budget, leaving little for the funding of infrastructure. 5% of schools’ budgets come from their own initiatives (Piwowarski
2002, pp. 259ff.). It is planned for the future to correlate the level of financing with the number of pupils in a given school by the introduction of ‘edu-
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cational vouchers’ in accordance with the principle of ‘money follows the
pupil’.
Public and private schools
Although Polish legislation has provided the possibility for private education
since 1991, the vast majority of all schools are still in the hands of the state. In
the school year 2002–03, the private sector accounted for merely 3% of the
educational market at nursery school level, just under 1% at primary, 1.2% at
lower secondary, and 4.7% at upper secondary level. After the changes in educational legislation, numerous comprehensive secondary schools chose to go
down the path of privatization. Furthermore, at the post-secondary level more
than half of the pupils (51%) attend private schools. In higher education, nearly
30% of all students attend one of the 252 non-state institutions (GUS 2003).
Since January 2001, the status of state and private schools has been harmonized. Private institutions are now financed by the state with allocation of the
equivalent of the sum that would be paid for a pupil in state school of the same
type (MEN 2002, p. 29). However, this regulation is valid only for those non-state
institutions that comply with the requirements of the national curriculum.
General standards of the school system
The competence of central structures, such as the Ministry of Education or
local school supervisory body (Kuratorium Oświaty), has been significantly
diminished, leaving them merely the responsibility for such aspects as curricular standards, teachers’ qualifications, or standards of assessment, all of
which are necessary for the preservation of a coherent education system. The
local supervisor is required to analyse and assess the educational standards in
schools in the name of the Ministry.
Teaching contents have been similarly affected by the ongoing reforms.
Emphasis has been placed on replacing encyclopedic knowledge with useful
skills and the application of acquired information. Teachers have been given
far more freedom in selecting their teaching contents and methods. Alternative
curricula and textbooks have been allowed. The general requirements for the
curriculum established by the Ministry of National Education and Sport
(MENiS) have been limited. These innovations have led to a great deal of diversification, shaping the particular educational institutions according to their
own needs.
The extent of this freedom must, however, be adapted to the national curriculum on the one hand and to central examination requirements, on the
other. Since 2002, each stage of school career is concluded with an examination
administered by independent, external examination boards, assigned by the
newly established Central Examination Committee and eight Local Examination Committees. Their responsibilities include the establishment of homogeneous standards as well as preparation, administration, and assessment of
tests.
Quality management and supporting systems
Social control over the functioning of the school system has also been regulated
by the introduction of a scheme of quality assessment that furnishes individual
schools with thorough and valuable insights into their own accomplishments
and deficiencies. Moreover, an internal and external system of evaluation has
been established, taking into consideration the following factors:
1. Pupils’ acquired knowledge and skills.
2. The organization and procedures of instruction and pupils’ support –
this means the control of enrollment procedures, didactic processes,
general atmosphere at school, pupils’ home environment, social care
and support, pupils’ conduct and attendance, and organizational efficiency; respect of equality of chances, democratic procedures, and
children’s rights; monitoring the impact of safety and health regulations
and preventative measures; co-operation with parents; and the openness of the school to its environment.
3. School management, namely the head teacher’s efforts, organizational
structures, pedagogical supervision, pupils’ and parents’ accessibility
to information, advertising strategies, school facilities and buildings,
and finances.
Some of these factors are subjected to internal evaluation, routinely performed by the head teacher, whereas others are the object of external scrutiny
on the part of inspectors delegated by a supervising body. These inspectors are
obliged to produce an appropriate report related to internal accounts, which
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is given to all concerned parties. In addition to indicators traditionally measured in internal evaluation, such as the percentage of pupils promoted to the
next form, average marks, or the number of participants in special subject
competitions, new categories of criteria have been introduced, such as the
degree of parental satisfaction with a given school, pupils’ and teachers’ wellbeing, etc. Never before have such elements of school life been measured; they
had existed merely in the realm of ideas and wishful thinking.
In addition to these innovations, great emphasis has been placed on the
significance of external examinations, which have been introduced in all types
of school as a consequence of their extended autonomy. While each school is
permitted to use different techniques and materials, it is at the same time
obliged to conform to certain general norms, assessed in the course of these
external examinations. These norms are designed by the Ministry of Education
equally for all schools at the same level. Thus, the achievements of particular
schools can be easily compared. This comparison is not only a means to assess
their performance, but also, and more importantly, diagnoses their problems
and provides a valuable overview, hopefully leading to substantial developments in the quality of education.
The external evaluation system is coordinated by the Central Examination
Committee together with regional examination boards. Their responsibilities
comprise procedures such as preparation, administration, and evaluation of
tests; coordination of their contents and administrative procedures, timing,
or supervision; and finally communication of the results to the concerned
parties. Hence, the institutions obtain their data and the pupils obtain a record
of their progress. Such tests are administered at the end of primary school and
lower secondary levels with similar requirements and objectives. Furthermore,
the final lower secondary school exams indicate the kind of upper secondary
school that a given pupil should attend. After the upper secondary level, pupils
are required to sit the final examination, matura (equivalent to English Alevels). It is now also an external examination. The existence of a matura-examination as such, however, is not a novelty and it is deeply rooted in the
educational tradition of Poland. It is also worth noting that the outcome of the
external examinations additionally results in the designing of programmes that
adequately prepare teachers in a given region.
3. THE CURRENT SCHOOL SYSTEM
The longstanding structure of the school system created in the Educational
Act of 1961 was finally abandoned by means of a comprehensive reform
project in 1999. A four-level structure was introduced:
– primary level of six years, compulsory for children from seven years of
age onwards;
– lower secondary level of three years, compulsory for all pupils – this
level is a novelty in the system;
– upper secondary level of between two and four years with academic,
comprehensive, and vocational courses;
– a differentiated system of higher education. State institutions of higher
education are free of charge, whereas other forms of education at
higher level have to be paid for. The number of private institutions is
growing. Currently about 30% of all students attend one of the 252
non-public establishments of higher education (GUS 2003).
All levels are free of charge, except evening courses, distance learning (via
the Internet, television, or radio), and extramural courses at universities. Pupils
of all levels have to pay for textbooks and other school materials.
Preschool education
Kindergartens constitute an integral part of Poland’s education system.
Children between three and six years of age attend independent preschool
institutions, as well as preschool departments at primary schools. The latter
are classes for six-year-olds, which are called the ‘zero’ year. ‘Five-hour-a-day’
care and the instruction provided at the basic level are free of charge, whereas any additional time in pre-primary education as well as meals must be paid
for by parents. However, the places available at preschool level are still insufficient, especially because of the crisis of the 1990s caused a great number of
schools to be closed down. In 1988, i.e. in the last years of the communist regime, 52% of all children attended preschool institutions, whereas by 1993 the
percentage had dropped to 42% (cf. Bogaj/Kwiatkowski/Szymański 1997).
There was a slight increase in 1995, however. The data for 1998 for children
between the ages of three and five shows that less than 30% of children in this
age bracket attended preschool institutions. It was the high attendance of six-
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year-olds (97%) that significantly improved the overall statistics (GUS 2001,
p.257). Apparently, the crisis had its roots in transitory difficulties during the
period of political and economic change, such as increasing unemployment,
especially among women, skyrocketing fees, and financial crises at the level of
local administration.
Preschool education, similar to other levels, is furnished with its own curriculum, which places special emphasis on the promotion of health and the
development of creativity and psychomotor skills.
Primary education
In 1999, the former primary school of eight years was reduced to six. In
2001–02, there were 15,693 primary schools with a total of 3,141,569 pupils
(MEN 2002, p.8). Compared to 1990, when the number of pupils was at the
level of 5,287,000, a dramatic decrease is evident, which is not only due to the
fact that primary education ‘lost’ two years, but also due to demographic
changes.
Within the six-years period of primary education there is a clear division:
years 1 to 3 offer integrated instruction whereas in years 4 to 6 there are specific subjects. In the first stage, one teacher teaches all subjects; in addition to
a weekly total of eighteen hours of learning time, two hours are dedicated to
religious education or ethics. The head teacher may, furthermore, allot four
hours to additional courses, such as foreign languages or computer studies.
The statutory maximum, however, is twenty-three hours per week. Any additional classes must therefore be regarded as optional. According to the
newly established regulations, each of the two terms at this level must be
concluded with a descriptive mark. In years 4 to 6, the particular subjects are
marked on a numeric scale ranging from 6 (the best) to 1.
In the fourth year, instruction is organized in three modules: sciences,
humanities, and technical subjects. Particular subjects are interwoven with
‘educational paths’, which are not subjects, but rather certain fields of study
mandatory for teachers of all subjects (e.g. health, ecology, media, and social
education). At this level, pupils are required to receive a minimum of twentytwo hours tuition per week, plus two hours of religious education or ethics
and three hours to be allocated by the head teacher. The maximum time spent
in compulsory education must not exceed twenty-eight hours per week.
Teaching contents have also been significantly improved. More emphasis
is placed on social and ecological education, or foreign languages and computer studies. There is also a tendency to make these subjects compulsory from
the first year onwards. It seems that the only constraints, especially in the expansion of foreign languages and computer studies, are the shortages of subject
teachers, who instead of teaching in schools find better-paid jobs outside the
school. There is, nonetheless, a growing tendency to replace Russian and even
German with English. Between 1999 and 2000, the percentage of pupils learning English grew from 38% to 43%. German increased by only 0.1% to 19.7%
whereas the percentage of students learning Russian further declined from
11% to mere 6.6%. It is characteristic that pupils in rural areas learn Russian
much more often than those in urban areas. This is due to difficulties that
village schools have in attracting teachers of Western languages. Nevertheless,
the emerging dominance of English and German over Russian proves that the
deficiencies in language teaching are being gradually overcome. It is noteworthy that in 2000 English for the first time ranked first in vocational schools,
having ousted Russian.
Lower secondary education
This intermediate level was introduced in the school year 2000–01. Its name,
‘gimnazjum’, corresponds to that of similar institutions which existed in Poland
before World War II, and equivalent structures are also organically rooted in
the educational tradition of several EU countries. This educational stage has
been established in response to criticism levelled against the last two grades
of the former eight-year primary school. The new school has taken the obligatory subjects from years 7 and 8 of the former primary school, but it has also
been equipped with the above-mentioned learning fields (educational paths),
which are part of different subjects. In lower secondary education, however,
the scope of the educational paths was broadened by introducing philosophical, civil, regional, and European education, together with reflections about
the place of Polish culture in relation to the Mediterranean civilizations. At
this level, pupils are taught for thirty-one hours per week, with two additional hours to be allotted by the head teacher.
Although the introduction of the additional level has lengthened compulsory education by one year, it has also, according to several educationalists,
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decreased the chances of some of the weaker pupils of completing secondary
education. Pupils are permitted to conclude their education after the lower
secondary level, a phenomenon that may become especially apparent in rural
schools. Pupils in rural areas are additionally challenged by long distances, as
they may have to commute to their schools.
At the end of the third year, each pupil is required to sit an external examination divided into two parts: the Humanities and Science. This exam
constitutes a basis of pupils’ further educational career. There is a heavy emphasis on the supporting function of teachers, who are at this level obliged to
balance pupils’ chances and assist weaker pupils by giving them additional
instruction or advising them on learning strategies.
Upper secondary education
Changes at this level were introduced in the school year 2002–03. After fiery
debates and numerous revisions, the following types of school have been established:
– A three-year academic course (liceum ogólnokształcące), concluded by
a final examination called matura (baccalaureate), which enables pupils
to apply for a tertiary education programme.
– A three-year school with fourteen different career-oriented profiles
(liceum profilowane), which may be concluded by the matura examination, but whose main aim is to prepare adolescents for particular trades
(without providing vocational qualifications recognized by the labour
market).
– A four-year technical school (technikum), the graduates of which receive
a double qualification, namely both the matura and a vocational
qualification on the level of a technician.
– A two – or three-year vocational school, which trains qualified workers.
Every school that awards matura qualifications admits its pupils on the
basis of an entry examination. In vocational schools, the diploma of a qualified
worker may also be obtained in the form of apprenticeship with an industrial
company or in a craftsman’s trade.
The strategic aim of these innovations is to strengthen education at the
upper secondary level and, at the same time, to increase pupils’ chances of
entering higher education. By the school year 2010–11, 75% of all pupils are
expected to continue their education at the upper secondary level. In this way,
the standard qualification for young people is to be shifted from the vocational level (two years of secondary education, which 50% of all young people
attended in 1990) to the upper secondary level; the great majority of adolescents should thus acquire the matura diploma.
Such a shift naturally leads to decrease in the number of certain types of
schools and to expansion of other types. Many of the structural changes necessary in this respect have already been implemented. In the school year
1989–90, only 48.4% of pupils chose academic and technical courses concluding with the matura examination, while vocational schools admitted as many
as 45.6%. By the 2000–01 however, the percentage of pupils in vocational
schools had dropped to 23% (GUS 2001). As 97.6% of all primary-school
pupils enter the secondary level, it is evident that the percentage of pupils in
schools leading up to the matura was at the level of 74.6% in 2000–01. For
female pupils, the percentage was even higher, namely 83%.
Comprehensive secondary schools
Comprehensive secondary schools offer academic programmes that over
a period of three years prepare pupils for the final external examination,
matura, which enables them to enter higher education. Their curriculum
encompasses a broad spectrum of compulsory subjects, such as Polish; two
foreign languages; Mathematics; Social studies; History; Geography; Chemistry; Technology, including Computer Studies; Fine Arts; Music; Physical
Education; and Civic Studies. The educational programmes are also streamlined into certain profiles corresponding to the pupils’ interests and preferences. The general profile attracts 63% of all pupils; the mathematical, 13%;
languages, 8.6%; and science, 8%. There are also optional classes and clubs
designed to foster particular abilities, such as philosophy, ethics, current
affairs, law, economics, computer science, ecology, pedagogy, and psychology.
Furthermore, since 1991, there are bilingual classes in secondary schools
(now on the gimnazjum, and the liceum-level and even in a few primary
schools). According to data supplied by the Co-operative European Comenius
Research project in bilingual education, there existed, in 2004, ninety-eight
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bilingual classes, among them forty with English and thirty-six with German
profile (www.mobidic.org). Their graduates may, in addition, obtain international and linguistic experience.
All graduates of upper secondary school may, but are not obliged, to sit the
final matura examination. It is possible to leave school with a simple ‘certificate
of secondary education’, without the right to enter institutions of higher education. However, 98.7% of all graduates sit in the final examination, and 94.1%
pass it.
Vocational schools
Vocational schools comprise, on the one hand, four-year schools with technical profiles, which are concluded with the optional matura examination (in
recent years, 78% of the students in technikum passed it), and, on the other
hand, basic technical schools with a two-year curriculum, which train qualified workers in general and specialized profiles. The general profile focuses
on the stimulation of pupils’ learning capacities, and places less emphasis on
the acquisition of knowledge. The latter takes up merely 35% of the pupils’
workload. The specialized profiles are closely linked to the requirements of
the job market and are thus mostly tailored to expectations of local employers, with as much as 65% of school time devoted to skills corresponding to
these requirements. A part of the less specialized practical training takes place
within the schools and the rest in factories or workshops. However, the system
promotes acquisition of skills in target locations, striving to abandon the
long-standing system of school workshops, where pupils merely dealt with
substitutes or simulation of reality. Both practical training and theoretical
instruction are concluded with external examinations, mostly outlined by
future employers, which bestow on graduates the diploma of a qualified
worker and a certificate of general education, thereby enabling them to continue their education and obtain further qualification at regular, evening, or
extramural institutions.
The high level of unemployment of about 30% among young people up to
the age of twenty-four (half of them being graduates of vocational schools)
encouraged the authorities to seek to enhance the mobility of the workforce
in Poland by strengthening advisory institutions that are to assist in looking
for alternative employment and educational schemes.
Special education schools
In 2002–03 there were 783 special schools at primary level and 214 special
departments at primary schools, with a total of 48,029 pupils (GUS 2003).
A comparable number of children attended integrated classes. The two figures
added up constitute 2.5% of the total of pupils at primary level, which experts
consider insufficient. Among the total of fifteen to twenty pupils in integrated
classes, between three and five children are disabled. There is an option of two
teachers per class, one of whom must be a special care pedagogue. About 3%
of all disabled children continue their education in vocational schools
(Pachociński 2000). Institutions employing disabled people are entitled to tax
discounts and other privileges.
Post-secondary and tertiary education
Since the political breakthrough of the 1990s, higher education in Poland has
been developing rapidly (Hörner 2002b). Between the years 1990 and 2003,
the number of students in higher education rose from 403,000 to 1,800,000,
and the number of institutions increased from 112 to 377. Such expansion was
made possible by structural diversification (among others, by introducing new
three-year colleges) on the one hand, and by the authorization of private institutions of higher education, on the other. Thus, out of 377 institutions of
higher education, 252 are in private hands, 103 of which are colleges. In 2003,
already 29% of all students attended private schools (GUS 2003).
In addition to the certificate of the matura examination, Polish institutions
of higher education require further forms of entrance selection by administering entrance examinations, interviews, or the selection of the highest scoring
candidates. In private institutions, there is usually no preliminary assessment,
and progress is instead evaluated in the course of the students’ studies.
An alternative to academic studies is the post-secondary sector, which
offers, in most cases, a two-year higher vocational qualification to all graduates
of upper-secondary education. The demand for this track is growing. As the
number of graduates in secondary general education has doubled over the last
ten years, more and more of these graduates are entering non-academic postsecondary education: in 2003 almost 70% of all graduates of secondary general education did so. However, this increase was only made possible by
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a growing number of private institutions in this field. In 2003, private institutions were responsible for 44% of the students in post-secondary education
(GUS 2004).
4. EVALUATION IN THE POLISH SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
Evaluation, perceived as collecting, analysing, interpreting and formulating
conclusions, determines the range of actions that must be undertaken in
order to perform a methodical assessment of achievements of an examined
school. The process is concerned with the measuring of the quality of work
by displaying its weak and strong points. According to the instruction issued
by The Ministry of Education on 13 Aug 1999 concerning pedagogical supervision, internal and external evaluation serves as an instrument for establishing the degree to which a given school fulfils its obligations delineated as:
1. Effects of instruction (graduates, end-school and comparative examination results, input – output comparison, results of yearly promotions,
level of instruction, results of competitions, graduates’ level of efficiency).
2. Organisation and administration of instruction and care (recruitment,
didactic process, atmosphere at school, pupils’ home environment,
social care and support, manners, attendance, equal chances, democracy, self-governance, complying with children’s rights, healthy and safe
school environment, preventative measures, future planning, co-operation with parents, openness).
3. Management (head-teacher’s work, managerial structure, organisation of the school, pedagogical supervision, information and advertising procedures, the site, facilities and the building, financial situation).
A part of the aforesaid areas of interest is customarily scrutinised internally as a consequence of head teacher’s duties, who is duty-bound to outline,
organise and administer the procedures measuring the quality of instruction,
to draw up reports, safeguard the the resulting documentation and forward
the outcome of the procedures to concerned parties, such as the School Council, Parents’ Council, Pupils’ Council and external administrative bodies.
External evaluation is administered by the employees of supervising institutions by the application of inter-school standards, whose comparison is
supposed to result in a report, customarily crossed-referenced with internal
evaluation reports and routinely laid out for analysis of the concerned parties,
the head teacher, teachers, parents’ representatives and pupils. Traditional
internal indicators such as: the percentage of promoted pupils, mark comparison tables, percentage of graduates continuing their education, the number
of competition winners etc. have now been amplified by additional items such
as: the degree of parental satisfaction from their choice of school, pupils’ and
teachers’ wellbeing, the degree of satisfaction. The new markers of quality have
never been measured before, previously existing solely in the realms of postulates and ideas.
External examinations play a crucial role in the process of evaluation. They
have been introduced to each type of school as a natural consequence of increased school autonomy, in which each school is entitled to create their own
syllabuses for particular classes on the basis of national curricular framework.
Therefore, identical criteria and procedures must be applied to evaluating all
pupils in the system in order to avoid excessive diversification of contents and
levels and compare achievements of pupils within a given school, as well as
between different schools. The introduction of tests at the end of each stage
and examinations at the beginning of each following stage has led to enhanced
comparability of certificates and to the improvement of pre-orienting tactics.
Furthermore, the inevitable monitoring procedures stimulate both pupils and
teachers, leading to improvements in the level of educational effort (Reforma…, 1998, p. 10).
External evaluation procedures are organized by Central Examination
Board in co-operation with local examination boards. They decide on requirements and notify the public about the nature of their decisions, prepare tasks,
administer tests and examinations, assess them and forward results to the involved persons and institutions. On termination of each stage pupils have the
chance to learn the results of their knowledge and skills, by being given the
number of obtained points and the insight into which areas need improving
and which they have already mastered. The results also prove extremely useful
for educational authorities, who attain vital information about the quality work
at a given school and may appropriately react in order to balance the level and
value of instruction, as well as to prescribe a suitable programme of professional development of teachers in a given school or a given region.
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Moreover, A-level examinations have gained importance, since their results
are meant to be respected by universities and colleges as reliable indicators of
pupils’ aptitude.
It is still too early to interpret the introduced changes. The new procedures
have not yet been properly assimilated and what is more the concept of standardised evaluation is still only partially recognised and integrated into teachers’
everyday practice.
Understandably, as with most novelties, the evident advantages are initially counterbalanced by reservations and suspicions such as:
– the majority of head teachers are not adequately qualified to devise
a reliable concept of quality assessment procedures at school. The same
applies to teachers, who are not prepared to evaluate their own undertakings (apart from didactic work);
– schools are faced with reluctance and serious objections towards the
introduction of internal quality evaluation procedures, which leads to
cases of reproduction of evaluation procedures from other schools or
to mere reinterpretation of results of external evaluation instigated by
school supervisors;
– the importance of internal evaluation is solely limited to figures with
little regard to the role it should play in the development of schools’
efficiency and their quality of work. Teachers fail to realise fully that
the data retrieved from evaluation procedures should constitute a basis
for the formation of didactic and educational undertakings and determine the level of efficiency of the undertakings accomplished so far.
5. CURRENT PROBLEMS, DISCUSSIONS, AND PERSPECTIVES
FOR DEVELOPMENT
The cost of the enforced changes in the economy became evident in the
sphere of education, leading to reductions of teaching hours, to drastic cuts in
the number of extracurricular activities (participation fell from 50% in 1989
to 28% in 1997), to increase in the number of pupils per class, and to closures
of many nursery schools. Vocational schools, supported by local industry,
underwent similar curtailments due to economic difficulties. Moreover, their
graduates found it hard to find employment.
Educational difficulties have surfaced mainly as a consequence of political
and economic transformations of the 1990s. Schools must cope with the high
number of unemployment among parents. Insufficient funding is especially
apparent in the area of preschool education, but also in primary schools, where
higher quality is only obtainable in private schools. There is also the ever-existing problem of inequality between urban and rural areas, further aggravated
by exceedingly poor financing in most rural areas, caused by growing deprivation and employment deficiencies.
A further dilemma has emerged with respect to the size of school administration and its painful adjustments, which are propelled by both economic
reasoning and endeavours to conform to European norms. School structures
are also being tailored to European norms. The newly created system of sixplus-three closely matches the French five-plus-four system, which is certainly not accidental (Hörner 2002a). The comparison of the education systems in the two countries reveals some intrinsic analogies beyond their
unquestionable historical affiliations (Hörner 2002a). There is however, an
enormous gap between Western European and Polish education, which is
apparent in teachers’ salaries, hampering their motivation and thus the progress
of the reforms. This in turn thwarts the course of integration. Moreover, any
additional work suggested by the reformative process, such as preparing the
curricula, is in reality difficult to implement, since most teachers are overworked and have to take up more than one job in order to make ends meet.
Such circumstances have impact on the quality of instruction, which, according to the PISA study of 2000, leaves much room for improvement. Nevertheless, the improved Polish results of the latest PISA survey (2003) foster hope
that the reform process is beginning to bear fruit.
Recent discussions have revolved around the problem of the new format
of the matura examination. Its introduction had been objected by parents for
a long time, but it was finally introduced in 2005. It seems however that the
system of central control and the homogenous criteria for the new matura
constitute an initial sign of integration into the future system of common
European educational norms. International research, such as PISA and Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 will certainly accelerate the ongoing processes.
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w Polsce. Osiągnięcia, przemiany, dylematy, Instytut Badań Edukacyjnych,
Warszawa.
FERENZ, K. (2000), Oczekiwania rodziców wobec szkoły w małych społecznościach
lokalnych, in: G. Miłkowska-Olejniczak, K. Uździcki (eds), Pedagogika wobec
przemian i reform oświatowych, Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej,
Zielona Góra.
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Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej 2001, Warszawa.
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Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej 2003, Warszawa.
GUS – GŁÓWNY URZĄD STATYSTYCZNY (eds.) (2004), Oświata i wychowanie
w roku szkolnym 2003/2004, Warszawa.
GUS – GŁÓWNY URZĄD STATYSTYCZNY (eds.) (2010), Oświata i wychowanie
w roku szkolnym 2009/2010, Warszawa.
HÖRNER, W., WOMPEL, I.R. (1994), Die polnische Schule im Umbruch. Das neue
polnische Bildungsgesetz im Kontext der gesellschaftlichen Veränderung, Wiesbaden.
HÖRNER, W. (2000a), Die polnische Bildungswesen auf dem Weg nach Europa? Zur
europäischen Dimension der polnischen Bildungsreformen, in: Bildung und Erziehung, no. 55.
HÖRNER, W. (2000b), Higher Education in Poland after 1989, in: L.R. Reuter,
H. Döbert (eds.), After Communism and Apartheid: Transformation of Education in Germany and South Africa, Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M.
KRASICKI, A. (2009), Proces Boloński – to już dziesięć lat, Fundacja Rozwoju Systemu Edukacji, Warszawa.
KUCHARSKA , CZ. (2005), Nauczyciel nowych czasów, in: Z. Andrzejak, L. Kacprzak,
K. Pająk (eds.), Polski system edukacji po reformie 1999 roku. Stan, perspektywy,
zagrożenia, Elipsa, Poznań-Warszawa.
LEWOWICKI, T. (1994), Przemiany oświaty. Szkice o ideach i praktyce edukacyjnej,
Żak, Warszawa.
MIERZEJEWSKI, D. (2005), Edukacja ponad podziałami. Europejska przestrzeń szkolnictwa wyższego, in: Z. Andrzejak, L. Kacprzak, K. Pająk (eds.), Polski system
edukacji po reformie 1999 roku. Stan, perspektywy, zagrożenia, Elipsa, PoznańWarszawa.
MEN (2002) – Ministerstwo Edukacji Narodowej: Edukacja. Raport 1997–2001,
Warszawa.
NOWOSAD, I. (2005), Die polnische Schule nach der Bildungsreform in der öffentli-
chen Meinung, in: P. Bachmaier, B. Blehova (eds.), Der kulturelle Umbruch in
Ostmitteleuropa, Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. – Berlin – Bruxelles – New York –
Oxford – Wien.
NOWOSAD, I., SZYMAŃSKI, M.S. (2010), Proces boloński a priorytet jakości
kształcenia nauczycieli w Polsce, in: Edukacja, no. (111) 3.
PACHOCIŃSKI, R. (2000), Współczesne systemy edukacyjne, Instytut badan Edukacyjnych. Warszawa.
PIWOWARSKI, R. (2002), Infrastruktura oświaty oraz potrzeby inwestycyjne szkolnictwa obowiązkowego, in: Instytut Spraw Publicznych (eds.), Zmiany w systemie oświaty. Wyniki badań empirycznych, Instytut Spraw Publicznych,
Warszawa.
ORGANIZACJA systemu edukacji w Polsce 2008/09, Euridice, in: http://eacea.ec.
europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/eurybase/eurybase_full_reports/
PL_PL.pdf
REFORMA SYTEMU EDUKACJI. Projekt MEN (1998), Warszawa.
REFORMA SYSTEMU EDUKACJI. Szkolnictwo ponadgimnazjalne (projekt –
materiały do dyskusji) (2000), Ministerstwo Edukacji Narodowej, Warszawa.
RĘKAWEK, A., Wokół standardów kształcenia, za: Instytut Spraw Publicznych, w: http://
www.isp.org.pl/files/15184530420359963001118066595.pdf
SZYMAŃSKI, M. (1993), Educational trends in Central and Eastern Europe, in: Bulletin of the International Bureau of Education, no. 286 /69, July-December.
SZYMAŃSKI, M.J. (2000), Kryzys i zmiana. Studia nad przemianami edukacyjnymi
w Polsce w latach dziewięćdziesiątych. Kraków.
Szymański, M., J. (2000), Studia i szkice z socjologii edukacji. Warszawa.
SZYMAŃSKI, M.J., NOWOSAD, I. (2006), Polish Education at the Time of Changes,
Oficyna Wydawnicza Uniwersytetu Zielonogórskiego, Zielona Góra – Kraków.
SZYMAŃSKI, M.S. (2005), Kształcenie i doskonalenie zawodowe nauczycieli
w Polsce – nowe wyzwania, in: W. Hörner. M.S. Szymański (eds.), Nauczyciel
i kształcenie nauczycieli. Zmiany i wyzwania, Żak, Warszawa.
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Soňa Kariková
The Issue of School Competence in the
Republic of Slovakia
This paper defines the term “school competence” at social, emotional and
cognitive level, which is used in all official documents in Slovakia related to
school education in primary schools. The two basic areas that comprise the
meaning the term, i.e. school maturity and school readiness, are described,
together with factors that influence deficiencies in maturity and in readiness
to cope with the role of a pupil. It also demonstrates consequences of the
deficiencies for the development of personality.
INTRODUCTION
Introduction into school life is an important social milestone on children‘s
lifepath. They enter a new environment, often the first social environment that
they recognize outside their family, which requires acquisition of a new social
role – a role of a pupil. The threshold is demarcated by the date of school registration, which in Slovakia usually falls on January and February for six-yearolds (if the sixth year is completed before August 31st of that same year). The
process is additionally confirmed by the ritual of admission into school on the
first festive day of the schoolyear.
The role is acquired automatically at a certain age and required by law,
so pupils are left with no choice. Apart form age, the level of development
constitutes another factor enabling children to enter school premises. As a rule,
The Issue of School Competence in the Republic of Slovakia
children expect school to be a fulfilling experience, be it in the wake of external
influence or their own imaginings. Looking forward to it as something new is
usually associated with positive emotional experience. However, the fact that
children enjoy school does not mean that they are capable of coping with its
demands and requirements. In this respect, it may be thoroughly disappointing
if school happens to fall short of children’s expectations, not only by failing to
bring joy and satisfaction, but also by delivering failure and disappointment.
This time marks a substantial change in children’s lifestyle by demanding
increased emphasis on their performance. So, it is crucial for the development
of children’s personality that their relationship with education is appropriately
established, as its quality may substantially affect their entire childhood. After
all, it is not only family, but also school that is held responsible for healthy,
emotional, cognitive and social development of young personalitities.
SCHOOL COMPETENCE
Age limit is not determined arbitrarily, but it is verified according to child’s
level of development. If predetermined requirements for starting school education are not met, the child is entitled to postpone compulsory schooling by
one year, which it will spend in a so called zero grade.
However, even in case of children fit to commence their education, the
process of adaptation to new school environment is not problem-free. There
is a number of concepts in psychological and educational literature discussing
the underlying causes which interfere with this process. Here are some of the
basic concepts relating to this issue:
1. School competence – such degree of physical and mental development
that allows children to be able to meet the demands of school environment without inflicting any harm to their physical and mental health.
(Kohoutek, 1996). The term was also used by Gajdošová and
Herényiová (1996), who maintain that it is a central term integrating
the concepts of maturity and readiness and, to some extent, distinguishing between skills learnt within corresponding developmental
processes and skills acquired in the course of supervised preparation
and rehearsal. The concept is also determined by children’s physical,
mental, social and emotional stability.
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2. Physical condition – depends on the pace of biological aging and on
physical maturity. It assesses weight and height and provides a degree
of visual and locomotive development as a prerequisite for writing and
reading.
3. Mental capacity – requires shift from play and task-completion oriented activities into activities that require observance of duties and
responsibilities.
Holistic perception diminishes in the process and analytical, differential perception steps in, e.g. the child starts prefering form to colour, its
thinking becomes more analytical, permeated with the ability to capture essential features. There also occurs more complex development
of several primary mental skills, i.e. causal thinking, visual, acoustic,
shape and space develop.
4. Emotional competence – relative emotional stability, withdrawal from
impulsive reactions and excessive excitement.
5. Social competence – reflected in the need to meet other children or
groups of children and comply with their principles and interests, as
well as in independence from parents, self sufficiency and responsibility for school duties.
The term school competence is also officially represented in § 19 of the Education Law of Ministry of Education of the Republic of Slovakia (2008) and is
defined as “a summary of mental, physical and social skills that allow children to
become pupils and is a prerequisite for entering into the educational process.”
Closer analysis of the term school competence reveals two groups of reasons
for the suspension of enrollment. One is linked to the development of the
central nervous system, and the other is based on reasons related to social environment. In some cases, these causes are linked and mutually conditioned.
Below, we will focus on these two causes, labelled as school maturity and school
readiness.
The term school maturity has in its strict sense been associated with biological
maturation of the central nervous system, which is often dependent on age. More
broadly, it is defined as “attainment of such developmental level which makes it
possible to fully participate in school procedures and successfully cope with
school requirements” (Langmeier, Křejčířová, 1998). The concept differs from
the concept of school readiness in the sense that the latter is mainly linked to social
conditions and environmental stimuli and is mostly associated with the second
mechanism of psychological development, i.e. learning.
1. SCHOOL MATURITY – THE MATURITY OF THE CENTRAL
NERVOUS SYSTEM
There are numerous developmental changes that are subject to maturation
and most of them are important for successful coping with the role of a pupil
at the age of 6 or 7 years. Therefore, below we will focus on some of the areas
of psychological development which are subject to maturation of the central
nervous system and highlight the consequences of certain features of immaturity, as well as their impact on children‘s personality.
The process of maturation is therefore a dynamic aspect of evolution, because evolution involves an element of the developmental process. Therefore,
the diagnosis of immaturity of the central nervous system equals recommendation to postpone the school entry, on the basis of an assumption that children who are not suffering from intellect malfunctions will mature successfully.
The issue of readiness for school is a theme that dates back to the 17th
century, when J A. Comenius recommended that children should enter school
at the age of 6, but with respect to their individual differences. In the 1920s of
the 20th century we encounter this term in the writings of the representatives
of the so-called Vienna psychological school. In the 1960s of the last century
several publications on this topic appeared in Czechoslovakia, especially in
the works by Langmeier, Jirásek, Kern, but also Matějček, who also conducted a number of studies focusing on the issue of school readiness.
The process of maturation of a young organism, especially of its central
nervous system, is reflected in several areas affecting emotions, socialization
and school performance. Below, we will describe the causes of the immaturity
of the central nervous system, as well as areas related to environment and
educational requirements that depend on the maturity
1.1. Causes of immaturity of the central nervous system
Age – although the bordeline of school entry is the age of 6 (if the sixth year
is completed before August 31st of that same year), there are often significant
differences between six-year-old children. The differences, resulting from their
date of birth (from September of previous year to August), may have an impact
on overall maturation of the central nervous system.
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Gender – as early as in the 1970s of the last century Matějček and Langmeier (Říčan, Křejčířová, et al., 1995) pointed to the fact that boys who are
enternig elementary school are approximately four months delayed in their
development and that their development is less balanced in comparison to
girls. Boys are more frequently diagnosed as immature when entering elementary school and their school results in the first grade tend to be worse. Differences in the development between boys and girls are real and may be explained
by different construction and functionality of their brain.
These developmental intersexual differences may also be explained by
different pace of maturation of the central nervous system, since the effects of
prenatal hormones (testosterone production) generally slow the process of
maturation of the central nervous system among boys. There also occurs an
earlier functional differentiation of the right hemisphere, which is responsible
for the development of the spatial orientation, of acquisition of sounds and
psychomotor activity among boys. At the same time, the left hemisphere,
which is related to the perception of speech, matures slower. Therefore, some
specific developmental disorders, particularly in this area, are more common
among boys.
Somatic health and development – many research findings have repeatedly
established the relationship between overall health status, physical maturity
and school readiness. Physically weaker children, due to a prolonged somatic
disease may cause problems in coping with everyday stress in the first year
(regular getting up, insufficient time for rest). Characteristically, these children
often need a afternoon nap. The research findings by Jirásek and Tichá (1968),
showed a statistically significant relationship between physical maturity and
achievements at the beginning of school (Švancara, et al. 1974).
Early organic brain damage – this aspect of development is most frequently
mentioned in connection with the problems of hyperactivity. However, organic damage inflicted by mild, local brain injury has an impact on overall rate
of the process of maturing of the central nervous system. Such damage may
occur even during prenatal development, mainly due to poor maternal diet,
but also because of infectious diseases, Rh incompatibility, high-risk pregnancy etc. It may also occur during childbirth, especially due to various
complications, but also due to fetal neonatal jaundice intoxication. After birth,
head injuries, particularly in the prefrontal area of the brain, are among the
most frequent causes, whereas inflamatory bowel diseases or significant deficiencies in food intake are considered as additional risk factors. Deficiencies
in oxygen supply, be it in prenatal, natal or early post-natal period, constitute
yet another risk factor.
1.2. Manisfestations of central nervous system immaturity in school
environment
Reduced emotional stability and self-control manifests itself in increased emotional irritation, mood swings and reduced tolerance to stress. Extreme emotional responses are reflected in excessive and very rapid changes of mood.
Typically, children often move from euphoria to a surly mood and denial of
surrounding events. Their increased reactivity is often associated with hyperactivity and impulsivity, which amplify the risk of negative attitudes of the
environment (classmates, teachers) towards such children.
The level of self-control and emotional stability also affects the degree of
utilization and application of cognitive skills. Immature, mostly reactive control is aimed at achieving instant satisfaction of needs. For such children, the
role of a pupil does not have sufficient motivational force, because it is subjectively perceived as burdensome. Immature children do not learn since this
activity fails to attract their interest and in terms of obligations such children
do not have sufficient understanding to complete them and the role of a pupil
definetely requires some extent of readiness for accepting responsibilities.
Reduced tolerance to stress is associated with increased fatigue that is manifested by typical self-control disorders, such as affective and sometimes aggressive reactions understood as defensive reactions in the face of stress.
Maturation of the central nervous system is therefore a prerequisite for
adequate adaptation to the school system. For immature children the mere
requirement to comply with the school system conveys considerable exhausting stress. For instance, sitting in the classroom or controlling responses are
excessively burdensome situations for immature children. In contrast, mature
children are more resilient and balanced, so for them, the load of stress provided by school environment is easily manageable.
Attention disorder is manifested by difficulties in concentration, in auditory
and visual aspect, in undesirable involvement of psychomotor system, in
cognitive processes (e. g. the child runs around in classroom, turns around,
plays with fingers, and dangles in the chair, when its focus should be directed
at specific work tasks). Attention disorder is also reflected in the fact that
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a child is unable to complete one operation and already starts focusing on
something else. Poor attention and increased fatigue leads to inability to
concentrate on tasks for longer time. In this context, maturity becomes a condition for better learning and also for higher evaluated performance. Therefore,
for mature children, the role of a pupil becomes not only easier but also more
satisfying.
Visual and psychomotor coordination disorder also arises from minor neurological deviations and is reflected in poor coordination of movements, symmetry defects, and difficulties in directional orientation. Immature children
lag behind in the selection of the preferred hand, laterality, ambidexterity (the
ability to use both hands equally) and the signs of a so called cross laterality
are more frequently found among them.
Ambiguous laterality – clear-cut laterality is also important for speech perception as the speech centre is in most people located in the left cerebral
hemisphere (also among left-handed people), while the perception of individual speech sounds is provided the right cerebral hemisphere. This means
that school success requires coordination of both hemispheres, which depends
on the uniformity of the maturing process.
Deficiencies in gross motor movements manifest themselves mostly in loco
motor and sport activities. Any striking roughness of movements results in
social disadvantages. Clumsy children have low social status and other classmates consider them as ridiculous, particularly in the course of shaping social
contacts within the first-year social groups. Notably, the roughness and clumsiness is one of those features that are not so important for teachers as it is for
children.
Deficiencies in the fine motor movements are also a risk factor in early schooling. They are manifested in chaotic writing and drawing. Children often have
creased workbooks and sheets of paper they work on, which may also result
in impaired formation of positive self-image, especially when compared with
pupils who do not have these problems.
Deficiencies in differentiation of visual perception – as distance visual perception is better developed among immature children (Vágnerová, 2000),
activities that are aimed at seeing the close distance are more challenging to
them and require more concentration, which leads to greater effort. Therefore, the development of sight at close distance, which enables children to
make more accurate visual differentiation, is also a part of the process of
maturation. This means children are able to distinguish between similar
images better, especially between letters. Mature children have no problem
to distinguish details in the shape of a letter (e.g. between letters m and n or
F and T), as well as between different directions of shapes (e.g. to distinguish
letters b and d).
The process of brain maturation also affects the development of visual integration, i.e. the ability of complex perception. For example, mature children
are able to systematically review a particular object, see it as a whole, as well
as a set of details linked by certain relationships. This means that they are capable of simultaneous visual analysis and synthesis. This ability is a prerequisite
for learning to read and write.
Deficiencies in differentiation of auditory perception – the ability of auditory
differentiation matures on average at the age of 6.5. In this respect, immature
children display problems with distinguishing between phonemes, the sounds
of spoken language, thus suffer from a perceptual dysfunction of vital nature.
Consequently, these children have problems to distinguish similar-sounding
vowels, especially in the context of syllables or words.
The ability of sound analysis and synthesis is further developed at school,
where children learn to distinguish between sounds or syllables, as well as to
establish their order. Auditory stimuli have limited duration and cannot be
recalled (only if the teacher repeats them). Therefore, auditory perception is
significantly dependent on the quality of attention, which again is related to
the maturity of the central nervous system.
2. SCHOOL READINESS
When are children ready for smooth adaptation to school environment?
Apart from overall maturity of the central nervous system, it is also the ability
to cope with social and mental aspects of a newly adopted role that is an important aspect. This aspect is linked to the second mechanism of psychological development, i.e.learning.
Langmeier and Křejčírová (2006) maintain that besides the objective issue
of a successful integration into school activities, there is also a subjective aspect
of school entry, taken as a whole, which comes down to the requirement of
the right mental construction and emotional readiness to be motivated for
school work.
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Oravcová (2004) refers to this type of mental preparedness in the context
of the development of cognitive, manual and social framework. The components of mental preparedness involve the ability to cope with the acquisition
of mother tongue. On the other hand, learning mathematics requires the ability to handle multiplicity and master relations between objects in terms of size
and quantity. This in turn, involves general understanding of nature, technology and society. Readiness for work is reflected in the ability to concentrate and
pay adequate attention to concrete actions. Social and emotional readiness is
understood as adaptation to specific school contexts, i.e. to meet teachers’
requirements, to recognize their authority and to create a positive relationship
with classmates.
Vágnerová (2000) understands school readiness as such a level of socialization which allows for manageable fullfilment of a certain role, acceptable level
of communication and respect for common norms of behavior. A certain degree of cognitive maturity equals the ability to consider the level of concrete,
expected logical operations. Thus, school readiness must be understood on
two levels: social and mental (cognitive).
2.1. Social readiness
Entry to school brings change to the previous way of life and confronts children with a considerable number of new initiatives. Therefore, a certain level
of socialization is required, so that school does not constitute an excessive
burden. School naturally influences children in the area of socialization, but
in different way from family. Different qualities, skills and capabilities than
those related to teaching are required in this area.
Socially ready children can distinguish between different social roles and can
identify the type of behavior that bothers them. Thus, the first-year pupils
should know what appropriate behavior towards teachers is, and should also
be able to apply with it. Similarly, they should be able to apply appropriate
behaviour towards classmates.
To respect behavioural standards also includes the ability to comply with
current standards of behaviour, especially with the system of school values.
Children must know basic rules and must be able to obey them. When these
standards are explained and justified to children, (e.g. freedom of movement
during the lesson, asking for permission to answer a question, consumption
of food during lessons, using appropriate language…), they should be able to
abide by them. These standards may be somewhat different, more or less strict
in each class or school. It means that socially ready children should be able to
accept school rules, even though they tend to suppress their individual
needs.
Acceptance of the symmetric role of a classmate – children receive a symmetric
role of a classmate at school, in the sence that other pupils become their peers
with whom they often compare their onw self. They become equal members
of a group with the same rights and obligations and do not start school with
a special status. Position in the social group at school gradually builds up and
soon school team becomes an important social group in higher years. Classmates’ acceptance or refusal may have long-term impact on the development
of other social relationships inside and outside of school environment. At the
beginning of school, the position in the classroom depends on teacher’s attitude to a particular child which is automatically assimilated by his or her
classmates, which is in turn influenced by the child’s overall behavior, its enthusiasm, irritation, aggressiveness, selfishness etc.
Understanding the value and purpose of school education is also connected
with the process of socialization within family environment. If children fail to
understand its meaning, school becomes unnecessary liability that is respected only formally and therefore it is difficult internalize its standards and
requirements.
2.2. Mental Readiness
Education is a dominant function of school, which is primarily related to
mental and cognitive readiness to cope with tasks and requirements that are
associated with the learning process. This area includes mainly the mother
tongue, adequate vocabulary and the development of logical thinking. It is also
to some extent associated with the development graphomotor skills that are
implemented mostly through drawing during the pre-school period. Sufficient
development of drawing skills is a prerequisite for successful development of
writing.
Mental readiness demands transition from play to more permanent performance, to specific objectives and to awareness of duties and responsibilities. This inflicts significant changes in perception, i.e. holistic perception
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yields way in favour of differential and analytical, e.g. shape takes preference
over color. Thinking becomes analytical and the ability to capture essential
features of phenomena, together with the ability to reproduce (not just verbally) improves. Realistic view of facts increases while the importance of
imagination decreases, the proportion of logical memorizing increases and
vocabulary and its content fundamentally extends. Spontaneous interest in
letters and numbers is added. In addition, there is a more complex development in several areas and capabilities, such as in optical and acoustic differentiation, in recognition of shape and space, as well as in the development of
causal thinking.
Appropriate vocabulary and mother tongue skills – this requirement may
seem obvious at first sight, but there is a group of children who are far behind
in the area of school readiness. These children either grew up in an environment where the mother tongue was not used (e.g. minority groups of children
coming from socially disadvantaged backgrounds), or children who grew up
in stimuli-deprived family environment. For example, parents themselves had
poorly developed vocabulary, communicated minimally with children, did not
read to them, did not make them learn poems, proverbs, sayings, songs etc.
Mother tongue is connected to the area of basic concepts related to size,
quantity, direction, right-left orientation, naming primary colors etc. If a child
does not know its mother tongue sufficiently and is unable to understand many
details of its school environment, this may cause school failure.
If a child does not understand and know what the teacher says, he or she
has problems with orientation in different situations and thus behaves inadequately, then such a child is uncertain, has doubts and often gets negative
response from classmates. Good knowledge of native language allows children
to receive information relating to the presentation of the curriculum and to its
subsequent interpretation.
The development of cognitive processes – during the school entry period
children should be ready for change that is reflected in the following areas:
Decentralization – reducing the commitment to apparent creativity, ability
to develop and assess the reality of the situation from more perspectives, the
ability to reflect on their relationship and mutual views. Changing the approach to reality is also connected with the ability to understand that objects
and situations may change, but also have some permanent labels.
Conversation – is the ability to understand the permanence of a particular
object or of a set of objects, although their appearance is changing. Thus, the
specific logical operations are derived from the ability to accept volatility as
a basic feature of reality.
Reversibility – is understanding of various changes associated with the
knowledge that when we move something the situation changes, and that
when we return it, the situation is the same as before. This ability is linked
particularly to the field of mathematical thinking.
2.3. Causes of unpreparedness for school entry
Causes related to this area relate mainly to children’s social environment, with
family environment being the dominant factor. If the children have attended
pre-school, they are prepared for school entry within the implemented activities and educational program. Activities carried out in pre-school focus on
the development of the abovementioned areas. Children attending kindergarten develop social aspects of their personality, so that their adaptation to elementary school is smoother than this of children who come directly from
family environment and have not been separated from their mother for
longer periods of time. Of course, pre-school experience does not guarantee
sufficient preparedness to cope with school duties.
Stimulating family environment includes methods and content of communication, leisure activities and overall socio-cultural level in the family. There
are families who for various reasons attain low socio-cultural status, which is
also reflected in very simple rules of family life, inadequate problem solving
situations, lack of interest in children, passive leisure activities etc. I. Majorošová
(2007), who by means of the CHIPS method investigated cognitive development of children attending last year of kindergarten and searched for connection with the level of education of parents, adds some interesting details in this
regard. Namely, she noticed no significant difference in better performance of
those children whose mothers had university degree.
Parents‘ attitudes to education – parents have certain attitudes towards their
children’s school and education, which influence children’s motivation to
school work. However, parents can verbally say that education is important,
but their lifestyles and values are directed elsewhere. If a child fails to understand the meaning of school education and is not appraised for school success
at home, school becomes unnecessary liability which the child respects only
formally.
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3. INFLUENCE OF SCHOOL CAPACITY ON CHILD’S PERSONALITY
School entry is the beginning of continuous failures and psychological trauma
for immature and unprepared children. The resulting difficulties have not only
educational but also medical and psychological consequences.
One of them is also the development of identity associated with the assessment and views of other people who influence perception of children’s self,
mainly due to frequent criticism and failures experienced during the first
major change in their social status (the role of pupil), when children can create
negative picture of themselves. Consequently, such children expect criticism
and failure in any situation at school and this approach negatively affects their
motivation to learn. Moreover, in the first year of elementary school children
shape their relationship with classmates primarily on how they are perceived
and evaluated by the teacher. Thus, if immature children fail at schoal and
school creates only a “little room” for their praise, then such children should
be somehow appreciated at least for their efforts.
