The Marseilles of Lake Michigan
Transcription
The Marseilles of Lake Michigan
Y E S T E R D AY ’ S C I T Y The Marseilles of Lake Michigan THEODORE J. KARAMANSKI C hicago’s nickname—before the “windy city,” “the city that works,” or “the city with big shoulders”—was the “Queen of the Lakes.” In 1871, more ships arrived in Chicago than in New York, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and Mobile combined. The port of Chicago was the entrepot of the Great Lakes and one of the greatest ports in the world. As a port city, Chicago grew to prominence and its maritime industries shaped its nineteenth-century character. Milwaukee and Racine, Green Bay and Muskegon, and other ports of Lake Michigan, while significant in their own right, took a back seat to Chicago’s port in shipping on Lake Michigan. Three-quarters of all cargoes shipped out of Lake Michigan came from the Chicago harbor. Historian James Parton accurately, if rather grandly, captured the nature of this relationship when he referred to Chicago as the “Marseilles of our Mediterranean.” Chicago’s geographic position, where the prairie and the lake meet, shaped the city’s economic destiny. The schooner’s humble maritime technology allowed those opportunities to be realized. Other types of sailing ships frequented the port, but schooners—vessels with two or more masts rigged with sails parallel to the hull of the ship—outnumbered them all. The mast and sail arrangement of the schooner made for a maneuverable vessel that a small crew could man. Although steamboats frequented Chicago after 1833, neither they nor the railroad dislodged schooners from their niche in interstate commodity commerce. Schooners were to nineteenthcentury Chicago what tractor-trailer trucks are to today’s city: ubiquitous, indispensable, and ignored, except when they caused a traffic jam. This 1864 Louis Kurz lithograph, highlighting pictures of the city’s many ports and schooners, proclaims Chicago to be the “Metropolis of the Northwest.” 40 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 Yesterday’s City | 41 Chicagoans embraced that chaos for half a century. “The blackened waters of the river,” described Frank Norris in his novel The Pit, “disappeared under fleets of tugs, of lake steamers, of lumber barges from Sheboygan and Mackinaw, of grain boats from Duluth, of coal scows that filled the air with impalpable dust, of cumbersome schooners laden with produce, of grimy rowboats dodging the prows and paddles of larger craft, while on all sides, blocking the horizon, red in color and designated by Brobdingnag letters, towered the hump-shouldered elevators.” By the mid- to late 1800s, twenty-seven spans, which pivoted on piers sunk in the center of the river, bridged the busy stream that divided the business district. These swing bridges, designed to facilitate both maritime and pedestrian access to the central city, frustrated both. The bridge piers reduced the already narrow river channel to a needle-eye passage. The bridge’s constant opening and closing maddened the masters of vessels moving up river, and left pedestrians, suddenly cut off from their business across the river, stomping their feet with frustration. On a single day in 1854, twenty-four thousand pedestrians and six thousand teams of horses crossed the Clark Street bridge. Yet during that same day one hundred boats passed under Clark Street and the bridge was open for a total of three hours. Nineteenth-century Chicago stood first and foremost as a schooner port. Chicago’s enduring commodity markets grew from the city’s ability to provide cargoes for sailing ships. The need to manage the flow of scores of ships daily, in and out of the Chicago River, challenged the city’s young infrastructure. Supplying sailors, stevedores, drovers, and railroaders with shelter, refreshment, and entertainment made Chicago the vice capital of the lakes as well. Chicago’s status as a port contributed to the city’s frantic, intense nineteenth-century image. “Here on the shores of Lake Michigan,” wrote a much impressed visitor, “has risen a great and growing city, worthy to bear the title of the Empire City of the West.” The key to the port of Chicago lay in the Chicago River, which Theodore Dreiser praised as “the smallest and busiest river in the world.” Dredging throughout the nineteenth century, along the short main branch of the river and up the north and south forks, increased the port’s ample sheltered dockage. The Chicago River wove its way through the heart of the city: ships could sail right up to grain elevators, lumberyards, or railroad sidings; sailors could make a dash for hundreds of saloons and bordellos, or the YMCA and a complete range of churches. The river was the hub on which life revolved in nineteenth-century Chicago, but moving a hundred or more ships a day in and out of the bustling city invited chaos. 