A Pilgrimage to a Personality: Doña Gracia Mendes

Transcription

Rifka Cook
Rifka Cook
Northwestern University
“Rabot banot asu hayil, veat alit al kulana”.
[Many women have done worthily, but you surpass them all].
Proverbs 31: 10-31.
My purpose, in this paper, is to share with you part of my research relating to an
extraordinary Sephardi woman from the Sixteenth Century known as Doña Gracia
Mendes. Rather than merely presenting her biography, I intend to describe, in particular,
about her remarkable courage and the values we have received from her legacy. Why,
you may ask, did I choose this particular title, after considerable reflection and revision? I
feel that this title is simple, engaging, and evocative of the "journey" embodied by the life
story of this incredible woman, who would otherwise be "lost in the mists of time" if we
did not serve as pilgrims seeking to visit her again. I invite you, my readers, to travel with
me to her hearth – and her heart. It is my hope that you will be able to follow along with
me, in tracing her foosteps, through two separate parts of this paper. First, I will offer a
brief description of the political and historical moment in which Doña Gracia first
appeared. I will also describe in detail this intriguing female personage, including the
various names, by which she is known, as well as her journey from Portugal, the country
of her birth, to Turkey, her last port-of-call. Secondly, I will present the one of the
responsa which reveals somehow her life and the language the Jews of that period used
as their spoken and written language in their everyday life. It is my desire, at the
conclusion of this paper, to leave the door open, as it were, for continuing research on
this topic. With this structural outline in mind, let's embark together on this fascinating
and provocative journey into a human life.
The year 1492 is familiar to all of us. Among other events which took place then, it was
also the year in which the Jews were expelled from Spain by the document known as
Expulsion Edict or Alhambra Decree issued on Mach 31, 1492 by Spanish Monarchs
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(Isabella and Ferdinand). The Edict expresses that “No Jews were permitted to remain
within the Spanish Kingdom, and the Jew who wished to convert was welcome to stay”1
Many Jews believed that, by accepting the new religion, their lives would be more
tranquil and pleasant. Nevertheless, several Jews decided to escape from the horrors of
the Inquisition. They settled in Portugal, Israel, Italy, and in countries under the role of
the Ottoman empire. Certain families decided to go to Portugal because it was the
country nearest to Spain. Also, they were able to profess their Jewish religion there -- at
least, until 1497, the year in which the son of King Juan II asked the Spanish King for the
hand of his daughter in marriage. Nevertheless, there was a condition placed on this
union: the
princess
demanded
that
all
the
Jews
of
Portugal
would
be
expelled. Consequently, some Jews in the region, even when they accepted Christianity,
professed Judaism secretly. This group of Jews was identified as Marranos or New
Christians. Among the Jewish communities today, they are known as anusim2. Among
these anusim were the members of the families Mendes and de Luna. Years later, in
1528, these families came together through the marriage of Beatriz de Luna and
Francisco Mendes.
Having pinpointed the historical context in which Doña Gracia appeared, we turn to the
next segment of this Presentation. Who was this extraordinary woman, whom some even
called the "Queen Esther of the Sixteenth Century"? Gracia Nasi Mendes was born in
Portugal, in 1510, from an anus family. Her parents came to Portugal in 1492, after
fleeing the atrocities of the Inquisition. As time went on, she became known through
different names. At birth, she received the name of Beatriz de Luna Miques. In 1528,
she married Francisco Mendes, and changed her name to Beatriz Mendes. Before
Francisco died (1535), he left a will appointing her and his daughter Reyna as recipients
to his fortune. In 1537, Doña Gracia Mendes fled from Portugal with her daughter Reyna
and her sister Brianda, and arrived in Antwerp [Belgium], where they stayed with Diogo,
1
The Edict of Expulsion of the Jews - 1492 Spain. Web. August 4, 2013. http://www.sephardicstudies.org/decree.html.
2
For more information about the concept of anusim, see Encyclopedia Judaica, Vol. I, pp. 170-74. Among the especially useful works
cited there is B. Netanyahu, Marranos of Spain from the Late 14th to the Early 16th Centuries (1966).
