North American Society for Serbian Studies

3
SERBIAN STUDIES
PUBLISHED BY THE NORTH AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR SERBIAN STUDIES
CONTENTS
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 3
SPRING 1988
Alex N. Dragnich
AMERICAN SERBS AND OLD WORLD POLITICS
5
Vasa D. Mihailovich
THE IMAGE OF AMERICA IN CONTEMPORARY SERBIAN
LITERATURE
27
Michael Bora Petrovich
KARADZIC AND NATIONALISM
41
George Vid Tomashevich
BIBLICAL MOTIFS IN MEDIEVAL SERBIAN PAINTING AND
LITERATURE
59
Laura Gordon Fisher
THE PATRIOTIC POETRY OF MILAN RAKIC
71
NOTES (Student essays)
Jelona S. Bankovic-Rosul
ORIENTAL FATALISM AND VICTORY OF TANAT SIN
DEVJL'S YARD AND DERVISTI AND DEATJJ.
Ani Lo. L kic- Trboj vic
NARRATOR AND NARRATIVE IN ANDRI '
AVLIJA.
79
Pll KLETA
33
George Vid Tomashevich
59
BIBLICAL MOTIFS IN MEDIEVAL SERBIAN PAINTING AND
LITERATURE
In its formative phase under the leadership of the maritime province of Duklja (Dioclea, Zeta or Montenegro), the bifocal and marginal Serbian civilization gravitated predominantly toward Rome,
though its ties "INith and borrowings from Byzantium were often strong
and significant. During its maximal development, however, under
the guidance of the continental province of Raska (Rascia), it made
a decisive switch to\·vard Constantinople, though its connections
\•Vith the \"lest remained considerable.
Caught between Roman Catholicism in the ·west and Byzantine
Orthodoxy in the East, early Serbian rulers perceived substantial
differences between the two in the distribution and wielding of ecclesiastical and secular powers. 1 The first Serbian sovereign to act
upon that perception was Stefan Nemanja (1114, 1168-1196, 1200)
who decided to fashion his own state structure after that of Byzantium, precisely when the latter was at the peak of its last grand effort,
during the reign of Manuel Comnenus (1143-1180). 2
Born in Duklja and baptized a Roman Catholic, 3 Temanja moved
to Raska and converted to Orthodoxy. 4 In the history of Serbian
civilization he is important as the renewer of statehood after the
disintegration of the kingdom of Duklja, gatherer of Serbian lands,
creator of a slate which lasted more than 300 years, 5 and founder of
a royal house under whose rule the Serbian people reached the ap ogee of their medieval development. It is the kings and emperors of
the Nemanjic dynasty that still provide the woof of much of Serbian
folklore. 6 lt \'vas under that same dynasty that Serbian culture ripened into a civilization while the Serbian state grevv into an empire
seeking to replace Byzantium itself.7
In his determination to build a loyal church, Nemanja clashed
with the Bogumils, a religious and social movement of complex
Near-Eastern origin. 8 An important precursor of the Reformation,
their dualistic metaphysical and somewhat anarchistic socio-political doctrines, rooted in Mazadaism and related to Manichean , Paulician, Patarene and Albigensian heresies, were aimed aga inst the
feudal hierarchies of both church and slate.9 Expelled from Byzantium and Bulgaria, the Bogumils sought a haven in Serbia, but Nemanja found them subversive and dangerous to his designs. The
George Vid Tomashevich
60
"heresy" was widespread among disaffected serfs, but it won over
even some nobility and clergy, particularly the monks. According
to his son and biographer, King Stefan the Firstcrowned, Lhe Grand
Zupan followed medieval usage in eradicating the growing and stubborn "heresy" from all of his domains. Comparing his father with
the Prophet Elijah, the royal writer leaves us in no doubt that Nemanja dealt with them in a Draconian manner. 10
Ejected from Serbia, thousands of persecuted Bogumils moved to
Bosnia, where they managed to survive until the Turkish conquest
(1463) despite persistent allempts by both Rome and Constantinople
to convert or extirpate them. 11
Nemanja's youngest son, Rastko, the later St. Sava, while still an
adolescent, fled to Mount Athas and became a monk. 12 Toward the
end of his life, Nemanja abdicated (1196) and himself entered a
monastery, under the name of Simeon, thus establishing a precedent
followed by most of medieval Serbia's royally and nobility. 13 He and
Sava restored Hilandar, a long-abandoned monastery in Chalcidice,
which soon developed into a major center of Serbian theological,
literary and legal scholarship. 14