Defense mechanisms may be manifold. It could be shyness, but it could also
be increased aggression. Behavior which serves as a defense mechanism in
situations which cannot be handled otherwise is often difficult and inadequate.
It usually results in disruption of relationships with classmates and subsequent
educational problems.
School phobia and fear of school environment may be, especially among
anxious children, manifested also through symptoms that are labelled as school
phobia. It manifests itself in reluctant attendance, but it is different from truancy, as a phobic child wants to attend school, but it vomits in the morning,
suffers from abdominal pain, headache, fever and increased temperature. It
may be caused by the fear to leave home, fear of failure, but also by traumatic
experience from school. One of its features is that these symptoms occur during school days and retreat during holidays. Phobic states often appear in
children who are unfit to cope with the requirements of school or in those who
are strongly attached to their mother or another family member.
REFERENCES:
GAJDOŠOVÁ, E., HERÉNYIOVÁ, G. (1996), Kresebný test školskej spôsobilosti, Psych-
oinsight spol. s.r.o., Bratislava.
KOHOUTEK, R. (1996), Základy pedagogické psychologie, CERM, Brno.
LANGMEIER, J. , KREJČÍŘOVÁ, D. (1998), Vývojová psychologie, Grada, Praha,
LANGMEIER, J., KREJČÍŘOVÁ, D. (2006), Vývojová psychologie, vol. 2. aktualizované
vydání, Grada. Praha.
MAJOROŠOVÁ, Y. (2007), Školská zrelosť detí. Záverečná práca, PF UMB, Banská
Bystrica.
ORAVCOVÁ, J. (2004) Vývinová psychológia, IPV, Žilina.
ŘÍČAN, P., KREJČÍŘOVÁ, D., et al. (1991), Dětská klinická psychologie, Grada, Praha.
ŠVANCARA , J., et at. (1974), Diagnostika psychického vývoje, Avicenum, Praha.
VÁGNEROVÁ, M. (2000), Vývojová psychologie, Portál, Praha.
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as Pupils’
as Pupils’
Working
Working
Environment
Environment
Ewa Kobyłecka
On Difficulties in Recognising,
Understanding and Selecting Values in the
Process of School Education
The world of values is natural human environment, as values are related to
almost all experiences in which individuals confront virtues by either pursuing
or rejecting them. Sometimes axiological sensibility is weakened. On other
occasions, individuals see only some values and ignore or diminish other. So,
what is the role of school in inculcating the right system of values into its apprentices? Does it make pupils better, more aware of their existence, able to
find their place among other people?
School is one of major environments which satisfy children’s mental needs
and shape values and norms of social life. Pedagogical literature postulates that
educational institutions should prepare young generations to live in unknown
future, and at the same time to educate them in the spirit of peace, freedom,
tolerance and responsibility (Denek 2000, p. 45). At the beginning of the
twenty-first century, education system is facing new assignments arising from
profound political, social and cultural changes. Education in school should
enable individuals to become more and more perfect human beings, who
know and understand themselves and function well in a variety of interpersonal relationships.
The role of values in the process of education cannot be overestimated.
They are present in culture; they shape human personality. Values in the human world possess a “humanistic coefficient” as they are objects of individual
experience. They become just as they are perceived by people who use or
create values. There are things which have no value in themselves, but are
given some value by confrontation with people.
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Axiological beliefs are consciously accepted on the basis of recognition
provided by an individual’s experience. It is social norms and directives that
show what is appropriate, allowing each individual to identify deeds as good
or bad. Values are therefore inseparably connected with human public and
private life; they provide the motives and goals of all conscious actions. Without them, human existence would lose its deeper meaning.
At each stage of education, there is a value system that responds to the
needs and capabilities of pupils and society as such. The functions of the value
system include:
– integrative motivation toward a given activity, in the result of which
values give meaning to life and facilitate sorting out actions in perspective;
– orientation, in which values represent a criterion of evaluation and
orientation, subordinating them according to particular indications,
such as profit, happiness, truth or beauty;
– meta decisive (or determinative) function – values help to make a decision when there is a conflict of motives or reasons;
– socialization function – an individual is included in „motivational” life
of a community (for example, the function is fulfilled by ethical values,
social ideas, or values such as family, home, humanity);
– gratifying function – it is fulfilled by values which are the source of
deepest satisfaction (e.g., love objects); they help to maintain mental
balance and compensate for the lack of satisfaction in life (Kocowski
1991, pp. 116–117).
Raising pupils’ awareness in recognizing, understanding and selecting
values, as well as implementation of the above functions are important goals
and contents of institutional education, as well as pupils’ self-education.
The recognition of values should be a starting point of the educational
process seen from axiological perspective. It is an integral process that involves
intellect, emotions and imagination. Recognition means perceiving that
a phenomenon or a fact is occurring. Knowing, which also includes recognizing as an initiative part of knowing, is one of numerous types of human activity and includes realising.
There are many views on the possibilities of recognition. For example,
B. Griffiths claims that: „in order to get a deeper insight, we first have to use
intuition, and then to systematize and interpret our experiences in a logical
and rational way. […] The mere intuition can be deceptive, all strange fantasies
On Difficulties in Recognising, Understanding and Selecting Values in the Process of School Education
from the flash of intuition must always be corrected by reason. This is precisely how the brain functions: intuition is concentrated in the right hemisphere, while a logical approach to the problem – in the left. Only the cooperation of both hemispheres can give expected results (Griffiths 1995,
pp. 287–288).
Cognition is also called a mental act, which is to make and accept an intentional mental image of an object. Opinions on the cognition of values depend
on ontological approaches. The types of value existence correspond to ways
of their cognition. Rationalism assumes that values are recognised in the same
way as physical phenomena (extreme empiricism) or they are recognised in
a sensual/intellectual way, so that the perception of certain qualities is intellectually combined with the recognition of these values as an object or purpose
of our intentional acts (axiological empiricism); values existing as outside
entities or as existence adjuncts are recognized intellectually together with
their hierarchy (axiological intuitionism). However, axiological irrationalism
does not accept recognising values (Kamiński 1986, p. 16).
Understanding is a theoretical or practical recognition; it is a deeper recognition of the world. It represents a social, sociological, philosophical, historical, psychological, etc. phenomenon, and involves recognising connections
between effects and causes. In the holistic approach, understanding, as part of
the axiological vision of the world and humans, reaches a higher state of individual consciousness.
Understanding is based on the interpretation of the meaning and significance of symbols in conjunction with their context. It is a fundamental hermeneutical category. Hermeneutics is the art of interpretation, translation, explanation of the meaning and significance of symbols. Understanding the value
means grasping the meaning, together with its reference.
The subjects of education are positioned in “the axiological labyrinth”
(Morawski, 1986), where the collapse and annihilation of values, antinomies
of good and evil, symptomatic duality with its definite ontological references,
may occur. Opposite tendencies clash at school: self directing with control,
reproduction and compulsion with creativity, variety and freedom. It seems
that chaos, confusion, randomness, and difficulties in making the right
choices that lead to abandonment or imitation, are dominant in the process.
As a result, ”the educational system does not teach what is essential for the
society to survive – ethic attitudes, control over emotions and aggressive behaviour, or relations with other individuals” (Osiatyński, 2004, p. 19).
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Is the teacher able to support pupils in their axiological choices? He definitely is. However, general knowledge about values is not sufficient, as the
teacher should be able to be open to values in specific situations and to help
his or her pupils to open as well. Thus, expectations towards the teacher are
enormous. In A. Przecławska’s opinion, the teacher-educator must be able to
look at young people from their perspective and then confront this perspective
with his/her own world of values, bearing in mind that education is the process of ”two-way” communication and the rules should be presented to young
people in such a way that they can understand and internalize them
(Przecławska, 2008).
Undoubtedly, pupils have to choose values on their own and take responsibility for their own choices. However, meeting others (parents, teachers)
may be an impulse for young people to make and change their individual
choices.
Choices of values are determined by numerous factors, though they may
sometimes seem completely accidental. Definitely, difficulties in understanding
values play an important role in this process. Their basis is sometimes fundamental, e.g. how can one understand transcendental values which cannot be approached through understanding if not only through meditation? Also, it must
be pointed out that there is certain ambiguity in understanding values. Sometimes they are understood as a means to an end and sometimes as a goal.
Since 10th century German language has had the noun Wert that means
„something useful, important”. In French there has existed the word valeur that
means positive human features since 12th century. In Polish dictionaries the
word wartość (value) appeared in 18th century and it meant „something good
and valuable” (Puzynina, 1992, pp. 14–16).
Numerous authors have reviewed the definitions of values, including
M. Misztal (the revision of psychological, sociological and cultural definitions)
(Misztal, 1980, pp. 24–47) and G. Kloska (revision of relativistic, subjective,
relating, instrumental and cultural definitions) (Kloska, 1982, pp. 42–58).
Also, the author of this paper has presented definitions, types, classes and hierarchies of values in her previous publications (Kobyłecka, 2004).
Hanna Świda indicates three meanings of the concept: a) values as status
quo which human aspirations aim at; b) values as positively evaluated objects
of human attitudes; c) values as a general criterion on the basis of which various objects are considered to be worth positive evaluation (Świda, 1979,
p. 48).
According to J. Mariański, the value is of ”object-subject nature that includes something from the object and something from the subject that evaluates it” (Mariański, 1989, p. 163). It is subjective because it denotes ”attitude
to a given object connected with conviction that it can satisfy individual’s
needs either directly or indirectly. It also possesses an objective aspect, as it
depends on potential characteristics of a given object. The object’s outer
(objective) value is the function of subjective evaluation” (ibidem, p. 164).
The object of the value is what is evaluated, assessed and judged (Borowski,
1992, p. 80).
In ethics, a value may be defined as “a certain aspect of a relation potentially or practically taking place between an individual and others (the other
being may also constitute a relation itself), and it is always the aspect because
of which this being suits or may realistically suit the individual. […] Intellect
assesses beings as valuable, but they are valued and appreciated [or not] by
humans” (Rodziński, 1998, p. 21).
So, what are values? I personally prefer their general definition. Values are
all that human beings regard valuable and long for, aim at, want to achieve,
learn and multiply. Values are all that makes human life meaningful and rich;
they determine life goals (Rich, 1995, p. 1473)1.
The choice of values is a decision-making process and its description and
explanation needs referring to the theory of decision (Kozielecki, 1977)2.
There are three fundamental prerequisites for this process:
1) axiological insufficiency,
2) axiological problematicality,
3) axiological stupor.
Axiological insufficiency is not only a human natural aspiration to attain
certain values, but also a series of situationally conditioned and expected
events that are an escape from the existence which is liberation from boredom,
failures, conflicts, stress, dissatisfaction with own life, resistance, absurdity of
life that one is aware of to a larger or smaller extent, etc. Individuals are aware
of some insufficiency, they comprehend – at least partly – their circumstance
1
The author emphasizes that values play an important role in the process of cultural
transmission.
2
Also compare the definition of value: ”A quality or object is considered a value when it
is taken into account while making a decision”. S. Blackburn (1997), Oksfordzki słownik filozoficzny, translated by C. Ciesiński and others, Warszawa, Książka i Wiedza, p. 424.
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and consider making a decision of ethical nature. As M. Reut points out, ”when
one talks about an implied fact or about a consciously chosen fact, it also becomes an ethical fact” (Reut, 2004, p. 105). However, it is an ‘unstable’ ethical
fact, for according to E. Erikson, young people go through ‘uncertainty of their
own role’ ” during adolescence (Erikson, 2000).
Axiological insufficiency is often connected with experiencing axiological
problematicality. It usually appears where knowledge (theory) meets practice.
It is a well known ambivalence between ideals and specific real life circumstances, determined in philosophy by Plato and Aristotle. Ideals cannot be
fully applied to specific situations. Both the requirements of a given situation
and mental attitude to it, form a problem situation. However, in such circumstances there may appear a “clearance” of the applicable ideal, the highest
values of truth, good and beauty, which support the axiological choice and
make it responsible.
Another phenomenon is the so called ”axiological callousness”. When
someone is mugged in the city centre, severely beaten and “maltreated”, but
nobody helps, or when someone is drowning and a crowd is just watching from
the river bank, or when a pupil has learning difficulties and falls back, but
nobody wants to help (he/she is not attractive for their peers), or when a girl
is teased by boys, but none of her classmates stands up for her (as they do not
want to get into trouble with stronger pupils).
In his research into the values of secondary school pupils Mirosław
J. Szymański observed that there are no ”distinct dominants in pupils’ system
of values” (Szymański, 2000, p. 137). My own observations support his findings. Nonexistent ”distinct dominants” of values and lack of „an essential
centre of gravity which would stabilize life orientations” (ibidem, p. 137) attest, if I am not wrong, the ambivalence of pupils’ choices of values evident in
their two most favoured groups of values: pro social and pleasure values (ibidem, p. 139).
Axiological relativism seems understandable in this situation: the value
appears in a specific situation and it is not an ideal that has been imposed or
consciously chosen and accepted in advance.
Axiological relativism is a consequence of young people’s struggle with the
needs typical of their age and with the basic need of becoming adults and accepting values from the world of adults.
Axiological fundamentalism is yet another form of pathology. According
to Z. Bauman, fundamentalism attempts to alleviate the suffering of an indi-
vidual ”doomed to tortures of responsibility for his/her own choices and their
consequences, to tortures of eternal uncertainty whether the choice was right
or not, whether he/she has abandoned a better choice” (Bauman, 2000,
p. 315). Axiological fundamentalism appears among teachers more often than
among pupils. It is opposite to axiological relativism.
Axiological blindness may be described as „a state of disorientation and
a feeling of uncertainty when making various decisions and choices (of the
philosophy of life, values, social roles, methods of self-realization, satisfying
own needs and aspirations)” (Kozakiewicz, 1998). According to M. Kozakiewicz, it is a feature of young people found by all researchers that have conducted research on this age group.
Axiological blindness may also be manifested in the acts of:
a) not perceiving values,
b) attachment only to some values and ignoring other,
c) axiological habits.
These varieties of the researched phenomenon may result from lack of
knowledge about values, from errors of unilateral – sometimes pathological
– upbringing in anti-values, habits and fascinations. A devoted sports fan is
a good example, as he sees only the positive qualities of his team and negative
in its opponents. This type of blindness, which may be called lack of tolerance,
is so powerful that it leads to fights and destruction or even murders. Axiological blindness is a phenomenon that is difficult to recognize empirically.
Psychologists say that before making an important decision an individual
hesitates, particularly when – as J. Kozielecki hypothetically assumes – there
are ”difficulties with assessing the usefulness of an alternative,” and when ”the
usefulness of risky alternatives is identical,” or when differences between these
alternatives are frail (Kozielecki, 1977, p. 232).
Contemporary culture “decides” to a large extent about axiological
choices of the subject of education. Zbyszko Melosik, one of the most
prominent researchers of this phenomenon, explains how the instant culture
of youth shapes young people (Melosik, 2005). ”The predominance of immediacy in contemporary culture, according to the researcher, exerts great
influence on the identity of young people’s lifestyles. Modern youth expects
immediacy, does not want and cannot wait. ‘Don’t postpone your life’ is the
dominant message of the ideology of consumption” (ibidem, p. 40). A global
teenager, pragmatic and skeptical towards all “high” ideas and values, is
a creation of postmodernist culture (ibidem, p. 41). Unfortunately, he/she
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does not always do well at school. Education is in deep crisis, as aggression is
a common phenomenon and pathologies and crimes, including serious ones,
percolate to the mass media on regular basis.
In the chaos of information pupils are often unable to make the right
choices. They face confusion and spiritual emptiness. An expert of the issue
concludes: ”In the pursuit of a new sense of continuity and identity young
people […] easily find themselves idols and ideals of all sorts” (Erikson, 2000,
p. 272).
Transformation of values has evident cultural, social and historical dimension. However, often unpredictable and ambivalent individual element cannot
be underestimated, especially when, after C.G. Jung, one assumes that there
exists collective and individual unconscious. This is a starting point for all
difficulties with generalizing facts, values and axiological choices. It is very
difficult, or often impossible, to generalize all that is individual. However, it is
possible to outline some tendencies, directions towards and from freedom
(Berlin, 1994).
According to my observations, changes in teachers and pupils’ selection of
values indicate the supremacy of choices of values over various norms, orders
and regulations that limit pupils’ freedom. There is a common belief among
teachers that they need to liberate from imposed professional behaviour that
is openly or secretly contradictory to their own axiological beliefs. Both teachers and pupils seek autonomy of their own educational conduct.
Yet, according to Otto Speck ”autonomy, as individual’s self-obligation to
moral conduct, does not develop by itself, but must be mediated” (Speck,
2005, p. 225). This leads to the conclusion that “morality, understood as values
and norms, must be verified, justified and defended. This is the goal of education” (ibidem, p. 225).
Following the humanist approach that “the rule of autonomy is the basis
for development and education” (ibidem, p. 223), we may assume that the
selection of values is also based on this rule. However in my opinion, the rule
of autonomy should be connected with various higher and lower states of
pupils’ awareness (Wilber, 1997). The egocentric state of awareness undoubtedly makes the choice of higher values more difficult and it directs the pupils
towards narcissistic and egocentric anti values.
According to K. Wilber, egocentrism becomes impoverished in the sociocentric state of awareness. Individuals focus on a social group, usually family,
and appreciate love and other values, such as kindness, responsibility for oth-
ers, care, generosity and trustworthiness. The need for emotional contact plays
an important role in the process of selection of values. Emotional contact is
‘a mutual relation’ and it manifests itself in the fact that individuals feel that
they represent a value. Positive emotional contact makes people become
closer to each other. It enables them to experience sadness, sorrow and joy of
others (Obuchowski, 2000, p. 208).
Owing to the need for emotional contacts, the basic condition of effective
education understood as ‘acting-experiencing’ is fulfilled. This ‘acting-experiencing’ (Filek, 2001, p. 85) that creates a unity among subjects is not
possible without a close emotional contact between the teacher and the
pupil. Shortage of this contact brings negative effects in the following dimensions.
1. Upbringing transforms into pseudo upbringing, values into pseudo
values, which may also be called anti values or apparent values.
2. Fictional upbringing, which is materialization of pseudo upbringing,
manifests itself in the destruction of the unity of ‘acting’ and ‘experiencing’ (ibidem, p. 106). As for values, it is manifested in incorrect recognition of pupils’ needs, as well as in recognition, understanding and
attempts to accept and respect those values that ‘cannot convince pupils’. Teachers assume some imaginary axiological and educational
situation, which has nothing to do with reality. It often occurs when
they are attached to their ‘private educational theories’ and are convinced of their effectiveness (Brzezińska, 1996).
3. Alienated upbringing, which is another form of materialization of
pseudo upbringing, is synonymous to treating pupils instrumentally.
“Upbringing does not make sense for pupils, but serves as for example
of capturing…” (Filek, 2001, p. 110). Upbringing is not the main goal.
Upbringing also equals instrumentation when the goal, for example
values, is imposed from the outside.
Enslavement and capturing in upbringing and in the selection of values
may be contrasted with self-upbringing. Self-upbringing, executed by automatic choice of values, occurs only in the space of truth and in agreement with
individual’s own nature. According to A. Maslow, human beings become what
they are supposed to become (Maslow, 1970). However, they may overcome
various inner and outer manifestations of enslavement (particularly through
self-understanding), which are often expressed by egocentrism of the contemporary world of consumerism.
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Social and cultural changes at the time of globalization, expansion of post
modernistic ideas, instant culture, and rapid civilizational and educational
changes, all form specific background for difficulties and unilateralism in pupils’ selection of values. Sometimes, the difficulties are not easy to recognize,
particularly with reference to apparent negation of values.
Negation of values, so common among many pupils, is difficult to recognize
because negation often means affirmation of other values instead of their axiological rejection. It sometimes takes form of asymmetrical choice of other
values, where asymmetry equals lack of opposition. Thus, a given value is not
replaced with an anti value, but with a value which is located in semantic
neighbourhood of the negated value, so, to a certain degree, it is replaced with
a value that is synonymous or semantically subordinate. (I remember a lesson
of Polish on “Trilogy” by Henryk Sienkiewicz which I ran in secondary school.
During the lesson one of the students negated the value of patriotism, but at
the same time he suggested replacing patriotism with something different, for
example “good work for the benefit of all Polish people”.) Sometimes the semantics of negation and the choice of values become blurred; sometimes it is
just testing the teacher or helpless resistance.
As reality is ambivalent and ambiguous, so the choice of values becomes
difficult. It is also a praxeological issue. According to J. Gnitecki (2006, p. 165),
who quotes E. Leniewicz’s research (Leniewicz, 1968, p. 154), there are six
issues characteristic for praxeological pedagogy:
1. Choice of action3 (D) when the goal (C) and conditions (W) are
known.
2. Choice of conditions (W) when the goal (C) and action (D) are
known.
3. Realization of the goal (C) while searching the action (D) and conditions (W).
4. Determining the goal (C) when conditions (W) and actions (D) are
known.
5. Using conditions (W) when searching the goal (C) and actions (D).
6. Using actions (D) when searching the goal (C) and conditions (W).
There are significant differences in the choice of values between teachers
and pupils, with regard to C, W and D factors. Taking into account the conditions in which Polish school functions, one can say that it is characterized by
3
J. Gnitecki and E. Leniewicz use the concept of ‘selection’.
chaos. Comprehensive development of pupils turns out to be a myth that has
been proved by other research as well. As for goals of education, there is a discrepancy between curriculum and goals executed in the process of education.
Teachers are fully aware of the discrepancy. Also pupils have their hidden
teleological syllabus. Here are their most common attitudes:
– I learn because I have to (pressure from parents, school, environment);
– I learn because it is appropriate;
– I learn because I want to;
– I learn because I want to reach certain goals;
– I learn to get a school leaving certificate;
– I learn but sometimes I don’t – if I feel like;
– I don’t like learning, I rebel against teachers and school.
As the research indicates, pupils’ educational goals are not often convergent
with teachers’ educational goals (Męczkowska, 2002, pp. 50–53 and others).
The consequence of the above “teleological chaos” is evident in educational
acts conducted in different and changeable conditions. Contemporary school
is affected by individualistic culture based on “the philosophy of life which
emphasizes individuality, uniqueness, difference and competition” (Clarke,
2005, p. 71). This is one side of the analyzed phenomenon, which exists ambivalently. On the other hand, there are the tendencies of community, collectiveness, cooperation and understanding in a group.
According to some scientists, frustration that leads to aggression is a dangerous phenomenon. Frustration means “blocking an action oriented at a goal”
(ibidem, p. 106). Aggression, so common in Polish schools, has undoubtedly
numerous causes. It is or may be a side effect of transformation which is characterized by “the historic ignorance of the effects it brings or is going to bring”
(Bielska, Radziewicz-Winnicki, 2006, p. 70). According to Z. Bauman, modern
generation feels discontent in connection with a specific redundancy syndrome (Bauman, 2005).
Acording to L. Kołakowski, the phenomena of the post modernist era are
historically confirmed in “the relativistic corrosion of the European civilization” (Kołakowski, 1996, p. 99), expressed in the questioning of the concept
of truth in all areas of science and culture, and in replacing it with standards
of acceptability. According to the philosopher, the factors of “the decline of
standards” include rapidly increasing mobility, which had definitely triggered
the rise of instant culture and evaporation of family life, which destroys “the
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spiritual organization of space” and trust in tradition that “has provided humans with numerous basic norms and with belief in the order of things – the
source of sense” (ibidem, pp. 105–106); as well as with growing sense of
safety loss.
The return to the old order of things is impossible. However, the need for
Truth will never be eradicated form everyday life as well as from school and
education, as all are based on the foundation of Good. Plato claimed that all
existence is Good and many ancient and contemporary scientists followed his
line of reasoning (Reale, 1996). Michel Foucault maintains that individuals
are able to rebuild themselves and can build their own ethics. In this way, the
thinker departs from the theory of ‘the death of the subject’.
Any attempts to recognize and choose values are in my opinion vain or
superficial for those who usually live egocentrically and do not know themselves4, because values are inside of humans who are their administrators.
According to M. Scheler, one needs to ‘rise beyond self ’ and ‘make everything,
including oneself, an object of cognition’ (Scheler, 1975, p. 217), including
the values without which effective education is impossible (Łobocki, 2004,
p. 143). How can one ‘rise beyond self ’, beyond one’s own ego to recognize
values and choices made by teachers and pupils? It seems that phenomenological transcendental reduction may be a way to reach this goal. According to
E. Husserl, it guarantees absolute cognition in the acts of pure consciousness
(Husserl, 1967). According to phenomenologists, the direct experience which
enables to grasp the essence of the researched object is a source and basis of
cognition (Słownik pojęć filozoficznych, Roman Ingarden, 2001, p. 74). However, scientific cognition, especially in accordance with the phenomenological
method, is considerably different from common cognition and it is this type
of cognition that is applied by teachers and pupils in the course of selection of
values. The modernist requirement to substantiate each statement cannot be
applied here5. Especially, when we deal with a value expressed by means of
a metaphor which is a kind of ‘an aesthetic riddle’ (Stępniak, 1988, p. 172).
Besides, an aesthetic object itself, as R. Ingarden has found in his research, is
a creative recreation of artistic wholeness, it fills spaces that are indefinable,
4
As early as in ancient paideia self cognition was the condition and goal of education.
”Nowadays, it is generally assumed that in empirical sciences each substantiation leads
to statements that are only probable”. A. Bronk (1995), Fundamentalizm i antyfunadamentalizm, [in:] Filozofować dziś, red. A. Bronk, Lublin, TN KUL.
5
so that in numerous cases it appears different for individual recipients (Ingarden, 1966).
Thus, substantiating each materialization of art, aesthetic values with their
metaphorical choices seems impossible. The latter (metaphor) is subject to the
so called stylistic materialization of qualitative nature (Stępniak, 1988, p. 174).
There are ‘occasional’ and deep (Ingarden, 1970) complete aesthetic experiences. The former do not lead to constitution of an aesthetic object. Moreover, aesthetic objects cannot be constituted when there is no affirmative moment, which means there is no recognition for this object (ibidem, p. 102).
Evanescence and elusiveness of aesthetic experiences, devoid of affirmation
for works of art and lack of interest in reading matter, according to some researchers, form additional difficulties in researching the process of recognition
of aesthetic values even in qualitative depiction. However, it does not mean
that in these ‘deformed’ contacts with art, and in particular with literature,
pupils have no access to certain aesthetic qualities determining the quality of
proper values.
What aesthetic valuable qualities and positive valuable qualities may be
available to pupils in the ‘deformed’ process of recognition of a piece of literature? By means of R. Ingarden’s findings it is possible to list aesthetic valuable
qualities: symmetric, light, subtle, original, comic, soft, relaxing, sad, natural,
sincere, real, etc. There are also aesthetic valuable qualities in works of art that
are antagonistic to the above qualities, such as non symmetric, dark, rude,
banal, serious, hard, exciting, cheerful, artificial, false, elusive, etc. (ibidem,
p. 258). When dealing with a piece of art one can reach positive or negative
qualities of values which in my opinion may sometimes occur ambivalently.
The negative qualities are only partially noticeable, for example, while reading
for pleasure. Pairs of value qualities include: beauty versus ugliness, perfection
versus imperfection, sophistication versus commonness, truthfulness versus
elusiveness or falsity, etc.
Aesthetic values are connected with moral ones, as beauty is a kind of
perfection. Moral values serve human actions, decisions, intentions, plans and
personal ‘self ’ (Cichoń, 1996, p. 54). According to W. Cichoń:
“Moral values must be executed consciously. […] This consciousness should be
based on […] the knowledge of values, their recognition; the knowledge about the
values of own actions, as well as the values which can be alternatively executed. […]
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Ewa Kobyłecka
Human beings left without the cognition of moral values would not be able to choose
them consciously or implement them in a creative way” (ibidem, p. 56).
My research, observations of lessons and interviews with teachers indicate
that teachers and students are more familiar with aesthetic values than with
moral ones (Kobyłecka, 2002). In my opinion, it may be rooted in insufficient
education, development and self-development among teachers (cf. K. Olbrycht,
2008).
Although there is no clear borderline between aesthetic and moral values,
the choice of aesthetic values differs from the process of selecting moral values.
These differences may be analyzed both from theoretical and practical points
of view. The theory of values and their choice is too extensive to be presented
here in detail. But in a nutshell, it comes down to the fact that the choice of
values is connected with some knowledge about them, and on scientific level,
with a specific theory of values. For example, the pragmatic theory of values,
which identifies facts with values and values with facts, is fundamentally different from phenomenological, personality or post-modernist theories.
Cognition of a piece of art depends on the recipient’s attitude to it. An
exploratory (cognitive) attitude to a piece of literature is different from the
attitude of “the pure aesthetic consumer who does not explore the work, but
wishes to surrender to it and experience certain aesthetic ‘impressions’ ” (Ingarden, 1970, p. 105). They are not inseparable since “those who are only focus
on aesthetic impressions must somehow recognize a piece of art, but only to
the extent needed to trigger these impressions” (ibidem, p. 105).
Since the beginning of the 20 century, there has been some hesitancy in teaching literature in theory and practice with respect to students’ ‘compulsory’ attitude
towards a piece of literature: should it be an exploratory attitude or ‘pleasure’ attitude or maybe ‘exploratory and pleasure’ or ‘pleasure-exploratory’?
On the grounds of empirical research the following four dominant reading
strategies have been distinguished in teaching literature:
1) memory strategy – the main goal of reading is memorizing;
2) impressive strategy – reading a piece of literature is treated as entertainment;
3) critical-reflective strategy dominated by intellectual reflection;
4) aesthetic-exploratory strategy – reading is oriented towards comprehension of the gist as well as on artistic, aesthetic and universal values
of a piece of literature (Pasterniak, 1991, pp. 135–136).
There are also “mixed” strategies which combine the strategies listed above.
Preserved by the teacher and pupils’ style of work, they facilitate the choice of
values in a different way. Particularly strategies 2 and 4 are supportive of value
selection. Strategy 4 loses its effectiveness if only extracts are read.
Teachers of Polish and other humanities are particularly destined to help
pupils recognize the world of values6, in particular those who have high axiological competences. They include axiological knowledge used by the teacher
in the process of education, ability to recognize, hierarchize, choose and understand values, as well as the ability to accept and respect values (Kobyłecka,
2001). Additionally, these competences have to include the ability to create
such conditions that pupils are likely to make an effort to recognize, choose,
herarchize and understand values and to distinguish them from anti values.
Values create pandeia as an idea of humanity; they are often opposites in
the real and symbolic world. For example, the world of values of literary characters is different or even contrary to the world of values of Polish teachers,
which brings serious interpretative and educational consequences. It mainly
refers to the value of beauty, which is so important for understanding of art
that “artistic thinking without any idea of beauty cannot be understood”
(Tischner, 1986, p. 24). Beauty cannot be recognized under pressure; it can
only be recognized in freedom, which is not easily experienced and understood, especially in contemporary school.
Apart from knowledge and the ability to recognize and understand, axiological sensitivity is yet another factor that enables the choice of values. U. Ostrowska defines this sensitivity as “a human ability to evaluate impressions
coming from the outer world and/or the inner world of the organism in the
aspect of internationalized system of values and their hierarchy as the basis of
the subject’s conduct in the axiological space of anthroposphere” (Ostrowska
1998, p. 58). The researcher distinguishes four levels of axiological sensitivity:
1) lack of axiological sensitivity;
2) limited, lowered, partial axiological sensitivity (inappropriate to
a given situation);
3) proper axiological sensitivity (appropriate to a situation) or increased
axiological sensitivity (if required);
6
”Without axiological activity of teachers any changes in education have to fail or be
hampered”. K. Denek (2000), Aksjologiczne aspekty edukacji szkolnej, Toruń, Wydawnictwo
Adam Marszałek, p. 144.
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Ewa Kobyłecka
4) axiological oversensitivity (exaggerated axiological sensitivity”) (ibidem, p. 59).
I have established in my research that there also exists ambivalent axiological sensitivity, permeated with hesitation, indecision and ambiguity
(Kobyłecka, 2009).
Axiological sensitivity is a part of general existential sensitivity. Teachers
cannot communicate their axiological sensitivity to their pupils in fearful
circumstances. “Communication that results from fear simply creates more
fear. Such communication is a waste of time” – claims P. Peirce (2001, p. 329).
In particular, it refers to communication concerning beauty.
The choice of values occurs in specific educational and axiological situations, which nowadays can be difficult to identify and understand. Hans
G. Gadamer maintains that ”Reaching the awareness of a certain situation is
[…] a task of a specific level of difficulty” (Gadamer, 1993, p. 286). These
difficulties result from comprehension of a situation, deriving from the fact
that the teacher is always inside the situation and because of this cannot posses
any objective knowledge about it (ibidem, p. 286).
General considerations presented in this paper demonstrate how difficult
it is for the teacher to initiate and make decisions in the educational space,
which is twofold: on the one hand it is the teacher’s individual axiological
space and on the other hand it is a pupil’s individual axiological space.
Understanding and selection of values is connected with the discovery of
the sense of human existence. Values are located on the way to this discovery.
According to P. Tillich, “There is a deep fear for life in every human being – it
is not the fear that one may lose their life, it is not fear of death. It is the fear of
losing the meaning of life” (Tillich, 1994, p. 245). He also adds that ”Human
life is living in the sphere of sense” (ibidem, p. 245). It may only acquire such
shape if complicated ways of cognition, understanding, choosing, accepting
and respecting values are overcome.
In Poland’s educational institutions, there is still little teaching how to
recognize and understand values. However, more and more frequently some
ready-made programmes are implemented.
The international project Living Values: An Educational Programmme
LVEP, supported by UNESCO and sponsored by UNICEF is focused on the
cognition and study of twelve personal and social key values. These include:
peace, respect, love, tolerance, happiness, responsibility, cooperation, humility, honesty, simplicity, freedom and unity (Tillman 2004).
It is worthwhile for teachers-educators to learn about this project as well
as about similar offers concerning axiological education of children and adolescents.
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Maija Kokare, Zanda Rubene
A Child and Contemporary Schooling:
Exploring the Narratives of Teaching
and Learning
1. INTRODUCTION
The context of Latvia as a post-Soviet country, which finds expression in
a contradiction between pupils’ educational demands within democratic society and teachers’ professional competence developed within an authoritarian educational system, is nowadays supplemented with new challenges of
rapidly developing informational resources in education and changing economics. It means that the in sofar accepted approaches at school have to be
critically reconsidered. It also emphasizes the importance of investigation of
particular school and classroom practices for immediate analysis of what is
valuable and what is not in this turbulent situation in education, and what
makes particular cases become good or bad practices from children’s point of
view. The analysis in this study is based on two types of narratives: (1) narrative interviews with teachers about their professional experience and (2)
a narrative of one class in a secondary school.
The study outlines the importance of a social learning aspect in educational practice in Latvia, distinguishing it from the idea of collectivity employed by Soviet ideology in schools and also from the radical individualism
derived from the new economics (after re-independence of Latvia in 1991),
which has upgraded competitiveness to become a major educational goal.
Therefore, for the balancing perspective between the two fundamental goals
of democratic education – autonomy and ability to function as a member of
the society – the concept of a learning organization is chosen (yet rather as
124
a hallmark, not as an analytical tool). It comprises individual and social learning aspects, considering the mutual influence of a teacher, class and a particular pupil to all processes that are ongoing in a classroom and in a school.
For the purpose of this paper the term ‘schooling’ is taken to be an educational process (further: schooling) that considers all that occurs with a child
in a school.
Knowledge in postmodernism is no longer an aspiration to produce
truth, but rather an attempt to produce new ideas. (Lyotard, 1988/1979)
Therefore, the objective of the study is to explore narratives of teachers’ and
students’ particular practices to discuss the very important but ambiguous
question: what kind of schooling is valuable for a child in the contemporary
knowledge oriented society? The importance of the narrative approach to
schooling also derives from the context of Latvia as a post-Soviet country,
because through the narratives its society directly and indirectly characterizes the social processes that were not officially represented by the totalitarian society only a short time ago. (Skultāne, 2007) The depiction of ongoing
school practices in the form narratives reflects the insiders’ view to current
schooling.
2. TEACHERS ABOUT SCHOOLING
53 narrative interviews with teachers at various educational levels and age
groups from Latvian and Russian schools, representing both Riga, the capital
of Latvia, and also provinces, were analyzed within the study, by means of
content analysis designed to examine opinions about teachers’ professional
experience in educational practice. Interviews were divided into five groups,
and the distribution of respondents’ attitude to contemporary situation of
schooling in Latvia (in comparison with the Soviet period is expressed during
the interviews and illustrates the overall dispositions of selected respondents
regarding the current situation at school) is demonstrated in figure 1.
Content analysis shows that although the smallest part of respondents
appreciate the new tendencies in schooling. Those teachers acknowledge their
own role in developing education, the necessity of continuous learning and
the importance of increasing their professionalism:
A Child and Contemporary Schooling: Exploring the Narratives of Teaching and Learning
positive
7
0%
rather positive
than negative
13
10%
20%
neutral
rather negative
than positive
5
30%
40%
negative
14
50%
60%
14
70%
80%
90%
100%
Figure 1. Respondents’ attitude to contemporary situation of schooling in Latvia
“… during Soviet times there were strict requirements, but now teachers can
freely find themselves professionally…”
“…[in Soviet times] it was important to be obedient, kind, smart and disciplined.
Now, I could say, it is more important to be creative, thoughtful and critical…”
“…nowadays students are more self-confident and active…communication
among students and teachers is freer, more creative and individual…”
“…a teacher can not imagine that she/he knows and can do everything now…
all the time there is something new… but I have to learn with these changes and I have
to completely change my approach and methods…”
Teachers in their stories generally demonstrated interest in their work and
satisfaction with their choice of professional career:
“…I see the product of my work and so I understand that my work has not been
fruitless…”
Nevertheless, the majority of teachers outlined changes in education as
problematic and destructive, and revealed various problematic issues and
rather uniform view on some main problems at school. The statement tendencies are also consistent with the previous research: firstly, with the acceptance
of totalitarian values and rather high authoritarianism indicators among teachers (Austers et al, 2007); secondly, with the recognition that the society of
Latvia has been characterized by a strong desire for strict control, reliance
upon the state and superior institutions as providers of one’s welfare, mistrust
in the model of democratic relations both in politics and everyday life, as well
as civic passivity (Catlaks, Ikstens, 2003); thirdly, with the acknowledgment
that the “shock” created by the liberalization of education gradually turned
education back to the authoritarian principle “top-down”, and non-implemen-
125
126
tation of changes at school and classroom has become like a symbol of peace
and stability (OECD, 2000); and finally, with the conclusion that in pedagogical practice the new standards and programs are perceived skeptically and
people frequently face nostalgia for values of the Soviet educational system
(Rubene, 2010).
The results suggest that teachers see four major groups of problems at
school. First, it is deficiencies in strict control and lack of unified, clear and
sustainable system in education:
“…I suppose we have to come back to that regime, to the old system, old programs, framework in which we could include every child…”
The notion of democracy at school is often applied wrongly; teachers speak of
democracy in a way that is different from the very idea of it.
“… and our misunderstood democracy brought chaos at school…”
“…still we have a flush of democracy, anarchy. And we usually do not understand
that democracy does not mean disorder…”
Democracy is frequently regarded as a synonym for the word “permissiveness”. One of the reasons is the inability to assess social processes critically.
This creates the feeling of powerlessness and leads to disappointment in the
ideals of democracy. It is very much related to schooling as a process of discipline and obedience, which had been the key conditions for good success at
school for a long time. We must remember that education and schooling has
always been a forceful tool for the realization of the interests of political
power and control within totalitarian societies (Foucault, 1977; Bourdieu and
Passeron, 1970). Values and behavioral patterns characteristic of totalitarian
societies were present at school for all of the Soviet period in Latvia and they
are still deeply embedded its pedagogical culture and manifest themselves in
teachers’ manner of reasoning and acting, in spite of new approaches introduced to educational policy,
Secondly, the failure of teachers’ authority in schools and permissiveness
towards pupils is emphasised.
“Respect to teachers is gone, because children are too rebellious …this is a negative moment for teachers… that they are no longer respected. Now teachers are
common people…”
“…the greatest deficiency, you could say, is that the student is the boss in the
classroom … and the teacher is a servant… because … you see… there are children’s
rights…”
Teachers are often distracted in their everyday practice, because the tools
they have always used no longer work and it is difficult to find new strategies
for instilling motivation when teachers no longer have total control over their
knowledge and authority resources. Hence, powerlessness is one of main challenges both for teachers and students.
“…I have 25 year experience at school…and if before we could offer different
information, different projects and different opportunities to children, and all this was
welcomed very nicely and done quickly and with interest, then nowadays I do not
know at all…what methods I should have to get children interested in learning and
to reach some positive direction or goal, because everything is accessible and attainable for them, and they know all this…and for them somehow what school gives is
not always needed and worthwhile…”
Next, bureaucracy at schools instead of real work with children is mentioned as a disturbing hindrance to implementation of meaningful schooling
practices.
“… really, before we worked with children, directly with children… There were
also different activities after school… But now, much of our work is converted into
paper loads, only descriptions, plans…to the limits of common sense, only plain
paperwork, reports, graphs… I cannot stand this…”
The tendency of increasing bureaucracy versus pedagogy at school is one of
the spin-offs of a “culture of aggressive accountability and credentialism” (Cigman & Davis, 2009, p. VIII), merging totalitarian intentions to control and keep
power and managerial intentions for standardized educational goals.
Finally, there is now orientation towards individualism rather than collectivism and cultivation of consumer ideology.
“…time changes, but things have not changed a lot, including school…ideology
revolves around consumerism, before it was oriented towards helpfulness – we all
were brothers and friends, but now individualism is preached…”
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It follows that there is current necessity to find new ways for teachers and
students to jointly reconstruct the meaning of schooling and to recover mutual respect to each other, accepting the changed schools, classrooms, teachers
and students as they currently are.
“… not to take offence that students do not follow our instructions, but to show
instead the ways how they can learn…”
Although teachers do not receive social support that they expect, regarding
both attitude and resources, many of them acknowledge that they have to take
positive standpoint in pedagogy to get better results. Expectations from advancement of new technologies and teaching methods are the main issue in
this debate. Certainly, technologies help to improve classroom practices, to
bring more active ways of learning into school, and to provide students with
“the possibility of constructing their own meanings based on their own interests and experiences”. Nevertheless, the human aspect of this interactivity
regarding school practices is still rather unclear. (Derry, 2009, p. 145)
Concerns about the replacement of thinking processes with access to information contrast the very idea of learning as instruction or construction. It
is important both for students and teachers to create new interdependencies
within classroom.
Summarizing the teachers’ views of what kind of schooling is valuable for
children in contemporary information society, three main areas could be
stipulated: teachers, policies and society.
There are two aspects that condition all schooling. They are supported by
the reliance on the system (stability in assessment arrangements, avoiding
fragmentation of matter and over-branched subjects, consolidation of research
and practice for the development of curricula), as well as social support, understood as a balance between school and family, arrived at by increasing the role
of family in education and upbringing. The first is teachers’ personality (objectivity, sincerity, openness, attitudes) and the second is professionalism (competence to use and apply various teaching-learning methods, to search for new
approaches and being informed in subject-matter and relevant technologies).
Teachers’ personality, their positive attitude to education and processes at
school are all seen as a key to success at school. It possibly means that the social
theory of learning, putting emphasis on learning as social participation could
come in handy for this process, because students and teachers are in principle
not independent human beings participating voluntarily in schooling. Problems mentioned by teachers during the interviews, such as downplaying
teacher’s authority, lack of discipline, permissiveness and domination of individualism, manifest unbalanced goals, weak understanding of sense of democracy in education and of the idea of knowledge itself. Access to information
resources has become very technical, but it can replace schooling as such. The
formation of learning experience, being a part of overall development, is not
merely an individual process, but also a socio-cultural interaction. Similarly,
motivation for learning is not an individual’s state of mind, but rather a way of
being and participating in the world within rich pedagogical relationships (Van
Manen, 1991). Only through cognition and communication does an experience become a learning experience, both for teachers and pupils. The very idea
of individual performance is always disputable in school practice, so classroom
potential for learning, including all related power and equity aspects related,
is an important issue that must be taken into consideration.
The investigation of what kind of schooling is valuable for children in
contemporary information society focuses further in this article on particular
classroom practices during a case study in a secondary school, looking at
students’ reflections regarding the formation of their learning habits, classroom
learning culture and influence of teachers on their learning.
The theory of situated learning, developed by Lave and Wenger, although
in a different field than school and formal education (Lave & Wenger, 1991),
and idea of organizational learning (Senge, 1990, 2003; Collinson & Cook,
2007; Elkjaer, 1999; Elkjaer & Wahlgren, 2006; etc.) provide appropriate tools
for deliberations. According to the theory of situated learning, “there are four
components of learning: community (learning as belonging), identity (learning as becoming), meaning (learning as experience), and practice (learning as
doing)“ (Wenger, 1998, p.5). All these components create the potential for
a class as a learning community, and support the idea of interdependence
versus voluntarity at school. The idea of a class as a learning organization is
assumed by taking the concept of a learning organization rather as a hallmark
not as a standard that could be measured against strong yes/no criteria. It is
further analyzed by looking for organizational learning as a process that is both
an outcome for school as an organization and a tool for individual teachers, in
the form of acquired experience that they bring to their classrooms, which in
turn influences the formation of students’ organizational learning experience,
by gradually expanding learning environment for students and teachers.
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3. STUDENTS ABOUT SCHOOLING: CASE STUDY IN A SECONDARY
SCHOOL
The sample for investigation was a private secondary school in Riga, founded
in 1994 as one of the first private schools after re-independence of Latvia.
During the research period (2006–2010) there were about 180 students (7 to
19 years old) and about 25 teachers. The sample may not be considered as
a representative case for describing the situation in schools of Latvia. It was
chosen for the reasons of (1) readiness for involvement in educational innovations and collaborative practice of teachers; (2) high expectations for the effectiveness of the school; and (3) accessibility.
One particular class in the secondary school has been indicated as a successful case of becoming a kind of a learning organization to find out emerging
conditions for effective learning in rapidly changing school settings. The research questions were focused on exploring how students see their classmates
as a resource for their learning, what are the stimulating and restricting factors
for students in relation to their learning, and what is the role of teachers and
school in stimulating mutual learning culture in the classroom. The framework
of the study is based on (1) the conceptual perspective of organizational learning and learning organization (Collinson & Cook, 2007; Elkjaer, 1999; Elkjaer
& Wahlgren, 2006); (2) on the idea of organizational learning at school progressing from externally organized through self-organized to mutual learning;
(3) the interpretation of the concept of learning organization at classroom
level (Kokare, 2010).
3.1. Conceptual perspective of organizational learning in classroom
A learning organization is generally defined as an ideal and organizational
learning as a process by which organizations are aiming for this ideal (Elkjaer,
1999) They are usually seen at schools as a means for their improvement,
professional development of teachers or as leadership strategies (Senge, 2003;
Collinson & Cook, 2007; etc.), but rarely from classroom perspective It is
probably because the aims of learning within a classroom are strongly individual, unlike in most of organizations that employ organizational learning for
their institutional development. Nevertheless, these concepts have a deep
value in classroom settings. They overwrite the idea of collaboration as
a merely teaching/learning strategy. Organizational learning strives to create
a learning culture in the classroom that manifests itself as an ability on the part
of students to perceive external views and support as a resource for their learning and contribution to overall learning and development by embedding interdependent learning habits in their everyday learning experience.
Different teachers work using different strategies, so the issues regarding
orchestrating teaching-learning styles are widely discussed in educational research. However, stepping back from the individual perspective for the analysis of classroom processes, specific aspects characteristic for each particular
class can be discerned: the atmosphere, learning habits and other intangible
indicators that considerably influence both classroom processes and academic results of students. Thinking over the adaptability of the organizational
learning (further – OL) concept into classroom settings and detachability of
OL from other kinds of learning in school, it is supposed that if a class could
be considered as an organizational unit employing the main goal, increasing
learning and knowledge, OL terms are appropriate for approaching the issue,
simultaneously initiating discussion on the relation between an individual and
a group, dependence and independence, as well as autonomy and collectivity
in general.
If classroom is taken as an activity system, three kinds of approaches to
knowledge production in relation to the disposition between individual and
social may be distinguished: 1) learning as instruction, 2) learning as construction and 3) learning as co-construction. The last recognizes that all human
behavior has a social dimension, and that knowledge is constructed socially
rather than individually (Watkins, 2005). This also serves as an analogy to the
OL idea as a whole, as externally organized, self-organized and mutual learning
explored within this study.
3.2. Selection of the class for investigation
The main research categories used for the analysis derive from previous
research (Kokare, 2009, 2010), which hypothesized classroom-specific assumptions regarding three types of OL strategies used in classroom: externally organized, self-organized and mutual learning. OL strategy as an activity that includes on the one hand widespread generation, integration and
collective interpretation of information, and responsible action (Dixon,
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1999), and on another hand, the didactic perspective (Illeris, 2007; Uljens,
1997), which is introduced and used for exploration of both students and
teacher’s activity in classroom processes. The OL process in the classroom
was observed in five categories, distinguished from didactic point of view:
action, communication, motivation, responsibility, collaboration, as well as
the three types of OL strategies mentioned before. The results indicated
significant differences of one class against the other in relation to mutual
learning strategies used by pupils during observed lessons, identified by
ANOVA after 49 classroom observations (p<0.05) in 14 different classes (12
age groups), and afterwards approved by 101 more classroom observations,
using Mann-Whitney U test. Students’ OL strategies used in different
classes are illustrated in figure 2.
Year 12
Year 11
Year 10
Year 9
Year 8
Year 7
Year 6
Year 5
Year 4
Year 3
Year 2
Year 1
0%
10%
20%
30%
externally organized
40%
50%
60%
self-organized
70%
80%
90%
100%
mutual
Figure 2. Student OL strategies in different years.