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brother of Francisco, Garcia’s husband. Two years later, Diogo married Garcia’s sister Brianda. A daughter, "La Chica", was born of this union. Before Diogo died, in 1543, he
had appointed Doña Gracia as the guardian of Brianda and La Chica. Let me show you
an illustration of this family tree.
While she was in Antwerp, Doña Gracia invited her nephew Joao Miques [also known as
Joseph Nasi] to work with her.
He was appointed as a partner in their business.
Moreover, she also took his last name – also using her Hebrew name Hanna, now
choosing to be called Hanna Mendes Nasi. Two years later, in 1545, Doña Gracia was
forced to leave Antwerp after King Charles V asked Gracia’s daughter to marry a noble of his court. Gracia and her daughter, along with her sister Brianda and her daughter,
moved to Venice, where she stayed for two more years, until she was accused by her
sister in keeping with Jewish traditions. What were Brianda‘s intentions? Was it to receive the heritance which her husband had left to her and her daughter; or to live the
frivolous life of Venice in 1547 and not be under the tutelage of her sister.
As a result of Brianda’s accusation, the Italian government confiscated all the possessions of both sisters. Moreover, Brianda was similarly accused of Judaizing. The struggle,
which lasted several years, resulted in Doña Garcia’s receiving a deposit of half of his fortune in the House of Currency of Venice (La Casa de la Moneda) on behalf of
Brianda’s daughter. Later, with the help of Dr. Moses Hamon, the personal physician of the Sultan Suleiman of Turkey, Gracia managed to get out of jail with her daughter, sister
and niece. However, instead of going directly to Turkey, she decided to stop off in
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Ferrara. While in Ferrara, Doña Gracia met Rabbi Abravanel’s wife. Together, they created a charity center to help her fellow Jews, as well as sponsoring several works of
art by both Michelangelo and Titian. During her stay, the well-known Bible of Ferrara
[in Ladino, for the Sephardic Jews] was published and dedicated to Doña Gracia. A
version in Spanish [for Christians] was likewise published and dedicated to the Duke of
Ferrara. It was translated by Yom Tov Athias (whose Christian name was Jerónimo
Vargas) and Abraham ben Salomon Usque (whose Christian name was Duarte Pinhel).
Finally, in 1552, Doña Gracia, along with her daughter, her sister, and her niece, decided
to move to Turkey, accepting the invitation reissued by the Sultan of the Ottoman
Empire, Suleiman the Magnificent. There, in Turkey, Doña Gracia is known by her
people as "Ha-giveret" (La Señora) because of her benevolent actions towards the Jews,
especially during and after one of the darkest and most painful periods in Jewish history:
the Spanish Inquisition. In order to illustrate her journey, let us look at the map3:
Up until this point, in this paper, we have described the itinerary of Doña Gracia/Hanna
Mendes Nasi/La Señora since her leaving Portugal, up to the point of her arrival in
Turkey. We also delineated, in a general manner, the problems and experiences that
touched her life during this same period, from the time she fled from Portugal until her
arrival as a guest of the Turkish Sultan. Let me turn now to present the second part of this
article: the commentary on one of the responsa in which Doña Gracia is tacitly involved.
This text, is included in the book Avkat Rochel4 , a group of responsa, whose author is
3
Cecil Roth (1977). Doña Gracia of the House of the Nasi. The Jewish Publication Society, Philadelphia-Jerusalem
4
Karo, Y. Avkat Rochel. Edited by Yeruham Fishel (Leiipzig, 1859). Web. August 5, 2013. Pages 69-72.
http://www.daat.ac.il/daat/vl/avkatrochel/avkatrochel10.pdf
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Rabbi Joseph Karo. Before analyzing this rabbinical text, I wish to share with you,
briefly the nature of Jewish life at that time. I will then present some linguistic aspects
which I feel are important. I also wish to clarify that, from now on, for purposes of
clarity and simplification, I shall use only the name Doña Gracia to refer to this admirable
– and amazing – character.
The Jews of the Ottoman Empires were organized in Kehilot [communities].