42 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 Ships and grain elevators crowded the Chicago River in 1869 (left). This 1892 view of the Chicago River entrance (below) shows stacks of lumber waiting to be shipped. Some Chicagoans took foolish risks to avoid bridge delays. It became common for pedestrians to remain on the bridges as they swung open, which reduced their delay somewhat, as they could at least walk to the other end of the bridge while the ships were passing. Lastminute leaps from the street to the turning bridge were a regular part of a nineteenth-century Chicagoan’s commute to work. In November 1863, these dangerous tactics had tragic results on the Rush Street bridge. A drover moving a herd of cattle to a northside stockyard tried to hurry his beeves on to the span as it swung open for an approaching ship. The bridgetender could have stopped opening the span, but experience had taught him that only moving the bridge away from the street stopped traffic. Unfortunately the cattle, panicked by a tug boat whistle and the moving of the bridge, stampeded to one end of the span. The herd’s weight caused the span to tilt and break in half. The cattle and a handful of terrified pedestrians on the bridge fell into the filthy, cold water. A mad rush to get boards down to the drowning people and rescue boats into the water followed. A young girl, the sister of the reckless cowboy, drowned, and the bridge, valued at fifty thousand dollars, was destroyed. The Chicago City Council struggled to manage the conflict between busy street traffic and a burgeoning port. In 1867, the council established an ordinance that no bridge could be open for more than ten minutes at a Above: Before the fire, the sturdy State Street Bridge boasted brick streets and a C. H. Dupee & Co. butcher stand. Below: A conglomeration of cattle, horses, carriages, and cabs crowded downtown city bridges during rush hours. Yesterday’s City | 43 Left: The opening of a bridge, such as the Michigan Avenue Bridge shown here, could tie up traffic considerably, and many pedestrians went to foolish lengths to avoid getting “bridged.” Below: This view of the Madison Street Bridge just after the turn of the century shows the frantic bridge traffic, with carriages and cabs in the middle and pedestrians sticking to the outer walkways, just as they do today. Opposite: Too much traffic— including a herd of frightened cattle—resulted in the collapse of the Rush Street Bridge in 1863. 44 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 time. Bridgekeepers received a large red ball, lowered by a rope, to signal approaching vessels that the span would swing closed. In 1881, “much to the satisfaction of tens of thousands who work down-town every day,” the city council made it unlawful to open a bridge during the morning (6:00–7:00 A.M.) and evening (5:30–6:30 P.M.) rush hours. Another regulation required tugboat smokestacks to be lower than the eighteen-foot clearance afforded by the bridges, so that tugs pulling canal boats or returning from towing sailing ships would not require bridges to open. The volatile tug skippers immediately went on strike. A clever invention, a hinged stack that could be quickly raised or lowered, avoided the possible economic nightmare. All Chicagoans shook their heads knowingly about the frustrations of being “bridged.” Traffic often backed up for a quarter mile. “There was a great deal of scolding on such occasions,” reported a journalist, “and—alas for human nature!—sometimes I fear, a slight degree of profanity.” Still, as late as 1887, Frank Lloyd Wright, fresh off the train from rural Wisconsin, took an unscheduled ride on the Wells Street bridge. He was staring dreamily at the river when: Suddenly the clanging of a bell. The crowd began to run. I wondered why: found myself alone and realized why in time to get off, but stayed on as the bridge swung out with me into the channel and a tug, puffing clouds of steam came pushing along below pulling an enormous iron grain boat, towing it slowly through the gap. Stood there studying the river-sights in the drizzling rain. . . . Later, I never crossed the river without being charmed by somber beauty. The most loathed sight for a tugboat skipper was the bridgetender’s red-ball signal that the span was about to swing shut. Tug men considered bridgetenders petty tyrants perched atop the spans solely to frustrate their livelihood. Those in the high-profile, high-pay post of bridgetender usually attained their position more as a reward for faithful party service than for temperament, marine background, or sobriety. The Republican Chicago Tribune delighted in portraying a Democratic, usually Irish, bridgetender as the cause of most accidents or traffic delays on the river. During the hard times of the 1890s, Chicago bridgetenders received a lavish $2,700 for eight months’ work. Although the operators of the first swing bridges opened and closed their spans with a hand crank, the tender was relieved of manual labor once the spans were electrified. Journalist