Juggling - Società Missioni Africane

Fighting HIV with Juggling Clubs
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Ci rcuses
An Tntro d u clio n
to
Ethio
Leah Niederstadt
AL! PNOIOS 3Y TNE AUIHOR
ÉXCEP-T WH ERE OTF]ERì\] SE
NOIED
a's
ircus performances were unknown to most Ethiopians when the first troupe was established in the
early r99os by two expatriate residents of Addis
Ababa, Today, dozens of circuses can be found
throughout the country and Ethiopian circus
acrobats, jugglers, and musicians have performed
on nearly every continent (Fig. r). From the beginning' exPatriate and Ethiopian administrative and artistic staffcombined circus skills such as juggling and contortion with indigenous forms
of dance, song, and costumes and with didactic messages about
social issues such as HIV/AIDS. They actively drew upon indigenous performance Practices-secular and, to a lesser extent'
religious-to create a form ofcircus that was uniquely and positively Ethiopian. They conceived of the country's citcus movement as a moral endeavor, one that allowed them to celebrate
Ethiopia's naîional identity with its emPhasis on ethnic diversity
and to educate the public about a variety of social challenges.
Circus also became a means ofempowering the country's young
est citizens, as the performers in EthioPian trouPes are children
and youth, not adults.
Ethiopian citcus performances provide two t)'Pes of educa-
tional messages. First, they reinforce federal and regional state
government rhetoric about the imPortance of ethnic diversity in
the construction ofa national EthioPian identity. In doing so, they
help teach Ethiopians about their country's diversity, recognizing
and celebrating it as a key component of national identity. Second, circus shows provide information about health and devel-
Posters lrom the 1998 Circus ;n Ethiopia-sPonsored tour to
Europe displayed on the wall of Circus Jimma! amphitheatre'
Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003.
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opment issues and suggest how these challenges can be resolved'
Several factors have combined to render circus performance a
particularly popular mode of communication and entertainment, especially for addressing many of the challenges Ethiopia faces as one of Africa's newest Post-Socialist nation states'
These factors include the circus movement's role in addressing a
lacuna in leisule activities for one ofthe continent's fastest growing young poPulations and the joining of familiar indigenous
performance practices in music, song, and dance with gymnastics and the martial arts, sports with which many urban Ethiopians are familiar. The combination of free entertainm€nt with
didactic messages has also contributed to growth in the number
ofEthiopian circus trouPes as numerous NGOs and government
agencies have proven willing to fund projects that reach large
audiences with educational information about HIV/AIDS' the
2
Members of Chcus Dire Dawa performing a pyramid-building routine. Jiiga,
Erhiopìa.2003.
rights of women and children, and the numerous other issues
addressed by the circuses in their performances.
Each year, tens ofthousands ofEthiopians either attend circus
shows or watch televised performances (Fig. z). Circuses are thus
a prominent part of contemporary urban Ethiopian culture and
one that remains vibrant, even in the face of limited funding, con-
flicting donor demands, high staff turnover, and the numerous
asylum claims made by performers when touring overseas. During the past nine years, I have witnessed dozens ofperformances
and watched as the circus movement has struggled to adapt to
rapid growth and to the changing priorities ofits donor agencies
(cp. Askew zooz on Tanzania and the case studies in Parkin et al.
1996). Many ofthe children and youth with whom I first worked
are now adults and many no longer live and work in Ethiopia,
having claimed asylum during tours. Several times in the past
decade it seemed possible that the circus movement would collapse, yet troupes continue to operate throughout the country
and new circuses are regularly founded. Although it is difficult
to estimate how many currently operate, given how quickly new
troupes may shut down due to lack of funding, approximately
twenty-five circuses currently exist in Ethiopia. Thirteen ofthese
are members ofan umbrella organization called Circus in Ethiopia (CIE), which I shall discuss further below. Given the challenges faced so far by the circus movement, it is remarkable that
troupes continue to operate in Ethiopia. I would argue that the
fact that the moyement has endured suggests the central role it
now holds as a form oftheater for development in Ethiopia.,
CREAÎII{G AN EIHIOPIAN CIRCUS
Perhaps surprisingly, circuses can be found elsewhere in
Africa. Circus troupes-in a wide range of forms and with
varying objectives-operate in Mali, Kenya, South Africa, and
Uganda. Via its Cirque du Monde project, Cirque du Soleil supports circus programs throughout Francophone West Africa and
in Ethiopia, while indigenous aoobatic troupes have long performed throughout North Africa. Prior to the founding of the
lìrst circus troupe in 199r, what little most Ethiopians ktew about
circus performance came from watching televised performances
of Russian and Chinese circuses during the Socialist period
known as the Derg (1974-r99r). Although they are unmistakably
circuses, Ethiopian troupes differ from those with which most
people are familiar. First, with very few exceptions, e.g., when
an adult trainer performs as part of a particular act (see Fig. 9),
Ethiopian circus performers are all children and youth who were,
until recently, compensated for their participation.z
Second, animals are not part of their performances, although
not due to concern for anirnal rights, as several troupes have
tded and failed to train monkeys, but ratherbecause training and
feeding animals is too expensive. This is a significant departure
from the form ofcircus codified by Phillip Astley in eighteenthcentury London. Animals, particularly horses, were critical to
performances by Astley's troupes and by many of his competitors and they remain a key element of circus performance in
North America and Great Britain to this day (Kwint r995:viii,
2oo2:8ó-87; Stroud 1999).
Third, Ethiopian circuses do not use high wire or tightrope
acts or the flying trapeze, and although two troupes train with
a stationary trapeze, they rarely perform on it due to trans
port and safety issues. In addition, performances have rarely, if
ever, incorporated what Westerners might think of as clowns,
although clowning or joking behavior is common, often incor
porated into performances by stock characters, such as an iúd
sew (lit. 'crazy person ), an old man or woman who exemplilìes
the 'bld ways" of traditional culture or an uneducated individ
ual.r It is important to note that Ethiopian circus shows typically
occur out ofdoors, not within a circus hall or tent. They are also
free of charge to the public. Both factors are key to the popular
ity of circus throughout Ethiopia, as free admission encourages
large audiences, which enables the didactic messages to reach
many more people, while performing in publicly accessible
spaces allows for numerous spectators to gathet
Like many other troupes around the world, Ethiopian circus
artistic directors utilize indigenous folktales, music, song, dance,
and clothing as a means of making their circus "authentically
Ethiopianl' ln doing so, they have much in common with the
Moscow and the Chinese State Circuses, which use their national
identity as a marketing tool and a means of providing thematic
cohesion within performances. ln Ethiopia, however, circuses
also use costumes, dance, music, song, and props to celebrate and
highlight ethnic identity for their Ethiopian spectators (although
these nuances are often missed by foreign spectators). A further difference involves the educational component ofEthiopian
circus performance. When performed within Ethiopia, circus
shows are didactic, although this element may be downplayed on
international tours. Educational messages about HIV/AIDS pre
vention or land mine safety, for example, are woven into a show's
overall storyline, thus becoming a full-length circus play, or they
are presented as short skits, a kind of public service announcement, either before or after the performance ofcircus skills.
