2 - American Jewish Archives

American Jewish
ARCHIVES
Devoted to t h preservatiun and study of American Jewish historical records
DIRECTOR:
JACOB RADER MARCUS, PH. D., Adolph S. Ochs Professor of American
Jewish History
ASSISTANT DIRECTOR: STANLEY F. m E T , PH. D.
Published by THE AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, CINCINNATI ZO, OHIO
m the Cincinnati camps of thc HEBREW
UNION COLLEGEJEWISHINSTITUTE
OF RELIGION
VOL. XIV
NOVEMBER, 1962
NO. 2
In This Issue
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC
COMMUNITY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .HENRYCOHEN107
-
In this essay, the author undertakes a study of the interaction and conflicts - between "town and gown," Jewish townspeople and University of
Illinois academicians who are Jews, in the twin cities of Champaign-Urbana.
While, Rabbi Cohen suggests, social pressures and "a latent supernatural
faith" combine to keep the "town Jew" within the Jewish fold, "the gown
Jew" frequently "has neither traditional belief nor strong social pressure to
encourage his identity."
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE -AN
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.. . . . . . .MELECH
EPSTEIN129
Melech Epstein, onetime editor of the Communist-sponsored Freiheit, is not
alone in having become convinced of "the complete ideological and moral
bankruptcy of Communism," but, unlike many of those who underwent similar
experiences, he has taken it upon himself to chart the course of his wandering
into and out of Communist sympathies. Many notables appear in these reminiscences -Abraham Cahan, Emilio Kleber, Michael Gold, Leon Trotsky,
David Dubinsky, Frank Murphy, and Benjamin Mandel, among them. His
memories constitute, as he says, "the story of a generation."
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
Adlcr, Selig, and Thomas E. Connolly, From Ararat to Suburbia: The History
of the Jewish Community of Buffalo.
Reviewed by Louis R. Harlan. . . . . . . . .
. .
...
..
. . . ... . . ... ...... . .
I 77
Genazim: Kovets L'toldot Ha-sifrut Ha-ivrit B'dorot Ha-achronim.
Reviewed by Elias L. Epstein.. .................................. 178
Stein, Leonard, The Balfour Declaration.
Reviewed by Carl Hermann Voss..
.............................. 180
Brief Notice ......................................................
INDEX T O VOLUME XIV.. ...............................
185
186
ILLUSTRATIONS
Part of the University of Illinois Campus, page 1 2 I ; Melech Epstein,
page 139; Ellis Island, page 140; Chaim Zhitlowsky, page 157; David
Dublnsky, page I 58; Chaim Weizmann, page 175.
Patruns for 2962
T H E NEUMANN MEMORIAL PUBLICATION FUND
AND
ARTHUR FRIEDMAN
LEO FRIEDMAN 9 1
BERNARD STARKOFF
Published by THE AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES
on the Cincirmati campus of the HEBREW
UNIONCOLLEGE
-JEWISHINSTITUTE
OF RELIGION
NELSON GLUECK P~esidmt
@ 1962, by the American Jewish Archivcs
Jewish Life and Thought in an Academic
Community
A Case Study of Town and Gown
HENRY COHEN
One of the most highly prized values of the Jewish heritage is a
profound respect for reason, a reverence for learning. Homage to
the intellect was frequently expressed by the sages of the Talmud,
but it is the pulpit of today that constantly reminds the American
Jew that his faith has the deepest regard for the mind of man: "A
student is like a seed in the ground; once it sprouts it grows toward
heaven."
If it be true that Judaism does so respect reason and the intellectual, one would expect that the Jewish academic community
would be attracted to a faith which so exalts man's rational powers.
This is not the case. The vast majority of "Jewish professors"
consider all religion to be either logically untenable or -in the case
of liberal reinterpretations - ineffectual and without a raison d'ztre.
Our "eggheadian" faith does not attract the professional egghead.
Meanwhile, back in the synagogue, the rabbi continues exalting
the value of reason - while those Jews whose personal creed is the
intellectual search generally look upon Judaism as middle- to lowbrow. Perhaps it is time that Jewish religious leaders came to regard
more seriously not simply abstract intellect, but the Jewish intellectuals on our college campuses. Perhaps it is also time for the
Jewish professor to give more serious consideration to a faith which
does hold that "an ignorant man cannot be pious."
The purpose of this study is to examine Jewish life and thought
among the faculty members of a particular university community
and to delineate those characteristics that are distinctive when
The author is rabbi o f Sinai Temple in Champaign, Illinois.
107
compared with the life and thought of the local "town" Jews. After
observing the more striking contrasts between "town and gown,"
we shall view the academic community more closely, attempt to
discover the marked differences within that world, and speculate as
to why they obtain. The bisected community which we shall be
discussing is not large - approximately 2 5 0 families, almost equally
divided between town and gown and circling the campus of the
University of Illinois in Champaign-Urbana. How "typical" this
academic community may be is an open question requiring more
general research. This particular study is based to some extent on
a questionnaire which was circulated in the Spring of 1961 among
Jewish faculty families and among members of the "town" community of a similar age grouping: A limited number of interviews
were held to clarify crucial areas. These techniques were employed
by the author, who -as rabbi in the community for only three
years - felt himself in need of relatively reliable data so that his
accumulating impressions would be somewhat biased by the facts.
Any study of "town and gown" should carefully consider the
particular town that is the basis for comparison. In the twin cities
of Champaign-Urbana live approximately 77,000 people; about
I percent of them are Jews. The community's chief "industry" is
the university, and the academic families, coming from all over the
United States and indeed from all over the world, contrast dramatically with the native Midwestern businessman. The Jewish "town"
of I 2 2 families is exceedingly well integrated into the larger community. There is, for instance, no discrimination in the country club,
which includes many Jewish members. There are no Jewish neighborhoods, and - while parents socialize largely with Jewish
friends - their children do not form a "Jewish crowd" and do
socialize quite freely within their schools and neighborhoods. While
there is no significant anti-Semitism, a few bigots are "known,"
and there is considerable sensitivity to Gentile opinion. Half of the
I Seventy-three faculty families responded, representing 76 percent of the cross section
selected for the questionnaire. Fifty percent of the sampling of fifty-two town families
responded.
The author wishes to express his gratitude to Dr. Stanley Stark for his aid in the
preparation of the questionnaire and to Mrs. Esther Steinberg and Mrs. Gertrude
Lazerwitz for their aid in computing the data.
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN A N ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
109
Jewish husbands are independent businessmen, and over half of them
deal in clothing, food, or liquor. Thirty-two percent are professional
men, of whom two-thirds are in the medical field. There are townspeople in real estate, scrap iron, manufacturing, and wholesaling;
and there are a few salesmen and skilled workers. T h e Sabbath
faces its usual competition with one additional feature: Friday is
shopping night.
Most characteristic of the town are the deep divisions that make
for proud denominationalism in larger cities, but that dramatically
inhibit Jewish life in a smaller community. There are the "old
families" of German background. In 1904 twenty-two of these
families founded a Reform congregation. Their children are still
quite active in Sinai Temple and look back on "the old days" when
the temple was closely connected with the Hillel Foundation,
which - as a national movement - began at the University of
Illinois and which shared its rabbi with the community. In 1950,
the temple elected its own rabbi, and the Hillel director served the
needs of more than 2,000 students.
There are the "old families" of East European background who
look back to 1912, when their community began to take shape, and
to a shul that is no longer active. Some are now members of Sinai
Temple, especially if they have young children. Almost all are quite
active in B'nai B'rith and Hadassah.
Finally, there are the families who have moved to ChampaignUrbana during the past twenty years from urban Jewish areas. They
represent a cross section of Jewish life and are most notable for
having a high proportion of professional (especially medical) men.
Most of these couples are quite happy to live in this small Jewish
community that is highly integrated into the larger community and
that has little of the intense Jewish cultural life of metropolitan
areas. Some do reminisce about the old shul or Jewish center in
Chicago, and a few enterprising and understanding students satisfy
this nostalgic hunger by importing delicatessen products and selling
them to the exiles.
T o speak of the Jewish faculty families as a "community" is
misleading, as Jewishness is - for many - an insignificant aspect
of their lives. Nevertheless, it is a common, if not a uniting, factor,
II0
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1962
and we are concerned with how the "Jewish professor" reacts to his
ethnic and religious background."e
shall rather arbitrarily consider as "Jewish" all faculty members who were raised by parents
who considered themselves Jewish or who converted to Judaism and
who have not converted to another faith. There is no "religious"
listing of the academic staff, and so the precise number of Jewish
families is a matter of some conjecture. The United Jewish Appeal
"list" includes all those known to the identifying members of the
community and totals I 17. Estimates run as high as I 50, but for the
purposes of this study we shall consider the "known" community.
Those who have not been detected by the UJA perhaps deserve to be
considered "assimilated."
There are no reliable figures on the growth of this community.
According to one of the older families, in 1912 there were four
Jewish members of the faculty. The majority seems to have come
to the University during the past ten years, and at the present time
approximately 6 percent of the total faculty is Jewish. Of these,
33 percent are in the social sciences; 30 percent in mathematics and
the physical or biological sciences; 16 percent in engineering and
related "applied" sciences; I 5 percent in the humanities; and 6 percent in miscellaneous fields - including a football coach and a
fencing master. The largest concentration is found in the department
of mathematics: sixteen in all. Other areas with prominent Jewish
representation are psychology, sociology, and physics.
This is a young community, and the father's average age is close
to forty. Approximately two-thirds of the academic community are
first generation - that is, born in America of at least one foreignborn parent. About one-sixth are foreign-born, and the remaining
sixth, from second-, third-, and fourth-generation homes. Thirtyseven percent were reared in homes which they considered Orthodox; 3 I percent Conservative; 1 2 percent Reform; 20 percent
culturally Jewish but nonreligious.3 Forming the larger proportion,
Our concern, of course, extends to wives and children. Since, however, the occupational
difference is the focus of this study, we shall emphasize the husband's attitudes and
record the wife's views only when she differs markedly.
3 These figures, and most percentages to be cited, are approximations based on returns
from seventy-three families and projected on the basis of general knowledge o f the
JEWlSH LlFE AND THOUGHT 1N AN ACADEME COMMUNlTY
1I I
then, are the children of the later Eastern European immigrants,
children who were raised in the stormy days of the Depression and
New Deal. N o longer could a bright young man so easily take the
giant step from immigrant to clothing manufacturer or independent
merchant. Some of the sons are working their way up in large
corporations or have entered the legal or medical profession. Others
have found a satisfying way of life in the academic world, where
status is not determined by money or birth or religion, but by one's
ability to understand a world in which the sons of immigrants are
less likely to go into business for themselves.
Having sketched the two communities in broad outline, we turn
now to our central area of concern: H o w do town and gown differ
regarding their Jewish life and thought? T h e most obvious difference
is that of institutional affiliation. T h e percentages of families affiliated with either the temple or the local B'nai B7rith are: 96 percent
of the town and 34 percent of the gown!4 T h e effect of children on
affiliation is clearly seen when we observe that approximately 5 5
percent of the faculty parents who have children of Sunday school
age are members of the congregation, membership being a prerequisite for sending the children to the school. Virtually all town
children attend the school.
T h e impulsive explanation for the smaller proportion of faculty
"affiliated" is that the academic community is "not religious." If
by "religious" are meant traditional observance and worship, then
the townspeople are hardly more distinguished by a personal need
for faith. T o cite but one statistic, while only 1 5 percent of the
faculty members attend worship services on at least six Sabbaths
nonrespondents to include all I I 7 Jewish faculty members. Some figures (e. g., departmental distribution) are readily available and do not require an estimate.
4 Eighty-four percent o f the town are affiliated with the temple. The additional r t percent are generally more traditional families who have no children o f Sunday school age
and for whom B'nai B'rith membership is the preferred form of Jewish affiliation.
Thirty-two percent o f the gown are temple-affiliated. An additional t percent are
members o f B'nai B'rith.
I12
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1962
during the year, the proportion of temple-going townspeople is but
zs percent - not so dramatic a contrast as to account for the very
much higher percentage of town affiliation. There must be more
significant factors.
In the town, church or synagogue affiliation is an almost universal
custom among business and professional people. A "good citizen"
supports his church - this is almost a sine qua non for civic respectability. Furthermore, the Jewish citizens, with an eye on non-Jewish
opinion, have the additional incentive of wanting their community
to be well-respected by the larger society. One Friday evening,
shortly after the stores began Friday night opening, some twentytwo Methodists visited the synagogue service unannounced and
ournumbered the Jews in attendance. The congregation was informed
of this exposure of Jewish religiosity. On the next Sabbath there was
a near-capacity congregation - but no Methodists. In the town,
religious affiliation is "the thing to do," and the Jewish community
is not going to be the exception.
In striking contrast, there is no comparable custom within the
academic community. In fact, middle-class organizational life in
general and religious institutions in particular are considered rather
low-brow by large numbers of the faculty. A typical comment was
that of a professor who admitted that Judaism has stood for important
values, namely, love of learning and concern for human rights;
however, he continued, these values he could find more easily in the
academic world than in the local Jewish community. The implication of this and of numerous other attitudes indicates that the University itself has become, in a certain sense, the religion of the
faculty.
How many aspects of religious faith and fellowship we find in
the Academic Commitment! There is the dominant philosophy of
naturalism. Its method is scientific; its faith, that all being can be
explained in terms of a single order of efficient causation in which a
supernatural Deity has no place; its morality, the ideals of humanism
rooted in finite human experience; its messianic hope, that man through understanding the consequences of his actions -can build a
better world. There are, of course, denominations. The "high
church" of Art and Humanities expresses in the aesthetic mode
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
1x3
man's striving for fulfillment. There are the monks who seem remote
from human life, but who commune with Nature in search of deeper
Knowledge. Certainly there are those who consider the Social
Gospel to be the justification of all learning and who work for the
improvement of human relations in the larger community. There is
even the skeptic who analyzes the world, but can find no naturalistic
reason to care about humanity. Finally, as in many religions, there
is a fellowship that is so exclusive as to be in conflict with the
universal ideals of the faith. Thus, the Academic Commitment
generally espouses democracy and the maximum interaction between
groups, while the faculty families voluntarily segregate themselves
into a kind of intellectual country club with its departmental clans.
Frequently condescending towards the provincialism of the Midwesterner, the academic club is virtually closed to even the more
intelligent members of the larger community.5
With such a faith and fellowship, can we be surprised that conventional religious affiliation does not have a powerhl appeal? There
are those who are not entirely satisfied with the academic creed, who
want "something more." Still, the primary force behind the affiliation of most academic families is: "So the children should know
something." Following a common urban pattern, once the children
are of Sunday school age (rarely before), the parents "join." They
want their children to understand the history, the literature, and (in
some cases this is a concession) the religion of their cultural heritage.
Some feel quite strongly about the survival of Jewish life; others
simply wish the child to feel secure as part of the group with which
he will be identified by society.
A condition that does not exist in the town is the real possibility
of raising a child without any formal religious education. The case
is otherwise in the gown. Almost half of the academic families are
able to dispense with religious education for their children, because
church affiliation is far from universal among the faculty. Especially
if the family lives in a University neighborhood, little Sammy's
friends can come over on Sunday morning to play space man instead
5 This degree o f closeness -it
has been suggested - is particularly pronounced in
academic communities which are cut off from large centers of culture.
of trundling off to Church school. When, however, there was a
room-shortage in the temple and the suggestion was made to suspend
the kindergarten temporarily, it was the town-mother who objected:
"But the neighbor's child goes to Church!"
So the absence of a compulsory social custom and the presence
of a community that seems to provide a way of life - these factors,
together with the more commonly cited condescension towards
religion, are decisive in explaining the difference between town and
gown in the quantity and quality of affiliation. Nevertheless, affiliation itself barely indicates the attitudes towards faith and people.
In comparing first the religious attitudes, we will not insist on one
definition of "religious." Rather shall we examine separately certain
aspects of life and thought that have historically been considered
elements of the Jewish faith: a belief in God; an ethical way of
life; the use of traditional symbols for worship and home observance;
and the study of Torah.
T h e most significant difference may well be the contrast between the naturalistic orientation of the faculty and the supernaturalism of the town. T h e belief that
. . . there is a God who is all-powerful, all-wise and all-righteous . . . [who]
guides and controls our destinies . . . who somehow "hears" the prayers
of man . . .
was held with or without qualifications by 74 percent of the townspeople p01led.~O f the faculty, however, only about 8 percent of the
men and 1 5 percent of the women expressed agreement with this
traditional theistic view. Included in this handful are those who,
while not comfortable with a faith in a righteous, all-powerful Being,
do believe in a God not reducible to aspects of nature or man's
aspirations. Some may hold to a pantheistic mysticism somewhat
parallel to the Emersonian tradition in the Unitarian Church. There
is also a trace of interest in the ideas of Milton Steinberg and Martin
Buber. Nevertheless, the existence of a God who is considered a
Being with awareness is not taken seriously by over go percent of
the academic community.
This is not to say that our professor is without a kind of faith.
6
Seventy-two percent of the men; seventy-six percent of the women.
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
"5
Eighty percent of the responding faculty members expressed agreement with the statement:
If a man learns to care for the well-being of the oppressed and the stranger
and to strive for a world of righteousness, he will find more satisfaction in
life than will a person whose concern is limited to himself and his immediate
friends and family.
This proposition is the basis of Mordecai M. Kaplan's value theory:
"When we defeat love by yielding to an impulse which we share
with the sub-human, we cannot be happy."? Awareness of God is,
for Kaplan, the "feeling that man's ethical aspirations are part of a
cosmic urge, by obeying which man makes himself at home in the
~ n i v e r s e . "Our
~ professor generally would agree that the universe
is so constituted that man will feel "at home" when he follows the
basic values of his Jewish heritage. H e feels, however, no need to
label this quality of reality "God" or to speak of Godhood as whatever helps man towards this "salvation" or to use such vitalistic
phrases as "cosmic urge." It frequently appears that our professor
accepts the essence of Kaplan's theology but refuses to speak his
language.
Finally - and typically - the academic Jew does not care to
participate in worship services for the purpose of assuring himself
that his ideals will help him feel at home in the universe or experiencing fellowship with other Jews or affirming the worthwhileness
of life. That is, he finds great difficulty in "reconstructing" the
meaning of worship so that he may pray to a Power, Process, or
Quality which is without awareness of man. There are exceptions:
10 percent of the faculty members are mn-supernaturalists who do
attend services with some regularity. W e shall later discuss this
perhaps significant minority.
While h e r e is a marked contrast in theological belief between
town and gown, the contrast in synagogue attendance is surprisingly
mild. While three-fourths of the town expresses a belief in a super1 Mordecai M. Kaplan, Basic Values in Jewish Religion (New York: Reconstructionist
Press, 1957), p. 89.
8
Kaplan, The Meaning of God in Modem Jewish Religion (New York: Behrman House,
'937)9 pp- 244-45.
natural Deity, only one-fourth attends services with any regularity as compared with I 5 percent of the gown. Among the townspeople,
furthermore, there is no correlation between the "attenders" and
the "believers." Perhaps the belief is superficial - what one is
supposed to believe about God. More likely, there is here a latent
faith in God that becomes activated in extreme situations when
one's personal powers cannot meet an overwhelming crisis.
An interesting side light is the discovery that while the faculty
wives are almost as naturalistically inclined as their husbands and
attend services with the same infrequency, when they do attend,
they seem to have a more meaningful experience. They are particularly more prone to be introspective, to attempt self-understanding and to find a feeling of serenity in the service.9 N o such
discrepancy between the experience of the town husbands and
wives was evident.
Turning briefly to our approximation of religious observance in
the home, we can observe an interesting phenomenon among the
faculty families: While 6 percent do not eat pork, 17 percent light
Sabbath candles, 3 0 percent hold a Passover seder regularly - and 50
percent light Hanukkah candles! T h e most marginal of families
visit the sisterhood gift shop and the children's library before
Hanukkah. T h e Christ in Christmas makes it most difficult for Jews
to leave Judaism altogether.
T h e ethical aspect of religion does not lend itself to statistical
comparisons. Both town and gown are "for brotherhood." Their
contrasting views regarding specific social issues reflect the general
difference between academic values and middle-class standards. It
might be more fruitful to ask to what degree, if any, our two Jewish
communities differ in their social concerns from the larger communities of which they are a part.
T h e popular image of the academic world is that of a nest of
long-haired radicals. Actually, there is wide variety of social viewpoints - varying from predominantly Republican faculty neighbor9 Various kinds of worship experience were tallied, and - based on the same scale the wives scored 76 to the husbands' 4 2 . For example, 3 3 percent o f the wives stated
that, during services, they frequently "try by self-understanding to resolve [personal]
problems." Only 4 percent of the husbands admitted to self-examination during worship.
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
117
hoods to a department known for extreme conservatism to the social
scientists who generally take "liberal stands" on national and
community issues. T h e Jewish faculty members are active, out of
proportion to their numbers, in the local organizations concerned
with assuring equal opportunities for members of minority groups.
While Jews represent about 6 percent of the faculty, they provided
18 percent of the signatures on a controversial petition in behalf of
academic freedom. Eleven percent of the social scientists are Jewish - perhaps another indication of concern with society and its
problems. T h e factors involved in this kind of concern are problematic. Some faculty members would look to immigrant parents
with their consciousness of minority rights. Others may speak of a
religious heritage. Whatever the reason, whenever there is a pressing
issue involving human rights at an open meeting of the City Council,
a minyan is present.