Peter Finley Dunne, best known for his colloquial stories about the Bridgeport neighborhood, described the importance of the bridgetender in a May 1897 story: In Archer road the command of the “red bridge” is a matter of infinite concern. There are aldermen and members of the legislature in Archer road, clerks of Yesterday’s City | 45 Above: Before the skyscraper era, grain elevators dominated Chicago’s skyline. Below: In his 1908 report to the Chicago Harbor Commission, George Sikes complained about traffic stand-offs between bridges and boats in the Chicago River. the courts and deputy sheriffs, but their duties do not affect the daily life of the road. Whereas the commander of the bridge is a person of much consideration, for every citizen sees him day by day; it is part of his routine to chat loftily with the wayfarer, and the children help him to turn the bridge. The cussing between tug men and bridgetenders was legend in nineteenth-century Chicago. “From 9 o’clock until 11 a blue haze hung over the river near the Lake Street bridge as a result of the promiscuous profanity which the captains and sailors exchanged with the bridge-tenders,” recorded the Chicago Daily News in 1893. The bridge’s power system had gone out and a considerable backup of ship traffic resulted. “Pedestrians stood on the bridge and listened in awe to the strange oaths, known only to river men, which the boatmen and bridge-tenders hurled at each other.” The harbormaster reigned as the overlord of the crowded, often chaotic Chicago river port. Usually a veteran sailing master, the harbormaster had the difficult job of keeping traffic moving on the congested river while an assistant took his post atop the lighthouse, which stood at the mouth of the river. When he spotted ships approaching the river mouth, the assistant telegraphed (later telephoned) a request for a tug to a central dispatch office. Meanwhile, the harbormaster patrolled the river, troubleshooting. At congested points such as the lumber market, where vessels liked to tie on three or four deep, he would order schooners to go to a less crowded location lest they block the channel. When 46 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 disputes between bridgetenders and tugs escalated, he intervened to their mutual dissatisfaction. The harbormaster towed abandoned and decrepit vessels, which took up space in the river and could sink and impede commerce, and scuttled them in the deep water beyond the breakwater. The weaknesses of Chicago’s port also stood as its strengths. The narrow river that limited the flow of ship traffic wound its way through virtually all parts of the city. The congested river harbor, beset with thirty-seven navigation-inhibiting bridges, resided in the heart of the business district. Bulk cargoes shipped to Chicago required less handling in its makeshift harbor than in many larger natural harbors, because ships sent to Chicago, particularly the adaptable schooners, could use the river to directly access northside distilleries, southside slaughterhouses, or westside lumberyards. On the north branch of the Chicago River, factories and grain elevators lined the banks. Nineteenth-century Chicagoans marveled at these grain towers. Until William LeBaron Jenny invented the skyscraper in 1885, the grain elevators dominated Chicago’s skyline as seventeen hulking brick buildings cast dark shadows over the north side of the city. Visitors from all over the world came to gawk at the giant vertical bins of grain. Chicago dominated the grain trade, as it did the lumber business, because its port brought railroad and maritime transportation together. By the 1890s, the larger elevators unloaded hundreds of railroad cars per day. In a single hour, a schooner could load three hundred thousand bushels of grain. Throughout the navigation season, grain left Chicago by both train and ship. Nonetheless, when winter closed the lakes for the year, the holds of the hundreds of ships wintering in the river had to be used as reserve storage for the grain elevators’ surplus. Along with trade, Chicago’s busy river port also invited vice. This city was a popular port-of-call for Great Lakes sailors, and its popularity stemmed from its wide variety of less-than-respectable offerings. As early as the 1860s, the city housed more than two hundred brothels and thousands of streetwalkers. The large number of people passing through the city at any one time sustained vice on this scale, with businessmen in the city’s best downtown hotels; drummers and farmers in town to secure supplies before quickly returning to the countryside; railroad men operating the trains or repairing the track; canal boat crews; and armies of the Midwest’s seasonal labor force: harvest hands, lumberjacks, and packinghouse workers. This engraving from an 1857 issue of Chicago magazine displays a schooner in front of Munger & Armour’s Grain Warehouse at the north end of the river, between Franklin and