In this, circus performances in Ethiopia are similar to other
forms of theater for development elsewhere on the African continent. Scholars who have explored other case studies include
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ln
(clockwise from top left)
Cncus Jimma jugslers performing whh clubs. Jimma, Ethiopia.
2005.
3
4
Unicycle riders during the Tenth Anniversary circus paradefor
Circus îgrai. Mekelle, Ethiopia. 2005.
5
Ckcus Addis Ababa pyramid-building act. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2001-2OO2.
David Kerr's study of social theater in Malawi (zooz), Stephanie Marlin Curiel's article on post-Apartheid theater in South
Africa (zoo4), Oga Steve Abahs study oî the Zaia Project in
Nigeria (zoo6), and the numerous examples explored by Louise
M. Bourgault (zoo3), among others. Similar work by Jane Plastow and her collaborators has focused on the use oftheater (and
dance) in Ethiopia during the Imperial, Derg, and post-Socialist
periods (1996, 1998, 1999, zoo4). These case studies share a focus
on exploring how performative practices, whether indigenous or
imported, are utilized to address social, economic, and/or politi-
focused on addressing key social challenges facing the country
and on promoting a nationalist agenda through characters îhat
represent the multi-ethnic reality ofthe Ethiopian population.
cal issu€s ofimportance to local, regional, and in some instances,
national communities. In Ethiopia, circus is clearly a form of
theater for development, and perhaps even more so, a "theater
of necessity" (Irobi zoo6:34), a term that Esiaba Irobi takes from
theater practitioner Werewere Liking, who uses it as a means of
contextualizing'tontemporary practice on.the continent which
deploys indigenous African performance forms .., to address
the vicissitudes ofthe present which include the cultural schizophrenia created by globalization and the HMAIDS pandemic"
(ibid.). In the Ethiopian context, however, circus performance as
a form of'theater of necessity" extends beyond a focus on HIV/
AIDs to encompass a variety of social challenges, particularly
those that are of most relevance to the communities in which
circus troupes are based or in which they perform.
Aside from these differences, as in other circuses, Ethiopian
performers juggle with clubs, balls, and fire sticks, walk on stilts,
ride unicycles, and perform contortion, tumbling, and pl.ramidbuilding routines (Figs. f-t). Anyone attending a performance
would unmistakably be at a circus, although not in the style of
the Ringling Broîhers or Cirque du Soleil, as the Ethiopian circus
movement has its own look and platform, one that is increasingly
78 | rtrrcrnartr sPRrNc
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HlsÍONY OFfHE CIRCUS III EÍHIOPIA IIOVEMENT
Circus Addis Ababa,a Ethiopiat first circus troupe, was
founded in the lìnal months of the Derg regime by Andy Goldman, an American working for the National Association for the
Care of Ethiopian fews, and Marc LaChance, a French-Canadian working for the International Community School. Through
expatriate channels, Goldman asked Lachance, an amateur iuggler, to perform for the many children under his care early in
r99r, So successful was LaChance's performance that he began
teaching the Jewish children basic circus skills and developing a
show for their families. After the Ethiopian Jews were airlifted to
Israel that May, LaChance began again, teaching neighborhood
children how to juggle, balance broornsticks, and walk across a
low balance beam.
Originally, LaChance and Goldman conceived ofthe circus as
a means of engaging children and youth in what amounted to
an after-school activity. Elmar Brunner, a German circus teacher
and performer and one of the few people also to research Ethiopia's circuses, argues that this was a key factor in the growth of
the circus movement, as circus met the 'desire of many children
ó
Circus Jimma rehearsal of,ull-length circus play féaturing street
Jimma, Ethiopia 200s.
:ll*:i::fiff3.;:"-cters
... to be occupied in
a useful manner" (Brunner 1998:6r). Com-
ments I received frorn circus performers throughout Ethiopia
support Brunner's argument, with which I agree. This is much as
Goldman and LaChance had hoped, as they believed that teaching children to juggle, build pyramids, or turn a cartwheel would
build participants' self-esteem and their hope for the future.
... By far the greatest success can be seen in the lives ofthe children.
They have enormous talent and have reached surprising levels of
expertise. Every day they are setting new and higher standards for
their peerc, the next generation (Lachance and Soler r995:z).
Fairly quickly, Circus Addis Ababa received donations from
a range of funding agencies and organizations including UNICEF, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Ethiopian Committee of the Red Cross and NOVIB (The Dutch Red
Cross). Many of these organizations have continued to sponsor the circus movement with funding and in-kind support.
LaChance's status as a French-Canadian helped them garner
support from the Montréal-based Cirque du Soleil, which provided costumes, equipment, funding and, eventually, training.
However, in response to early interest from international NGOS,
LaChance and Goldman and their Ethiopian colleagues soon
began involving godana tedadari, or street childrens (LaChance
and Soler 1995). Circus training was considered a means of providing street children with skills that could be used to entertain
passersby, thus rnoving them away from begging;for coins to
earning coins by performing. The cilcuses have always retained
a link-albeit a nominal one-to godana tedadari, as public performances regularly feature storylines centered on the lives of
street children (Fig. 6).
By 1993, the circus movement became offrcially recognized
by the Ethiopian government when an umbrella organization krown as Circus in Ethiopia (CIE) began functioning as
a legally registered NGO. The organization provides funding,
training, and administrative support for troupes throughout the
country, particularly those that are members. Ofthese circuses,
five are considered Main Branch troupes, as they were the first
to be established; another eight are known as Associate Members.6 Today, all staff members of CIE and individual troupes
7
Stage set for a circus show highlighting land-mine safety. Sherkole
UNHCR Refugee Camp, Sherkole, Ethiopió. Rosa Ve.ho€ve.2005. Led by
a team trom Debub Negat Circus, which is based in the city ot Awassa,
twenty-èight .efugee children and youth participated in a six-week long
in severar pubric p€rformances'
:i::::""J5*:"',iT:'minared
are Ethiopians, but the preponderance of men in the organization-as staffand as performers-means that troupes struggle to
meet a common request from international donors that at least
one-third of their padicipants be female. Main Branch troupes
receive most of their funding and training through ClE, as well
as technical support and materials, such as professional gymnastics mats and computers. Finally, performers and staf from all
frve troupes have travelled internationally on tours and training
sessions organized through CIE.
