Step-by-Step: Climbing the `Ladder of Freedom and Power` in Fiji
Transcription
Step-by-Step: Climbing the `Ladder of Freedom and Power` in Fiji
Step-by-Step: Climbing the ‘Ladder of Freedom and Power’ in Fiji and Papua New Guinea PRIYA CHATTIER IN BRIEF 2015/17 This In Brief will identify the main pathways or factors that lead to an increased sense of power and freedom for men and women in selected communities of Fiji and Papua New Guinea (PNG). Fiji and PNG were part of the World Bank’s qualitative study informing the World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality and Development, for which local researchers organised focus groups to systematically record the factors that women and men in the study saw as helping to increase their feelings of empowerment. In the broader gender and development literature, Naila Kabeer’s (1999, 436) conceptualisation of empowerment is noted as the ‘expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them’. The aim of this In Brief is to move beyond such academic concepts and instead explore local understandings and common terms for power and freedom. The identified pathways presented do not represent a complete picture, but are a starting point to understanding local perceptions of empowerment as well as whether or not inequalities inherent in gender norms can create different sets of opportunities for women and men in Melanesian societies. Understanding transitions in gender norms (Chattier 2014) is critical for making sense of why women and men have different pathways to power and freedom. This qualitative study comprised 132 focus group discussions in 16 communities in PNG and six in Fiji (see In Brief 2014/43 for regional variations in each country and age ranges of focus groups). A participatory tool called a ‘ladder of power and freedom’ was used to explore the concept of empowerment. Facilitators spent time with participants trying to determine the power structures and understand the characteristics of men and women in their communities who had differing amounts of power and freedom. Part of the discussion also involved what factors led to movement up and down the ladder for women and men in their neighbourhood or village. At each step of the fictional ladder, facilitators probed the participants on general attitudes and behaviours, education level, jobs and specific community responsibilities, family and intra-household relations, and saving and borrowing habits. While the ladder of power and freedom provided some indication of gendered differences in a community’s social structure for men and women, there were some commonalities in the characteristics at each step and the reasons for movement up and down the ladder. Commonalities were evident in what defined the major characteristics at the top, middle and bottom steps of the ladder of power and freedom across women’s and men’s groups in Fiji and PNG (see below). State, Society & Governance in Melanesia ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm Top steps • wealthy with land, money & house • great freedom of action • good job with a status • self-confident and inde• happy marriage & family life pendent • strong leadership, social skills • may or may not be well& networks educated Middle steps • not very wealthy but with some • some freedom of action economic assets • has social networks • has a stable job • may or may not have • happy marriage & family life education Bottom steps • little freedom of action • little or no economic assets • voiceless & oppressed or • jobless or insecure income even ostacised • marital conflict & unstable • hoplessness with lack of family life self-confidence • uneducated Source: Adapted from World Development Report (2012). In the male discussion groups, economic assets and occupational status were highlighted as qualities of men with the most power and freedom in their communities. Men from a Fiji urban community said a man at the top step of the ladder is well educated, has a good job and works in government. Decisionmaking power and authority also rested on men being wealthy and owning land, resources, and gardens. In PNG, men from North Bougainville noted that a man is powerful, has status and great freedom as long as he has land, cash crop plantations/gardens. For a man to be powerful in the Wewak community he must share wealth during feasts, ceremonies and IN BRIEF 2015/17 • gatherings. Similarly, men in Huon Gulf described powerful men as leaders looking after the community; as chiefs or ‘big men’, adding they have all the things — land, resources and money. Much like the characteristics of men with the most power and freedom, women also attached great importance to education and having a job as signs of power in the community. Female participants from an urban community in Fiji noted that empowered women have a university education and work in a professional job. Similarly, a woman from Sohe in PNG said empowered women ‘go to church, have a university education, and are business women’. While participants across communities in Fiji and PNG affirmed that it was important for women to have economic independence, there was some ambivalence around women’s domesticated role in the home. Qualities of a good wife and mother (Chattier 2014) were also considered as desirable characteristics to be admired and respected in the community. While men’s pathway to empowerment rested on their economic role as providers, women’s economic independence was not the only source of power for women. For instance, women from rural Sigatoka in Fiji said a woman is also powerful through her marriage to a chief, which gives her traditional status to speak on affairs of the village, and that she is respected due to chiefly status of the husband. In order to maintain the status on the top step of the ladder in Manus, PNG: ‘The chief ’s wife must maintain her position in the community — helping and serving the people. If she does not do her part she will die from poisoning or sorcery. The chief will not lose his position, regardless of whether his wife makes fair/ good decisions or performs’ (Manus female, PNG). The focus group discussions revealed that factors shaping women’s sense of empowerment may be different from men’s due to gendered roles of women and men in Melanesian societies. For men, there was a significant association between economic wellbeing, accumulated wealth, chiefly title and high-status jobs with greater power. While some women are gaining power and freedom as they become better educated and a stable job brings them status, some continue to enjoy higher status through their gender-ascribed domesticated roles. Embedded The State, Society & Governance in Melanesia Program (SSGM) in the ANU College of Asia & the Pacific is a recognised leading centre for multidisciplinary research on contemporary Melanesia, Timor-Leste and the wider Pacific. in the local context, the pathways for women’s and men’s empowerment are sensitive to what constitutes appropriate choices for both women and men. Women more often than men reported becoming more empowered and gaining influence with freedom of expression through their domestic and public roles while men’s sense of power and freedom were tied to their economic role as providers. To measure empowerment in Melanesian societies, there is a need to look at social, cultural, and economic changes affecting lives of women and men in all their diversity. Cornwall and Edwards (2014) note that the complex richness of women’s experiences together with their different or hidden pathways to gaining power and freedom may provide important insights into dimensions of empowerment in practice. Men and women’s evaluations of their capacities to act are often gendered and need consideration in the design of empowerment programs for women in the Pacific. Providing women with loans, business opportunities, and means to generate income may, in effect, bring about some short-term changes in their lives. But the individualist perspective of contemporary empowerment policies and programs for women in the Pacific and a one-size-fits-all approach to empowerment need to pay greater attention to the sociocultural backdrop of Melanesian societies. Author Notes Priya Chattier is a research fellow with SSGM. References Andrew, M. 2013. Gender and Economic Choice in Papua New Guinea.Unpublished report, World Bank. Chattier, P. 2014. Gender Norms in Transition: Conversations on Ideal Images with Women and Men in Fiji. SSGM In Brief 2014/30. Cornwall, A. and Edwards, J. 2014. Feminisms, Empowerment and Development: Changing Women’s Lives. London: Zed Books. Kabeer, N. 1999. Resources, Agency and Achievements: Reflections on the Measurement of Women’s Empowerment. Development and Change 30: 435–64. World Bank 2012. World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality and Development. Washington DC: World Bank. E ssgm.admin@anu.edu.au @anussgm ips.cap.anu.edu.au/ssgm We acknowledge the Australian Government’s support for the production of In Brief. 2 views expressed in this paper are those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect those State, Society & Governance The of the ANU or the Australian Government. in Melanesia See the SSGM website for a full disclaimer.