T h e townspeople are part of a Midwestern middle-class community. Such a large proportion of the Jewish families are, however,
from urban immigrant backgrounds that there is no clearly dominant
view on any social issue. A significant proportion of Jewish families
do participate in the League of Women Voters, braille programs, and
other civic endeavors; but -and this is pure impression -the Jewish
community does not appear to be any more active in these areas than
are the liberal Protestant fellowships. As would be expected, the
town merchant does not share the professor's enthusiasm for such
measures as a state Fair Employment Practices Commission.
Turning finally to the study of Judaism, we find that in neither
community is there anything approaching the traditional concern
with Torah as a guide for living. Among the faculty members there
is some concern with the problems of being Jewish today. A group
of professors meet triweekly to discuss such themes as the constants
of Judaism, and there is interest when the temple's adult education
program deals with the theologies of Kaplan, Steinberg, or B u b e r . ~ ~
T h e mood, however, varies from mild curiosity to a search for meaning that never seems to be answered . . . again, the desire "for
something."
lo
About zo percent of the faculty show at least some interest in these discussions.
Within the town, there is no such searching. The townspeople,
by and large, have few conscious doubts about their Jewishness and
Judaism. Their views are more settled, and they are less inclined to
question them. A small Men's Club holds a monthly Bible class, and
the preferred sermon topic is Jewish history and literature. What is
sought from these studies is more knowledge about the Jewish
heritage and, perhaps, some general principles for living. Excursions
into such questions as how the values of Torah can be applied to
social and economic realities are often considered "not Jewish" and
an unnecessary duplication of news commentary.
W e have been emphasizing the contrast between the Jewish
academic and town communities. Only in the area of ethical standards have we compared the Jewish with the non-Jewish faculty.
Further study along these lines would be of considerable interest.
Exactly how church-going is the Gentile professor? Are his philosophic views as thoroughly naturalistic as those of his Jewish
colleague? According to one non-Jewish observer, with the exception of a few departments, such as agriculture, the naturalistic view
is completely dominant, but the Jews are more outspoken in expressing it. Of particular interest is the virtual absence of religious
existentialism as a point of view that is considered seriously. There
is a professor who claims that he is the "only one on campus." If
this university is typical, it suggests a perhaps unwanted insight:
that the profound philosophies of Paul Tillich, Reinhold Niebuhr,
and Martin Buber -which are supposed to be stirring intellectual
currents in our time - are causing scarcely a ripple in academic
circles outside of the seminaries.
When Jewish life is considered in its nonreligious aspect, the
faculty community appears considerably more involved than has
been indicated thus far. For example, about 60 percent of the
faculty have contributed to the UJA at least twice in the last three
years, and this is easily as high a proportion as the town can claim.
Approximately 2 0 percent of the Jewish faculty members have
stated that at least 7 5 percent of their close friends are Jewish. Even
among those who make no contribution to any Jewish institution or
philanthropy (one of the better signs of marginality in our gown
community), approximately half of the respondents observed that
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
I 19
half of their close friends are Jews. Almost everyone enjoys "Jewish"
food and jokes, and the best-known Jewish author is Sholem Aleichem. All this is a reflection of the largely first-generation urban
background. Consequently, a much more significant proportion of
the faculty could be considered "ethnically," as opposed to
religiously, oriented.
Most characteristic of the nature of this ethnic identification is
its wide variation - from the ardent Reconstructionist to the avowed
assimilationist. While among the townspeople there is a rather even
degree of ethnic involvement, within the University community
there is dramatic contrast between the strongly identified who are
trying to preserve Jewish culture in a Midwestern cornfield and the
cosmopolite who feel that there are enough barriers between people
in this world without the clannishness of Jews. Between the two
extremes we find the larger proportion of the faculty, culturally
affirming their Jewishness by discussing Jewish problems, giving to
the UJA, and sending their children to Sunday school.
Should one wish to compare the general ethnic involvement of
town and gown, the two extremes within the academic community
would cancel each other, and the town would be found to be more
deeply conscious of its connection with the Jewish people. At least
60 percent of the townspeople would say that three-fourths of their
close friends are Jewish - compared with 20 percent of the gown.
Mixed marriages represent 6.5 percent of the town community and
approximately 20 percent of the gown.I1 The four Jewish-born
couples who joined the Unitarian Church are all academic families.
A special kind of involvement with the Jewish people, though most
notable among Jews who do not consider themselves ethnically
involved, is the tendency to be "very much concerned" when Jews
behave publicly in an unethical manner. Sixty-eight percent of the
responding town men, as compared with 3 0 percent of the gown
men, expressed such concern.Ia Among the most concerned in the
I' In both communities, in about one out of three instances, the children are being raised
as Jews.
I a An interesting "sex-difference": neither town nor gown wives were nearly so concerned with non-Jewish opinion as were their husbands. The figures for the ladies:
Town - 3 z percent (cf. 68 percent) ; Gown - I o percent (cf. 3 0 percent).
town are a few families who are members of the American Council
for Judaism.
W h y does the academic community present the unusual configuration of ardent ethnic feeling, a mild affirmation of Jewishness,
and an outright assimilationist view -all expressed by families
from largely first-generation urban backgrounds? W e shall later
examine these attitudes more closely. For now let us suggest that
once the memories of Jewish culture become vague, the town Jew
can still find reasons to remain within the fold: he retains a latent
supernatural faith, and the larger community expects him to be
Jewish. By contrast, once the gown Jew no longer finds meaning in
the ethnic fellowship or the folkways, he has neither traditional
belief nor strong social pressure to encourage his identity. While
some still feel closely attached to Jewish cultural life, most express
a mild nostalgia, and a sizable portion drift away altogether. One
could argue that the conventional divisions of Orthodox, Reform,
and Conservative Judaism are replaced within the academic world
by ethnic "denominations."
W e have attempted to delineate the more distinctive features of
the University Jewish community as compared with that of the
town. W e have observed marked contrast in the areas of institutional
affiliation, religious orientation (from theological belief to the study
of Torah), and ethnic involvement. Let us now move our camera in
for a closer view of the differences within the academic world. The
danger in discussions of "character-types" is that we often fail to
see the trees for the forest. W e see percentages instead of people.
In speaking of the "typical view," the minority report may be
omitted.
Because of the very small number of faculty families who have
a religious orientation, it is more helpful to subdivide the community into the ethnic denominations suggested in the previous section.
These divisions were determined by an EI (ethnic identification)
scale, which included such items as proportion of close Jewish
friends, the factor by which Jewish philanthropy exceeded giving to
P.-\RT OF T H E UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS C.%MPCS
A kir7d of i~rtellertunlcountry rlrrb
(see
p.
I OR)
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
123
non-Jewish causes, familiarity with Jewish literature, concern with
Israel, etc. Those who scored 60 or above were considered to have a
strong EI and included 2 3 percent of the total community. Those
scoring below 60, but contributing to any Jewish institution or
philanthropy - and not advocating the assimilation of Jewish life were considered to have a weak EI, and they made up 47 percent
of the community. Thirty percent contributed to no Jewish cause
or favored assimilation - and were considered marginal. Let us
now attempt to portray these three different approaches to Jewish life.
Our strongly identified individual is most willing to participate
in Jewish life, sometimes as a leader, but certainly as a worker for
the UJA or as a speaker for the temple sisterhood. He feels that all
American Jews have an obligation to support Israel. He almost
certainly has a Passover Seder at home and, of course, lights the
Hanukkah candles. He probably eats pork products, although onefifth of this 2 3 percent does abstain. More likely than not -especially if there are children - his wife will light the Sabbath candles.
He remembers a little Hebrew, and may send his child to the midweek
Hebrew school. Almost three-fifths of those in this category attend
worship services at least six Sabbaths during the year. The remaining
two-fifths attend only on the High Holydays. When asked why they
attend on the High Holydays and not throughout the year, they may
reply that the High Holydays afford an opportunity for "continuity
with my personal and Jewish past" or that it is a "tradition without
religious implications"! Whether "religious" or not, the strongly
identified want Jewish life to survive because of the values of
Jewish culture and because of the contributions which that culture
can make both to Jews and to mankind.
Our "weakly identified" individual joins the temple so that his
children can learn "something" about their cultural background.
Occasionally he attends Jewish programs of particular interest to
him, but his attitude is one of curiosity rather than of involvement.
H e gives to the UJA, but is not likely to feel that all American Jews
have the same obligation. Although his children attend "religious
school," he sets an example of consistent unconcern with "religious"
activities; he finds no meaning in Sabbath services, nor does his wife
light the Sabbath candles.I3 In fact, less than half this group attend
on the High Holydays. When asked why they send their children
to study a religion which the parents do not practice, they may
reply:
I'm not trying to encourage my children to be what I'm not - religious.
I only want them to know something about their cultural background. T o
know about Jewish history, literature, and religion is part of their education.
They are Jews . . . and are going to be identified as such.
There are one or two families who voice the desire for a completely
secular school. There are even parents who wish to send their
children to the religious school, but who -as a matter of principle - refuse to join the congregation that makes the school
possible.
The marginal Jew, representing almost one-third of the community, feels no religious and the vaguest ethnic tie. One sure sign
of marginality is that not even Hanukkah is observed! H e has slight
interest in Israel and an equally slight concern lest American Jews
become too involved with a foreign state. His children do not attend
Sunday school: W h y impose on the child an ethnic connection that
has no meaning for the father? Nevertheless, it is possible that half
of his close friends are Jewish! While the more identified Jew
explains the high proportion of his Jewish friends by saying: "I
like Jews," his more marginal colleague might say: "I like people
from the Eastern seaboard," or "There happen to be a large proportion of Jews in my department."
The deeper question must be: W h y are some families more
ethnically identified than others? Among the factors having no
effect were departmental affiliation, propensity to join organizations
in general, and having been a bar mitzvah! The vast majority of the
total community was reared in first-generation Conservative or
Orthodox homes, and whether their subsequent identification has
become strong, weak, or marginal seems to hinge upon the pleasantness of their childhood associations with Jewish life and tradition.
The more strongly identified remember with real nostalgia the seder,
13 Only two families were found to have a weak ethnic identification and a strong
religious orientation.
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN AN ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
IZS
the Sabbath eve candles, and even the heder! Less obvious was the
finding that, while active Orthodox homes often influenced their
sons to remain very much a part of the Jewish people - if not of
their religion -there were among the marginal Jews hardly any
instances of the classic rebellion against a rigid home. The typical
recollection was a neutral feeling towards Jewish life as a child.
Traditions were not strictly observed, and disinvolvement was easy
because there never had been an intense involvement. Instead of
ambivalence, there was more usually an almost "understanding"
attitude towards the family, unsentimental and objective. The
evidence is too slim for more than pure conjecture, but perhaps the
parents of the Depression years were not quite so rigorous as were
the earlier immigrants.
W e turn now to an area of crucial importance for all those concerned with the Jewish faith and its future. What meaning do the
more religiously oriented professors find in their Judaism? W e shall
be concerned with the small number - 1 5 percent - who attend
worship services at least six Sabbaths during the year, for this
attendance indicates at least a willingness to use religious symbols
to express certain aspirations. O f these, two-thirds would consider
themselves naturalists who could never believe in a supernatural
Deity. What do they find in religious tradition that eludes their
equally naturalistic colleagues?
Themost dramatic fact is that seven-eighths of the religiously
oriented have a strong ethnic identification. These are the families
who come from Conservative or Orthodox homes, in which Jewish
culture was warmly present - families who have deep attachments
not only to religious traditions, but also to that cluster of nostalgia
called yiddishkeit. With two individual exceptions, the religiously
oriented have extremely close ties to the Jewish people as people.
In most cases, then, a deep feeling for Jewish culture in all its forms
seems a precondition for a willingness to worship within the tradition. One is led to conclude that the ethnic tie is primary. Certainly
one professor's debt to Mordecai Kaplan is suggestive:
I wanted emotionally to stay, and Kaplan made it possible. Reconstructionism
was a way out. I found I could preserve Judaism and reject the [traditional]
theology.
There are no sons of Reform homes among the religiously oriented,
for the Reform home in the thirties did not provide the ethnic tie
that seems to be needed to hold the Jew who has lost his theistic
belief. If the religious service is primarily a way of expressing an
identity with the Jewish community, why should he bother?
Before we jump to the impulsive conclusion that all such worship
is simply Jewish togetherness in religious clothing, there are additional factors to consider. Once our naturalist accepts the symbolism
and attends services, he may well find the worship to be an "opportunity to express certain feelings," feelings of gratitude and appreciation that he does not take the time to express in everyday life.
Then there is the well-attended Unitarian Church off the campus,
a reminder that a naturalistic faith without a strong ethnic tie is
possible.
The question remains: W h y do half of the strongly identified
naturalists feel a desire to participate in religious worship, while the
other half do not? Among the "secular ethnic," 40 percent were in
the fields of physical science or mathematics; among the "religious
ethnic," there was not a single professor from these fields!I4 In
contrast, social scientists -out of proportion to their numbers
within the community - were willing to become part of the congregation.IS Could it be that social scientists, who are often concerned with the symbols of man and society, are more willing than
the physical scientists to view religious literature in a less discursive
and more aesthetic sense? Possibly the community concern that led
the social scientist to his profession might encourage an interest in
the religious community and its attempts to express man's aspirations.
As for the physical scientist, he often regards himself as "hardheaded" and considers concern with religion as intellectual fuzziness. Perhaps significant is Anne Roe's finding that a group of
research physicists "was largely free of present parental ties of
r4 This
does not include such "applied" sciences as agriculture, engineering, and animal
science.
Fifty-six percent of the "religious ethnic" are in the social sciences, while 3 3 percent
of the Jewish faculty members are social scientists.
15
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT IN A N ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
127
any strongly emotional sort and without guilt over this."^^ This
implies the kind of neutral objectivity towards the traditions of the
fathers that is indeed the case in Champaign-Urbana. Still, such a
conjecture rests on data too scanty to afford more than a cue for
further investigation.
Recalling our observation that the ethnic tie is usually a precondition for a religious orientation, we might conclude with an
exceptional view. There are Jews with few cultural associations who,
nevertheless, do find meaning in their faith. One such faculty wife
has a word of counsel for the ethnic Jew:
It is my opinion that the cultural aspects of Jewish life, such as they are
per se, should serve primarily to unite and support the Jewish community
in order that this community might extend and practice the basic ethical
precepts of Judaism more forcefully within the whole community. Jewishness for the sake of Jewishness serves no such purpose.
In reviewing our conclusions, we should look once more at the
academic community as a whole. When the individual differences
become blurred and we compare the Jewish gown with the Jewish
town, we face again the uneasy challenge of the professional intellectual. H e is less likely to affiliate, for the University has become
a sort of religion. Certainly his is a community which does not
consider church affiliation as a necessary sign of respectability, and
it is even possible for children to "get by" without a Sunday school
education. Nevertheless, over half of "Sunday school parents" do
affiliate, and a rather active participation in Jewish life can be for
some 2 3 percent quite meaningful.
T h e religious orientation is strikingly distinctive - dominantly
naturalistic as opposed to supernaturally theistic. While accepting
the essential value theory of Mordecai Kaplan, the gown typically
finds no reason to use theological terms or to participate in worship
services. Home observance is "for children only," and -while
Sabbath candles burn in but a few homes -Hanukkah for most
16
p.
Anne Roe, The Psychology of Occupations (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1956),
215.
128
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES,
NOVEMBER,
1962
parents is a therapeutic necessity. A large proportion of families
are active in community and humanitarian endeavors, reflecting not
only certain values within the academic world, but also their own
immigrant-urban-Jewish background. While the townspeople are
content with "Bible study," Jewish education for the professor has
become a search on the part of a handful to find some deeper meaning
in their Jewish identity.
There is more involvement with the Jewish people than with the
Jewish faith. Although the gown as a whole is not so ethnically
identified as is the town, concern with the welfare of the State of
Israel is as marked among the faculty members as among the townspeople. Most distinctive is the wide variety in the degree of ethnic
identification. Compared with the town, there are more intense
feelings of Jewish peoplehood as well as a more pronounced tendency
towards assimilation within the academic community. Middle-class
norms seem to encourage a dropping of certain aspects of Jewish
cultural life, but do not invite even the native-born to assimilate
altogether. T h e more ethnic professor may bemoan the integrationist
effects of small-town life, of which he is not really a part -but
once the cultural tie is broken, there is neither middle-class compulsion nor supernatural belief to hold him to his people.
Within the gown community, we find that those who are closely
identified look back on most pleasant home experiences centering
around religious and cultural traditions. T h e most marginal are not
found to be particularly rebellious - rather they appear neutral and
unsentimental, and rarely was their home life so rigidly Orthodox
as to prompt an angry rejection. Among the small group of naturalists
who attend worship services with any regularity, almost all have a
strong ethnic identification, but none of these are theoretical physical
scientists. An intimate familiarity with Jewish traditions along with
a willingness to look upon the symbols as the poetry of human
aspiration - these are qualities that facilitate a faith for the Jewish
professor.
Pages from My Stormy Life- An Autobiographical
Sketch
MELECH EPSTEIN
Heinrich Heine dubbed Communism "the gloomy hero" during the
mid-1800's and thought "with dread and horror" of the time when
it would achieve power. Others of a later day - Melech Epstein among
them - discovered through personal experience the truth of Heine's
prophecy.
Born in 1889 at Ruzhanoi, Byelorussia, Melech Epstein was intended
by his Orthodox parents for rabbinical studies, but before very long,
as he has said, "the religious spell" of his childhood yielded to a "social
concern, secular in character but no less fewent in spirit." That concern
led the young Epstein into an impermanent afiliation with the Jewish
Socialist-Territorialist movement (the "S-S," as it was known in Eastern
Europe) ;at sixteen, he was a semioficial functionary of his local "S-S"
party and an active participant in the revolutionary upheaval of 19of.
His activities embroiled the young radical with the Cmrist police, from
whose clutches on one occasion he barely escaped with his life.
The autobiographical excerpt published in these pages begins with
Epstein's immigration to America in 1913. The social concern to which he
had devoted himself in Europe continued to characterize his career in
America; it guided him into -and out of - the ranks of American
Communists.
Epstein's Jirst wife, Gisha Malkin, bore him two daughters; since
194.2, he has been married to American-born Jetti Seinfeld, who acts
as his secretary and is described by him as "a tremendous help" in
his work. Completed in 19f3, his valuable two-volume work, Jewish
Labor in U.S.A., was followed a few years later by another useful
book, The Jew and Communism. Now resident in Florida, Epstein
is presently engaged in writing a series of profiles of distinguished
Jigures - among them, Abraham Cahan, Joseph Barondess, Morris
Hillquit, Meyer London, and Sidney Hillman - who, in his words,
I3O
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1962
"helped to shape the cultural pattern of the Jewish community, particularly
on the labor and radical sector." He anticipates also the publication
of a complete autobiography.
The editors of the American Jewish Archives take pleasure in presenting
these recollections of a life that has been as colorful as, by its narrator's
testimony, it has been stormy.
This is the story of one man's life, but in a sense it is the story
of a generation. T h e events that are briefly sketched here, however
exciting, could have happened - and in many instances did happen to others of the same generation.
M y generation came into the world a decade before the turn
of the century, a twilight era in Czarist Russia. T h e old order
was collapsing under the weight of its own decay. And the new one,
still invisible, was throwing a long shadow before it. T h e youth
in the big cities was dreaming the vision of the new world and
feverishly discussing its shape.
In the shtetl, the walls of the ghetto were tumbling and nothing
solid had yet emerged to replace them. T h e old, tightly knit way
of life, centered around the shul and the beth medrash, was being
discarded. It was the last stage of the Radical Enlightenment,
which, in its deep social concern and fervent appeal to the masses
of the people to rise from their poverty and backwardness, differed
basically from the previous Great Enlightenment, whose call had
been directed largely at the successful and the educated. A restless
youth, losing its old moorings, was painfully groping for a new
purpose in life. It was a bewildering time, confused and yet pregnant
with hope and radiant with faith.
Between I 907 and I 9 I 3, I saw many of my comrades, landslite,
and acquaintances take the road to America. This emigration fever
infected a large segment of the youth. T h e defeat of the revolution
of 1905 and an understandable reluctance to waste nearly four years
in the Czarist army were among the major reasons.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
- A N AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
I31
An inner voice warned me that I had to call a halt to the past
and start anew. And this could be achieved only in the new world.
I was ready to leave Russia. My family bought the shifscarte,
second class, on payments. Having been previously exempted
from military service on account of poor eyesight, I did not have
to smuggle myself across the German border and could sail from
the then Russian port of Libau. In the middle of December, I
boarded an old ship called, curiously enough, the Czar.
The Czar was crowded. There may have been a dozen or more
nationalities aboard. The largest was the Jewish; the smallest,
the Finnish. The Finns, only about eight persons, were openly
contemptuous of the Jews - I ate at their table. More urbane,
they did not jeer, as the Ukrainians did, at the Jews praying in
the salon on Saturday.
The sea was rough, and the Czar, loudly creaking, treaded
her way slowly across the ocean. The trip took two weeks. It
was a great relief to see her tied up in New York harbor.