Former members of Main Branch circuses established most of
the Associate Member troupes, as is the case for many ofEthiopia's independent circus troupes. Support for Associate Member circuses is limited and only in the past few years have they
received significant assistance-mostly training and administrative support-ftom CIE, As of May zoo5, the organization recognized eight Associate Member troupes, most named aft€r the
cities in which they are based.T In addition, independent circuses
are scattered throughout Ethiopia,s
Ethiopian circus performers and staff members claim affiliation to various ethnic groups, although most identiry as Amhara,
Gurage, Oromo, or Tigrai. They range in age from 5 to 2j years,
with most in their teens. The large majority of performers and
staff identi4' with the culture of Ethiopia's northern Christian
híghlands and as practicing Ethiopian Orthodox Christians,
although a number of current perfotmers in Circuses Dire
Dawa, ]imma, and Tigrai are Muslim. The overwhelming majority come from socio-economically poor families. They thus live
in low-income neighborhoods, often in compounds shared with
people from a variety of ethnic groups, usually the working
urban poor and new migrants from the countryside. Therefore,
although Ethiopian circus performers themselves may not identify as members of many of the ethnic groups they represent in
their shows, they often have a basic understanding of the language, clothing, and cultural markers that distinguish one group
from another, due to the environment in which they live. The
circuses also make an efort to train performers in various Ethiopian dance traditions, usually by employing a professional tra-
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(both pages, clockwise from top left)
8 Cncus Dire Dawas band wearing kaba
(capes) and bahelaw, /tbs (cultural clothing).
Dire Dawa, Ethiopia.2001. Throughout the
course ol one performance, most Ethiopian
circus bands willchange from the latest contemporary fashions to bahelawi /ibs (in this
case, from the Tigraiethnic group), depend,
ing on the type of music and song being
performed. (See cncus band menìber in the
backsround of Fig. 10.)
9 Two members of Circus Dire Dawa at
the start of a hand,to,hand balance act. Dire
Oawa, Ethiopia. 2001. In the early 1990s,
Cirque du Soleil donated dozens o{ old costumesto Circus in Ethiopia, many of which
were skin-tight bodysuits. These were djstributed among lhe various circus troupes and
a few were stìll ln use in 2000 when I began
myfìeldwork. Many troupès have chosen to
reproduce similar costumes, usuallyfor acts
that incorporate non-Ethìopian instrumental
music, such as thìs act, which used "space,
age music", or for characters representìn9
the HIV/AIDS vi.us (see Fig. 17).
10
N4embers o{ Circus Jimma wea.ing "African" costLrmes. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003- The
label "African" usually refers to costumes
worn by female performers during acts that
incorporate West Afrìcan music and dance
moves. These costumes normally consist of
shorts woh under a miniskirt and a midriffbaring top, madefrom fabr;c containing col'
orful geometrìc and abstract designs that are
refèred to as "African" by circus peÉormers
and staff and by the shop owners who sel
'll Circus Dire Dawa performers wearing
Oromo costumes. Jijiga, Ethiopìa. 2003.
The three performers dancing around the
jugsler are wéarins replicas o{ lion's man€
headdresses and embroidered cloaks made
from saddle blankets, both traditionally
used by Oromo men.
12
Cncus Jìmma pyramid act incorporatlng
Hamar.ostumes. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003.
îhis act utilizes costumes based on the
beaded leather skirts traditionally worn by
wonìen fronì the Hamar ethnic aro!p.
8o I atrtcan
I
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ditional dance instructor. In addition, a few artistic directors try to conduct lìrst-hand
research in order to accurately represent ethnic groups with which they are less familiar
Aside from sharing a similar socio-economic background, performers and local troupe
staffparticipate in urban youth culture, with its emphasis on Ethiopian and western hiphop and pop music and conspicuous consumption of the latest fashions and hairstyles.
The fashionable clothes and hairstyles and other forms of material wealth displayed by
circus directorc and artistic directors are another factor that explains why circus became
so popular in Ethiopia, as children and youth in cities and small towns throughout the
country want to emulate and be associated with these individuals. |oining the local circus troupe enables them to do so.
ÎHE CIRCUS MODEL IN ETHIOPIA
Early on, CIE established a three-level model for member troupes: Circus School, BGroup, and Main Group. This model has been followed by every circus of which I am
a$are, with the exception of very small independent troupes. All new members begin in
Circus School, where they learn basic circus skills. Ifchildren are particularly talented or a
place becomes available, they progress to the B-Group. B-Group members rarely perform
publicly, but they rehearse regularly and are the pool from which Main Group performers are selected. Main Group membe$ perform publicly, and until late 2004 or early 2oo5,
they were paid. Although never olìicially recognized as employees, the circus was, in effect,
a job for these young Ethiopians and they considered the stipend and/or transport money
they received their demoz (salary). From 2ooo 2oo5, the income earned by Main Group
performers was approximately $1o to $2o per month and it made many of them primary
breadwinners for their families- Not long ago, the provision of stipends was ended and
circus members now only receive transport money unless they are also employed by the
circus in a staff position. Main Group performers also receive other benefits, which can
include educational support, food and/or milk, and health care.
By r99Z organizational objectives for CIE were formally established and they remained
consistent until early zoo3. These objectives included efforts
to introduce and pronlote [the] circus afis to Ethiopia ... to serve as a medium for conveying
messages on health matters, social issues and the Principles of the Red Cross fand Red Cresceùt] ... to promote Ethiopia and its culture in Ethiopia and overseas; and io generate income
through international performances to support Circus In Ethiopia's àctivitìes iD Ethiopia (Circus in Ethiopia 1997).,
All Main Branch troupes and many Associate Member circuses prominently displayed
these objectives in their omces, usually as hand-written posters on the wall. CIE also
established goals for the artistic side of the circus. As of r997 the organization's artistic
objectives were
to research a unique expression for Ethiopian style and culture and to dìscourage copy of foreign artistic productions, to maintain regular contacts between artistic directors of Circus in
Ethiopia to develop unique Ethiopian directing style for circus performance and the development ofhealth nTessages ... and to promote
positive issues ofthe Ethiopian reality (ibid.).'.