Wells Streets. A schooner could load three hundred thousand bushels of grain in an hour. Yesterday’s City | 47 Several thousand Lake Michigan sailors based in the city and as many stevedores made up the core group of rough and ready clients for the city’s gamblers, saloonkeepers, and prostitutes. From the notorious “Sands,” Chicago’s first vice district, to the “Levee,” arguably the city’s last true red-light commune, Chicago vice was tied to its river port. Chicago’s wide-open port posed more than a moral threat to incautious sailors. The infamous Micky Finn, an unsavory barman of the Levee who was part pickpocket, part thug, and part publican, developed a special knockout concoction composed of grain alcohol, snuff water, hydrate of chloral, and reportedly morphine. With the help of streetwalkers and party girls, Finn set up sailors and other newly paid men to drink the knockout Vice prospered in Chicago’s busy river port, as seen in this “Night Scenes” illustration (above) from the 1940 book Gem of the Prairie. Only the bravest would walk through one of Chicago’s red light districts unarmed (above right). Chicago prostitution houses, such as the popular Everleigh Club at 2131 North Dearborn Street (below left and right) thrived during this period. 48 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 potion, making them easy to rob. Dock rats and footpads (robbers on foot) waited in the dark for any sailor foolish enough to conclude his spree alone. Morning found men slumped in the alleyways or all too frequently floating facedown in the river. “Those wharves are the most dangerous places in the world,” complained Captain Fred A. Bailey in 1895. “One doesn’t know the moment when he will be knocked senseless, robbed of all he has on his person, and flung into the river.” Bailey, like many vessel masters, always carried a pistol when on the Chicago docks. Even the police captain charged with protecting the docks along the South Branch observed, “It would be folly and sure death for an unarmed man to venture along the river anywhere between Van Buren and Twenty-second Chicago citizens protested the vice-ridden river district, as seen in this 1913 City Club Bulletin headline, “Chicago’s Harbor Problem.” streets.” Police officers would not venture unaccompanied on to the docks at night. In 1883, a Chicago Times reporter described this memorable scene of a midnight tour of the docks: a narrow rotten footway, ill-lighted and unpoliced, the abode of vermin, biped and quadruped. Occasionally a drunken sailor or wharf rat is passed and at rare intervals the solitude is broken by the brawling of some inebriated dock-walloper who is making [the] night hideous in one of the many low doggeries that abound. Chicago’s policemen (as portrayed in a “Street Types of Chicago Character Study,” above) had their hands full fighting pirates, wharf rats, and river thieves during the vice period. Even police officers would not walk by the docks alone at night. The reporter “recoiled with an ejaculation of horror” at the discovery of a dead body floating in the water. He referred to climbing the stairs up from the river as returning to “civilization.” Crime along the river rose during the winter. When the navigation season drew to a close, between two and five hundred schooners, steamers, and canal boats tied up in the river and prepared to winter in the port. Sailors Yesterday’s City | 49 Above: Captain Herman Schuenemann (center), c. 1909, sold Christmas trees off of the deck of his ship docked in the harbor. Right: This 1902 Century magazine illustration shows an old boat shop under the Wells Street Bridge. Skippers spent the off season repairing their damaged ships. stripped sails and sent them to a loft for storage; they secured the rigging below so that they could turn the schooner over to a shipkeeper. Keepers remained particularly vulnerable to riverside thugs as they spent a winter alone on a ship. The numbers of pirates and other wharf rats increased as the seasonal jobs of sailors and stevedores ended. “Look out for river thieves,” the Chicago Inter Ocean warned in November 1876. “We will have from 2,000 to 3,000 idle sailors in Chicago this coming winter and the desperadoes among them, will, without doubt, work the fleet of fine large vessels laid up in the harbor.” A maritime village existed every winter along the frozen Chicago River. Wintering vessels were tied up three and four deep with gangways linking them to the dockside. Postmen delivered mail directly to the ships each day. This community’s residents consisted mainly of shipkeepers, veteran seamen whose job gave them a 50 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 small income, but, more important, saved them from having to shell out money for a boarding house during the winter. Keepers did light chores about the ship, including minor repairs and shoveling snow. Masters who owned their own vessels sometimes moved their families onto the ship