When they discussed specific learning culture of their class during informal discussion, teachers could not define objective conditions that explained
its formation. Nor was a significant difference in formal indicators identified
in comparison with other classes. Average mark was 6.4 (out of 10), for
other classes in this age group between 5.8 and 7.1, but during the past school
year three students were the winners of ten different academic regional and
national competitions. Not claiming to find one uppermost reason, various
assumptions were talked over during discussions, one of them being the excellence of some students, despite the fact that it was manifested only during
the past one-two years. Before that they were average students and their
previous teachers were even surprised with their performance. Another was
that occasionally occurred a successful configuration in a class, which resulted in good learning and relationship outcome, or the possibility to divide
the class into groups in mathematics according to their learning achievement
for two terms, which resulted in creating equipollent participation and in the
formation of mutual learning culture that later percolated into other subjects
(one of the groups had been awarded the best learning team in school two
years before). Otherwise, purposeful long-term work of class teacher (lasting
already for 8 years) was considered as a possible reason for such success. No
single assumption could provide feasible conclusions in relation to the formation of learning culture of a particular class. Therefore, further analysis is
based on subjective reasoning given during interviews with pupils and afterwards their teachers.
3.3. METHODOLOGY AND METHODS
The study explored students’ learning narratives of and teachers’ professional experience narratives, obtained during semi-structured individual and
group interviews, three different small groups of students and a student who
is a newcomer in the class. By making purposeful grouping according to OL
strategies, they had used during observed lessons (11 of 14 students were interviewed), and the impact on the formation of students’ learning experience
revealed during interviews with students for teacher grouping. Students were
encouraged to speak about the formation of their learning experience at school
and to reflect on most influential situations for their class learning culture.
During their interviews, students mentioned seven teachers who influenced
the formation of their learning habits and classroom learning culture most.
Four of them were interviewed within this study. Another three teachers were
interviewed to obtain a different viewpoint on students’ learning: teachers
who work with student groups and were not mentioned in student interviews.
Data analysis is qualitative, using content analysis of audio-taped interviews. Content units were grouped according to emerging themes and then
dominating issues were analyzed in relation to research questions.
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3.4. Story and findings
The first impression from interviews is the very positive “stories” both from
students and teachers and none of the negativism expressed in interviews with
teachers in the first kind of narratives. One of the reasons that explain such
a positive attitude is present in an interview with a teacher:
“…I told them again and again how I love working with them, and it could not
remain without answer…but I could not simulate this attitude… you must believe
that you really like it if you say so…”
All students revealed interest in the learning process, high motivation to
participate in mutual learning in classroom and understanding their learning
goals. They acknowledged that they have inner motivation for learning, they
like being at school very much, and that their own interest is the main reason
for persistent learning:
“… Most of them are ready to do more than they are asked by a teacher…” (classteacher)
“…I did not like it before, I learned what the teacher said, but then, some two
years ago, I started to realize how all things are related and how interesting it is…”
(student)
The teacher’s personality is valued as the most influential aspect for effective learning and for being interested in learning:
“…they say, for instance, “thank you” to the teacher after lessons they find very
good…” (class-teacher)
“…the main point is the teacher…you must respect and appreciate him/her.. If
so, it becomes easy to do more…” (student)
A teacher as an example, mastermind and provider of impulses for learning,
balanced free-learning and controlled-learning atmosphere is mentioned during
interviews in relation to teachers and classroom atmosphere. Students outline
readiness for learning leadership and “learning leaders “ among students (who
also have better academic results) as an important issue in this class, but other
students also were mentioned as ready for leading roles in this class:
“…if they are not there, others replace them and they go ahead…” (teacher)
One student of 11 stated that it is better to learn individually, and that
a group is valuable only if it is better than a person. Nevertheless, both students
and teachers acknowledged that in comparison with other classes this class
has specific style of learning.
In order to outline the main findings and to clarify what kind of schooling
is valuable for a child in the contemporary information society, further analysis was structured around three of the research questions stated before.
1) How do students see their classmates and the class as a resource for
their learning?
• All kinds of learning (externally organized, self-organized and mutual)
are important for effective learning (Figure 3).
0%
20%
40%
externally organized
60%
self-organized
80%
100%
mutual
Figure 3. Distribution of statement frequencies in interviews
“… everybody needs something different…” (student)
“… ideally, lessons are a mixture of lectures, individual support that you get from
a teacher and group-work, all this is needed…” (student)
• Diversity of opinions, communication and discussions are the main
reasons why others are needed for learning:
“…you come to school not only because there are teachers… different opinions meet
and confront and are changing…” (student)
2) What factors stimulate and what hamperd students in relation to organizational learning?
• Long-term relations in a class – friendly and supportive atmosphere:
“…I always know that my classmates will help me if I have a problem, and I know
whom I can address in each situation…” (student)
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136
“…They know that it is better to be friendly and it is easier to learn systematically,
and you may or may not study very hard, but you should not disturb others by that…”
(class-teacher)
“…It is true that if others learn well you try to follow…when there is somebody
who strives for learning, I think – yes, maybe I also can do that…” (student)
“…They were not always like that… In primary school they were more oriented
on themselves…” (class-teacher)
“…It developed step by step… a sense of safety … that you can safely make
a mistake and trust that nobody will punish you… but instead you will get support…”
(class-teacher)
• Intentionally developed learning culture; initially by teacher’s intervention:
“…From the very beginning everything…and all kind of problems were addressed
from ‘we’ and ‘our’ position… In primary school the teacher should be as one of the
class, we did all things together and we always found the way to involve all the students
in our school activities, and everyone participated…” (class-teacher)
• Teachers who themselves are interested in learning and who can demonstrate mutual learning in their daily practice:
“…You have to be really interested in this process yourself…” (teacher)
“…I feel fulfillment from this mutual learning…” (teacher)
3) What is the role of teachers and school in stimulating mutual learning
culture in a classroom?
• Room for collaboration and mutuality:
“…I simply can be there, because I have my lesson, and I participate in what they
have created with satisfaction and a sense of fulfillment, and we see that they create
it themselves…” (teacher)
• Collaboration as a natural way of inquiry and learning:
“…There we really learn in a group, otherwise we have already learned and afterwards in group-work we only lose time…it is a big difference…” (student)
• Readiness of teachers to adapt their conduct to the existing learning
culture of a class:
“…yes, I needed to change my methods…” (teacher)
“…it is different… I go to this class to learn together with them and I always find
something really interesting and new…” (teacher)
4. DISCUSSION
By exploring two kinds of narratives of teaching and learning at school, the
study revealed three main arguments for discussion.
Firstly, while knowledge and learning is less and less limited within school
settings, and therefore the significance of a school has gone beyond the systematic acquisition of knowledge, replacing an emphasis on “what” with “how”,
students do not so much learn subjects as they learn from teachers. It follows
that the changing situation at school even increases the role of a particular
teacher and, more than ever before, requires high professionalism and deep
involvement of teachers in the creation of learning environment. The importance of teachers derives from their ability to decode knowledge for students
into an understandable format consistent with their professional intuition, as
well as to create learning interdependencies in the classroom which support
making sense of that knowledge. Excellent teachers condition learning culture
of a class and, therefore, substantially influence school practices by facilitating
the formation of interdependent learning habits of and mutual learning.
Mostly, it is related to interdependent thinking and teachers’ personal involvement in the creation of such learning environment at school. A successfully
developing relationship within a class (or that has been skillfully developed)
is the most stimulating factor that supports learning and personal development
of students by putting the social aspect of learning at the top of the educational agenda at school. The concept of organizational learning, applied for
the investigation of the learning narrative of the class, demonstrated its usefulness and the potential for exploring the current situation at school, by unfolding the complexity of classroom processes, by assuming the class as a learning
entity, and by proposing the idea of mutual learning culture as promising for
more effective contemporary schooling.
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138
Secondly, bureaucratic procedures and ‘proof collection’ for standardized
and unified evaluation procedures may not replace possible teachers’ inability
to reflect on everyday practice and to analyze and manage teaching-learning
processes. Therefore, there exists the topical need for searching for new ways
of accountability at school and new methods for monitoring and getting
feedback in schooling, in order not to reduce the live process of schooling to
an accounting exercise. Bureaucracy at school should be replaced by confidence and teacher empowerment.
Thirdly, just as teachers with no trust in their children’s potential for good
learning restrict their motivation to learn, similarly the society with no trust
in school and teachers diminish the opportunity for their development and
effectiveness. It follows that it is important to conflate school and society in
order to bring more confidence and understanding of common cause, to involve families in support of their children’s learning, and at the same time
balancing the influence and contributions of school and family.
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Jitka Oravcová
Activating Teaching Methods as a Means
of Developing Pupils’ Personality
The study deals with the application of activating teaching methods within
the implementation of creative-humanistic education. It introduces the characteristics of active learning and teaching methods. It analyses the results of
a survey on implementation of active teaching and learning methods among
two secondary schools in Slovak Republic.
1. CREATIVE-HUMANISTIC EDUCATION
The role of school, defined as an educational institution, is to interact and
shape pupils’ personality to become independently thinking individuals, capable of complete public life in open democratic societies. It denotes the type
of education of individuals who can cooperate and lead, who can respect
people of various layers and backgrounds and who can develop their own individual initiative. Such individuals are able to use self-critical way of thinking,
are able to use different strategies to obtain information, are able to find alternatives to the usual steady way of solving problems, and are able to formulate
opinions and defend their own observations rationally. Many changes must
be introduced to our educational system to bestow our graduates with the
aforementioned skills and abilities. Even 20 years ago, P. Gavora (1988) spoke
of modernization of education and stated that the different approaches aiming
to modernize equipment, methods and organizational forms of teaching have
Activating Teaching Methods as a Means of Developing Pupils’ Personality
one thing in common. Mainly, that the change is connected to and built upon
the process of mobilizing pupils within education, considering the fact that
this requirement is inevitable, regardless of which part of the learning process
is upgraded. The basis for this change is the application of creative-humanistic
approach to education.
The theory of creative-humanistic education bases the acquisition of curricular content on three parallel activities:
– acquisition of knowledge, i.e. to know and understand information and
use it in practice,
– development of cognitive functions and processes, including critical
and creative thinking,
– developing pupils’ non-cognitive features and characteristics, such as
activation, motivation and creativity of their personality.
Creative-humanistic education presupposes a strong synergistic effect of
education. It also incorporates innovation of educational processes by the use
of cooperative, problem-focused, project teaching education, by the use of
subject teaching, by administration of confluent (convergent – developing
understanding and feelings) education, by discovering and creative teaching,
heuristic education, and by programs aiming to increase pupils and teachers’
intrinsic motivation and pro-social behavior.
The development of creative-humanistic education and humanization of
education remain within the scope of interest of numerous authors. In Slovakia, the most prominent is B. Kosova (2007, p.46–49), according to whom
humanization of education accentuates the following two aspects:
1) educational approach to human nature, which denotes creating such
conditions for education that will meet natural needs and patterns of
child development, based on children’s skills and interests. This is
often misinterpreted as just “being kind to children,” in order to approach them or alleviate emerging problems in the process of teaching;
2) pupils’ personal development in every currently available aspect of their
skills and assumptions, i.e. to employ such means of education that will
best mobilize their own personal growth (it is often forgotten that selfdevelopment is a natural requirement which needs space in order to be
met).
The main feature of the humanization of education is placing the pupil in
the central position of educational process. This affects all elements of the
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Jitka Oravcová
educational system which requires particular changes. In this respect, humanization has therefore the following dimension:
1) relationship – changing teachers’ attitude toward their pupils as an
element of their own development,
2) target – new direction of education,
3) content – different structure of the curriculum,
4) process – regulation of conditions and means of education
B. Kosova (2007) states that the focus on the development of pupils’
personality implies application of the theory and practice of education according to coresponding principles and educational-methodological implications:
1) uniqueness as a goal and condition of education, which results in
personalization of educational decisions, individualisation of educational practices, acceptance of pupils’ needs, interests, experience and
personality, as well as respect and tolerance of individual differences
and opinions;
2) pupils’ self-development as a goal and condition of education, which
is reflected in the promotion of pupils’ positive introspection, in their
active contribution to all stages of the educational process, in the development of self-assessment and reasonable motivation, and in
meaningful and challenging climate that supports independent activity procedures, curiosity, creativity and intrinsic development of activating abilities;
3) pupils’ holistic personality development, which consists of a balanced
development of proportionality in cognitive, affective and psychomotor part of personality, as well as of development all channels and
sources of knowledge;
4) priority relational dimension: priority to attitudes and skills as goals of
education. Thus, the emphasis on relationship rather than knowledge,
ability to focus on performance, creativity, moral socialization within
the means of human values, a meaningful development of practical
skills necessary for a particular pupil’s life;
5) emphasis on experience within educational process represented by
the emotional part of teaching, positive teaching climate without
blocking mechanisms, positive development of interpersonal relationships, positive evaluation of feedback, experimental learning/
teaching.
Implementation of these principles is reflected in the new formulation of
educational goals, in new proportionality of curricula, in preference of activity and activating methods and forms of education, and in different educational settings.
One of the main goals of creative-humanistic approach is to change pupils
from passive observers who are forced to uncritically assume presented knowledge into active participants of the learning process, who are able to find answers, to solve problematic situations, to express personal opinions, to decide
and accept responsibility for individual decisions and the outcome of work.
This denotes development of creative thinking and pupils’ ability to “be”, to
act with autonomy, self-judgment, self responsibility in productive rather than
reproductive manner. Achieving these ambitious educational goals requires
a change in almost all factors involved in education, especially from seeing
teaching as a process of transferring information into seeing it as a process of
learning to learn. This also means to understand the fact that teachers may not
be the ones who run a firmly structured lesson on their own. In other words,
professionals who provide information, maintain order and evaluate results.
They are rather the ones who create more space for pupils‘ own activity, who
assist, support, complement, motivate and to a certain extent also direct. This
new approach to education requires a change in the whole model of education
and associated teaching methods. The traditional model of education built on
the use of classical methods will not be sufficient, i.e. methods of detection,
persuasion, presentation, examples, suggestions, stimulation through rewards
and punishment (Grace, 1991), dominated by one-way communication and
teachers’ authority. It is necessary to focus on interactive methods based on
activation of pupils, to focus on such a model of education in which two-way
communication is predominant, where the teacher becomes a host in the
process of education, inducing situations to activate pupils through immediate
experience to acquire knowledge, develop skills and personal characteristics.
It is necessary to focus on teaching methods that can be generally described
as globally active.
According to the terminology of humanistic psychology, teachers are facilitators, i.e. those who accompany pupils and encourage them in their
journey of education and personal growth. Facilitating teachers share with
pupils the responsibility for the educational process, provide resources for
learning (e. g. own experience, books, social resources), aim to support the
ongoing process of learning, lead pupils to reach their personal objectives by
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self-discipline (the transition from extrinsic to intrinsic motivation) and lead
pupils to self-evaluation. Thus, facilitating teachers give up the “power” that
they may hold over others, leaving only the control over their own actions.
Decision-making power lies in hands of particular individuals. Therefore, it is
the pupil who remains in the centre of attention and the learning process.
2. ACTIVE LEARNING/TEACHING EDUCATION AND ITS METHODS
All-round development of pupils’ personality in the process of education
provides the implementation of those concepts/models of education that make
use of the principles of active teaching education. Although active teaching is
the most represented model within the system of alternative schools, it may
also be applied in the so called traditional education. Basic characteristics of
active learning are defined by R. Lee (in: Lenz, 1993) in the following form:
• participative – a learner does not accept information passively, but
takes part in the initiative and the creative teaching process,
• cooperative – done in collaboration and interaction with other participants of the teaching process (it is interactive),
• experiential (experience) – based on experience and skills, characterized by direct contact with things, people, nature, and includes awareness of their own survival and its reflection,
• creative – based on divergent thinking, requires a combination of rational and intuitive thinking, creative problem-solving.
The terms used by R. Lee as the characteristics of active learning are also
used by other authors. Frequently, the concept of active learning agrees with
the concept of empirical learning, respectively learning from experience (Experiential Learning).
M. Zelina (1996) states that active learning and teaching is, above all, this
type of learning which leads learners to internal activity, activation of mental
processes, i.e. to attention, thinking, feeling and experiencing. In particular, it
mostly involves intrinsic activation, which is indispensible in combining with
other objectives of education. It is this type of activation which results in
progression in learners’ activity, initiative and creativity.
J. Čáp and J. Mareš (2001) understand active learning as one of the characteristics of meaningful learning which is further characterized as construc-
tive, cumulative, self-regulated, directed, situated and unique. Moreover, they
understand it as learners’ tuning to learning, adjusting their motivation and
requiring the necessary effort until the goal is reached. While learning they
have to perform higher-order cognitive operations
The concept of active learning is particularly connected to learners’ activity (pupils’ learning), but it is possible to apply this concept to the activity of
educational agents, i.e. teachers seen as active teaching in the form of teachermanaged activities, by means of which knowledge is presented and communicated.
Summarizing the characteristics of active learning/teaching, we can conclude that active learning/teaching, according to many authors, is (Kariková,
2007):
• participatory – in line with the humanistic concept of education pupils
are as active as teachers. Participatory learning means that pupils do
not receive information passively, but are proactively and creatively
involved in the process. The acquired information is used as an incentive to stimulate their own thinking processes and creating new ideas
and perspectives;
• cooperative and interactive – promotes positive interpersonal relationships, reduces anxiety and apathy, encourages efficient, accurate
and open communication. Instead of individual learning, work in small
groups is encouraged (5–7 members), thereby promoting mutual support, cooperation and acceptance of responsibility;
• the type of learning that involves awareness of pupils’ personal
values, attitudes and emotions. This is implemented either during
application of a structured game or during subsequent reflection of
values. This is a change of self-understanding, understanding of others,
contemplating the nature and the outside world, coupled with changing attitudes and behaviour;
• creative – encouraging development of higher cognitive skills, development of divergent thinking, problem-solving skills and creating perspectives. It supports the ability to combine rational and intuitive
thinking, as well as conceptual and image-based thinking. It is based
on the assumption that children are naturally inventive and creative
and that they openly seek creative activity. Creative education is directly related to education toward healthy self-confidence, independence and activity;
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• learning that supports positive evaluation of oneself and others. It
creates and promotes positive atmosphere in the classroom, especially
the atmosphere of safety and love. Among children, sensitivity to the
environment ranks much higher than among adults. Security and love
are fundamental human needs and if they are not met, it is difficult to
expect interest in anything new. School should therefore accept these
needs at their face value;
• activating – children’s activity is applied and developed in this teaching
method. When working in pairs, in groups, but also in activities requiring individual thinking, all children are actively involved in activities
that give guidance to teachers;
• based on experience – it is empirical learning, in which direct interaction with things, nature and other people brings changes in behaviour
and interpretation of experience. This teaching leads pupils to learn
how to learn, to learn that learning is an ability to adapt to changing
conditions, as well as an ability to work on self-development. School
should be understood as further impetus to initiate a lifelong process.
In this case, learning will meet its main goal, i.e. to prepare for life;
• teaching that requires teachers with socio-psychological skills. The
nature of empirical teaching requires teachers to be ready for its application. Thus, the proficiency level of teachers that is realized by self
experience in the form of socio-psychological training is also important. This requirement is important because teachers themselves see
whether this method works for them and whether they can apply these
games in the most efficient way. Since the games are ad05n5stered
within a group setting, it will inevitably change the dynamics of this
situation, for which teachers should be well prepared. Therefore, high
social conscience, empathy and creativity are required. Correct application of these games is art in its own right, not only educational, but also
art of change in approach and experience, prudence and discretion.
Teachers should be able to address, where appropriate, unusual situations, to be able to free their mind and to be able to express their feelings and opinions openly.
There are many particular methods of active teaching and they are variously classified. Different methods of empirical teaching in a form a form of
a structured game may be used. Empirical teaching can use different methods,
which often include the following (Kariková, 1999):
• discussion methods, in which pupils learn to formulate and express
their views, listen to and respect the opinions of others. These methods
are implemented in pairs or small groups and may be somewhat unstructured (non-directional, open discussions) or explicitly structured
(Philips method 66, 635 technique etc.);
• movement activities, in which skill games including games in the wild,
the so called stage and simulation games, are focused on self-expression
in movement (mime, psycho-gymnastics, dance);
• art activities in which drawing, modelling and collage are used . Their
goal is self-expression, expression of emotions and also the development of cooperation, empathy and creativity;
• musical activities, in which singing, dancing, playing both traditional
and unconventional musical instruments and listening to music are
used. They are designed to induce pleasant atmosphere, but also to
express oneself in the form of emotions, moods, as well as the development of other functions: empathy and creativity;
• writing activities, in which writing of essays, reflections, analysis, descriptions, reports, stories, creation of joint work, projects and so on are
used. These activities serve not only self-expression, but also as a means
of developing thought, imagination, as well as skills of cooperation;
• scholastic (discovering) activities that help develop creativity and the
ability of cooperation. These activities can be successfully used for
different lessons, biology, chemistry, physics, etc.;
• multidimensional activities that serve to develop various dimensions
of personality, such as:
– modelling and role playing situations that serve to develop moral assertion, skills of decision-making, conflict resolution, elimination of
prejudices etc.,
– acting scenes, which tend to have a predetermined scenario and are
designed to develop communication skills and creativity,
– drama, which is used mostly in expression of literary, artistic and musical works,
– simulation games, which are more complex and challenging activities
based on the process of simulation, e.g.: the process of setting up businesses or establishment of social rules on a sinking island etc.
V. Labát (1999) understands the methods of active teaching as training
methods. Training, as the author states (p.11) is a word of English origin
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(training – course, mentoring), which is used to describe a wide range of training, such as training and education in a particular direction.
But the term training also originates from different theories of teaching,
where it stands for methods and processes of social learning, as well as learning
from a particular social situation (social context of teaching and learning based
on initiatives in interpersonal contact). The content of training also means the
development of social skills. Therefore, V. Labát understands training as
a characteristic approach to learning, as well as a learning process, which not
only includes the process of knowledge, but also the development of social
skills of participants.
V. Labát divides training methods (active teaching) in the following
way:
1. Discussion methods. They include all forms of discussions on various
topics with different focus (training in management discussions, arguments, presentation, decision-making strategies, negotiation, etc.), in
different situations (in pairs, minority versus majority, small groups,
etc.).
2. Production methods. They are role playing, modelling, social, simulation games and situations, methods of drama, miming, theatre, video
films and their analyses etc.
3. Games with educational and psychological potential. The author
includes here games that can attain educational goals. These are
modifications of well-known games such as Concentration, Mining
treasure (castle), computer games, whose modifications are filled with
content appropriate to arrive at required teaching goal.
4. Methods of cultural means of expression. These are artistic methods
(drawings, graphics, collage, assemblage, creating spatial objects, etc..),
methods of work with music (active music production, singing, active
work with recorded music, etc.), kinetic methods (gymnastics, ballet,
dance ) and sports activities, or methods such as multidimensional
combination of those methods.
5. Methods of authentic experience. These methods are procedures in
which pupils acquire knowledge through direct experience in authentic environment, respectively through solving authentic tasks, e.g.
preparation and management of school governing body elections (useful in teaching sociology), organization of petition and its implementation in natural environment etc.
6. Questionnaire methods. These are methods that make use of pupils’
self-testing (preparation and filling, respectively filling in a prepared
questionnaire or a survey), which serve to learn the curriculum (i.e.
curriculum on mental processes, learning across the curriculum).
7. Relaxation techniques. These various relaxation and concentration
exercises are designed to promote relaxation, calm and comfort of
pupils and thus concentration on learning.
Active learning/teaching is sometimes treated as an activity that is only
a game, and thus wrongly reduced merely to empirical activities carried out in
the form of games “warm up exercises“ at the beginning of lessons without
subsequent processing of knowledge gained in the course of this activity (empirical teaching ). This concept is considered undesirable, leading to the conclusion that active teaching is not sufficiently productive and if it is applied in this
manner, its participants have the impression that they only “played”. On the
contrary, we believe that properly applied active teaching is not only an effective
means for the acquisition, but also a source of development of multilateral
personalities.
Active learning/teaching is productive only if the direct experience is
further processed by active mental activity of learners. For this reason, inspiring models of active learning / teaching use the methods as a means by which
a learner acquires knowledge not only by direct experience (direct activity),
but also by processing the knowledge of this experience, by drawing general
conclusions, by editing theoretical knowledge, as well as by connecting the
curriculum with practice and by practical implementation of knowledge. Such
models are, for example, based on the theory of empirical learning (D.A. Kolb,
P. Mumford and A. Honey), on the model of teaching by G. Petty (EDUCARE?), the concept of teaching and learning by B.S. Bloom (Mastery Learning), a three-phase teaching model (model EUR K.S. Meredith, J.L. Steel,
Ch.Temple, S. Walter), the model of creative teaching by J.I. Lokšová and
I. Lokša, integrated thematic teaching by S. Kovaliková, cooperative teaching
model by H. Kasíková., project teaching models, feedback teaching, etc.
The pressure on implementation of methods of active learning and teaching
in the educational process has already been long. Nevertheless, we face information from the practice that prevail in traditional schools, traditional teaching
methods, based on a monologue presentation of subject-matter and its subsequent memorization. Therefore, Bloščičáková T. (2010) conducted a supervised
survey to determine whether and to what extend active teaching methods are
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applied in secondary schools, as well as students’ attitudes to these methods of
teaching. Partial results of this study are shown in the next section.
3. IMPLEMENTATION OF ACTIVE LEARNING/TEACHING METHODS
SURVEY IN SCHOOL
3.1. Survey objectives and questions
In examining the issue of active teaching in secondary schools, we have built
the following basic objectives:
1. To find out whether active teaching methods are implemented in
secondary schools.
2. To find out what kind of attitude toward active teaching methods pupils
have.
We have formulated the following research questions:
1. Are there any other methods implemented than the traditional ones in
these schools? If yes, to what extent?
2. Can pupils actively influence the process and content of curricula?
3. What is pupils’ attitude to methods of active teaching?
3.2. Survey Methodology
We used a survey questionnaire of our own provenance, which consisted of 19
questions.
The survey sample consisted of 91 pupils of two secondary schools in
Trebišov: 43 secondary school pupils and 48 grammar school pupils. The respondents were pupils of Year 4, aged 18–19.
The survey was conducted in January and February 2010.
3.3. Survey results
Firstly, we asked respondents whether they know what active (empirical)
learning was. If the answer was yes, it was their task to explain and come up
with a definition of empirical learning. As Table 1 shows, most respondents
(84.6%), both in secondary and grammar school, thought that they knew well
what it was.
Tab. 1 Subjective knowledge of empirical teaching
School
Grammar school
Secondary school
Together
Do I know what empirical teaching is?
Yes
No
N
%
N
%
42
46,1
6
6,6
35
38,5
8
8,8
77
84,6
14
15,5
The answers that respondents reported as a definition of empirical teaching
showed that its concept is mainly associated with pleasant feelings, with interesting activities during lessons, with “pleasant” way of receiving information.
Although we have not met with an accurate definition of the term, we can state
that in principle students defined the content with their own words. The most
frequent answers are shown in Table 2
Tab. 2 Explanation of the term “Empirical teaching“
Answers
The pleasant experience of teaching
Something drew my attention during the lessons
I was not bored in the classroom
We had an interesting interpretation
Together
School N
Secondary Grammar
school
school
32
23
7
9
2
11
2
5
43
48
Together
N
%
56
16
13
7
91
60,4
17,6
14,3
7,7
100,0
We also asked respondents to divide 100% among the offered forms of
education, which are mostly implemented in their school. Table 3 shows that
both schools are scheduled to implement various forms, among which, forms
based on pupils’ activity are also present, even though strictly empirical learning is only applied to the lowest rate (9.9%). These teaching methods are most
frequently used in Information Technologies (27.5%), teaching through discussion (23.0%) and classical frontal teaching (22.0%). According to the
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respondents, active teaching is implemented in secondary school, mostly
within Psychology, Biology and IT classes and in grammar school within
Computer Science, Social Studies, and Mathematics.
Tab. 3 Forms of teaching in secondary school grammar school
Forms of teaching
Classical form
Teaching by discussion
Teaching using IKT
Cooperative Teaching
Empirical Teaching
Together
School
Secondary school
Grammar school
N
%
N
%
9
20,9
11
23,0
12
28,0
9
18,8
10
23,3
15
31,3
5
11,6
11
22,9
7
16,2
2
4,0
43
100,0
48
100,0
Together
N
20
21
25
16
9
91
%
22,0
23,0
27,5
17,6
9,9
100,0
In this context, we asked respondents to indicate the form of teaching that
they would prefer if they were in the position to choose. The answers showed
that across the survey a sample of only 29 pupils (26.4%) prefer classical
frontal teaching methods based on teachers’ interpretation of curriculum and
by subsequent examination of pupils. On the other hand, 73.6% of respondents
would prefer a novel method based on implementation of active methods and
the involvement of pupils in various activities and in the explanation of the
new curriculum (63% of secondary school pupils, 73% of grammar school
pupils). This view was confirmed also by expressing a preference to classroom
situations (Table 4). Answers confirmed that the majority of 60.4% prefers
situations that activate students within curricular acquisition (asking questions, learning through action).
We asked respondents which specific methods of active (empirical) teaching are implemented in their teaching, in which subjects and how these activities are the matter of interest to them. We asked them to assign a degree of
interesting activities presented in the range between 0 (not interesting) to 5
(very interesting), and wrote a particular subject in which these activities take
place. The results in Table 5 indicate (even if these items are expressed by all
respondents) a very poor repertoire of methods and an extremely low number
of subjects where these methods are used. These results clearly show that the
expressions of the respondents to rate the application forms of activity-based
Tab. 4 Preference of situations for methods of curricular
acquisition
Situations of subject-matter presentation
Teacher reads curriculum, pupil only listens
During the interpretation the teacher asks
pupils questions
Teacher uses interprets togetherwith pupils
the various activities across the curriculum
Together
School
Secondary school Grammar school
N
%
N
%
9
20,9
0
0,0
32
74,4
23
47,9
2
4,7
25
52,1
43
100,0
48
100,0
Together
N
9
%
9,9
55
60,4
27
29,7
91 100,0
Tab. 5 The summary of teaching activities which activate the
respondents
School
Activities
N
%
Secondary school
The
range
Subject
of interest
Grammar school
The
range
N %
Subject
of interest
Mathemat9 25,7
4
ics
Competitive activities
6 22,2
3
Physical education
Various games
5 18,5
4
Creative Educational
Drama
0
Dialoque, discussion
4 14,8
4
Psychology
13 37,1
Computer work
3 11,1
5
Role play
3 11,1
5
Physical activities
Various simulations
(e.g. simulation of
life on the island, options for simulation)
Art activities
Musical activities
Resource tasks
Problem-solving
tasks
Others
2 7,4
5
2 7,4
5
31 88,5
Drama
2 7,4
0
0
2
Art
Information Technol10 28,5
ogy
0
Drama
Physical Education
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
5
5
Social Studies
Information
Technology
Social Studies
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Jitka Oravcová
teaching of pupils (Table 3) are subjectively distorted. Particularly shocking
is the zero use of problem-solving tasks requiring searching for own resources,
but also competitive and other creative activities. There are fewer such activities in grammar school.
Implementation of activating teaching methods naturally increases active
involvement of pupils in the educational process. Therefore, we also wonder
what is the rate of respondents‘ involvement in the educational process, according to a subjective estimation, and what components of education they
can actively influence. Respondents were asked to estimate the percentage of
their own activity assisted by imaginary activities. We were surprised (given
the above declared percentage of active teaching forms) that most students
estimated their activity in the range of 00–20% (37.4% of respondents), respectively in the range of 20–40% (33.0% of respondents).
However, table 6 points to significant differences between respondents,
depending on a given school: while the majority of secondary school pupils
shows only 20% of maximum activity (58.1%), grammar school pupils still
perceive themselves as more active (45.8% estimate their involvement at the
rate of 20–40%). However, these results indicate low activation of pupils
during lessons. When asked what they can affect, we met frequently with
the possibility to influence the course of the lesson (81.3%), the speed of
learning/teaching (45.0%) and vice versa, pupils may or may not minimally affect the curriculum content (3.2%). Concerning this issue, there
were no differences among schools. These results suggest the presence of
mutual cooperation between students and teachers. On the other hand, it
would be desirable if pupils could affect the content of lessons. Not in the
sense that they learn only what they want, but in order to bring their own
topics and (in thematic units) content that is relevant, up-to date and interesting to them.
With regard to several items, we focused on the issue of active interaction
between teachers and pupils. We found out that the majority of respondents
from both schools can ask questions during lessons (58.2%), but several indicated that it applies only to some teachers (20.9%).
Grammar school students can be more proactive in this regard. A positive
result is also found in the fact that according to the majority of respondents,
their teachers encourage them to discuss during lessons (91.2%), while grammar school teachers are more inclined to debate (95.8%). In this sense, pupils,
even in the evaluation of the characteristics of a good teacher, placed at the
top: partnership approach to students (87.9%), willingness to talk (69.2%),
but also to use non-traditional methods and forms of teaching (63.7 %). There
is more information in Table 7.
Tab. 6 Estimation of pupils‘ activity during lessons
Estimation of pupils’
activity during lessons
Up to 20%
Up to 40%
Up to 60%
Up to 80%
Up to 100%
Together
School
Secondary school
N
%
25
58,1
8
18,6
7
16,3
2
4,7
1
2,3
43
100,0
Grammar school
N
%
9
18,8
22
45,8
10
20,8
7
14,6
0
0,0
48
100,0
Together
N
34
30
17
9
1
91
%
37,4
33,0
18,7
9,9
1,0
100,0
Tab. 7 What students value most in teachers
School
Appreciated values
Secondary school Grammar school
N
%
N
%
Extensive knowledge of the subject
18
41,9
38
79,1
Ability to communicate knowledge clearly
25
58,1
32
66,6
Willingness to discuss
23
53,5
40
83,3
Using unconventional forms and methods
20
46,5
38
79,1
of teaching
Modesty towards students
3
6,9
0
0,0
Partnership approach to students
32
74,4
48
100,0
The ability to get students to work hard –
9
20,9
0
0,0
to discipline them
Together
N
%
56 61,5
57 62,6
63 69,2
58 63,7
3 3,2
80 87,9
9
9,8
CONCLUSIONS
On the basis of the results of the survey, we can conclude that the respondents, in principle, know what active (empirical) learning and teaching is and
they strongly prefer this method. Although the pupils reported relatively
high rate of active teaching within the lessons at both types of schools, ques-
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tions directed to indicate the specific methods applied in teaching have
shown that these methods are applied very sporadically and only within
a small number of subjects. This fact is also represented by poor active involvement of pupils in the process of teaching. It is clear from the results that
despite the proclaimed long-term effectiveness of these methods and the
emphasised importance of activation, not only in relation to the management of the curriculum, but particularly in relation to the overall personal
development of pupils, experience shows that more pupils remain passive
participants in the teaching process. Apart from these results, there are also
findings which show that only one third of respondents (32.7%) behave
actively during the administration of homework (seeking their own resources), others learn only from the prescribed textbook or notes from the
lessons. Naturally, the sample is limited and the results can only be related
to the observed schools.
Nevertheless, we believe that in general, the situation is not significantly
different at various schools. Although implementation of active teaching methods is very useful, interesting and more efficient, it is also difficult and requires
teachers’ personal motivation, as well as their interest, “volition“ and excellent
undergraduate preparation for their effective application that is in line with the
educational process. Personality characteristics of teachers are also of high
importance within the process of education. We believe that not every teacher
is well-predisposed for the implementation of empirical teaching methods.
Their application is therefore a question of their own self-reflection.
REFERENCES:
BLOČŠIČÁKOVÁ, T. (2010), Využitie metód aktívneho učenia v edukácii, PF UMB
(záverečná práca), Banská Bystrica.
ČÁP, J., MAREŠ, J. (2001), Psychologie pro učitele, Portál, Praha.
GAVORA, P., et al. (1988), Pedagogická komunikácia v základnej škole, Veda, Bratislava.
ĎURIČ, L., GRÁC, J., ŠTEFANOVIČ, J. (1991), Pedagogická psychológia, SPN, Bratislava.
KARIKOVÁ, S. (2007), Kapitoly z pedagogickej psychológie, PF UMB, Banská Bystrica.
KARIKOVÁ, S. (1999), Štrukturovaná hra v zážitkovom učení, in: Zborník príspevkov
z vedeckej konferencie „Hra-prostriedok formovania osobnosti“, PF UMB, Banská
Bystrica.
KOSOVÁ, B., KASÁČOVÁ, B. (2007), Základné pojmy a vzťahy v edukácii, PF UMB
Banská Bystrica.
LABÁT, V. (1999), Tréningové metódy vo vyučovaní, in: I. Rapoš (ed.), Občan
a demokracia, Minority Rights Group – Slovakia, Bratislava.
LANGOVÁ, M., et al. (1992), Učitel v pedagogických situacích, UK, Praha.
LENCZ, L. (1993), Metódy etickej výchovy, Metodické centrum, Bratislava.
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Jana Ondráková, Věra Tauchmanová
Language Learning and Language
Acquisition
The text focuses on the processes of learning and acquiring languages. It
compares the positives and the negatives of both processes (with the aim to
contribute to optimization of the process of learning foreign languages). Attention is given to a so called interlanguage and individual factors influencing
learning the outcome (age, motivation, aptitude).
INTRODUCTION
For human beings, language is a basic means of making themselves understood. The ability to communicate is quite essential for human life. Mother
tongue is used most often for communicating, but foreign languages are becoming more and more important nowadays. Knowledge and practical application of foreign languages can have a substantial impact on the quality of
human life and can broaden opportunities to get an attractive position available on the labour market. This is one of the reasons why more and more
people sit down to learn foreign languages.
While acquiring and learning a language, age and external circumstances
are a significant factor. Mental and social skills acquired in the process of familiarisation with one’s mother tongue (e.g. awareness of potential ways how
to start a dialogue; understanding metaphors and irony; awareness and knowl-
Language Learning and Language Acquisition
edge of syntax; ability to work with texts; writing skills etc.) are a highly important pre-condition for foreign language acquisition.
It is definitely not possible to agree with a frequently presented opinion
that all learners starting to learn a foreign language at primary school begin
this process with the same zero knowledge. Learners come to school with
a certain level of knowledge about the world, as well as with language abilities
rooted in the acquisition of their mother tongue. Not a single learner is a completely blank sheet of paper, even if she or he knows nothing about the foreign
language itself. Such reality is well described by Lee (1976, p. 42), who states
that learners’ experience (especially their general attitude to foreign languages
and foreigners) is brought into classrooms. Aptitude to learn foreign languages also depends on situation in the family, on parents´ attitude languages
and foreigners, etc. From the very beginning, learners’ motivation depends on
opinions and attitudes existing in immediate souroundings.
There is an essential difference between acquiring one’s mother tongue or
a foreign language in natural conditions, and learning a foreign language at
school. While acquiring one’s mother tongue (or a foreign language in its
natural environment), children gradually gain the skill of how to communicate
with their surroundings. On the basis of this skill, they become familiar with
other phenomena of life reality. Theoretical knowledge about their mother
tongue (metalanguage) is not attained until relevant formal instruction is
taught at school.
During the process of learning a language (at school, during private lessons
or by self-study), knowledge of the language is acquired together with skills of
conscious communication. This controlled learning is realised in artificial
conditions, which are different from real communicative situations in which
natural language acquisition occurs. The first attempts to use the mother
tongue are made while being with one’s mother or a close person, whereas
learning a foreign language at school means to be under a constant pressure of
the performance assessment.
The fact that the need of social contacts is fulfilled by means one’s mother
tongue may constitute another obstacle for learning a foreign language. Except
at lessons of foreign language, learners are surrounded by individuals using
their mother tongue, which is why they have to “switch” to another language
code before every lesson.
The opinion that language acquisition in natural conditions is a faster and
easier process is not confirmed by Graf and Tellmann (1997, p. 56). They refer
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to Barry Mc Laughlin’s research findings, according to which the average time
in which a child is in contact with the language at the age between two and six
is about 9,000 hours, which highly exceeds the time of any institutionalized
language teaching. Furthermore, if the development of language competence
is compared with other mental abilities, then it cannot be considered to be
exceptionally fast. In our opinion, natural conditions make language acquisition much easier if external surroundings are favourable to the person acquiring the language. If not, the process of acquisition is hindered.
Another issue which is to be taken into consideration is that not all language surroundings provide positive and/or exemplary impact on language
acquisition (which can be proved by examples of language acquired and spoken by manual workers and/or au-pairs working abroad). It is extremely difficult to get rid of the already fixed bad habits (linguistic, oral and communicative).
It is possible to basically agree with Choděra´s opinion (2006, p. 127) that
„a stay in a foreign country is so effective from linguistic point of view that the
cost of comparable results is lower than the cost of extensive teaching at school
or intensive private courses”. However, external factors must be taken into
consideration, such as to what extent such a foreign visitor is accepted,
whether there are some people using the same mother tongue, whether he or
she is supported and controlled in his or her efforts, etc.
“Interlanguage” (interlingua”) plays an important role in the theories of
language acquisition. The term refers to individual and highly specific language
competence. The existence of interlanguage is conditioned by mutual influence
of at least two languages – the mother tongue and a target language. Natural
languages cannot exist without binding rules and directives. In case of interlanguage however, these rules and directives do not exist because interlanguage is
not a language of a certain community, but rather all members of any language
community use their own and strictly individual interlanguage. The suffix “inter” reflects the process from the starting point of learning a language to the
final point of reaching absolute correctness corresponding to the norm of the
target language. According to Kohn (1974, p. 35), there are a lot of languages
existing between the pole of the mother tongue and the pole of the foreign
language In other words, the language system used by a native speaker (which
has been established through the process a natural acquisition of a language in
a certain language community) and the foreign system which is to be learnt.
The process of natural acquisition of a foreign language can be divided into
learning phrases following each other (L1, …, Ln), where 1<n. These “metalanguages” (sometimes secondary languages) materialize in the process leading
to mastering of the target language. This means that a language is learnt in steps,
continuously in the process typical of constant dynamic changes.
Interlanguage includes (unlike natural languages) not only correct utterances, systematic rules and directives of the target language, but also grammatically incorrect utterances and rules not applicable in the target language.
Statements, structures and elements of the target language are made available
to learners during the process of learning. However, whether they really become
a part of the learner’s interlanguage (previous knowledge of languages, individual learning and communication experience etc. are highly influential) depends on a lot of circumstances, which is why frequently grammatically correct
input statements change their form in the interlanguage and why there is a certain discrepancy between learning offer and practical learning outcome.
Kielhöfer (1975, p.79) compares the existence of interlanguage to the
‘black-box,’ which is located between the correct and the wrong utterance in
the learner’s brain. This can be illustrated by a situation when a learner listens
to a linguistically correct utterance in a foreign language and then s/he interprets it using her/his wording in that foreign language. This interpretation
contains, however, a smaller or bigger number of mistakes.
According to Vogel (2000, pp. 357–358), interlanguage materializes in
learner’s brain in the form of so called endophasia. It is identical with neither
the foreign language nor the mother tongue. However, it contains structures
similar to one or the other language or languages, as well as structures specific just for the interlanguage. Another feature of the interlanguage is that it
is systematic, i.e. even the elements which are not identical with the foreign
language (and are reflected in mistakes) are systematically structured. However, interlanguage is not stable, i.e. it undergoes continuous changes. At the
same time, it is simple (to be mastered by a user) and effective (i.e. sufficient
for learner’s communicative needs). In the ideal case, the interlanguage develops in direct contact with the target language and it is in accordance with the
target language’s norm.
Variability of interlanguage depends on a lot of factors, e.g. on changes
related to time (the length of the language learning)1, on conditions of the
1
The learner is aware of these changes – s/he gradually gets the ability of self-correction
and communication with native speakers.
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origin and process of communication2, on the learner’s personality3 and also
on the teaching process4 (VOGEL, 1990, p. 54). This variability appears at all
language levels. If a learner is not self-confident with his or her own language
knowledge, these doubts prevent him or her from expressing his or her ideas
in an effective and correct way, from choosing the right strategy, and these
doubts make a choice of relevant lexical elements and syntactic rules more
difficult.
According to Selinker (1972 In LIST, 1981, p. 167), only a minority of all
people trying to master a foreign language at the level comparable to their
mother tongue are able to really reach this objective. Most of people get as far
as to some „inter-languages“, which are far away from the real target language.
The research into the interlanguage is based on interdisciplinary research
into teaching and learning of a language, and more kinds of scientific methods
should be involved (e.g. linguistics, psychology of learning, methodology and
didactics, communication sciences). The development of both language
competence and communicative behaviour in the target language is researched.
The analysis and description of interlanguage should contribute to the clarification of the process of learning a foreign language; the objective is to create
teaching aids suitable and optimized for the learning process.
The individual who the teaching process is aimed at is an essential element
of the teaching process, in other words, the learner. The result of the learning
process depends on his/her willingness to learn. To tell the truth, and as Norrish states (1983, p.121), the learner has to create ”his/her language“ individually by himself/herself. The teacher cannot learn the language for the learner.
This idea was timelessly formulated already in 1836 by Humboldt, who stated
that a language actually cannot be learnt by anybody else, even though this can
be perceived differently at the first moment. A learning person can be given just
an impulse and guidelines which are to be used and developed.
2
There are differences between the language of formal and informal communication,
that of written and spoken texts, prepared and unprepared texts, the language used in tests
and that of natural communication, etc.
3
Specific personal features are of great importance (intro/extrovertness, age, motivation,
intelligence, previous experience in communication and in using languages, etc.)
4
For example the teacher’s style and organization of work, monotonous teaching methods, missing authenticity, segmentation of contents, insufficient practising of communicative
situations, ignoring of individual learning styles, etc. are of great importance.
A lot of experts deal with the issue of qualities characterizing a good
learner of foreign languages. Rubin and Stern (1975, In MISSLER, 1999, pp.
110–111) made a list of skills which are, according to them, typical of a good
learner: (1) readiness to consult and make experiments, (2) strong need for
and willingness to communicate in the foreign language and learn through
authentic communication. Contacts with native speakers develop the ability
to communicate in a foreign language and the ability to “think in a foreign
language” (a tolerant approach to the target language, empathy towards its
native speakers and spontaneity in usage are essential for such development).
To master a foreign language means to care about its form, to be ready to acquire and further modify the proper language system, which for example
means to use every opportunity to practise, to perceive utterances in the foreign languages and try to understand them. A learner should adopt a critical
approach towards his/her own as well as towards other people’s performance.
Every learner should also find his/her ideal individual learning style and acquire positive learning strategies for learning languages.
According to Choděra (2006, p. 177), the following factors are highly
important in the process of teaching/learning of a foreign language: (1) preliminary language habits and skills in the target language and related knowledge
of life and institutions (gained by studying that foreign language before, e.g.
in previous years of his/her school attendance), (2) preliminary experience
with studying foreign languages (if the learner has had experience in learning
another foreign language) and (3) aptitude (his/her dispositions to learn
a foreign language which are related to the learner’s personality and his/her
learning habits and skills).
Three phases can be distinguished in the process of mastering a language:
(1) language acquisition or language learning (getting the ability to express
one’s ideas through a language and a gradual acquisition of language skills),
(2) learning through a language (the language stops being the object and
objective of learning, it becomes a means of getting new information) and (3)
learning about a language (getting theoretically familiar with the principles of
the structure and functioning of the language).
The influence of learner’s age on foreign language studies is an issue which
is often researched. There is a prevailing opinion stating that it is difficult for
adults to learn foreign languages and that, generally, adults´ learning process
is slow and imperfect. Language skills are among those which should be acquired as early as possible because some of the qualities necessary for language
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learning (spontaneity, gift for imitation, etc.) disappear with age. According
to some authors, people lose (because of biological-physiological changes)
the ability to acquire a language in natural way. This hypothesis has been supported by the fact that puberty brings the development of the brain’s hemispheres and their specialization to the end. Felix (1982, p. 292) argues against
these opinions and states that adults are not able to reach full competence (i.e.
that of a native speaker) in foreign language not because of physiological
changes in the brain, but because of the ability of abstract thinking developed
during the puberty period. The ability of self-reflection and introspection
(which means conscious perceiving of mental language processes linked with
establishing of metalanguage) develops together with formally logical operations in the brain. Puberty brings about prevailing introvert feelings and approaches, and a tendency not to accept authorities, which results in a significantly decreased motivation towards learning.
Differences between children and adults are seen by Solmecke (1978, p.
136) not in their age but rather in the sphere of their motivation. A small child
surrounded by a foreign language environment learns the language quite fast
because there is no other way to participate in social events happening in those
surroundings. In case of adults, however, certain prejudices towards a foreign
language culture may exist, and, furthermore, knowledge of a foreign language
is essential for only some objectives because the already fixed mother tongue
is sufficient for realization of communicative needs.
List (1981, p. 152) argues against the existence of time periods in human
life in which it is extremely easy to learn a foreign language. In his opinion,
learning foreign languages and its outcome are linked more closely with the
way of learning/teaching than with the learner’s age. Imitation should be used
mainly if the language acquisition starts at early age. In case of teenagers and
adults, drilling activities and numerous cases of repetitive practical exercises
are useful for forming audio-lingual habits; a conscious analysis of language
structures seems applicable as well. It is the theoretical knowledge of the
structure of the target language which makes adults reach better results than
children when their performance is assessed. However, communicative competence in a foreign language environment is much more easily gained by
children (List, 1981, p. 158).
Vogel (1990, p. 130) links advanced age of learners with their cognitive
maturity, by which the impact of all genetic effects, previous experience and
all previous learning is meant. This impact results in increasing and structuring
of personal cognitive abilities. The cognitive capacity for processing and keeping of input information obviously changes with the age. Thanks to these
changes, adults have some advantages which do not appear in case of younger
learners. Adults´ ability of deductive learning of grammar structures is better,
their associative thinking is more developed, their memory capacity is bigger,
their conversation strategy and metalanguage thinking is more developed,
their knowledge of the world is better, their ability to differentiate and be more
precise in the sphere of lexis and semantics is bigger. That is why adults can
interpret utterances in a better way. Furthermore, adults better control their
speech perception and production, they better control their interference strategies, they are able to identify and correct their own and other people’s mistakes
more easily, they are better at analyzing and generalizing, they can use their
knowledge of the mother tongue better while learning a foreign language. They
adopt conscious and economical approach to learning strategies.