Many of these objectives remain in place, with new goals such
as represenîing "a positive image of Ethiopian cultures" occa,
sionally added (Circus in Ethiopia 2oo3). The plural 'tultures" is
intentional as, in its present manifestation, the Ethiopian nationstate operates under a policy of ethnic federalism. Ethiopia's cir,
cuses see themselves upholding the political agenda by working
to positively represent Ethiopian national identity as a united but
ethnically diverse nation. For example, in 20or, Circus Dire Dawa
mounted a show titled Selcm (Peace), which appeared to be about
a conflict between two families: one rich and of noble birth; the
other, peasant farmers. When I asked about the meaning of the
show, I was told that while it appeared to be about two families, in
reality, it was about Ethiopia and Eritrea and the need for the two
countries to be reunited. All Main Branch troupes believe their
performances at home and abroad combat the "Feed the World"
or "Band Aid" image ofEthiopia as an impoverished, famine rid
den, war-torn nation that remains persistent to this day. In order
to emphasize the idea ofnational unity during international tours,
performances are usually promoted under the name of Circus
Ethiopia (the original name of Circus Addis Ababa) or Culture
Ethiopia, even if members come from different troupes.
ln addition to promoting a positive image of Ethiopia, the circuses work to educate their audiences about a nurnber of social
issues. These include HIV/AIDS-related issues, messages about
land mine safety, particularly in shows held near the borders
with Eritrea, Somalia/Somaliland, and the Sudan (Fig. 7), marriage by abduction/early marriage, economic development and
disparity (including the obligation of the rich to help the poor),
and the importance ofand the right to education, particularly at
the primary level and for girls.
REPRESEI{TING EIHIOPIA THROUGH CIR<US PERFORMANCE
Ideally, each CIE-affiliated troupe should positively represent
and promote the ethnic groups living in the regional state in
which it is based. So, Circus Tigrai represents the major ethnic
groups living within the Tigrai Regional State while Circus Jimma
represents the Oromo people in whose regional state it is located.
Circus Dire Dawa, based in one of two federally controlled city
administrations, is expected to promote the culture ofthe Somali,
Harad, and Oromo ethnic groups, whose regional states surround
the city. Each troupe also represents the Amhara and Tigrai ethnic groups ofthe northern Christian highlands, as these have long
dominated Ethiopia politically and socioeconomically. All circuses
also include costumes, songs, and dances from numerous ethnic
groups found in southern Ethiopia, e.9., Konso, Hamar, Wolaita.
Almost without exc€ption, Mdn Branch circus directors and artistic directors refer to these groups as "exoticl' "not Ethiopian," or
'bur IEthiopia's] Afrìcan cultures." Thus, while ostensibly working
to dispel stereot'?es, the northern highland Christian identity of
many senior administrative and artistic staff causes them to reinforce the longstanding dominance ofthe Amhara and Tigrai peoples over smaller, less politicaÌly or economically powerful ethnic
groups, which have been socially marginalized for centuries.
That said, circus directors and artistic directors are concerned
with accurately representing Ethiopia's ethnic diversiry As Aweke
Emiru, former director of Circus Addis Ababa, once poìnted out
to me,
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see in the theaters, in the cultural halls, is far away fronì
the original cultures. They lAddis Ababa based dance and theater
groupsl take it and change it. So, I go soutb to the original cultures to
see them and I film them so I remember."
what you
'briginal' cultures, Aweke is referring to the numerous ethnic groups found in southern Ethiopia, particularly in the South
Omo Valley, the same peoples labeled "exotic" or "not Ethiopianl' In part, efforts to accurately represent such ethnic groups
can be interpreted as "buy-in'to the nationalist agenda and the
rhetoric ofvaluing and celebrating the country's ethnic diversity.
In addition, many senior staff members think carefully about
which social issues may be ofparticular concern to which ethnic
groups, as certain issues concern some groups more than others.
For example, the semi-nomadic Somali and Oromo populations
living in the regions surrounding Dire Dawa are in greater danger from land mines, thus Circus Dire Dawa often incorporates
land mine safety into performances with characters in Somali or
Oromo clothing speaking in Somali and Afaan Oromo.
Costuming is one ofthe key ways in which ethnic difference is
madevisible in circus performance as dress is among the primary
markers of ethnic identity in Ethiopia (see Klemm, this issue).
By
While musicians either wear contemporary imported fashin
(fashion) or traditional clothing associated with the Amhara and
Tigrai ethnic groups of the northern Christian highlands (Fig.
8), other circus performers-acrobats, jugglers,
contortionists-
wear a variety of costumes that are immediately identifiable,
at least to Ethiopian spectators, as belonging to specific ethnic
groups. The two exceptions are costumes modeled on those originally donated by Cirque du Soleil-these resemble skin-tight
body suits in neon colors (Fig. q)-and a nebulous category of
costumes labeled "African' (Fig. ro).
Circus groups spend a great deal of time and money sourcing costumes. Troupes make special trips, when funding is available, to the Merkato and Shiromeda neighborhoods of Addis
Ababa, where the latest styles in bahelawi líbs (cultural clothing) can be found. Most circus performances feature costumes
from several ethnic groups and, barring a lack of costumes or
short transitions from one act to another, every effort is made to
ensure that the performers are wearing costumes that match the
ethnic music style being played and sung. The ethnic music and
costume ensembles most often represented include the Hamar,
8u I atncanartr
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Konso, and Wolaita, as well as the Amhara, Gurage, Oromo, and
Tigrai (Figs. n-rz).
As a key marker of ethnic identity, language also plays a roÌe
in Ethiopian circus performances. Circuses often use several
languages to advertise upcoming circus performances, both in
print, as illustrated by a sign in Afaan Oromo and Amharic (Fig.
r3), and in public announcements that are made using a pick-up
truck, portabÌe generator, and sound-system the day before a performance. Language difTerences are also highlighted in the short
educational skits performed before a circus show in the pre- and
post-show musical perforrnances, and occasionally in full-length
circus plays, during which performers representing characters
from diff'erent ethnic groups might have a short conversation in a
language other than Amharic, the national language ofEthiopia.
Circus shows are usually held in the open air with the performance space demarcated by a rope barrier that is patrolled by de
/acúo security guards or the local police who control the crowds.