for the winter. Heated with a pot-bellied stove, the cabin of a schooner could be a snug, if somewhat cramped, winter home. When the river froze over, adults and children alike took to their skates. Adventurous skaters followed the iced river as far west as Riverside, ten miles away. The less youthful would gather around the stove to read newspapers or share checkers, cards, songs, and stories. The annual sale of Christmas trees, from the decks of the last schooners to tie up for the winter, brought Chicago’s terrestrial and maritime residents together. During the winter, many unemployed sailors headed north to the lumber camps of Michigan and Wisconsin. Men with carpentry skills found work in Chicago’s thriving shipyards. The shipyards resounded with the bang of caulking hammers throughout the winter as older vessels were repaired and new commissions executed. In the depths of winter, the shipyards took advantage of the numerous unemployed in the city by paying their carpenters and caulkers a modest wage ($1.75 per day in 1861). As outdoor work increased in February and March, the wages of skilled ship workers rose (to $2 a day and higher in 1861). The Miller Brothers Shipyard led Chicago’s shipbuilding industry during the schooner era. Located on the North Branch of the Chicago River, just above the Chicago Avenue bridge, Miller Brothers had the largest dry-dock in the harbor during the 1860s and 1870s, and frequently had two ships on the stocks at the same time. The company built propellers, tugs, and schooners. Smaller shipyards dotted the banks of north and south branches of the river, many merely undertaking ship repair, others specializing in canal and small boat construction. John Wesley Powell purchased the hardy boats that descended the Colorado River from one such Chicago yard. Even more important than the dry docks and shipbuilders were the ship chandleries. Gilbert Hubbard & Company dominated the ship supply business in Chicago with their stock of sails, cordage, and flags, the largest on Lake Michigan. Many ships built in Wisconsin or Michigan came to Chicago to be fitted out with Gilbert Hubbard’s rope, canvas, tackle blocks and anchors. Chicago’s river port also boasted a substantial maritime hospital. In an early example of government health care, Congress created the United States Marine Hospital Service in 1798. Port duties and a special tax paid by seamen provided a system of medical care for sailors. Larger ports had actual hospitals run by the Marine Hospital Service; in lesser ports the service was arranged with preferred private care providers. Chicago’s first Marine Hospital was established in 1852 at the site of the old Fort Dearborn. As grain elevators and warehouses began to crowd along the river and the need for a larger facility became obvious, the Marine Hospital moved to then-suburban Lakeview. For a good portion of the nineteenth century, the Marine Hospital was the best of the handful of medical institutions in the city. A sailor in search of spiritual repair could find various safe harbors on the river. The Seamen’s Mission, which began in the 1840s, was replaced by an actual Mariner’s Church for Chicago sailors in the 1860s. Capt. Henry Bundy directed revivals from the deck of his evangelical schooner Glad Tidings at Wolf’s Point, where he was sure to attract a crowd and distribute bibles and advice. Another popular benevolent institution in the port was the hospital ship, an old schooner rented for the summer as a supervised playground for inner-city children. During the summer, between ten and fifteen thousand children would visit the ship in the 1870s and 1880s. Toward the turn of the century, despite its massive trade activity and its riverfront community, the port of Chicago became a victim of its own success. The city that had grown up at the nexus of rail yards and wharves now had no room for either in the central business district. Urban planners, commuters, and many of the business community wanted to see freight traffic banished from the heart of Chicago. Mayor DeWitt Cregier, a member of the Democratic machine, called for filling in the river. Carter Harrison seconded him. Most Chicagoans, a federal official noted, regarded the Chicago River, “as a nuisance to be abated.” For a time the city’s maritime interests found an ally in the United States Army Corps of Engineers. The chief engineer told Congress that the Chicago River was “the most important navigable stream of its length in the world.” The engineers succeeded in widening and deepening the navigation channel, even forcing the haughty railroads to remove their obstructions to shipping. But the army could not turn back the clock for Chicago’s downtown harbor. In 1889, the harbor handled eleven million tons of cargo, ranking Chicago with London, Hamburg, and New York as one of the greatest ports in the world. But Chicago’s port never reached this height again. Although the cramped Chicago River could be