The immigration officials were clearly not happy over the
large human cargo the Czar had brought. The inspector for the
second class greeted us with thinly veiled hostility. He spoke
German and asked the future Americans tricky questions to conhse
them. A nicely dressed young woman in front of me was asked,
"How much is twice six?" The utter childishness of this question
increased her nervousness -we were all highly wrought up and she could not utter a word. The inspector repeated the question
brusquely, but the woman, now frightened, moved her lips without
being able to say anything. She was taken away to Ellis Island
for h t h e r examination.
When my turn came, the inspector gave me one sharp look.
"Were you in jail?" he asked. I was startled, and for a fleeting
moment was ready to reply proudly, "Yes." Wasn't America
the asylum for all the persecuted and oppressed? In Warsaw I
had issued statements to comrades forced to leave the country
testifying that they were politicals, to facilitate their entry into
the United States. But an intuition sharpened by years in the
underground prompted a firm Nein.
I was later told that a truthful answer would have brought
no end of trouble, that only a vigorous movement in my defense
would have saved me from deportation.
The inspector seemed hesitant to approve my entrance. H e
reluctantly put the seal on my paper only after a young woman
from a Jewish defense group intervened.
The pier was dark and cold. A heavy rain was falling. I was
among the few who were not met by anyone. W e felt miserable
and helpless. The man from HIAS, who took charge of us, was
encouraging. "We have had a dry summer," he said, "and the rains
are badly needed. They are a good omen for you."
It was December 2 4 , 19I 3, Christmas eve.
My first glimpse into the mode of living of a family in America
was not encouraging. Neither the cheerless rooms nor the drab
furnishings of my Uncle Nehemye Markowitz7s apartment, in the
Jewish community of Brownsville, Brooklyn, were more attractive
than similar dwellings inwarsaw.= The apartment also lacked the
tile stove we were accustomed to at home.
M y two cousins, Meyer and Issie, were the first American
youngsters I encountered, and I could not fail to observe the
striking contrast between them and their counterparts in Eastern
Europe. It was not easy to establish contact with them, and language
was the least barrier; the difference in background and environment
was a greater handicap. Doubtless, I looked no less alien to them,
but as a greenhorn I was expected to be odd. However, they were
good boys and helpful. What struck me most was the gulf between
'
M y uncle had been among the first in our area to be arrested, before the turn
of the century, and exiled to Siberia for alleged participation in a strike for higher
wages. The Czarist government, in strict observance of its laws, could not exile him
because he was under twenty-one. He was, therefore, ke t in prison for two
years until he reached that age. Then he spent four years in Rberia. His close associarion with intellectuals in the remote hamlet of Siberia was a sort of college
for him.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
- AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
'33
them and their parents. Later I came to know the full extent of
the acute problem facing many immigrant parents in their relations
with native-born or Americanized offspring.
T w o days later, I stood on the sidewalks of East Broadway.
What a sight! Here, on one block and within a few steps of each
other, were three Jewish dailies, the biggest of them the Forward,
a labor Socialist paper, its modern ten-story building the highest
on the lower East Side. T h e heavy traffic in and out of the building
suggested clearly that 1 7 5 East Broadway had a significance beyond
being the home of the Forward, a vital institution in itself; it was
the address of an entire movement.= The animated movement of
people on East Broadway was novel and stimulating. Yet it had a
familiar ring.
I was taken to Sholem's Cafk, half a block from East Broadway.
There, under one roof, were more celebrities than one could find in
many similar cafks in Eastern Europe combined. T h e freedom and
composure of these novelists, poets, journalists, and labor leaders,
sitting around little tables engaged in spirited discussions of world
affairs, Jewish problems, literature, and art, excited my imagination.
I wondered wistfully if I would some day find myself among those
at the tables.
No one has yet done justice to this famous caf6 of the Yiddish
literati, the birthplace as well as the grave of many explosive ideas.
T h e second famous institution on the East Side, Cafk Royal, on 2nd
Avenue and I 2th Street, largely the gathering place of Jewish theater
people, has also been rather neglected by the literature on the East
Side. Non-Jewish intellectuals and Bohemians from Greenwich
Village often showed up there, taking part in the discussions. T h e
waiters at these cafks were characteristic types. They were on
familiar terms with their customers, and some of them were in
the habit of insisting on what the customer should and should not
eat. It was in the old Jewish style.
The Forward building was the headquarters of the Arbeiter Ring (the Workmen's
Circle), the United Hebrew Trades, the Jewish Socialist Federation, and several local
labor and cultural groups. It had a large auditorium for meetings and concerts.
a
I34
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1962
For a new arrival of my background and age, the most formidable
obstacle in the process of adjustment was the inability to take the
measure of the new country in its entirety.
From what I have seen of the world since, I believe that in no
country were light and shadow so interlaced as in America on the eve
of World W a r I. T h e absolute freedom of speech and assembly was
exhilarating; in Russia I could only have dreamed of it. But the total
absence of social legislation was baffling. T h e abundance, variety,
and low price of food were amazing. But so was the want I
encountered.
Well acquainted though I was with poverty in the old country,
it was on the streets of the East Side that I first saw - and not
once - old furniture and bedding piled on the sidewalk, a child
sitting on top, passers-by dropping coins into a plate - the family
having been thrown out for failure to pay their rent.3 T h e Constitution guaranteed the right to belong to associations, yet millions
of wage earners were arbitrarily denied this right and the protection
to be derived from it.
Many questions troubled my mind. T h e country was passing
through a depression that was hardly mentioned in the press.
Idle people had nowhere to turn but to charity. Public opinion
in New York was excited by a young student, Frank Tannenbaum,
leading the unemployed to seize churches for lodgings. This young
man later became a solid social scientist and professor at Columbia
University. I saw policemen swinging their clubs freely over the
heads of pickets, a sight reminiscent of somewhere else.
M y experience in the area which is now called human relations
was full of contrasts, too. I recollect my first visit to Bronx Park
on a summer Sunday for a picnic with friends. O n the grassy hills
many other families were enjoying the sunshine. I heard many
tongues; some I could not even identify. T h e scene was nearly
idyllic in its tranquility. But a couple of months later a janitor in a
Rent gouging immediately after World War I provoked many rent strikes. Some
blocks were actually littered with the furniture of evicted families. I took part in two
rent strikes in Brownsville.
3
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
-AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
'35
building in the heart of The Bronx - a section rapidly being built up
by Jews - asked me softly whether I was a Hebrew, and then
stated, "The policy of the management is not to rent to Hebrews."
Reporting this experience to friends, I was shocked to learn that
discrimination against Jews was rampant in many parts of the
country, in hotels, summer places, restaurants, and clubs. Such social
discrimination was unknown within the Pale of Settlement in
Czarist Russia.
A couple of summers afterwards, I was in the Catskill Mountains,
in New York State, looking for a room. Unwittingly, I rang the
bell of a non-Jewish guest house. When the woman came to the
door, I saw my mistake. Sensitive to being rebuffed, I blurted
out, "My name is Epstein; I am a Russian Jew." For a moment
the woman did not seem to understand. Then she called to her
daughter, a girl of sixteen, and with a pleasant smile said, "This
is Mr. Epstein. He is a Russian Jew, and he will stay with us."
Lumps came to my throat, and I could not utter a word.
During the war I was sent on a tour by the People's Relief
Committee, as far west as Denver and south to San Antonio. It was
my first glimpse of the country. I liked the wide boulevards of Kansas
City and was charmed by the general simplicity and friendliness of
the people. The vastness and magnificence of the Rocky Mountains
were breath-taking. Everywhere men and women were working,
and no one seemed to regard manual labor as beneath his dignity.
But this pleasant impression of the American landscape and
people was shattered at the first railway station in the South. I had
heard in Russia about the treatment of Negroes in the American
South, but the actual sight of the sign "For Whites Only" on waiting
rooms and ticket windows was incomprehensible to me. In Montgomery, Alabama, on entering a streetcar, I inadvertently took a
seat in the back. When the conductor told me to move, I refused,
as a protest against segregation. He threatened to stop the car.
In the commotion, I observed that not only the white passengers,
but the Negroes as well, shot unfriendly glances at me. I had
taken one of their seats. Sheepishly, I moved to the front. I learned
subsequently that many of the European intellectuals on their first
trip to the South had similar clashes with streetcar conductors.
The Mexican market in San Antonio was colorful and exotic,
particularly at night. But I was pained by a "feature" of this old
town not mentioned in the illustrated folders for tourists - the
Mexican quarters. I could not help comparing these bare, ramshackle
hovels, hot in the summer and cold in the winter, with the peasant
huts in Russia with their mud walls and thatched roofs; the latter
won out. The Mexican quarters in San Antonio were abolished in
the thirties.
The Ludlow Massacre of April 20, 1914, produced a feeling of
horror among radical immigrants.4 It could not have happened
in old Europe. Later I hurried to 26 Broadway to witness a mourning
demonstration in front of the Rockefeller offices and was impressed
by the presence of several clergymen in their vestments among
the paraders. This, too, could not have happened in old Europe.
Months afterwards, I sat in a crowded room in the New York
City Hall, listening breathlessly to a cross-examination of John D.
Rockefeller, Sr., then a symbol of hard and callous America, by
a foreign-born labor leader and a Jew, Samuel Gompers. The
hearing was conducted by the recently created United States
Commission on Industrial Relations, headed by Congressman Frank
P. Walsh. Old John D., surrounded by detectives, had to answer
many embarrassing questions.
Thousands of recent arrivals, young men and women, carrying
a vision of a free and just America, found it difficult to orient
themselves in this maze of contradictions. Conflicting impressions
caused conflicting attitudes. Many, disillusioned, longed for the
social romanticism of the underground movement. I was not among
them. Instead, I began to look more closely into the various political
trends.
Gradually, other sounds reached me. I became aware of a
current of social unrest moving across the country, reflected in the
4 A colony of tents of miners striking against the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company
was razed by state troopers. Among those burned to death were eleven children and
two women.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE - AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
'37
muckraking political literature. Taking up the study of the country's
past, I gained a keener perception of the essence of America and its
destiny. Four years after my arrival, when many of my comrades
and friends, of all ideological groupings, began a small trek back
to Russia during the short life of the Provisional Government of
1917, it did not even occur to me to do likewise. T o me, as to
an overwhelming majority of my fellow Jews, America was home.
M y personal position was fluid, too. Knowing that I would not
do well in a shop, I tried to earn a livelihood as a teacher in the
newly organized "National Radical" day school. T h e pay was
insufficient and irregular, and the program was not to my liking.
Barely a week after my arrival, I had evidence, to my regret,
that the old world and the new were not so dissimilar after all.
One day, as I was looking through the Warsaw papers at the newspaper rack in the reading room on the third floor of the Educational
Alliance on East Broadway, my overcoat, which I had thrown
over the back of the chair behind me, was stolen. T h e loss of a coat
early in January worried me. Luckily, however, the landsman with
whom I shared a small room on Henry Street gave me his heavy
sweater, and the winter was a mild one. Still, I didn't feel at ease
walking the streets in a sweater.
I began learning English in the day classes of the Educational
Alliance. The students were mostly people who knew the language of
their native country and were acquainted with its literature. But
the method of teaching and the textbooks were those of the public
schools. One can imagine my chagrin at having to answer the
question "Who is a brave man?" with "A policeman is a brave
man." It did not occur to anyone in authority to provide textbooks
for foreign-born adults.
I dropped out after a few months and took to reading the New
York Times and a couple of magazines. In the beginning I could
only catch the meaning of the articles, but gradually more words
became familiar. T h e provincialism and one-sidedness of the big press
of that time were irritating. Yet they seemed to mirror accurately
the public mood. On the other hand, the small radical publications,
frankly one-sided, provided me and my friends with facts considered
"not fit to print" by the "capitalist'' journals of opinion.
The meager material existence was compensated for by a filler
cultural life. Evening schools, libraries, theaters, and concerts were
more numerous and accessible than in Russia. Serious young immigrants filled the evening classes and crowded the libraries, eager
to learn English and to read American books. Particularly attractive
were the summer concerts in the recently opened Lewisohn Stadium.
For twenty-five or fifty cents one could sit on a stone bench in
the amphitheater and listen to Tschaikovsky or Beethoven played
by a first-rate symphony orchestra. One had to come early to get
a seat.
I remember the enormous crowds when the Ninth Symphony was
performed in the summer of I 9 I 5. Mounted police had to be called
out to keep order outside the stadium, and the performance was
repeated the following night. It was the first time I had heard
this symphony. On a summer evening in 1960, my wife and I
went to the same stadium to listen to the same symphony. The
stone benches were half empty, though the higher-priced chairs
were fill. What a difference between the cultural tastes of the
young Jewish immigrants and present-day young America!
I remember also the dance recitals of Isidora Duncan in a big
theater during the war. The orchestra and the lower balconies were
practically empty. Only a couple of front rows were occupied by
well-dressed old ladies and gentlemen, devotees of Greek art.
But the top balcony was crowded by the same young people who
stood in long lines for tickets to the Lewisohn Stadium. A ticket
cost only forty cents, but we often had to give up our supper to
see Isidora Duncan, whose triumph in St. Petersburg was known
to US.
The intellectual superiority and political consciousness of the
new immigration that poured in here after 1905 and the defeat of
the first Russian revolution were largely responsible for the great
organizational drives that changed the face of the Jewish community,
doing away with the dreadfil sweatshop and raising the living
standards and the human dignity of hundreds of thousands of wage
earners through the building of enduring trade unions. Jewish
AIELECH EPSTFIN
Tltrrr
rhir~gsrl1,rt I
(see p.
I
29)
tfo
rrxrrt
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
-AN
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
I4'
laboring people reached the general level of American skilled
labor.
Not the least meaningful accomplishments were registered in
the political and cultural areas. Culturally, that decade witnessed
a burgeoning of Yiddish letters that lasted until the late thirties.
New vitality flowed into every phase of cultural activity. New
magazines appeared, new literary trends emerged, and many books
of a new crop of American Yiddish writers as well as translations
were
The Jewish theater found a discerning audience,
and younger artists were given the opportunity to rise above the
morass of the shund (trash) of Second Avenue. Politically, the
Jewish neighborhoods in the East Side and Brownsville were
the first to loosen the tight political grip of Tammany Hall in
the big city. Indeed, it was a most fruitful, constructive, and hopeful
decade.
This animation served to cushion the painful process of acclimatization and adjustment for me and others like me. There was
little time for brooding over disappointments or facets of American
life we disliked.
OF The Day
LABOR
EDITOR
About two years after my landing, I became labor editor of the
independent Yiddish liberal newspaper, The Day. The labor desk
in The Day was an excellent vantage point from which to observe
the growing labor and social movements in all their divisions.
The deep reverence with which the ordinary Jew regarded the
printed word, coupled with his excitability and traditional skepticism
about men in authority, gave the labor departments of the Yiddish
press a strategic position of influence and power unknown to
their counterparts in the English papers, as the following incident
will illustrate.
After fourteen weeks of a lockout strike involving 50,000 cloak
and suit workers in the summer of 1916, a settlement was reached.
On that morning, I was tipped off by an excited young active
striker that the agreement contained a couple of shady paragraphs to
hide a secret concession to the employers. Always the crusader, I
deemed it my duty to warn the strikers. Rushing to the telephone,
I called my office and dictated an alarming story for a special
edition. When the newsboys brought the edition to the strike
halls, a tremendous uproar arose. Such was the resentment among
the hundreds of shop chairmen, assembled to ratify the agreement,
that it was immediately killed. T h e strike was prolonged for several
days more, and Morris Hillquit, the counsel for the International
Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, had to harness his great legal
abilities to rephrase the paragraphs in question so as to make them
acceptable to the workers. T h e alarm later proved unwarranted
and the improvement insignificant. For months 1 could not show
myself in the union offices.
W a r relief and rehabilitation were the only areas in which
broad segments of the community cooperated. T h e People's Relief
Committee was the arena for this harmony. It was indeed a rare sight
to see Labor Zionists and Socialist anti-Zionists forgetting their
feuding for a moment. Even the heated controversy over the Balfour
Declaration, and the break-up of the Jewish Labor Congress over
this issue, did not disrupt the PRC. I was a member of the national
executive committee of the PRC and the head of the volunteer section
in Brownsville. For many months, hundreds of young men and women
cheerhlly gave up half of their only &ee day, Sunday, to ring
doorbells to collect relief for the war victims abroad. The first
city-wide tag day, February 27, 1916, was an extraordinarily
cold and wintry day. Felix M. Warburg, chairman of the Joint
Distribution Committee, came to the headquarters of the PRC
at 175 East Broadway to plead for postponement of the tag day.
But the volunteers insisted on going out. One contracted pneumonia
and paid with his life.5
T h e Bolshevik revolution left many of us bewildered. From here
the issues between the Bolsheviks and their socialist opponents were
unclear, except on war and peace. Pro-Ally in my sympathies, I could
5 Rumor had it that President Wilson proclaimed February
Relief Day in honor of Samuel Gompers' birthday.
27,
1916, as the Jewish War
PAGES FROM M Y STORMY L I F E
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'43
not regard with favor the Soviets' separate peace with Germany,
concluded at Brest-Litovsk. Only when the White Armies were
marching from the south to the north, led by Monarchists, their
soldiers committing mass atrocities against the helpless Jewish
population, did I warm to the Soviet government. However, my
approach toward the left wing had little to do with Russian
Bolshevism. Paradoxical as it may appear, my reasons were purely
American.
In the capacity of labor editor, I followed intently the labor
scene. The narrow craft structure of the trade unions, their lack
of vision, and their political apathy did not fit in with my image
of a labor movement. And this glaring inadequacy was particularly
poignant during the restless post-war years. The backwardness
of the craft unions and the pitiful state of the millions of serniskilled and unskilled were a source of frustration and led me to
become a firm supporter of industrial unionism. I was among those
who hoped that a wider base of organization would also broaden
the mental horizon of the unions and check the trend to burea~cracy.~
The Socialist movement, too, was loose and largely ineffectual.
It could not bear comparison with the European Socialist parties,
either in composition or in effectiveness.
The Jewish labor scene, on closer scrutiny, was disquieting, too.
In the industrial field, there was a mighty surge from below, but at
the top one detected ripening seeds of bureaucracy and, here and there
in the middle layer, even evidence of corruption. The unions in
the large trades, following their strikes, grew tremendously overnight and accumulated large finds. In the nature of things, not
all who rose from the ranks to leadership in the wake of the great
industrial upheaval of 1 9 0 8 to 1914 were scrupulous in the use
of their power or in the handling of union funds.
This feeling of frustration was deepened severely during and after the A.F. of L.
convention of 1926, in Detroit, which I covered for my paper. T h e ostensible aim
of bringing that convention t o Detroit was t o highlight the urgency of initiating an
organizational drive among the auto workers. President William Green was sincere
in his intentions, but the rest of the labor officialdom present at the convention, perhaps
with a few exceptions, gave only lip service to this chief purpose of the convention.
T h e resolutions adopted remained on paper. My first article on the convention for the
F~eihcitwas entitled, "The Assembly of the Satiated."
Long before the emergence of a left wing, all rank and file
oppositional movements within the unions could count on my warm
support. In retrospect, I have to admit that neither the oppositions nor I were always in the right. In the ideological sphere,
success and prosperity made the old timers in the Forward Association, in the huge fraternal and mutual aid body known as the
Arbeiter Ring, and in the United Hebrew Trades smug and
complacent.
In this oppositional mood, I accepted an invitation from the
small, original, Jewish left-wing group to conduct a labor column
in their new publication, Der Kampf - they had no one with a trade
union background. The column was entitled, "For Industrial
Unionism." The paper folded up during the Palmer raids. I
sympathized with the victims of the raids, but I was by no means
a Communist, not even an orthodox Marxist.
The Day became the mouthpiece for military intervention in
Soviet Russia, and for this reason I left it. After several months
of idleness I joined the staff of the Zeit, the new daily published
by the Labor Zionists. Under the editorship of the well-known
writer and playwright David Pinski, there were fewer ties with
labor officialdom and more freedom of expression. In the Zeit I
exposed a racket operating on the fringe of the labor movement.
At the head of the racket was a woman who had close links with
the officials of the United Hebrew Trades and the labor department
of the Forward. Under her pressure, the United Hebrew Trades
expelled me without a hearing. I had been there as a delegate from
the Yiddish Writers Union named after Isaac Loeb Peretz, a union
which I had helped to build up.7 The arbitrary manner of my
expulsion was condemned by the Yiddish press and public opinion with the exception of the Forward and official labor circles. For
a time, the Yiddish Writers Union protested by refusing to replace
me.
A few years later I exposed, in the Freiheit, a new racket of
7 Early in 1917, the Yiddish Writers Union was strong enough to establish a f SO weekly
minimum wage and a minimum of job security. I was among the initiators of the successful
drive.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE - AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
'45
the same people, which also sought its victims in the trade unions.
The woman and her partners brought a law suit against me and the
paper for $4oo,ooo each. But they never pressed the case.