The above statements may be substantiated by the example of evening
classes attended by people of different age. Naturalness and an easier approach
to communication are typical of younger learners, whereas older learners usually do better in final tests.
As it has already been stated above, language learning and its development
is more closely connected with experience and the length of the learning period than with age. The learning process can positively influence learner’s
cognitive development. In case of good and right teaching and learning methods, learning and teaching activities are based on stimuli and methods which
systematically develop previous knowledge and cognitive functions. That is
why an institutionalized way of teaching foreign languages can speed up the
learning process (contrary to acquiring a language in natural situations when
sequences and stimuli are not systematically ordered).
The opinion that adults can (differently from children) hardly learn a foreign language easily, quickly and perfectly has proved to be wrong. The same
can be said about the statement that puberty means a critical turning point
after which it is not possible to master a foreign language. An early start is
advantageous for foreign language acquisition, but this advantage can be, in
case of a start at an older age, compensated by e.g. higher motivation, ambitious approach, learning strategies, hard work etc. When learning a foreign
language starts later, it does not mean that it will be a failure. It is better to start
learning a foreign language at an older age than not to start at all. Adults have
to learn differently from children, because their competence in the mother
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tongue has been already fixed and they can have certain experience with learning their first/previous foreign language.
An important role is played by adults´ motivation. It can be generally
stated that in the process of learning a foreign language there is a discrepancy
between the current state (i.e. the state when a foreign language is not mastered
yet) and the demanded state (the target language is mastered). Under certain
conditions, this discrepancy can produce a tension which motivates to learn
a foreign language. According to Solmecke (1978, pp.138–139), learner’s
motivation can be influenced mainly by these three factors:
1. External factors, e.g. relationships of the society, parents and other
communities towards speakers of the target language and towards
learning that language.
2. Internal factors, e.g. learners´ relationships towards the foreign language, towards speakers of that language and towards learning that
language. These individual factors are furthermore linked with learning
activities, with the teacher, school and class atmosphere, learners´ interests and needs, etc.
3. Factors dependent on the teacher and the teaching methods – e.g. the
teacher’s personality, his/her approach towards his/her learners and
the subject. (That is why a teacher should really try to provoke his/her
learners´ curiosity and need for active participation in lessons.)
Reisener (1989) makes a list of major motivation factors linked with foreign language learning and teaching. The following factors are considered to
be the most important: clarity, complexity, suppressing of the mother tongue
environment, giving preference to oral presentations, good organisation of the
teaching process, structured teaching materials, sufficient intensity of practice,
use of media for teaching purposes, pragmatic orientation, creative abilities,
stimuli developing imagination and creativity. „The most essential motivation
factor has been and will be the teacher. Nothing is more destroying for
learner’s motivation than lack of motivation on the part of teachers. … Motivation cannot be a synonym for „everything is made easier for everybody“.
I cannot consider myself to be a teacher sufficiently competitive with modern
media of entertainment industry. These media will be always winning because
they profit from their consuming approach to motivation. The pedagogy understood as “What would you prefer?“ must lead to failure because, from the
very beginning, it excludes any efforts to give a good performance and/or any
efforts to practise through drills.” (Reisener 1989, pp. 10–11).
According to Dietrich (1976, pp. 59–60), low motivation of learners is also
caused by the fact that their demands for a potential participation in decisions
concerning the process, contents and methods of learning a foreign language
are underestimated, as the awareness of the fact that his/her interests and
needs are taken into consideration is an ideal motivating factor.
Motivation is looked at from a different angle by Brown (1976, p. 73),
according to whom it is a special sphere in which egocentric elements in learning and teaching of foreign languages can be potentially researched. Brown
refers to Ausubel, according to whom a major factor contributing to higher
motivation is a person´s wish to strengthen his/her own identity in every
situation.
Insufficient motivation is a frequent cause of school failure. Lack of motivation can be a result of repeated failures, which lead to lower level of self-confidence and to gradual resignation. Exceedingly demanding teacher and exceedingly demanding learning/teaching material, as well as uninteresting or
unsuitable methods of teaching also decrease motivation. Negative approach
to learning and the subject itself can be further provoked by other reasons (e.g.
lack of parents´ interest in school results). In extreme cases, a learner can see
his/her failure as a way of attracting other people’s attention.
According to Gardner (in: Maňák, Švec, 2003, p. 35), everybody has a disposing capacity of many kinds of intelligence. One of these kinds is the language intelligence, which includes sensitivity to spoken and written language
utterances, the ability to easily learn a foreign language and to use it to perform
certain tasks. A high degree of development of this intelligence is typical of
e.g. lawyers, writers poets, commentators, interpreters, etc.”
Language aptitude is often connected with the time period needed to
fulfil a language task in accordance with the already given standard. There are
differences in learners´ disposition concerning the length of this time period.
Generally, foreign language aptitude can be characterized by four factors (Carrol, 1962; in: Vogel, 1990, p. 133): phonemic coding ability (the ability to
receive, remember and then correctly repeat foreign language sounds), grammar sensitivity (the ability to understand grammar categories, i.e. to recognize
the function of words and word forms in various contexts), memory (the ability to learn a foreign language material by heart, to keep a big number of associations in memory and to manage to repeat them) and inductive language
learning ability (the ability to abstract structures and rules from presented
language examples and then to transfer them into utterances which are new
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and have not been met before). Carrol (1965; in: List, 1981, p. 151) intensively researched the issue and made a set of tests for investigating language
aptitude. The tests focused on the level of factors mentioned above – i.e.
phonemic coding ability, grammar sensitivity, memorising ability (the ability
to learn something by heart) and inductive learning.
According to the authors, it is essential to have the ability to sort out phonetic information, keep that it in memory for a certain time, identify and
distinguish individual language elements in varied contexts, remember a row
of semantically non-coded linguistic units and to create new utterances spontaneously. Apart from these, other factors are influential in the process of
language acquisition, e.g. motivation to give a good performance, willingness
to study, social factors (e.g. relationship to the target language and its culture)
and also subjective assessment of performance in the process of learning.
It has proved quite complicated to determine how gifted for languages an
individual is. This complication results from the fact that it is not possible to
present an exact definition of the terms “success” and “failure”. There are a lot
of potential definitions of success. Nevertheless, the following situations can
be considered as examples of success in foreign language learning: a learner is
appreciated by the teacher who has the same mother tongue, a learner is able
to understand a text in a foreign language, a learner is able to understand
a conversation in a foreign language, she/he is able to take active part in foreign
language communication and express her/his opinion, a learner is able to read
texts from his/her professional sphere, she/he is able to write correct texts in
a foreign language. An example of success is also the situation when a native
speaker cannot distinguish a foreigner from a native speaker, because his/her
pronunciation, intonation and vocabulary are not strikingly distinct.
A lower level of language aptitude is sometimes interchanged with lack of
skill of learning a language (which is usually linked with insufficient working
skills, weak organizational skills or unsuitable daily regime) or a lower level of
intellectual abilities (the quality of personal dispositions, lower intellectual
level). Different languages have different spheres of learning difficulties, and
the degrees of these existing difficulties are different as well. That is why the
quality and the level of language abilities and skills can be different in case of
the same person learning a different type of language.
There are a lot of factors influencing the process of learning and teaching
foreign (and not only foreign) languages. It was not possible to discuss all of
them in detail. However, none of the influencing factors should be com-
pletely ignored. That is why we would like to present ‘good language-learner
model’ (taken from Skehan, p. 4) in Fig. 1 at the end of this text. The interconnection between such an extensive number of factors and their impact on the
learning process is definitely worthy further discussions and research.
TEACHING
Materials
Syllabus
Methodology
Resources
THE LEARNER
Age
Intelligence
Aptitude
Motivation
Attitude
Personality
Cognitive style
LEARNING
Proficiency
– listening
– speaking
– reading
– writing
Errors
Interlanguage
Affective reactions
OUTCOME
Unconscious processes
– generalization
– transfer
– simplification
Conscious processes
– strategies
THE CONTEXT
EFL/ESL
Opportunities
for use
Social milieu
Figure 1. Good language-learner model
REFERENCES:
BROWN, D.H. (1976), Affektive Variablen des Zweitsprachenerwerbs, in: G. Solmecke
(ed.), Motivation im Fremdsprachenunterricht, Schöningh, Paderborn, pp. 70–84.
CHODĚRA , J. (2006), Didaktika cizích jazyků, Academia, Praha, p. 209.
DIETRICH, I. (1976), Mitbestimmung als Motivationsfaktor, in: G. Solmecke, (ed.)
Motivation im Fremdsprachenunterricht, Schöningh, Paderborn, p. 59–69.
169
170
FELIX, S. (1982), Psycholinguistische Aspekte des Zweitspachenerwerbs, Narr, Tübingen,
323 p.
GRAF, P., TELLMANN, H. (1997), Vom früheren Fremdsprachenlernen zum Lernen in
zwei Sprachen. Schulen auf dem Weg nach Europa, Lang, Frankfurt am Main,
p. 281.
HUMBOLDT, W. VON (1836), Über die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues
und ihren Einfluß auf die geistige Entwickelung des Menschengeschlechts. Berlin, [s.n.].
11. – Mikrofiche-Ausg.: München [u.a.], Saur, 1990–1994. 26 Mikrofiches
KIELHÖFER, B. (1975), Fehlerlinguistik des Fremdsprachenerwerbs. Linguistische,
lernpsychololgische und didaktische Analyse von Französischfehlern, Scriptor, Kronsberg/Taunus, pp. 1–98.
KOHN, K. (1874), Kontrastive Syntax und Fehlerbeschreibung, Scriptor, Kronberg/
/Taunus, p. 147.
LEE, W.R. (1976), Externe und interne Motivation im Fremdsprachenunterricht, in:
G. Solmecke (ed.), Motivation im Fremdsprachenunterricht. Paderborn, Schöningh,
p. 42–48.
LIST, G. (1981), Sprachpsychologie, Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, p. 149–172.
MAŇÁK, J., ŠVEC, V. (2003), Výukové metody, Paido, Brno, p. 219.
MISSLER, B. (1999), Fremdsprachenlernerfahrungen und Lernstrategien, Stauffenburg,
Tübingen, p. 374.
NORRISH, J. (1987), Language Learners and their Errors, Macmillan, London,
p. 135.
REISENER, H. (1989), Motivierungstechniken im Fremdsprachenunterricht, Hueber,
München, p. 125.
SKEHAN, P. (1993), Individual Differences in Second-Language Learning. Edward
Arnold, a division of Hodder & Stoughton Limited. Great Britain, p. 168.
SOLMECKE, G. (1978), Psychologische Grundlagen des neusprachlichen Unterrichts,
Henn, Kastellaun, p.162.
VOGEL, K. (2000), Die Fehlerbewertung und die Krise des Faches Französisch in Deutschland, in: H. Düwell, C. Gnutzmann, F.G. Königs (eds.), Dimensionen der Didaktischen Grammatik. Festschrift für Günter Zimmermann zum 65. Geburtstag,
AKS, Bochum, pp. 349–372.
VOGEL, K. (1990), Lernersprache. Linguistische und psycholinguistische Grundfragen zu
ihrer Erforschung, Narr, Tübingen, p. 302.
Martin Skutil
School Rituals in Opinions of Secondary
School Graduates
Rituals are an inseparable part of our lives. School rituals are a specific category. In the period of senior school, graduation rituals are a significant feature
of the final school year. On the basis of empirical research, this paper demonstrates graduation rituals and their significance from students’ point of
view.
INTRODUCTION
The image of graduation exams as an educational and social phenomenon
with its peculiar history, functions, characteristics and appearance in professional materials and sources seems to be insufficient in my opinion, as graduates, who are supposed to be the focal element of the whole procedure, are not
sufficiently recognised. Their attitudes and opinions may on the one hand
significantly contribute to a balanced cross-section of the phenomenon, but
on the other hand their contribution must not be overestimated.
The results presented below are a part of a broader research framework
which was aimed at researching school rituals.
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Martin Skutil
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Rituals and ceremonies are a form of social activity. Sociologists often perceive
rituals or religious practices as rites repeatedly carried out in agreement with
pre-established rules or with a sense of deeper shared value (Calhoun, Light,
Keller, 1994, p. 350).
Rituals are a symbolic way of behaviour characterized by repetitive and
stereotypical features. They are significant in particular periods of human life,
help to alleviate fear and stress and to find self-confidence or to overcome
personal crises. At the same time, they are an important part of social life. They
strengthen and form strong internal relations, give order to life, consolidate
relations and, according to Zita and Stašová (1999, p.103), “contribute to
social cohesion (family, neighbourly, school, academic, military, sport, citizen
or club rituals, as well as rituals of big specialized organizations)”.
PROBLEM SPECIFICATIONS
Dealing with the typology of rituals, we discover that they mostly cover
critical areas of human life. For the purpose of this research, two probably most
frequently applied typologies of rituals proposed by Keller and further by van
Gennep1 are used. Both cover a significant interest-area connected with
a given problem (Skutil, 2004).
On the basis of the typology of rituals by Keller (Keller, 1997), a few
characteristics relate to the field of graduation exams. Firstly, graduation exams
are a group ritual, because only a certain (limited) group is involved. Furthermore, graduation exams are understood as a celebrative ritual. In a wider sense
of the word, it may be seen as a symbolic culmination of the secondary school
period; in a narrower sense of the word, only the graduation party is understood to be a ritual. In my opinion, graduation rituals are conductive to the
process of forming a group identity, exemplified by e.g. the Ribbon Party, the
1
Keller (1997) structures rituals partly into: celebrating, dangerous, transient, punishment, honour. Further into: social and personal or religious and secular and also into public,
group and cryptoform; van Gennep (1997) sees three phases in the frame of theory on
transient rituals: separation, boundary and alienation.
School Rituals in Opinions of Secondary School Graduates
Graduates’ Ball or the Last Ring, when students perform preordained, symbolic procedures together. Similarly to this, the graduation exam is a ritual of
respect paid by students to their teachers (see Skutil, 2004).
On the basis of the van Gennep structure (van Gennep, 1997), we may
conclude that a graduation exam is a very transient ritual. Starting the last year
of secondary school, students de facto start ritual phases of separation, not
only from their younger schoolmates, but also from their teachers and peers.
In the course of the year they mostly reach the short, but most important
boundary phase, which is represented by the act of the graduation exam. If
a student is successful at this stage, she or he may enter the final transient
phase, which is a ritual of repeated connection with a new social group (see
Skutil, 2004).
SCHOOL RITUALS
Two basic types of school rituals may be observed in school environment,
some instigated by school, others by pupils. Rituals initiated by school (Babyrádová, 2002) are mostly exploited by the educational institution in order to
motivate pupils to higher performance (McCadden, 1997). On the other
hand, rituals prompted by pupils tend to support identification with a relevant
social group.
Valenta (2007) structures educational rituals as rituals with special orientation. School environment is a specific environment for a certain age group,
and each class or each teacher is able to form original rituals for a specific
purpose. This is why these rituals belong to group rituals which are designed
for a selected group of people but are not as secretive as school rituals. Finally,
school environment also features rituals of celebrative character (e.g. birthday
and names day celebrations, mother’s day, etc.), transient rituals (at the beginning and the end of the school year etc.), and rituals of honour (onesided
rituals from pupils towards teachers, as well as mutual, i.e. teacher/pupils and
pupils/pupils).
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Martin Skutil
TYPES OF GRADUATION RITUALS
I am aware that some from the rituals appearing in the results of research could
be specific for the Czech environment. Therefore, I consider it suitable to
provide a brief description.
The Ribbon Party. It is a meeting of students held mostly in December of
the last year of study. Pupils find a pleasant place, where in the course of the
evening each of the students is decorated with a ribbon. The student marked
with this symbol is included into the category of graduates.
Portraits of Graduates. Most classes create boards with of graduates´ portraits
in the last year of secondary school. The boards feature the name of the school,
years of study and photographs (or informal snaps have been more popular recently) of all students of the class together with class teacher. Portraits of graduates
are exhibited mostly in shop windows to be displayed to the public.
The Graduation Ball and Sashing. It is a very official event organized by
school. During the ball, each graduate is decorated with a sash, upon which
the word Graduate and the period of study (or the year of the graduation
exam) are printed. The ball is usually held in February of the last year of study
and all school representatives, students, their parents, and friends are
present.
The Last Ring. It is a tradition of groups of students in masks walking
around the streets on the last day of their school attendance, performing
funny sketches and receiving small financial support from passers-by for the
graduation party held after the exam.
The Graduation Party. It is usually an informal meeting of students, who
have passed graduation exams. Usually, the class teacher and other popular
teachers are invited. As the students are adults, the period of fear and stress
from the graduation exam is over, so the party is very buoyant.
METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH
The main objective of the research is to show which rituals are practised by
the graduates in their final year of secondary school and whether the tradition
of holding them helps the students in some way to overcome the stress relating
to the preparation for and passing the graduation exam.
A research sample of 120 respondents was formed out of first-year students
of the Faculty of Education, University Hradec Králové. The respondents are
graduates from various types of secondary schools (grammar school – 29,
secondary school of pedagogy – 53, other types of secondary schools – 35).
The research sample was formed by the method of group selection (Chráska,
2007).
Students wrote 1 or 2-page essays on the topic of graduation exams. The
whole topic was wider, but for the needs of this study only the following subquestions were used:
• Which types of rituals did you follow in the last year of study?
• Which of the graduation rituals do you consider significant?
• Did the rituals help you in some way in completing your study?
RESEARCH RESULTS
When elaborating the answers, I received a number of heterogeneous and
mostly subjective answers. The most frequent answers were scaled from strong
to inadequate stress. In total, 80% of respondents provided a spontaneous
response.
Apparently, in spite of the fact that respondents graduated from various
types of secondary schools, rituals are carried out similarly at all types of
schools. The data demonstrates that five graduation rituals are diligently observed. The results are presented in the pie chart below.
Graduation ball
and sashing;
113
Ribbon part;
107
Portraits of
graduates; 15
Last ring; 108
Graduation
party; 115
Figure 1. Adherence to graduation rituals
175
176
Martin Skutil
The Ribbon Party was attended by 89% of respondents, the Graduation
Ball and Sashing by 94%, 90% took part in the Last Ring. The highest number
of students attended the Graduation Party, i.e. 96%. It is a surprising fact that
only 12% of respondents considered preparation and exhibition of portraits
as a ritual, seeing it rather as a passive group activity.
Become aware
of exceptionality;
88
Test of intercalss
relations; 12
Plesant
amusement;
101
Figure 2 Significance of graduation rituals
Another interesting finding is concerned with the level of significance attributed to graduation rituals. The results are presented in the pie chart below.
For the majority (84%), graduation rituals are considered a pleasant
amusement, nearly three quarters of respondents (73%) are aware of the
forthcoming and impending graduation exam and they become aware of its
exceptionality. On the other hand, 15% of respondents state that the organization of graduation rituals revealed some imperfections in class relations.
Agree; 2
Don’t know; 1
Disagree; 79
Agree slightly; 8
Disagree
slightly; 30
Figure 3 Usefulness of rituals in completing studies
When asked whether the graduation rituals helped in preparation and
passing the graduation exam, the answers were quite clear. The results are
presented in pie chart no. 3.
Eight per cent (8%) of respondents provided agree or agree slightly as a response, 91% selected disagree slightly” or “disagree”, one student (1%) answered
I don´t know. Another important finding is that rituals that bring pupils inner
peace are regarded as far more important. However, their identification and
classification does not lies within the interest of this paper.
CONCLUSIONS
Graduation rituals enjoy a long tradition in the Czech school environment. The
most important graduation rituals are as follows: the Graduation Party, the
Graduation Ball with Sashing, the Last Ring and the Ribbon Party. Students
mostly comply with the rituals, especially because they set them apart from
other (younger) students, but also because they provide them with gratifying
awareness of their special position in society. The influence of rituals on the
process of completion of the study was not verified. However, it was proved that
personal rituals were important for students and brought them inner peace.
REFERENCES:
BABYRÁDOVÁ, H. (2002), Rituál, umění a výchova, PdF MU, Brno.
CALHOUN, C., LIGHT, D., KELLER, S. (1994), Sociology, 6th ed. McGraw-Hill, New York.
CHRÁSKA , M. (2007), Úvod do výzkumu v pedagogice, Portál, Praha.
McCADDEN, B. (1997), The role of transitional rituále, in: The Urban Review, vol. 29,
no. 4.
KELLER, J. (1997), Úvod do socjologie, SLON, Praha.
SKUTIL, M. (2004), Specifika maturity jako školního rituálu, in: Zborník príspevkov zo
VII. ročníka stretnutí: Študentské forum, OZ V4 MFF UK, Bratislava.
van Gennep, A. (2004), The Rittes of Pasage, Routledge, London.
VALENTA, M. (2007), Dramaterapie, Portál, Praha.
ZITA, J., STAŠOVÁ, L. (1999), Sociologie pro sociální pracovníky, Gaudeamus, Hradec
Králové.
177
Creating
Creating
the Environment
the Environment
for Cooperation
for Cooperation
at School
at School
Linda Daniela, Dita Nīmante
Teachers’ Perception
of Discipline Problems
Misbehavior at school is seen by teachers, parents and the society of contemporary Latvia as one of major problems. However, after the restoration of independence, classroom discipline problems ceased to be in the centre of attention of pedagogical milieu, as it was widely believed that discipline problems
would disappear along with the onset of democratic educational environment.
However, it has perspired that in reality the issue of discipline has to be improved and teachers have to be ready to promote its progress.
Results of research on teachers’ perception of causes of discipline problems
are presented in this article, together with their suggestions as to how to solve
them. The research was conducted in Riga’s (capital city of Latvia) Vidzeme
suburb from 2008 to 2009.
INTRODUCTION
Misbehavior at school is seen as one of major problems recognized by teachers, parents and contemporary society in Latvia. According to the survey
conducted in 2008 (DnB NORD Latvijas barometra ziņojums, 2008), the most
pressing challenge in Latvian schools is lack of discipline. According to the
research results, disciplinary problems in schools and classrooms may lead to
more serious consequences. They, together with school failure are in the group
of factors influencing student drop-out in Latvia (Kraitone, et al, 2006).
182
After Latvia regained independence in 1991, the processes of democratization in the society brought many changes to education. Having given up
characteristic demands of normative pedagogy, it was accepted that there is
no need for regulating students’ behaviour in a democratic school. However,
an increasing number of problems concerning student’s misbehaviour proved
that it had been a groundless supposition. Consultations with teachers, representatives of school administration, social educators and psychologists testify
that these problems are becoming more and more serious and have become
most alarming. Educators have forgotten that unsatisfactory behaviour and
discipline problems had always been an important issue in education. Socrates,
the Greek philosopher who lived from 469–399 BC maintained that “children
are now tyrants, not servants of their households. They no longer rise when
elders enter the room. They contradict their parents, chatter before company,
gobble up dainties at the table, cross their legs, and tyrannize over their teachers.” One can agree that Socrates’ statement has not lost its topicality even
today. The importance of discipline at school has been recognized ever since.
By investigating the development of the term ‘discipline’, we may conclude
that the term ‘discipline’ had been used only as an attribute to certain demands
until Renaissance. J. A. Comenius defined the objective of discipline as one of
preconditions for successful learning process (Komenskis, 1992). In his fundamental work “Didactica magna” (1657) he concluded that: „Discipline is
a method by which students really become students” (Komenskis, 1992). The
distinguished Latvian educator Dēķens affirms that: “Discipline equals order
and good behaviour. Discipline in school brings school to its idea and authority” (Dēķens, 1919).
As far back as since the 60s of the last century, the development of psychology and pedagogy has led to a widespread research covering the two disciplines. Short after the term ‘classroom management’ was introduced by
Kounin (1977).
Discipline and effective classroom management were perceived as a very
important condition for effective learning and teaching in the classroom, or
in more general terms as effective pedagogy (Marzano, Pickering, Pollock,
2001). Dreikurs and Cassel maintained that: „discipline is fulcrum of the
educational process. Without discipline both teachers and their students are
in an unbalanced state and there is no place for appropriate learning (Dreikurs,
Cassel, etc. 2004). The importance of discipline in the classroom has also
been acknowledged by many authors elsewhere in the world ever since (Bal-
Teachers’ Perception of Discipline Problems
son, 1995; Canter, 1993; Coloroso, 2002; Dixon, 2001; Dreikurs&Cassel,
etc., 2004; Eisenberg, Mussen, Shantz, 1989; Gage&Berliner, 1999; Glasser,
1998a,b).
In the research carried out in the USA it was concluded that there is
a certain number of students who seriously misbehave (3–5%). 7–10% of
students are in a so called risk group, whereas 85–90% of students usually do
not have any discipline problems (Sadler 2003). No such research has been
done in Latvia so far. Yet, it may be concluded that problems of misbehaviour
are recognized and that there is a great necessity to solve them. Behavioural
problems are equally important as learning problems. (see: Social educators’
reports (see fig.1) (Riga City Council Department of Education, Culture and
Sport, 2010).
repeated consultations
consultations
525
Learning
difficulties
947
422
Behavioral
problems
809
School
absence
367
686
Figure 1. Individual consultations for students
Time and time again every teacher faces discipline problems. They solve
them depending on their experience, psychological state, and relationships
with their students, and more importantly, depending on their readiness to
work with discipline problems. We believe that it depends also depends on
their perception of the underlying causes, which leads to the following research
question.
183
184
RESEARCH QUESTION
What is teachers’ perception of causes of misbehavior and how discipline
problems should be solved?
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
The ultimate goal of classroom management is to maintain some kind of
order in the classroom so that effective teaching and learning can be ensured
(Porter, 2007). It is important that there are students in the classroom whose
self discipline is comparable to the postulated requirements. For that reason,
there are other classroom management objectives: to encourage the development of a personality that possesses the following features: self discipline,
responsibility, competence, and full capability to function in the society, cooperation, honesty and decency, as well as emotional self-control (Porter,
2007). We use the terminology ‘classroom management’ in a wider context,
but discipline is referred to one of the aspects of classroom management.
Discipline is the practice of teaching a person to obey rules or a code of
social behavior. Kersey explains it in the following way: “It means helping the
child learn to control and set standards for himself ” (Kersey, 2010). Yet, it
reveals a certain contradiction. Slee admits that “discipline complements the
process of teaching, whereas control assumes conflict of interest, disagreement
concerning goals, and it is tangential to the aims of education” (Slee, 1999).
Individual freedom in democracy and the need to maintain order at school
and in the classroom is one of general contradictions in contemporary classroom management. Institutions, teachers and school administrators are creating their own standards of social behavior and codes of practices. On entering
an educational institution children face a definite order. Gudjons, by footing
his understanding on the theory of Symbolic Interactions, admits that interaction between students and institution is not open and effortless. Institutions
control the implementation of ‘the code of practice’ or established norms by
implementing positive and negative sanctions from the position of power
(Gudjons, 1998). Institutions establish norms, such as: what does it mean to
be ‘a good student’ or ‘a bad student’, what is bad and what is good behavior.
Teachers follow those norms by labeling children as ‘bad students’ or ‘good
students’. Those labels can influence not only the children’s behavior, but also
their self-identity (Gudjons, 1998).
Slee maintains that “judgment is not random, it is tied to institutional
imperatives, to preferred social values, and to assessment” (Slee, 1999). We
may add that it is also linked with teachers’ perception of reasons for misbehavior and with how they think it should be handled, what strategies to solve
discipline problems in the classroom should be applied.
In order to teach, teachers should be able to perform their teaching in some
kind of order. If they try to teach without establishing the necessary conditions, then the quality of teaching will suffer. Hence the following dilemmas:
what is teachers’ internal locus of control; whether to control behavior for
teachers’ sake, or to develop appropriate behavior for students’ benefit. In
other words, either to choose to be in power and control over the class or to
share the power with students, to help them to become more self disciplined,
self controlled, to become better persons.
Various theories explicate the possible causes of children’s misbehavior as
well as suggest possible solutions. Behaviorists (Skinner, 2002; Canter, L&M.,
2001, etc.) believe that unacceptable behavior is learned and needs to be
identified, monitored and redirected. Teachers’ main task is to control the
process. Information about a child’s behavior should be gathered, controlled
and modified till eliminated unwanted behavior.
Humanists (Gordon, 1974; Rogers, 2004) believe that every child has
self-discipline. Therefore, a teacher can only help to develop their personality
by consulting and advising. Gordon maintains that disciplining children may
be damaging to their physical, emotional and social well being. Therefore, the
use of power in order to discipline is useless. He further admits: “To have
a profound and lasting influence on lives of young people, adults must forget
using power methods to control children and instead employ certain new
methods that will greatly enhance their ability to be a positive influence in the
lives of youngsters (Gordon, 1989, p.6). Gordon points out that the reason
for students’ misbehavior is rooted in “harsh, punitive, power-based assertive
punishment” employed by their parents, teachers and school as such (Gordon,
1989, p. 215).
The objective of the Democratic approach (Dreikurs, 2004; Balson, 1995;
Glasser, 1998) to classroom management is the creation of citizens who are
rational and responsible members of democratic societies and who are expected to make decisions regarding the fulfillment of their needs in a way that
185
186
corresponds to social norms and equal needs of others. Dreikurs bases his
beliefs on Alfred Adler’s premises that “all behavior is purposeful.” He believes
that “one cannot understand the behavior of another person unless one knows
on which goal it is directed, and it must be stated that it is always directed towards finding one’s own place. If a person misbehaves, then it indicates that it
has wrong ideas about how to appear significant“ (Dreikurs, 1991, p. 8). It
means that teachers should understand that “if a child resists learning or misbehaves, it is not due to its personal maladjustment, but rather due to its cultural predicament” (Dreikurs, 1991, p. 9.).
Curwin and Mendler admit that “schools do not exist as isolated institutions, untouched by adjacent social events” (Curwin, Mendler, 2001, p.5).
Therefore, in order to understand the problems of discipline, one has to understand the whole spectrum of the context of the culture of a particular school
or community, of factors that occur both within and outside of school
boundaries. Once the context is understood, teachers can learn how to act
upon those factors that are within their control and how to live with those that
are not (Curwin, Mendler, 2001).
Curwin and Mendler divide misbehavior factors into: outside school
causes (violence in society, effects of the media, “me” generation, lack of secure
family environment, difficult temperament) and “in-school” causes (boredom,
powerlessness, unclear limits, lack of acceptable outlets for feelings, attacks
and dignity).
According to Daniela (2009), teachers in Latvia very often blame uneducated students, inappropriate upbringing in the family or other school specialists for current situation, as well as their inability to ensure order in the classroom.
On the other hand, adolescent students blame teachers for “boring lessons”,
unclear rules and disagreement on the rules and requirements among teachers.
In some cases, adolescent students agree that intrapersonal factors (some
students join those who are not disciplined; students cannot control their
emotions) provoke discipline problems in the classroom. Thus, students
conclude that an interesting lesson, alongside with a creative teacher and involvement on the part of students, promote positive attitude towards the
teacher and the subject, and by the same token the discipline in the classroom
(Daniela, 2009).
As it was concluded by Daniela (2009), classroom discipline is directly
influenced by teachers’ actions. The above mentioned conditions are con-
nected with teachers’ activity and their perception of who is responsible for
the discipline in the classroom. The conditions that have to be observed in the
educational environment henceforward are referred to by the term “discipline”,
which embodies not only various conditions of a self-organized action (for
example, coming to lessons on time), but also the conditions of mutual relations (polite behavior) and the assertion of one’s rights. Discipline should not
be perceived as individually set requirements, but rather as bounds of a selforganized action, resulting from the interaction between the teacher and
students, which in turn encourages students to express their opinion creatively, to learn successfully, and while having their rights to freedom, respect
the rights of their teacher and of other students to individuality, thus being
aware that freedom also embodies responsibility (Daniela, 2009).
In this research the authors analyzed teachers’ perception of causes of
discipline problems and their suggestions for solutions.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The research was conducted in Riga’s Vidzeme suburb from 2008 to 2009.
At the pre stage of the research, reports drawn up by 157 social educators from
all schools in Riga were analyzed in the 5-year-period (2003–2008). In the
reports, the problem of misbehaviour was labelled as the most common and
as recurring during the last 5 years (2003–2008). As shown in the example
from 2008 (see Fig. 2), the major problems are: behavioural problems, conflicts, violence, violation of rules and obligations.
At the first stage of the research focus group discussions were organized
with social educators. There was one focus group organized in 2008 and there
were 33 social educators from Riga’s Vidzeme’s suburb schools participating
in the focus group discussion. As the result of the discussions in focus groups,
there was a collective statement on the perception of possible causes of discipline problems. These statements were codified and inserted in the research
questionnaire.
At the second stage of the research a pilot study was carried out in the
Riga’s Jugla Gymnasium. A questionnaire was handed out to 40 teachers and
36 valid questionnaires were received. The questionnaire consisted of two
parts. In the first part there were statements on the possible causes of disci-
187
6.88%
5.59%
6.28%
4.86%
4.56%
4.30%
10.21%
11.03%
10.59%
11.82%
7.79%
9.62%
8.64%
10%
10.56%
11.23%
15.85%
19.46%
20.99%
18.11%
6.68%
8.96%
7.74%
15%
14.11%
12.54%
13.38%
20%
15.60%
25%
22.61%
5%
%, to number of counsulted students in 1st semester
O
pr the
ob r
le
m
s
Fa
pr mi
ob lly
le
m
s
Ch
re ild
sp re
on n
sib and
ilit
y
n
Ad
di
ct
io
Vi
ol
en
ce
C
sit onfl
ua ic
tio t
n
Le
di a r n
fic in
ul g
tie
s
B
pr eha
ob vio
le ur
m a
s l
0%
A
fro bse
m nc
sc e
ho
ol
188
%, to number of counsulted students in 2nd semester
%, to number of counsulted students in study year
Figure 2. Number of consulted students by problem areas (Riga, 2008)
pline problems. Teachers could range the answers in 5 levels: from 0 – always
to 5 – never. In the second part of the questionnaire, teachers were asked to
freely name possible solutions. Afterwards, the codified answers of the pilot
study were verified and corrected. Teachers freely expressed their opinions
on solutions to discipline problems and their answers were codified and inserted as second part of the questionnaire. The statements were divided into
five big groups: causes connected with the educational system; causes connected with students’ personality; causes connected with students’ social
context; causes connected with their family; causes connected with teachers’
personality.
At the third stage of the research the questionnaires were disseminated to
300 teachers in 30 schools in Riga’s Vidzeme suburb. Those were both majority (native speaking schools) and minority schools (Russian, Polish language
speaking schools). The questionnaire was anonymous. 233 valid questionnaires were received. The sampling of the research is not fully representative.
Nevertheless, the results reveal some tendencies and constitute a basis for
future research.
Data processing was done by means of SPSS 18.0 data processing software.
The analysis of primary data was done by means of descriptive statistics
(analysis of frequencies, central tendency, variability, crosstabs, skewness).
The processing of secondary data was done by means of methods used for test
reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha test).
MAIN FINDINGS
Teachers stipulated several causes of disciplinary problems connected with
educational system (Table 1): general curriculum is not connected with real life,
students insufficiently acquire the subject, the curriculum is too narrow, it is not
acquired from different points of view, low authority of teachers in society.
Table 1. Problems in educational system
N 233
General curriculum is not connected
with real life
Students insufficiently acquire the
subject
The curriculum is too narrow, it is not
acquired from different points of view
Low authority of teachers
Mean
Std.
Deviation
Variance
Skewness
Std. Error
of Skewness
3,11
,882
,777
-,364
,159
3,30
,883
,780
,016
,159
3,09
,714
,510
,160
,159
2,94
,915
,837
,213
,159
Teachers’ definitions of causes reveal that they refer to comprehensive problems within the overall educational system. They maintain that reasons for disciplinary problems in the classroom are directly linked with insufficient quality
of teaching programs. The quality of teaching problem itself has already been
defined in the previous studies. The complexity of programs has been assessed
as one of major factors influencing failures as early as in elementary school
(Dedze, et al, 2004). It also reveals the following contradiction: It is not stated
by Latvian normative documents that there are any restrictions regarding free
choice of teaching programs as guidance to create teachers’ own curricula. They
are free to create their own programs and to get approval by school and the
Ministry of Education in order to implement it. Therefore, one can conclude
189
190
that teachers can exercise the freedom of choice. State educational system can’t
take responsibility for the fact that teachers have designed and implemented such
programs which fail to reflect the reality and have „too narrow” focus in the
subject-matter of a particular subject. There is a lack of consistency in the assumption provided by teachers with relevance to educational problems in saying
that „students insufficiently acquire a given subject”. It provides clear evidence
that teachers display a certain lack of understanding of their rights and opportunities within the framework of pedagogical processes at school. Boring lessons
are therefore only one offshot of ineffective programs. Students cannot find
themselves as a part of the learning process because it is not connected with
reality and does not reflect defined objectives for a particular subject.
students’ personality (see table 2): students ignore teachers’ instructions;
students ignore parents’ instructions; students are at critical age; students do
not make an effort to learn; students do not respect the teacher; students are
not interested in learning; students do not have learning skills; students are
influenced by poor examples; students have diverse ethical values; no acquired
behavioral skills at previous educational stages.
Table 2. Problems connected with students’ personality
Variance
Skewness
Std. Error of
Skewness
3,37
3,53
3,22
3,62
2,94
3,24
3,41
3,16
3,52
Std.
Deviation
,750
,914
,804
,853
1,032
1,131
,906
,981
,831
,563
,836
,646
,727
1,065
1,278
,821
,962
,691
-,179
-,335
-,216
-,324
,145
-,485
-,279
,036
-,207
,159
,159
,159
,159
,159
,159
,159
,159
,159
3,09
1,034
1,070
-,173
,159
N 233
Mean
Students ignore teachers’ instructions
Students ignore parents’ instructions
Students are at critical age
Students do not make an effort to learn
Students do not respect the teacher
Students are not interested in learning
Students do not have learning skills
Students are influenced by poor examples
Students have diverse ethical values
No acquired behavioral skills at previous
educational stages
Disciplinary causes acknowledged by teachers related to students’ personality reveal that they emphasize a direct link between disciplinary problems in
the classroom and low self-discipline, low motivation in acquiring knowledge,
low behavioral and social skills and insufficient learning skills. According to
teachers, certain age characteristics impact students’ behavior, too. Teachers
recognized that disciplinary problems in the classroom might be based on the
fact that students are intervening in cases of purposeful misbehavior. There is
a situation in which students „share” misbehavior with those who started it,
even if initially they did not have such intention. This had already been mentioned as a cause of misbehavior by students in previous research (Daniela,
2009). This phenomenon had also been described within the so called „ripple
effect” theory (Kounin, 1977).
In the context of classroom management, everything that happens to one
student makes a significant impact on other students (the rest of the class). If
teachers understand this regularity, they might organize the classroom in such
a way which will not allow for interruption of the whole teaching process.
However, it is only possible if teachers to regard the problem professionally,
trying to “avoid” the old blaming game. Search of the „guilty person in the
classroom” or blaming a child for its misbehavior will always end with the most
negative effect to the student. The research reveals that Latvian teachers are
ready to work only with „good”, socially adaptive and well motivated students
(Dedze, et al. 2004). Those children who display misbehavior problems are
thought to be somebody else’s problem. It is possible that such opinions are
based on unskilful classroom management.
Teachers stipulated several causes of disciplinary problems connected
with social context (see Table 3): negative influence of mass media; passion
for using new technologies; experience of violence; use of addictive substances; no measures for improvement of social status; changes of values in
the society.
Table 3. Problems connected with social context
N 233
Mean
Negative influence of mass media
Passion for using new technologies
Experience of violence
Use of addictive substances
No measures for improvement of social status
Change of values in the society
3,45
3,39
2,64
2,56
3,42
3,79
Std. Deviation
,955
,936
,908
1,011
1,036
,910
Variance
,912
,876
,825
1,023
1,073
,828
Skew- Std. Error
ness of Skewness
-,292
,159
-,238
,159
,453
,159
,106
,159
-,619
,159
-,376
,159
191
192
The disciplinary causes related to the social context defined by teachers
reveal that they are aware of a variety of external factors which influence students’ behavior. More and more teachers, doctors and scientists are worrying
about the tendency of increased influence of media on behavior. According to
the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), “children are influenced by media.
They learn by observing, imitating, and making the behavior their own”
(American Academy of Pediatrics 2001, p.1224). Mass media exert huge influence on students, not only in the way, but also in the content of their thinking.
This influence is so complicated because it creates mutual interaction between
the provider and the consumer of the information, which makes changes in
students’ classical understanding of ‘good’ or ‘bad’, and provides mixed perception of acceptable and unacceptable behavior. Modern technologies have their
own system of values based not always on classical patterns offered by family
and teachers. Students’ perception and behavior are influenced by widespread
and easily accessible information. No restrictions in availability of different
sources, ensures that there are no limits for the influence.
family (see Table 4): parents are not authority for children; parents do not pay
attention to the educational process; parents do not have unified demands;
parents do not respect the teacher; parents do not cooperate with teachers;
parents do not teach their children ethical values; parents do not spend enough
time with their children; parents do not help their children to solve learning
difficulties; parents do not have enough skills for raising their kids; family is
divorced, single-parent or in risky situation; parents do not cooperate with
school; parents do not live with their children.
Table 4. Problems connected with family
N 233
Mean
Parents are not authority for children
Parents do not pay attention to educational process
Parents do not have unified demands
Parents do not respect the teacher
Parents do not cooperate with teachers
Parents do not teach their children ethical values
3,24
Std. Deviation
,947
,897
Skewness
-,243
Std. Error of
Skewness
,159
3,31
,914
,835
-,242
,159
3,42
3,06
3,06
,892
,952
,959
,796
,906
,919
-,566
-,203
-,091
,159
,159
,159
3,32
,957
,916
-,228
,159
Variance
N 233
Mean
Std. Deviation
Variance
Skewness
Std. Error of
Skewness
3,48
,910
,828
-,318
,159
3,39
,844
,712
-,267
,159
3,28
,932
,868
-,174
,159
3,39
,802
,643
-,155
,159
3,24
2,96
,924
,975
,854
,951
,043
,050
,159
,159
Parents do not spend enough time with
their children
Parents do not help their children to
solve learning difficulties
Parents do not have enough skills for
raising their kids
Family is divorced, single-parent or in
risky situation
Parents do not cooperate with school
Parents do not live with their children
The disciplinary causes related to family defined by teachers, show that they
would like to highlight the connection between students’ misbehavior at
school with a similar situation at home. They assume that parents lack the
necessary skills required for the development of discipline in children. Teachers express an opinion that parents don’t assist their children in all necessary
preparations for school. In teachers’ mind, it might be important for parents
to have time for their children in order to ensure their correct development.
Finally, teachers blame parents for insufficient cooperation with school. These
results were more or less predictable and they are similar in other studies, too
(Levin, et al. 1984).
teacher’s personality (see Table 5): teachers do not motivate students to learn;
teachers are not familiar with psychology; teachers do not have pedagogical
and didactic skills; teachers use authoritarian working methods; teachers are
too tolerant; teachers are not emphatic; teachers are not allowed to punish
students; teachers have lost credibility in the eyes of their students; teachers
feel isolated with their problems.
Table 5. Problems connected with teachers’ personality
N 233
Mean
Teachers do not motivate students to learn
Teachers are not familiar with psychology
Teachers do not have pedagogical and
didactic skills
2,55
2,56
Std. Deviation
1,070
1,062
2,57
1,216
VariStd. Error of
Skewness
ance
Skewness
1,145
,349
,159
1,127
,523
,159
1,479
,610
,159
193
194
N 233
Teachers use authoritarian working
methods
Teachers are too tolerant
Teachers are not emphatic
Teachers are not allowed to punish students
Teachers have lost credibility in the eyes of
their students
Teachers feel isolated with their problems
Teachers do not cooperate with other
professionals
Teacher do not inform parents about the
problems
Mean
Std. Deviation
VariStd. Error of
Skewness
ance
Skewness
2,71
,923
,852
,371
,159
2,89
2,55
2,82
,831
,787
1,238
,691
,619
1,534
,158
,130
,160
,159
,159
,159
2,99
1,050
1,103
,062
,159
3,09
1,011
1,022
-,081
,159
2,83
1,153
1,330
,400
,159
2,46
1,067
1,138
,300
,159
The disciplinary causes defined by teachers related to teachers’ personality,
reveal that they understand their insufficient classroom management competence. They admit that authoritarian strategies to solve discipline problems are
still used. At the same time, teachers realize that this may also be a cause of
misbehavior. It may probably even lead to “loosing credibility in the eyes of
their students”. Teachers would like to cooperate more closely with other colleagues. They agree that there are certain signs of isolation. They have to deal
with problems by themselves. At the same time, they are not eager to inform
parents about discipline problems.
The analysis of responses indicates that teachers recognize the need to solve
problems of misbehavior. Therefore, there should be some kind of competence
in classroom management. Teachers feel the necessity for administrative support and parental support in handling discipline problems in the classroom.
Teachers stipulated possible solutions for reducing disciplinary problems
(see Table 6): class sizes should be decreased; more support specialists should
work at schools; teachers should cooperate to support each other; cooperation
between parents and teachers should be improved; teachers should know their
students better; teachers should be informed about students’ personal problems;
there should be more effort from students; students’ effort should be evaluated;
more positive reinforcement should be used; teachers should get more support
from other institutions; changes in legislative system should be made to reinforce
students’ obligations; changes in legislative system should be made to reinforce
parents’ obligations; educational department should support teachers.
Table 6. Teachers’ opinions on possible solutions
N 233
Mean
Class sizes should be decreased
More support specialists should work at
schools
Teachers should cooperate to support each
other
Cooperation between parents and teachers
should be improved
Teachers should know their students better
Teachers should be informed about students’ personal problems
There should be more effort from students
Students’ effort should be evaluated
More positive reinforcement should be used
Teachers should get more support from
other institutions
Changes in legislative system should be
made to reinforce students’ obligations
Changes in legislative system should be
made to reinforce parents’ obligations
Educational department should support
teachers
4,07
1,066
1,137
-,900
Std. Error
of Skewness
,159
3,80
1,144
1,308
-,591
,159
3,78
1,014
1,028
-,366
,159
3,94
,945
,893
-,529
,159
3,75
1,000
1,000
-,360
,159
3,55
,982
,964
-,055
,159
3,94
3,60
3,73
,976
1,021
1,026
,953
1,043
1,054
-,664
-,056
-,345
,159
,159
,159
4,10
1,002
1,003
-,953
,159
4,38
,912
,831
-1,303
,159
4,42
,882
,779
-1,376
,159
4,24
,998
,996
-1,137
,159
Std. DeVariance
viation
Skewness
The possible solutions to solve the problems of discipline within the existing situation identified and defined by teachers reveal that they are basically
trying to search for external solutions like: to minimize the size of the class, to
emphasize the necessity for changes of the normative (legal) base in creating
conditions where more responsibility could be shared with parents and students, to require more real support from the Department of Education and
other related institutions, to encourage support specialists to work at school.
At the same time, it can be concluded that some teachers are aware of their
role in downsizing the existing contemporary disciplinary problems. As it was
mentioned before, they realize and understand their own shortfalls and lack
of effectiveness. Still, there are not many options directed towards credible
improvement of pedagogical skills. They include the following: to emphasize
the necessity of cooperation with colleagues, to encourage positive reinforcement in the teaching process and positive evaluation of students’ efforts.
195
196
While analyzing the overall results, it is apparent that teachers believe that
the most important reason for the persistence of discipline problems in educational process lies in the fact that „Students insufficiently acquire a given
subject”, and a less important reason form teachers’ perspective is “Low authority of teachers”. In problems which are connected with students’ personality, they point at the category: “Students do not make an effort to learn,” which
automatically leads to problems with acquiring the subject and a less important
reason in this part is “Students do not respect the teacher”, which shows teachers’ desire to see problems outside of their personality and working methods.
The problem of social background is given “Change of values in the society”
as a reason of discipline problems. Teachers also point out to “Use of addictive
substances” as a less important reason for discipline problems. Causes of
discipline problems in family are usually seen as most important (Table 4),
but causes in their working methods as less important (Table 5). Teachers
believe that problems with acquiring a subject, teachers’ respect among students and students’ interest in learning can be solved by changes in the legislative system to reinforce students’ responsibility (fig. 3, 4, 5).
If teachers are asked to find out the possible solutions to discipline problems, then it is widely agreed among teachers that solutions should be found
outside of school and teachers’ activity (Table 6).
Figure 3. Teachers’ beliefs on “How to make students acquire the subject”
Figure 4. Teachers’ beliefs on “How to make students respect teachers”
Figure 5. Teachers’ beliefs on “How to interest students in learning”
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198
CONCLUSIONS
In the research it was concluded that teachers identify several causes of discipline problems in the classroom.
• They believe that the reasons for disciplinary problems in the classroom
are directly linked with insufficient quality of teaching programs. They
attribute those problems to the education system, but fail to connect
them with their own responsibility and possibilities in the pedagogical
process.
• They emphasize the direct link between disciplinary problems in the
classroom and students’ low self-discipline, low motivation in acquiring
knowledge, low behavioral and social skills, and insufficient learning
skills. According to the teachers, the characteristics of a certain age have
an impact on students’ behavior as well. Teachers recognized that
disciplinary problems in the classroom might be based on the fact that
students are participating in purposeful misbehavior of others.
• They are aware of a variety of external factors. The media and modern
technologies are mentioned.
• They emphasize the connection between students’ misbehavior at
school with a similar situation at home, where there is lack of discipline
as well. Teachers assume that parents lack the necessary skills required
for the development of self-discipline.
• Causes of misbehavior connected with teacher’s personality and professionalism, indicate that teachers understand their insufficient classroom
management competence. They admit that authoritarian style strategies to solve discipline problems are still used. At the same time, they
realize that this is also a cause of misbehavior. They agree that there are
certain signs of isolation for teachers in solving of problems connected
with student misbehavior. They have to deal with the problems by
themselves. At the same time, they are not eager to inform parents
about discipline problems.