The
members of each Kehila [community] lived in proximity to a synagogue and had its own
Chaham [rabbi]. Often, the names of these communities were taken from the land of
origin of its members –for instance, Catalonia, Aragon, and Toledo from Spain, and
Lisbon and Evora from Portugal. The practice of retaining the names from their lands of
origins served the purpose of preserving the rites, traditions, and languages or dialects
embedded in, and associated with, that original country. All these aspects of their origin
were part of the identity of the newcomers. By the Sixteenth Century, Istanbul had
between 40 and 44 synagogues and 3 Yeshivot [religious studies schools]. One of these
school was subsidized by Doña Gracia and Joseph Ha-Nasi.
The language adopted by all these communities was Judeo-Spanish, which also
assimilated and reconfigured certain words from the Hebrew and Turkish languages.
And such adaptations in terms of both their spoken and written languages served these
communities well when the inevitable need arose to communicate in quotidian matters –
notably, to seek counsel.
At that time, it was well-known that, when a person did not know what to do or how to
act in the face of a “problem”, that person would write a letter to the Rabbi, who would
then decide what to do in that case. For this reason, the people wrote letters to the rabbis
of their own localities, or of Israel, describing the situation and waiting for the reply.
Upon receiving the letter, the case was analyzed by the rabbi[s] and an answer then sent
to the sender of the original query. Such an analysis and answer to a particular case was
known, according to rabbinical terminology, as a responsa. Many of these letters were
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compiled into books under the Hebrew title Sheelot Uteshuvot (‫ וּתְ שׁוּבוֹת‬ ‫שׁאֵלוֹת‬
ְ ) – literally,
questions and answers. One of these books, carrying only the title Avkat Rochel5, was
authored by Rabbi Joseph Karo ben Efraim. In this book, as I others, the majority of the
responsa employed Hebrew, with some expressions in Aramaic. I might also mention
that the whole text is written in a form of Hebrew characters known as the Rashi script.
In this paper, I will work with the responsa #80, second version, written in 1859, and
edited by Yeruham Fishel. Both versions (1791 and 1859) contain some texts written in
Ladino as well. The relevant question, relating to a monetary case, was received,
analyzed and answered by Rabbi Moshe ben Joseph Mitrani [in some publications, is
written Moses of Trani], known also as the The Mabit6.
After reading that response, we can safely infer that is connected with the sisters’ dispute over inheritance. As I have indicated, this particular responsa, the object of my study, is
primarily written in Hebrew. It contains, as well, four texts in Ladino. It is this particular
fact which captured my interest in this fascinating responsa. It also created some
confusion in my trying to interpret certain words by the way in which they appear
written, since the one with which I am working first appeared in writing earlier, in 1791.
Let’s start with the analysis of this responsa:
This responsa begins with a sentence, in Hebrew, after which I will introduce the same
text in Ladino:
‫ פטירתו‬ ‫ ובדינת‬ ‫ בכתובתם‬ ‫ הם‬ ‫ שמתנים‬ ‫ ובתנאים‬ ‫ הגוים‬ ‫ בחוקות‬ ‫ שנשאו‬ ‫ ואנוסה‬ ‫ אנוס‬ ‫ על‬ ‫ מטראני‬ ‫ הרב‬ ‫תשובת‬
.‫ אחר‬ ‫ בענין‬ ‫ נכסיו‬ ‫ לחלק‬ ‫ציוה‬
5
Op. Cit.
6
Web. August 5, 2013. http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/11304-names-personal
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Transliteration:
Teshuvat haRabi Mitrani al anus veanusa shenasu bejukot hagoyim bitnaim shematnim
hem bihtuvatam ubedinat petirato tziva lechalek nejasavbinian acher
This statement can be translated thus:
"Response of Rabbi Moshe Trani relating to an anus and an anusa (new
Christian/marranos) who were united in marriage according to the laws of the gentiles
and, under the conditions stipulated in the marriage contract, and at the time of his
death, he left instructions to the effect that their properties were to be distributed in
different ways."7
Note that, when Rabbi Mitrani presents his case, he alludes to the fact, precisely at the
beginning of his answer, that the marriage was not carried out under the Jewish laws.