I saw little hope for the reinvigoration of the labor movement
under the existing leadership. Discouraged, I lent a receptive ear to
the appeal of those groups which promised to reverse the trend toward
concentration of power in the hands of the officials and to cleanse
the movement of complacency and bureaucracy. When the SalutskyOlgin group broke away from the Socialist party in 1921 -the
second split in the ranks of Jewish Socialists -and entered into an
agreement with the underground Communists for the formation
of an open, non-Communist left-of-the-center body, the Workers
party, I went with them. It was a marriage not of love, but of
expediency. Little did I dream that bureaucracy and concentration
of power would be ceaselessly multiplied in the new outfit. The
product of that merger in the Jewish area was the daily Freiheit,
first published in April, 1922. I started as the labor editor of the
paper.
About that time I read Jews Without Money, by Michael Gold,
and was greatly impressed by it. Despite its emotionalism, it was
most revealing to me and gave me an insight into the old East Side
that had hitherto baffled me. It was also helpful in explaining that
shocking phenomenon, the Jewish gunman, a cancerous growth on the
Jewish social body in the big city during the twenties and the early
thirties. No one has ever told the full story of how close the Lepkes
[Louis Buchalter and his associates in Murder, Inc.] came to controlling the Jewish trade unions in the depression years of 1930 to
193 2 . Fortunately, they were beaten back in time.
I became friendly with Michael Gold in the Communist movement. Soft-spoken and agreeable, he struck me as a decent, humane
fellow, but a weakling. H e knew almost nothing of Jewish literature
and thought, but sentimentally he was a Jew. During our long
walks he would tell me that his overriding ambition was to write
a novel of Irish life in New York. But he never did it, despite
146
AMERICAN JEWISH
ARCHIVES,
NOVEMBER,
1962
many preparations. Instead, he became a columnist for the Daily
Worker and a sort of nightingale for Communism. It was both
loathsome and pitiful to watch open-hearted Gold turning into
a shrill Communist apologist, vilifying his former friends who
left the Communist movement in disgust after the purges or after
the Stalin-Hitler pact. All the zigzags of Communist policy, the
enormous crimes of the Stalin regime, and the destruction of Jewish
social and cultural life in Soviet Russia did not shake him in the least.
H e went on with his unscrupulous defense of the Kremlin, losing
all sense of values. Michael Gold is a glaring testimony to the
devastating spiritual damage that a totalitarian movement can do
to a gifted weakling.
T h e Freiheit initially had no special platform for the trade union
movement except that put forward by all those who demanded
genuine democracy and more militancy. M y article in the first
issue was appropriately called, "For Better Unions." In passing,
however, I want to emphasize the relentless Communist pressure
and manipulation to "integrate" their former partners of the
Workers party. Only those few who quit at the very beginning
of that pressure survived. T h e rest were swallowed up, often against
their better judgment. That the Communists were able to achieve
their goal was due largely to the irresistible attraction that power
exerts on many - and Moscow was a seat of power.
T h e Workers party was from its very inception rent by embittered factional strife, which grew in intensity in the reshuffling of the
factions when the party became, at the end of 1925, the official
Communist mouthpiece in this country. The feuding and the murky
maneuvering created around the Freiheit an air of stagnation which
nearly choked it. And when the two editors resigned in a factional
clash in 1923, I had to step in as editor de facto. T w o years later,
I became the editor. I resigned in the spring of 1929, unable to
stomach the ceaseless bickering and ruthless conniving of the two
factions, including the ruling one to which I belonged. Moscow
played a game of hide-and-seek with both.
In the fall of 1929, I was removed from various other party
posts for an editorial labeling as pogroms the Arab terroristic
outbursts in Palestine in August of that year. T h e party thought
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LlFE - A N AUTOBlOGRAPHlCAL SKETCH
I47
that a visit to the Soviet Union would "improve my Communist
morale." I was sent to Russia, where I spent seven months in 1930,
traveling extensively.
The visit was a highly interesting experience, but contributed
little to improving my Communist morale. Life in Russia was
extremely hard and drab, and the shortages of necessities grew
from day to day. But they could be convincingly explained away
in terms of the immense strain created by the huge capital investments
which the first Five-Year Plan of industrialization and the enormous
difficulties of early collectivization required. The Great Depression
was creeping over America, and industrial activity in Western
Europe was shrinking steadily, whlle Russia was practically one
gigantic scaffold.
The cities were full of youth, workers and students, and an
unbiased observer could notice a certain degree of enthusiasm among
them, fed by the bright future promised to them after the heavy
strain of the industrialization would be over. However, the unmistakable hostility of the peasants to the forced collectivization
was evident everywhere. I was a witness to this hostility at the
annual celebration of a large mixed collective of Cossacks and
non-Cossacks in the territory of the Kuban Cossacks. The,festivities
were disrupted by loud cries against the government policy of taking
away their grain and giving very little in return. Another foreign
guest was Don Sturzo, the noted Catholic leader of an Italian radical
farmers' organization.
At the end of I 9 30, numerous Jews still occupied important posts
in the government, in the economy, and in the intellectual life of the
country. This could be gleaned from the composition of the convention in Moscow of the Gezerd (OZET), the only Jewish social
institution ~ e r m i t t e d . ~
The delegates, about 150 in number, were all more or less
The term "Gezerd" is composed of the initials of the Yiddish name of the Society
for Jewish Agricultural Settlement, which antedates the Soviet regime. "Ozet"
represents the initials of the society's Russian name.
prominent Soviet official^.^ But anti-Semitism, though banned by
law, was neither eradicated nor silenced. One day, in the Central
Committee of the Communist party, the holy-of-holies, waiting
for tickets to the forthcoming party conference on education, in the
Kremlin, I was jolted by a sarcastic outburst from a man who was
refused a ticket after I had received one. "The Epsteins get everything!" he exclaimed. T h e woman at the desk answered apologetically, "This comrade is from the United States." No one in the
room - all responsible party workers - protested the anti-Jewish
remark.
Sometime later, I witnessed a public trial in Poltava, in the
Ukraine, against a woman who had spread the old libel that Jews
used the blood of Christian children for ritual purposes. T h e local
party and the Soviet staged this elaborate trial as an effective way
of combatting anti-Jewish sentiments deeply rooted in the Ukraine.
The defense counsel was a Jew. His appointment was intentional.
I toured the Jewish colonies in the Ukraine and Crimea, and
became acquainted with the work of the three Jewish rayons
(districts). In outward appearance, the colonies were quite pleasant;
most of the houses in the new colonies had been built by the AgroJoint, and the local administration seemed to be efficient. Several
of the neighboring non-Jewish settlements chose to belong to the
Jewish rayons. There was no doubt in my mind, however, that
the colonists, most of whom were former small traders, had no
9 I might add that, despite the prevailing impression abroad, the delegates, almost
to a man, heartily disliked the choice of far-away Birobidjan as the h t u r e Jewish
autonomous region. They
the much closer northern Crirnea, which had a
considerable nucleus of new Jewish agricultural settlements. A t that time, Communists
could as yet freely express their opinions at the closed fraction caucuses.
I was present at the meeting of the Communist caucus on the eve of the Gezerd
convention, and I witnessed the antagonism of the delegates to the Birobidjan project.
But they were overruled by the party representative, and, of course, none of them
dared to speak his mind at the open convention. Abram Merezhii, secretary of the
OZET, was later removed from his post and accused of sabotaging the party decision.
H e vanished in the purges. That their opposition was justified was proved by the total
bankruptcy of Birobidjan after World W a r 11, a bankruptcy which no clever propaganda
or Iron Curtain could hide for long.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LlFE
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love for the collectivization. But they were helpless. One could
hardly see a teen-age boy or girl in a colony. T o no one's surprise,
their mothers packed them off to study in the large cities, where
they could make for themselves a more lucrative career than would
have been possible to them as members of a collective farm.
T h e wide network of Jewish educational and cultural institutions,
newspapers, magazines, and theaters - all of them in Yiddish and all
maintained by the state - was bound to impress the visitor. But
their shallow content was discouraging. As an insider, I had occasion
to observe in several cities how the Jewish cultural area was
being steadily reduced by the Russians, Ukrainians, and Byelorussians. Moscow itself did not have a single Jewish school for
children.
T h e progressive stratification of Soviet society, to a degree
unknown in "capitalist" America, and the tightening of the reins of
power in the hands of one man could not be brushed aside. But most
disappointing was the total absence of any indication of the emergence
of the much-heralded new Soviet man.
O n the way to and from Russia, I spent several weeks in Germany.
T h e near collapse of the economic and social order was all too evident,
and the want of the masses was appalling. Dozens of street women
congregated in front of every hotel in Berlin, fighting for each
tourist. T h e indecision and helplessness of the Liberal-Socialist
coalition government were almost pathetic. In the Reichstag I
saw a sharp clash between the Communist leader, burly Ernst
Thaelmann, and the Socialist president of the Reichstag, Paul
Loebe; the result was Thaelmann's expulsion for thirty sessions.
O n the return trip, I was asked in Moscow to help the German
Communist party in their election campaign of September, 1930.
I toured the mining district around Jena and saw the poverty of
the idle miners. In Berlin on election day, a Sunday, teen-age
boys and girls, dressed in Nazi Youth uniforms, their lean faces
telling of their poor families, rode around in open trucks, chanting
in unison, "Heraus mit den Juden! Heraus mit d m Kapitalismus!"
They were followed by helmeted motorcycle police sent for their
protection by the Socialist Minister of the Interior, Karl Severing.
The same evening I was among the speakers who addressed a huge
crowd assembled on the Alexander Platz from a window of the Karl
Liebknecht House, the headquarters of the Communist party. In that
election, Hitler's Nazi party emerged as the largest political body,
receiving I 1,500,ooo votes, not much less than the combined vote
of the two working-class parties. It was an ominous victory.
In Paris I had a long talk with Maurice Thorez, the newly
appointed leader of French Communism. H e impressed me as a glib
talker with an unimaginative mind. His analysis of the European and
world situation was shallow. This young former miner had been
elevated by Stalin to his high post not for his ability, but for his
docility and obedience.
The trip was not without a personally troublesome incident. At
that time there were already in Western Europe considerable
communities of Eastern European Jews, particularly from Poland.
The dislocation caused by World W a r I and the quota laws in
America compelled many thousands of young Jews to congregate
in the large European cities. For most of them earning a livelihood
was not easy. But far worse off were the latecomers, who were
often refused work permits and had to lead a semilegal existence.
They were the stateless Jews. When caught in a police raid, they
were dumped under cover of night over the border into a neighboring
country. In time, a technique was worked out for the dumping,
in the style of classical smuggling, so as not to arouse the suspicion
of the border guards on the other side.
Despite all difficulties, a network of cultural institutions in all
the large cities testified to a lively social life. Of course, the communities did not escape the inevitable division and accompanying
feuding between Zionist and anti-Zionist, right and left wing.
On the speaking tour arranged for me on the way to Soviet
Russia, I was to stop at four Belgian cities, among them a mining
town where several hundred Polish Jews worked in the mines.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
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IS1
The first meeting, in Antwerp, passed without incident. But in
Brussels the club of the left-wing workers was surrounded in the
middle of my speech by plainclothes men. They were not stationed
at the door, lest that attract the attention of outsiders, but stood
at strategic positions nearby. The people inside were aware of it,
but, fearful as they were, they did not interrupt me, out of respect
for the speaker.
On the way out, everyone was stopped by detectives and asked
for work permits. Those who could not produce them were quietly
taken away for deportation. M y wife and I were among the last
to leave, and the plainclothes men were waiting for us. They
took away our passports, and asked us to be at a certain address
at ten o'clock the following morning. M y friends, well acquainted
with the police station, had no knowledge of that address. They
were sure that the police would not dare to touch American citizens.
In the morning, I was told that a Socialist deputy wanted to meet
me and to take up the entire case in the Parliament, as the raid
had taken place without a warrant from a judge. I decided to go
first to the address given to me by the detectives to retrieve my
passport, and the appointment with the deputy was put off for
a later hour. When my wife and I reached that address, we saw
that it was the Ministry of Justice.
A well-groomed official in grey striped trousers asked us politely
to follow him downstairs. H e led us to a room, opened the door,
and before we knew what was happening we were in the midst
of a dozen tough-looking detectives, headed by a police inspector
of the criminal division. The door was locked behind us, and we
were held incommunicado without any charge or the formality of
an arrest.
The inspector did his utmost to intimidate us to prevent our
insistence on communicating with the American consul. W e were
kept in that room for five or six hours, then taken to our hotel
for our luggage and placed in the rear car of an express train to Paris.
The inspector, clad in the classical police cape, and one detective
stayed on the train, all the way pretending not to know us. When
we were about to reach the French border, the inspector signaled
to me to come out to the corridor. H e quickly and unobtrusively
pushed the passport into my hand and disappeared, careful not
to attract the attention of the French border gendarmes to our
deportation, lest they return us to Belgium. I never saw the Belgian
deputy or the Jewish coal miners.
Jewish opinion in this country and in Europe was inflamed against
the Communists for their incredible anti-Jewish stand during the
Palestinian events.IO As my meetings in Belgium were well
advertised, someone or some group must have informed or complained
to the police that a Communist from America was to speak on
that day. This was the reason - as I later learned - for the raid
and my deportation. It was carried out quietly so as not to raise
a rumpus in the press.
The same indignation was also the cause of my arrest in 1929
at the Canadian border on the train from Duluth, Minnesota, to
Winnipeg, and my expulsion from Canada twenty-four hours later.
This happened in the middle of a cold night, and I was lodged in
a wooden jail. In the morning, the only Jew in that border town
took me out on his own responsibility.
Speaking of arrests, in the same year I was lodged for a short
while in the New York Tombs on a criminal libel charge brought by
Morris Hillquit against the Freiheit and the Daily Worker. No
longer being editor at that time, I really had nothing to do with
that affair, but for good measure I was named in the accusation
together with Moissay Olgin, Bill Dunn, and Robert Minor. The
two papers raised a great outcry against this "persecution" by the
leader of the Socialist party, and Hillquit, unwilling to make martyrs
of us, did not press the case, though it was a valid one.I1
Returning from Europe, I found myself unable to accept the
dogmatic leftist course pursued by world Communism in the socalled Third Period of the early thirties. The Communist analysis
The Jew and Communism: The Story of Early Communist Victories and Ultimate Defeats
in thc Jewish Community, U.S.A., 1919-1941 (New York: Trade Union Sponsoring
Committee, r g ~ g ) pp.
, 223-3 3.
lo
" See Thc Jew and C m u n i n n , pp.
I 34-43.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
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AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
I53
of the world-wide crisis foresaw a complete breakdown of the
capitalist system in Europe and the development of a crisis with
revolutionary implications in the United States. The immediate
Communist task was to hasten this "revolutionary upsurge." The
outside world was dogmatically divided into two categories, plain
fascists and social fascists. The second category was reserved for
liberals and Social Democrats, who put their hope in social reforms.
A faithful Communist was not supposed to relax, but to be "on
guard" at all times. It was a period of fantastic self-delusion.
The special contribution of Jewish Communism to this hardened
line was an antireligious campaign, reminiscent of similar campaigns
conducted by the early radicals forty and fifty years ago, though
motivated differently. On Jewish holidays the Freiheit carried
material linking the Jewish religion and the synagogue with exploitation and with the reactionary aspects of past Jewish life. A mock
Haggada and antireligious theses were published on the eve of
Passover and the High Holy Days, while antireligious meetings
were organized throughout the country on the Day of Atonement.Iz
Unwilling to hide my views, I was in constant friction with
the party authorities and with the Freiheit. An editorial of mine in
the weekly Needle Worker, in 1933, to the effect that Roosevelt7s
National Recovery Administration (NRA) sought to reform the
present system, drew fire in the Daily Worker. It went contrary
to the Communist position that the NRA aimed simply to enslave
the working people. Yet when a writer was needed to popularize
the violent Communist-initiated coal miners7 strike in Kentucky
in 193I , I was picked for that task.
Conditions in the coal fields there were shocking. The companies
were in absolute control of the lower courts and of the law enforcement organs. One could not even enter Harlan County without being
exposed to bodily harm. Bell County was not safe for union people
either. One night, I stayed in a miner's house in the hills. The
" In later years, during the "democratic" turn of world Communism in the Second
World War and afterward, when Jewish Communists tried to gain respectability,
the F~eiheitwas not published on the High Holy Days. What is more, it followed the
example of all Jewish publications by issuing a special and enlarged New Year's edition,
calling upon its followers to send in paid New Year's greetings. Thus the hated Jewish
religion was converted into a vehicle for raising funds.
woman carried a three-year-old child in her arms. Undernourished,
he was too weak to walk. On leaving, I gave the older boy - about
six years of age -a dime. He did not know what it was, and his
father, idle, explained that for the last two years the family had
been living on scrip and had not seen a single coin. They were
subsisting on Boston baked beans. The New Deal came not a
moment too soon for the Kentucky miners.
M y position on the paper and in the movement became virtually
untenable. I stayed out of the Freiheit for a couple of years, and
not by my own volition. During that time I wrote a two-volume
history of the American working class, in Yiddish, and later edited
the Needle Worker, the weekly organ of the left-wing Needle
Trades Industrial Union, of which the furriers were a part.
I returned to the Freiheit during the transition of world Communism from "revolutionary upsurge" to the sweetness and light of
the Democratic or Popular Front, a transition caused largely by
the Kremlin's fear of Hitler's rise to power. Overnight, everyone
in the party turned out to be an adherent of democracy and an
American patriot, and everyone in the periphery of the Freiheit
blossomed forth a proud Jew. Revolution and sovietism were
forgotten, and Communism was proclaimed "Twentieth Century
Americanism." The vacillation and hesitation of the Western
powers were contrasted by the Communists with Maxim LitvinofF's
thundering in Geneva for collective security and common action
against fascist aggressors.
The mortal danger which Nazism posed for European Jewry gave
plausibility to the Communist appeal to the Jewish community
for unity against fascism abroad and the defense of Jewish rights
here. The strengthening of Jewish culture here and abroad was
now the major task of Jewish Comrnunism.4 Whatever doubts
one may have held on the depth or sincerity of this profession
I was the secretary of the American Committee for the Organization of a World
Congress fox Jewish Culture -held at Paris in the summer of 1937 - which formed
the IKUF, the Organization for Yiddish Culture.
'3
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of democracy and concern for Jewish values, it was easier to breathe
in the relaxed state of the movement.
It must be admitted that the Communist call was not entirely
without response. A number of well-known intellectuals and spokesmen for the middle class were won over to the idea of admitting
the Communists into the body of the community. It is sufficient
to mention two figures from different camps, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise
and Dr. Chaim Zhitlowsky, the latter a life-long anti-Marxist
and a Yiddish thinker.14 However, the Communists' energetic
thrusts met with the unflinching resistance of the official labor
movement, incredulous of the Communist turn, and of the majority
of Zionists, who were indignant at the anti-Jewish policy of the
Palestinian Communists. The bloody purges of 1936 to 1938
alienated only some of the newly won sympathizers. As the Hitler
danger grew in immediacy, a number of prominent Jews were ready
to forget Stalin's bloodshed for the sake of his "friendly attitude"
toward the Soviet Jews as well as for his presumably staunch
anti-fascism.
Paradoxical as it may appear, the deep sentiment for the Soviet
Jews was a wide avenue in the Communist approach to the Jewish
people in this country as well as elsewhere. The equality which Jews
enjoyed in the Soviet Union, the granting in some form of Jewish
national-cultural rights, the attempts to rehabilitate, through agricultural settlements, the Jews declassed by the revolution, and
the vision of a Jewish republic in Birobidjan were exploited by the
Communists here to the utmost. They kept drumming that the
"Jewish question" had been basically and finally solved in the Soviet
'4 Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, refusing to join the Committee for the Defense of Trotsky
during the trial of the Trotskyites in 1937, wrote to Dr. Sidney Hook: ". . . if his
[Trotsky's] other charges against the Soviet government are as unsubstantiated as
his complaint on the score of anti-Semitism, he has no case at all" (Jewish Life, August,
1937). Trotsky had charged that Stalin was conducting a thinly veiled anti-Semitic
policy. O n July 8, 1943, speaking at the mass meeting at the Polo Grounds to welcome
Solomon Michoels and Itzik Feffer, sent here by the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee
in Moscow, Wise echoed the Communist demand for an immediate second front
(Freiheit, ~ " 9,1 1943).
~
Dr. C h a ~ mZhitlowskv was the chairman of the American IKUF. defended in The
Day the bloody purges ind other aspects of Stalin's course, and was the chairman of
the Committee of Jewish Writers and Artists, a Communist-controlled group formed
in 1941to influence Jewish public opinion in behalf of Moscow's policies.
Union, and that only the country which had abolished exploitation
of man by man could abolish national oppression. Of course, the
propaganda never lifted the curtain on the superficiality of Jewish
education and the dogmatism of its literature.
The ICOR (Association for Jewish Colonization in the Soviet
Union), founded by the Communists in 1924, and later the Ambidjan
(American Committee for the Settlement of Foreign Jews in Birobidjan), a similar middle-class body, attracted people far removed
from left-wing tendencies. Their appeal, ostensibly purely a Jewish
one, was cleverly fused with proSoviet propaganda, and they
became entrenched Communist-controlled positions. As transmission
belts, they not only raised money and increased Soviet prestige;
they also served as recruiting agencies fbr the party and for its
various front organizations. A number of those who joined the
ICOR with the sole intention of helping a Jewish cause found
themselves gradually drawn into the Communist party and its
politics. (The same was true of other groups, such as the Freiheit
Singing Societies, the International Workers Order, workers clubs,
day schools, summer camps, and the ARTJZF Theater.)