A man of many-sided erudition and a conscious teacher and civilizer, Sava not only translated from medieval Greek into Serbian,
but also wrote several typicons, i.e., rules of monastic life, as well
as a hagiography of his father. 15
After the capture of Constantinople by Lhe Crusaders in 1204, 16
the Byzantine government moved to NiceaY The balance of power
and influence between Eastern and Western Christendom, at odds
since the Great Schism of 1054 and even before, clearly shifted in
favor of the latter. "It was a supreme religious crisis in the history
of the Balkans." 10
In 1217, Pope Honorius III sent Nemanja's son, Stefan the Firstcrowned, a set of royal insignia. 19 After this move toward the West,
Sava turned to the East. In 1219, he went to Nicea and convinced
the Emperor and the Patriarch that it was in their interest to recognize the autonomy of the Serbian Orthodox Church, 20 with Sava
himself as its first archbishop endowed with the right to consecrate
his successors. 21 Sava established his archiepiscopate at Zica (120720),22 created seven new bishoprics staffed wilh Sorbs, gave his national church a strong central organization 23 and ordered his disciples to translate a number of books which he had brought to Serbia
George Vid Tomashevich
61
from his travels in Europe, Asia and Africa. 24 On all these journeys
he bought whatever he deemed useful and compatible with his
country's native traditions. He also traveled through the interior of
his homeland and taught his people not only Christian religion, but
even such worldly subjects as more efficient methods of agriculture
and other aspects of rural economy. 25
Besides, for many years, he also served as foreign minister, ambassador and adviser to his brother, Stefan, and to his royal nephews, Radoslav and Vladislav. 26 He died in Bulgaria in 1236.27 Almost
immediately, the church made a concerted effort to build him up as
a national saint and benefactor. 26
St. Sava is to the Serbs what St. Patrick is to the Irish, St. Stephen
to the Hungarians and St. Olaf to the Norwegians. He is a culture
hero with certain features of Prometheus as well as Hiawatha. 29 A
plethora of references to Sava's life and achievements, in written as
well as oral literature of many centuries, represents one of the fundamental themes of Serbian civilization. His cult contributed to the
preservation of Serbian nalional consciousness especially during the
difficult centuries of Ottoman domination. 3 0
After the fatal weakening of Byzantium by the so-called Latin Empire (1204-1261), Serbia's own imperial ambilions began to emerge.
Under a series of rich, well-armed and cultivated rulers, she steadily
grew in economic, military and cultural respects. Having become,
through mining and trade, one of the foremost powers in southeastern Europe, she began to expand mainly at the expense of her Byzantine model and teacher. Inspired by the examples of Nemanfa
and Sava, all Serbian monarchs supported their loyal Orthodox church
as the main agency of educalion and welfare and all spent lavishly
on monumental architecture and pain ling. 31
MEDIEVAL SERBIAN PAINTING
While the oldest church on Serbian soil is that of St. Peter in Ras
(tenth or eleventh century), started probably before the conversion
of the Serbs, the oldest examples of monumental Serbian painting
are the early Romanesque frescoes in St. Michael at Stan (1077-1150)
containing theological molifs as well as a royal portrait.J2
In the country's sacred architecture, which includes more than
1500 churches and monasteries, one can distinguish several traditions. Most of the early churches of the School of Raska are royal
George Vid Tomashevich
62
tombs or mausoleums of the aristocracy. Apart from Hilandar, the
principal monuments of the Nemanjic period are Djurdjevi Stubovi
and Studenica both from the second half of the twolfth century);
Zica (1207-1220); Mileseva (around 1254); Sopocani (from 1260);
Gracanica (about 1321); Banjska (1313-1317); Decani (1327-1335);
and the cluster of churches of the Patriarchate of Pee (from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries). 33
Another important group of ecclesiastical structures, such as Lasnovo (1341) and Marko's Monastery (second half of the fourteenth
century), was erected in Macedonia by the high dignitaries of the
Serbian empire under the Tsars Stefan Dusan (1308, 1331-1345, 1355),
and his son, Uros V (1355-1371). 34