Circus fimma performs in an outdoor amphitheater that opened
in zoo3 (Fig. r4) while Circus Tigrai uses its own performance
hall, which was inaugurated in 2oot (Fig. r5). The musical performances that bracket the circus shows are a means ofattracting and
entedaìning an audience and are a familiar t)?e of performance,
one with which most Ethiopians are comfortable. This is not
always the case with the performance ofcircus acts, which contain
skills that are unfamiliar to many spectators and thus scary. Early
on in the history ofthe circus movement, the performance of cir
cus skills such as juggling or walking a slack rope were considered
to be the work of bada (the evil eye). During pre- and post-show
musical interludes, audience members can participate in the Performance by presenting gifts (money or personal items) or nonmaterial recognition in the form ofhugs and kisses, or by dancing
alongside the singer or musician they favor, \pical in many forms
of African performance (see Askew zooz). ln zoor, when Circus Dire Dawa performed in Melka jebedu, a small town in the
Somali Regional State, singer Tesfaye Dessalegn performed a song
in Somalinya. Tesfaye, who is not Somali, had learned several popular Somali songs because the troupe often performed for Somali
audiences, due to its proximity to three regional states. A local
Somali man was so pleased with Tesfayet ellort that while he was
singing, the man made a public show of removing his watch and
placing it around Tesfaye's wrist, raising the singer's arm after he
(opposhe)
13 Circus Jimma show announcement in
Amharic and Afaan Oromo. Jimma, Ethìopia.
14 Circ$ Jimma's amphith€atre. Jimma. Ethiopia.2003. fhetroup€! amphhheatre is the fìrst
purposé built circus space in EthiÒpia. lt was
inaugurated during a weoklong celebration jn
May 2003.
(this pagè)
Chcus Tigrai's pelormance hall. lvlekelle,
Ethiopia. 2005. The hallwas built on land
donated to Circus Tigrai bythe Tigrairegiona.
rlate governmert. lt is used for public and private p€lormances, as well as r€heaÉe|s. and the
compound in which iî ìs located also contains an
outdoor emphilheater and café.
f5
did so. Similarly, at another performance,
Tesfaye received a gift of roo birr (grz) for
singing in Somalinya.'"
The incorporation of musical performance into circus shows is another factor
in explaining the spread and continued
popularity of Ethiopia's circuses. Wlen
singers sing current pop music or the traditional songs associated with the ethnic make-up of their audíence, spectators can
easily sing along with the performer, and they can participate
by singing or dancing next to the singer or presenting gifts.
Although not didactic, the music interludes are an entertaining,
familiar, and free form ofperformance. They also enable the circuses
to establish an easily demarcated physical and temporal
space for celebrating ethnic diversity and the urban youth cul-
ture with which most performers and staff, and many members
of their audiences, identifi.
Following the opening interlude of musical performances,
spectators are then presented with either a full-length circus
play, which incorporates didactic messages into its storyline, or
by the performance ofcircus skills that are preceded or followed
by didactic skits. For example, as part ofa zoor performance at a
private Christian school in Dire Dawa, a Circus Dire Dawa acrobat performed an HIV/AIDS education message dressed as an
Ethiopian Orthodox monk When I asked why he was dressed as
a monK I was told that the audience, which was made up ofpri
mary schoolchildren, would listen to and understand the message because of the role played by religious leaders in prescribing
moral behavior and advising people how to live Christian lives.
Cìrcus Dire Dawa: Prínciples of the Red Cross/Red Crescent. ln
February zoo3, Circus Dire Dawa traveled to Jijiga, capital ofthe
Somali Regional State, to present a show. As pafi of the performance, the band sang several songs in the Amharic and Somali
Ianguages, and a number of the costumes worn by performers
were based on traditional Somali clothes. Following the musical opening, the circus performed two public service announcements, each promoting the work of the Red Cross/Red Crescent.
The skits were performed because the show itselfwas not focused
on social education; it was 'bnly for entertainmentl"3 In the first,
a Somali mother is seen cleaning her house and talking to herself
in Somali when a knock comes at her door. The role was played
by a female Circus Dire Dawa performer who was not Somali
but who krrew a few Somali phrases having grown up in a multiethnic neighbourhood in Dire Dawa. The young woman acting
as the "mother" wore the clothing of a married Somali woman
and as she walked out into the performance space, the crowd
roared its approval-delighted to see the Somali costume. The
mother received a visit from a young man who worked for the
Red Cross; he delivered a letter from her son, causing her to ululate and utter a few phrases in Arabic and Somali, which, again,
resulted in huge roars from the crowd. The scene then shifted
to two rows of ?risonerd' herded into "celld' by guards/soldiers
carrying "gunsl' At times, seyeral of the prisoners were "beaten"
by their captors. The Red Cross representative then arrived and
was told by the prisoners of their treatment, which caused him
to confront the guards, who apologized, having now recognized
and accepted the principles of the Red Cross. The skit was simplistic, as many educational messages in circus performances
are. The Red Cross representative quickly resolved the 'trisis"
of the abusing prison guards, who, in the end, did not retaliate
against thet inmates for having reported them. Yet, as intended,
the didactic skit illustrated several ways in which the Red Cross
helps people. Moreover, positive images of Somali ethnic identity were presented and reinforced, underpinned by songs in the
Somali language performed by the Circus Dire Dawa band.
In the second skit, a schoolteacher lectures to his students,
although few pay attention. One of the students shows another
something he has found; it turns out to be a hand grenade that
"explodes" and injures the students and teacher The Red Cross
rushes in with stretchers and medical staff who care for the
injured and explain why one shouÌd never play with or near grenades or land mines (Fig. r6).ra Both skits resonated with the
Somali audience. Not only had the performers employed Somali
language and clothing, but the topics featured in the educational
skits related closely to some of the challenges facing the Somali
SPRTNG
2ooe
,tnrrnr", ar
I
regional state, one of the least economicaìly developed and least
politically stable areas in Ethiopia.
Circus Debre Birhan: Girls' Education/Early Marríage. The
domestic work required of girls and women and its impact on
their educational attainment are iust two manifestations of their
lower social status in the urban environments in which my fieldwork was conducted. In rural areas, however, girls and young
women face a number of threats unique to the more conservative environment in which they live, including early marriage,
marriage by abduction, and other traditional practices that have
been labeled harmful by the Ethiopian federal government and by
numerous international NGOS, which actively campaign against
these practices. Ethiopia's circuses address many of these in their
performances. In 2oo5, troupes in Addis Ababa, Debre Birhan,
and Dire Dawa all mounted shows that addressed the theme of
early marriage or marriage by abduction. Depending on funding,
these performances took place at least six to eight times over the
course of the year and were viewed by thousands of Ethiopians
cities,
toMs,
in
and small villages throughout the country.
In February zoo5, Circus Debre Birhan, an Associate Member
of CIE, performed a full-length circus play for an audience that
included senior CIE administrators, other circus directors, local
community mernbers, and, most importantly to Circus Debre
Birhan's director Henok Teklu Asheger, leaders from several ke&ele
(neighborhood associations) from nearby rural farming communities. The play combined several of the challenges facing rural
Ethiopia, including the impodance of girld education, problems
associated with early marriage or marriage by abduction, and HIV/
AIDS. The storyline was as follows: a young girl leaves her home
to attend school after having a conversation with her mother about
how much she enjoys her studies. During a break from class, she
and her friends sit and talk; while the girl's fiiends braid each other's
hair, she studies and comments on how impoftant it is for girls to
be educated. Later, while collecting water the girl is kidnapped by
two farmers, one ofwhom wants to marry her.'5 She is not, however, immediately raped, as the farmer who kidnaps the girl does
not want to hurt her, despite his nefarious fÍiend's encouragement to
make her "fi:lly'' his wife.