None of us were in the least prepared for the series of bloody
purges of the Soviet klite that began in Moscow during the summer
of 1936. The rank and file was confused and bewildered. Desperately
they clung to the explanations offered by the party press and speakers.
Only a few broke with the party. However, hardly anyone in a
responsible position in the party believed the fantastic charges
leveled against Lenin's collaborators and the builders of the Soviet
state and the Red Army. Those who wrote the bloodthirsty headlines and articles in the Freiheit approving the show trials did not
hide their innermost disgust in speaking with intimates. Stalin
was indignantly referred to as a butcher.Is
My reasoning at the very beginning was simple: If the accusations
were true - which I could not believe -woe to a Socialist regime
During these two years, 1 managed to steer clear of writing any piece justifying
Stalin's mass murders.
CHAIhI ZHlTLO\VSK\'
A life-long anti-A4nrxist
(see p.
1 j j)
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whose best sons conspire to "bring back the rule of the capitalists
and landowners." On the other hand, if the accusations were
false, woe to the regime that manufactured such outrageous accusations against its best sons.
I was deeply troubled, and some of those who heard me voice my
anger at the Stalin murders brought this heresy to the attention of the
party. I was called several times before the Central Control Commission. But the party heads, conscious of the growing ill will
among the public against Communism because of the purges, deemed
it wise to smooth over such complaints. Still, they thought that it
would be a lot healthier to isolate me from the center. At the end
of 1937, I was "exiled" to California. (I had two children there,
so they knew that I would not oppose this "exile.") There I was
left largely on my own and had a hard time. It took strong insistence
on my part to be brought back to New York in the spring of 1939.
Throughout this ordeal, I was kept in the party together with
a few friends solely by the hopellly nursed belief that whatever
crimes the Kremlin might have committed inside of Russia, it was
still the most dependable bulwark against Nazism. On this score
we had no doubts -and Nazism was, in the final analysis, the
mortal enemy of mankind generally and of the Jewish people in
particular. When this last and overriding belief was destroyed
by the German-Soviet Non-Aggression and Friendship Pact of
August, 1939, our last link with the party was severed. W e broke
with Communism.
I have run far ahead of my story and return now to events
preceding the purges.
In the spring of 1936, I was sent to Palestine to investigate
the outbreak of fighting between the Arabs and the Jews and the
position of the Communists there.
The American Jewish community, because of its urban character
and its consequent political demonstrative value, presented a special
target for the realization of the new Communist policy of a united
front of all anti-fascist elements, as mentioned previously. But
the Communist slogan of unity against fascism and war, a slogan
that would normally have held a magic attraction for people who
were disturbed about the seriousness of the Nazi threat looming
over millions of Jews in Europe, met with the stiff opposition
of the official labor movement and of the organizations of the
Jewish middle class. The overriding reason for the opposition of the
latter was the glaring anti-Jewish stand of the Communists in
Palestine. T h e Jewish press carried almost daily news dispatches
from Palestine telling of Communist demands for the suspension
of Jewish immigration and of Communist participation in the
Arab boycott and in the terroristic activity against the Yishuu.
T h e party here thought that much of the fury against the Communists
in Palestine was unfounded. It also banked on the possibility that
an investigation on the spot and recommendations to the Communist
International might mitigate the anti-Jewish position of the sister
party in Palestine.
At that time I was already a Marxist heretic and a Communist
with misgivings, and my attitude was not unknown to the party.
Nonetheless, the choice fell on me, partly because I had kept off the
firing line during the "revolutionary" Third Period and my relations
with the community were not too strained. I also surmised that the
eventuality of my being hit by a bullet or lynched by hotheads of
either side would not have worried the party chiefs here too much.
M y services as a martyr to the cause would have been more valuable
and secure. And Communists were known to be experts in squeezing
every ounce of political prestige from a funeral.
Palestine was then under martial law, and my mission had to be
a confidential one. I took a roundabout way, through Italy and Egypt.
As New York had no contact with Tel Aviv or Jaffa, I had to stop off
in Paris. Jacques Duclos, short, swarthy, and bald-headed, second in
command, after Maurice Thorez, of the French Communist party,
asked me ironically: "Why is the American party concerned
with events in far-away Palestine?" But when I told him that
there were ~,ooo,oooJews in the United States and that Palestine
was a stumbling block to achieving a Jewish United Front, that
shrewd Communist politician immediately understood the importance
of my mission. T h e French party took charge of all Communist
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activities in the French empire, but Palestine was a British Mandate.
However, they gave me a contact with the Communist party
in neighboring Syria, in the hope that from there I would be able
to find my way to the underground Communists in Palestine.
I spent ten weeks in Palestine and visited also Egypt, the Lebanon,
Syria, and Iraq. In the course of my investigations I encountered a
number of shocking as well as tragic happenings. But in the context
of this autobiography the delicate and complicated situation in
Palestine at that time cannot be dealt with adequately. Here I must
confine myself to a few brief remarks and to three incidents, among
them an outrageous plan which I was able to thwart.
The achievements of the Yishuv were amazing, though the
economic situation had deteriorated due largely to the ItalianEthiopian war and the Arab boycott. The spirit in the kibbutzim,
compared with that in the Soviet collectives, was heart-warming and
inspiring, though I disapproved of their strict egalitarianism and
their making a virtue of austerity.16 I was also dubious about their
future role in the economy of the Yishuv. But the political climate
in both national communities, the Jewish and the Arab, was thick
with animosity; one could cut it with a knife. Each group believed
that it was fighting for its very survival. Every Jewish settlement
had been turned into a fort.
While the Haganah conducted mainly a defensive action against
the terror begun by the Arabs, Jewish extremists practiced the
biblical "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" - sometimes
with a margin. The lines of communication between the two peoples
were severed. No Jew and Arab could be seen together. It was quite a
task to sneak out of Tel Aviv into Jaffa to meet with the Communist
leaders. The party had been Arabized since 1930, many Jews who
resisted the Arabization had been expelled, and the leadership
T h e experience with egalitarianism, particularly in pay and housing, in the early
years of the Soviet Union and in Loyalist Spain during the civil war has proved beyond
a doubt that it is unworkable as a system. It leaves the people without any incentive
to attain a higher scale or to reach a higher level of productivity. A tightened collectivism
makes initiative on the part of the individual very difficult. Only small and highly selective
groups of idealists could live in such an environment for long. As to austerity,
I was chagrined when the teacher in Ein Harod, the largest kibbutz, told me contemptuously that a radio in every room was a bourgeois extravagance. I also disliked the
nurseries where the children were raised from birth without the care of their parents.
'6
was entirely Arab. T h e party was banned by the English at the
outbreak of the Arab-Jewish hostilities of that year.
T h e eyes of the Haganah were everywhere. M y presence became
known and a search was begun for me, but by the time I was discovered, I was about to leave the country. Months later, in Paris,
I heard that Ben Gurion had told the Haganah that I was not to
be molested, only watched.17
M y talks with the Arab Communists proved to me that their
Communism was largely a veneer, that at heart they were pure and
simple Arab nationalists, and that they viewed the Yishuv with
the same implacable hatred as any Arab nationalist. Once, after
a bomb thrown into a railway car had wounded nineteen Jews,
I bitterly complained to the secretary of the party - a young
Arab known to me as Achmed, who had spent three years in
Moscow -against such terroristic acts aimed at innocent men,
women, and children.
"Jewish terrorists threw a bomb a day before at the Mandelbaum
Gate in Jerusalem, wounding many Arabs, women and children," he
replied. Then he added bluntly, "We consider the Jewish population
an army of occupation, and all measures against them are justified."
His frightening statement left me without words. Further
argument was useless. (Neither the Communist International
nor individual Communist parties ever called the Yishuv in Palestine
an army of occupation.)
The Communist party was accepted into the Supreme Arab Committee and even given some money. Still, I was shocked to learn
on my visit to Haifa that several young Jewish Communists,
immigrants from Eastern Europe, were making a bomb, on instructions from the party, to be thrown by one of them into the
main Histadrut headquarters in Tel Aviv. T h e party was to take
public responsibility for the explosion. Indignantly, I told the
1 had met Ben Gurion and Ben Zevi in the United States during the First World
War, but this was definitely not the reason for Ben Gurion's action. The reason was
a political one.
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makers of the bomb to give it up, and they, leaning on my moral
authority, were more than willing to obey me.
The party chiefs were greatly incensed at my action. T h e
Histadrut was regarded by the Arabs as the backbone of the Yishuv,
but no Arab could approach its headquarters. The Communist party,
proud to be a part of the Arab national front, could through its
Jewish members accomplish something that the front itself was
powerless to do, and a bomb explosion in the Histadrut would
have been a tangible demonstration to the Arab world that no
corner, or institution, in the entire Yishuv was safe from Arab
vengeance. The bomb explosion was to be the big contribution of
the Communist party to the common Arab cause.
Small wonder that angry words were leveled at me at the meeting
of the Central Committee in Jaffa. In reply, knowing their intransigence toward the Yishuv, I advanced only political arguments,
discarding humane considerations. World Communism, I said,
was trying hard to effect a united front for common action against
fascism and war, with the Second Labor and Socialist International
and its parties and trade union bodies. T h e Histadrut was affiliated
with that International. A bomb thrown at the Histadrut by a
Communist party would certainly set back the chances for the
achievement of a united front. As dutihl Communists, they had
no answer to this argument. Moreover, the Jewish Communists
in Haifa would not have done it again.18
Among the many people arrested by the British at the beginning
of the fighting were J. B. Koltun and his wife, both in their fifties,
who had come to Palestine from Russia about 192I as halutzim
and later turned Communists. Koltun became the theoretician
of the Communist party and the author of party statements. A
Yemenite girl would translate the statements from Hebrew into
I told a couple of people close to the party about the bomb. From them the story
seems to have leaked through to the Histadrut. It was printed, in a distorted form,
in the Hebrew press and in many Yiddish papers outside of Palestine. But I had to
deny it in the Fwihcit to avoid a political scandal.
IS
Arabic. At the time of his arrest in the summer of 1936, he had
been expelled from the party for quite some time. The reason
for his expulsion highlights the basic difference in approach between
the Jewish and the Arab Communists. And this difference went
deeper than language.
Koltun's declaration, written for the party on the death of King
Faisal of Iraq in 19 3 3, faithfully followed the Marxist-Leninist
formula. Faisal had been a feudal ruler, an oppressor of his people
and a vassal of British imperialism, and the Arab masses had no reason
to shed tears on his death. When the party leaders received that
statement, they were ready to jump through the roof. King Faisal
was the only Arab national hero salvaged from their disappointment
after the First World War. Riding a white horse, he had had the
honor of entering Damascus alongside of iMarsha1 Allenby. His
death was mourned throughout the Arab world. Koltun was expelled
without a hearing; he was not even notified.
British Intelligence three years later still thought of Koltun
as the theoretician of the party and was eager to get him out of
the country. The British Foreign Office, during Moscow's campaign
for collective security and "the unity of all democratic forces,"
was influential enough with the Soviet government to have a small
Soviet merchant ship come to Haifa with Soviet passports for
Koltun and his wife. A British car whisked them away to the harbor
at night and put them aboard the ship to Russia. They settled in
Odessa. Koltun was later purged.
In the Tel Aviv-Jerusalem area I encountered only two intermarriages among Communists and left-wingers. One was a Jewish
woman living with an educated Arab from Jaffa. The other couple
was a Jewish woman from Galicia living with a young German
who had come to Palestine about two years previously. They
had a child of about seven months. The two couples shared an
apartment in the "neutral" German colony of Sarona. The German,
a handsome, graceful athlete, a type that one would associate
with a Naturfreunde group, was not very clear about his occupation.
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One day the Communists in the women's prison of Jerusalem
sent word that Hans, the German, was a Nazi agent planted by
Goebbels to provoke more clashes between Jews and Arabs. In
the light of this exposure, his comrades recalled that at underground
party meetings during this troubled period Hans had fumed at
their lack of militancy, urging action and more action -meaning
terror. And once he had made a veiled attack on "the merchants
of Tel Aviv." Hans stoutly denied the accusation.
A day or two later I was invited to dinner in Sarona with the
Arab and his Jewish wife. No one talked with Hans. On my way
out, I had to pass the common living room. The Jewish woman
and her German husband were sitting near the fireplace, their heads
in their hands, in utter dejection. T h e scene was gloomy and pitiful.
They did not raise their heads, nor did I and another guest, an
Arab, wish them a good night. I could have no doubt of the girl's
profound grief. But what of the German? I never found out. I had
to leave the country before there was any convincing proof of his
guilt.
T h e uprising of the fascists and monarchists in Spain began
on July 20th of the same year. Without waiting for credentials
from New York, I immediately took ship at Haifa, and nine days
later I was in Barcelona, the first American to reach the scene of
the civil war. I spent three months there visiting all the fronts,
and talked with many people of various strata. Again the limitation
of space does not permit an adequate account of my varied and
exciting impressions.
T h e railway communications between Spain and France had been
interrupted, and rumors were floating in Marseille of wholesale
massacres and piles of corpses on the streets of Barcelona. I had
to walk with my luggage through the long railway tunnel linking
the two countries and was arrested for lack of proper credentials
by the Loyalist militia in the Spanish border city of Port Bou. The
following day they brought me as a prisoner to Barcelona, and there
I was set free.
The city was orderly, though trenches were still in evidence
on some corners and the streets were full of people. Coveralls were
the unofficial uniform in all government offices. There was a general
fear of spies and of what was later called the Fifth Column; I
could not convince the new party- the product of a SocialistCommunist merger -of my identity. They demanded written proof,
and without a document from the party I was faced with the gloomy
prospect of having to return to France after all the trouble I had
taken to reach Spain.
An English Socialist, hearing my desperate pleading with the
party official, tried to help me. "Look at his face," he said. "How
can he be a fascist spy?" H e meant my Jewish face. But the Spaniard
remained adamant. At that moment, a short, thin man in coveralls,
with a big rifle in his hands, passed by. H e took one look at me and
exclaimed, "Melech Epstein!"
The man in coveralls was one of the stateless Jews mentioned
above. H e and his wife, Polish Jews, were Communists, and had lived
in Belgium without a permit. They had been among those caught
in the raid during my lecture in Brussels and thrown over the
border into France. In France they were again caught and dumped
over the border into Spain -Spain was already a republic at that
time. H e worked as a tailor in Barcelona, barely making a living,
and was active in the Communist party. When the civil war broke
out, he was assigned to an important post. His recognition saved
me. I was provided with all the privileges accorded a correspondent
of a friendly foreign paper.
The same experience was repeated in Madrid. The party there
demanded a Communist credential from the United States and refused
any paper given to me in Catalonia. There, too, I was saved by
a young Polish Jew, who had been deported from Argentina and
settled in Madrid. H e was also a party official and had read the
Freiheit in Argentina.
European anti-fascists were sure that a fascist victory in Spain
would be a curtain raiser for the next world war. Young antifascists flocked to Spain to enlist in the Loyalist militia. Among
them was a considerable number of Jews, primarily young workers
from Eastern Europe living in semi-legality in France and Belgium.
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In the first months of the civil war, their number on the Aragon
front alone (central Spain) was about 150, and more were arriving
every week. Later, young Jews from as far away as Poland, without
passports or money, overcame innumerable obstacles to smuggle
themselves across four borders, including those of Nazi Germany;
they walked over the Pyrenees Mountains to reach Spain. Since
many of them spoke several languages, they were entrusted with
the communication lines on the front.
It is not an exaggeration to say that no other ethnic group
outside of Spain was so deeply touched by the civil war there.
With a keen intuition, the Jews felt, by and large, that the struggle
among the barren hills of north and central Spain was a proving
ground for Hitler and Mussolini, and that a fascist victory in Spain
would immensely strengthen fascism in Europe.
I was asked by the Barcelona office in charge of foreign volunteers
to address the Jewish militiamen on the Aragon front.
One dark night, the Jewish militiamen cautiously made their way
to a long, shallow trench opposite the fascist line. Crouching and
running over the highway with my military companion, I reached the
trench. I could barely make out the faces of my armed listeners,
but I felt the eagerness and tension around me. My first words
were: "Four and a half centuries ago, Jews were driven from
Spain to many lands, and the country was boycotted by them.
Now young Jews from many lands are hurrying to Spain to rescue
her, and perhaps the whole of Europe, from fascist domination."
I wished them a safe return to their homes with stripes on their
~leeves.~g
Many of m y audience never returned to their homes. Those who remained alive
were interned in French camps after the retreat of the Loyalist armies in the spring
of 1939, and were badly treated. Some of the men were sent to forced labor camps
on the new French railway in the Sahara Desert; only a few managed to avoid being
handed over t o the Nazis for extermination.
It was impossible to establish the total number of Jewish volunteers. German Jewish
refugees enlisted in the Thaelmann battalion. A number of Polish Jews joined the Polish
Dabrowsky battalion. In 1937, a separate Jewish company was formed, named after
Naftali Botwin. It carried through a successful attack on the Ebro River. (A description
'9
Before and during my speech, I was warned to keep my head
down. A couple of weeks later, on the Madrid front, a prominent
Italian Socialist was addressing a group of his countrymen. Warming
up, he forgot this admonition and raised his head. He was given a big
funeral in Madrid a couple of days later. 1 was among the marchers.
As we were touring the southern front at night, our automobile
was machine-gunned by a fascist plane. A bullet grazed my head,
and I was thrown violently out of the car. My head was stitched
in a monarchist mansion turned into a field hospital, and I wore
a bandage for a couple of weeks.
I had several occasions to meet the famous General Emilio Kleber,
who later made his reputation as the defender of Madrid. He was
not a Canadian, and his real name was not Kleber, but Lazar Stern.
He was a native of Bukovina, which belonged to Austria before
1918. Captured by the Russians in the First World War and sent
to a camp in Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, Stern had joined the Bolsheviks
and fought in the Red Army throughout the Russian civil war.
He was later sent to the Frunze Military Academy, from which
he graduated in 1924. He participated in the abortive Communist
uprising in Hamburg, and was later sent to China as a military
adviser .
When Kleber came to Spain, he had behind him considerable
military experience. Tall and well-built, with an open, pleasant face,
soft-spoken and reserved, he was very popular with the troops of the
International Brigade and the Spaniards generally. The first time I
saw him, he was working on a military plan against Franco in the war
office at Barcelona. All the parties of the anti-fascist coalition
had their military experts, each of them working on his own strategy,
and it took long discussions for the parties to agree on a single
plan. This, incidentally, was one of the greatest handicaps of the
of the battle by one of the soldiers appeared in the F~eiheit,September 5, 1938.) T h e
company participated also in the battles of Madrid, Guadalajara, Huesca, Brunete,
and Saragossa. These three units, as well as the Thirteenth International Brigade,
were controlled by the Communists.
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Loyalists in the first year of the civil war. Kleber vanished in
Stalin's bloody purges.
General Lukacz, known by his writer's name, Matei Jalka, a
prominent Hungarian Communist exile, was also working on a
military plan when I first met him at Barcelona in the former
officers' club rooms, then converted into the headquarters of the
merged United Socialist party, which was dominated by the Communists. A heavy-set, red-faced, bald man, born into a middle-class
Jewish family, he was above the common run of Communist
politicians: a Marxist, philosopher, and poet. Military planning
was in those days a favorite occupation of many who had participated
in the First World War.
W e discussed the loose and painhl situation around us. Lukacz
tried at first to be optimistic. But his mood changed when I repeated
to him what General Augusto Sandino, the young commander of the
Catalonian militia, had told me in an interview. "How can we win
the civil war," he had sadly observed, "when every group in the
anti-Franco camp is pulling in its own direction? The anarchistssyndicalists want to turn the civil war into a struggle for libertarian
Communism; the Communists want a centralized Spanish republic;
and the Catalonian nationalists are primarily out to gain regional
autonomy."
Lukacz then quoted some of the eighteenth-century French
philosophers who had put their faith in man's reasoning. It was
apparent, however, that he himself had misgivings about man's ability
to reason. He ended with a rather odd remark for a Communist.
"After all," he said, "what do we know about man?'' Before I left
for the United States, Lukacz told me that he had a brother in
New Jersey. "Shall I give him regards from you?" I offered. "No,"
was his firm reply. "He is a capitalist." Lukacz commanded one
of the international brigades and fell on the southern front in
June, 1937.
I left Spain at the end of October, 1936, with a premonition of
defeat. From what I had seen, I knew that a loose coalition government, plus the independent anarchists-syndicalists, plus the several
autonomous regions, plus the "neutral" attitude of the Western
countries, stood little chance of winning a civil war conducted
on the other side under a centralized military command and authority
backed by Hitler and Mussolini.
Soviet aid to the Spanish Loyalists started while I was still
there. I was in Barcelona when the first Russian aid ship arrived,
and saw the immense joy of the people of Madrid on October I 6th,
when a squadron of Soviet planes flew for the first time in a
demonstration over the capital. I left Spain before the volunteers
from America began arriving and before the terror of Stalin's
GPU and of the Communist party divided the people and undermined
the Loyalist cause.
Touring the United States and Canada to raise relief funds
for the Spanish Loyalists, I met with intense interest and a generous
response everywhere. However, in a couple of cities some of
the younger people complained that I had confined myself to an
analysis of the situation and that my speech had lacked confidence
in the ultimate victory. They were right; there was no such
confidence in me.