The most significant monuments of the period of post-imperial
dissolution belong to the School of Morava . They include Lozarica
(1371) Ravanica (1377); Ljubostinja (end of the fourteenth century);
Kalenic (1407-1413); and the great literary center within the ramparts of Manasija (1406-1418). 35 As for secular architecture, it survives primarily in hundreds of military fortifications and half-ruined
castles, although several royal palaces have been identified. 36
In the beginning of their apprenticeship in the school of Byzantine
masters, medieval Serbian painters duly reflected their teachers'
tendency toward unworldliness which gives to their mostly Biblical
motifs "a profoundly transcendental atmosphere." 37 But in the second half of the twelfth century Byzantine art itself began to undergo
a renaissance without which the whole revival of anliquily in later
Western developments cannot be understood.38
The finest purely Serbian work is to be found in the thirteenthcentury royal mausoleums of Mileseva and Sopo6ani. 39 Andre Grabar describes the portrait of Mileseva's founder, King Vladislav, as
a "frankly realistic ... landmark in the history of European painting,
and of the European portrait in particular." 40 In his own words, "the
Serbian painters can be seen at their best in the decorations of Sopocani (ca. 1265) ... "He admires "the rare quality of the painting"
especially "in details of the huge Dormition of the Virgin . .. (where), as at Milesevo, what instantly impresses us is the
artist's feeling for grandiose effect, and the dignity of the draped
figure. This applies particularly to the bearded apostles beside the
couch who remind this art historian "of philosophers of antiquity."41
George Vid Tomashevich
63
According to David Rice, "This love of realism is ... one of the
principal factors that distinguish the work of the Serbian school
from that of the Byzantine stream in Greece or Constantinople." 42
The break from the old Byzantine stem became even more pronounced in the fourteenth century, "under the patronage of the Serbian princes and nobles," but also of well-to-do burghers and free
peasants who often subsidized artistic activity. 43
The complex structure of medieval Serbian art, no less than that
of medieval Serbian literature, depended in many respects on movements and conditions beyond the borders of the Serbian state. As
noted by Svetosar Radojcic,
Millet ... showed that the painters employed by King
Milutin, King Stephan Decanski, and the Emperor Dusan borrowed iconographic motifs, and were often inspired by works of considerable antiquity, in particular
by miniatures. Living on the frontier of two worlds, the
old Serbian masters often exploited the abundance of
artistic models of both East and West. 44
Some medieval Serbian painters are known to us by name. Such
as George, Demetrius and Theodore, the decorators of Mileseva, as
well as Astrapas, Michael and Eutychius, 4 s members of the Court
School of King Milutin, which existed, with interruptions, from the
thirteenth century till the fall of Smederevo in 1459. 46
The content and form of the solemn style of thirteenth-century
Serbian painting comple tely reflects the character of the society and
state. The same spirit that animates the biographies of the first Nemanjices prevails also in the grandiose composilions of Mileseva
and Sopocani. 4 7 Certain passages in the texts of writers furnish a
full commentary to the frescoes of contemporary painters. 48
The themes of these murals include large-scale scenes from the
earthly life of Christ as described in the Gospels, illustrations of great
holidays and processions of saints and historical personages. Only
at Sopo6ani are there beginnings of new subjects, such as The Tree
of jesse, the Old Testament story of Joseph, the Ecumenical Councils
and the Last Judgment. 4 9
The unusually rich pictorial repertoire of the fourteenth century
consists of numerous cycles arranged in an encyclopedic manner.
George Vid Tomashevich
64
This is true especially of Decani (1335) where the frescoes illustrate
almost literally texts of the Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, apocryphal
stories, hagiographies, liturgical scenes, verses of church poetry and
fragments of the Old Testament. The whole Decani material is divided into 19 cycles making up an illustrated calendar of 365 scenes.