Having summarized the solutions to problems of classroom management,
one may conclude that teachers recognize the need to solve problems of misbehavior. At the same time, in a vast majority of cases teachers are trying to
search for external solutions, such as: to minimize the size of the class, to
emphasize the necessity for changes in the normative (legal) base by creating
conditions in which more responsibility could be shared with parents and
students, to require more real support from the Department of Education and
other related institutions, to encourage support specialists to work at school.
There are not so many options directed towards credible improvement of
pedagogical skills. They include the following: to emphasize the necessity of
cooperation with colleagues, to encourage positive reinforcement in the teaching process and positive evaluation of students’ efforts.
Therefore, one can conclude that there is a certain contradiction (see fig.
6) between teachers’perception of possible causes of misbehavior problems
and the possible solutions to them. This leads to the future research of the
problem.
Teachers’ beliefs on causes
of discipline problems
Contradiction
Teachers’ perception of solutions
to discipline problems
Figure 6. Contradiction between teachers’ beliefs and their perception of
discipline problems
DISCUSSION
Historically, authoritarian style of teaching in Latvia influenced classroom
management style. Regardless of changes in pedagogy (paradigm shift from
authoritarian to democratic and humanistic), generally, there has not been
much modification in the way how teachers address discipline problems in
contemporary schools. The process of changing one’s inner-most beliefs about
teaching and learning and consequently, one’s routine behavior and intuition,
is not simple. The majority of teachers were educated in authoritarian system
and were prepared for pedagogical work accordingly to requirements and the
relationship model of that time. Although the general situation has changed
and students now grow up in a democratic society, so they do not accept the
requirements set by teachers, teachers continue to employ old methods. There
are problems with communication. There are also inexperienced teachers who
want to be friends with all students and do not set any rules for classroom
discipline. Some teachers still believe that students are allowed too much
freedom. Some teachers still believe that the main cause for students’ misbehavior is this that “they are not allowed to punish students” (see Table 5).
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200
Some teachers understand that the situation has changed. They do understand
that authoritarian methods can cause misbehavior (see Table 5). Therefore,
working methods should change, but they do not know how to behave with
these “young generation” students and they decide that discipline is other
persons’ duty, not theirs. So, there should be a special “law” established to
maintain students in the order or there should be some kind of “a specialist”
or “an institution” which would come and solve all the discipline problems.
Teachers in the research pointed out that there are many external factors that
influence discipline, so there should also be external solutions. Teachers fail
to connect discipline problems in the classroom with their own responsibility
to solve them. In this context, the authors of the article agree with Curwin,
and Mendler, who admit that although external factors are important, they
should be taken into consideration; schools can maintain and promote effective systems of discipline despite external factors (Curwin, Mendler, 2001).
Each teacher’s individual experience in their daily work, their activity affect
students’ discipline in particular lessons and in the school as a whole. We believe in the power of the teacher: „Research (…) has shown that an individual teacher can have a powerful effect on her student even if the school does
not” (Marzano, Pickering, 2001, p. 2).
Therefore, we believe that it is necessary in our modern post soviet school
to decode again the notion of ‘discipline’ and classroom management.
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Pupils’ Information Behaviour – Introduction,
Survey and Theoretical Background
The paper provides an input into the subject matter of information behaviour
of pupils and students. In the first part, definitions of basic concepts are presented, the second part deals with a selection of current knowledge based on
research. The article as such is a theoretical preamble to research on information behaviour instigated at our university, which is meant to examine the
relationship between readiness to ask questions and levels of intellectual
giftedness.
Key words: information behaviour, information literacy, readiness (promptness) to ask questions, adolescence, current knowledge
INTRODUCTION
Human society is developing and changing all the time. The speed and the
quantity of changes is nowadays exponential (Moore, 1965), technology is
changing together with the quantity of information (see: Punar, 2009; Vymětal,
2000), and by the same token lifestyles acquire entirely different dimensions
(see: theory of changes DeFleur, Ball-Roskeach, 1996, Schumpeter´s theory
of economic cycles – Herink, 2004). Contemporary information society
poses new demands on its members, who on the one hand must acquire adequate orientation in the world of accessible information, in other words, must
204
obtain at least basic level of information literacy, but who on the other hand
must learn to balance its influx.
Information literacy is realized by means of information behaviour (behaviour triggered by the need to obtain information, see: Wilson, 1996, Škrna,
1999; Pilecká, 2007). At the turn of millennia, research on information behaviour has been intensified, as changes in the process of socialization acquire
most dramatic characteristics for individuals who are growing in the new
information society, i.e. the young generation of children and adolescents.
The research focuses on bearers of information behaviour from pre-literate
period (i.e. on children who cannot read and write, see e.g. Gross and Saxton,
2001), through early readers (research on children at early school age, e.g.
Bilal, 2000, McKechnie, 2000, Cooper, 2002), up to users of information
technologies at the age of retirement. This article will focus on research of
adolescents and on universally applicable knowledge throughout this age
spectrum.
ORIGINS, RESEARCH TOOLS, PRELIMINARY THEORY
OF INFORMATION
Contemporary society is usually labelled as information society (Linhart et
al., 1996; Cejpek, 1999; Webster, 2006). From technological point of view
information society is a type of society with high degree of utilization of information and communication technologies, based on computer technology
and omnipresent digitization. The main features of such society are interactivity, integration and globalization (Froulík, 2005).
The term information has its origin in Latin informare – to give shape, to
form, to create, to depict, to represent. Respectively, informatio is an image,
concept, outline. The concept was first demonstrated in 13th century (it described deeds leading to revealing of crime). During the Second World War it
was comprehended exclusively in military contexts and it was after the war
that it extended to many scientific branches, which is reflected in a variety of
its definitions and theories (see: Cejpek, 1999). Information is an aspect of
reality similar to mass or energy (Šmajs, 2008). Klaus (1965) offers a general
concept of information by comprehending it as a row of signals arranged in
a certain way which is a bearer of certain significance. According to Bateson
Pupils’ Information Behaviour – Introduction, Survey and Theoretical Background
(1972, quoted after Capurro, 2003), it refers to change in inner and outer
world (“difference which makes difference”).
We may apply three levels of comprehension to each item of information:
arrangement (syntax), interpretation (semantics) and utilization (pragmatics).
According to Cejpek (1999), information acquires its right sense when the
sign changes into knowledge (pragmatics). Information management in this
connection denotes knowledge (results of reception and processing of information.
Potential pieces of information are called data (e.g. Mutch, 2008). Cognitive science underlines the relation of information to its recipient. Items of
information are embodied word for word, i.e. peripheral sensory receptors
transform information into nerve signals which constitute a basis for initiation
of sensors and finally for its mental representation (e.g. Jason, 2008). Social
sciences (humanities) stress the communicative function of information (in
a narrow sense, it is seen as “verbal information”) and define it as communicated knowledge (e.g. Capurro, 2003). In the paper, the term information will
be used in the sense of semantically anchored mental construction bearing
a certain meaning.
INFORMATION LITERACY, INFORMATION BEHAVIOUR
The ability to read (deciphering, understanding and interpreting pieces of
information encoded in the text) and to write (enciphering and recording of
contents of ideas or information of spoken address) is traditionally called literacy. Generally, a literate person is an at least minimally educated and informed
individual (Petráčková, Kraus, 1995:272), which translates as having some
concrete ability or skill (usually mental). The concept pre-literate indicates an
individual, who has not been yet involved in systematic education, but it is
expected to school, where his literacy will be systematically increased.
Information society demands information literacy. The concept was introduced in the 1970s in the definition created by Association of American libraries (ACLR, 2000:1):IB, i.e. a set of abilities which enable an individual to
recognize when he needs information and subsequently searches, evaluates
and effectively utilizes it. The volume of accessible information is colossal (in
2008 more than 3 sextillion bits of information were created – Punar, 2009,
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206
annually more than 7000 scientific articles are published – Vymětal, 2000)
and all the time increases (how Dudek, 1999).
The survey of human knowledge as a whole includes such quantity of information accumulated throughout the centuries that it is quite inaccessible
for an individual in its whole extent and depth (Dudek, 1999).
On the other hand, knowledge of an individual accumulated in the course
of experience and learning, does not go arm in arm with accessible amount of
information. Jean Baudrillard maintains: “We have more and more information
and less and less knowledge”(Baudrillard, 1995, p. 79) or a writer of poems
imaginatively says:” Where is the Wisdom we have lost in knowledge? Where is
the knowledge we lost in information? Elliot, 1969, p. 147). Therefore, it is in
interest of both the society as a whole and its members to develop information
competence from early childhood.
Information competence is executed in the form of information behaviour.
Evidently, the most quoted author, a psychologist Timothy D. Wilson (see:
Škrna, 1999; Pilecká, 2007) defined information behaviour as human behaviour
in relation to sources and channels of information. It includes both active
a passive search for information and its application (Wilson, 1996). TV is an
example of its passive form. Any type of questioning is an example of active
form. According to Wilson (2000), information behaviour could be further
specified as behaviour during confrontation with particular information, behaviour during search for information and behaviour during utilization of
information.
• behaviour during confrontation with particular need for information
– the desire to seek for information as a consequence of the need to
fulfil information need, to satisfy certain aims (motivated behaviour).
An individual is in direct contact with some information system –
social (another person in the frame of social system (e.g. teacher or
opinion leader), manual (library) or computer-based system, (e.g.
a website),
• behaviour during search for information – behaviour on micro level,
consists of all interactions with the system, it is in progress at least on
two levels – behavioural level (directly observable, e.g. use of a mouse
and clicking on references) and cognitive level (actions taking place inside organisms, i.e. acceptation of logical strategy of searching and
determination of criteria for decision (Škrna, 2002, adoption of Booleov strategy), which also includes mental activity as evaluation (ac-
cording to Leaning, 2009) word for word deeply questioned relevance
of search information or information sources,
• behaviour during utilization of information – physical and mental activities initiated in order to incorporate located information into the
database of individual’s present knowledge (Leaning, 2009). According
to Dudek (1999), also engagement into the process of passing further
knowledge.
For our purposes, we will commence from the concept of information behaviour, which may be defined as any behaviour aiming to obtain or confirm
information. Information behaviour could be described as a sequence of steps
(Wilson, 2000), i.e. (1) recognizing the need for identification of information
(determination of general search topic, (2) investigation (general seeking for
information), (3) formulation (purposeful seeking in more concrete area
within the frame of stipulated topic), (4) collection – gathering of important
information, (5) completion (fulfilment of the need, incorporation of information into the present system of knowledge and completion of the search).
Mikula stipulates these steps in the following manner: to search – to collect and
select – to record – to classify – to store – retrieve – to analyse and evaluate – to
apply – to present, disseminate – to publish, communicate (Mikula, 2003).
The chronology of the steps implemented in the frame of information
behaviour is analogical to psychological analyses of thinking as a form of
problem-solving. Thinking as a problem-solving activity (see: Sternberg,
2002) makes use of the following steps: recognition – definition (determination of conditions for solving, shading off insubstantial information) – solution
(generating of possible solutions by means of algorithms and heuristics – solution statement (verification of proposed solutions by means of criteria involving target conditions from steps 1 and 2). The analogy between information behaviour and thinking is recognizable and their methods of analysis may
complement each other (see: Durrance et al., 2006).
In the framework of information behaviour, it is purposeful to isolate two
types of stimuli which instigate behaviour: inner starter (intrinsic motivation,
problem-solving, self-generated query) or reaction to task (extristic motivation, task-solving, imposed query) (Nakonečný, 1992). Gross and Saxton
(2001) established the relation between the type of query and user’s assessment of satisfaction.
An individual engaged in information behaviour is not a tabula rasa. His
or her cognitive system is filled with information which (according to some
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authors) is obtained mostly by sensory experience and mental operations
(“signal to sign”) and deposited (on pre-knowledge and knowledge level) in
the form of mental contents. These contents do not exist separately, but as
a system of interrelated information (declarative and procedural information
according to Tulving, 1972, information and mental models according to
Forrest, quoted after Thagard, 2001). The information is further sorted into
categories (Lakoff, 2006). Different techniques may be used for the description of structures of the mental contents. Mind-mapping seems to be very
useful (and recently very popular) (see: Buzan, 2007).
QUERIES AND ASKING QUESTIONS
People differ from other living creatures in three aspects: they use tools, smile
and ask questions. Two periods may be isolated in the course of human ontogenesis, in which new manners of thinking are anchored in two types of
asked questions. The first type of closed questions appears at the age of around
one and half years, such as: “What is it? Who is it? The second type of questions
appears at the age of around three and half years, in which the repertoire of is
extended by interrogative pronouns When, How and above all Why? Passive
and active vocabulary significantly develops in this period (Langmeier,
Krejčířová, 1998). The meaning of questions in human life explains their frequency in the course of adolescence, which is a basic manifestation of information behaviour. SYN2000 database, which contains transcription of lexical
speech of individuals older than 15 years and which includes 100 million
words, contains, according to our survey 123,571 most frequently introduced
interrogative pronouns (see Table 1). As a rule, at least every thousandth word
is a interrogative pronoun and at least every hundredth one and every sixtieth
sentence is interrogative.
Asking questions is a basis for every type of information behaviour. Information science studies questions specifically and tries to find natural language
(ratio of question input to question output) (see: Radev 1993). Such type of
research usually reduces information behaviour to the use of the so called bit/
Booleov operators (and, or, not) proximity operators (near, with) and thesaurus
(controlling vocabulary with references to synonyms and hierarchical terminology) (see: Lauer et al. 1992). A representative of computer linguistics
Table 1. Number of the most frequent interrogative pronouns
in SYN2000 database
Concept Number of occurrences
How
44,558
What
36,802
Why
14,292
Who
13,890
Where
5,026
With what
3,819
How much
3,035
When
2,149
Marina Stoyanova (2009) sees them as language without questions. As a starting point of the analysis a classical division of interrogative sentences is still
more frequently used: (1) Yes/no questions (which could be answered with yes
or no), excluding questions (containing alternatives usually connected with the
word or) and open questions (which are answered by the whole sentence). In
methodology analogically divided questions (items) are distinguished: closed
and opened, which may be further divided into ditochomic closed, (with the
choice of answer), adjoining and ordering, closed completing, productive, with
structure and non-structured (compare Chráska, 2003).
Contextual question analysis (respective analysis in discursion) is used in
many types of research as a methodical tool, (see: Jamie McKenzie (quoted
after Boersma, 1997). It classifies questions into essential, subsidiary, hypothetical, probing, sorting and sifting, clarifying, strategic, elaborate, inventive, divergent, provocative and irrelevant. Bloom (1956, quoted after to wiki) applied
information behaviour to educational aims and he distinguished 7 types of
questions:
1. Knowledge – who, what, when, where, why, how…? Describe …
2. Comprehension – re-narrative.
3. Application – How is….example…\,how is…in connection with? Why
is… important.
4. Analysis – Which are characters or functions…? Sort…according to…
5. Synthesis – What could be deducted from…? Which ideas can you add?
What and how could you propose new…? What will happen, if it is combined together with…? Which solution would you suggest for…?
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6. Evaluation – Do you suppose that…? What do you think of…? Arrange
the following according to…? What is most important? How would you
decide about…? Which criteria could be used for judging?
All the cited above criteria are suitable information behaviour research on
pupils, which has begun at our university and which attempts to establish the
relation between promptness in asking questions and the pupils’ level of intellectual aptitude.
INFORMATION BEHAVIOUR OF ADOLESCENTS
Nowadays, adolescents consider information and communication technologies (ICT) to be a natural part of their lives. It is almost a standard that they
can work with ICT better than their parents, teachers, or adults as such (Lewis
and Fabor, 2005). As there is no-one to instruct them how to use ICT, they
are left to their own devices, which is why they create their own strategies for
information search (Vansickle, 2002).
Information behaviour comprises a wide range of activities and issues.
Research on adolescents tends to focus on everyday information seeking
(ELIS) (to study or relax). It concentrates on cognitive activities related to
their application in practice, such as processes of problem-solving or decisionmaking, for example, in connection with management of their health or choice
of career. While observing a selected group of adolescents, it became evident
that the older the adolescents are, the more often they make use of information
and communication technologies to solve their problems and to make their
decisions (Lu, 2010). The research by Agosto and Hughes-Hassell (2006)
proves that the need for information in adolescence is connected with the
following areas: social self, emotional self, reflexive self, corporeal self, creative
self, cognitive self, and sexual self.
According to developmental psychology, adolescents are closely bound to
their peers, but they try to extricate themselves from the world of adults. This
natural tendency was confirmed by research on adolescents’ information behaviour. Koo and Gross (2007) proved, for instance that it is peers who represent the main source of information in adolescents’ everyday life, e.g. if they
want to learn to work with information technologies or get required information, they mostly turn to their peers. They assess personal sources (in general
other people, but mostly their peers) to be the most available and most relevant
(Brum and Barbos, 2009). These personal sources are used either in direct
confrontation (in a conversation), or indirectly (communication via the Internet). There are social networks, for example Facebook, that become more and
more popular sources of information for adolescents.
Adolescent information behaviour reflects the typical qualities of this age:
impatience and inconsistency in analysing information. Coatney (2007) and
Dresang (2005) also mention lack of critical thinking. However, some researchers contradict this general statement. For instance, Brum and Barbos
(2009) assess books to be the most reliable sources to adolescents. This attitude manifests their rational approach to information sources, because the
content of books is repeatedly evaluated with respect to their suitability and
reliability (information contained in books cannot be published arbitrarily, as
it happens with other sources of information, e.g. blogs).
Searching for information in decision-making processes, adolescents usually use one of three decision making styles: rational, evoking systematic search
for information and their systematic assessment; intuitive, distinguished by
search of little amount of information and their emotional assessment; dependence, characterized by passive and compliant approach to searching and
by slight impact of adolescents decision on their own behaviour. Harren found
that the rational (47%) and intuitive styles (40%) predominate among adolescents; the dependence style is the least favoured (13%).
If the search for information is motivated extrinsically, e.g. in order to
perform a task, the older they are, the more pragmatically the respondents
behave. Older adolescents tend to use adopted information strategies conservatively and solve assignments with minimal effort. Some authors (for example Johnson, 2009) believe that certain ignorance and apparent irrationality of human information behaviour, including adherence to conservative
strategies, is justifiable in the post-modern world where infinite amount of
information is available, and that this approach can even be seen as beneficial
ability of critical adaptation to contemporary world.
The Internet is the most popular source of information, in which search by
keywords is the main strategy. The ability of information-seeking is motivated
especially by immediate requirements (e.g. there is an exact demand related
to information behaviour in the following assignment: “use as many sources
of information as possible,” “use different types of information sources, ”notice
how usefulness of the source is evaluated”) (Warwick et al., 2009).
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Typically, boys and girls adopt different strategies while searching for
information. Girls characteristically look for opinions, judgement and interpretations, while boys concentrate on facts (Poston-Anderson and Edwards,
1993). Wikipedia is a popular source of information on the Internet and
some intersexual differences can be traced in its use: boys use Wikipedia
more often and have more positive attitude to it (regarding expected results,
ideas of information quality or trust to Wikipedia as such) (Lom and Kwon,
2010).
Researchers declare that there is a relation between adolescent information
behaviour and their strategies of studying (Dresang and Koh, 2009), as well
as between their ability to ask questions and their critical thinking (Seker and
Komur, 2008).
RESEARCH ON THE IMPORTANCE OF INFORMATION BEHAVIOUR
We live in post-modern age surrounded by huge amount of easily available
information, which must be coped with by the growing up generation of adolescents. Generally, information behaviour is determined by a range of factors
(general rational capacity, cognitive style, creativity, perception and processing
of language signs, maturity of central nervous system, personality, motivation,
socio-economic conditions, culture and many others). However, some features
of behaviour are typical just for adolescents. In order to recognize them in
time, we must adapt our teaching, education and counselling to specific needs
and ways of expression of this age group. By thorough analysis of these features,
we can direct their in positive channels. Taking into consideration rapid development of information and communication technologies, social demand
for this type of research is obvious. It is equally relevant due to the fact that it
encourages the development of information society by providing direct support for functional literacy.
CONCLUSION
Information behaviour of children and adolescents is a topic that is becoming
the centre of researchers’ attention. Their interest is more than understandable
with respect to the boom of information and communication technologies that
enter pupils’ everyday life at school as well as outside of it. Contemporary research may be characterized by a shift from information-seeking behaviour to
information-using behaviour (i.e. behaviour with deeper psychological motivation). This trend is justifiable with respect to similarities between information
behaviour and problem-solving behaviour. The university research concentrates
on revealing the connection between promptness in asking questions, which is
an elementary skill, manifested by information behaviour, and general intellectual aptitude. We are going to publish the results continuously.
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Jarosław Bąbka
Cooperation between Pupils in
Contemporary School – the Selected
Theoretical and Empirical Aspects
INTRODUCTION
School is a place that reflects different social problems like a mirror. The sign
of our times is differentiation of the society according to race, religion, economic conditions and psycho-physical fitness. The number of handicapped
children who perform their school duty in public and integrated schools is
growing. Such guidance counselors as Tomasz Szkudlarek (2003, pp. 370–374)
and Wojciech Poznaniak (1994, pp. 316–317) maintain that school badly
tolerates any types of otherness. Research reports declare that school discontinues supporting children’s development. Instead, it is becoming an arena for
such phenomena as: aggression, violence and rivalry, in which ruling out pupils
who are somehow “different” is becoming a norm (Dudzikowa, 2001, pp.
107–128; Mizerski, 2001, pp. 3–9; Nalaskowski, 2005, pp. 81–89). Researchers notice worrying features in contemporary adolescents, related to pragmatization of conscience, consumptive lifestyle, individual and competitive attitudes (Bardziejewska, Brzezińska, Hejmanowski, 2004, pp. 102–103; Melosik
2004, pp. 69–71; Ziółkowski 1994, pp. 11–27). Due to the increase in discriminating practices that pupils use against one another at school, due to
widespread rival attitudes and due to pupils’ search for individual success, it
is necessary to enhance the development of pupils’ social competence in the
educational process and their ability to learn cooperation in various social
situations. According to Michael Argyle (1998, pp. 96–100) and Daniel Goleman (1999, pp. 46–53), cooperation is one of the many skills comprising
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social competence which make relations with others easier. Social competence
in terms of cooperation can be developed by organizing educational situations
that require performing tasks together, which favour acquiring experience that
leads to development. The article attempts to discuss two aspects of research
related to cooperation of disabled and fit adolescents at school in terms of
social competence. The first aspect is connected with the analysis of pupils’
opinion on cooperation. Such analyses make it possible to search for opportunities as well as for limits of team work at lessons. The second aspect is related to the differences in cooperation developed by pupils divided into particular task group types. From the researchers’ point of view, it was crucial to
search for differences in cooperation among three task groups: (1) homogenous – consisting only of disabled pupils, (2) homogenous, with fit students
and (3) mixed, formed by students of special educational needs and their fit
counterparts. The paper focuses upon a group of junior high school pupils. In
psychology they are referred to as not children, yet not adults. On the grounds
of the results of the tests related to this category of pupils’ development, it will
be possible to conclude on the ability to cooperate that the tested have acquired at earlier stages of their education. It is worth stressing that in early
adolescence pupils’ need to function in smaller groups increases. This tendency can be used in the process of organizing educational situations at school
that aim at teaching children how to cooperate.
THE ABILITY TO COOPERATE IN TERMS OF DEVELOPING SOCIAL
COMPETENCE
The ability to cooperate is one of many skills comprising social competence.
In scientific references, it is assumed that social competence is a product of an
individual’s accumulated experience, which is expressed by the skills that allow
to apply the earlier acquired rules of problem solving under conditions of
a concrete task (Mazurek-Kucharska, 2006, pp. 58–59). For the purpose of
the present work, the author makes reference to the two competence models
which are characterized by clarity and a readable structure. The first model of
social competence is related to the concept of Michael Argyle (1998, pp.
77–101; 1999, pp. 133–142). According to M. Argyle (1998, p. 133), social
competence is composed of “necessary skills to make a desired influence on
Cooperation between Pupils in Contemporary School…
other people in social situations, such as: assertiveness, gratification, support,
non-verbal communication, verbal communication, empathy, cooperation,
attention to others, cognitive factors, problem solving strategies and selfpresentation”. The author thinks that effectiveness of psychosocial functioning
of an individual does not depend on a single competence, but on many detailed
skills. It is worth stressing that the above-mentioned skills can be used in
various situations, both for social purposes as well as for anti-social ones.
Cognitive factors are a significant element of social competence, which may
condition the process of cooperation. Their role is to make it possible for an
individual to comply with rules that are binding in particular relations and
social situations, for example in friendship, at an interview, when applying for
a job or when performing a task together with others. M. Argyle (1998, pp.
86–87) proves that people do not always know the rules binding in a particular situation, which results in this that they behave inadequately to requirements. Other researchers, including, for example Daniel Golaman (1999, p.
440) link social competence with emotional sphere. The author distinguishes
five basic types of emotional and social competence:
1. Self-awareness: it refers to the knowledge of what we are feeling in
a particular moment, owing to which it is possible to manage decisionmaking processes.
2. Self-control: it is the control of one’s own emotions, so that they do not
hamper the fulfillment of a particular task, as well as conscientiousness
and the ability to postpone award winning in the process of their quest
for a particular goal.
3. Motivation: it is the ability to follow preferences in setting and accomplishing one’s goals, as well as persistence in efforts despite failures.
4. Empathy: understanding emotional states of others, viewing situations
from others’ point of view, creating and developing relationships and
being in agreement with others.
5. Social skills: they are the ability to control one’s emotions in contacts
with others, to recognize social situations and their system of relations,
non-colliding contacts as well as to using the skills for leading, negotiating, soothing conflicts, cooperating and working in team.
The analyzed concepts lead to the conclusion that social competence is
a result of experience accumulated throughout years in the course interactions
between individual dispositions and social factors. Although there are individual differences in social skills between people, conditioned by sex, age, social
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origin and personality, it is assumed that they are subject to changes, so they
can be improved and developed purposefully, for example in the educational
process (Argyle, 1998, pp. 96–100; Goleman, 1999, pp. 46–53; Mazurek-Kucharska, 2006, p. 86). According to ideas developed by M. Argyle and D. Goleman, cooperation is one of many abilities forming social competence which do
not employ a single, isolated or separated element, but are conditioned by the
level of other skills of, for example, non-verbal and verbal communication,
empathy and other components. Cooperation is an ability that makes it possible for an individual to accomplish his/her own goals, as well as goals of
other people. By coordinating their activities, people can achieve both targets.
There are many areas of life that require cooperation, for example, entertainment, study, work. It is hard not to agree with M. Argyle (1998, p. 137), who
maintains that many failures encountered throughout life result from insufficient skills of cooperation. Also D. Goleman (1999, pp. 276–323) stresses the
importance of cooperation skills in people’s life. According to the researcher,
those who possess these abilities can create and maintain a system of relations
with others, keep balance between focusing on a task and caring for these relations, do not replace others in doing something, but rather engage them into
acting, search for opportunities for cooperation, defend their own group and
its reputation, as well as share profits with the others. It may be concluded that
it is worth teaching children to cooperate from early childhood. The importance
of cooperation in educational process was noticed by the following researchers
a long time ago: R.T. Johnson, D.W. Johnson (1989), R.E. Slavin (1983), R.M.
Gillies (2007). They verified possibilities of using educational situations that
required their pupils to cooperate in terms of developing their cognitive
(knowledge and skills) and social (ability to establish good interpersonal relations) competence. Specialists in the subject-matter, including R.T. Johnson,
D.W. Johnson (1989, pp. 167–177), R. Slavin (1983, pp. 89–101) R.M. Gillies
(2007, pp. 49–50), provided evidence for learning efficiency in cooperation
with respect to pupils that fall into various groups of otherness, for example:
the disabled, with low social status or racially different. Their research indicates
that the more people experience correlation and partnership, the more they
help each other, show their sympathy and communicate, and the faster group
cohesion increases, which is a sign of social integration. Scientific references to
the problem prove that one of preconditions for quality cooperation is organization of groups under task situations (Gellert, Nowak, 2008; Gillies, 2007).
The problems of well approached and correctly organized cooperation can form
an important category of education in view of the challenges of the modern
world, in which solving social and economic problems require people’s mutual
involvement, overcoming differences as well as good communication.
COOPERATION AS A PARTICULAR TYPE OF ACTIVITY
For the purposes of research work, several indicators were worked out to help
evaluate pupils’ cooperative behaviour. The author sees cooperation as a higher
form of joint-action, which means involvement of a few people (at least two) in
reaching a mutual goal. On the basis of the analysis of several definitions of the
notion of cooperation, collaboration, joint-action, two criteria were elaborated
in order to evaluate the quality of joint action performed by people involved in
carrying out a task. Significant features of cooperation refer both to the action
specificity, as well as to the obtained results (Bąbka, 2007, pp. 40–43).
Characteristics of cooperation related to action depending on:
1. Goal – goal interdependence of acting people, which means that the
success of an individual is involved in the success of the group.
2. Efficiency – good organization and management of the action of people involved in accomplishment of a mutual goal, mutual help.
3. Type of interaction – multidirectional communication, emotional involvement of people acting.
Cooperation in terms of its outcome is characterized by:
1. Synergy.
2. Comparable benefits obtained by people acting together.
3. Mutual trust and acceptance.
4. Mutual learning.
5. Feeling of community, joy of acting.
The criteria constitute a basis of the notion that not every action performed
together can be referred to as cooperation and not every activity of a member
of a group may be classified as cooperative behaviour. According to Janusz
Grzelak (2000, p. 128), cooperative behaviour is a type of action which enables
the participants of mutual activity to accomplish best possible results. The more
characteristics falling into the above criteria are present in a person involved in
a mutual task, the higher the level of cooperative attitude. The paper assumes
that we can draw conclusions on cooperation developed by people by taking
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into account the qualities related to their activities and achieved results. It is
significant whether the disabled and the fit see a common goal and show willingness to act together, whether they take on a role of a manager, but do not
dominate, whether they talk about the task and are interested in its fulfillment,
whether they are excited cognitively and whether they help one another. The
second criterion is related to efficiency analysis of mutual activities, which
despite accomplishing the set goal, allows to achieve the synergy effect1. The
following factors are important: productivity of a group activity, as well as such
behaviour of the participants of the mutual activity as: finding pleasure in fulfilling the task together, sharing one’s own experience and knowledge, enjoying
the process of task performing, and trusting and respecting one another.
METHODOLOGY OF AUTHOR’S OWN RESEARCH WORK
The objective of the survey was to accrue opinion of junior high school pupils
on experience accumulated through situations that required cooperation at
school. Apart from that, the objective was to check pupils’ cooperative behaviour under task situations, as well as to distinguish the differences in cooperation due to the type of tasks. The survey was carried out in schools with integrated classes in the central-western region of Poland. The research covered
128 disabled pupils at the age of 14–15 within a set intellectual standard and
128 non-disabled pupils, so 256 junior high school pupils were subjected to
the survey. They were chosen for the survey on the grounds that adolescents
tend to function in smaller groups. Apart from that, by analyzing junior high
school pupils, it is possible to determine the degree of development of their
cooperative skills after they have completed the stage of pre-school and school
education, which cannot be neglected in the process of developing social
competence of an individual. The tests covered chronically ill pupils, physically handicapped, hard of hearing and with specific difficulties in learning.
In order to learn about pupils’ opinion on cooperation at school, an opinion
poll technique was applied (Łobocki 2000, p. 258–260). It was assumed that
1
Synergy means “a result of team work, a product which exceeds not only every act of
contribution, but also the sum of all of them. In synergy two plus two gives five, seven, nine …”
(Bank, 1999, p. 44).
a randomized experiment would be the most beneficial for testing pupils’ cooperative behaviour, which in practice meant a random choice of classes for
participation in the research programme (Brzeziński, 2008, pp. 48–50). The
research differed from a classical model of pedagogical experiment, which
means introducing an experimental factor into a group of pupils and some time
after it had acted, taking measures and comparing them. A small number of
disabled pupils in integrated classes (from 3 to 5 pupils including mentally
handicapped) made it impossible to carry out the experiment under natural
conditions, namely during lessons of integrated classes. The disabled and fit
pupils from integrated classes were selected for the tests at random and allocated to the following types of four-people task groups: experimental-homogenous (64 disabled pupils) and experimental-mixed (64 disabled pupils and
64 fit pupils). It was important that teams be formed of pupils from the same
class. Mixed task groups consisted of two disabled pupils and two fit ones.
According to subject-matter literature, small 3–4 person groups are most effective. Teams that are too numerous, may experience, for example social idleness
(Grzelak, 2000, p. 133). A task group was put into an experimental situation,
which required performing a task and cooperation. The coordinator of the
survey instructed pupils orally. Apart from that, the participants were provided
with written instructions. Every team (and every pupil) was watched only once
under experimental conditions by two competent arbiters, who recorded verbal
and non-verbal conduct on an observation sheet. The inspection carried out by
means of a 12-indicator observation sheet made it possible to assess cooperative
behaviour on the basis of a four degree scale with assigned figures. It enabled
to determine an arithmetic average of cooperative behaviour for every pupil
and for every of the three groups. In order to specify the differences between
groups and inside the groups, advanced statistic techniques were applied.
COOPERATION IN OPINIONS OF DISABLED AND FIT PUPILS
The results of the survey concerning junior high school pupils’ opinions on
cooperation and experience related to team work, aim at finding answers to:
1. How junior high school pupils define the essence of cooperation and
how they explain the rules pertaining to situations that require cooperation.
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2. How often according to pupils teachers organize team work.
3. Which type of activity motivates pupils more: cooperation or competition.
4. What are the preferences of the tested concerning cooperation with
their counterparts.
5. How pupils assess their ability to cooperate.
Adolescents are expected to possess social competence, especially cognitive
skills which refer to the use of rules applied to cooperation. Pupils often use
the term cooperation, but as observation proves, they are not always aware of
how to behave in a situation that entails cooperation. From the researcher’s
point of view, it was essential to define the way of how both the disabled and
non-disabled perceive cooperation. In order to do this, pupils were requested
to explain the term. Their definitions were then analyzed in detail and three
categories were distinguished: (1) taking into account full definition range by
showing activity features and effects that are conditioned by well organized
collaboration, (2) incomplete definitions, where the tested mentioned a single
or two features of cooperation, (3) incomplete definitions, where pupils focused only on help as the essential feature of cooperation. The definitions were
very often limited only to underlying that cooperation means helping each
other. The following are the selected examples of disabled pupils’ definitions
corresponding to the distinguished categories. The survey proves that 31% of
disabled junior high school pupils attempted in a possibly most thorough way
to comprise the essential aspects of the analyzed term, for example: Cooperation means unifying efforts of many people in order to achieve a better output, owing
to mutual support, sharing tasks, the possibility to choose one’s own activity within
the group basing on one’s own strengths and weaknesses; In my opinion cooperation
means that we help one another; Several people work together in order to accomplish
a goal; Without unfair rivalry and obstructing performance of the tasks by the
others; Unifying efforts and taking turns. The most incomplete definitions fell
into the category in which pupils presented features of acting together (43%
of the tested). Here are the examples: Cooperation means action of the whole
group and motivating others to work; it means exchanging ideas on a particular
subject, understanding the opinions of the others in the group, commenting on their
ideas; cooperation means mutual and agreeable work. The survey also distinguished definition groups in which the disabled linked cooperation to assistance. It may be concluded that this category of pupils defined cooperation
through their own experience in getting help from their friends, while coop-
erating or in offering help to others (26%). This is proved by the following
examples: This is help offered to another person, mutual support; Cooperation
means giving help; In my opinion, cooperation means helping each other. Cooperation means that members of a team help each other. The analysis of statements
made by fit students leads to the conclusion that there are no significant differences in the perception of cooperation between the compared groups of
students. It can only be concluded that slightly lower percentage of fit students
(27%) as compared with disabled ones (31%) can provide quite exhaustive,
full definitions of cooperation. Here are some selected examples: Cooperation
means collective work in a group. A leader, who manages the subordinates and assigns tasks to them, is chosen. All the strengths of particular members of the group
must be used in order to level off the group’s weakness, accelerate its work by making
it more effective. On the basis of what fit students said, it was also possible to
distinguish a category in which the tested offered help when acting together
(28%): Cooperation means helping one another in situations when somebody cannot cope with a task and needs help; Cooperation means helping one another; This
is help offered to another person. When somebody needs something we should help
them. The most numerous was the category formed by definitions in which fit
students mentioned features of acting together (45%). Here are some examples: Cooperation means allocating tasks; It means sensible allocation of tasks and
compromise. The analysis of the statements makes it possible to conclude that
pupils defined cooperation through the experience they had achieved with
their counterparts in different life situations. The percentage of statements,
made by disabled and fit pupils who associate cooperation with giving help to
each other, is comparable. There are no grounds for stating that only the disabled connect cooperation with help. This can be proved by a low percentage
of pupils who define the essence of cooperation in a complete way. This may
result from small experience they have in cooperating. It is astonishing that
only 5.9% of the tested pupils claim they have a very broad experience in cooperation, while 25% think it is just broad. This means that pupils possess
limited opportunities for acquiring the skills conditioning cooperation such
as: communicating under task situations, discussing the possibilities to perform a task, making decisions together, fair judgment of the contribution made
into the activity. The results are worrying. According to 70.3% of disabled
pupils, teachers rarely use team work for their lessons. Similarly, this opinion
is shared by 75% of fit students. This situation in integrated education is
highly unsatisfactory. The survey confirms the worries of Olaf-Axel Burow
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(1992, p. 120), who thinks that school does not develop pupils’ cooperative
skills and sometimes it even blocks them. Pupils do not acquire rules that are
a condition for functioning under task situations that require cooperation.
Thus, no wonder they cannot explain explicitly its meaning.
Table 1. Frequency of applying team work at school
Frequency of applying team work at school
overall
very rarely rarely quite often often very often
Categories
Disabled
Pupils
Fit
Overall
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
20
70
28
9
1
128
15,6%
54,7%
21,9%
7,0%
,8%
100,0%
33
69
16
9
1
128
25,8%
53,9%
12,5%
7,0%
,8%
100,0%
53
139
44
18
2
256
20,7%
54,3%
17,2%
7,0%
,8%
100,0%
Researchers such as David W. Johnson, Roger T. Johnson (1989, p. 77–88)
developed the problem of using cooperation and competition in the educational process. The author of the this paper was concerned about which type of
activity: cooperation or competition motivates pupils to work more (Table 1).
Table 1. Motivating role of cooperation and competition
Pupils
Overall
Disabled
128
100,0%
128
100,0%
256
100,0%
Fit
Overall
Motivating role to study
Competition Cooperation
Headcount
45
83
%
35,2%
64,8%
Headcount
49
79
%
38,3%
61,7%
Headcount
94
162
%
36,7%
63,3%
Categories
The tests indicate that more than a half of pupils think that in the educational process cooperation motivates more than competition or rivalry. This
tendency is noticeable with both the disabled as well as non-disabled. Fit
pupils gave the following arguments for cooperation: When I am cooperating
with somebody, what motivates me to do this is the fact that I wish to show that
I am a man of worth, a valuable member of the group; I prefer to cooperate; Learning is more pleasant then; I don’t like competing with others. Similar examples
were furnished by the disabled pupils. Here are some of them: I prefer cooperation, because then there is not so much stress as in competition. When I compete,
I remember things better. In cooperation we can complement one another. When we
work on our own, then it is only our problem, and when a group works, we depend
on the others. According to what the pupils say that in every class there are
competition-oriented pupils. Over 1/3 of the tested think that competition
motivates to study more than cooperation. The analysis of pupils’ competitive
attitudes would require a more detailed study. A slightly higher percentage of
fit students in comparison with disabled ones think that they are better motivated to study by competition. Here are some examples of their statements:
Competing and achieving better school results than others gives me more satisfaction. Competition, because I care about my marks. I try to be better than others
(a statement of a fit pupil). Disabled pupils gave similar reasons for competitive attitude. Competition motivates me to study, because I want to see, how good
I am; Because I like to be one of the best. The assumptions of integrated education
include tasks entailing cooperation developed by disabled and non-disabled
pupils in various educational situations. Therefore, it was important to learn
about pupils’ opinions on who they would like to cooperate with (Table 2).
Table 2. Pupils’ opinions on who they would like to cooperate with
Categories
Pupils
Disabled
Fit
Overall
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
Cooperation preferences
with with the it does not mat- it is difficult
the fit disabled ter with whom
to say
24
7
78
19
18,8%
5,5%
60,9%
14,8%
32
2
68
26
25,0%
1,6%
53,1%
20,3%
56
9
146
45
21,9%
3,5%
57,0%
17,6%
overall
128
100,0%
128
100,0%
256
100,0%
Over a half of pupils think that it is not important for them whether they
work with their fit or disabled counterparts in a team. A small percentage of
disabled pupils (18.8%) declare that they prefer cooperating with fit col-
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Jarosław Bąbka
leagues. A slightly smaller number is indecisive. Only one out of the twenty
pupils with specific educational needs prefers cooperating with his/her disabled colleagues. In the group of fit students there is a slightly higher percentage
of pupils who are indecisive as far as their cooperation preferences are concerned (20%). Every fourth fit pupil chooses to cooperate with non-disabled
colleagues. The test results should be assessed as satisfactory. They speak for
the fact that junior high school pupils acquired experience in mixing with each
other on earlier levels of their education. This may lead to a conclusion that
performing a task is more important than being divided according to their
psycho-physical fitness (disabled – non-disabled/fit).
The key question for the problem under analysis is pupils’ self-assessment
in terms of their cooperative skills (Table 3). The tests show that almost a half
of the disabled pupils assess their cooperative skills as medium/average,
whereas 36.7% of them find them high (7.8%). The fit pupils in comparison
with disabled ones assessed their cooperative skills higher. Half of the tested
think that they possess great cooperative skills and almost 38% find their
abilities to cooperate moderate. Also, a small percentage of pupils think that
their cooperative skills are considerable. The results shown are based on the
declarability of answers. The pupils could have overpriced their skills in order
to present themselves in a better light and to increase their approval by their
social surroundings (Bardziejewska, 2004, p. 385).
Table 3. Pupils’ self-assessment in terms of their cooperative skills
Categories
Disabled
Pupils
Fit
Overall
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
Headcount
%
Self-assessment of pupils’ cooperative skills
Very low Low Average High Very high
2
6
63
47
10
1,6%
4,7%
49,2% 36,7%
7,8%
0
2
48
64
14
,0%
1,6%
37,5% 50,0%
10,9%
2
8
111
111
24
,8%
3,1%
43,4% 43,4%
9,4%
Overall
128
100,0%
128
100,0%
256
100,0%
DIFFERENCES IN COOPERATION AMONG PUPILS CONDITIONED
BY THE TYPE OF TASKS
The tests aimed at verifying one of the hypotheses stating that there occur
statistically significant differences between the compared task groups, in terms
of the results presented in an arithmetic average of the pupils’ cooperation.
The analysis of the tests leads to the following conclusions. The distribution
of the results concerning the cooperation (arithmetic average) reveals that fit
students in a homogenous group cooperated in the best way. These pupils
achieved the best results in comparison with disabled junior high school pupils
from a homogenous group and with pupils who carried out the same tasks in
a mixed group (Fig. 1). In each of the task groups there were pupils who
manifested high, average or low level of cooperation. The analysis incorporating the ANOVA techniques confirmed the differences among the types of task
groups under comparison. The differences between the arithmetic average
concerning cooperation in a homogenous group (experimental) consisting of
disabled pupils, a homogenous one (control), formed by fit pupils and a mixed
group (experimental) consisting of both disabled as well as non-disabled
pupils are statistically significant (df=2; F=5.508; significance=0.005). It was
confirmed by the hypothesis that the type of a task group differentiates the
Arithmetic average of the results
concerning cooperation
26
25
24
23
22
21
20
Homogenous –
the disabled
Homogenous –
the fit
Mixed – the
disabled and the fit
Figure 1. Cooperation (cooperative behaviour) of disabled pupils in
a homogenous group, fit pupils in a homogenous group and disabled
and fit pupils in a mixed group
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Jarosław Bąbka
level of pupils’ cooperation. The differences in the effectiveness of cooperation
depended on how students had been selected for the task, especially, whether
only the disabled or the fit cooperated with one another within groups, or
whether a team consisted of both the former and the latter. Students with
similar results in school performance and similar relations with classmates
were selected for the tests. However, it cannot be ruled out that the basis for
the differences among the compared groups were also the characteristic features of pupils’ personalities, including, for example: neuroticism, extroversion, openness to experience, amicability, conscientiousness, as well as social
competences or abilities to solve problems.
The analysis with the ANOVA techniques reveal that the type of a group
differentiates the intensity variable of cooperative behaviour within the compared groups (df=253; F=5.508; significance=0.005). Comparing the groups
in pairs by means of the Dunnett Test T3 reveal that statistically significant
differences occur between the experimental-homogenous group (the disabled)
and the control-homogenous group (the fit) and between the control-homogenous group (the fit) and the other experimental-mixed group, which comprised of junior high school pupils of special educational needs cooperating
with their fit counterparts (significance=0.005). This may lead to the conclusion that the type of group, and especially its composition, is the factor that
differentiates the effectiveness of cooperation. The analyses confirmed the
previous conclusions that the differences in pupils’ cooperation are especially
displayed by the first experimental group (the fit) and the control group (the
fit) and by the other experimental group (mixed) and the control group (the
fit). It means that in pedagogical practice it is important how the team work is
organized during classes.
From the researcher’s point of view, it was important to establish differences in the results within the analyzed groups, i.e. to determine whether
there were differences in cooperation between disabled pupils in homogenous groups and the disabled performing the same tasks in mixed teams with
fit colleagues. A similar comparative analysis was used with respect to fit
schoolchildren acting in homogenous or mixed groups, with hypothetical
output assuming that there were differences in arithmetic average of the
cooperation of disabled pupils acting in a homogenous group and the results
obtained by the disabled in a mixed group. Furthermore, it was supposed
that there were differences between the arithmetic average of the cooperation established by fit pupils acting in a homogenous group and the results
Arithmetic average of the results
concerning cooperation
obtained by this category of pupils in a mixed group. The arithmetic averages concerning cooperation between disabled pupils from a homogenous
and a mixed group are very close. Fit students working in a homogenous
group achieved a higher result than their fit classmates from a mixed group
(Fig. 2).
26
25
24
23
22
21
20
The disabled in
a homogenous group
The fit in
The disabled
The fit in
in mixed group a homogenous group a mixed group
Fig. 2. Cooperation (cooperative behaviour) of disabled pupils in a homogenous and mixed group and cooperation of fit pupils in a homogenous and
mixed group
Repeated comparison of the analyzed pairs of the groups by means of the
Tukey HSD Test, which referred to the difference between the averages of the
analyzed subgroups (comparison inside a group), made it possible to state that
disabled schoolchildren from a homogenous group do not differ in terms of
cooperation results from disabled schoolchildren from a mixed group. There
are no grounds for drawing a conclusion that mixed groups are more favourable to disabled children. Comparison of the results of cooperation developed
by fit pupils in a homogenous and a mixed group leads to the conclusion that
although the differences between the results achieved by fit students in a homogenous and a mixed group were clearer than in case of disabled students,
they were not statistically significant. The hypothesis concerning the differences in cooperation inside of analyzed groups was not verified. On the other
hand, the analyses confirmed the statistically significant differences at the
level of 0.05 between the disabled from a homogenous group and the fit from
a homogenous group (significance = 0.019). Apart from that, statistically
significant differences were also found between the disabled from a mixed
group and the fit from a homogenous group (significance = 0.018). The earlier findings that pupils of specific educational needs are less effective in de-
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Jarosław Bąbka
veloping cooperation than their fit classmates were confirmed in the study.
Although there were no mentally handicapped children in the group of disabled pupils, this group lacks these social abilities that are indispensable for
cooperation.
CONCLUSIONS
The paper attempts to emphasize the fact that social competence, including
the ability to cooperate, is a prerequisite for the quality of psychosocial functioning and successful social relations with people. There are scientific reasons
supporting the statement that people who are able to cooperate are friendly,
open to relations with others, understand the essence of interdependence, are
able to focus on tasks, accomplish their own as well as the others’ goals and
share achievements. Cooperation is not an ability that is given for lifetime, but
just like the other elements of social competence, it is subject to development
and can be shaped in the process of education.
Functioning of on the verge of adulthood cannot be well understood
without consideration for earlier experience. Low social competence of makes
it difficult for an individual to establish satisfactory relations with others. The
results of the tests presented in the paper throw light on the problem of using
situations favouring cooperation in the Polish school. The opinions of junior
high school pupils on cooperation were analyzed in terms of their experience
as a result of an earlier educational training.
1. The pupils could not provide a complete explanation of social rules in
favour of cooperation. The tested most often emphsised such features
of cooperation as: motivating others, exchanging ideas, commenting
on others’ ideas, etc. The fact that adolescents connected cooperation
with offering help gives some food for thought. This may be indicative
of a situation in which pupils see cooperation from the point of view
of a person who is expecting help.
2. The results of the analysis lead to the conclusion that pupils are cooperation-oriented. The tested claim that they can work both with the
disabled as well as with the fit, which means that they have no tendencies to divide people according to their psychophysical fitness, but are
rather interested in focus on mutual activity.
3. It is worrying that pupils possess little experience with cooperation.
According to school children, teachers rarely use team work in their
classes.
4. It is a safe assumption that there prevails atmosphere of competitive
learning in contemporary school, in which rivalry and individual
achievements are awarded. Although the majority of the tested maintain that they are better motivated to study by cooperation, over 1/3
of them prefer competition.
5. According to declarations concerning self-assessment of pupils’ cooperative skills, fit pupils assessed their cooperative competence higher
than their disabled counterparts. This was proved by experiments
which lead to the conclusion that fit pupils obtained better cooperation
results than their disabled colleagues.
The analysis of references and research results do not exhaust all the issues
related to cooperation between disabled and fit pupils in task-oriented situations. Some generalizations may be offered in this respect, such as: (1) the
tests indicate that cooperation among junior high school pupils developed on
average level, (2) earlier assumptions that the type of a task group differentiates the level of cooperation were confirmed, which means that in pedagogical
practice it is essential for teacher to form proper task groups, (3) the tests
proved that the best cooperation was developed by fit pupils in homogenous
groups and that (4) definitely worse results were achieved by disabled pupils
in homogenous groups, (5) cooperation in mixed groups developed better
than in teams consisted of the disabled, but worse than in teams composed of
fit students.