On my return, I also ran a front-page daily column in the Freiheit,
"Spain Today." The column was the first thing the readers picked
up after the news from the battlefronts of Spain.
The Stalin-Hitler Non-Aggression and Friendship Pact hit the
Communists here like a bolt from a clear sky. Not even the top
leadership was in the least prepared for such an about-face, and
they offered only lame explanations. The anguish of the Jewish
Communists and left-wingers was acute; the non-Jews were less
touched. The Jews suddenly found themselves angrily repudiated by
their shopmates and neighbors.
In the first couple of weeks it looked as though the Jewish segment
of the party had suffered a blow from which it could hardly recover.
But then a strange thing happened. The vehement attacks by the
Yiddish press and the ridicule of their neighbors had a contrary
effect. Overcoming their anguish, they were drawn back to the party.
Only a few of the active people broke with Communism, though the
loss on the fringe of the movement was much greater.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
- AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
I7I
Taking their cue from Moscow, the Freiheit and the other Communist and left-wing publications in Yiddish and English began a wellcalculated campaign around the slogan "Stalin and the Red Army have
saved a million and a half Jews from the Nazis." T h e "saving"
referred to the march of the Red Army into Poland and the Baltic
states, occupying a large area inhabited by Jews. This adroit
campaign provided the dispirited Communists with a talking point,
and their agony was turned, at least in their own mind, into selfrighteousness. Each town's occupation by the Red Army was made
the occasion for a celebration and mutual wazel-tov7s by the Communist-left landslite here.
T h e final redemption of the Jewish Communists was the Nazi
attack on the Soviet Union in June, 1941.~0Jewish Communists
could now walk with heads erect and look people in the eye.
Incidentally, these were the years of the heyday of Soviet influence
and standing in the United States; of course, the Jewish Communists
squeezed every ounce of benefit out of it, in money and in prestige.
The barrage of abuse and intimidation leveled by the party
against the small but active group that broke with Communism,
particularly afier the seceders formed the League Against Fascism
and Dictatorship, is treated in The Jew and Communism, as are
the fortunes of the League itself. As the chairman of the League,
I was the chief target of the vilification. It followed me to Mexico
and Cuba, where I addressed numerous meetings from 1940
t0 1942.
In Mexico, the Communists and their friends accused me of being
an agent of Yankee imperialism. Lombardo Toledano7s paper El
Popular, close to the government, demanded my immediate expulsion.
In Havana, the Communist daily Hoy charged that I had come
to seduce innocent young Cubans into shedding their blood for
the Yankees; the Communist party at that time was in friendly
collaboration with the Batista regime. In both countries, the Comlo
That period is treated exhaustively in T h Jew and Cmmunism, pp. 346 ff.
munists tried hard to intimidate the Jewish community to cancel
my lectures, but they did not succeed.
T h e Communist movement in New York was widely ramified
and closely knit socially. Thousands of people knew me personally.
But now a passion of hostility was whipped up against the
<<
renegade," and even close friends were impelled to turn their
heads away when they saw me on the street. The isolation made
me sad and lonely. The party also tried to terrorize me by having
Communist goons trail me wherever I went.
I met Leon Trotsky several times in the summer of 1940, shortly
before his assassination, and published a long interview with him
in the Forward. M y impressions of Trotsky and a description of
his funeral are given in Thc Jew and Communism.In conversation,
Trotsky showed a keen and brilliant mind. But to me he appeared an
old revolutionary romantic, detached from reality. He talked to
his visitors like a teacher in a classroom. At sixty-four there was
still fire in him. But it was a cold fire. His arguments were dry
and doctrinaire.
In Mexico City, a secret agent of the NKVD, an American
Jew known to me as Lawrence, skillfully managed to worm his
way into a small international circle of anti-Communists, among
whom were refugees from Germany, France, and Spain. H e was
one of those sent in to isolate Trotsky and to facilitate his assassination. But meanwhile Lawrence had designs on me. One day, hearing
that I was looking for a new place in which to live, he offered to
get me a room in a good middle-class hotel at a greatly reduced rate;
the manager was a friend of his. As it happened, even the reduced
rate was too much for me. This hotel proved to be a rendezvous for
the NKVD. Had I accepted his offer, my bones, in all likelihood,
would never have been found.
Back in the States, in the fall of 1940, Raymond S. Murphy,
of the Eastern European Division of the State Department and an
expert on Communism, told me that Lawrence's name was genuine,
that he had been born in Brooklyn and was known to the State
Department as an N J W D agent. "I prevented him from getting
a passport to South America," Murphy added. I wondered whether
this was all the Government could have done to Lawrence.
PAGES FROM MY STORMY LIFE
- AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
'73
I had to earn a living and found temporary work in the news
department of the Forward, but not for long. The period 1939-1 940
was the heyday of the House Committee on Un-American Activities,
headed by Martin Dies. One of his chief investigators, Ben Mandel,
was a former Communist official who had left the party ten years
earlier with the Lovestone group. A Communist zealot while he was
holding an important post in the party, he became a fanatical antiCommunist later. H e urged me to appear before the Committee and
held out the bait that after my testimony he would arrange for me to
sell three articles to a well-known magazine for $3,000, as he had
done for Benjamin Gitlow after his testimony a few months
previously. And $3,000 was a fortune beyond my dreams.
Failing to bring me around to his viewpoint, Mandel tried
to exert pressure on me through Abraham Cahan. T h e headstrong
old editor of the Forward liked the idea of my testifying before the
Committee and also wanted a series of articles on the "inside story"
of the Communist party. I was more than willing to write political
articles against Communism, but not the kind of sensationalism
which Cahan wanted. For my twofold refusal, Cahan, unaccustomed
to writers declining to do his bidding, closed the Forward to me."
I never appeared before any Congressional committee investigating
un-American activities, but I sadly observed some of my friends
who had left the Communist party going too far to the other extreme,
their justified hostility and fear of Kremlin imperialism driving
them to become apologists for American support of right-wing
dictatorships in Spain, Latin America, and Asia.
For two and a half years, my economic situation was more than
uncertain. In I 943, I joined the staff of the Jewish Labor Committee,
touring the country to raise funds for the Jewish underground in
Poland. In 1945, I became the public relations man for the oldest and
the most outstanding of the Jewish labor groups, the Joint Board of the
Cloakmakers Unions of the I.L.G.W.U. M y chief, Israel Feinberg,
It must be noted that Cahan was an exception. By and large, Jewish labor was opposed
to former Communists testifying before the Dies Committee, because of its reactionary
character.
'I
was a decent, tolerant, and dedicated man. However, there were in
the office a couple of mean bureaucrats, with whom I came into
constant friction, though their behavior was not my concern.
I also worked for David Dubinsky on several occasions, once
in the campaign to re-elect Roosevelt in 1944, in connection with
the Liberal party. I found him an astute, hard-working, and dynamic
leader, but a man of rno~ds.~"
The fifties witnessed an exodus of Jews from the Communist
party and its movement and the closing of most of its institutions.
Only remnants of the old membership remain. Communism has
become for them an orthodox faith. Jewish Communists, strongly
entrenched years before, have now been shorn of any influence
in the community. T h e Freiheit is being published as a tiny tabloid,
its circulation no higher than a few thousand. It offers no program
for the Jewish people or for America. Its only mission is to defend,
through distortion and plain untruth, the domestic and foreign
policies of the Kremlin and its Soviet bloc.
Fully conscious though I was of the complete ideological and moral
bankruptcy of Communism, I must admit that I never anticipated that
a Communist government would knowingly resort to spreading antiJewish propaganda and to practicing anti-Jewish discrimination. From
all evidence available, there is more anti-Jewish sentiment and practice in the Soviet Union today than at any time since the Bolshevik
revolution. This reflects the final failure of Soviet Communism.
It is customary to end one's autobiography with the pious
temark that if the author had to relive his life he would follow the
same pattern. I gravely doubt whether I would be willing to repeat
mine. I believe that it was Machiavelli who pronounced the dictum:
Most people do not regret the things they did, but the things they
did not do. As for myself, I must say, in all frankness, there were
things I did that I do regret.
For a portrait in miniature of David Dubinsky, see Jewish Labor in U.S.A.: An
Industrial, Political and Cultuml History of the Jewish Labor Movement, 1914-19jz (New
York: Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1953). pp. 395-401.
11
Courtesy. The Harry
S. T r n m o ~ zI.ihrary.
I,rdepe,rdence, ,Mo.
/-It prcstrved inviolate an inncr snnrtunry
(see p. 18 I )
K o b u l A r r k s . sculptor
Reviews of Books
ADLER,SELIG,and THOMAS
E. CONNOLLY..
From Ararat to Suburbia:
The History of the Jewish Commzrnity of BuJaIo. Philadelphia: The
Jewish Publication Society of America. 1960. xvi, 498 PP. $6.00
This thorough and interesting study of a medium-sized Jewish urban
community is the thirteenth publication of the Jacob R. Schiff Library
of the American Jewish Publication Society. Hundreds of Jewish citizens
of Buffalo assisted in gathering a mountain of sources, and no doubt the
encyclopedic coverage is partly dictated by this local interest. The reader
sometimes wonders whether any Jewish resident of Buffalo has been
omitted. While sifting and organizing the data, however, the authors
have performed a work of critical scholarshipof more than local significance.
This collaboration of a Jewish historian and a non-Jewish student
of literature has been quite fruitful, resulting in an urbane style and the
impartial treatment of conflicting Jewish denominations, factions, and
national groups. Only in its less sympathetic treatment of Jewish Marxist
and agnostic groups does the work reveal a bias, which is really a commitment to the Jewish cultural and religious heritage. The title is somewhat
misleading, since the book deals with neither Ararat nor suburbia. Moreover, this is not really the story of a "community." Until Adolf Hitler
unified the Jews, the story of Buffalo Jewry was largely that of many
rival and even antagonistic communities, of Beth El and Beth Zion, of
Orthodox and Reform, of German and East European, of bourgeoisie
and Arbeiter Ring, of the East Side ghetto and the new residential areas.
Truly have Jews been "people of the Book." The sheer volume of
written records available in a medium-sized Jewish community (estimated
at 30,000 in 1938) is the most impressive aspect of this study. Among
the sources are the minute books of Jewish congregations and of welfare,
labor, and Zionist organizations, many historical and genealogical sketches,
scrapbooks, pamphlets, and local and Jewish newspapers and periodicals.
The authors have used all these records of a highly literate people without
being submerged by them. The narrative is richly colored with detail,
but the reader never loses sight of major developments.
The only serious criticism is that the book treats inadequately the inter-
action between Jews and non-Jews in Buffalo. The index, for example,
lists only seventeen references to Gentile-Jewish relationships, none of
them past p. 286. Though it might disturb the bland surface of this success
story, the reviewer would like to have more information on the business,
intergroup, and social dealings of Jews and non-Jews, to know what
areas of the New World paradise were off-limits. The main theme of
the history of any American Jewish community is undoubtedly that of
success and progress, but it is unhistorical to omit the darker, minor
theme. A map of Buffalo would have made much easier the reading of
many accounts of shifting neighborhoods. The footnotes, instead of being
at the foot of the pages, are segregated at the back of the book. There
are a few inevitable errors too picayune to list.
This volume makes a substantial contribution to scholarship. Its breadth
of coverage of most aspects of local Jewish life, its objectivity in treating
the cross-purposes of Buffalo Jewry, and its skillful blending of general
history with details of local leaders and institutions make it a model
not only of Jewish history but of urban social history.
Cincinnati, Ohio
Lours R. HARLAN
Dr. Louis R. Harlan is Associate Professor of History at the University of Cincinnati.
Gmazim: Koyets L'toldot Ha-sifmt Ha-ivrit B'dorot Ha-achronim [an anthology of the history of Hebrew literature of recent times]. Tel Aviv:
Association of Hebrew Authors in Israel - "Massada" Publishing,
Ltd. 1961. 347 pp.
Edited by Getzel Kressel, Gmazim, the first in a series of volumes to follow
at unspecified intervals, is devoted to the publication of hitherto unpublished material which is significant for the study of the recent history of
Hebrew literature.
This first volume is dedicated to the memory of Asher Barash ( I8891952), who conceived the idea of "Genazim," a bio-bibliographical institute
whose aim is to perpetuate the memory of modern Hebrew authors and
their work. The Genazim Institute has now been in existence for a period
of ten years, and has assiduously endeavored to perform its task of gathering
and collecting all literary material which would facilitate the understanding
of the totality of Hebrew literature, including writings which are not in
the Hebrew language - Yiddish in particular.
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
'79
The scope of subsequent volumes of Genazim is to include sections
dealing with memoirs and autobiographies, letters of authors, bibliographies,
and studies. The present volume, however, limits itself to the first two
types of writing.
In the first section of this book, 142 pages are devoted to memoirs and
autobiographies. A total of seventeen selections is published here, some
being classified as memoirs, others as autobiographies. The array of the
literary personalities is quite impressive, beginning with Isaac Hirsch
Weiss and his memoirs and closing with Judah Steinberg and his autobiography.
Of special interest in this section is a questionnaire (pp. 54-56) sent
out by "Genazim" to Hebrew authors in the State of Israel and abroad.
The questionnaire consists of thirty-two questions, the answers to which
would give the Institute a complete picture of the author, his activities,
aspirations, goals, and literary creativity and productivity. The replies to
the questionnaire sent in by some of the Hebrew authors constitute the
bulk of the material found in the first part of the book.
The second, but larger, section of the book (pp. 145-347) consists of
twenty entries of exchanges of letters by Hebrew authors. The list of
names is very notable, and the contents of the letters reveal much of the
vicissitudes, experiences, aspirations, and struggles of the various Hebrew
authors represented. An example par excellence is Joseph Haim Heftman's
letter - dated March 29, 1926 -to Dr. Max Raisin, who was ordained
by the Hebrew Union College in 1903. In this letter, Heftman pleads for
financial support from America for the publication of the Warsaw Hebrew
daily Ha-Yom.
The effort of editing this book is tremendous in view of the careful
collation of material and the meticulous application of numerous explanatory
footnotes. It truly is a work of scientific precision and accuracy.
Perhaps more than anything else, Genazim points to the avid desire on
the part of contemporary Israelis to preserve for posterity everything that
was once committed to writing. The volume has the documentary qualities
and characteristics which properly belong to an archives.
Cincinnati, Ohio
ELIASL. EPSTEIN
Dr. Elias L. Epstein, Professor of Hebrew Language and Literature at the Hebrew Union
College - Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati, is the editor of the Hebrew Union
College Annual.
STEIN,LEONARD.
The Balfour Declaration. New York: Simon and Schuster.
.
1961. 6 8 1 . p ~$7.50
Leonard Stein's The B a I f m ~Declaration is the story of how the British
Government undertook to "view with favour the establishment in Palestine
of a national home for the Jewish people and . . . use their best endeavours
to facilitate the achievement of this object." The author, a British barrister,
civil servant, and veteran Zionist, has reconstructed, with both skill
and scholarship, the events leading up to the Balfour Declaration of
November 2, 1917.His is an excellent book.
Stein tells the tale in its entirety and highlights the intrigue and suspense
which the principals could not help but sense at the time. He has made
good use of the voluminous papers of Chaim Weizmann, Mark Sykes,
Louis D. Brandeis, Charles Prestwich Scott, Nahum Sokolow, and Moses
Gaster. H e has searched with discrimination in the Zionist Archives
and the Blanche Dugdale collection of Arthur Balfour's documents. He
has chosen well in quoting from the diaries, memoranda, letters, editorials,
and articles of the period. Only at times does Mr. Stein succumb to
repetition and allow himself to be bogged down in quotations, but he
could justly claim that these are valuable repetitions and salient quotations.
H e sustains the reader's attention, especially in the chapters on "Zionist
Moves in Berlin and Con~tantino~le,""Weizmann's Meetings with
Balfour and Lloyd George," "Sokolow in Paris and Rome," and "The
Zionist Question Before the War Cabinet, September 19I 7 ."
This is high drama, and Stein makes the most of it, maintaining the
narrative at an even pace with flashbacks that are neither tedious nor
confusing. He keeps his men moving steadily in both thought and action.
In the opening ninety pages Stein describes the ambiguous status
and uncertain strength of the World Zionist Movement in 1914, and
outlines the commitments of the European powers in the Middle East.
Mentioning the anti-Zionists in Great Britain, he tells about the objection
lodged in 1909 by leading Anglo-Jewish personalities (including Leopold
de Rothschild, Claude G. Montefiore, Robert Waley Cohen, and Osmond
d'Avigdor Goldsmid) against the establishment of Zionist societies by
Jewish undergraduates at English universities; and he quotes Chief Rabbi
Hermam Adler's endorsement of their protest: "Since the destruction
of the Temple and our dispersion, we no longer constitute a nation; we
are a religious community."
Such opposition to political Zionism makes all the more significant
Theodor Herzl's comment in 1897:
181
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
From the first moment I entered the Movement, my eyes were directed
towards England, because I saw that by reason of the general situation
of things there it was the Archimedean point where the lever could be
applied. The still existing happy position of the English Jews, their high
standard of culture, their proud adherence to the old race caused them
to appear to me as the right men to realise the Zionistic idea.
Herzl expressed this hope again in his opening address to the Fourth
Zionist Congress of 1900, when he explained why he had chosen London
as the meeting place: "England, great and free, looking out over all the
seas, will understand us and our endeavours."
As in so many prophetic utterances, Herzl was right. In the following
fifteen chapters of Part 11, "The Preliminaries, I ~ - II6,"~ Stein tells
of the painstaking negotiations.
He excels in vignettes of the principals. He knew all of them personally
and thus writes with sure hand and deft pen. The stalwarts of the
Movement, ranging from Jews like Herbert Samuel, Chaim Weizmann,
Nahum Sokolow, and Aaron Aaronsohn to non-Jews like Mark Sykes,
Arthur Balfour, Charles Prestwich Scott, and David Lloyd George,
come alive. Their cooperation and collaboration are remarkable and often
inspiring. For their admixture of idealism and realism he has only praise.
Each of them wanted justice for the Jewish people and a stronger position
for Great Britain in the Middle East.
There were giants on the earth in those days. Of Weizmann, Harold
Nicolson once said: "I do not think that I have ever met a man quite
as dignified as Dr. Weizmann. I sometimes wonder whether his fellowJews realise how deeply he impressed us Gentiles by his heroic, his Maccabean quaIity."
Stein agrees with Nicolson's estimate, and then gives his own appraisal:
If Weizmann was seen a little larger than life it was not because he struck
heroic poses. He was far from being austere or otherworldly. In his good
moods -for he had a mercurial temperament - he could be highly
companionable, witty and entertaining. He enjoyed the pleasures of life
and was well endowed with worldly wisdom. . It was impossible,
in his presence, not to be conscious of his reserves of strength or to resist
the enchantment of his magnetic eyes. Man of the world though he was
or became, he preserved inviolate an inner sanctuary. It was the mystical
element mingled with his realism which gave him his charismatic quaIity
and was the hidden source of his power.
..
Stein tells well the oft-told story of Weizmann's meetings with Arthur
Balfour in 1905 and 1914. He makes it abundantly clear that these, and
some 2,000 other interviews which Weizmann had with political figures,
paved the way for the declaration.
Stein assigns to Herbert Samuel a key role in all the negotiations
leading up to the Balfour Declaration. Sir Herbert's Zionist sympathies,
so ardent and yet informed, were not known or expected by his colleagues,
for a scion of distinguished Anglo-Jewish ancestry would normally like Edwin Montagu and Claude G. Montefiore - have been anti-Zionist.
When Herbert Asquith, never pro-Zionist, became Prime Minister
in 19 r 5, he was amazed to find in Samuel a protagonist of Zionism. Asquith
termed Samuel's historic document on the question, circulated among
the members of the Cabinet and the Foreign Office, and among leading
Britons, "a dithyrambic memorandum," and confided to his diary: "I
confess I am not attracted by the proposed addition to our responsibilities,
but it is a curious illustration of Dizzy's favorite maxim that 'race is
everything' to find this almost lyrical outburst proceeding from the wellordered and methodical brain of H. s.''
Disraeli had forsaken the Jewish community in his adolescent years
and never returned to it; thus Samuel was the first observant Jew to
serve in a British Cabinet - his strategic importance cannot be overestimated.
Of considerable value is Stein's examination of the notion that the
Balfour Declaration was a "reward" which David Lloyd George reputedly
bestowed upon Weizmann for his contribution to the Allied victory
by the development of acetone as an indispensable ingredient in the
development of T N T . Stein makes it clear that Lloyd George had both
poetically and oratorically exaggerated when he said that "acetone converted
me to Zionism" and that Weizmann's declination of honors from the
Crown was "the fount and origin of the Balfour Declaration." Stein
notes that Lloyd George's gratitude was undoubtedly one of many factors
which made Weizmann stand high in his favor; yet Weizmann was really
more powerful as a Zionist propagandist in the best sense of that word.
Jan Christiaan Smuts always reminded his readers and listeners, "It was
Weizmann who persuaded us."
Of great value, too, is the sympathetic picture which Stein gives of
the anti-zionists in Great Britain. He understands, though he neither
approves of nor agrees with, their opposition to Zionism. Here is insight
of a high order.