The narrative character of this art is enlivened by dramatic, poetic
and symbolic details. 50
The realistic tendencies of medieval Serbian art are most prominently expressed in the abundance of portraits, sacred as well as
secular. 51 That the painters were not isolated from everyday life is
evident from the frequent presence in their works of such motifs as
Madonnas spinning wool or feeding the infant Christ in the manner
of peasant women, the bathing of the child, the labor of a delivering
mother, etc . In general, medieval Serbian artists deviated from the
canon of the official sacred art and began to mix Biblical motifs and
metaphysical themes with images from the reality around them.sz
In the words of Radojcic, this is an art in which "calculated theological tendencies are clad in a literary aes thetic form."
The literary element in these paintings is stressed by
the legends written pedantically on the frescoes always
quoting the sources. The masters of the Serbian frescoes of the early 14th century were well read, and seized
every opportunity to reproduce in painting stories derived from contemporary literature. Their literary taste
usually maintained a high standard, and they mostly
chose dramatic scenes. 5 3
There are also instances illustrating the passing of a certain motif
from written literature to painting and from this to the oral tradition.
As already noted by Banasevic and other scholars, medieval Serbian
painting must have communicated important elements of national
as well as foreign high traditions to the illiterate peasants around
the monasteries. The masses were thus constantly reminded of the
great civilization that was theirs prior to the Turkish conquest. 54
MEDIEVAL SERBIAN LITERATURE
The incipient development of Serbian literature between the ninth
and twelfth centuries coincides wilh the divergence of the corrunon
George Vid Tomashevich
65
Slavic legacy of Saints Cyril and Methodius and their disciples,
Clement and Naum, into several increasingly distinct lingual and
literary traditions. It is roughly since the 1100s that one can clearly
observe and study the emergence of the so-called Bulgaro-Slavic,
Serbo-Slavic and Russo-Slavic morpho-phonetic redactions and literary languages. 55
The earliest known monument of the Serbian recension is the
Gospel of Prince Miroslav (Miroslavljevo Evandjelje) written between 1169 and 1197 by a "Sinful Gregory" and a certain Versameleon. 56 Its decorative miniatures and illustrations represent a
combination of borrowings from both East and West, including, perhaps, some coastal Benedictine influencesY Another Cyrillic document of early Serbian literature is the 1189 Charter of Ban Kulin,
the most popular ruler of Bosnia, to the Ragusans, guaranteeing their
freedom of commerce. 58 Finally, The Chronicle of the Priest from
Dioclea represents a Latin translation of a Slavic work apparently
lost in later centuries. 59 Although of a predominantly secular character, both of these documents contain more than just traces of Biblical motifs.
After the "Sinful Gregory," the first clear personality among the
medieval Serbian literati was St. Sava himself. With a brief but historically valuable hagiography of his father, he set an example to be
followed by all Serbian writers until the Turkish conquest and laid
the very foundations of the Serbian literary language. Subsequently,
as noted earlier, King Stefan the Firstcrowned also composed a life
of his father, St. Simeon, while Domentijan and Teodosije wrote
biographies of St. Sava. In pursuit of the same tradition, Archbishop
Danilo II started a series of Lives of the Serbian Kings and Archbishops (Zivoti Kraljeva i Arhiepiskopa Srpskih). His lead was followed by numerous continuators well into the fifteenth century. 60
The most original works of early Serbian literature were the biographies of a hagiographic character, while the least original were
the liturgical writings directly translated from Byzantine Greek. 61
Besides the Code of Emperor Duson (1349) and various charters
and chrysobulls granted by his predecessors and successors, 6 2 temporal literature consisted mainly of translations of Byzantine and
Western works, as well as borrowings from the Arab world, Persia
and India. Thus there are Serbian versions of The Trojan War; The
Book of Alexander the G1·eat; the Life of Aesop; books on cosmog-
George Vid Tomashevich
66
raphy; imitations of The Physiologus; Stephanit and Ichnilat (borrowed from the Panchatantra); One Thousand and One Nights; Tristan
and Isolda (certainly from the West); and various other works containing a fusion of Greco-Roman and Judeo-Chrislian learning.sa Many
motifs from these and other literary sources have been detected in
the Serbian Oral tradition.