The results of the tests may raise certain doubts whether it is sensible to
organize cooperation of disabled and non-disabled pupils, as it proved to be
ineffective. The author of the paper complied with R. Arends (2001), R.M.
Gilles (2007) approach to the values of heterogeneous groups in terms of
learning school programmes and in terms of developing pupils’ social skills.
However, in mixed groups there was some degree of cooperation established
between pupils of special educational needs and fit pupils, although it is not
certain whether in other mixed groups the cooperation could have been
equally effective. According to experts, including R.M. Gilles (2007, p. 29–34),
cooperation is not a skill that will occur by itself at some point of the development of an individual. The author maintains that in the educational process
pupils should be provided with opportunities to experience interdependence
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through tasks, the performance of which is depends of the sum of activities of
all the group members. This explains why the junior high school pupils participating in the experiment did not possess experience necessary for successful cooperation. Possibly, there is a good reason why the best quality cooperation was established by the fit in homogenous groups. Only 25% of the tested
pupils declare that they possess broad experience in cooperation. The hypothesis that there exist differences in cooperation among disabled pupils performing tasks in homogenous groups and mixed groups as well as between fit pupils
cooperating in homogenous and mixed groups was not confirmed, as the
cooperation of disabled students in homogenous groups and mixed groups
developed on the same level. It is true that fit pupils cooperated better in homogenous groups than in mixed ones. However, the differences in the results
were not statistically significant. This tendency requires more insight and the
results of the tests must be reconsidered. It means that cooperative behaviour
of pupils cannot be triggered only by organizing team work and formulating
tasks favouring cooperation. Nowadays, in the face of relationship crisis and
increase in aggressive attitudes, it is advisable for school to put more emphasis
on purposeful development of pupils’ social competence, including the aspect
of cooperation.
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in: J. Brzeziński, L. Witkowski (eds.), Edukacja wobec zmiany społecznej,
Wydawnictwo Edytor, Poznań–Toruń.
SLAVIN, R.E. (1983), Cooperative Learning, Longman, New York–London.
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SZKUDLAREK, T, (2003), Pedagogika krytyczna, in: Z. Kwieciński, B. Śliwerski (eds.),
Pedagogika, vol. 2 , PWN, Warszawa.
ZIÓŁKOWSKI, M. (1994), Pragmatyzacja świadomości społeczeństwa polskiego, in:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo, no. 4, p. 11–27.
Agnieszka Olczak
A Child in the Social Contract
at School
This paper presents a part of extensive research into a social contract as
a means of educating for democracy. I would like to show how the contract
functions in various situations of school reality by presenting it against theoretical background
Nowadays, convincing anyone of the importance of childhood for the
whole development of an individual seems to be a truism. However, it is no
longer so obvious when looking at childhood from the perspective of the society and state. One can easily find examples of not understanding that ”by
looking after children, educating and bringing them up, the society not only
builds and strengthens the bonds of its community and economy, but it also
secures the continuity of tradition between generations and makes innovations
and changes possible”(Woodhead, 1998, p.15). Yet, a kindergarten group, and
soon after a school class function as a miniature of a society, ”an arena where
the child meets its peers, attempts to win recognition, fights against being rejected and learns the rules of coexistence” (Obuchowska, 2000, p. 43). Childhood is the period when the child learns the rules of communication, i.e. how
to solve conflicts, how to function in a group and how to react to various, often
very complex, situations. It learns about itself and seeks answers to the following questions: Who am I? What am I like? Where am I? (Waloszek, 1996)
in order to build relations with others, by expressing own opinions or acquiesce
to opinions of others.
School is a place where children find conditions for experiencing social
location. Proper style of teaching and organising conditions for independent
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Agnieszka Olczak
activity may help them to learn positive behaviour and internalize attitudes
that are socially desirable.
This paper focuses on depicting various situations in everyday school life
in the context of contracts made between teachers and children, as well as
between children themselves. Social contract is a basic concept of my paper,
and as such, needs a short introduction.
SOCIAL CONTRACT – TERMINOLOGY
Social contract is a key concept for this paper. When analysing justification for
the presence of contracts in society, I have come to the conclusion that various
disciplines derive their definitions from a 17th century theory, a precursor of
which was J.J. Rousseau (Olechnicki et al., 1997, p. 233). In his opinion,
a social contract is a bridge over which an individual can move from his or her
natural state to becoming a social being, i.e. to the society and state (Olechnicki
et al., 1997, pp. 233–234). All this must be founded on collective will, which
is a shared attitude of everybody living in a specific society towards all problems of this society. And its source is rooted in social theory (Król, 2001, p.
53). J.J. Rousseau’s theory has inspired me to search for possibilities of democratisation throughout the process of education (with reference to the theory
of “the noble savage”, who is civilised in the sense that it follows rules). This
theory was developed by T. Hobbes, J. Locke, G. Hegel and I. Kant. They
emphasised that a contract constitutes a source of development of communities and a foundation for the establishment of understanding and social order.
Literature rarely defines the concept of contract. It’s use is usually limited
to the concept of employment contract or regarded as a synonym of such
terms as convention, agreement or consensus (Żmigrodzki, 1999, pp. 296–
297).
The most universal definition of a contract can be found in the Dictionary
of Polish, which states that it is a written or oral agreement between parties
which aims at determining something, in particular determining mutual rights
and obligations. It is consent of both parties to something (Szymczak, 1992,
p.600).
A Child in the Social Contract at School
A contract is also defined as an offer made to one party and accepted by
the other; it is an intention to enter legal relations and a decision of each
party concerning certain essential circumstances; it is an action or refraining
from an action, in exchange for a promise from the other party (Bullock et al.,
1999, p. 668). It is directly related to educational situations. The very moment
of making a contract constitutes an offer made to another party who either
accepts or rejects it. Accepting it results in certain limitations, i.e. concessions
imposed on the parties making the contract, so that they are able to reap certain profits.
In attempt to regularize the reflections on social contract I would like to
enumerate the essence of a schematic social contract in order to elaborate on
the application of contracts in the process of education. Thus, a social contract:
• is a method that assists an individual in entering the society,
• is based on general will,
• is voluntary self-limitation of one’s own freedom in order to accomplish
certain objectives,
• is consent to subordination in exchange for profits resulting from the
contract,
• teaches to function in a democratic civic state,
• is a chance to live with other people in peace ,
• is a shift from individual will to general will, a shift from individualism
to community.
A contract made with a child must have all the elements which I have
listed above on the basis of general theory of social contract. Although the
theory refers to adults, it can be applied to children, as they are human beings
too and must be treated in the same way as adults; there should be no artificial
divisions; childhood cannot be regarded as less important; children cannot
be seen as a way of increasing the value of families. A contract with children:
• helps them enter into a social group such as a kindergarten, school or
a peer group and soon after into its local community and eventually
into society as such;
• takes into account their will (within reason);
• guides them so that they voluntarily give up one thing for the benefit
of attaining another, by means of initiating contracts;
• is consent to subordination;
• shows children profits resulting from making the contract;
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Agnieszka Olczak
• prepares them to living in a democratic state;
• teaches socially acceptable behaviour;
• teaches to shift from individual interests to the interests of the community.
Thus, I suggest the following definition of the term contract:
It is an oral or written declaration of a common attitude in a form of a sentence (usually affirmative sentence, sometimes negative) which is valid for
a fixed period of time and which regulates the conduct of a given group in
certain situations. Contracts result from and are pursuant with general norms
and rules, but they refer to activities here and now. In addition, they depend
on the context in which they have been made.
Contracts understood in this way can become a regulator of social life in
a school group. A way of acting in a specific situation that has been decided by
both parties will give the child clear information what is expected from him/
her; it will show the direction and determine certain limits, as the contract is
not only connected with the child’s freedom, but also shows an area of the its
duties, i.e. what is required and what is forbidden.
When necessary, a contract may contain obligations, orders and bans. For
by its means we want to mobilise the child to act in a certain way. However,
the contract will undoubtedly be based on compromise, negotiations, discussions and consent.
obligation
requirements
orders
bans
commands
CONTRACTS
freedom
informality
self-decision
CONSENSUS
Fig. 1. Contract position between freedom and obligation
Source: Own conclusions.
I would like to emphasise that in my opinion contracts can play an essential
role in children’s education. I think that contracts made between the teacher
and children, as well as between children themselves, are a perfect method to
learn democracy from very early developmental stages. To my mind, accepted
rules of coexistence in a peer group, methods of starting contacts, or in other
words social contracts provide the greatest possibilities of democratisation of
thinking and acting.
The concept has been functioning in education for many years. Yet, the
issue goes far beyond methodology of teaching, as it refers to the philosophy
of education, education towards emancipation etc. References to contracts
with children can be found in the works of J.J. Rousseau, J. Korczak, C. Freinet,
M. Kwiatowska, I. Dudzińska, Z. Topińska, M. Dmochowska, M. DuninWąsowicz, and others. Although they are often referred to in methodological
books for teachers, their concept is not yet well developed. It rather seems to
be a generally understood notion and in this form functions among teachers.
However, a thorough analysis of contracts made in kindergartens and schools
reveals an area of teachers’ incompetence and theoretical uncertainty, as well
as superficial knowledge of this field and its improper application.
A well applied contract locates the child between freedom and obligation.
It is not easy to determine the borderline between what is allowed and what
is forbidden. Human beings acquire this ability during the whole lifetime by
gaining their own social experiences. Good, especially moral good is a source
of obligation, often understood as a duty imposed on an individual
(Morszczyńska 1998, p. 103). Also, the natural need of humans to be independent and to be able to decide about themselves constitutes a source of
freedom. Contracts determine these borders. The younger the child is, the
more straightforward the borders should be and the more consistently they
should be followed. One can assume that children that are brought up well in
the early stages of their development, will follow the borders determined by
parents and teachers when confronted with life on their own (Obuchowska,
2000, p. 56). This position helps children to learn desirable and socially expected behaviour; it gives clear information what to do in specific circumstances, so it helps to function in various everyday situations effectively and
successfully. Owing to this, children possess a sense of security and predictability of consequences of their own actions, as well as predictability of the
reactions of adults.
A contract links two areas of human functioning – freedom and obligation.
Therefore, it helps to learn to follow applicable rights and duties. It is a means
that balances these two areas. Even in kindergartens, the teacher introduces
numerous contracts to teach children to follow the norms and rules of the
society. By repeating and observing them consistently, the teacher helps chil-
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dren to accept the norms and rules in a form of a certain system of social values.
This strategy could be continued in early school education.
This kind of education prepares children to function properly in school
reality. Moreover, as contracts are always based on obligations, commands,
requirements, they can mobilise children to undertake specific actions and to
optimally execute their school duties. The fact that they are negotiated, brings
a desirable element of freedom and self-decision.
A contract understood in this way is a consensus between freedom and
obligation. The key point in education is that any educational means should
bring a well defined educational profit, which is the case when a social contract
is used as an educational method. For teachers, proper behaviour of their
children will constitute an educational profit. For children, it will be their clear
position in educational situation which will regulate the their actions by limiting their behavior, but also by supporting them in learning about the world
and various new social situations. A contract gives clear instructions for children’s behaviour; it determines the field of permissible freedom and independence, and simultaneously determines the areas of specific desirable behaviour,
actions or obligations.
Keeping order and discipline in the classroom, as well as creating optimal
conditions for learning, cause problems, especially for young teachers. Teachers who do not want to achieve these objectives in authoritarian way, may use
several tools, such as request, encouragement, mobilisation, rewards, praises.
A contract is another excellent solution. It links children’s duties with the opportunity to show creativity and freedom. It links teachers’ expectations with
children’s right to decide about themselves. Without applying “teaching methods that would make the pupil feel scared” (Mieszalski, 1997, p. 85), they
mobilise their children to certain behaviour, inspire them to make an effort
and to do their best. When teachers agree with children that they can do at
least two out of numerous suggestions of tasks, and that they will do their best
by means of a chosen technique in their own time, and at the same time bearing in mind that the best works will be displayed or their authors will be
praised, teachers positively motivate their children to make a real effort. However, it is essential for teachers to pay attention not only to the effects, but also
to the effort itself.
Teachers and children can also agree that after a successful completion of
an asigned, children will be able to choose a game they like and play it with
the teacher, or sing their favourite song. Another option is that a child who
does the task well and carefully, will suggest or choose another task for the
whole class, which will teach children to make decisions and actively participate.
Diagnosis plays an important role in teaching, including teaching based
on contracts. Teachers who know their class well, are familiar with the types
of contracts which may motivate children to hard careful work and the types
of contracts which may not. Thus, the above contracts should be treated only
as suggestions.
The strategy based on social contract is a part of the discourse whether
”a school class is a social group or only a collection of individuals based on
compulsion” (Mieszalski,1997, p. 95). A contract is to teach children to
function in the two areas of freedom and obligation. The latter, connected
with duty, necessity and compulsion, does not have to dominate in teachers’ work. Sensitive teachers can try to balance it with the area of children’s
freedom, which is indispensable in a democratic society. They can teach
how to use it sensibly. They can also teach creative critical attitudes to
duties entrusted, which children will learn not because they are told so by
an adult, but because they notice the need and justify the importance of
the duties for their own development and life. Obviously, this reflection is
developmentally unavailable for pre-school and early school children.
However, the basis of such behaviour develops at this time of their development. Learning how to make decisions, for example what drawing
technique to choose or which two of four suggested tasks to perform, must
be accompanied with learning to be responsible and to bear the grunt of
their own actions and choices. By starting from elementary simple choices
in children’s everyday activity, we prepare them to make difficult and complex choices in the future.
When educating young children, we tend to forget that apart from responsibility, conscientiousness, manners and tidiness, we must teach them active
attitudes to problems and freedom and how to make independent decisions.
The contract unites these areas. It fits into the area “between” human freedom
and obligation. It is the area where we function throughout all life. Therefore,
it cannot be omitted in the education of young children.
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SCHOOL SITUATIONS
My research focuses on school situations: the behaviour of teachers and
children in the context of contracts. After T. Tomaszewski, I interpret the situation of humans as “a system of their mutual relations with other elements of
their environment in a certain period of time”(Tomaszewski 1978, p.17). In
the context of these reflections, it is important to show the specificity of the
teacher-child dyad and the process of interaction between subjects of various
situations with special attention to co-deciding, co-acting, compromise and
negotiations.
In the context of making contracts, an interaction should be understood
as a bilateral relation of a two-way inter-subjective nature and the dynamics
of the interaction, which changes the vision of the educational process
(Lubomirska 1997, p. 130). However, there is still an asymmetric adult-child
relation arrangement – also in making contracts, which is against its essence.
The emancipatory position of children makes it possible for power to be
distributed between children and teacher. Thus, it is no longer only teachers’
domain. According to E. Siarkiewicz, children also need power understood
positively as “a wider area of choice, a greater range of possible decisions,
a wider spectrum of effects which can be aimed at with reasonable prospects
for success” (Siarkiewicz, 2000, p.92). In her opinion, the essence of any
power is a possibility to make decisions about oneself, a single person or
a group. It is a factor that enables to bring order to human community, so that
social rules are followed (Siarkiewicz, 2000, p.93). It results from children’s
lack of wider social experience, therefore adults are an unquestionable authority and their expectations and suggestions are indisputable and irrefutable.
Adults can teach children extreme behaviour, such as subordination, lack of
individual opinions, compliance or emancipation, critical thinking, expressing personal opinions, self-confidence. Furthermore, power can also teach
children to communicate, to form and make contracts, to reach compromises.
The research conducted among kindergarten teachers and primary school
teachers who teach year one,1 shows that teachers make arrangements with
1
The research group included 336 kindergarten teachers and 50 primary school teachers
of various age, professional position, job experience, and environmental (town or rural) ori-
children in all possible situations of educational everyday life. At school contracts are made:
• during breaks,
• during lessons, including :
– doing task ,
– following teachers’ instructions,
– being on duty,
– tidying the workplace,
• in a canteen eating a meal,
• during walks, trips, etc.
Apart from the variety of situations, the research data refer to two interesting issues:
1) a number of contracts made,
2) forms of contract.
The number of contracts made between teachers and children is impressive. On average a teacher makes about twenty contracts which are written
down in a form of a code and then displayed on the wall or door. However, it
constitutes merely a small percentage of the total number of contracts made.
In different situations further contracts are made, which despite not being in
a written form, are also valid. During a year up to 80–100 contracts are made
between a teacher and children.
Another problem is the form of contracts. The majority of “contracts” does
not really fit the semantic field of the concept. Often, it is a list of dos and don’ts
imposed by an adult, instead of a mutual agreement. In the next sections of my
paper I shall present examples of contracts formed correctly. However, before
that I would like to discuss the procedure involved in making contract.
CONTRACT MAKING PROCEDURE
The procedure of making a contract between a teacher and children must
take into account certain stages owing to which some order is followed and an
gin. In this paper I focus on the group of primary school teachers. A wider selection of empirical data is presented in my monograph Umowa społeczna z dzieckiem jako droga ku demokracji w wychowaniu. Studium teoretyczno-empiryczne. Zielona Góra 2010, Wyd. UZ.
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optimal situation to make a proper contract is created. It will help to teach
children how to make contracts and it also gives teachers clear methodological
instructions.
I have identified the following stages:
1. Ambiguous conflict situation occurs, in which there is a conflict of
expectations or interests.
2. Solutions to this situation are searched, arguments and counterarguments are given (in a form of a dialogue).
3. Negotiations – searching a compromise which will satisfy all the involved parties.
4. Making a decision, finding an optimal solution.
5. Formulating the contract.
6. Execution of the contract.
Teaching practice records a lot of conflict situations in which numerous
conflicts of expectations and interests emerge. One of the causes of the conflicts is “inequality of power and knowledge” (Musatti, 1995, p. 115). Teachers
take the position of the ones who are wiser, stronger, more powerful, whereas
children are situated on the other end of this relation axis. Therefore, teachers
must be reflexive and have understanding attitudes to many issues, particularly to education. Because of their life experience teachers are able to predict,
plan and conduct a lot of situations. But children act and react spontaneously
and their actions are mainly driven by needs and impulses. The difficulties to
use cause and effect thinking, which is natural in this period, do not let children
act in a planned and thoughtful way. As I.P. Pawłow says ”Each child’s action
starts from a chaotic reaction” (Szuman, 1955, p. 33). When two people with
completely different experience and attitude to reality meet, it is bound to
cause conflict and create difficult situations which call for some regulations,
e.g. in a form of a contract.
Therefore, teachers and children try to find solutions to a specific situation,
so that the order and understanding are brought back Teachers who really
respect children are sensitive to their needs and value their opinions and feelings. They will try to make children participate in active searching for compromise solutions. They will let children express their own opinions, expectations,
feelings and suggestions of how to solve a difficult situation. Teachers should
also be able to express their own opinions. This relation teaches children to
form arguments, articulate individual opinions and listen to other people.
Only when we know other people’s opinions, expectations and feelings and
only when we are aware of our own opinions, expectations and feelings, can
we undertake actions aiming at reaching a compromise that will satisfy all
parties. A compromise is usually reached through negotiations, when all parties function as equals. The goal is to find an optimal solution and make the
right decision.
Here emerges an important issue: how to formulate a contract correctly.
It would be perfect if children were also allowed to be active at this stage.
The contract can also be formulated by teachers as children will be eager to
accept it, particularly if they actively participated in the process of finding
the desired solution. The teachers’ position of is irrefutable and their authority great, so that children take their opinions for granted. This is also the
reason why the shape of the contract cannot be unconsidered or accidental.
The execution of the contract is the final stage of the process. The contract
must be observed, as the parties who have accepted and made it are responsible for its execution. Thus, teachers must be consistent and children (but also
the teacher) must do their best to respect it.
USE OF SOCIAL CONTRACTS WITH CHILDREN – PRESENT STATE
DIAGNOSIS
My research proves how wide the issue of making a contract between
a teacher and a child is, which correlates with my observations of school reality. The empirical material which I gathered, shows that teachers and children
make numerous contracts of various content, form, time and place of their
execution. It is presented in the table 1.
Apart from diversity and complexity, my research demonstrates another
problem – the abundance of contracts made. It was evident after general
overview, but also after analysing the contracts of individual teachers, who
were asked to list all contracts they make with children.
Below (table 2), I present the number of contracts and the places where
they are valid. In my opinion, it constitutes the best illustration of the
problem.
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Agnieszka Olczak
Table 1. Contract content diversity
CONTRACT
CONTENTS
FORM
PLACE
sentences:
Made in :
Refer to :
– affirmative
1) the classroom
– behaviour,
– negative;
2) the cloakroom,
– contacts
commands and
3) the gym hall,
with other
4) the corridor,
children and bans,
5) the playground,
the teacher,
singular and plural 6) during a walk
– games,
form of a noun,
or trip
– tasks,
7) during breaks
– taking care of
four forms of verb
oneself,
– eating meals conjugation:
– I – ”don’t push,
etc.
don’t run…”
– WE – ”let’s
decide….”
– YOU – ”volunteer …”
– THEY – ”children…”
TIME
• Temporary for
the time of one
game,
• valid one day,
• valid one week,
month,
• valid for a longer
period of time
Source: own research.
Table 2. Number of contracts made
PLACE
During a lesson
of which:
while doing exercises,
while following the teacher’s instructions,
while being a person on duty,
while tidying a working place,
Corridor and cloakroom during breaks,
Toilet, canteen during meals,
During walks, trips, etc.
TOTAL
NUMBER OF
CONTRACTS
42
20
15
4
3
16
9
17
84
The number of contracts is astonishing. Additionally, apart from numerous
recurrent contracts there are also single ones.
The most frequent ‘contracts’ made in various situations include:
• We don’t talk during a lesson.
• We keep our desks tidy.
• We keep our classroom tidy.
• We say excuse me, thank you, sorry.
• We don’t shout in the classroom.
• When I want to say something, I need to put my hand up and wait for my
turn.
• I don’t disturb the others.
• We stay close to the group.
• We don’t talk while eating etc.
The list of this kind of contracts is long. They are not only numerous, but
also diverse. It also happens that in one situation different teachers make different types of contracts. Here are two examples:
1) During a lesson:
– We follow the teacher’s instructions while doing a task.
– Everyone follows the model while doing a task.
– You can choose any method of doing a task, but you have to do your
best.
2) During conversations – communication:
– I don’t interrupt the others.
– I have the right to express my own opinion.
– I don’t speak without raising my hand and getting the teacher’s consent.
– When I want to say something, I wait for my turn.
– We listen to the teacher.
– We listen when others speak.
– I have the right to ask.
When analysing the style of teachers’ conversation with children, it can be
classified and ordered according to three basic styles of upbringing: authoritarian, democratic and liberal. And even though the majority of teachers declare
that their activities aim at supporting their children and respecting their subjectivity, their style of address does not prove it.
As I mentioned before, in a wide selection of teacher-child contracts, some
of them are not typical contracts, as they occur as single examples. Thus, it can
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be concluded they refer to issues with which teachers most rarely agree with
their children. Here are some examples:
• When you start something, you should finish it.
• While a book is being read everybody listens silently.
• Each child can choose one task out of suggested by the teacher.
Diversity of these contracts is also huge and one can wonder whether they
are right or justified, or even whether they are grammatically correct.
The contract should refer to important issues. It must be justified; it cannot be a teacher’s “caprice,” like the contracts that I have registered in my
research, e.g.
• I understand other people’s attitudes and feelings – but what if some children do not understand?
• When a teacher puts up her right hand, the children will stand next to the
wall – this example cannot be even commented .
The analysis of the teacher-child contract with reference to the grammatical form of sentences leads to some very interesting conclusions.
Affirmative sentences prevail, but some are also negative. The table below
presents the type of grammar formula used while making contracts.
Table 3. The most frequent language forms of contracts
AFFIRMATIVE SENTENCES
“We talk to each other in a quiet voice”
“I use only my own textbooks and accessories”
“At lunch we talk in whisper”
“We respect our friends”
NEGATIVE SENTENCES
“We don’t shout to each other/in the classroom”
“I don’t use my friend’s textbooks or accessories”
“We don’t talk during meals”
“We don’t hurt friends”
A sentence which contains ‘no’ becomes a ban and stops being a contract.
It regulates behaviour in a group, but it does not represent the idea of educating towards democracy. Just changing a sentence into an affirmative does not
solve the problem of correctness. The examples of affirmative sentences given
here, are not real contracts, as they have traits of a command. Contracts contain
elements of obligation, but they should also include some elements of freedom,
independence and a possibility to make a choice. However, the above examples
lack these features.
As far as personal pronouns are concerned I have found sizeable inconsistencies in contracts suggested by teachers. I have identified four different types
of contracts on the grounds of this criterion:
1. I – I don’t push…, I don’t interrupt…, I have the right…
2. WE – Let’s decide…, we talk…
3. YOU – put your hand up…, listen …
4. THEY – children…
In my opinion, using so many forms shows that teachers have problems
with formulating contracts; they have not enough knowledge about them; they
are not sure which forms is optimal.
The empirical material on kindergarten and primary school teachers which
I have gathered provides a wide range of information about teachers’ knowledge and skills in the area. The material also reveals problems connected with
the issue, as well as raises numerous questions about practical dimensions of
contract execution. The aspects described above are only a small part of studies on contracts with children, or rather on the diagnosis of the present state,
and as such, require a thorough analysis and detailed implications for practical application. However, the present state suggests some very general conclusions. According to its definition, a contract is to teach children to solve
conflicts peacefully, to form arguments and express personal opinions, to be
creative, to reach compromise, etc. But is it really so? Well, in my opinion,
nowadays there are very few agreements between teachers and children that
can be considered true contracts. What teachers suggest is a list of often inconsistent commands and bans, which are to make children be quiet and
behave in the right way; they are to teach them to be subordinate and obedient, as well as to accept teachers’ instructions without second thoughts.
However, an individual who has been educated in this way will not be able to
cope with a difficult, complex social situation, where active creative mobile
people win. The contract can help children acquire these skills, provide it is
applied carefully, purposefully, adequately to a situation, and is formed accurately.
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POSSIBILITIES OF EDUCATING TOWARDS DEMOCRACY IN
CONTRACTS
Contracts with children can be a method of educating them towards democracy and preparing them to contemporary reality. However, they must meet
some requirements:
1) they should be formed correctly and at the stage of making them everybody should be allowed to shape them,
• it is made in affirmative sentences,
• it uses the personal pronoun WE,
• it is created as a result of a dialogue,
2) it is rationally used by the teacher,
• it should also refer to issues that are important from social and educational point of view,
3) it is observed by both parties (both the child and the teacher).
A contract made in affirmative sentences is a source of information for
children, as it shows a desirable way of behaving and it informs what kind of
behaviour is socially expected. Simultaneously, it eliminates undesirable
behaviour. Here is an example of this kind of a contract:”We agree that each of
us will do at least two additional tasks suggested by the teacher every day”. This
form of a contract shows children what the teacher expects from them; the
number of tasks can be negotiated together by the teacher and children. At the
same time, there is some obligation in it, as the child has to do the tasks. In this
way, the contract becomes a tool that supports the child’s development.
As I emphasised earlier, contract sentences should use the personal pronoun “we” because according to its definition, the contract assumes a common
attitude and a common decision that is binding both for the teacher and the
child. It is unacceptable if the teacher makes the contract with a group about
not entering the classroom wearing shoes, and then does not follow this agreement. Other examples can be easily found in school reality.
The teacher should use a teacher-child contract in order to support the
child’s development, to teach him/her socially desirable conduct, such as
tolerance, respect to others, replacing I with WE, empathy, responsibility,
consistence, ability to compromise and to solve controversial situations, face
criticism and induce activity.
Democracy provides good conditions to live and develop for active creative
people who can effectively cooperate and communicate with others. Yet, out
of 84 different kinds of contracts (the total number of contracts was much
bigger, however, part of them repeated) I have found a few single contracts
that are really oriented on children’s development, potential and possibilities.
Here are some examples:
• We don’t say: ‘I can’t’ – we don’t have to be able to do something, first we
will try and eventually we will succeed.
• We can ask about everything.
• We are responsible for our own actions and we always speak on behalf of
ourselves.
• We decide about the place and kind of game by ourselves, but we remember
to tidy afterwards.
• We have the right to make mistakes and try until we learn etc.
If the contract is to be valuable, so that it affects the child’s conduct, it must
be used reasonably. The number of contracts must also be thought over, as too
many make children feel lost. They forget some contracts, which means that
they do not really work. This comment is really valuable, as analysing the
material collected in the research, I have discovered that many teachers make
plenty of contracts with children – even up to 80, as one of the teachers said
and they refer to almost all possible situations that might occur in the school
reality.
PROBLEMS RELATED TO CONTRACTS IN KINDERGARTEN
Observing how the social contract is used in educational practice has revealed
numerous problems, inaccuracies and inconsistencies in the ways contracts
are used by various teachers. The most common ones include:
• too many contracts made at the same time with one class or group,
• a great diversity of forms used to make contracts by various teachers
and various groups,
• frequent lack of consistence to observe the contract on the part of
teachers,
• frequent use of ‘pseudo-contracts’, lists of bans and commands are
often called contracts,
• children are often imposed certain rules without being asked to participate in contract creation.
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The above problems emerge after a general analysis of the empirical material. They are so important that they are enough to justify an attempt to order
educational practices in this field, as well as a discussion over the essence of
contracts and their importance in the process of education.
There is a different number of contracts in individual kindergarten groups
and school classes – on average between 10 and 20. There are also teachers
who admit that they have made much more contracts with groups they are
working with, because apart from 10 contracts written, as for example the
Contract of the Preschooler / Pupil / First Year Pupil, the Good Friend Code
or Pupils’ Resolution etc. There is a number of lesser contracts that considerably affect the functioning of a class. One of the teachers participating in the
research admitted that in his group over 80 various contracts were in force.
Such a big number of contracts causes that none of the children, and probably
the teacher himself, are able to remember them all. As a result of this, the
majority of contracts made in various circumstances are simply not executed,
which in consequence leads to the devaluation of their value, as children find
out that although various contacts are made, they are insignificant because
nobody cares to observe them.
Contracts have diverse forms: some teachers formulate them as affirmative
sentences, e.g. After work we tidy, others as negative sentences, e.g.: We don’t
shout in the classroom, and another group of teachers formulate them as commands, e.g. Share your crayons and bans You mustn’t destroy books. Teachers
also use various grammar forms: impersonal forms, e.g. Fighting is forbidden,
sentences in singular or plural forms using different personal pronouns – e.g.
If I want to enjoy a game, I don’t argue with friends, Don’t run in the classroom,
Take care of the equipment, The child who is naughty will not play during the
break, We work in harmony, Don’t quarrel, Don’t take each other’s toys, Help each
other, Children behave well at school. The form of contracts is really essential,
as it shows children their position in a specific situation and in the group.
Their grammatical form may indicate their universality or the necessity of
observing it by a small group. In addition to this, different teachers working
with one group of children apply different grammatical forms for the same
contract, which can make it incomprehensible, therefore not observed.
Observations and interviews with the teachers allowed to identify another
essential problem related to insufficient functioning of contracts, which is
inconsistence. Failing to observe contracts, partly because teachers forget
about them, has a negative influence on their general functioning and on final
benefits that the contract could bring to a kindergarten group and to individual children.
Another problem is the use of rules that should be called ‘pseudo contracts’,
as they are nothing more than a list of commands and bans imposed by the
teacher. Children are not involved in the process of creating it, as they are only
expected to subordinate and to be obedient. This, in turn, is connected with
the last of problems listed above: imposing numerous rules without children
being involved in creating them. There are various reasons for insufficient
participation in the process, including the most common causes, such as:
1) a large group of respondents believes that children are incompetent
and immature to be able to create and form contracts; they do not
know social norms and rules, which may result in an inability to formulate desirable, good quality contracts;
2) teachers claim that the process of making contracts takes a lot of time
and that it is impossible to negotiate each contract with children, especially that usually the child’s opinion is the same as the opinion of his
teacher. Teachers often forget that the process of reaching a common
position has a greater educational and developmental value than the
contracts themselves.
Lack of an ordered educational process, including the one that applies to
contracts, negligence and inconsistencies in this area may all be a direct threat
to democratisation of social relations.
When contracts are not observed or there are inconsistencies and disorder,
their value may devaluate, which may have negative influence on children’s
acquisition of some skills. Instead of teaching freedom and responsibility, an
extensive number of pseudo contracts, predomination of bans, obligations and
imposed rules will promote learning to be submissive, obedient, passive and
conformist. Inconsistent observance of contracts, which have various forms
and are too numerous, may result in the relativisation of rules and norms, in
applying only those which are favourable, convenient or easy. And this, in turn,
will not help to build a community, develop an ability to cooperate and make
decisions. Instead, it leads to problems of the contemporary world: social
isolation, alienation and demanding attitudes.
Teaching socially desirable behaviour and attitudes should not involve
suppressing, criticising or stigmatising negative behaviour of adults. It should
involve deliberate education of the youngest. According to the theory of
traces (Tomaszewski 1984, pp.14–15), all early experiences remain in our
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mind for a long time and they may imply our conduct in adult life. Thus, it
seems socially desirable to educate even very young children towards democracy by means of social contracts, as in the future this will result in their better
functioning in the society. The change of the educational paradigm is no
longer a suggestion, but rather a necessity of our time.
It must be emphasised that communication in the teacher-child dyad is
a very special act, as it involves subjects that use diverse language codes. As
children presume that other people understand them as they understand
themselves (Schaffer, 2005, p.295), teachers bear great responsibility for their
communication process. Teachers have more experience, know patterns of
correct communication and operate the language more fluently, so their task
is to support children and gradually teach them rules of using the language in
social interactions, such as switching roles between the listener and the
speaker, rules of conducting a dialogue, constructing a statement, expressing
individual opinions, presenting personal expectations or active listening to
others. This will happen if teachers use dialogues, instead of monologues, and
introduce contracts as a method to teach understanding and cooperation. Such
changes in the process of education seem to be unavoidable, as they result from
the demand brought by the third wave civilisation.
CONCLUSIONS
The contract is a regulator of social life, including life in kindergarten and
school groups. It can regulate numerous situations of everyday life. Children
and adults decide together how to behave in a specific situation, and in this
way children have clear information on what is expected from them and where
are the limits of their own activity. It helps them to switch from egocentric to
socio-centric behaviour with complete admiration of children’s developmental features and values.
The contract contains obligations, requirements and bans, but only those which
are necessary and justified. This makes it different from orders, requirements and
commands commonly used on each level of education. It is a tool that introduces
children to the real world, the same as the one that adults belong to, where you
need to make decisions and bear their consequences, where you can do what you
want, but within the limits determined by norms and social expectations.
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współczesnych, Wyd. Książnica, Katowice.
KRÓL, M. (2001), Historia myśli politycznej. Od Machiavellego po czasy współczesne,
Wyd. Arche, Gdańsk.
LUBOMIRSKA , K. (1997), Przedszkole – rzeczywistość i szansa, Wyd. Akademickie
„Żak”. Warszawa.
MIESZALSKI, S. (1997), O przymusie i dyscyplinie w klasie szkolnej. Warszawa, WSiP.
MOSZCZYŃSKA , U. (1998), Powinności: „Bądź dobrym dzieckiem, uczniem i kolegą”
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MUSATTI, T. (1995), Wczesne relacje rówieśnicze według Piageta i Wygotskiego, in:
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i dorosłych, Wyd. Zysk i S-ka, Poznań.
OBUCHOWSKA , I. (2000), Kochać i rozumieć, vol. 2, Wyd. Media Rodzina, Poznań.
OLCZAK, A. (2010), Umowa społeczna z dzieckiem jako droga ku demokracji w wychowaniu. Studium teoretyczno-empiryczne, Wyd. Uniwersytetu Zielonogórskiego,
Zielona Góra.
OLECHNICKI, K., ZAŁĘCKI, P. (eds.) (1997), Słownik socjologiczny, Wyd. Graffiti BC,
Toruń.
SCHAFFER, H.R. (2005), Psychologia dziecka, PWN, Warszawa.
SIARKIEWICZ, E. (2000), Ostatni bastion czyli jawne i ukryte wymiary pracy przedszkola, Wyd. Impuls, Kraków.
SZUMAN, S. (1995), Rola działania w rozwoju umysłowym małego dziecka, Wyd. PAN,
Wrocław.
SZYMCZAK, M. (ed.) (1992), Słownik Języka Polskiego, PWN, Warszawa.
TOMASZEWSKI, T. (1978), Psychologia, PWN, Warszawa.
TOMASZEWSKI, T. (1984), Ślady i wzorce, WSiP, Warszawa.
WALOSZEK, D. (1996), Zabawa. Edukacja, Wyd. ODN, Zielona Góra.
WOODHEAD, M. (1998), Dążenie ku tęczy. Poszukiwanie standardów jakości edukacji,
Wyd. Akademickie „Żak” i B. Van Leer Fundation, Warszawa.
ŻMIGRODZKI, M. (ed.) (1999), Encyklopedia politologii. Teoria polityki, Wyd. Kantor,
Zakamycze.
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Typical
Typical
Problems
Problems
and Applicable
and Applicable
Remedies
Remedies
Grażyna Miłkowska
Adolescents’
Conflict-Solving Strategies
INTRODUCTION
The inability to cope with challenging circumstances, especially in conflict
situations, frequently leads to behavioural disorders in adolescence, often
identified as signs of social incongruity. Families and peer groups see a lot of
verbal or sometimes even physical aggression, originating in incapacity of effective mediation in conflict situations, in which each of the involved parties
seeks satisfaction of its own objectives.
Additionally, the distinctiveness of adolescent attitudes and the newlysprung requirement for them to assume new social roles and to face up to new
developmental assignments, all make adolescents’ conflicts with other people
even more confrontational. It is a safe assumption that conflicts constitute an
intrinsic element of teenage years, making it difficult for adults to prepare
young people to functioning in the spirit of understanding and respect for
otherness.
How do young people cope with conflict situations at school? What strategies do they assume? What procedures should be applied to educational and
prophylactic effort? The paper will attempt to relate to these three questions.
The notion conflict encompasses a series of assorted phenomena, such as
an argument, rivalry between organizations, cliques, fractions or individuals,
war, competition. Conflict may be plainly defined after Dunaj as ‘an encounter of contradictory, mutually exclusive aspirations, actions or beliefs; disagreement, contradiction, antagonism’ (Dunaj, 1999, p. 236). R. Dahrendorf
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Grażyna Miłkowska
uses the term ‘to mean contestation, competition, controversy, as well as
open struggle between social powers. The entire selection of relations between groups of individuals, which are characterized by disagreement and
incongruity of objectives (…) are understood as conflict relations’ (Mlicki,
1992, p. 34).
Gordon Allport distinguishes internal conflicts, labeled as cover conflicts,
which are veiled and mental by nature, as well as external conflicts labeled as
overt conflicts, which are explicit by nature (after Pospiszyl, 1970, pp. 12 – 13),
also known as interpersonal or social. External conflicts are more easily perceptible, easier to describe, although naturally, interrelated with internal conflicts
(being their cause or result). A. Aronson sees the interpersonal-external conflict
as a type of tension between two or more individuals or groups of individuals,
which are characterized by contradictory objectives (Aronson 1979, p. 340).
External conflicts occur between individuals, between individuals and groups
and between groups. Thus, all relate to interpersonal, social interactions.
CAUSES OF CONFLICTS IN ADOLESCENCE
Adolescence is the time of conflicts. They usually occur in relations with
parents and are crucial for personal development, as they are linked with the
acquisition of decision-making skills and the sense of responsibility. They
additionally emphasize individual autonomy. According to K. Pospiszyl (1970,
pp. 100 – 111), the intensity of conflicts with parents is influenced by their
educational errors, mostly excessive strictness or excessive leniency, insufficient attention or inconsistency in education, as well as emotional disorders
due to parents’ alcoholism.
Conflicts with teachers are mainly rooted in problems with learning and
with the need for manifestation of autonomy. Conflicts with peers, numerous
at the time of adolescents, surface due to numerous causes, mostly depending
on gender and age, Adolescent boys tend to find themselves in conflict situations because they want to have something or they aspire to dominance,
whereas conflicts among girls are rooted in interpersonal relations. There is
a tendency of shifting the focus of conflicts from unisexual relationships onto
heterosexual relationships with age. Also, conflicts between groups become
more frequent with age, which is rooted in the formation of distinct boundaries
Adolescents’ Conflict-Solving Strategies …
between particular groups (gangs) and in the birth of group identity (Deutsch,
Coleman, 2005, pp. 333 – 335). K. Pospiszyl (1970, p. 121) emphasizes that
intensive conflicts with peers result from extreme deficiencies in socialization
and inability to cooperate in groups. A great deal of conflict situations is
rooted in individual’s deficiencies in interpersonal communication, which
constitute a clear signal for others that their mutual objectives are mismatched
(Chełpa, Witkowski 2004, p. 28).
INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH
Conflicts are a part and parcel of human existence. They may be of constructive nature (when they are conductive to development, acquisition of skills of
cooperation with other people). They may also be of destructive nature (when
they lead to overt hostility, attacks, violation of personal assets of others, or to
withdrawal, resignation from own aspirations and plans).
Human beings learn to arbitrate conflicts, present own reasons, provide
arguments and listen to opinions and needs of others in the course of acquisition of experience in interpersonal relations. Empathy and assertiveness are
two skills that are very helpful in the process. Both are equally important: the
first furnishes young people with the ability to compassion, understanding the
motives, needs and aspirations of others; the other one enables to defend one’s
own rights, to support one’s own standpoint and to contest outside pressure
from individuals or groups, and in consequence to protect one’s self-identity.
Deficiencies in such skills result in common occurrence of conflicts in juvenile environment, frequently leading to antisocial behavior in the form of
verbal or/and physical aggression.
Intensification of the phenomenon in adolescence is interlinked with the
processes of maturation and puberty, accompanied by aspirations to emancipation and independence, i.e. by search for own individual ways and by execution of own independent objectives. This ‘fight for independence,’ in connection with deficiencies in social skills, constitutes an exacerbating factor
conductive to overt conflicts saturated with aggression.
The research conducted so far divulges the existence of the omnipresent
phenomenon of conflicts at school and reveals their relation to antisocial behavior, aggression and violence. However, there is a scarcity of research that
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Grażyna Miłkowska
indicates constructive ways of overcoming peer conflicts in lower-secondary
schools. Therefore, the research conducted among lower-secondary school
pupils in Zielona Góra in 2000 predominantly revolved around remedial incentives. It was designed to elicit adolescents’ preferences regarding conflictsolving strategies utilized in conflicts with their peers and teachers. The main
research problem was formulated in the following question: What conflictsolving strategies are adopted by young people?1
Conflict is a problematic, unpleasant circumstance, so people tend to make
it as short and as pain-free as it is possible. There are several styles or strategies
of reacting to conflict situations. Some people tend to escape, others eagerly
engage in the conflict, depending on personality types and the context of the
argument.
A commonly acknowledged classification of strategies or styles of reaction
to conflict, by Henry L. Tosi and his co-researchers, was used in the research.
Markedly, they included explicit personal predispositions in their model,
which are illustrated in the chart below:
Assertive
Competition
Cooperation
Compromise
Non-assertive,
low focus on self
Avoidance
Mutual interaction in
no cooperation
Surrender
significant,
Cooperative,
mutual interactions
very important
The chart depicts the space which may accommodate every human being,
depending on his or her typical reaction to conflicts. The vertical dimension
indicates the level of assertiveness, whereas the horizontal dimension specifies
the extent of willingness to cooperation and the importance attached to inter1
Lower-secondary pupils from three schools in Zielona Góra were included in the research. The sample size consisted of 426 pupils, 195 girls and 231 boys, 207 from year 1 and
219 from year 2. A diagnostic survey in the form of a modified questionnaire on styles of
conflict-solving strategies by Chełpa and Witkowski (Chełpa, Witkowski, 2004, p. 156) was
used in the research.
personal relations. Assertive individuals who attach little importance to relationships will react competitively, whereas those who find relationships significant will tend to cooperate. Unassertive individuals will react by avoidance
or surrender. The centrally situated compromise is a resultant of all strategies,
which is not to say that it is always the most suitable style of reaction. Each
person has his or her characteristic style of reaction. Despite of this, different
situations may elicit different reactions. All these strategies have their advantages and disadvantages, which are:
– Avoidance is a strategy characteristic for individuals who see conflicts
as strongly unpleasant experiences, so they tend to preclude them from
happening or back out of them at all costs. Such people tend to forsake
their own interests in the name of harmony. As individuals who adopt
such strategies are unassertive and relationships are very important for
them, they are inclined to remain in isolation. Nevertheless, in certain
situations the strategy may yield positive results. Namely, when the
object of the conflict is immaterial, or there are scarce or nonexistent
chances for its successful conclusion.
– Surrender is a characteristic strategy for individuals who at all costs
want to satisfy the other party involved in the conflict, which results in
giving in to demands of the opposing party and giving up one’s own
goals. Such strategy is appropriate if we realize that we are mistaken or
in cases when the other party feels strongly about the outcome of the
object of the argument, and it of no great significance to us.
– Competition (or clash, confrontation) is a strategy based on attack,
aimed at exerting negative influence on the opposing party in order to
prevent or obstruct it from exerting negative influence on us or in order
to enforce our own interests which are antagonistic to the interests of
the opposing party. Such strategy is appropriate in critical situations,
when there is insufficient time for verbal brawls and discussions. It is
a rather precarious style, especially under school conditions. Solving
problems by means of confrontation may be aggressive and may lead
to violence exerted on peers or even teachers.
– Compromise is a strategy based on the conviction that people are not
allowed to enforce all their aspirations and should partly sacrifice their
objectives on behalf of the other party, on the condition that the other
party will proceed likewise. Each party walks out of the confrontation
with both gain and loss. Compromise is a common reaction to conflict
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Grażyna Miłkowska
situations. It is appropriate when the parties have inflated aspirations
and level potency, as well as when we wish to temporarily suspend the
conflict in order to gain additional time for finding a solution that
satisfies both parties.
– Cooperation is a strategy that accepts the objectives of the other
party without resignation from our own. It rests on the assumption
that in each situation there is a solution that may satisfy both parties.
Naturally, the strategy is not always applicable, but if it is, it proves to
be one of the most effective policies, as it may lead to identification
of the true origin of the conflict, which more often than not is rooted
in insufficient communication. Cooperation is also an appropriate
solution in situations in which both parties agree on the objective and
differ on the type of implemented method (see: Chełpa, Witkowski,
2004, pp. 110 – 113).
DECLARED VERSUS APPLIED CONFLICT-SOLVING STRATEGIES
OF THE RESEARCHED ADOLESCENTS
The research revealed significant differentiation in attitudes and methods of
solving conflicts depending on their contexts. The respondents declare different
methods when they are asked to deliberate on theoretical cases, and when they
are asked to relate to a particular case. While describing their own attitude to
conflicts and methods of applicable solutions, pupils indicated several styles, but
decidedly negated solutions based on competition. The graph below illustrates
conflict-solving strategies declared by lower-secondary school pupils.
24%
20%
compromise
competition
8%
22%
cooperation
surrender
avoidance
20%
Fig. 1. Conflict-solving strategies
declared by the examined adolescents
Apparently, it is a safe assumption that lower-secondary school pupils
declare pro-social attitudes in conflict situations, as merely every twelfth pupil
perceives confrontation as an applicable method. The respondents are unquestionably in favour of non-confrontational solutions, such as cooperation,
avoidance or surrender.
However, when asked about methods applied to particular situations by
adolescents themselves, they drew an entirely different picture.
8%
33%
29%
compromise
competition
cooperation
Fig. 2. Lower-secondary school
pupils’ reactions to conflict situations
surrender
avoidance
17%
13%
Apparently, every third respondent decidedly avoids conflict situations,
but a significant percentage admits that they resort to confrontational
methods.
The discrepancy between the two separate findings is thought provoking,
as competition features in applied methods four times more frequently than
in declared methods. Similarly, cooperation, compromise or surrender feature
much less frequently in practice. It may be therefore assumed that lower-secondary school pupils are acquainted with nonaggressive methods of conflictsolving; they know that there are strategies facilitating win-win solutions to
conflicts, such as compromise and cooperation, but they are unable or unwilling to apply them in immediate situations. Merely every fifth respondent
(21%) declares seeking compromise and cooperation, in other words, solutions satisfying both parties.
It is significant from psychological point of view that as many as 50% of
respondents display reactions indicative of insufficient assertiveness, assuming
solutions typical of avoidance and surrender styles.
Further analyses will deal with declared and applied conflict-solving strategies, respectively in relations with peers and teachers.
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Grażyna Miłkowska
CONFLICT-SOLVING STRATEGIES WITH PEERS
Conflicts at the age of adolescence teach a lesson of ‘peer communication
skills’. The manner of conflict interactions frequently defines the position of
an individual and his or her assumed role in a peer group, e.g. that of a scapegoat or that of a leader.
Let us consider the different styles of solving peer problems, declared in
theoretical situations and assumed in practice.
Pupils declare that they would be happy to avoid conflicts with peers and
that if the conflict is already there, they strive to alleviate it, so that both parties
are satisfied. Merely one out of every ten lower-secondary school pupils declares
that he or she competes by assuming aggressive attitudes in relation to peers.
Fig. 3. Declared and applied
strategies towards conflicts
with peers.
40
33
30
24
21
22
22
20
22
15
10
10
21
declared style
10
applied style
n
er
nd
rre
su
co
m
pr
om
ise
io
tit
pe
co
m
av
oi
da
nc
e
co
op
er
at
io
n
0
Pupils’ answers to questions concerning the applied conflict-solving methods2 in particular situations indicate that there exists a variety of undertaken
strategies. As many as 1/3 of respondents admit that they employ the strategy
of competition and make attempts to defend their rights by resorting to aggressive behavior. Frequently however, the same person who believes that
competition is an inappropriate method, when confronted with a conflict,
resorts to aggressive reaction, e.g. a boy from year 1 who gave no or definitely
no to most statements concerning competition, when questioned about his
reaction to being backbitten, he answered: ‘I start a fight or solve the problem
verbally.’ We may assume that the verbal solution in this case would be far from
2
The analysis was based on open questions, in which respondents stated methods employed in solving conflicts connected to their functioning at school and their relationships
with peers.
methodical persuasion, but would rather equal verbal confrontation. Another
boy replies: ‘then I call my friends and we beat him. If he answers back to us,
we beat him one more time.’ Naturally, not all answers feature such aggression,
but the examples above illustrate the discrepancy between declared and applied reactions.