This circus play incorporates stock characters of an azmeri (a
traditional musician) and an elderly couple, whose confusion over
HIV/AIDS causes great laughter among the audience. HIV/AIDS
is podrayed as something monstrous and unfamiliar and the play
makes it clear that
HIV
can lead to AIDS (Fig. r7). Thanks to the help
of the azmeri, the $rl is fieed before
she has been sexually assaulted
and returns home to her mother, who dries her tears. Shockingly to
me, as the foreign observer who expected the girl! family to report
the abduction to the police, the play concludes with the girl and her
parents reuniting with the two farmers who abducted her, all nod-
ding in agreement that: a) marriage by abduction is wrong; b) it can
lead to HIVj and c) girls should be educated. In commenting about
this circus play, Henok Teklu Asheger deemed it a huge success:
It was really good for them to
see the show.
I
was watching their faces
and they were like this [He then made a serious, but interested face while
nodding] so they understood the show. They are farmers; they are our
target audience for this show. So it was really a good performance.'6
Through this performance, Circus Debre Birhan\ perform-
84 | rtncanart
I
SPFTNG 2oc9
their goal ofeducating their audience about the rights of
girls and women and about the problems ofmarriage by abduction, while also entertaining them. This combination of education and entertainment is a key factor in the popularity ofcircus
performance in Ethiopia, as is the fact that most shows are free
ofcharge, for few other forms ofentertainment are.
Circus performances in other troupes follow a similar pattern
to those I have mentioned above: musical interlude followed by
full length circus play or by didactic skits preceding and following the performance of circus skills. In many instances, when a
social issue is presented to the audience, circus skills are used to
highlight aspects of the challenge, for example, violence against
street children is illustrated through an acrobatic routine or a
fight over money becomes an adagio routine, a traditional circus
act in which two performers balance off of one another when
standing, kneeling, or sitting (Fig. r8). In other instances, a circus skill may not be directly related to the social challenge presented and instead serves to catch and hold the attention of the
audience. Such was the case with a hat-juggling act performed
ers met
by Circus Jimma in zoo3.
Circus Jimma: Condom Use.In May 2oo3, Circus fimma inaugurated its outdoor amphitheater, the first space in Ethiopia built
for circus performance. As part of the weeklong festivities, Circus fimma held several public performances that incorporated
different educationaÌ messages. A hat-juggling act involving
three jugglers, a flute playing acrobat, and the stock character of
a rich person-in this case a older teenage boy wearing the latest
fashin-íncorporafed a message about the importance of condom use. The performance made it clear exactly where one was
to use the condom, although not how to put one on, as a performer held a packet of condoms in one hand and, with a ques
tioning look on his face, pointed at his groin with the other. The
trendily attired older character nodded in agreement (Fig. r9).
This act, which incorporated an educational message, was part
ofa broader show that placed children and youth in positions of
power as educators and the voice ofreason in what is portrayed
as a contemporary urban society focused on the accumulation
ofwealth and its trappings. Such themes-youth empowerment,
disparagement of the rich, and the need for a unified effort to
combat social challenges and to develop Ethiopia-resonate in
circus performances throughout the countrf
Circus Ad.dís Ababa and Circus Dire Dawa: HIV/AIDS.ln zooz,
Circus Addis Ababa premiered a full length circus play titled Mekabir Kofari, or'The Grave Diggers'; it focused on HIV/AIDS education. In the show, two grave diggers become rich because so many
people are dying from AIDS. The performed behaviors leading
to HIV/AIDS include: re-using razorblades, engaging in unprotected sex, and contact with a used hypodermic needle. The prolagoÍrrsts of Mekabír Kofri are street children and the chaÌlenges
they face are graphically depicted, again through acrobatic routines. Although clearly poor and ignored or abused by the wealthy
people who walk by them, the girls selling eggs and peanuts, the
older boys acting as "brokersl' and the listro (shoeshine boys) are
not portrayed as marginal to urban Ethiopian societybut rather as
integral actors within it: street-wise, hard-working children and
youth who form makeshift families and forge strong alliances to
protect themselves. Circus in Ethiopia recognizes them literally
and figuratively-as the future ofthe country.
ln Mekabir Kojorí, in order to encourage condom use, the lisfro tell their customers that if they buy condoms, they can get
a shoeshine for half price. Meanwhile, as the liJfro and their
friends worry about their futures and the future of their country, the gravediggers become visibly wealthy. They carry mobile
phones (at a time when the wait for a SIM card was more than
a year), wear expensive, ready-made suits, and refer to their
brand-new Land Cruisers. While most Ethiopians live in oneor two-room homes, the gravediggers brag that their houses are
so big that they have a spare room for each leg and arm, plus a
fifth room in which to rest their head. Mek abir Kofarí was ahuge
success. The public response was extremely positive and a Dutch
NGO awarded CIE funding to create similar HIV/AIDS circus
plays to be performed by each Main Branch troupe.
{opposìte)
'ló Circus Dhe D.wa Red Cross skit. Jijiga, Ethiopìa. 2003. n the second dìdactic skit of a show held in the capitalof lhe Somalì regional state, membèrs ofthe
Red Cross help schoolchildren injured when one of iheir classmates p ays wìth a
(this page)
17 Circus Debre Birhan performers dèmonst.ating that HIV bécomes AIDSDebre Birhan, Ethiopia. 2005. Acrobats holding signs spellìng out H-lVturn the
cards around to spellout A-l-D-S in Amharic.
Circus Addis Ababa's second version was called The Hero.Wrlt-
ten by Aweke Emiru, the play told the story of a lisúro who tries
to prevent his sistèr from becoming the mistress of a rich man.
Throughout the show, characters referred to neighborhoods
within Addis Ababa, where the troupe is based, as well as to the
rapid growth in private colleges and universities, which few circus
performers can afford to attend, and the latest/aJàir in the capital. These references to places and practices that resonated with
the local audience were intentional and caused exclamations of
surprise and much laughter among the spectators. Aweke Emiru
then travelled to Dire Dawa where he rewrote the script to reflect
places, practices, and trends associatedwith Ethiopia's second larg-
est city. The Circus Dire Dawa version was called I'm a Rich Man.