adapted to the comings and goings of the small sailing ships, no amount of improvements by the Corps of Engineers could make it an effective port for the new steel vessels that were beginning to dominate the lakes. These five-hundred-feet long steel cargo vessels could not navigate the inner harbor, as they were also sixty feet wide. To take even a three-hundred-foot vessel up the river as far as the grain elevators at Twenty-second Street required tugboat charges that equaled one-half the cost of transporting the cargo from Chicago to Buffalo. Yesterday’s City | 51 Above: When Daniel Burnham’s Plan of Chicago called for beachfronts instead of red light districts, Chicagoans clamored to get rid of the vice-ridden harbor. Kaufmann & Fabry photograph of Oak Street Beach, 1922. Below: Sailors eventually opted for the wider Calumet River over the crowded Chicago River. Bird’s eye View of East Side and Calumet River, South Chicago. By the early 1900s, even Chicago’s politicians had become alarmed at the decline of the port. “It is a notorious fact,” intoned Mayor Fred Busse, “that the lake commerce of Chicago, once the pride and boast of this city, has been steadily decreasing for a number of years,” and in 1912, he appointed a commission to investigate the matter. One proposal called for a seven-hundred-foot wide canal from the forks of the Chicago River to Western Avenue and a link to the Sanitary and Ship Canal. Other commission members favored building a commercial harbor along the lakefront. While the Harbor Commission produced its recommendations, Daniel Burnham was preparing his gleaming beaux arts vision of Chicago. For civic leaders and citizens alike, the choice between the chaos and congestion of maritime commerce and the prospect of miles of lakefront parks was an easy one. 52 | Chicago History | Spring 2000 The Burnham Plan sealed the fate of Chicago’s downtown port. During the late 1880s, the Army Corps of Engineers improved the Calumet River, making it more attractive to navigation by lake-going vessels. South Chicago Harbor, near the Illinois-Indiana state line, became the scene of a tremendous building boom in the 1890s. This harbor was built on the “big shoulders” bulk cargoes that had once characterized Chicago—grain, coal, and iron ore—while the Chicago River Harbor began a long but steady decline. Passenger ships still steamed into the river, but when the Eastland rolled over in 1915 at the cost of more than eight hundred lives, much of the joy in cruising the lakes went with it. Three years later, Chicagoans bought Christmas trees from the deck of a schooner for the last time. Even this old tie to the past was a fraud, however; by 1917, the trees actually had come to the city by rail, their sale from the schooner a mere marketing ploy. By the early 1900s, the river had gone from congested and dynamic to insipid and still. The gray waters, and perhaps a few gray beards at the mariners hall, alone remembered, as the Grand Haven Times described it, “the merry sound of the ‘Heave-Ho,’ the cranking of the windlass, heaving the heavy anchor, and the shaking of the unfurled canvas in the wind, the stentorian voices of the officers giving their various orders, and the “aye-aye” of the active seamen,” the sounds of a schooner getting ready to leave Chicago and embrace the broad, blue expanse of the lake. When the age of sail ended on Lake Michigan, the Chicago River’s glory as a port waned. The gray water awaited a future generation of Chicagoans to define a new role for the river. Above: Passenger ships frightened many Chicagoans after the horror of the Eastland Disaster in 1915. Below: Today the Chicago River sees only a fraction of the water traffic it once did. View of Chicago River east over State Street and Wabash Avenue Bridge. I L LU S T R AT I O N S | 40–41, CHS, ICHi-05769; 42 left CHS, ICHi-03731; 42 below CHS, ICHi-25523; 43 above CHS; 43 below CHS; 44 top CHS, G1987.210; 44 bottom CHS, ICHi19151; 45 CHS; 46 above CHS, ICHi-17111; 46 below CHS, George Sikes, Report to the Chicago Harbor Commission, 1908; 47, CHS, engraving from 1857 Chicago magazine; 48 above left, “Night Scenes from Custom-House Place” from Gem of the Prairie; 48 above right, “Map of One of Chicago’s Red Light Districts, 1893” from Gem of the Prairie; 48 below left, CHS, ICHi00367; 48 below right, CHS, ICHi-0384; 49 left, CHS, ICHi-18333; 49 right, CHS, The City Club Bulletin, Tuesday, December 10, 1913, “Chicago’s Harbor Problem;” 50 above, CHS, DN-6926; 50 right, from The Century magazine: “Chicago’s Great River Harbor” by Elliott Flower, February 1902; 52 top, CHS, ICHi-00122; 52 bottom, CHS, ICHi-30117; 53 above, CHS, ICHi-02034; 53 below, CHS, ICHi-05777. Theodore J. Karamanski is a professor of history at Loyola University Chicago. This article is based on his book Schooner Passage: Sailing Ships and the Lake Michigan Frontier, to be published in December 2000 by Wayne State University Press. Yesterday’s City | 53