However, we will see that, by offering his judgment at the end of the response, he
expresses his decision that this marriage must be accepted and respected since it
conformed to the laws of the country where the marriage union took place – in this case,
Portugal. Thus, the marriage of these two persons, Francisco and Doña Gracia, is legal
because it complied with the stipulated laws of Portugal. Moreover, with respect to the
assets which Doña Gracia inherited, first from her husband and then from her brother-inlaw, it was important to ensure that all the property remain in the family as a matter of
principle. As we read further on in the response: “This is a usual practice accepted among them [referring to the anusim], in accord with what expresses, or supersedes,
conformity to Jewish Law”.
After this brief introduction in Hebrew, which might well be regarded as the summary of
what developed in the Responsa, the Rabbi presents the case in Hebrew. The content of
the case can be summarized as follows: Reuven and Shimon belonged to a group of
anusim who were forced to convert to Christianity as stipulated in the Decree of
Alhambra (also known as the Edict of expulsion). The Responsa presents the marriage of
Reuven with Hanna (another of the anusa), and continues with a detailed description of
aspects related to the testament which Reuven wrote in foreign language [‫ לעז‬ ‫]בלשון‬
7
Translation reviewed by Rabbi Kalman Worch, Skokie Kollel, Skokie, Illinois, USA, August 2013.
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[bilshon la'az]. It also refers to the marriage of Hanna’s sister (Rivkah), with Shimon, brother of Reuven. The death and testament of Shimon is also included in the content of
the Responsa. Continuing to read the text, we find a description of Hanna’s travels and the places she visited – for example, England, France, Germany, and other lands. As the
reader can see, these traits show clearly that this story is the same story as that of Doña
Gracia, who is mentioned with the name Hanna, also alluding to her sister Brianda
(Rivkah), as well as to their respective husbands Francisco (Reuven) and Diogo
(Shimon). I might mention that it is a customary practice, in texts such as those of the
same nature as Responsa, to employ the names of Hanna and Rivkah for females, and
Reuven or Shimon for males, in order to protect the original names of the people
involved in the case.
Another aspect worth mentioning is that, throughout the Responsa, there is only one
name which clearly identifies a key person in the matter of this inheritance. I am referring
to Augustine Enríquez. This name is mentioned only in of the texts that appear in Ladino,
to be specific in the second text. Birnbaum8 (2003) says that Diogo, Francisco Mendes’s brother, designated Abraham Benveniste and Augustine Enriquez to help Doña Gracia in
whatever capacity she might need. It increases the curious mystery surrounding this case
that Diogo makes no mention of Brianda, his wife. Perhaps, as we shall see later in Doña
Gracia’s story, this is the very annoyance which precipitated and irritated the problems between the two sisters, the very situation from which the responsa itself evolved,
compelling Brianda to pose a question to the Rabbi.
In summary, we can say that, with all the above aspects developed in about 8 pages
[inscribed in Rashi9 letters, with the majority of the texts in Hebrew, and only four texts
in Ladino], Rabbi Mitrani presents this case and delivers his judgment concerning it at
the end. The case is exceptionally challenging, and deals with an unusually tender
situation, insofar as it concerned the marriage between anusim. In such a situation,
matters of inheritance and resolutions arising from it do not lie within Jewish law, but
8
Birnbaum, M. The long Journey of Gracia Mendes. CEU Press. Central European University Press. Budapest. New York. 2003. Print.
9
August 3, 2013. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/Sephardim.html
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within the law of gentiles. In the next section, I will provide an analysis of the aljamiado
[a Spanish text written in Rashi characters] texts which appear here in the Responsa.
Since the space allotted for this article is, understandably, limited, I will show briefly
some linguistics aspects of the first text. And then I will include the transcription of the
other three.