How Can I Die? Th'e play soundly answered this question through
its depiction of the rich man's activities, which included bribery,
infidelity, public drunkenness, and the seduction ofthe listro's sister The couple's increasing wealth was demonstrated through a
series of costume changes that mirored the latest /rshifl ariving
in the city's market, called Taiwan. Although rudimentarf the set
echoed the places community members might see as they walked
through Dire Dawa, including a café, a sa4 (small roadside shop),
and. a bunno bair, or brothel, above which a sign reads yeAIDS
mirt ('best quality AIDS').' Eventually, the rich man realizes he
is HIV positive. He develops AIDS and loses his wealth and sta-
tus. He must also face the fact that he has "killed" his wife and
his mistress, the lisfro's sister, who laments that ifonly she had lis,
tened to her brother she would not be dying. A similar version of
this storyline was incorporated into several performances held by
Circus Jimma during the aforementioned celebration to inaugu,
rate its amphitheater. In one performance, the duriyqt (gaîgster)
struts around as ifhis life is wonderful whiÌe the stock character of
an íbd sew comments onhow the duriyay3 lifestyle will lead to an
early death from HIV/AIDS. Again, clothing, Ianguage, and gestures are used to indicate difTerences in the social and moral status ofcharacters, as well as ethnic variations in the latest fashions,
slang, and even economic aspirations.
CONCLUSION
Numerous factors are responsible for the rapid growth and continued existence ofthe circus movement in Ethiopia. CIE provides
urban children and youth with a leisure activity that challenges
and empowers them and that increases theù status within their
local communities. Until recently, it also provided many of them
with an income, enabling them to help support their families. As
a form offree entertainment that combines indigenous performative practices with acrobatics, juggling, and other circus skills, cir-
2ooe
'PRTNG
llLiF.
rtnrrn.n,
ss
I
18
Circus Jimma rehearsal of adagio act. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2005. Often
begun as a fight between tuncha wéDdotcfi (strong men), performers in an
adagio act lift and balance off of one another, demonstrating their physical
cus performances reach large audiences that can then be targeted
with the didactic messages for which troupes receive support ftom
NGOs and Ethiopian government agencies. Finally, Ethiopia's circuses represent the country's diverse composition through the
incorporation of music, songs, dance, costumes, props, and even
folktales from many ofits ethnic groups. In doing so, they support
the nationalist agenda ofthe Ethiopian federal govemment and, in
many instances, similar agendas held by the regional state govern
ments in which they are based. Combined, these factors help to
explain why a small show held nearly two decades ago in a soccer
field in Addis Ababa (see Súage 1996:44) has grown into a circus
movement that has toured worldwide, reaching hundreds of thousands ofspectators at home and abroad.
Given the recent spate of natural disasters impacting the
global community and the US government's recent conservative
policies, international donor agencies working in Ethiopia have
increasingly demanded proof in the past few years that their
funds are used to bring about demonstrable, positive change.
They have also begun to require that organizations using these
funds are above reproach and, for circuses, that the funds are
used solely for public performances, leaving circus administra
tors struggling to meet their operating costs. ln part driven by
this trend, fundamental changes have occurred to the ways in
which Ethiopian circus troupes operate. The most significant of
these is move away from circus as a car€er (for performers) or as
Mf
ongoing research into Ethiopian circus
port
pe{or-
project that eraníned
contenporarf eqresstue culturc in Ethiopia\ tuan centers while a .loctorcl cafldídate at the Institute ol Sacìdl
a d Cultural A thropologf at the Uni'lerciry afolord.
Thjs article h based on feldwork conducted ín the
counîtl\ two lúgest citjes, Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa,
as r)ell as lisits to othet cities and tovns that arc home to
nancc bega in 2oaa
cìr.uses. I am
yoteful
whose i.1eas
86 lrtncanarts
I
oJ o
ta the innunenble tiftus
perforft
Ídns, both Eùiopkn a d foreign,
and apìnions obout circus haNe coflùibuted
ets, aàninistraLorc,
a
as
.l
sPR NG 2oo9
;i:i3lifl'"::liliÌ
19 Circus Jimma hatjuggLing act. Jìmma, Ethiopia.2005. A trendy older
teenager exp ains the use of condoms lo ihree jugglers. The act closes with
one performer holding up a condom while pointing at his groin and asking if
that is where he puts the condom. L,luch to the amusement ofthe audience,
the older character vigorously nods "Yes."
a
permanent way out ofEthiopia (for performers and staff). Cir-
cus in Ethiopia is now working to reframe participation in circus
as an empowering after-school activity for socially and economi-
cally marginalized urban children and youth. Yet circus performances remain didactic. They are still conceived ofas a means of
educating fellow Ethiopians and presenting to borrow a phrase
from a review of a circus performance in Australia "an other
Ethiopial' one in which people see, hear, and speak about issues
that concern them (Bishop rqg8). The challenges Ethiopia faces
are signilìcant, but so too are the talent and determination of its
young population.
IEAH NrEDrÀsrÀDT is Assistant Professor of Museum Studíes/Art Hístory
and Curator of the Permanent Collectíon at Wheaton College ín Norton,
MA. níederstadt leah@wheatoncollege.eàu
ta this rcsearch. t .Ìm also thanklul for the support of ny
nestors a à colleagues at Oiad and rhe Uniwrsitt of
Michigan, and ta the Institute af Ethiopidn St'àies at
Addis Ababa Unilersi1t wherc I vas a visiting Schokt
Jian 2ooFraa7. Finalry, ry tha ks to Peri Klenn for her
constructtue cnficism on dtutfs af thk arti.b.
ln thls article.I use the term "theater for devel
opment" to refer to forms ofperfornance-however
diverse that address issues ofsocial, economic, or
political importnnce for the communityeither creatingorwitnessing the performance.ln doing so,I arn
subscribing to a dennition ofthe lerm broader than that
normally abbreviated as "TfD'l for more on the topic.
r
Bnnhan, Gibbs, nnd Osonsan 1999; Boon and plas
tow 1998, 2oo4; Etherton 2006; and Kerr mo8.
In Ethiopia, -e141o.1, or youths, comprise a
social and legal category that diFers fromthose ofchildren and adults. The lederal Democratic Republic of
Ethiopia dennes "youth' as an age based category that
e\rend\ rroî rr to )- )e.r' oiage. ew I rl ioprdn . ir. ur
performers in their early twenties live as adults as most
see
2
ofthem are still engaged in secondary schooling,live at
homewith the parents andsiblings, and do not func
tion socially asgor,r,?rre'l,otcr, or adults. Ìt is important
to note thàt in the rural countryside, girls aDd yourl8
women take on the socìal responsibilities ofadulthood
when they ar€ married off, oft€n around u or 12 years of
age, usually to nuch otder men.