Especially widespread was the influence of the so-called apocryphal books, that is, works inspired by interpretations of the JudeaChristian heritage unacceptable to the church and not contained in
the canon. Some Serbian apocrypha came from Byzantium while
others seem to have entered from Bulgaria and Macedonia, the most
important strongholds of the Bogumil and other heresies. Among
the works of St. Sava there is a Serbian adaptation of the Nomocanon
(Krmcaja Knjiga).64 Containing an index of canonical and apocryphal books, this document testifies to the strength of unorthodox
influences among the masses whose oral literature appears to have
relished forbidden interpretations of the Bible. 65
Among the Old Testament apocrypha, Serbian literature embraces
Narratives of Adam; the Book of Enoch; Narratives of Abraham; the
Apocalypse of Baruch; Paralipomena of Jeremiah, a story of the
destruction of Jerusalem; and Isaiah's Vision, present also in Bulgarian literature.as
Among the apocrypha of the New Testament, medieval Serbian
scholars translated the Gospel of St. Thomas, an unorthodox version
of the life of Christ; the Gospel of Nicodemus, dealing with the
Saviour's death; The Protoevangelium of fames, the oldest story of
the conception of the Virgin and the death of Zacharias; the Epistles
of Emperor Abgar, with questions addressed to Christ and His purported answers; the Acts of the Apostles, with miraculous stories
not recognized by the church; the Questions of Lhe Apostle Bartholomew addressed to Christ; the Voyage of the Virgin in Hades,
with echos in the oral tradition; the Questions of fohn the Theologian directed to Christ on Mount Tabor; the Voyage of the Apostle
Paul to the infernal world; and Discussions of the Patriarch Methodius, concerning the pagan empire. 6 7 Il is through these writings
that the oral tradition of the peasants came into contact not only
with reflective thinking but also with legends, myths and other folklore of Near-Eastern, African and even more distant provenience.as
Many elements of this highly heterogeneous heritage found an
George Vid Tomashevich
67
expression in the folk tales and poems of later centuries.
I hope to have shown that, irrespective of their generally recognized esthetic value and their purely decorative function, medieval
Serbian fresco murals, even more than sometimes closely corroborative contemporary hagiographies, were designed by the elite to impress and awe the masses. The ruling classes used the painted walls
of churches as well as Sunday and holiday sermons, suffused with
Biblical themes and motifs and accessible to nobles and peasants
alike, as their principal and most potent media for imparting, especially to the illiterate, the religious ideology of their orthodox
Christian feudal society in its struggle with socially troublesome
dualist and other heterodoxies.
State University College at Buffalo
'Steven Runciman, Byzantine Civilization, Arnold & Co., London, 1948, pp. 2368; see also B. Moycndorff and N.H. Baynes, "The Byzantine Inheritance in Russia,"
in Byzantium, ed. by N.H. Baynes and H. St. L.B. Moss, Oxford, at the Clarendon
Press, 1949, pp. 382-385.
2 Nikola Radojci(;, Srpski drzavni sabori u srednjem veku (Serbian State Assemblies
in the Middle Ages}, Srpska kraljcvska akadomija (Ska). Beograd, 1940, p. 45.
3 Kralj Stefan Prvovoncani (King Stefan the Firstcrownod), Zivot Sv. Simeona-Stefan a Ncmanje (fhe Lifo of St. Simeon-Stefan Nemanja) , in Stare srpske biografije
(Old Serbian Biographies), prepared by Milivoje Basic, Srpska knjizevna zadruga
(Skz), kolo XXVI!, br. 180, Beograd, 1924, p. 31; sec also Sv. Sava, Zivot Svetog
Simeone (fhc Lifo of St. Simeon), Ibid., pp. 24-25.
•N. Radojcic, op. cit., p. 45.
•H.M.V. Temperloy, Jlistory of Sorbio, Second Impression, B. Bell & Sons, Ltd.,
London, 1919, p. 38.
•W.A. Morison, The 11evolt of the Serbs Against the Turks, translation from the
Serbian National Ballads of the Period, with an introduction, Cambridge, at the University Press, 1942, p. xiii, see also Vuk Karadzic, Pjesmo (Songs),vol. II.