Pro-social strategies are dominant among lower-secondary school pupils,
such as surrender (21%) or avoidance (21%). Every tenth pupil attempts to
solve conflicts by resorting to compromise and every seventh cooperates. It is
therefore a safe assumption that despite the group of pupils who prefer confrontation, the majority relies on pro-social solutions. They admit that they
choose such solutions in knowledge that they will fail to provide them with
satisfaction and they will make them give up their own aspirations, offering
such motifs as: ‘I don’t want to argue with them,’ ‘There is no point in arguing,’
‘I prefer to take no notice and keep it to myself, ’It is safer not to start with
them.’ The answers point to several causes of the acquiescence:
– the object of the argument is not worth confrontation,
– the respondents are afraid to defend their rights due to violence among
peers and social ostracism,
– the respondents give up their aspirations in favour of maintaining appropriate relations with peers.
The graph illustrates answers with regard to respondents’ gender.
It is apparent that boys and
60
girls employ different strategies. Competition and avoid40
ance are dominant among
20
boys and competition and
cooperation are dominant
0
ise
n
among girls. Startlingly, the
io
n
om
tit
io
pr
er
at
pe
differences in the application
m
r
d
e
m
n
co
ce
co
op
rre
an
u
d
co
of the strategy of avoidance are
s
oi
av
girls
boys
as high as 18%. Female pupils
Fig. 4. Boys’ and girls’ strategies of solving
will typically resort to coopconflicts with their peers
eration and compromise,
rather than to avoidance. It is
likely that the two dominant strategies among boys are rooted in their insufficiently developed self-control, resulting in tendencies to resort to acts of
aggression. In order to evade confrontation, they adopt the style of avoidance,
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Grażyna Miłkowska
and if this proves inadequate, they resort to confrontation, frequently of aggressive nature. Accordingly, a year 1 pupil, when asked about his reaction to
his classmate copying his test without permission and obtaining a better mark,
replied in the following fashion: I will beat him or report to the teacher. Another
said: I will tell him off. Girls’ reactions are typically more evenhanded, although
not devoid of negative emotions. For instance, one of female respondents,
when asked about her reaction to being backbitten, stated: I learned it from
someone. This may be only gossip. I would talk to the person and see if he or she has
something against me!
Apparently, girls much more frequently than boys declared behavior based
on the principle of cooperation. They resorted to dialogue in order to establish
the expectations of both parties and to find such middle ground that will
satisfy the expectations. Boys typically chose competition, i.e. reacted aggressively (physically or verbally) in order to defeat the opponent, or far less frequently withdrew, assuming the position of the defeated.
The findings lead to the conclusion that the respondents (especially boys)
see the advantages of win-win solutions, but are not able or are unwilling to
make use of them, possibly due to insufficiently developed self-control manifested in low threshold for aggressive reactions.
Another graph illustrates the styles of reactions to conflicts employed by
pupils from year 1 and 3. It is true that the span of two years is too short to
fully develop interpersonal competence. However, taking into consideration
the intensity of social development at that age and preventive influence of
school, we may assume that year 3 pupils will more frequently seek conciliatory methods, as illustrated in the following graph (fig. 5).
It is apparent that both age
50
groups assume similar conflict50
38
solving strategies, with the only
40
30
difference in the frequency of
28
30
20
their application. Competition,
20
12
12
yielding with time to cooperation
6
10
4
and compromise, seems to be
0
0
a popular style, almost on the par
compromise competition cooperation surrender avoidance
with avoidance. Their values difyear 1 pupils
year 3 pupils
fer only slightly, which is indicaFig. 5. Year 1 and 3 pupils’ styles of solving
tive of tendencies to circumvent
conflicts with peers
conflicts at all costs. Such stance
is well illustrated in the year 3 pupil’s statement on her reaction to being backbitten: I ignore it because if I react she will continue, and if I ignore it she will eventually
stop. It is symptomatic that the respondents rarely referred to the surrender style;
year 3 pupils ignored it altogether, perceiving it as ineffective.
STRATEGIES FOR SOLVING CONFLICTS WITH TEACHERS
Conflicts with teachers are fundamentally different from conflicts with peers,
as there is the additional element of authority. We may assume that pupils,
being dependent on teachers’ approval and evaluation, will undertake conflictsolving styles which are poles apart from styles employed with peers. Just like
in the previous analyses, pupils were questioned about their general attitudes
to solving conflicts with teachers and only then, they were asked to stipulate
methods of intervention in particular cases. The findings concerning both
declarative and applied reactions are presented in the following graph:
40
37
35
30
30
21
21
20
19
20
12
10
10
2
0
compromise
cooperation
declared style
competition
surrender
avoidance
applied style
Fig. 6. Lower-secondary school pupils’ declared and applied
strategies of solving conflicts with teachers
There is a striking discrepancy between imagined methods of solving
conflicts with teachers and actual solutions. If asked about a conflict in general, lower-secondary school pupils declare that it will be solved by means of
cooperation and partnership strategies, or less frequently by means of compromise. Interestingly, as many as a half of respondents declared such solutions.
Surrender or avoidance, thus types of behavior sacrificing one’s own aspirations, were proclaimed by a significantly lower number of respondents,
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Grażyna Miłkowska
whereas every tenth pupils would assume confrontational style in order to
secure his or her interests.
In particular situation however, the solutions applied by pupils are significantly different. On reacting to sample litigant situations with teachers, the
majority (72%) assumed the strategy of surrender or avoidance, merely every
eighth pupil (12%) cooperated with the teacher in search of a satisfactory
solution for both parties, and only a small number of pupils (2%) decided to
compromise.
The extent of the discrepancy may be indicative of the fact that the declared strategies represent expectations that pupils have with regard to
solving problems by teachers. However, school practice confirms that, in
the words of one of the respondents, there is no point I arguing. It is obvious
that the teacher will always win. Such standpoint is also substantiated in the
answer of a boy who, when asked about his reaction to being called out to
answer much more frequently than other pupils, replied: Is there anything
I could do? Let us see how gender determines methods of solving conflicts
with teachers
60
42
32
40
1
3
30
19
16
20
37
14
6
0
compromise
cooperation
competention
boys
surrender
avoidance
girls
Fig. 7. Boys’ and girls’ styles of solving conflicts with teachers
Both in female and male groups, the majority of reactions includes avoidance (e.g. nothing, what can I do? and surrender (e.g. I admit the teacher is right,
I agree with the teacher, but have a different opinion) These two strategies are
assumed by 3/4 of boys and over 2/3 of girls, with a distinction that boys
more frequently avoid and girls more frequently surrender. Merely every
fourth male pupil and every third female pupil assumes other strategies.
Among boys it is usually competition (every fifth respondent), and among
girls it is cooperation. Compromise or cooperation, being the most favoured
strategies in theory, are least frequently applied in practice, and if they are, it
is mostly by girls.
It is therefore a safe assumption that methods of solving conflicts with
teachers are not parallel to pupils’ expectations. Adolescents, against their own
aspirations, assume conservative strategies, either by surrendering their own
interests or by accepting solutions imposed by the teacher. Such solutions,
consistent with popular statements, such as: ‘you can’t win with the teacher’,
‘the teacher is always right,’ are not only incoherent with pupils’ expectations,
but also stand in opposition to guidelines of contemporary education. Adolescents are not learning how to solve conflicts, but how to surrender or avoid,
which is conductive to tension, aversion and mutually negative emotions. The
number of pupils who assume cooperative strategies is low, encompassing 1/5
of girls and merely 7% of boys. It is unquestionable that it is one of the most
imperative challenges for contemporary school.
Theoretically, the older the pupils are, the more extensive is their experience with conflicts with teachers and therefore the better are their conflictsolving skills. The findings concerning the relationship between age and
conflict-solving skills are illustrated in the following graph:
50
0
ise
om
pr
co
n
tio
ra
e
op
co
on
iti
t
pe
re
ur
m
co
s
year 1
year 3
nd
er
ce
an
d
oi
av
Fig. 8. Strategies of solving conflicts with teachers applied
by year 1 and 3 lower-secondary school pupils
The comparison of the findings with the declared strategies reveals that the
time spent in school environment has little influence on pupils’ styles of reactions to conflicts with teachers. Strategies in which pupils lose, give up their
own interests, withdraw, acquiesce with the teacher’s standpoint or fall silent
in fear of being accused with insubordination are predominant in both age
groups. School tenure exerts little influence on pupils’ attitudes and encompasses a small percentage of pupils (ca. 3% to 4%) who in the course of their
school education evolve from surrender and avoidance into strategies involving cooperation and compromise.
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Grażyna Miłkowska
EVALUATION OF CONFLICT AS A PHENOMENON
Finally, pupils were questioned about their perception of conflicts seen as
a phenomenon, in order to establish functions attributed to conflicts and to
determine whether adolescents merely recognize their destructive objectives
or also appreciate their constructive influence. Addi10
tionally, attitudes to conflict
positive
were analyzed with regard to
neutral
34
dominant conflict-solving
19
ambivalent
strategies. These findings are
negative
illustrated in graph 9.
Lower-secondary school
pupils predominantly main37
tain that conflict is an ambivalent phenomenon, i.e. it
may be conductive to disFig. 9. Evaluation of conflicts as a phenomenon
ruption in relationships and
to aggression, but on the other hand may also constructively support the
formation or restoration of positive relations. Such standpoint is similar to
cooperative conflict-solving strategy and is very valuable, as it, on the one
hand, fully illustrates the phenomenon, and on the other hand, creates an
option of utilizing the disagreement either to develop the mutual relationship
or to instigate cooperation, so that both parties achieve their desired objectives. It is characteristic that the same pupils who perceived conflicts as ambivalent phenomena, also maintained that cooperation or compromise were
the most effective styles. Regrettably, these same pupils admitted that if confronted with a conflict situation, they typically make use of confrontation and
assume aggressive behavior. Somehow, pupils are acquainted with advantages
of conflicts, but fail to apply the knowledge in particular conflict situations.
They have problems with restraining their own aggression, with reducing tensions, are not able to control anger and other negative emotions, which leads
to confrontation and competition.
34% of respondents perceive conflict as an unquestionably negative phenomenon. It is characteristic that these same pupils make use of surrender and avoidance strategies when confronted with conflict situations. They believe that
conflicts ruin relationships and disrupt relations. Taking into consideration their
assumed strategies, it becomes evident why they see conflicts as negative phenomena. Surrender and avoidance are by nature a form of escape, which deprives
such pupils of their rights, objectives, interests, as well as of the opportunity to
clear the disagreements, which leaves them with strong sensation of failure. The
actual conflicts remain unresolved and the person who surrenders or avoids is
left with the sense of having lost or having been taken advantage of 1/5 of respondents display a neutral attitude to the phenomenon, which may be due to
insufficient exposure of conflict situations, or due to their natural mollifying
skills in conflict situations. This group of pupils did not feature a particular
dominant style, but many indicated compromise and surrender are preferable.
Every tenth pupil saw conflict as a positive phenomenon, seeing it as an
effective method of emotional discharge. These pupils simultaneously admitted that they like quarreling and in conflict situations they tended to choose
competitive solutions as well as cooperation. They see argument as a valve
releasing negative emotions and a ground for seeking solutions satisfactory for
both parties.
CONCLUSIONS
The conducted research leads to the following conclusions:
– Undoubtedly, adolescents must be provided with some guidance as
how to develop their skills of communication and how to solve conflicts
with peers, teachers and parents. At the same time, their declared styles
of solving conflicts demonstrate that they are prepared to learn the
skills of communication with other people;
– Unfortunately, education at school is not conductive to effective acquisition of the skills; teachers fail to provide exemplary models of proper
conflict-solving, as adolescents’ expectations regarding conflict-solving
strategies are not met in interactions with their teachers. The problems
are mainly rooted in asymmetrical relations at school, manifested in
subordination of pupils to decisions of their teachers, as well as in the
fact that teachers are forced to elicit numerous desirable forms of behavior in order to maintain appropriate functioning of school.
The presented research findings confirm the requirement of providing
suitable training in the skill of communication and conflict-solving to both
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Grażyna Miłkowska
teachers and pupils. The problem does not merely concern class teachers, but
all other teachers as well, as conflicts are rooted in manifold aspects of school
functioning. It is also advisable to involve pupils in solving conflict situations
with peers, as their mediation, when implemented without the participation
of adults, proves to be the most effective. Accordingly, it would be possible by
means of training provided to the so called school adolescent mediators and
by supporting their activity among their peers.
A FINAL NOTE
Talcott Parsons, one of key functionalists dealing with the subject-matter of
social conflicts, maintained that conflict is a social illness which disorganizes
social life, and as such should be overcome by means of providing the members
of the society with appropriate tools for solving problems from the earliest
years of their lives.
I believe that making adolescents analyze their style of conflict-solving
should constitute one of key preventive measures at school (especially at
lower-secondary level). According to Tosi and his co-researchers, such analysis should initiate the process of conflict-solving procedures, as it is conductive
to lowering of emotional tensions.
Appropriate style, i.e. oriented towards cooperation, can be learned. School
may an excellent location for the acquisition of such skills, provided that there
exist suitable models of effective strategies.
Conflict-solving strategies, together with stress management and aggression replacement training, may constitute an important component of adolescents’ mental constitution, protecting them from aggressive behavior in
relations with their peers, as well as in relations with teachers and other
adults.
REFERENCES:
ARONSON, A. (1979), Człowiek – istota społeczna, PWN, Warszawa.
BIAŁYSZEWSKI, H. (1983), Teoretyczne problemy sprzeczności i konfliktów społecznych,
PWN, Warszawa.
CHEŁPA, S., WITKOWSKI, T. (2004), Psychologia konfliktów: praktyka radzenia sobie
ze sporami, „Moderator”, Wrocław.
DEUTSCH, M. (2005), Współpraca i rywalizacja, in: M. Deutsch, P.T. Coleman (eds.),
Rozwiązywanie konfliktów: teoria i praktyka, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
Jagiellońskiego, Kraków.
DUNAJ, B., (1999), Popularny słownik języka polskiego, Wilga, Warszawa.
MLICKI, M. K. (1992), Konflikty społeczne. Pułapki i dylematy działań zbiorowych, IFiS
PAN, Warszawa.
POSPISZYL K. (1970), Konflikty młodzieży z otoczeniem, PZWS, Warszawa.
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Gabriela Slaninová, Jana M. Havigerová
Cyberbullying
in Adolescence
The article deals with cyberbullying in adolescence. Some basic terms of
aggression, bullying, cyber violence and cyberbullying are defined and theoretical issues and typological approaches to cyberbullying are described, such
as: methods and techniques of cyberbullying and types of aggressors. Also,
three current approaches are discussed: psychological, sociological and pedagogical. The second part of the article reports on recent research of EuroAmerican provenance and presents current knowledge. In conclusion, ideas
for further research and potential benefits of further research the subject area,
as wellas preventive measures and treatment methods are formulated.
INTRODUCTION
Currently, we may consider information and communication technology (ICT
below) omnipresent especially in case of contemporary young generation,
which is has been growing up alongside these technologies from early age.
In recent years, there have been different views on how ICT can affect
a young person (Morahan-Martin and Schumacher, 2003, p. 660; Jackson,
Fitzgerald, 2008, p. 755). On the one hand, we there are ideas extolling their
positive contribution, e.g.: technical improvements within the ICT (ib.). On
the other hand, there are those who argue that while ICTs can be helpful in
this regard, they also draw attention to risks associated with their use.
Cyberbullyingin Adolescence …
Contemporary adolescents, exposed to cyberspace, can easily encounter
aggressive behavior known as cyber-violence (cyber violence), and in recent
years one of its forms, i.e. cyberbullying (or cyber bullying). The terms of
cyber-violence and cyberbullying are used as one word in a number of
works.
ADOLESCENCE AND CYBERBULLYING
Adolescence, which is the period from childhood to adulthood, may be divided according to Macek (2003, pp. 35 – 36) into early adolescence, middle
adolescence and older adolescence.
The division features the following characteristics in its particular stages:
1. Early adolescence includes the period from the age of ten to thirteen and
it is characterised by physical transition, which foremostly manifests itself
in increased interest in peers of the opposite sex. Another manifestation
which may appear at this age is online friendship with peers from various
world cultures. Virtual space offers them possibility to become friends
with people who they know only from online environment.
2. Middle adolescence begins at the age of fourteen and ends at the age
of sixteen. It is the period of independent thinking and critical evaluation of others. The stage is characterised by oddities in the lifestyle.
Adolescents try to differ in the way they dress or inn the type of music
they listen to. Nowadays, evaluation and self-evaluation may be administered via social networks, Internet chats, blogs, etc., by means of
various types of interactions, such as: voting, chatting, shared topics,
blog ranking, status monitoring, profile viewing.
3. Late adolescence starts from the age of seventeen and it ends at about
twenty years of age. This stage is explicitly directed towards adulthood.
Social aspect of one´s identity is accentuated, i.e. the need to belong
somewhere, to share something with others. It is accompanied by
formulation of plans for their future life in relation to future career and
romantic partnerships (Macek, 2003).
The topic of personal identity examined in the context of social networks
is understood according to corresponding trends, e.g.: for Cognitive Psychology personal identity is an identification pattern, which means that it functions
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in order to process and organize information about oneself. Behavioural trends
describe identity as a category manifesting itself in acting and performing;
according to Social Interactionism, personal identity is resultant of social interaction and communication; Ego Psychology does not forget its starting
point and in accordance with psychoanalytical trends, it considers identity to
be a motivational phenomenon based on instincts and unconscious needs;
Existential Psychology involves processes of self actualization and acts of
creativity (Čačka, 1997).
Moreover, although identity is a whole-life process, adolescence is considered by many to be formative years.
For example, Erikson considers adolescence to be a unique and very important stage of personal development and identity to stand in opposition to
confusion. He emphasizes peer groups and gangs as models. In the period of
adolescence we play various roles and our effort is to be able to play desirable
roles (Erikson, 1999).
Marcia sees the stages of identity with regard to presence or absence of
crises. According to Marcia, we distinguish four stages of identity (identity
statuses), i.e.: identity diffusion, foreclosure, moratorium, identity achievement (Macek, 2003).
Young people find themselves within psychosocial stage between childhood and adulthood. It is the stage of suspension between morality which they
learned as children and the ethics which they should develop as adults. They
often have a tendency to identify themselves with somebody who they consider to be a hero. They have a tendency to fall in love and project their own
ego onto the ego of the second person in order to define their own identity.
Sometimes, they try to displace people who are somehow different; in this way
they try to fight against the feeling of diffusion (Erikson, 2002). To certain
extent, it corresponds with tendencies to be a user of social networks in order
to be “in”. There is a lucid tendency not to be different.
The real merits of our subjectivity are our self. According to Čačka, our ego
is framed with self-awareness, self-presence and self-fulfilment (Čačka, 1997).
To form and fulfil one´s own conception (inner image of self which we
resemble or we want to resemble) is a task for an individual as an active participant in the process (Čačka, 1997).
According to Čačka, it is possible to divide self into two layers. Introspective self represents our inner life, aims and subjective aspects of our personality, and at the same time it furnishes our personality with intensity, complex-
ity, gentleness, creativity and uniqueness. Preset positions and reactions
formed with regard to the aspect for a particular reality are a part of frontal self
and serve mainly to form outward impression (Čačka, 1997). We can also
assert the frontal self within the framework of self presentation in social networks. In virtual space, we can design our self-image according to our own
wishes more easily and simply than in the real environment, in which we meet
the others face-to-face. Virtual space enables the transfer of personal messages and information that reflect what we want to tell others about us.
In the process of searching of our own identity by means of struggling to
answer the question: Who am I?, we are free, but we also bear big responsibility for its formation. In the process, we are designers of our own life, but at the
same time we sometimes have to fight against difficult selection of choices,
methods, life philosophies, styles of fashion etc. Nowadays, it mainly happens
via modern media that began to play an important role in the construction of
identity in modern societies (Roesler, 2008).
Jung claimed that in modern society individuals should rely on searching
for fixed concepts of identity within their own mental construction. He
stressed that identity is formed by means of autonomous processes coming
from the inside. In the concept of Social Psychology there is a contrary opinion that identity is formed through external experiences and that it is qualified
by outside models (e.g. via media) (Roesler, 2008).
Virtual reality has the potential to act within one´s real identity or the user
can pretend to be someone else (for example to be older, socially more competent, funnier, can pose as a person of the opposite sex etc.), or can act
completely anonymously. The above mentioned possibilities of performance
in cyberspace guarantee relative security for aggressors, because it is relatively
difficult to search them out and later it is even more complicated to collect
evidence against them. It is very difficult to prove whether any mental or
physical injury is the result of cyberbullying. It is necessary to consider all
circumstances which could lead to potential problems. It should be noted that
there is still no clear legislation. Moreover, cyberbullying is especially widespread among adolescents, who are not liable for legal suiing.
Cyberbullying, although not known to our legal system, may be seen under
the Penal Code No. 306/2009Sb in the context of the following offenses:
• § 146 – bodily injury
• § 171 – restriction of personal freedom
• § 175 – extortion
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•
•
•
•
•
§ 177 – oppression
§ 180 – unlawful use of personal data
§ 181 – damage to another person’s rights
§ 182 – violations of secrecy of messages
§ 183 – breach of confidentiality of documents and other documents
held in private
• § 184 – defamation
• § 205 – theft
• § 208 – scam
• § 228 – damage to property
• § 229 – abuse of property
• § 270 – breach of copyright, rights related to copyright
• § 352 – violence against a group of people or an individual
• § 353 – a dangerous threat
• § 354 – a dangerous stalking (Vlachová, 2009).
There exists clear legislative definition of cyberbullying in other countries.
For example, in the United States cyberbullying has been a federal crime since
2006, in France it is prohibited by law for students under 14 years of age to use
mobile phones at school.
One of the limits of assistance in cases of cyberbullying among adolescents
is that many parents do not have appropriate knowledge in the field of ICT.
A similar problem exists in school environment, despite the presence of Computer Science teachers. Some schools have been participating in programs for
of secure Internet (Safer Internet project etc.); other schools tend to treat this
problem within their own resources.
Finally, cyberbullying is threatening because, contrary to bullying face to
face, it can take place anytime and anywhere.
Growing popularity of social networks, such as Facebook, MySpace,
YouTube has expanded the scope of aggressors that can fulfil themselves there
either in direct communication with another person or they may participate
in voting in which they are active or passive participants, e.g. slanders.
At present, a fairly large base of prevention programs that emphasize the
problem of cyberbullying and focus on the safe use of ICT has been formed.
Cyberbullying in elementary and secondary schools is included in their school
curriculum (below SEP) in programs of primary prevention (minimum prevention programs). Some NGOs, such as Clubs for children and young people,
hold discussions on the topic of cyberbullying, provide basic information or
offer advice. The statutory city of Plzen and the foundation People in Need
have published a handbook for teachers „Cyberbullying and its prevention“.
There are basic pieces of information about cyberbullying, casuistry, prevention, diagnosis and intervention in cases of cyberbullying.
One of the aims of this paper is to describe basic terminology defining
aggression, bullying, cyberbullying and cyber violence, to take account of
theoretical issues and typological approaches to cyberbullying (types of aggressors, methods and techniques of cyberbullying). Another aim is to describe current approaches to the study (psychological, sociological and pedagogical points of view) and to inform on current domestic and international
research, especially in recent years.
TERMINOLOGY
Bullying as such is a form of aggressive behavior. Čermák (1998) discusses
aggression in a large variety of symptoms and highlights its numerous meanings. According to Cermak, aggression can be seen as a ‘violent disruption of
rights of another person, as an offensive action or procedure. Furthermore,
aggression can be viewed as a component of normal behavior, which may be
released to meet vital needs and to bridge the physical or psychical integrity.
At the same time, aggression can be defined as searching for preferences in
harming other people (Čermák, 1998, p. 9).
Bullying is defined as such conduct which intentionally, deliberately and
repeatedly promotes inflicting mental or physical harm onto another person.
The victim is unable to defend against this act. Bullying as such is a form of
aggressive behavior. The way in which aggression takes place is known as violence (Říčan, 1995, p. 21). The word bullying comes from a French word chicane
– harassment, abuse, persecution, etc., The concept was introduced to the
Czech Republic by the Prague psychiatrist Petr Příhoda in connection with the
problem of bullying in the former socialist army (Říčan, 1995, p. 25).
Cyber violence is an aggressive act which is done via the ICT whose aim
and purpose is to manipulate and exploit or harass. Among the forms of this
type of violence we can include cyberbullying, child pornography, online
sexual harassment, computer monitoring, online distribution of harmful
materials, etc.
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Similarly, Hinduja, Patchin (2006, p. 152) maintain that “cyberbullying is
willful and repeated harm inflicted through the medium of electronic text”.
Smith, Mahdavi, Carvalho et al. (2008, p. 376) define cyberbullying as “an
aggressive, intentional act or behaviour that is repeatedly and over time carried
out by a group or an individual against a victim who can not easily defend him
or herself ” Mesch (2009, p. 387) and refer to cyberbullying as “the use of information and communication technologies to intentionally harm others.”
A typical personality of cyber aggressors has not been clearly defined yet,
and it is difficult to make a straight definition because of the fact that the only
thing that a cyber aggerssor has to possess is the ability to use ICT. The most
common characteristics of the personality of an aggressor in conventional
bullying, such as physical strength, ability to control others etc., are no longer
required.
Four types of cyber aggressors may be defined cyberbullying: (1) “vengeful angels“ (often former victims of cyberbullying) (2) hungering for power
(showing authority, in need for audience, often former victims of conventional bullying), (3) dirty girls (mostly girls in a group, call for audience) and
unintentional aggressors (the tendency to respond in anger or frustration, they
do not realize that they are aggressors). (How do you do, 2010). A typical
victim of cyberbullying may be defined in a very complicated way, the reasons
being similar to the above-mentioned personalities of aggressors. Virtual environment blurs certain facts or characteristics that a typical victim of face-toface bullying tends to have. In online environment, it does not matter
whether someone is a loner, an introvert or somehow different. Victims may
be physically very strong individuals, extrovert and popular members of their
school classes or other social groups, as well as people who are rather weak,
closed, and posisioned in the role of outsiders .
In the typology of aggeressors and victims, there is opportunity for further
direction of research in the context of the typology of aggressive behavior, e.g.
like in the context of the typology by Buss and Durkee, who compiled an inventory of eight subclasses of aggression: two types of hostility (ressentiment
and suspicion), five types of aggression (assault, indirect hostility, verbal
hostility, irritability, negativism) and guilt.
THEORETICAL QUESTIONS
According to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, unsatisfied sexual instinct leads
to aggression. His successors expanded this argument on the basis of the fact
that every man’s thwarted efforts to achieve his or her aims induces aggressive
instincts that ignite behavior directed at harming the obstacles (which may be
a person or object) (Atkinson, 2003, p. 405; Nakonečný, 1998, p. 209;
Nakonečný, 1997, p. 10).
Other theories claim that aggression can be learned by observation and
imitation. Therefore, the theory of social learning assumes that aggression is,
like other behavior, a learned response (Atkinson, 2003, p. 406 – 409), such as
aggressive behavior for profit (Psychological Aspects defender, 2010).
The theory of reactive aggression is based on the argument that aggression
is a response to external or internal stimuli. Aggression, according to this
theory, leads to aggression. Inability to overcome the sources of aggression
lead to aggression focused on another object, known as a scapegoat (Psychological Aspects defender, 2010).
From the other theories of aggression ere is a cyber theory Nera. Felson
and Tedeschi in their Nera theory of aggression point to enforcement action
performed with the intent of harming a person, or to persuade him or her to
meet (in addition to physical violence, as well as psychological and emotional wounds – intimidation, shaming, threats … ). Tedeschi and Felson
refer to assertive and projective self-presentations (manifestation of force to
achieve a positive self-image versus the desire to protect threatened selfidentity). Individuals who long for recognition from others are motivated by
several sources: self-confidence, retribution, righteous indignation, contempt,
intent and motive to ensure benefits to enhance their own value (the value of
consolidating their values at the expense of others) (Čermák, 1998, p. 9). The
above example corresponds to the specified types of aggerssors.
Techniques and methods of cyberbullying may include: (1) flamming
(short, sharp exchange of views between two or more participants in a chat or
another discussion forum), (2) harassment (aggressor deliberately and repeatedly sends offensive messages to his victims, lasts longer and is unilaterally
implemented), (3) denigration (cyber aggressors spread false, insulting and
shameful information about the victims using websites, email and in this way
they destroy their reputation), (4) impersonation (aggressors pose as victims
in order to maximize damage), (5) outing (aggressors publish sensitive, intimate
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information that should remain only between the aggressor and his victim),
(6) exclusion (intentional exclusion of an individual from the online group),
(7) cyberstalking (repeated sending of threatening and intimidating messages,
or use of other online activities which compel an individual to worry about his
or her safety) (Kowalski, Limber, Agatson, 2008 pp. 47 – 50).
In a similar way, the types of cyberbullying are defined to be direct attacks
and cyberbullying by proxy. (How it Works, 2010). The direct attacks include:
(1) sending harassing, threatening or cruel messages via SMS, email, ICQ etc,
(2) stealing passwords and account breaches, (3) blogging (defamation and
publishing intimate details through blog), (4) publishing false information
and graphic material on the website or spreading via phone (acts, records of
conventional bullying, pornographic photos with the face of the victim), (5)
sending shameful pictures via email or mobile phone (ridiculing or caricaturing the victim), (6) Internet voting (currently popular on social networks) (7)
interactive playing (excluding from a game room, verbal abuse, for example at
the X-Box Live Sonny Play Station 2 Network), (8) sending out viruses, (9)
sending pornographic or harassing e-mails and messages (often created by
mass-lists), (10) impersonation (called a stolen identity, when the aggressor
poses as his victim).
In case of cyberbullying by proxy, the thirt party is needed for the realization of aggressor’s intent. Individuals who are used to harass other people
do not realize their hrmful function. The attacker often begins to pretend to
be his victim, to crash into his or her account, or he steals the victim’s password. Consequently, he uses his or her name to send vulgar, hateful types of
mails and news in order to inflict problems on the victim (Kavalír, Rottová
et al. 2009).
CURRENT APPROACHES TO RESEARCH
Psychologically, it is possible to focus on research directed at the personality
features of participants, at studies of aggressive behavior, at the relationship
between introversion and extroversion and at the context of using the ICT. It
is also possible to focus on the relationship between loneliness and ICT usage,
on the relationship between social skills and the ICT usage or on experimenting with cyber identity and the impact of the ICT on psychological well-being.
Another element of psychological approach to the issue of cyberbullying is
a direct diagnosis and counseling of victims and aggressors.
In this context, sociological approach focuses on exploration of gender
differences in relation to aggressive behavior on the Internet in relation to the
ICT usage and on exploration of identity types.
Pedagogical approach focuses on research in the field of cyberbullying,
especially at schools in the context of ICT security Thee is also extensive research on preventive measures, proposing methods of work with school
children who may be vulnerable to cyberbullying.
PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CZECH
REPUBLIC
So far, most studies have been devoted to examining cyberbullying among
adolescents in a rather descriptive way. It surveys the incidence of adolescents’
cyber awareness, the rate of encounters with cyber strategy balancing (passive,
active). There are also studies on prevention for elementary and secondary
schools.
In recent years, there have been some interesting studies mapping the phenomenon of cyberbullying today. In 2009, the research team of the E-Bezpečí
and PRVOK PdF UP project conducted a survey aimed at the presence of
hazardous communication phenomena associated with the usage of ICT. It
primarily focused on cyberbullying, cyber grooming, sexting and other phenomena, dangerous not only for pupils, but also for adult Internet users.
Nearly 2,000 respondents from the Czech Republic were involved in the research, whose results confirmed the findings concerning the increasing trend
of cyberbullying among Czech adolescents. Almost half of Czech children are
exposed to some forms of cyberbullying. The research pursued the most common symptoms of cyberbullying, including dishonest attacks (insults, abuse
and humiliation carried out via text messages, e-mail and on chat, in the discussion and publications of humiliating photographs, audio or audiovisual recordings), threats and extortion, attacks on electronic accounts (e-mail, chat, accounts of the educational environment, etc.) and their manipulation, or misuse,
for example for cyberbullying. Children are often continualy exposed to the
above symptoms, such as insults and humiliation in the context of SMS, e-mail,
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chat or discussion, when they need to address the challenge of their electronic
account or threats and intimidation. Less than ¼ of the children would ask their
parents for help. In most frequent cases the children and their parents would
have to deal with blackmail, threats and intimidation, with manipulation of their
electronic account or its abuse. Almost every third child testified that heor she
had tried cyberbullying. Most often, it was an attack on a foreign account and
electronic act of dishonesty made by text messages, emails, chat or in discussions. A small number of children (2.3%) would be also actively involved in
cyberbullying of a teacher, instigated as a form of video provocation. These were
mainly boys who made up two thirds of attackers (Krejčí Kopecký, 2010).
Nadace O2 and Civic Association AISIS published the results of recent
research of the phenomenon of cyberbullying among Czech children, which
mapped the situation in schools in the last six months. This research was
conducted under the project Minimization of Bullying, which since 2005 has
helped schools to combat bullying, and has recorded opinions of children aged
8 – 15 years. The findings showed that 10% of children in the past six months
had fallen victim of cyberbullying. It showed poor understanding of this
concept among children and little fear of cyberbullying. It confirmed the relationship between of cyberbullying and the atmosphere and relationships in
the classroom and pupils’ lack of confidence to entrust teachers with their
problem. At the same time, it failed to confirm the idea of anonymous habitual aggressors, as evidently most of them attend the same class or school as
the victim. An absolute majority of children are not familiar with the concept
of cyberbullying or they do not quite correctly understand what it means. The
role of schools in this respect is still insufficient, as only 19% of children have
learned about cyberbullying at school and 8% have reported it their mentor
(Šatrová, Vágnerová, Udatná, 2010).
A complex research is needed, which in addition to description and mapping of cyberbullying, can bring similar findings in the context of testing aggression. For counselling and therapeutic work with victims of cyberbullying,
qualitative research in the form of case reports must be done in the Czech
Republic.
So far, there is no monography on the Czech ground devoted exclusively
to cyberbullying. Academic periodicals have been mentioning cyberbullying
significantly more often (Chromý, 2008; Lidická, 2009; Macháčková, 2007;
Machálková, 2010; Malíková, 2008; Šťástková, 2009; Vágnerová, 2010; Vichtera, 2009; Vítečková, 2010), especially in the past five years.
PREVIOUS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
Cyberbullying has been noticed abroad for much longer time. Numerous
studies of descriptive and complex nature have been released in the past ten
years. They were mostly governed by psychological approach and explored
cyberbullying within the context of other aspects, such as sociological approach, in which cyberbullying is tested in the context of gender and demographic differences, as well as pedagogical approach, guided by analogies with
Czech environment.
Dowell, Burgess and Cavanaugh (2009) carried out an investigation which
tested the risk behavior of 404 adolescents on the Internet. Their research
indicates that adolescents publish their personal data on the Internet, they use
the Internet to harass other people and a small percentage of adolescents report
that they communicate through ICT with a stranger or they make online
friendships.
Smith, Mahdavi, Fischer et al. (2008) devoted themselves to research of
cyberbullying through mobile phones of 625 children aged from eleven to
sixteen years old. The research results showed that, although bullying in the
face to face is more frequent than cyberbullying, bullying via mobile phones
happens much more frequently outside of school.
Hinduja, Patchin (2008) studied 1378 adolescents in terms of typical
characteristics of cyber victims and cyber aggressors. Age, sex, race, school
problems, method of the ICT using, peer attack, whether respondents had
been the aggressor or the victim of conventional bullying were all taken into
account. The results reveal differences between traditional bullying and cyberbullying. ICT can be a tool for the aggressor to increase and improve
traditional bullying. The study brought additional findings, e.g. that the
gender of respondents was not found to be significant in terms of typical
characteristics of victims and aggressors. Experiences with cyberbullying
were associated with respondents who had school problems (participants in
the face of bullying, individuals exhibiting aggressive behavior, individual
using drugs).
Slonje, Smith (2007) devoted themselves to research of cyberbullying in
360 Swedish adolescents in the age range between 12 – 20 years. They also
found that the respondents considered obscene pictures and video clips to be
the most threatening form of cyberbullying. Cyber victims often thought over
whether to say everything about cyberbullying to their friends.
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Within the European project “Challenges in Schools” in 2009, it was found
that 15% of pupils had encountered cyberbullying or had experienced it directly. Most of them (85%) had informed someone about it and about a quarter of those informed responded without any interest and they refused to help.
Slightly above the majority of pupils believe that cyberbullying is very widespread. About a quarter of pupils thought that they would seek for help or they
would provide help for someone else. Three quarters of respondents indicated
that they would yield to depression.
Numerous monographs extol the way in which the problem is dealt with
in foreign countries (Criswell, 2009; Hinduja, Patchin, 2009; Kowalski, Limber, Agatson, 2008; McQuade, Colt, Meyer, 2009; Shariff, 2009; Trolley, 2010;
Urbanski, Permuth, 2009; Willard, 2007). Also, there exists extensive professional literature concerning the subject matter (Bauman, 2008; Li 2008; Dehue, 2008; Dowell, 2009; Gillespie, 2006; Heirman, 2008; Hinduja, Patchin,
2008; Chisholm, 2006; Mesch, 2009; Reeckman, Cannard, 2009; Sharples,
2009; Slonje, 2008; Smith, Mahdavi, Carvalho et al., 2008).
Czech and foreign research indicates certain differences and conformities.
For example, there is a small percentage of respondents who tend to open their
heart with the problem of cyberbullying to someone else, both in Czech and
international environment. Relatively few adolescents would have chosen to
ask for their parents help, even fewer young would have considered such request
directed at teachers. There is another similarity in adolescents’ attitude to cyberbullying. Most respondents reveal their personal data and publish their
private information online. It may be due to poor understanding of the concept
of cyberbullying and low awareness of potential dangers, possibley resulting
from young age. A frequent attitude is that although they understand the concept and phenomenon of cyberbullying, they feel it does not concern them
personally. Both Czech and foreign respondents regarded shameful attacks in
the form of text messages, videos, photos and audio recordings, threats (including by SMS) and attacks onto electronic accounts to be the most threatening.
The tendency to try the role of an aggressor is also a common feature of
the phenomenon. Typically, boys do that more often than girls. Moreover,
both local and international studies indicate that cyberbullying is often in
continuity with the previous face-to-face bullying.
SUMMARY
The aim of this paper was to provide information related to cyberbullying
with regard to its terminology, theoretical issues, typological approaches and
contemporary attitudes to its study methods. Another aim was to inform about
current Czech and foreign research.
This type of aggressive online behavior has become increasingly popular
with Czech adolescents, despite all preventive efforts undertaken by experts.
It is therefore important that apart from prevention programs, appropriate
strategies be applied in order to cope with the problem.
In view of the above mentioned theories of aggression, it is important to
consider possible motives for engagement in purposeful hurting of others.
From the point of view of the psychoanalytic theory, a potential cyber aggressor is motivated by the fact that his or her efforts to achieve desirable objectives
are thwarted. If this barrier is a human (a friend, a classmate or a peer), the aim
of the aggressor is to damage this barrier. Aggressive behavior, which we see
as a learned response, may also be motivated by profit.
From the point of view of the reactive theory, we can imagine an adolescent
bully who for various reasons cannot meet his basic needs, is frustrated by his
failures and does not have adequate family support. Accordingly, such an individual desires recognition from others and typically fails to get it and in
consequence tends to consolidate his values at the expense of the values of
others.
The above mentioned theories, each describing a different part of the
complex reality relating to cyberbullying, may be used as a starting point for
further exploration. Personally, I am in favour of the reactive theory.
Currently, we have a record of relatively varied methods and techniques of
cyberbullying, each infringeing private spheres of its participants. Thus, it is
apparent that we cannot talk about any specifics of a given school or any
other organized environment, because the victim can be attacked almost virtually anywhere and anytime. This is one important reason why cyberbullying
may be considered to be more dangerous that face-to-face bullying.
Also, the malice of cyberbullying is regrettably difficult to prove, as it takes
place in virtual environment and is not manifested by any obvious symptoms.
Moreover, as for now, legislation has not caught up with newly-sprung phenomena such as cyberbullying and fails to effectively deal with them. Another
problem is the age of legal responsibility. It is obvious that a mere legal regula-
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tion may not solve the problem of cyberbullying on its own. Cooperation of
specialists from councelling professions and the repressive elements might
prove much more effective.
Furthermore, it is evident from the results of the research administered on
the Czech ground that it is necessary to move it onto a more complex level,
such as a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods, study
focused on personality characteristics of participants etc. The results of such
studies may significantly contribute to the potential applications for coping
strategies and possible counselling and therapeutic work with victims or aggressors. Consequently, such findings may help guidance counselors, therapists, psychologists, educators and other counselling professionals.
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Dace Medne, Jazeps Vitols
Life Scenarios of Hyperactive Children
at School
1. INTRODUCTION
Discussions on contemporary pedagogical situation in Latvian schools reveal
a number of paradoxes caused by radical internal contradictions in the society
(the implicit does not correspond to the explicit).
Firstly, autonomy is declared to be the most significant value of the society,
characterized by personal independence and responsibility, and its boundaries
defined by solidarity and respect (Ijabs, Kruks, 2008; Latvia’s Sustainable
Development Strategy 2030). However, in social life these principles are implemented formally, becoming an indicator of superficial, but not competent
behaviour (Bergmann, 2006; Зиновьев, 2008).
Secondly, implementation of an ideological model should start with the
development of personal self-awareness, reflection and self-criticism (Rubene, 2008) or social promotion of pedagogical thinking (Böhnisch, Schröer,
Thiersch, 2005), which would raise the significance of self-education and responsibility.
Therefore, the unity of education and self-education is topicalized (Špona,
Čamane, 2009), while the concept of “new education”, a combination of civic,
societal and social attitude perspectives in social pedagogy (Böhnisch, Schröer,
Thiersch, 2005), is highlighted in the European space (New-Governence)
(Böhnisch, Schröer, Thiersch, 2005).
However, the essence of this concept is insufficiently patent to become
universally applied in real-life situations. The concept of self-education is new
Life Scenarios of Hyperactive Children at School
and confusing for Latvian people as well. On the one hand, problematic child
behaviour is a widely discussed issue (Schneewind, Böhmert, 2008). On the
other hand however, due to inadequate and unprofessional diagnoses (e.g.
diagnosis of “hyperactivity’’ (Medne, 2009) and various artificial psychological phenomena: “indigo children”, “crystalline children” (Raipulis, 2008)),
the issue of responsible child upbringing remains in the background (Raipulis, 2008; Bergmann, 2006).
Educational “trends” as social phenomena are nothing new and should not
be ignored (Bergmann, 2006). E. Pikler defines them as parental pride, for
they/parents do not search for the causes of problems or reflect on children’s
behaviour, but proudly proclaim their children to be special (Pikler, 2007) .
Every topical pedagogical “trend” deflects attention from the problem, making
a certain part of the society visible and thus splitting the society. This interpretation of education is dangerous. It reveals a tendency to highlight the problem
as a phenomenon of a certain visible part of society, rather than focuses on the
search for competent pedagogical solutions. Such focussing on the problem
results in apportioning blame or in search for the “happy” ones, but does not
help define a productive pedagogical solution and find resources facilitating
the implementation of new pedagogical perspective and potential. This is
closely linked to the temptation to give in to simplistic explanations, which
fail to motivate to undertake responsibility, the result of which is modern
mysticism, faith in the mysterious, supernatural, which singles out the chosen
few and does not contribute to the development of a democratic society based
on civic participation.
Mass media maintain and reinforce the popularity of these artificially created pedagogical phenomena in the society (Baacke, 1999; Кукушин, 2002), as
they tend to interpret facts in isolation, offer no professional interpretation and
strive to sensational. It also often happens in Latvia that parents are frightened
by medical diagnoses. As a result, they either choose to ignore a problem, or
search for mysticism rather than for pedagogical or psychological solutions.
This situation qualitatively affects children’s life both at school and in the
society. In other words, in today’s pedagogical reality, in spite of scientific
discoveries, social and emotional isolation of a hyperactive child is reinforced
both at home and at school. Therefore, the aim of the article is to explore and
describe a life scenario of a hyperactive child in ordinary school reality in
Latvia, and thus to discover pedagogical resources that may improve its life
quality at school.
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2. DESCRIPTION OF METHODS AND GROUNDS FOR THEIR
SELECTION
Hyperactive children aged 8-11 years: 24 girls and 31 boys, together with
their parents and class teachers participated in the study. The work with children and parents was performed individually by monitoring problematic situations; pedagogical techniques were selected and grouped for certain problem
correction.
The application of techniques for hyperactivity correction was performed
individually with each hyperactive child and its parents and teachers. Such
choice was predetermined by the interest of the involved parties and their
recognition of the necessity of their participation in a given child’s development and education.
The following methods were used to identify and provide pedagogical
basis for possible hyperactivity correction tools:
– pedagogical observation to identify personality traits of hyperactive
children;
– interviews with 53 hyperactive schoolchildren to determine each child’s
attitude to a given situation, and processing the information obtained
in the interviews;
– a questionnaire for 53 primary schoolchildren’s parents to identify
characteristic traits of hyperactivity expression.
Two case studies with different procedures and results are described and
analyzed in the article. Only social criteria were selected for the description of
the case studies.
3. CASE STUDY DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF ITS RESULTS
The case study description was based on observation and survey methods,
taking into account general description guidelines. The results were processed
and analyzed; individual psychological maps of life scenarios for each participant in the research were designed. Subsequently, two children were chosen
for data presentation: Edgars and Juris. The choice was predetermined by
differences in their characteristic traits, in the dynamics and results of their
process of adjustment.
Case Study 1
Methods used in Pedagogical Adjustment Process
Dynamics of Learning Difficulties
difficulties with spelling
difficulties completing home assignments
writes in incomplete sentences
low working pace
forgetful/carless when completing home…
does nos like to learn
achievements do not correspond to the level of…
0
third measurement
0.5
1
1.5
second measurement
2
2.5
3
3.5
first measurement
Fig. 1. Edgar’s dynamics of learning difficulties
Age: 9 form 3
On the basis of individual hyperactivity traits, the following methods were
chosen:
1. Movement development aid/facilitation:
a) Padovan activities in accordance with a provided scheme;
b) development of balance and motor coordination;
c) development of tactile perception;
d) promotion of games for meaningful movement.
2. Explanation of the situation to parents and teachers, followed by the
development of a common working strategy.
3. Promotion of the child’s participation with help of designed guidelines.
4. Development of self-regulation.
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300
5. Development of social skills by means of fairy-tales and by discussing
the problematic situations.
The programme includes the development of optical perception and reading of meaningless texts.
Result Analysis and Description
The summarized results of the learning difficulties indicators reveal that
learning difficulties have decreased in all criteria (figure 1). The most significant improvement has been observed in the indicators: home assignment
performance, handwriting improvement and attitude to the learning process.
The results mark a positive turn in Edgar’s development, as he was aware of
his progress and it allowed him to adequately evaluate his potential and opportunities in the learning process. Comparing the indicators with indicators
of physical criteria, a link may be observed. Mainly, the development of small
muscles has had a positive impact on writing skills, improvement of the quality of writing being the result.
A minor decrease is observed in the criteria for writing incomplete sentences, i.e. many errors due to inattentiveness, spelling and reading difficulties.
Emotions Regulation, its Dynamisc
refusal to cope with difficulties
insufficient ability to get involved
insufficient sense of reality, judgements and…
gets diffident and timid fast
seems childish, immature
untidy room and school bag
untidy
low self–esteem
cowardly
depressive
unwillingness to live
third measurement
second measurement
Fig. 2. Edgar’s control of emotions and its dynamics
first measurement
This can be explained by the indicator of the previous criteria group: speech
disorders. Further work was aimed at the correction of disorders in speech and
language system.
The summarized results of emotional control indicators reveal obvious
changes that prove that the intensity of emotions has qualitatively changed
(figure 2). The results demonstrate that unwillingness to live and depression
have substantially decreased. The results may suggest that the improvement
in general quality of social situation, such as: awareness of achievements and
equal status, have also improved the quality of the child’s emotional experience. The most significant changes are observed in the criterion: refusal to
cope with difficulties. Therefore, it may be concluded that in his process of
adjustment Edgars has acknowledged and evaluated his potential and opportunities, as well as partly undertaken co-responsibility for what is happening.
The other criteria: insufficient ability to get involved, insufficient sense of reality, childishness, careless attitude towards the others and oneself, have
slightly decreased but remain stable, which may be explained by sustainability
of subjective habits and by the sustainability of prejudices against the child
and his behaviour.
The data reveal that Edgar’s self-esteem has significantly changed, which
may be attributed to subjective significance of these activities for the child,
which resulted in change in self-esteem. Edgars wanted to change his social
situation, and his social role. He actively participated and undertook co-responsibility for the process of adjustment and was interested in the process.
The statistics correspond to research by A. Steinberga on the dynamics selfawareness linked to individual’s activities (Šteinberga, Tunne, 1999).
The summarized results of the criteria for irritation and anger reveal noticeable qualitative changes in Edgar’s expression of irritation and anger (figure 3).
Thus, profound changes are discernible in the following criteria: starts crying
fast, starts blaming others fast, is eager to disturb the others, is impatient.
Slight irritation and anger decrease if a child is on more equal footing with
others in the group. There is no need for him to either take revenge, pay attention to challenging situations or fight for power. The indicators: is not able to
lose, is extremely sensitive towards criticism, obvious mood changes, gets too
excited fast, inability to accept the situation have decreased in the process of
adjustment.