Similarly, he gives a perceptive account of the apprehension felt in
Arab communities in and around Palestine, especially after the Turkish
Kevolution, when Arab nationalism became a conscious, powerful trend.
REVIEWS O F BOOKS
183
He observes realistically - unlike many Zionist historians -that Arab
hostility to Zionism increased through the years and was foreseen by
Ahad HaLam in 1891 and 1912, and by Theodor Herzl at the turn of
the century; several years after the Balfour Declaration both Herbert
Samuel and Chaim Weizmann warned of the Arabs' intransigence and
the stiffening of their resistance. Stein's verdict on the Sykes-Picot
. . If
Agreement, often invoked in opposition to Zionism, is clear:
the question is whether the British Government had committed itself
in I 9 I 5 to leaving Palestine under Arab control, the answer seems clearly
to be that there was no such commitment."
Flaws in the book are few. The footnotes are ubiquitous and abundant,
too much so; they border on the pedantic. Stein gives an inadequate treatment
of American Zionism in the formulation of Anglo-American policy, and
says little of the role played by Stephen S. Wise; but a separate book
of another 700 pages would have to be written on America's part in the
Balfour Declaration as well as on the twenty-eight years of Britain's
Mandate until Israel was established.
T o the fascinating, but now rather academic, question as to whether
or not the Balfour Declaration ( I ) was ill-phrased and (2) really carried
the intention of establishing a Jewish-controlled state, Stein devotes
many pages. The text of the Declaration was revised a number of times,
both by the British Government and by the Zionists (in Great Britain
and the United States) as well. As an American, I find always engrossing
the part played by such men as Louis D. Brandeis, Stephen S. Wise,
Felix Frankfurter, and their friends, foremost among whom was Norman
Hapgood, editor of Harper's Weekly. Many people exchanged views
constantly and helped phrase and rephrase the countless drafts that came
before the War Cabinet in London in the fateful year 19I 7. The results,
both at that time and in later decades, were more than the opponents
of Zionism expected and less than the proponents desired.
Many memoranda were exchanged about "A Jewish National Home"
or "A National Home for the Jewish Race," finally resulting in the oftdebated words, "National Home for the Jewish People," which was
an echo of the Basle program, "the creation of a home for the Jewish
people."
The latter part of the book deals in limited yet revealing fashion with
the steady efforts of the British Colonial Office through the next thirty
years to repudiate any idea that a Jewish state was to be established.
T o this trend Stein could have devoted yet another 700 pages.
The restraint which Stein employs throughout the book is absent
". .
in the closing pages, when he seems to take a dim view of American
Jewry of more recent vintage:
With an enthusiasm as fervent as that with which they acclaimed the
Balfour Declaration the American Jews were, eighteen months later,
to express their gratitude to Great Britain on her acceptance of the
Palestine Mandate. The strength of their emotional response to the Declaration was the measure of their indignant reaction when things started
to go wrong in Palestine and of their almost hysterical denunciation
of Great Britain as the Mandate drifted to its melancholy end.
Some valuable pages on the tepid enthusiasm of Woodrow Wilson,
the grave reservations of his Secretary of State, Robert Lansing, and
the not-so-restrained anti-Zionism and subtle anti-Semitism of Edward
House should be required reading for those gullible souls who contend
that the three of them - Wilson, Lansing, and House - were unreservedly
pro-Zionist .
Stein's major task is to help us keep all these matters in perspective,
and he succeeds.
Stein has done a scholarly and, at times, brilliant job in describing
how a few not so well chosen and often ambiguous words can change
the face of the earth - in this case, the Middle East - and can alter
the course of history, primarily the history of Jewry and Judaism.
Saratoga Springs, N. Y .
CARLHERMANN
VOSS
Dr. Carl Herrnann Voss, who is presently pastor of the New England Congregational
Church in Saratoga Springs, New York, served as Chairman of the Executive Council
of the American Christian Palestine Committee between 1946and 1956.
CORRECTION
The April, 1962, issue of American Jewish Archives (pp. 4 and 7), mistakenly designated Max E. Berkowitz as the nephew of Rabbi Henry
Berkowitz. Max E. Berkowitz should have been designated as the son
of Henry Berkowitz.
Brief Notice
SMITH,JAMESWARD,and A. LELANDJAMISON,
Edited by. Religion in
American Life. Princeton, N. J. : Princeton University Press. I 96 I.
Vol. I (514 pp. $8.50); Vol. I1 (427 pp. $7.50); Vol. IV (Parts 1-2:
xx, 541 pp., and Parts 3-5: xv, 674 pp. $17.50)
Appearing as "Princeton Studies in American Civilization Number 5"
and consisting of four* volumes bound in five books (Vol. IV has
been published in two separately bound sections), Religion in American
Life may justly claim the designation "monumental" in bulk as well
as in scope. The work, its distinguished editors tell us, is concerned
primarily with religion as "the tendency on the part of our culture to
devote itself to ideal purposes which stem from the Judaeo-Christian
tradition." The editors, Professor Smith, of Princeton University, and
Professor Jamison, of Syracuse University, have succeeded in preparing
an opus that will undoubtedly prove indispensable to students of the
American religious scene. Vol. I, entitled "The Shaping of American
Religion," includes -in addition to an introduction and an index nine essays by H. Richard Niebuhr, Henry J. Browne, Oscar Handlin,
A. Leland Jamison, Sydney E. Ahlstrom, Perry Miller, Stow Persons,
James Ward Smith, and Daniel D. Williams. Vol. 11, "Religious
Perspectives in American Culture," features - again in addition to
an introduction and an index -ten essays by Will Herberg, Wilber G.
Katz, William Lee Miller, Dayton D. McKean, R. Morton Darrow,
Willard Thorp, Carlos Baker, Richard P. Blackmur, Leonard Ellinwood,
and Donald Drew Egbert. In Vol. IV, "A Critical Bibliography of
Religion in America," Dr. Nelson R. Burr, of the Library of Congress,
has painstakingly assembled a selective bibliography designed to afford
the reader "a synoptic sense of the breadth and the depth of the problem
of tracing religious influences in American life." Dr. Burr's contribution
is enhanced by a forty-eight-page "Author Index." Of particular
Jewish interest in the series are Oscar Handlin's "Judaism in the United
States" in Vol. I, Will Herberg's "Religion and Education in America"
and Wilber G. Katz's "Religion and Law in America," both in Vol.
11, and Dr. Burr's bibliographical material on American Jewish religion
and literature in Vol. IV.
* Not included in this notice is Vol. 111, entitled "Reli ious Thought and Economic
Society: The European Background,'' which consists o f a historical study by Jacob
Viner and is listed at $6.00. The entire set is listed at $32.50.
Index
Agriculture, agriculturists, z I , 30, 148,
I 5 5 ; see also Farmers
Aaro-Joint. 148
~ b d a t h ~ c h i m Synagogue, Hibbing,
Minn.. 89
A G ~ I L A R &mily), 61
D' (brother of Moses
AGUILAR,
ABRAHAM
Raphael d'hguilar) , 60-6 I
AGUILAR,ABRAHAM
D' (son of Moses
Raphael d'hguilar), 60-61
AGUILAR,
AROND', 38, 42, 60
AGUILAR,
ESTHER
D', 60
AGUILAR,
GANNA
D', 42
AGUILAR,
GRACIA
D', 61
ISAAC(ISHAC)D',
AGUILAR(AGUILLAR),
42, 60-61
AGUILAR,
ISAACDE AROND', 61
AGUILAR,~SAAC
ISRAEL
D', 59-60
AGUILAR,
ISAQUE
DE, 42
AGUILAR,
JACOB
D', 60
AGUILAR,
JEHUDITH
D', 6 1
AGUILAR,
MOSESD', 38
AGUILAR(AGUILLAR)
, MOSES (MOZES)
RAPHAEL
(RAFAEL)D', 42, 59-61
D', 42, 61
AGUILAR,
RACHEL
AGUILAR,
RIBCAD', 61
AGUILAR,
SARAD', 6 1
AGUILAR,
SIMHAD', 61
AHADHA'AM;see Ginzberg, Asher
Ahavas Sholem Congregation, Buffalo,
N. Y., 88
hM6, LOUIS,93
Alabama, 80
Albany, N. Y., 88, 90
Albany Daily Advcrtiscr (Albany, N. Y.),
Aaron Congregation, Trinidad, Colo., 93
AARONSOHN,
AARON,I 8 I
ABENATAR,
ARON,47
ABENDANA,
MANUEL,
63
MARDOCHAI,
55
ABENDANA,
ABENU[DE LIMA],SALOMON,
55
ABOAB,
ABRAHAM,
59
ABOAB,DAVID,
47, 58-59? 68
ABOAB,
ESTER,46
ABOAB,
ESTHER,59
37, 45, 47,
ABOAB,ISAACDA FONSECA,
549 58-59, 64, 68
ABOAB,
JUDITH,64
ABOAB,
SALOM
DE BENJAMIN,
46
ABOAB,
SIMON,58
ABOAF,ISCHACK
SEMAH,
40
ABRABANEL,
ISAAC,
75
ABRAHAMS,
ISRAEL,
94
A BRAVANEL;
see Bravanel, Jonas a
IACOB,
5 I , 55
ABRICHTS,
Academic life, academic world, 107-8,
I I 1-13, I 15-16, 127; sec also Freedom
Academic positions, z5
Academies; sce Yeshivot
Acculturation, 76
Acetone, I 82
ACONGNA,
NUNESD', 64
ACOSTA,
ANTONIO
D', 5 I
ACOSTA,
FRANCISCO
VAZD', 56
ACOSTA,
JOSEPH(IOSEPH)D', 37, 52, 56-57
ACOSTA,
URIELD', 57
Adath Israel Congregation (Louis Feinberg Synagog), Cincinnati, Ohio, 88
Addresses, 94, 96, 98-99, 102; see also
2s
Lectures, Sermons
ALBERTI,
DANIEL,5 I
GERSON,
22-24, 26
Albuquerque, N. Mex., 90, 101
ADERSBACH,
ADLER,CYRUS,
9 I , 94, 97-98
Albuquerque Lodge, No. 336. B'nai B'rith,
Albuquerque, N. Mex., 90
ADLER,FELIX,I 2
ALEXANDER,
FANNYWEIL, I O Z
ADLER,HERMANN,
180
ADLER,SELIG,and THOMAS
E. CONNOLLY,Alexandria, Va., 88
Frmn Ararat w Suburbia: The History Aliens; see Foreigners
of the Jewish Community of Buffalo ALKALAI,
JUDAH,
69
ALLEN,MICHAEL
MITCHELL,
92
(review), I 77-78
ALLENBY,
EDMUND,
I 64
Adult education, I 17
Allies (First World War), 182
A. F. of L., 143
Agnostics, I 77
Alloys, 29-30
INDEX
Alpena, Mich., 88, 90
ALTMAN,
HAL,90
Altona, Germany, 27
ALVARES,
DAVID,52
ALVARES,
IOSEPH,52
ALVARES,
JACOBHISQUIAHU
DE DAVID,
61
ALVARES,
JAHACOB
BARUCH,
61
ALVARES,
MOZESBARUCH,
42
ALVARES,
RACHEL,
42
ALVARES,
RODRIGO,
55
Ambassadors, 10-1 I , I 5
Ambidjan; see American Committee for
the Settlement of Foreign Jews In
Birobidjan
America, the Americas, Americans, 5-6,
1 2 , 20, 25-28, 30-31. 61, 759 78, 94,
98, 100, 110, 129-30, 132, 134, 136-38,
141, 147, 149-50, 170, 1749 179, 183;
see also Revolutionary War, United
States
American Christian Palestine Committee,
184
American Committee for the Settlement of
Foreign Jews in Birobidjan (Ambidjan),
156
American Colonies; see Colonies, American
American Committee for the Organization
of a World Congress for Jewish Culture,
'54
American Communism, American Communists, 129, 170, 174; see also Communism
American Council for Judaism, I zo
American Federation of Labor; see A. F.
of L.
American Fraternal Zionist Organization;
see B'nai Zion
American Hebrew (New York), 95
American IKUF, I 55
American Institute, 30
Americanism, I 54
Americanization, I 6
American Jewish Committee, I z, 76
American Jewish Historical Society, New
York, N. Y., 33
American Jewry, American Jews, 13-14,
69, 7678, 100, 107. 123-24, 155, 15960, 172, 174, 184; see also Jewry
American Journal of the Medical Sciences, 28
American Judaism; see American Jewry
American Medical Recorder, 28
American Reform Judaism, American Re-
1 ~ 7
form Jews, 3, I I ; see also Reform Judaism
American Revolution; see Revolutionary
War (American)
"American Silver Composition," 29-30
American Zionism, I 83; see also Zionism
Amsterdam, Holland, 21, 34, 37-48, 5051, 55, 57-58, 61-68; Jews of,. 39-40
Anarchists, Anarchists-syndicalists, I 69
ANDRADE,
BENJAMIN
DA COSTA
D', 66
Anglo-Jewish Association, I 1
Anhalt-Dessau, z z
Anniston, Ala., 88, 90
ANSELL,JACK,His Brother, The Bear, 79
Anshe Chesed Congregation (Fairmount
Temple), Cleveland, Ohio, 86
Anshe Hesed Congregation, Erie, Pa., 9
Anshi Lebavitz Congregation, Boston,
Mass., 92
Anti-Communists, I 72 7 3
Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai
B'rith, Chicago, Ill., 90-91
Anti-fascism, anti-fascists, I 55, I 59, 166,
168
Anti-Franco party, 169
Anti-Jewish prejudice; see Anti-Semitism,
Religious prejudice
Anti-Marxists, 155, 157
Antinomianism, 73
Antireligion, I 53
Anti-Semitism, anti-Semites, 5, 7, 94,
108, 148, 155, 160, 174, 184; see also
Religious prejudice
Anti-Zionism, anti-Zionists, I , 4, 9-1 z,
15, 19, 142, 150, 180, 182, 184
Antwerp, Belgium, 47, I 5 I
Aphorisms, 95
Appalachian Spring, 79
Arabic, 164
Arabs, 6, 146, 159-65, 182-83; Communists, 161-62, 164
Aragon, Spain, I 67
Ararat project, 23, 25
Arbeiter Ring (Workmen's Circle), I 33,
'449 177
Argentina, 166
65
ARIES,DIEGORODRIGUES,
ARLEN,HAROLD,
83
Arlington Confederate Monument Association, 97
ARLUCK,
HYMAN,8 3
ARLUCK,
SAMUEL,
83
Armenians, 7
Baltic states, I 7 r
Baltimore, Md., 88
Baltimore Hebrew Congregation, Baltimore, Md., 88
Bankers, 15
Baptismal registers, 90
BARASH,
ASHER,I 78
Barbados, 65
BARBEE,MRS.ALFRED,104
Barcelona, Spain, 16570
Bar Mitzvah, I zq
Bamard College, New York, N. Y., 80
BAROCHES,
MOZES,42
BAROCHES,
RACHEL,42
BARON,
SALOW., 85
BARONDESS,
JOSEPHA., 94, I 29-30
BARRETO,
FRANCISCO,
50
BARRIOS,
MIGUELDE, 64
BARUCH,
ISAQUE,
42
BARZILAIJ,
HESTERBENVENISTE,
43
BARZILAY,
JACOB,
43
Basle program (of Zionism), I 3, I 8 3
BATISTA,
FULGENCIO,
17 I
BAUM,BERNARD,
101
Bayonne, France, 47
Bayonne, N. J., 85
Beaufort, S. C., 88
BECK,HENRY,103
BECX,MATTHIAS,
57
Belgium, 150, 152, 166
Beliefs, Jewish; see Judaism
Beliefs, religious, 7, 83
BELILLOS,
SAMUEL,64
BELILOS(BELILLOS),
DANIEL,59, 64
Bell County, Ky., 153
Beluved Rabbi, The, 7-8
Bemerkungen uber dm Stundpunkt der
Hmnburgischm Israeliticchen F~eischule,
3'
BEN GURION,DAVID,69, 87, 162
Beni Israel Congregation, Lawrence,
Kans., 89
BENJAMN,JUDAHP.,94-95. I03
BENVENISTE,
ARON,41, 43-44
BACHRACH,
BABETTE,
94
BENVENISTE,
RACHEL,46
BACHRACH,
SAMUEL,
94
BENZEVI,ITZHAK,I 62
BAECK,LEO,86
BERGMAN,
LEOA,, 9 I
Bahama Islands, 96
BERINSKY,
BURTON,158
Bahia, Brazil, 34, 38-39, 58
BERKOWITZ,
HENRY,I , 3-4, 7-1 I, I 3, 17,
BALFOUR,
ARTHUR,I 80-8 I
19, 95; Endowment Fund, 95
Balfour Declaration, r, 3, 8, 10, 16, 97,
BERKOWITZ,
HENRY
J., 4
142, 180-84
BERKOWITZ,
MAXE., 4, 7-8, 184
Balfour Decla~atkm, The (review), I 80BERKS,ROBERT,175
84
Army purveyors, 37,93,97
ARO,LEADE,44
Arreri~pi,Brazil; see Recife, Brazil
Art, 112, 1 3 3
ARTEF Theater, I 56
Artists, 97
86
ASCH,SHOLEM,
Ashkenazim, Ashkenazic Jews, 49, 52,
55, 57, 61, 90; see also Germany
Asia, 173
ASQUITH,
HERBERT,
I 82
Assembly (of New York State), 9 r
Assimilation, assimilationism, assimilationists, 13, 76, 79, 86, 1x0, 119-20, 123,
I 28; cultural, I 2; see also Integration
Associated Jewish Agencies, Cincinnati,
Ohio, 9 I
Association for Jewish Colonization in the
Soviet Union (ICOR), 156
ATHIAS,DAVID,52
ATHIAS,ISAK,42
ATHIAS,JACOB,
4 1-42
ATHIAS,JOSEPH,65
ATHIAS,RACHEL,
42
ATKINSON,
BROOKS,
79
Atomic bomb, 84
Atonement, Day of; see Yom Kippur
Auctioneers, 92-93
AUERBACH,
IRVING,
90
AUGUST,GARRY
J., 96
Autobiographies, 84, 101-2, I 29-38, 14156, 15974, I79
Auto-da-fk, 39
Autonomy, cultural, I 2
AZEVEDO,
ABRAHAM
D', 50-5 I , 57, 59
D', 59
AZEVEDO,
ISAAC
AZEVEW,MOYSES
SALOMDE,46
AZEVEDO,
RIFCASALOM
D', 46
AZUBI,ABRAHAM,
49
AZULAY,
JEHUDA,
6I
AZULAY,RACHEL
DE JEHUDA,
61
Berlin, Germany, z r , 26, 96, 149, 180;
Treaty of, 5
BERNAL,DAVID,57
BERNAL,ISABEL,58
BERNHEIM(RoTH), MOSES; see Roth
(Bernheim) Moses
BERNSTEIN,
LEONARD,
84
BERRY,JOSEPH,93
Berthier, Quebec, 93
Beth El Congregation, Albany, N. Y., 88
Beth-El Congregation, Anniston, Ala., 88
Beth El Congregation, Buffalo, N. Y., 177
Bethel Jacob Congregation, Albany, N. Y.,
88
Beth Elohim Congregation, Charleston,
S. C., 92
Beth Emeth Congregation, Albany, N. Y.,
88
Beth Israel Congregation, Beaufort, S. C.,
88
Beth Israel Congregation, Jackson, Miss.,
89
Beth Jacob Congregation, Dorchester,
Mass., 88
Beth mcdrash, I 3 o
Beth Ysrael Congregation (Synagogue),
Amsterdam, Holland, 58-60, 63, 66
Beth ZionCongregation,Buffalo,N. Y., 177
Bevis Marks Synagogue, London, England,
89
Bible, Biblical (Old Testament) references,
74-75, 85, 95, 118, 118; sce also Pencateuch, Perasha, Torah
Bigotry; sce Anti-Semitism, Religious
prej.
udice
Bingen Men's Philanthropic Society, Newark,. N. J.,
. 9
~I .
BINSWANCER,
AUGUSTUS,
10I
Biographies, 58, 83, 94, 99, 101-2, 104
Biology, I ro
Birobidjan, Siberia, 148, I 55
Black Book of Polish Jewry, 83
~ L A I N E ,EPHRAIM,
97, 99
BLOCH(family), 94-95
BLOCH,HERRMAN,
95
95
BLOCH,JOACHIM,
95
BLOCH,THERESA,
Blood accusation; scc Ritual murder libel
BLOOM,
HERBERT
I., 33, 40
BLOOMFIELD,
MAURICE,I 3
BLUMBERC,
MRS.BEN,95
BLUMENTHAL,
MRS. RAY, 93
Blytheville, Ark., 88
B'nai B'rith, 10, 90-92, 109, I r I ;
Archives, 90; Mexican Bureau, 90;
Women, Blytheville, Ark., 88; scc also
Albuquerque Lodge, No. 336; AntiDefamation League of the B'nai B'rith;
District Grand Lodge, No. 2; Marion
Lodge, No. 864; Rimmon Lodge, No.