This study will include the following aspects: external structure (formal) of the texts,
words in Hebrew, some linguistic features [including the phonetic, morphological and
lexical elements found in the texts], and transliteration, according to the spelling used by
the magazine Aki Yerushalayim10. As to the External Structure (formal) of these texts:
each one of the aljamiado texts is introduced with expressions (whether words or
complete sentences) in Hebrew. Then, the beginning of the text in Ladino is identified
with parentheses. It should be pointed out that only the first and second aljamiado texts
are enclosed in parentheses. The third only starts with parentheses, whereas there is no
parentheses sign at the end of the text. The fourth is not indicated by parentheses at all. In
each of these texts, there appears an introduction in Hebrew with the complete
expression: “‫ לעז‬ ‫ ”בלשון‬ [bilšon laˁaz] (in a foreign language)” -- or with the abbreviation
“‫ ”וז"ל‬ [ve ze leshono] (and this is his language)”. It can, therefore, be inferred that what
followed was written in Hebrew, as well. The expressions in Hebrew, in the following
image, are indicated with blue rectangles. Note also the use of parentheses in this first
text:
10
May I express my gratitude and appreciation to Yehuda Tzvi, who reviewed my transcription.
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In the above image, we see that the text starts with a sentence in Hebrew:
"‫ וז‬ ‫ לעז‬ ‫[ בלשון‬bilšon laˁaz Ve-ze lešono] (Translation: “in a foreign language, and it is his language”). A second noteworthy characteristic of this text is the inclusion of expressions in Hebrew in the middle and at the end. In the middle, there is the sentence: " ‫ עוד‬ ‫ וכתוב‬ ‫ע"פ‬
‫ בצווא‬ ‫ הזה‬ ‫ ”כלשון‬ [Al pi vekatuv ˁod beɵʦavaa kilšon ha-ze] (Translation: “orally, and written more in the testament, as in this language”) and, at the end of this text, another expression in Hebrew: ‫[ ע"כ‬ˁad kan] (Translation: “until here”). It should be noted that, in the 9th line this first text, we find also the initials, in Hebrew: ‫ נ“ד‬Nidón didán (Text in
Aramaic, literal translation: “the same theme/subject matter that we are discussing”).
As an illustration of what we have been explaining thus far, regarding the external or
formal structure of the text, I present the following image:
‫ וז''ל‬ ‫ לעז‬ ‫בלשון‬
[bilshon la"az veze leshono]
(Literal translation: In a foreign language, and is his language)
A second aspect that stands out in this text is the inclusion of expressions in Hebrew in the middle and end. In the middle the following sentence appears:
‫ הזה‬ ‫ כלשון‬ '‫ בצווא‬ ‫ עוד‬ ‫ וכתוב‬ ‫ע''פ‬
[al pi vekatuv ‘od betzavaa kilshon eze]
(Literal translation: According to what is written in the will in this language)
And at the end of this text, is an expression in Hebrew: ‫ע''כ‬
[‘ad kan]
(Literal transliteration: as yet]
In summary, we can say that this text starts with a sentence in Hebrew -- as can be seen in
It should be noted that in this first text we are also see the initials, almost immediately after the intermediate sentence:
all other aljamiados texts of this
Responsa. It begins with the expression: ‫ וז"ל‬ [Veze
'‫נד‬
leshono], as a way to inform the reader that the language will now shift – or that, until
[Nidón didán]
(in Arameic, literal translation: this point, the language being used is the “foreign” one.
The same the same subject matter that we are discussing)
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Translation in Judeo-Spanish11 with the text in Rashi letters:
English translation:
[These are his words.] I declare that, in all my estate, my brother Simon should have half;
I have another part in what he has of his own. Even if mine, he helped to earn it. This was
always my intention. He only did this out of mercy. If he dies childless, I will make my
daughter Sara the heir when she becomes of age. [It was also written in his will in this
language.] He also says that his wife Hana owns half of his estate, and her daughter Sara
is the heiress of two-thirds of the half. They should take whatever necessary of the last
third to meet the payments stated in his will, the remainder should be given to his wife
Hana. [The end]
In what follows now, I will limit myself to presenting only a few brief examples by way
of illustrating the morphological and lexical aspects. Likewise, I consider it needful for
me to make it clear that I will not be working with the phonetic aspect of the text, owing
to the following reasons: First, the text with which I am working is not original. Rather, it
dates back to 1859, and the spelling which Rashi used in this version differs completely
from that which first appeared in the mid-1500’s. Second, the absence of a phonetic alphabet of the time makes it almost, if not entirely, impossible to determine the precise
pronunciation of the grapheme employed at that time. And, last but not least, in terms of
importance, since the only remaining linguistic evidence is spelling, I will employ the
11
Following the rules of Aki Yerushalayim, Revista Kulturala Djudeo-espanyola. Jerusalem, Israel
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phonetic alphabet which the editor of Aky Yerushalayim magazine uses to transcribe
Judeo-Spanish/ladino text, which I present at the end of this analysis.