In 2ooz an Israeli clor{ning ftoup call€d Dream
Doctor led a clowning workshop in Addis Ababa for
members offive cirus troupes. I have only witn€ss€d
one €ircùs performance since that time so I do not yet
know what, if any, impact the workshop had on publi€
cir€us shows (Capital 2oo7).
3
a
CncusAddisAbaba as founded as Circus Erhiopia the original name nflecting boù rhe trouÉ status
4 the first to be established aìd its location in Ethiopials
capital. Sometime in 2oo4, the name was chdged to
Circus Addis Ababa to correspond wìth most of the other
major turup€s in the country which are naned for ihe cities in which they ar€ based. I shal use Circus Addis Ababa
throughout this arride, although it is important to not€
that many people still refer ro the troup 6 Circus Ethiopia-
îgni has not chang€d its name to Circus Mekelte
alier the city in which it is bàsed, nor do I expe€t it to do so
given dìe trouÉ narne recognirion and economic securir)a
Circ6
whichfiee it ftom having to coopente
Íi
ywfthCrEon
certain issu€s, e.9., th€ efort to rename troùps.
5
ft.oughout this arti.le, I
use the terms "street
.hilÌrcì'
and godaka tedaAart to r€fer to children who
both liv€ and work on the streets, not children who
work on the str€ets to h€lp supporr their fmilies, with
h'hich they live. For a thorough analysis of the situation
of street children in Addis Ababa. see Heinonen 2ooo.
ó
Circus limma was established in western Ethiopia
in 1992 by Bercket Tizazu, followed by Circus Núare!
which wrs founded in 1995 by Ephrem Haile. TesfÀye
Gebrelohannes founded Cir€us Tigrai in the northern
city ofMekelle in 1993, while Circus Dire Dawa $,6
established in eastern Ethiopia in 1996 by Meseret Manni
and Deresse Lakew. Although technicaly an Associare
Member circus until 2oo3l2oo4, Circus Dire Dawa functioned as a Main Branch circus long before then.
Írese rroupes indude: Cùcu( Arsi;Circur
Moli€re in the southern city of Hawassa Circus ADA
(Am}lara Development Associarion) in the north€rn city
ofBahir Dar; Circus Debre Birha$ Circus Dessis Circus
Gondar; dd Circus Hargeisa, located in Somalitand.
7
8
In zoo2, Addis Ababa was home to at l€asr
seven troups, including Circus Tesfaye Medhanealem
('Saviour of the wbrld'), Circus Fikir ('Love ), Sheger
Circc
and GyÌnnastics Club, and Circus Kongo. Adama
at least two troups, as does Bahir Dar
(Núaret) has
which is home to Circus Yenega Tesfaw ('Tomorowt
Hopd), the only circus managed by a woman.
By May 2ool, s€v€ral objectives had beer cut, no
doubt due to repeated defections by performers while on
tour and th€ failure ofthe street children project (Circur
in Ethiopia 2oo3). Other obj€cti\€s established in reeT
wde to provide recreational úd educationat opportuniti€s to disadvantaged c}ìldren, ro perform circus shows
ftee ofcha.rge in Ethiopia, and to rehabilitate street chil
dren through their involvement with rhe circus.
Other artistic objectiv€s were established to
encourage cooperdtion berqeer flhiopiÀn and foreign
9
ro
circuses, to encourage exchange between performers of
different circuses, to identify ourstanding ralent ir per,
formers and provide resoutces for rheir deveÌopment, to
create a yedly cir€us f€stival, and to d€velop the arristic
dimension ofthe circus schools.
Aweke Emiru. Personal .ommunication.
u
12 See Cath€rine Colet work on chanaian conc€rt
pany {r992:Jó- 69. l8o 8r, ,oor:8-9) and Ro\hni
Moon€eramì study oftheater in Maurftius (1999) for
furth€r discussion on the important role language plays
in African performance.
BirakTadesse. Personal communication. Febru,
r3
to ongoing conflicts in Somalia/Somaliland, land mines
sti scattered along the border regions ofBrhiopia and
hand grenades can often be found for sale in locaÌ markets.
In 2oot, an incident simila.r to dut depicted in the skit
arc
oc€urred at a s€hool in my neighborhood ofÀddis Ababa.
a hand grenade he had pur,
A student brought to dass
chased at a local
narket. It €xploded during
a
mathematics
lesson, injuring sereraÌ students and pernìanently disfrguF
ing the srrdent who held it.
Mariage by abduction, foltowed by rape, is
rj
stìl
common in many paft ofEthiopia. Rurai men who
cannot afford to pay for a v'eddiry will kidnap a gill or
yoùng woman and rape her. once she is assauÌted, it is
neaù impossible for her famity to marry her to d,yone
eLse, due Lo the súnl necessiry of virginrr) rt marriage.
so she ìs often forced to marry h€r kidnapper. While
some women run away and rcturn ro their families,
many others stay, as they have few orher socially or eco
nomically acceptable options. Madage by abduction or
malriage to a girl below the age of€onsent is iltegal in
Ethiopia but the lau' is rarely enforced except ìn cases
where foreign institutions bring cases ro the atrention
ofúe Ethiopian judicial syst€m. Several documentary
films related to the problem ofchild maEiage have been
produced; thes€ inclìrde 4 Walk to Bealttiful (WGRH
Educational Foundation and f,ngel Entertainment,
2oo8) and The Chikl BtiAes (BBC Channet Foua 1999).
16 Henok T€klu Asheger. Personat communication.
Fútlrary 27, zao5.
Iìis play on words reflected th€ sign oft€n hung
over tle door ofa /c,fo údtt, a restaurant rhat sels /írlo
(spiced mincemeat) a delicacy that ìs associated with
celebrations and wealú, a. medr is quite erpen5ive.
rZ
Abah, Oga Steve with Faith, Mahmud and Nuhu. 2006.
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Nigeria: A Case Study of the Zaria 'For Tomorow . .'
Projecr: In Africas Theatre Yo,tr, ed. M. Etherron, pp.
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Askerv, Kelly M. 2oo2. P€do tming the Nation: grahili
Music asd Cuhunl Politics in Taszania. ChicrrgottJlli-
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Baiham, Martirl lam€s cibbs, and Femi OsofisaÌ, eds
t99s.AÍi
n Theate h Detelopnesr. Ot'ord: Iarnes Culrey
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Irobi, Esiaba. 2ooó. nfrican Youth, P€fomance and
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