7 Charles Diehl,"An Outline," in /Jyzan tium , pp. 37, 45.
•Jordan Ivanov, Bogomilski Knigi i Legcndi (/Jogomil Books and Legends), Bulgarskata Akademia na Naukite (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences), Sofia, 1925, p. 30; see
also Dmitri Obolensky, Tho Bogomils, A Study in Balkan Neo-Manichaeism, Cambridge, The University Press, 1946, 283-84, and Steven Runciman, The Medieval
Manichee, The Viking Pross, Now York, 1961 , pp. 63- 93.
•Obolensky, op. cit., pp. 10- 13; sec also Ivanov, op. cit., p. 23, and Runciman, op.
cit., pp. 116, 145- 170 and passim.
1oPrvoven~ani (Firstcrowned), op. cit., p . 40.
George Vid Tomashevich
68
"L.P. Brockett, The Bogomils of Bulgaria and Bosnia or. lila Early Protestants of
the East, American Baptist Publication Society, Philadelphia, 1879 , pp. 73- 74, 8385.
12 Domentijan, iivot Svetoga Save (fhe Ufe of St. Sova), Skz, kola XLI, knjiga 282,
Beograd, 1938, pp. 31-39; sec also Teodosije, iivot Svotoga Save (fho Life of St.
Sava}, in Stare srpske biogrofije, pp. 83- 95, and Thomas Butler, Monumenta Serbocroatica, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 198?, PP· 55;-61.
13 Sv. Sava, iivot Svetog Simeono (fhe Life of St. S1meon}, m Stare srpske biografije, pp. 7- 17; see also Prvovencani, op. cit., pp. 47- 49, and Domenlijan, op. cit.,
pp. 255-281.
•. '•Sv. Sava, op. cit., pp. 15-1_7; Prvovencani, op. cit., PP· 50- 52; and Domentijan,
Z1vot Sv. Save, pp. 65-69 and Zivot Sv. Simeona, pp. 269-272.
" Domentijan, Zivot SV. Save, pp. 33-41; Stanojc Stanojcvic, Svoti Sava, Dr~. Stamp.
Kralj. Ju goslavijc, Beograd, 1935, pp. 120- 123.
16 Runciman, Byzantine Civilization, pp . 54-5 5.
17 Gcorgije Ostrogorski, Istorijo Vizantije, Prosvcta, Beograd, 1947, pp. 212-215;
Runciman, Byzantine Civilization, pp. 54-5 7.
'"Temperley, op. cit., p. 45.
'"Ibid., p. 45; A.A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empiro, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1952, p. 612.
'"St. Stanojevic, Sv. Sava, pp. 44-47.
"Temperley, op.cit., p. 46.
22
loc. cit.
St. Stanojevic, op. cit., p. 50.
Pavle Popovic, Pregled srpske knjizevnosli (Survey of Serbian Utorature), Beograd, 1909, pp. 26-27.
" St. Stanojevic, op. cit., pp. 34-36.
'"Sir Charles Eliot, Turkey in Europe, New Edition, Edward Arnold, Publisher to
the India Office, London, 1908, p. 36.
27 St. Stanojevic, op. cit., p. 52.
'"Ibidem, p. 180.
' 9 Veselin Cajkanovic, 0 srpskom vrhovnom bogu (About tlw Serbian Supreme God),
Ska Royal Serbian Academy, Beograd, 1941, p. 22.
30 See Otpori (Resistance), in "Jugoslovenski narodi pod turskem vla~cu, xvi-xviii
vek," Opsta enciklopedija Larousse, tom 3, Vuk Karadzic, Beograd, 1973, p. 461.
31 See Svetozar Radojcic, S1pska umelllost u srodnjom voku (Serbian Art in the
Middle Ages). Jugoslaviaja, Beograd, 1982, "Poceci monumcntalno umctnosti u Raskoj," pp. 28-42, esp. p. 28, "Zreli raski stil (1200- 1300)," _PP· 43-56 and passim. See
also Dr. Vladimir R. Petkovic, Pregled crkvenih spomcmka kroz povesnicu srpskog
naroda (Survey of Church Monuments Through tlw Jlistory of th e Serbian People),
San (Serbian Academy of Sciences) , Beograd, 1950.
3 'Milan Kasanin, L'Art Yougoslave, Mus6e du Prince Paul, Beograd, 1939, pp. 1617.