Some other linguistics aspects detected in the responsa:
The above words, underlined in red [enlo], [kela], [ami], [asu], [ensu], [dela],
[loke], which appear written together in the text, can also be seen written separately. This
is indicated by the other words underlined in green: [lo ke], [en su]. Therefore, as we
have seen, a preposition (en/a/de) or relative pronoun [ke] can be found either written
together or written separately from a pronoun [lo], an article [la], or an adjective [su].
Whenever, in principle, a feature corresponds to the joining and / or separation of words,
it is concerned with a graphic feature. Moreover, in this regard, the "order of the day"
consists of tentative hesitation! Another principle is that, by making an exhaustive list of
elements which have a tendency to be written together, we may make observations from
the same Responsa written in Ladino. This syntactic phenomenon happens, likewise, in
modern Spanish -- for example, with contractions such as de + el= del, or a + el =
al. However, the situations are not entirely identical, but simply approximate.
Only in some specific cases (ke)12 could be the indication of some syntactic indivisibility,
as if they formed a kind of "transition"... but this would need to be analyzed in detail. In
12
Meaning “that”
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some of the texts analyzed, the adverb (indicated underline in purple) appears divided
into two words [‫[ = ]סולה מינטי‬sola mente]13, commonly found in documents dating back
to the Fifteenth until the Seventeenth Centuries. Here, we find the opposite of the
phenomenon of which we were just speaking: the process of progressive
grammaticalisation of [-mente], which will operate as a suffix. Although surely it was
used more in the Judeo-Spanish from this time (and later), it is not appreciated because it
maintains the use of an old way of writing, as we saw also above.
Another aspect that can be included in this section is the use of the conjunction in
Hebrew [‫[ = ]ו‬ve] in place of the conjunction in Spanish [y] in the second text: [‫= ]ויוסף‬
[veYosef], on the Text identify with the letter B, and which I show at the end of this
analysis. I need to point out, however, that this phenomenon only occurs only preceding
Hebrew words.
Lexical Aspects
In the light of the above analysis, I will comment, in the following section, on aspects
related to code switching and the archaisms. Code switching is a concept created by U.
Weinrich in 1953 relating to his studies of languages in contact: findings and problems
that took place during the war, with the purpose of preventing the "enemy" from
capturing the transmission. Today, this term is used in the area of sociolinguistics. This
linguistic phenomenon is very common in Judeo-Spanish. It was necessary for the
Sephardic Jews to exchange codes in order to facilitate their communication with the
peoples living in the countries to which they came. Towards the beginning of our
analysis, we noted this "switching code" with the function of introducing the aljamiado
text. In other passages within the texts, we can find this linguistic phenomenon -- for
example, in text B, with the insertion of the words of Turkish origin- [‫= ]גואי"מו‬
(guemo),14 which means, in this context, “wealth” , and, in text C, we encounter the word [‫( = ]טארטורא‬tartura)15 .
13
14
15
Meaning “only”
Which means in this context, “wealth”
Which means “tutor”
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Archaisms Although this linguistic phenomenon is very common in Judeo-Spanish, we
found only the following instances: in the first text, the words [‫( = ]אנסי‬ansi)16, and
[‫[ = ]דיספיזאס‬despezas] which, in modern Spanish corresponds to [expenses].