The summarized results of the self-control indicators reveal changes which
prove that Edgar’s level of self-control has improved (figure 4).
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302
Expression of Irritation and Anger, its Dynamics
lack of the ability to accept the situation
is not able to wait
difficult to relinquish one’s share (in…
impatient
gets too excited fast
obvious mood changes
eager to disturb others
starts blaming others fast, starts cursing
extremely sensitive towards criticism
starts crying fast
is not able to lose
0
third measurement
1
2
3
4
first measurement
second measurement
Fig. 3. Edgar’s expression of irritation and anger and its dynamics
Dynamics of self regulation development
always on the move, unable to remain patient for a long time
unable to sit quietly
spreads impatience
spreads irritation
eager to disturb others
exaggerated need to speak out
inconsistent in one’s statements
bites nails, pencils
frays book, notebook edges; draws in books, notebooks
0
third measurement
1
second measurement
2
3
4
first measurement
Fig. 4. Edgar’s dynamics of self-regulation development
The following indicators have most significantly decreased: disturbs
other children, spreads unrest and spreads irritation. By linking these criteria with the criteria of irritation and anger, which have also decreased, we
may assume that social status in a group and emotional reactions are interrelated. Namely, having developed social skills and emotional reactions,
Edgars has also improved his social status in the group. The reverse is also
true: if the social status in the group has improved, there is no need to react
in an emotionally destructive way and it is easier to recognize one’s role in
particular situations. The criteria: frays book edges, bites his nails, pencils,
is always on the move, is unable to remain patient for a long time, have all
decreased, but not sufficiently. Therefore, it is a safe assumption that inner
impatience and the necessity to discharge energy are still his intrinsic features. The data also support the theory that inner impatience persists even
at adult age (Špalleka, 1998).
The summarized results of social behaviour trait indicators (figure 5) reveal
changes proving that Edgars’s behaviour has significantly and qualitatively
changed. The results indicate that his social relationships (disturbs others, is
Dynamics of Social Development
few friends
constantly changes friends
searches for new mates (possibly, also…
is an outsider
is a “funny man” in class
tries to attract attention by all means
constantly involved in conflicts
careless towards people
disturbs others
tendency to be aggressive
does not attend school
cruel to animal
0
third measurement
1
2
second meansurement
3
4
first meansurement
Fig. 5. Edgar’s dynamics of his social development
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304
constantly changing friends, is an outsider, careless towards the others) have
become more socially acceptable and therefore his actions are more readily
tolerated and understandable to others. As a result, Edgars is accepted both
by peer groups and adults and fewer problematic situations (discipline problems, constant involvement in conflicts) are observed.
Summarizing the results, a conclusion can be drawn that Edgars’s
– behaviour has become more socially acceptable, communication with
both adults and peers is more successful, and he is more aware of
himself and his role in relationships.
– Self-awareness and productivity have optimized, it is easier for Edgar
to integrate into peer groups; the quality of communication with adults
has also improved.
– Productivity is significantly increased if attitudes towards oneself, others and one’s achievements are optimal and if the involved people actively participate in the pedagogical process of adjustment.
Case Study 2
Methods used in pedagogical process of adjustment
Age: 10/form 4
Based on an individual set of hyperactivity traits, the following methods
have been chosen in order to develop Juris’s skills of cooperation and to facilitate his motor coordination
1. Motor development support:
a) Padovan activities in accordance with the provided scheme;
b) balance and development of motor coordination;
c) development of tactile perception;
d) guideline framework for left-handers;
e) games promoting meaningful movement (Liepa, Medne, Sirica,
2002).
2. Explanation of the situation to parents and teachers, development of a
common working strategy.
3. Promotion of child’s participation supported by guidelines framework.
4. Development of self-control.
5. Development of social skills supported by fairy-tales and explanation
of problematic situations.
The programme includes activities aimed at the development of optical
perception.
Games aimed at the development of social skills were included after
7 months (Liepa, Medne, Sirica, 2002).
Description and analysis of results
The summarized results of learning difficulty indicators (figure 6) reveal
that Juris’ learning difficulties have decreased in all criteria. The most significant improvement is observed in the indicator: difficulty to tune into the
working process and possibly, improvement in the social status in the group,
given that a child has a sense of achievement, also increases willingness to act.
Improvement in motor coordination and development of small muscular
system advances the quality of work performance as well. The child has a sense
of achievement, he feels that he is also able, and thus he gains willingness to
continue the working process.
Dynamics of Learning Difficulties
difficultis with reading
difficultis with spelling
diffculties with Mathematics
difficulties completing home assignments
many mistakes due to inattentiveness
writes in incomplete sentences
bad handwriting
low working pace
is not able to express opinions clearty
forgetful/careless when completing home assignments
insufficient motivation to learn
does not like to learn
not eager to learn
achievements do not correspond to the level of…
0
third measurement
1
2
second measurement
Fig. 6. Juris’ dynamics of learning difficulties
3
4
first measurement
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306
Emotions Regulation, its Dynamics
refusal to cope with difficulties
insufficient ability to get involved
insufficient sense of reality, judgements and…
gets diffident and timid fast
seems childish, immature
unitydy room and school bag
unitydy
low self-esteem
cowardly
depressive
unwillingness to live
0
1
2
second me asurement
third measurement
4
3
first measurment
Fig. 7. Juris’ emotional control and its dynamics
Expression of Irritation and Anger, its Dynamics
lack of the ability to accept the situation
is not able to wait
difficult to relinquish one’s share (in something)
impatient
gets too excited fast
obvious mood changes
eager to distrub others
starts blaming others fast, starts cursing
extremely sensitive towards criticism
starts crying fast
is not able to lose
0
third measurement
1
second measurement
2
3
4
first measurement
Fig. 8. Juris’ expression of irritation and anger and its dynamics
Dynamics of self-regulation development
always on the move, unable to remain…
unamble to sit quietly
spreads impatience
spreads irritation
eager to distrub others
exaggerated need to speak out
inconsistent in one’s statements
bites nails, pencils
frays book, notebook edges; draws in…
0
third measurement
1
second measurement
2
3
4
first measurement
Fig. 9. Juris’ dynamics in the development of self-control
The summarized results of emotional control indicators (figure7) reveal
noticeable changes proving that the intensity of emotions has qualitatively
changed. The results indicate that the criterion: unwillingness to live has
substantially decreased. On the basis of the results it may be assumed that the
improvement in general quality of social situations, awareness of achievements, and acquisition of equal status in the group, all improve the quality of
the child’s emotional experience as well, which motivates him to productively
integrate into a given social situation.
The summarized results of the irritation and anger criteria (figure 8) reveal
obvious changes, which verify qualitative shift in Edgar’s expression of irritation and anger. On the basis of the data, a conclusion may be drawn that sustainable changes are discernible in all the traits. However, compared to indicators in the control-group, these changes are not significant. In the control
group, indicators tend to decrease after holiday, while Juris’ indicators fail to
reveal such a tendency. Juris is interested and motivated, which could be
a determining factor leaving the indicator almost unchanged.
The summarized results of self-control indicators (figure 9) reveal changes
which prove that the level of Juris’ self-control has generally improved. Even
though the changes are not profound, Juris feels safer in everyday situations,
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308
shows willingness to attend school, and he himself puts much effort into
completing tasks together with the researcher. The criteria: frays book edges
and bites his nails, pencils, is constantly on the move, is unable to sit quietly
for a long time, have decreased, but insufficiently. Therefore, a conclusion can
be drawn that his inner impatience and the necessity to discharge energy are
still characteristic of his behaviour. The data support the theory that inner
impatience persists even at adult age (Špalleka, 1998).
Dynamics of Social Development
few friends
constantly changes friends
searches for new mates (possibly, also parents)
is an outsider
is a „funny man” in class
tries to attract attention by all means
constantly involved in conflicts
careless towards people
distrub others
tendency to be aggresive
does not attend school
cruel to animal
0
third measurement
1
second measurement
2
3
4
first measurement
Fig. 10. Juris’ dynamics of social development
The summarized results of the social behaviour traits indicators (figure 10)
reveal changes which prove that Juris’ behaviour has not significantly changed.
However, the results indicate that the criterion: missing school is not observed
in both further measurements. Therefore, it is possible to assume that at the
end of the process of adjustment the willingness to attend school has become
topical and stable. Juris’ self-awareness in the school environment has increased, and willingness to attend school is obvious. It is a significant achievement, as communication with peers is an activity which facilitates development
to the greatest extent. These improvements will possibly persist in his further
school life. The rest of the criteria have decreased after the process of adjustment had been completed, but in the next measurement they remained at the
same level, which could be explained by the lack of interest in the process of
adjustment on the part of other team members, and, possibly, also on the part
of Juris trying to meet general expectations of his behaviour.
Summarizing the results, a conclusion may be drawn that Juris’
– behaviour has improved. However, many criteria have remained at the
same level after the process of adjustment had been completed, which
may possibly be linked with low interest on the part of involved parties;
– communication both with adults and peers is slightly more successful
than before the pedagogical adjustment;
– self-awareness has increased; he better understands himself and his role
in the relationship with peers and adults;
– productivity slightly increases if a child’s attitude towards him/herself,
others and his/her achievements is optimal.
4. DISCUSSION
The aim of the study was to analyze a hyperactive child’s everyday activities
at school after the process of pedagogical adjustment and describing the quality of his life scenario. The pedagogical work with children and adults was
performed individually. The overall assessment of results leads to a conclusion
that significant changes are observed at individual level when all people in
children’s immediate environment have a vested interest in the pedagogical
process and are actively involved in it. The conclusions drawn in the framework
of the study are summarized in the model of preconditions for pedagogical
correction of hyperactivity, the content of which is presented in the form of
a pyramid of competences of all the people involved (figure 11).
The pyramid of adults’ competence (parents, teachers, etc.) includes 3 basic preconditions: attitudes (towards the hyperactive child, the problem in
general, the acquisition of new knowledge about the hyperactivity phenomenon, mutual learning), time (a double-time ratio is necessary, adults should
be prepared to invest additional time, as it takes time for a hyperactive child
to integrate into and to become accepted in the society, and much more time
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310
should be invested into this process than in other pedagogical situations), the
child’s and adults’ equality in the educational process, equality meaning the
acknowledgement of a child’s active position in the educational process.
A child is an active subject of education and self-education. In my view, this
idea implies its active position, the need to achieve something and responsibility for its actions. Equality also means that adults grow together with children
by developing their own spiritual world. The often held view that adults are
mature, stable, complete, and therefore not influenced by their social environment is erroneous. Equality means that adults constantly learn to see the world
through the eyes of their children. Therefore, success is ensured by adults’
willingness to grow together with children at whatever age, as well as by the
recognition of the specific nature of hyperactive children’s personality.
Attitudes
of adults
hyperactive
child's
personality
time of adult's involvement
equality
Fig. 11. Model of preconditions for pedagogical correction of hyperactivity
These preconditions facilitate hyperactive children’s optimal self-awareness
at school, which results in increased productivity. They promote children’s
interest in social processes: different level relationships, both school and outof-school activities, and subjective satisfaction not only with the results of the
social process, but also with the process itself, the result of which is positive
school experience.
REFERENCES:
LIEPA, D., MEDNE, D., SIRICA I. (2002), Hiperaktivitāte skolā, N.I.M.S., Rīga.
MEDNE, D. (2010), Ģimene mūsdienu sabiedrības pārmaiņu procesos (Family in
Current Processes of Changes in Society), in: Zinātniskie raksti. Teorija praksei
mūsdienu sabiedrība izglītībā, RPIVA, Rīga, pp. 213 – 219.
ŠTEINBERGA, A., TUNNE, I. (1999), Jauniešu pašizjūta un vērtības, Raka, Rīga.
ŠPALLEKA , R. (1998), Lekcija par uzmanības deficīta sindromu, Rīga.
IJABS, I., KRUKS, S. (2008), Saeima, vārdi un demokrātija, Sorosa fonds Latvija,
Rīga, p. 6.
RAIPULIS, J. (2008), Dažādu aplamību izplatīšanās iespējamās egatīvās sekas, in:
Sabiedrība un kultūra.rakstu krājums, X. Liepāja, LiePA, p. 412 – 418.
RUBENE, Z. (2008), Kritiskā domāšana studiju procesā, LU Akadēmiskais apgāds,
Rīga, pp. 160 – 175.
ŠPONA, A., ČAMANE, I. (2009), Audzināšana. Pašaudzināšana, RaKa, Rīga, pp. 9–24.
BAACKE, D. (1999), Die 6- bis 12 jährigen. Einführung in die Probleme des Kindesalters, Beltz Verlag, Weinheim und Basel, pp. 247 – 287, 385 – 407.
BERGMANN, W. (2006), Gute Autorität. Grundsätze einer zeitgemässen Erziehung,
Beltz Verlag, Weinheim und Basel, pp. 10 – 205.
BÖHNISCH, L., SCHRÖER, W., THIERSCH, H. (2005), Sozialpädagogisches Denken.
Wege zu einer Neubestimmung, Juventa Verlag, Weinheim und München,
pp. 225 – 288.
LATVIJAS ILGTSPĒJĪGAS ATTĪSTĪBAS STRATĒĢIJA 2030 (Latvia’s Sustainable
Development Strategy 2030), in: http://latvija2030.lv/upload/latvija2030_saeima.pdf (2010. 29.11).
PIKLER, E. (2007), Friedliche Babys – zufriedene Mütter, Freiburg, Basel, Wien, fgb,
pp. 42 – 31.
SCHNEEWIND, K., BÖHMERT, B. (2008), Kinder im Grundschulalter kompetent
erziehen. Der indirektive Elterncoach “Freiheit in Grenzen”, Verlag Hans Huber,
Bern, pp. 9 – 77.
ЗИНОВЬЕВ, А. (2008), На пути к сверхобществу, Астрель, Москва, pp. 149–506.
КУКУШИН, В. (2002), Теория и методика воспитательной работы, МарТ, Ростовна-Дону, pp. 6 – 287.
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Anetta Soroka-Fedorczuk
Children’s Opinions on People
with Disabilities and Suggestions
for School Practices
The article makes an attempt to present children’s opinions on people with
disabilities, to determine factors influencing the process, as well as to prescribe
relevant school practices.
There are numerous reasons for embarking on such a study, the main of
which is the inspiring role of the ever more popular idea of social integration
of the disabled, which despite its popularity still faces many barriers and obstacles. Furthermore, the comparatively novel idea on Polish ground has been
recently incorporated into the system of education. According to the Education System Act (1991) and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland
(1997), all children, including the disabled, have the right to learn.
Therefore, educational institutions fulfill a central function in education of
both able and disabled children. They are meant to support the development
of all pupils. Even more so, in view of the fact that early school education plays
a particular role, as pre-schools and schools are places in which both able and
disabled children play or/and learn in one group. It is important that these
places, in which such contacts are frequently initialized, be permeated with
acceptance towards disability.
Yet another motive for undertaking such a study is scarcity of analyses
concerning children in pedagogical and psychological literature on Polish
ground. If such research was done, it more frequently was concerned with
adults rather than children (see: Tylewska-Nowak, 2001; Żuraw, 1988,
Children’s Opinions on People with Disabilities…
Błeszyńska, 1997, Rożnowska, 1985; Wyczesany, Dyduch, 1996, Ochonczenko, 2000).
These three conditions had direct influence on Author’s interest in the
problem. The decision to relate its focus on pre-school and school children
was additionally rooted in the fact that it is in young minds where the image
of the world is formed. They notice surrounding people and learn to enter in
social interactions with them. These formative experiences constitute a foundation for crystallization of lasting attitudes towards others, including the
disabled.
It is therefore of utmost importance for efficient implementation of the
idea of social integration that pre-school and school children’s perception of
the disabled be recognized and that factors influencing the perception be
determined, and eventually that a relevant model supporting the process of
integration be drawn up.
ENVIRONMENT AS AN AREA OF GAINING EXPERIENCE ABOUT
DISABLED CHILDREN
The perception of others is formed in young children through interactions
with them in a specific environment (family, educational) (Bąbka, 2001, 2004;
Al-Khamisy, 2006; Szumski, 2006). However, the attitude of others to the
question of disabilities is of great importance. Also, attitudes towards the idea
of integration expressed by adults may be reflected in verbal and graphical
declarations made by children. Therefore, their opinions on disabilities may
not be seen in isolation from their social (family, educational) environment.
They are formed in the wake of absorption of information forwarded by such
sources as parents, teachers, peers and mass media. Especially for very young
children, these may be the only sources of knowledge about disabled people.
Consequently, it is vital that we first learn which sources are indicated by
children1. In the subject matter literature (Skarżyńska, 1981, p. 44), two major
sources are specified: (a) direct observation of others (children’s own activity)
and (b) information received from the third party (family members, school
1
The text presents selected fragments of research conducted in Polish preschool and
school institutions (ordinary and integrated) in the city of Zielona Góra in 2003.
313
314
and television). Table 1 presents Table 1. Sources of information
detailed data obtained in the about disabled people in children’s
course of analyses of empirical statements
material in the form of children’s
Six-year-olds Ten-year-olds
statements (such as answers to the Answers
N
%
N
%
question: How do you know who is Family
33
20.25 44
32.11
Television
8
4.91 13
9.49
a disabled person?)
Other
people
18
11.04
39
28.47
The researched children (over
12.27 12
8.76
20% of six-year-olds and over 32% I don’t know 20
No
answer
55
33.74
0
0.00
of ten-year-olds) indicated close
Other
answers
29
17.79
29
21.17
family members as major sources
of information, which clearly demonstrates the importance of parental opinions and that their expression of
attitudes to the disabled and their approach to disabilities as such in the presence of children may constitute a model to imitate. Children also highlight in
their statements that they obtain a great deal of information from TV documentaries, films, commercials and fairy tales featuring disabled people.
Other people, such as teachers or distant relatives (uncle, aunt) constitute
another source of information, not as extensive as parents, but amounting to
11% among six-year-olds and 28% among ten-year-olds. Children formulated
their sources by naming people from their environment, e.g. Our teacher talks
about it or My uncle is disabled. I frequently talk about it. The findings also indicate
the fact that not only adults are present in the process of introducing children
to problems of disability. Frequently, it is friends who provide explanations
concerning notions of disability, as in the following examples of statements:
I know it from my friend, Some children called other children such names in my
playschool, I learned it from my friend, My next door friend told me this. However,
some children (over 17% six-year-olds and over 21% ten-year-olds) failed to
indicate a particular source of information, which was apparent in statements
such as these: I know because I know, I just know it, I know it because I saw it, I read
about it. They have been classified into the category of Other answers. There may
be a number of explanations as to why children fail to pinpoint their sources of
information. The acquisition of information may have been incidental; facts
were haphazardly forwarded by parents, other people or the media. On the
other hand, it may also mean that the child has acquired the information by
direct observation of other people. It is therefore a safe assumption that the
statements on the one hand reflect children’s own activity, in which the child
decides who and how is described, as the information is rooted in its own
subjective experience. On the other hand, the awareness of the perception may
be influenced by other experiences from the past. The researched children
described such people in the following way: I saw her in a film, I saw it in the
shop, when I was walking, near my house, or I saw such a person in church.
It is however disturbing that as many as 33% of six-year-olds fail to give an
answer. Again, this may be due haphazardness of contacts with disabled people
or with the problem of disabilities in general. It may as well be due to lack of
interest in the subject, as their interests tend be situated here and now, around
their own lives (only their needs are important) and possibly around other
people who happen to be useful.
To sum up the findings, we may conclude that the main sources of information about disabilities, both in case of six-year-olds and ten-year-olds, are: their
families, other people, mass media and their own experience widening with
age. All these sources provide children with some extent of knowledge. The
findings substantiate a well established thesis that the process of perception is
multi-factorial and conditioned by particular situations. As a result of selection
of information from a variety of sources (parents, teachers, TV, peers), the
incoming data are processed and a subjective cognitive representation of
a given person is formed in the child’s mind.
The comparison of the aforementioned findings with declarations of parents and teachers leads to the following conclusions:
1. Conversations within family, in peer groups or in the classroom provide
the main source of knowledge. Yet, these conversations are not as frequent as it is declared by parents and teachers (according to children
they are rather sporadic and random in character). In reality, adults
rarely initiate conversations about the disabled, as it is a difficult and
uncomfortable topic. Their opinions, if they surface in contacts with
children, refer to selected problems and insufficiently prepare children
for contacts with disabled people. This perspective of the research is
indicative of the amount of effort that needs yet to be put into the
improvement of the situation.
2. The majority of respondents (parents and teachers) is against segregation in education and is open to promote the integration of the disabled,
which may be rooted in the propagation of integrative processes by
governmental and nongovernmental organizations, mass media and
individuals who on their own uphold the idea of social integration.
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3. The content of information forwarded to children by adults is not
satisfactory in the sense that it is solely concerned with helping the
disabled, rather than with ways of ‘being with them’. On the one hand,
it is positive that children are taught to empathize, to understand the
needs, capabilities and specific problems of others. On the other hand
however, is it not so that adults, by promoting such information, consciously or not evoke pity in children that is directed at the disabled?
If so, then we are on the wrong track to genuine inclusion.
4. Information forwarded by parents and teachers requires restocking,
e.g. by such sources as subject matter literature, courses organized by
specialist etc.
CHILDREN’S PERCEPTION OF THE DISABLED IN THE DESCRIPTIVE
ASPECT
The analysis of contemporary studies concerned with problems of the disabled reveals incongruity of definitions of the notion disabled (Maciarz A.,
1996; Nowak, 1999; Kosakowski, 2000; Latalski, 1994; Sowa, Wojciechowski,
2001; Sroczyński, 1995; ). Nonetheless, it is worth mentioning that the language of the descriptions is not constant and undergoes changes together with
the evolution of social situation of the disabled and with the way that disabilities are understood. The methods of defining the term a disabled person are
related to numerous criteria: biomedical, ergonomic and functional, with little
emphasis on social perception of the interpretation of disabilities, which might
prove useful, especially in the situation of profound social transformations,
accompanied by the increase in activity and importance of the disabled (see:
Gałkowski, 1998, p. 18; Hulek, 1980, p. 18; Majewski, 1994, p. 35; Janiszewska – Nieścioruk, 2007).
It is especially interesting to learn how the researched children understand
the term a disabled person. The following question: Do you know who is a disabled person? was meant to verify the administered research, i.e. to establish
which group of disabled persons the opinions of the researched refer to. In
everyday language, this term is used by various representatives of children’s
environment, i.e. parents, teachers, peers etc.), and the term denotes appropriate contents and images of the disabled. So, the objective of the research was
to obtain information on to what extent casual understanding of the term is
reflected in children’s statements. The question is of key importance in the
process of exploration of children’s image of the disabled in descriptive and
evaluative aspects.
In the research, the children’s knowledge was presented in an exceptionally figurative manner. The findings reveal that the researched children provided diverse and copious data (resulting from applied techniques2) on appearance, mental traits, manner of movement etc. The majority of children
(over 63% six-year-olds and over 72% ten-year-olds) saw a disabled person as
a person who uses a wheelchair (both in verbal and graphical statements (see:
figures 1 and 6). There certainly is a type of generalization at play here, i.e. that
a disabled person equals a person on a wheelchair. This type of generalization
is known in the subject matter literature as a stereotype, seen a type of a cognitive scheme (see: Wojciszke, 1991). The analysis of children’s statements
features numerous images of disabled people as people on wheelchairs, assigned to all sorts of disabilities. Moreover, the selection of terms to describe
physical appearance of disabled people appears to be based on interests, experience and self-assessment of values. Children frequently describe other
people by means of features which seem to be important to them and neglect
features which we adults take for granted while describing other people (see:
Krauze-Sikorska, 1998, p. 87). It looks as if in the images depicted by children
we are confronted with peculiar infantile selectivity of perception, which is
characterized by ascription of attributes to a person on the basis of the person’s
physical appearance.
A disabled person is also depicted by both six (25%) and ten-year-olds
(57%) as a person with a walking stick, on crutches (people with motor disability: after amputation or paralyzed). Some children indicate blind people
(4% of six-year-olds and 43% of ten-year-olds). Oddly enough, 8.59% of sixyear-old respondents and 10.22% of ten-year-old respondents considered
a person with a broken limb disabled. There is certain percentage of children
who realize the danger of temporary disability. The majority of children ea-
2
A great deal of information on the ways of portrayal of disabled people was provided
by children’s pictures. 286 pictures labelled a disabled person have been gathered. Children
were asked to depict a disabled person. The material was diverse graphically and thematically.
It was analyzed to supplement oral statements of the researched children.
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318
gerly comments on other people (in case of this study disabled people) and
include all people with visible motor dysfunctions into the category of disability. A disabled person is an interesting notion for these children, so they
gladly make him or her an object of eager scrutiny.
Some terms used by children may be disturbing, while other are not, as
they are accurate, e.g. the term a cripple is used by 5.52% of six-year-olds and
10.22% of ten-year-olds. Nonetheless, the term has strictly pejorative connotations nowadays, so uttering it by able people is extremely controversial
(see: Dykcik, 1996; Ostrowska, 1994).
There are other terms used in the material (by four six-year-old children),
such as: brainless, silly, stupid, makes trouble. They are indicative of the fact that
apart from motor dysfunctions, also mental dysfunctions are seen as manifestations of disabilities. Such application of the abovementioned terms may
reveal these children’s ignorance in the subject matter of disabilities. Without
tangible prior experience in the field, when pressed for answers, these children
formulate their own terms, usually in the form of pejorative adjectives. The
lack of preparedness may be rooted in parental negligence or in some procedural flaws in the acquisition of these terms. ‘It so happens that the flaws are
so deeply rooted that cannot be eradicated throughout entire lives in case of
some individuals’. (Lipina, 1984, p. 8). Erratically applied terms are typically
ascribed to parental negligence, which most commonly encompasses the following:
– Disregard towards questions asked by children in order to verify their
ideas;
– Erratic, evasive and perfunctory answers rooted in the conviction that
this little should be enough for this age;
– Oblivious attitude to errors made by children (Lipina, 1984, p. 80).
It is therefore of utmost importance for parents and teachers to prevent the
formation of flawed stereotypes of disabled people in children’s minds.
Some children (15% of six-year-olds and 13% of ten-year-olds) make no
attempt to explain the notion and admit ignorance in this respect (declarations
such as: I don’t know who is a disabled person, I have never seen such a person).
Yet, declarations such as: I have seen such a person in the street. It was scary, The
person was strange, My mum told me about them, but I can’t describe them. I think
it is someone a bit scary, signal that the notion is associated with an object or
phenomenon, with an alien person who may evoke interest, fear and anxiety.
It is someone mysterious, fearsome and sometimes even evil in children’s
understanding. Such descriptions were characteristic of six-year-olds, which
may mean that due to lack of contact and direct experience, the notion of
disability remains a mystery at that age.
All in all, the research material revealed that there are diverse methods of
understanding the notion of a disabled person. The descriptions divulge an
image of a disable person seen as: an invalid, chronically ill, children, adolescents or adults. Yet, the majority of researched children see a disabled person
as a person with apparent dysfunction of his or her motor organ (such a person
is depicted as a person on the wheelchair). It seems that children’s perception
of disabled people through their physical condition and on the basis of exposed
stereotypes, lies not far for common understanding of the term. The results of
the research correspond with research by A. Ostrowska (1994) and J. Gąsior,
K. Ostrowski and J. Zabłocki (1994), which concluded that typical representatives of the category a disabled person are commonly perceived as people
with visible physical disability and significant functional limitations, most
commonly the blind and individuals with motor dysfunctions. In view of the
deliberations, we must conclude that the ways of understanding of the term
a disabled person are rooted both in children’s own activity and are formed on
the basis of data obtained elsewhere (typically from adults, peers and mass
media). In addition, the quality of the information is conductive to merely
partial (casual) understanding of the term.
Analyses of the descriptive aspect of the researched material expose some
general theses:
1. In view of the duality of the source data, adults play a significant
formative role and this realization should determine parental and
teachers’ attitudes.
2. In view of multiplicity of pejorative, casual and mostly inaccurate adjectives used in children’s descriptions, it is apparent that their erratic
perception should be modified and supplemented in the process of
early education.
3. The quality and quantity of terms used in the description of the disabled are diversified. The descriptions of six-year-olds are characterized
by simpler form, content and a smaller number of descriptive categories
(features ascribed to the disabled, terms and the level realization of
underlying cause differ), in comparison with ten-year-olds.
4. Over 68% of six-year-olds and over 78% of ten-year-olds perceive both
physical features of disabled people, such as physical appearance, ways
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of moving or overall condition, and mental, such as well-being, emotions or features reflected in interactions with others.
5. Moreover, the research confirmed that the perception of the disabled
is a dynamic and selective process, which displays some quantitative
and qualitative changes and as such should not be perceived in static
categories.
CHILDREN’S PERCEPTION OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES IN
EVALUATIVE ASPECT
Evaluative aspect constitutes the next variable in the research. Just like people
in general, while describing others, tend to assess their physical and mental
qualities in terms of good versus bad, or pretty versus ugly, similarly this part of
the research program was meant to determine the types of rating employed
by children. The criterion positive versus negative was employed in the study.
The results reveal some differences in the application of marks depending
on the age of respondents, with the norm of older children applying more
diverse marks. Age also determines the usage of explicitly negative or positive
marks. As a result of this, younger children have a tendency to assess the disabled more negatively (over 47%) in comparison to older children (over 22%).
It may be concluded that the potential relationship between the respondents’
age and the quality of their evaluation was confirmed in the study (significant
statistical disparity). As it is shown in Table 10, the younger the child, the more
clear-cut the division between black and white. Older children are more cautious while formulating assessment and show more under- Table 2. Relationship between
standing towards the object of children’s age and the quality
assessment of people with disabilities
their appraisal.
The analysis of results of the Category of of
Six-year-olds Ten-year-olds
evaluative aspect leads to con- assessment
N
%
N
%
clusions that there is a general Positive
12
7.36
6
4.38
tendency among the respond- Negative
77
47.24 31
22.63
ents to ascribe both negative Positive and negative 72 44.17 100 72.99
2
1.23
0
0.00
and positive marks (over 44% No assessment
163 100
137
100
of six-year-olds and over 72% Total
of ten-year-olds), which shows that children are inhomogeneous in their assessment. Relativism of thinking processes, and by the same token of assessment, seems to be at play here.
Children’s statements reveal that first impressions built on physical appearance and scarcely reinforced by experience, influence the number of negative
marks. The disabled are rarely perceived as pretty, as they physiology is maimed
by diseases, dysfunctions and deformations, as well as by visible disfigurements, unpleasant facial expressions or odd movement patterns (Błeszyńska,
1997; Szumski, 2006). Taking into consideration the aforementioned statement, we may hypothesize that visible disability is perceived as a central, decisive feature in the process of assessment (over 47% of six-year-olds and 22%
of ten-year-olds). This type of deduction is labeled as a diabolical effect, making
disabled people appear to be ugly and unattractive.
Similarly to the procedures in the descriptive aspect, the evaluative aspect
featured the following:
– what children take into consideration while assessing the disabled,
– which features are assessed,
– are physical, mental or both physical and mental features assessed.
Each statement was analyzed in the context of physical or mental ingredients
in the assessment, or of lack of them. The interview questionnaire featured a list
of questions, on the basis of which children were able to select their assessment
centered around physical or mental attributes. Closer analysis of the empirical
material revealed that evaluative statements were also present in open statements delivered by the respondents. Also this makes it possible to formulate
some conclusions concerning the perception in the evaluative aspect:
1. Numerical data indicate diversification of assessment in terms of quality and quantity of employed designations and assessed features.
2. The diversity of assessment is present in the statements of both six and
ten-year-olds, which may be due to the fact that this is a general developmental trait characteristic of these age groups. It may as well be
rooted in the fact that they perceive the diversity and complexity of
human disability.
3. Children make use of the following criteria while assessing disabled
people: physical appearance, physical condition, personality traits and
behavior.
4. There is a stereotype of a dysfunctional person, who craves for help,
cannot communicate or has problems with communication, emerging
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5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
from the overall picture drawn by questioned children. In such a way,
children unintentionally point to us adults where their deficiencies in
their perception and knowledge require alteration or enhancement.
The majority of the researched children are open to contacts with the
disabled. They are perceived as friendly, interesting and safe. This natural
tendency in social and moral development of children to take other
people for granted, should be utilized in the process of familiarization
with strangers ongoing in home, playschool and classroom conditions.
In children’s opinion, disabled people dwell on social margins, due to
their uniqueness and otherness.
Evaluative opinions depend on numerous factors, especially on the
characteristics of all elements in the process of communication, i.e. on
the features of the perceived individual (sender), on the type and
number of channels and on the characteristics of the receiver (temporary and permanent attributes of the receiver).
There is a pressing need to intensify pre-school and early school teachers’ efforts in the area of forming a real image of disabled people, as well
as in the area of dissemination of the idea of social integration among
children and their parents.
In view of the acquired results, it may be true that otherness will not be
seen as a punishment and redemption in the future and that humanity
will be the most treasured value. At the same time, the research demonstrates that there is a long way to go until the vision comes true.
CHILDREN’S PERCEPTION OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES
The study discussed in the article was focused around descriptive and evaluative perception of the disabled by pre-school and school children, as well as
around factors differentiating the process. Verbal and graphic testimonials
were analyzed empirically and an overall image of the disabled was drawn
together with corresponding differentiating factors. Moreover, each aspect was
examined respectively for six – and ten-year-olds of both genders and from
regular and integrated institutions.
The diagnostic survey involved 300 children and some of its aspects were
also directed to their parents and 75 teachers. The ultimate objective of the
study was to establish the image of people with disabilities perceived by children in two respective stages of their lives, i.e. at the end of their pre-school
and early school education, and to isolate factors influencing the shape of the
image.
The objective was met by substantiating the image, respectively for both
age categories and both descriptive and evaluative aspect, as well as by indicating the differences in opinions depending on the age and experience of the
respondents. The analyses additionally attempted to demonstrate the perception of children of the two age groups and two types of institutions (nonintegrated and integrated) in the eyes of people with disabilities.
The analysis of children’s view on people with disabilities was conducted
on the basis of adopted problems and variables, which has been depicted in
the following chart.
DEPENDENT VARIABLE
EXPERIENCE
GENDER
AGE
Children’s perception of people with disabilities in the
descriptive and evaluative aspect.
Factors differentiating children’s opinions on people
with disabilities.
Independent variables
Fig. 1. Graphical representation of the main problem together with dependent and independent variables
The findings of the study lead to the following conclusions:
1. The quality of opinions was strongly influenced by the age of the respondents, which may be attributed to specific cognitive and behavioral attributes of each respective developmental stage. The pre-school
group was at the threshold of development of their process of perception of other people, which may be considered critical for the development of future attitudes. The other group of ten-year-olds not only
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may have had some prior experience with the disabled, but are also
situated at intermediate level in the process of development of social
perception. Expanding social contacts, together with cognitive growth
(speech, thinking, perception, attention, memory) may all have influenced their opinions. The findings confirm the observations of other
researchers that age is the main determining factor in the formation of
the image of others (see: Isterewicz, 1965; Kohn, Fiedler, 1961;
Skarżyńska, 1981).
2. The findings also indicate that children’s gender differentiates their
opinions. Different features are important to different genders.
Whereas boys see physical dysfunctions as the main undesirable attribute, girls focus more on mental disorders. The findings are compatible with psychologists’ opinions (see: Parsons, 1972; Pospiszyl, 1978;
Rożnowska, 1987), who maintain that women tend to describe mental
traits, whereas men perceive others on the basis of their physical attributes.
3. Children’s experience of contacts with a disabled person in the family
(depending on presence or absence of such a person in the family and
on the frequency of discussions with parents) may constitute a differentiating factor. The findings reveal that the frequency of bringing up
the subject in conversations with parents influences children’s opinions
in the descriptive aspect. It is therefore a safe assumption that the presence of the subject in parental conversations with children is one of the
most important methods of providing children with information about
disabilities (the other important factor being direct contact). The findings also revealed that the presence of a disabled person in the family
is not a factor influencing the opinions of the respondents in the descriptive and evaluative aspect.
4. Presence of a disabled child in a pre-school group or school class may
differentiate the opinions of the respondents. Two groups of children
were isolated in the study: from nonintegrated and integrated institutions. The findings revealed that the type of institution is conductive
to types of opinions in the descriptive aspect. The integrated system
allows able children to learn and play together with disabled children,
which naturally widens their knowledge about disabilities. All in all,
experience in contacts within the family, nonintegrated or integrated
school partly influences children’s opinions.
Further conclusions may be drawn on the basis of the findings:
The image of people with disabilities depicted by children participating in
the survey suggests that children have seen disabled people in a variety of
places and in a range of situations, which means that they are no longer isolated.
The image is differentiated in the descriptive and evaluative aspect and indicates
an ongoing process in its formation in the minds of the respondents. On the
other hand, the quality of the answers is somewhat disturbing, as they are often
fragmentary, anxious, unreal, casual and based on disconnected and incomplete
data (such as stereotypes and prejudices) obtained sporadically from such
sources as parents, teachers and other people, mass media and in the course of
direct observation. This type of distorted image is rooted in nonexistent contacts with disabled people and in insufficient instruction from adults. Thus, the
quality of the perception derives from individual experience, i.e. multi-lateral
participation in the acquisition of knowledge about the surrounding world and
conscious or unconscious amalgamation of cultural patterns and norms in the
widely understood educational process (Zabłocki, 1999).
Since people with disabilities are alienated, excluded and marginalized due
to their unpredictability and unsightly appearance, and consequently they are
labeled with negative physical and mental features (for more see e.g.: A. Krauze,
2000; Barroux, 2002, pp 26 – 27; Speck, 2005), then there is an important
question: what to do, so that the next generation is not oblivious and merciless
towards people with dissimilar appearance and flawed physical or mental
condition?
As the opinions of the researched group of children are predetermined by
their demographic characteristics (age) and partly by social attributes, such
experience in the family or school, we may assume that social-demographic
traits to certain extent determine the process of their perception of the disabled
people, and therefore this fact should be taken into consideration while planning group or class work with children from both integrated and nonintegrated institutions, so that its content involves meeting new able and disabled
people.
The process of perception is a difficult object to research, especially because
the ‘perceiver’ is a developing child with all its multi-factorial preconditions.
Nonetheless, observation of children’s behavior, statements, discussions and
artwork in groups, in the classroom or in other places, may all provide us with
their image of disabled people, together with descriptions, evaluations and
sources of barriers and negative attitudes. Such knowledge may constitute an
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excellent starting point to attempts at the implementation of the idea of social
integration in nonintegrated and integrated institutions.
Naturally, the study is not capable of reviewing all aspects of social perception of people with disabilities. In order to be able to draw more general
conclusions, it would be necessary to incorporate much larger sample groups
of respondents from different regions of the country. However, in order to
further explore the subject matter, we may make use of elaborated and thoroughly tested lists of variables pertaining to family (social status and educational methods of parents), pre-school and school environment (selection of
children which represent various groups, classes, pre-school and school institutions).
POSTULATES FOR SCHOOL PRACTICE
As children’s attitudes towards people with disabilities are directly dependent
on their teachers’ attitudes and consequently on their concepts of group work,
class work and cooperation with parents, it is therefore necessary for pedagogical practice at schools to inculcate the idea of acceptance towards otherness both in integrated and nonintegrated institutions. Here are some postulates pertaining to relevant procedures in pedagogical practice:
1. It is necessary to devise a concept that will facilitate pedagogical procedures leading to the formation of a desirable image of the disabled,
to positive relations with them and to instilment of universal awareness
of equality in diversity that will make it natural for children to feel that
each individual has the right to be different, to speak, think, work and
look differently and that each individual has his or her strong points
and should be given a chance. The postulates require formulation and
implementation of programs designed to teach children as early as it is
possible how to cope with differences characteristic of various individuals (otherness is inevitable), and to undertake such initiatives that
will encourage such understanding of social structure which will enhance children’s development and optimize their involvement. It is
certainly a challenge for contemporary school.
2. Teachers from integrated and non integrated institutions should be
aware of the prerequisite to observe children’s behavior in their rela-
tions with disabled children, to analyze and if required to intervene by
individual conversations with children who make use of pejorative or
insulting terms in the process.
3. It is of vital importance that teachers initiate cooperation with families
in order to improve the quality of information and structure a constructive image of the disabled in the aspect of social integration of the two
groups. As parents’ attitudes towards others constitute a foundation
for the attitudes of their children, it is important for them to instill the
right attitudes in their children’s minds, so that they know how to help
other people who are in need in particular situations and how to perceive them in the long run.
4. It is important to realize the dangers resulting from negligence in the
area of social integration, such as: reinforcement of stereotypes, distorted image of the disabled and harmful prejudice. The assumption
that children will somehow acquire the knowledge on their own, or
solely within their families is precarious to say the least, as the process
may be haphazard, incomplete and erroneous.
The complexity of the problem of disabilities requires as early inculcation
of the right attitudes as it is possible. The right attitude must be here understood as the determination to search for agreement between able and disabled
people and to eliminate, not only architectural, but also mental barriers.
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Authors
Jarosław Bąbka, PhD is a lecturer at the Institute of Social Prevention,
Therapy and Care, University of Zielona Góra. Researcher on education of
people with disabilities (all levels of education). At present, he is researching
co-operative behaviour of people with disabilities. Author of books: Edukacja
integracyjna dzieci niepełnosprawnych i pełnosprawnych – założenia i rzeczywistość
(Integrative Education of Disabled and Able Children – Guidelines and Reality (Poznań 2001; Człowiek niepełnosprawny w różnych fazach życia (A Disabled
Person at Different Stages of Life), Warszawa 2004 (Ed.); Człowiek i jego
rodzina wobec utraty zdrowia i sprawności (An Individual and his or her Family Confronted with Loss of Health and Fitness), Lubin 2010 (Eds. J. Bąbka,
A. Nowicka).
Contact: jaarus@poczta.fm
Linda Daniela, PhD is an associate professor of the University of Latvia,
Faculty of Pedagogy, Psychology and Art. She is the author of the book Students and Classroom Discipline. There are also several publications on the issue.
Research field: social pedagogy and classroom management.
Contact: linda.daniela@lu.lv
Hans Döbert, Prof. Dr. habil.: Senior Research Fellow and Head of a Department, German Institute for International Educational Research, Warschauer
Str. 34–38, 10243 Berlin. Prof. for empirical and comparative educational
research, University of Erfurt, Germany. Fields of research: educational
monitoring in national and international perspectives, educational systems in
comparative perspective, empirical studies of school development
Contact: Doebert@dipf.de
Jana Marie Havigerová, PhD is a head of Postgraduate Studies of Personal Psychology and Career Counseling at Charles University in Prague. She
Authors
also works at the University of Hradec Kralove (e-learning) and at the University of Technology in Brno (coaching). Her academic interests: implicit theories of normality and information behavior, readiness to ask questions as a sign
of high intellectual ability and various aspects of modern communication.
Contact: jana.havigerova@uhk.cz
Soňa Kariková, PhD is an associate professor in Pedagogical/Educational
psychology, and a professor in Pedagogy. She is a vice-dean for Science, Research and Arts at the Faculty of Pedagogy of the UMB. Her academic interests:
teacher‘s personality and social pathology phenomena in educational environment.
Contact: skarikova@pdf.umb.sk
Daiga Kalnina, MA is an assistant at the Institute of Pedagogical Sciences,
University of Latvia, Faculty of Pedagogy, Psychology and Art. Research field:
students’ research skills in science, science teaching and learning, didactics.
There are several publications on these issues.
Contact: daiga.kalnina@lu.lv
Ewa Kobyłecka, PhD is a lecturer at the Faculty of Education, Sociology
and Health Sciences at the University of Zielona Góra. Her academic interests: teachers’ competence and axiological aspects of school education. She
is the author of books: Rozpoznawanie wartości przez uczniów szkół średnich
w procesie edukacji (Recognizing Values by Secondary School Students in the
Process of Education), Poznań 2004, Nauczyciel wobec współczesnych zadań
edukacyjnych (Teacher and Modern Educational Objectives), Kraków 2005,
and Nauczyciele i uczniowie gimnazjum wobec wyboru wartości. Między
pewnością a zwątpieniem ( Junior High School Teachers and Students in the
Face of Value Choice. Between Certainty and Doubt).
Contact: e.kobylecka@ipp.uz.zgora.pl
Maija Kokare, MA is doctoral student at the Faculty of Pedagogy, Psychology and Art, University of Latvia and a head teacher of a Private Secondary
School “Patnis”. Research field: organizational learning at school. There are
several publications on the issue.
Contact: maija.kokare@patnis.lv
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332
Authors
Dace Medne, PhD is a lecturer at Jazeps Vitols Latvian Academy of Music.
She published the book How to Work with Hyperactive Children.. Research
field: human education and its popularization in practical work, upbringing
in the family in the transformative society of Latvia. There are several publications on these issues
Contact: dace.medne@hotmail.com
Grażyna Miłkowska, PhD is an associate professor of the University of
Zielona Góra. She is a head of the Institute of Care, Therapy and Social Prevention. Her research interests involve children and adolescents’ social maladjustment (especially aggressive behavior and its preconditions) and social prevention. She merges her academic efforts with social activity in local community,
especially with preventive measures applied to lower-secondary school pupils.
Contact: g.milkowska@o2.pl
Dita Nīmante, PhD is an associate professor of the University of Latvia,
Faculty of Pedagogy, Psychology and Art. She published the book: Classroom
Management and was a co-author of publications School for All, “Is It a School
for All?”, “Novice Teacher”, “Inclusive School in Inclusive Society”. Research field:
inclusive education and classroom management. There are also several other
publications on these issues.
Contact: dita.nimante@lu.lv
Inetta Nowosad, PhD is an associate professor of the University of Zielona
Góra. Her academic interests focus on problems of school functioning in three
principal aspects: evolution of class teacher’s obligations, cooperation between
teachers and parents and renewal and transformational processes in education
with special emphasis on the development of school. Monographs: Nauczycielwychowawca czasu polskich przełomów (Class Teacher at the Time of Transformation in Poland) (2001); Perspektywy rozwoju szkoły. Szkice z teorii szkoły
(Perspectives of School Development. – Outline of School Theory (2003);
Polish Education at the Time of Changes (co-author) (2006); Autonomia
szkoły w Niemczech. Poszukiwania – konteksty – uwarunkowania (School Autonomy in Germany. Search – Contexts – Conditions (2008).
Contact: inettanowosad@wp.pl
Authors
Agnieszka Olczak, PhD works at the Institute of Early Education and
History of Education, University of Zielona Góra. She specializes in early
school pedagogy. Academic interests: social development and functioning of
children in peer groups, child-adult social communication, educating children
for life in democratic societies.
Contact: agnieszka.olczak@interia.pl
Jana Ondrakova, PhD works as a head of the Department of German
Language and Literature at the Faculty of Education of the University of
Hradec Kralove. She was awarded the degree of Docent in Pedagogy (Didactics of Foreign Languages) by the Faculty of Education of Masaryk University
in Brno (dissertation thesis: Errors in Learning and in Pre-Gradual Training
of Foreign Language Teachers). Jana Ondrakova participates in national and
international projects in the field of pedagogy, comparative linguistics and
foreign language teaching
Contact: jana.ondrakova@uhk.cz
Jitka Oravcová, PhD is an associate professor of Pedagogical/Educational
Psychology. She is a head of the Institute of Psychology at the Faculty of
Pedagogy of the UMB. Her academic interests: social psychology (communication), developmental psychology, psychopathology, psychology of management, and consulting psychology.
Contact: joravcova@pdf.umb.sk
Zanda Rubene, PhD is an associate professor of the University of Latvia.
Author of Sapere aude! Critical Thinking in University Studies in Latvia (2004)
and co-author of books From Knowledge to Competent Activities (2006) and
Introduction to Media Pedagogics (2008). Research field: philosophy of education, totalitarian values in the post-Soviet educational space. There are also
several publications on these issues.
Contact: zanda.rubene@lu.lv
Martin Skutil, PhD is an associate professor in Education at the Institute
of Primary and Preprimary Education of the Faculty od Education, University of Hradec Králové.His academic interests: general didactics, teaching
methods, methodology of educational research and comparative education.
Some of his publications: Changes in the school leaving examination as part of
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Authors
the transformation of secondary school education in the Czech Republic. International Journal of Human Sciences, 2009 (co-author) and Secondary school
development in Czechoslovakia in the years 1945–1989. The Journal of Arts and
Science
Contact: martin.skutil@uhk.cz
Gabriela Slaninová, PhD is an associate professor in Psychology at the
Department of Social Pedagogy of the University of Hradec Králové. Her academic interests: experiential pedagogy (thesis), cyberbullying in adolescence
(dissertation – study began in 2009), Pesso Boyden Psychomotor System.
Current research project addresses the topic of cyberbullying in adolescence.
Autor also deals with the topic of trauma in our lives.
Contact: gabriela.slaninova@uhk.cz
Anetta Soroka-Fedorczuk, PhD is a lecturer at the Institute of Early
Education and History of Education, Faculty of Pedagogy, Sociology and
Health Studies, University of Zielona Góra. The autor of Osoby niepełnosprawne
w opiniach dzieci (Children’s Perception of People with Disabilities) (Kraków
2007). Since 2006, the head of Postgraduate Studies in Pre-school and Early
School Education run by the University of Zielona Góra. Her academic interests focus on the issues of pre-school education. At present she is working on
the significance of pre-school education at different stages of human life.
Contact : asofed@o2.pl
Vera Tauchmanova, PhD works at the Institute of English Language and
Literature, Faculty of Education of the University of Hradec Kralove. She
specializes in linguistics and applied linguistics of English, and in teachers’
training. She participates in international projects in the field of teaching and
learning foreign languages. She is a vice-dean, responsible for international
relations of the Faculty.
Contact: vera.tauchmanova@uhk.cz
Irēna Žogla, PhD is an associate professor of the University of Latvia. Research field: theories of teaching-learning, teacher education.Author of several books and publications on these issues.
Contact: irena.zogla@lu.lv

A child in school.indb

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