33 Ka~an in, op. cit., pp. 21-32 and Umetnost i umetnicl (Art and the Artists). "Jugoistok," Beograd, 1943, pp. 89-118; see also Vlad. R. Potkovic, La Peinture Serbe
du Moyen Age, Musee d'Histoire de L'Art, Monuments Sorbes ~II. Beograd, pp. 546 and David Talbot Rice, Byzantine Art, Penguin Books, Rev1sed Edition, Pelican
Books, Baltimore, Maryland, 1954, p. 150. See especially V.R Petkovic, Pregled crkvenih
spomenika . .. , p. 1.
"Rice, Byz. Art, pp. 121-124 and V.R. Petkovic, La Pointure Serbe du Moyen Age,
pp. 51-57 .
23
' 4
George Vid Tomashevich
69
35 Petkovic, La Peinture, pp. 59-64; Ka~anin, L'Art Yougoslave, p. 76; Rice, Byz.
Art, p. 124; Sv. Radojcic, in Yugoslavia, UNESCO World Art Series, New York Graphic
Society, by arrangement with UNESCO, printed in Italy, 1955, pp. 27-28 and N.
Okunev, Monumenta Artis Serbicae, lnstitutum Slavicum, Pragae, 1928, val. I, p. 11.
36A. Deroko, Srednjevekovni gradovi u Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji (Medieval
Castles in Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia), Prosveta, Beograd, 1951, pp. 112,
119, 136, M. Ka~anin, Umolnost i umetnici, pp. 119-149 and Pera J. Popovic, editor,
Spomenica petstagodisnjice smederevskag grada, Drz. ~tamparija u Beogradu, Beograd, 1930, 1931, pp. 31-132.
"Rice, Yugoslavia, UNESCO, 1955, p.9.
36Vasiliev, op. cit., p. 562.
39Rice, Yugoslavia, p. 10.
40A. Grabar, Byzantine Painting. Historical and Critical Study. Skira, Inc., New
York, 1953, pp. 149-151.
41 lbid., p. 151
42 Rice, Yugoslavia, p. 9.
43lstorija naroda jugoslavije, Knjiga Prva, Prosveta, Beograd, 1953, p. 482.
••sv. Radojcic, Yugoslavia, pp. 14, 18.
••Ibidem, p. 20.
••Ibid., p. 18.
47 lsl. nor. jugoslavije, I, p. 482.
••sv. RadojCic, Yugoslavia, p. 22.
••Jst. nor. juga., I, p. 482.
50Jbid., p. 484.
51 D. Diehl, R. Guilland and R. Grousset, Histoire du Moyen Age, Tome IX. Premiere
Partie, L'Europe Orientale de 1081 a 1453. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris,
1945, p. 295.
52 See examples in The Virgin of the Annunciation (Church of St. Clement, Ohrid,
Xlth-Xllth), Personification of the Earth in Veluce (end of X!Vth century). Nativity
(St. Dimitrius, Pee, 1338- 1346), Birth of the Virgin (Studenica, 1313-1314), Master
Serge's frescoes in Decani (ca. 1350) and many other instances.
53 Sv. Radojcic, Yugoslavia, p. 25.
••Op. cit., Joe. cit. Sec also N. Banasevic, Ciklus Marko Kraljevica, "Nemanja,"
Skopljo, 1935, p. 191 ct passim.
"M.S. Stanoycvich, Early Yugoslav Literature {1100-1800), Columbia University
Press, New York, 1922, p. 11 and Boris Unbegaun, Les Debuts de la Langue Lilleraire
chez les Serbes, Libraire Ancienno Honore Champion, Paris, 1935, pp. 18, 34.
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62 S tojan Novakovic, Zakonski Spomenici srpskih drzava srednjega veka (Legal
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63 P . Popovic, op. cit., pp. 11- 16; Ch. Diehl. L'Europe, p. 294; M.S. Stanoyevich, op.
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George Vid Tomashevich
70
64 Bozidar Koval::evic, Iz Proslosti (From tho Past), Skz, Kolo XLV, knjiga 308, Beo·
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07M.S. Stanoyevich, op. cit., pp. 23-24.
08M. Basic, Iz stare srpske knjizevnosti, Vol. Ill; F.H. Marshall, "Byzantine Litera·
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