A common aspect in the texts written in Ladino is the use of the word given to refer to Ds, the divine name. In modern Spanish, the [s] is a plural marker. In Judeo-Spanish,
however, the word has no plural, since G-d is considered as only one. . With this sense in
mind, the Sephardic opted to write and pronounce the name of Ha-Shem without the
letter [s]. In our response, note in the text B: [‫ מאנדארי‬ ‫ נון‬ ‫ דייו‬ ‫ איל‬ ‫ קי‬ ‫[ ] לו‬What ever G-d not
gives (us)].
Until this point, I have offered -in a very general manner- some of the linguistic features
which can be detected in the texts which we have been analyzing. By way of conclusion,
we can say that the Judeo-Spanish used in the Responsa is very similar to the current
Judeo- Spanish. In comparison with modern Spanish, we can identify the differences,
especially in the use of some words and the pronunciation of some sounds that are
different from the Spanish of today. As we commented above, the absence of any
phonetic alphabet from the time makes any precise transcription difficult.
For this
reason, I have decided to use the phonetics of the Aki Yerushalayim magazine, as I
already mentioned.
The following texts in Rashi letters, were transcribed in Latin letters according, likewise,
to the method used by the magazine Aki Yerushalayim17.
16
17
In modern Spanish will be “así” (thus)
Op. Cit.
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Text B
Od tsiva Shimeon 'hanizkar bisheat petirato, bileshon laaz, veze leshono:
(i porke mi azienda esta derramada por muchas i diversas partes para la kovransa de ayi,
kero ke se aga komo fista aki por lo kual ago mi kunyada Hana testamendera para ke kon
Avra'ham ve-Yosef tengan kargo dela mandar kovrar solamente kon el kapitolo esto
testamieto aauten si kado porke yo me kontento de todo lo ke los dichos izieron kon tanto
ke Hana mi kunyada sea prinsipal i en falta suya lo ke el Dio non mandare enrara18
Agustin Enrikes a viendo por firmiyi por vaildra [validara] todo lo ke ladicha19 mi
kunyada kon los otros izieron sin los poder tomar en kuenta ningun guemo20 ni resivo ni
otra djustisia ninguna porke yo konfio ke lo aran muy bien, i komo iziera i teno echo en
sus kaziendas).
Translation:
Even ordered Simon, already mentioned, at the time of his death in a foreign language,
his language21. (Because my farm is distributed over many different parts, for collection
from there, I wish that it be done as it has been done until now. So I make my sister
Chana heiress, as with Abraham and Joseph, taking charge of sending collect only with
this chapter of the will authenticated. For, I agree with everything they did. Therefore my
sister-in-law Chana will be the main beneficiary. And, if she is absent, G-d forbidden,
"enrara22", Agustín Enriquez by my authorization will approve everything which the
named, my sister-in-law, with the others, will do, without taking into account any
“benefit23” or receiving any justice, because I trust that they will do this well as they did
in their estates24).
18
May be it refers to the Word in Hebrew “ain-raa” (evil eye)
Read “la ha dicho”
20
In the context means “wealth”
21
Although in the original there are not punctuation sings, I added in the translations, so I will be easy to read.
22
See footnote # 18.
23
“Güemo” was translated as benefit meaning “wealth” in this context.
24
Thanks to Liliana Benveniste in helping with this translation into English.
19
Cook | 15
Rifka Cook
Text C
Od katav beshtar tzavaato bilshon la{az veze leshono: I deklare ke i por bien ke la dicha
Hana mi kunyada sea tutora de la dicha Dina mi ija i ademais tartura 25 i su azienda asta
dela dicha Dina mi ija sea en edad de kazar i dela poder rijir i a de ministrar. ‘ad kan leshono.
Translation:
Even (he) wrote in his will, in a foreign language, which is his language. I declare that all
well-appointed Chana, my sister Dina is appointed guardian of my daughter. And,
guardian of the estate until the Dina, daughter, named is of marriageable age and be able
to direct and manage. And this is his language.
Text D
Ve ze leshono26 i en falta suya lo ke el Dio no mandare, entrad Agustin Enriquez:
Translation:
And this is his language: And in his absence, which G-d forbid, Agustín Enríquez will
take care of them27
As we saw in all the texts above, there are no punctuation marks when a document is
written in Rashi letters – except the parentheses. This makes it hard, sometimes, for the
reader to understand what was intended by the writer, as well as the specific
25
Reads “tutora”
26
“And this is his language”
27
“Entrad” was translated with this phrase based on the context of the story. Cook | 16
Rifka Cook
transliteration and translations rendered. My translations are based on what I believe the
writer intended.
Conclusions:
We can say that we have seen the historical context in which this remarkable woman,
known to many as La Señora, lived. We have also commented on her career since she
fled from Portugal with her daughter, sister, and niece, until she arrived in Turkey. We
have described the experiences, some pleasant and some not, in her life, and why she
received recognition not only from her people, but from important leaders like the Sultan
Suleyman, from the Ottoman Empire.
The second point of this article was a focused commentary and brief linguistic analysis of
Responsa #80, taken from the book Avkat Rojel, by Rabbi Joseph Karo. However, it is
suggested that the author of the Responsa in question is Rabbi Moshe of Trani.
Epilogue
I hope that this article is simply one of many contributions on this subject and a prelude
to other activities relating to this fascinating woman who can be described as an Eshet
Chayil28 who challenged the characters in the story to save her people, as did Queen
Esther in Persia during the time of King Ahasuerus. Doña Gracia is a notable female
figure, pride of the Sephardic Jews. In spite of the extremely harsh circumstances of her
life, including the premature death of her husband, the inquisitional persecution, and the
betrayal of her own sister, Doña Gracia stayed faithful to her Jewish religion. She also
managed to maintain the economic wealth of her family and keep the family united by
the marriage of Joseph Ha-Nasi with her daughter Reina, and Samuel with her niece
Gracia la Chica.
Acknowledgement:
I am so greatly indebted to Rabbi Kalman Worch of Skokie Kollel, Il. USA, who aroused
my curiosity to know and learn about Doña Gracia Mendes. And special thanks to my
editing angel29 who help me with this article.
28
In Hebrew: a “woman of valor”
29
I prefer to keep her name in secret!
Cook | 17
Rifka Cook
Bibliography
Birnbaum, M.D. The long Journey of Gracia Mendes. CEU Press. Central European University
Press. Budapest. New York. 2003.
Bodian, M. Doña Gracia Nasi: http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/nasi-dona-gracia. August 2013
Brooks, A. A . Brooks, A. A. A Jewish woman leader of the Renaissance en European Judaism.
Vol. 33, No. 1. 2000.
_________________ The Woman who Defied Kings: The life and times of Doña Gracia Nasi.
Paragon House, Minnesota. 2002.
Cecil Roth (1977). Doña Gracia of the House of the Nasi. The Jewish Publication Society,
Philadelphia-Jerusalem. 1977.
García Moreno, A. (2010) El judeoespañol II. Características in
http://www.academia.edu/2442055/El_judeoespanol_II_caracteristicas. August 2013
http://intelectohebreo.com/dona_gracia_mendes.html August 2013
http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com . August 2013
http://www.rae.es/rae.html August 2013
http://www.theturkishdictionary.com/ August 2013
Karo, Y. Avkat Rojel. (1857)http://www.daat.ac.il/daat/vl/avkatrochel/avkatrochel10.pdf .
August 2013
Lloyd, P.M (1997). From Latin to Spanish: Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish
Language (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society)
Nassi, G. and Toueg, R. (1990). Doña Gracia Nasi. Ed. Dahlia GOTTAN, Women’s International Zionist Organization, Department of Education, Tel Aviv. Israel
Nilep, Ch. Code Switching in Sociocultural Linguistics, University of Colorado, Boulder
http://www.colorado.edu/ling/CRIL/Volume19_Issue1/paper_NILEP.pdf August 2013
Pawlikowska, M (2012) El estudio del cambio lingüístico: entre las motivaciones del codeswitching. www.academia.edu
Ragen, N. (1998) The Ghost of Hannah Mendes. St. Martin's Griffin, New York.
Cook | 18

A Pilgrimage to a Personality: Doña Gracia Mendes

Transcription

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