68; Santa Fe Lodge, No. 1242
B'nai Israel Congregation, Fort Wayne,
Ind.. 88
B'nai Israel Congregation, Sacramento,
Calif.. oo
B'nai ~ehudahCongregation, Kansas City,
Mo., 4
B'nai Jeshurun Congregation, Cincinnati,
Ohio. 7 c
~ ' n a iJk~iurunCongregation, New York,
N. Y.. 80
~,
Bhai Zion (American Fraternal Zionist
Organization), 80
B'ne Jeshurun Congregation, Milwaukee,
Wis., 89
Bwota. Colombia. 80
~oKernians,r 33 '
Bolshevism. Bolshevik revolution. Bolsheviks, 141-43, 174
BONAPARTE,
NAPOL~ON,
21
BONNHEIM,
BENJAMIN
A., I01
Book of Proverbs: A Commentary, 85
Bordeaux, France, 63
BOROWITZ,
EUGENEB., 86
Boston, Mass., 92; Latin School, 84
BOTWIN,NAFTALI,167
BOULANCER,
NADIA,79
Bourgeoisie; scc Middle class
BOWMAN,
MRS. ROBERTA., 96-97
Boycott, I 60-6 I
Braille, I 17
BRAININ,
REUBEN,95
BRANDAO
(BRANDAU)
, DOMINCO
D'ACOSTA,
371 55
BRANDEIS,
LOUISD., 15, 86, 97, 180, 183
BRANDOA,
MARIAHENRIQUES,
37
BRANDON,
DAVID,5z
BRANDON,
MANUELDUARTE,55
BRANDON,
RACHEL,46
BRAVANEL,
JONASA, 40
Brazil, 3 1-34, 37-52, 55-68; Jews of, 3 2 ;
see also Dutch Brazil, Portuguese Brazil
Brest-Litovsk, Russia, 143
BRICKNER,
BARNETT
R., 86
B'rith Sholem Congregation, Buffalo,
N. Y., 88
?
British, British Government, Britons; see
England, Great Britain
British army, 97
British Foreign Office, 164
British Legion, Canada, 93
British Mandate for Palestine, 161, 183-84
BRITTO;see Soares, Jacob
Broadway, New York City, 83
BROD,MAX,84
Brokers, 42-44
Bronx, The, N. Y., 135
Brooklyn, N. Y., 79, 132, 134, 141-42
Brotherhood, I 16
BROWN,DAVIDA., 95
BROWN,MRS. DAVIDA., 95
BROWN,
JOSEPHE., 103
Brownsville; see Brooklyn, N. Y .
BRUIMNGH,
SAMUEL,65
Brunete, Spain, 168
Brussels, Belgium, I 5I , 166
BRYAN,MARYBAIRD,97
BRYAN,
WILLIAM
JENNINGS,
97
BUBER,MARTIN,114, 117-18
BUCHALTER,
LOUIS,145
BUENO,JACOB,65
BUENO,SARA,65
Buffalo, N. Y., 25, 83, 88, 177-78
Builder of Israel: The Staly of Ben-Gurion; 87
Bukovina, Austria, I 68
M., 95
BULLOWA,
JESSEGODFREY
BULLOWA,
MARGARET,
95
BURDOCK,
ASA,92
Bureaucracy, 143, 145
BURGHEIM,D., Indianapolis, Ind., and
Nashville, Tenn., 95
Burials; see Funerals
Burying grounds; see Cemeteries
BUSH(family), I O I
BUSH,KATY,94
Businessmen, 38, 109, I r 2 ; see also Merchants, Wholesalers
BYARS,W. V., 96
Byelorussians, 149
C
Cabala, 70
Cabinet members, I 5-16
Cadiz (Cadk) ,Spain, 42
Cafk Royal, East Side, New York City,
133
CAHAN,ABRAHAM,
I 29-30, 173
Cahokia District, Ill., 93
California, 97, roo, 159
Calligraphers, 68
Cameron County, Tex., 93
CAMINHA,
ISHACCOHEN,43
CAMPBELL,
JAMES,93
Camps, 156
Canada, 92-93,95,97, 152, 170
Cantor; see Chazan
Capitalism, capitalists, I 37, 149, I 53, I 59
CARDOSA,
DANIEL,5I
CARDOSA,
SALOMON,
52
CARDOSO,
ABRAHAM,
40
CARDOW\,
IUDICA,52
CARDOZA,
VASCOFERNANDES,
52
CARDOZO,
ISAAC,39
CARDOZO,
JUAN,6 I
CARDOZO,
MICHAEL,
6I
CARDOZO,
SIMON,6 I
CARLIN, AARON,95
CARNERO
[DEMORAFS], MANUEL,55
CARPENTIER,
ROLAND
DE, 57
DE, 57
CARPENTIER,
SERVAES
C., 85
CASE,HAROLD
CASERES,
JACOBDE, 43
CASTRO,
ESTERDE, 45
CASTRO,
HENRIQUES
DE, 58-59
CASTRO,
ISAACDE, 38-40
CAWRO,ISHACDE ABRAHAM
DE, 61
CASTRO,
MANUELNAMJASDE, 42
CASTRO,RACHELNAMIASDE, 42
Catalonia, Spain, I 66, I 69
Catholics, 83, 147; see also Christianity
CATS,SALOMON,
55
Catskill Mountains, New York State, 135
CAUFFMAN,
JOSEFG., 8 I
Cayenne, French Guiana, 62
Cemeteries, 49, 62, 88-89, 99
Center for the Study of Democratic
Institutions, Santa Barbara, Calif., 8 I
Central Conference of American Rabbis,
8-9, 13, 81
Ceremonies; see Religious observance
Champaign-Urbana, Ill., 108-9, I 27
Chaplains, 98, 1 0 2
Charity; see Philanthropy
Charleston, S. C., 92-94, 99, 101
Chasidism; see Hasidism
Chattanooga, Tenn., 9
CHAYEFSKY,
PADDY,The Tenth Man, 79
Chazan, 39, 68, 83
Chemicals, 29
Chicago, Ill., 16, 90-91
Children, 41, 49, 59, 108-11, I 13, r 19,
123-24, 127, 148-49, 161
Children of Israel Congregation, Memphis,
Tenn., 89
China, 95, 168
Chip Basket (Mobile, Ala.), 91
Choir, 86
Chosen People, 7 3
CHIUST,JESUS;see Jesus of Nazareth
"Christian-Germanic" state and society, 2 I
Christianity, Christians, 6, 34, 38-39, 57,
66, 1 1 2 , 118, 123, 133, 135, 148, 170,
178, 181; see also Catholics, Gentiles,
Mennonites, Methodists, Protestantism,
Puritans, Unitarian Church
Christmas, I 16
Churches, I I 2-1 3, I 27
CHYET,BEATRICE
LILLIANMILLER,1 0 2
CHYET,JACOBM., 88
CHYET,STANLEY
F., 1 0 2
Cincinnati, Ohio, 10, 30, 75, 88, 91
Circumcision, circumcisers, 59
Cities; see Urban areas
Citizens, citizenship, 4-5, 7-8, 1 2 , 14,
397 63, 749 947 100, 102, 1 1 2 , 117
Civic uality; see Equality
Civic 8 e ; see Citizens, citizenship
Civilization, 7 3
Civil liberties, civil rights, 80
Civil war (Spain), 161, 165-70
Civil W a r (United States), 103-4
Classes, the; see Labor; Masses, the;
Middle class; Peasants; Workers
Clergy, clergymen, 68, 83, 96, 136; see
also Rabbis
Cloak and suit industry, 141; see also
Garment industry
Cloakmakers Unions of the I.L.G.W.U.,
'73
Clothing business; see Garment industry
Coal miners, I 52-54
COELHIO,DAVIDIESURUN,56
COETS,IACOB,55
COETS,PIETER,55
COHEN, ABRAHAM(Abraham Cohen do
Brasil), 49, 51, 57, 61-62, 65
COHEN,ESTHER,6 1-62
COHEN,EVA,61-62
COHEN,FRANCISCO
PEDRODE, 61-62
&HEN, HENRY,"Jewish Life and Thought
in an Academic Community
A Case
Study of Town and Gown," 107-20,
123-28
COHEN,JACOB,Philadelphia, Pa., 92
COHEN, JACOB(son of Abraham Cohen
do Brasil), 61-62, 65
COHEN,JACOB(American prisoner of war
during the Revolution), 99
-
C ~ H E NJACOB
,
X., 87
COHEN,JOSHUA
I., 98
S., I03
COHEN,LOUISIANA
COHEN,MORDECHAI,
46, 61
C ~ H E NMORDECHAY,
,
61
COHEN,MOSES,61-62
&HEN, NAOMIWIENER,3-4
COHENP E I X ~59,
92
COHEN,REBECCA,
180
COHEN,ROBERTWALEY,
COHEN,SADIEALTA,Engineer of the Soul:
A Biography of the Late Rabbi J. X .
Cohm, 87
COHEN,W . H., New York City, 95
"Cohensburgh," Pa., 92
COHN,EVA, I O I
Collectivization, collectives, 147, I 49, I 6 1
College of Physicians, Philadelphia, Pa., 29
College of the City of New York, 82 '
Colleges, 84, 107; see also Universities
COLONEL,
ABRAHAM,
5I
COLONEL,DAVID,52
COLONEL,ISAAC,52
Colonial America; see Colonies, American
Colonial Brazil, 32-3 3 ; see also Brazil
Colonies, colonists, colonization, 12, 23,
34, 419 62, 68, 148
Colonies, American, 20, 57
Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, I 36
Columbia University, New York, N. Y.,
80-81, 134
Comedians, 84
Coming of Age: N e w 6 Selected Poems,
79-80
Commandments, 7 3
Commerce; see Economic life
Commissary; see Arm purveyors
Committee for the ~ e z n s of
e Trotsky, I 55
Committee of Jewish Writers and Artists,
'55
Communal leaders. communal workers,
13, '59 80
Communlsm, Communist International,
Communists, Communist Party, I 29,
I++-50, 152-56, 159-66, 1 6 8 7 4 ; see
also American Communlsm, Arabs, Cuba,
French Communism, German Communist Party, Hungarian Communists,
Jewish Communism, Mexico, Palestinian
Communists, World Communism
Community, Jewish; see Jewish community
Composers, 79, 8 I
Concordia Lodge No. 101, Free Sons of
Israel, New York, N. Y., 92
192
AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1 9 6 2
Conductors, 79
COSTA. JOSEPHDA; see Cunha, JoZo
Confederacy (Southern), Confederate
Perez da
States of America, 103
COSTA,LEONORA
DA,5I
Confederate Army, Confederate soldiers, COSTA,
STEVEN
LOUIS
DA,43
103-4; see also Militarism
Court of Justice, Brabant, Holland, 50
Confirmation, confirmations, 89
Covenant, 7374
CrmfissiTes da Bahia, 33-34
COvo, JEHUDA,
37
Congregations, 86, 177; see also Syna- GWEN,
PHILIP,95
gogues
Craft unions, crafts, craftsmen, 30, 143
Congress (of the United States), 30; see CRASTO,
ELIAS
NAMIAS
DE,52
also House of Representatives (of the CRASTO,
~ A N U E L~ A M I A S
D?E,]43
United States), Senate (of the United CRASTO,
FRANCISCO
VAZDE, 41-42
States)
CRASTO,
ISAAC
DE; see Castro, Isaac de
Congressmen, 8
C u s m , MOSES
NAMIAS
DA, 55
THOMAS
E., and SELIGADLER, CRASTO,
CONNOLLY,
SEBASTIAAN
HENR~QUES
DE,65
F m Ararat to Suburbia: The History of Geed, 7
the Jewish C m u n i t y of Bufalo (re- G~mea,Russia, 148
view), 177-78
Critics, 80
Conscience, freedom of; see Freedom of CROL,GILLIS,57
religion
CROMWELL,
OLIVER,
77
Conservatism, political and social, I 17
Crusader for Light, 80-8 I
Conservative Judaism, Conservatism, Con- Cuba, Cubans, 97, I 7 I; Communists,
servative Jewry, 70, 72, 78, 85, 89, 110,
17172
120, 124-25
CULL,HENRY,
93,97
Constantinople, Turkey, 37, 180
Cultural assimilation; see Assimilation,
Constitution (of the United States), 24, I 34
~Uh~~ral
Continental Congress, 20
Cultural autonomy; see Autonomy, culConversion, converts, 39, 61, 101, I 10
tural
COPLAND,
AARON,Coplmd on Music, 79
Culturverein, Berlin, Germany, 21, 2362-63
CORONEL,
DAVID
SENIOR,
26, 31
&RONEL, ISAAC
SENIOR,
56, 63, 67
Culme, cultural life, 109, I 19-20, 1 2 3 ,
CORONEL,
JEOSHUA,
63
125,127-28, 133, 138, 141,146, 149-501
~ N E L PEDRO
,
HOMEN,
63
154, 1779 181
CORONEL,
SALOMON
SENIOR,
43
CUNHA,
JOAOPEREZDA, 63
CORONEL,
SARA
SENIOR,
43
Cwagao, Netherlands West Indies, 3 2 ,
Corporations, I I I
49, 51-52, 55, 57, 61, 63, 66-67, 88, 92
C~RREA,
ISAAC,
39
CURIEL,
DAVID,
40
C~RREA,
SIMON,
43
CURIEL,
MOSEH,
40
Correspondence of Americans, A , 82
Current Hiztory Magazine, 9-10
CORTISSOS,
JACOB
SEMECH,
47
CURRICK,
MAXC., 9, I I
CORTIZES,
ANTONIO
D'ACOSTA,
5I
Customs; see Religious observance
CORVO,
JEHUDA;
see Covo, Jehuda
Czar (ship), I 3 I
Cosmopolites, I 19
Czarist Russia, Czars; see Russia
Cossacks, 147
COSTA,
DEBORA
DA,63
COSTA,
ISAKDA, 45
Dabrowsky battalion (Spanish Civil War),
ISHACK
DA, 57
COSTA,
167
COSTA,JACOB
DA, 42
DAILLEBOUST,
PIERRE
IGNACE,
93
COSTA,
JERONIMO
NUNESDA,40
Daily Enquirer (Columbus, Ga.) , 103
COSTA,
JOSEPH
DA;see Dias, Bemardo
Daily Worker (New York), 146, I 53
* witor's Note: Names containing the prefix d', dc, da, or di are indexed under the
following word. For D'Acrmgna, see Acrmgna; for Da Costa, see Costa; etc.]
INDEX
Dallas, Tex., 1 0 2
Damascus, Syria, 164
DANIELSON,
MRS.JACQUES,
82
Danzig, Prussia, 27
DARROW,
CLARENCE,
97
Darunouth College, 82
Darwinism, 86
DAVID,DAVID,93
DAVID,SAMUEL,
93
DAVIDSON,
STELLA,
95
Day of Atonement; see Yom Kippur
Day schools; see Schools
Day, The (New York), 141, 144, 155
Dayton, Ohio, 103
Deity; see God
DELEON,EDWIN,95, 103
DELGADO,
MOSSEH
PINTO,40
DELONG,ABRAHAM,
92
Democracy, 6-7, r 13, 154-55
Democratic Front, I 54
Democratic Party, Democrats, I oo
Demography, 77
Denmark, 94
Denuncia@es da Bahia, 33
Denunciqiks de Pernambuco, 34
Denver, Colo., I 3 5
Depression, The Great (of 1929-193 z),
111, 125, 145, I47
Depressions, I 34
Desegregation, 96
Detroit, Mich., 88, 143; Area Study, 83
DEUTSCH,
BABETTE,Coming of Agc: N e w
& Selected Poems, 79-80
Deutsche Gesellschaft von Penns~lvanien,
29
Diamond cutters, 42, 45, 47
Diaries, 95, 97, 101-3
DIAS,BERNARDO,
44, 66
DIAS,DAVIDT,51
DIAS, SALOYZARAEL
MENDES;see Diaz,
Jaco Yzarael Menda
DIAZ,JACOYZARAEL
MENDEZ,49
Dictatorships, 173
DIES,MARTIN,I7 3
Dietary laws; see Kashmth
Disabilities, religious and social, 83, 108,
1357 174
Dispersion, 180
DISRAELI,
BENJAMIN,
I 82
District Grand Lodge No. 2, B'nai B'rith,
90
DITTENHOEFER
(family), 10I
D I ~ N H O E F ESAM,
R , IoI
'93
Divorce, 9 3-94
DOHM,CHRISTIAN
WILHELM
VON,20
DOLIVERA,
MOSES,55
Dominion Board of Trade (Canada), rot
Dorchester, Mass., 88
DORMIDO,
DANIEL,63
DORMIW,DAVID,63-64
DORMIDO,
SALOMON,
63-64
Dotar; see Santa Com~anhia de Dotar
Orfas e Donzellas
DOVALE,
LOUISNUNES,55, 68
DRAGO,
ABRAHAM,
5I
DRAGO,
ESTHER,64
DRAGO,
IACOB,
56
DRAGO,
ISAAC
FRANCO,
64
DRAGO,
JACOB
FRANCO,
43
DRAGO,
SIMON,64
Drama, dramatists, 79, 81,95
DREYFUS,
A. STANLEY,
101
Druggists, 61
DUARTE,
GRATIA,
42
DUARTE,
LEONORE,
42
DUARTE,
MANUEL
LEVY,64
DUBINSKY,
DAVID,I 58, I 74
DuBors, WILLIAMEDWARDBURGHARDT,
99
Duc~os,JACQUES,
I 60
DUGDALE,
BLANCHE,
I 80
Duluth, Minn., 88, 152
DUNCAN,
ISIDORA,
I 38
DUNN,BILL, 152
Dutch Brazil,. n,
40-41, 50; see also
- - 38,
Brazil
Dutch, the, 40, 50; see also Holland
Dybbuk, 79
East Broadway, New York City, 133
East European Jews, 109, r r r , 150, I77
East Side, Buffalo, N. Y., 177
East Side, New York City, I 33-34, 141,
145; see also Lower East Side, New York
City
Eastern Europe, 7, I 29, I 31-33, 162, 166
Easton, Pa., 88, 92
Ebro River, Spain, 167
Economic life, economics, 30, 39, 59, 83,
118, 147, 149, 161
Econom~sts,9, 84
Editors, 9, 22, 95,99, 102, 145-46, 154
Education, 20, 27-28, 78, 83, 96, 127-28,
149, 156; see also Adult education, Hebrew schools, Public schools, Religi-
ous schools, Schools, Secular education,
Sunday schools
Educational Alliance, New York, N. Y.,
.-l 5 l
Educators, 14, 84; see also Professors,
Teachers
EDWARDS,
EPHRAIM,
94
E alitarianism, 161
'&ggheads,'' 75. 107
Egypt, 160-6 1
EHRLICH,
HERMAN,
95-96
Ein Harod, Palestine, 161
EINSTEIN,
ALBERT,84
Eimtein on Peace, 84
EISENDRATH,
MAURICE
N., 96
B~ite,Jewish, 20
ELKUS,ABRAM
I., I 1-1 2
Ellis Island, New York, 13I , 140
El Saldn Mexico, 79
Emancipation, 7-8, 69
Emanuel Congregation Sisterhood, Welch,
W . Va., 90
Emanu-El B'ne Jeshwun Congregation,
Milwaukee, Wis., 89
Emanu-El Congregation, Milwaukee, Wis.,
89
Emanu-El Congregation, Wichita, Kans.,
90
Emergency Refugee Committee, 90
EMERSON,
RALPHWALDO,I 14
Emigrants, emigration; see Immigrants
EMMANUEL,
ISAACS., "SeventeenthCentury Brazilian Jewry: A Critical
Review," 32-34, 37-52, 55-68; Masavot
Saloniki, 32
Engineering, I 10
Engineer of the Soul: A Biography of the
Late Rabbi J. X . Cohen, 87
England, the English, 5-6, 94, 162-67,
180-83; Jews of, 181
English (language), 32, 137-38. 171
Enlightenment, I 30
Epitaphs, 62, 66-67
EPSTEIN,ELIASL., review of Genazim:
Kovets L'toldot Ha-sifrut Ha-ivrit B'domt
Ha-achronim, I 78-79
EPSTEIN,GISHAMALKIN,129, 15 I
EPSTEIN,JETTISEINFELD,129
EPSTEIN, MELECH, "Pages from My
Stormy Life
An Autobiograph~cal
Sketch," I 29-39, 141-56, I 5 9 7 4
Equality, 6-8, 2 I , I 55
ERNST,MARGARET,
80
-
ERNST,MORRIS
L., Touch Wood: A Year's
Diary, 80
ESKETT, THOMAS,
93
Essays, 95,98
ESSRIG,HARRY,review of The Ziunist
Idea, 69-70
Ess~oc,CHAIMI., 85
Ethical Culture Society, New York, N. Y
see Society for Ethical Culture
Ethics, I 14, I 16, I 18, 127
Ethnic identification, 1 19-20, 123-28
ETTELSON,HARRY
W., 95
Etting Collection, 96
Euclid Avenue Temple, Cleveland, Ohio,
15
Europe, Europeans, European powers, 4,
10, 13, 20-21, 23-24, 29, 95, 1 0 2 , 1299
135-36, 143, 150, 152-53, 166-67, 180;
Jews of, lo-XI, 26, 80, 154, 160; see
also Eastern Europe, Western Europe
European Reform Judaism, European Reform Jews, 10-1 I
EVANS,
JOHN,93
Existentialism, I I 8
EZEKIEL,MOSES,96-97
Ez Haim Seminary, Amsterdam, Holland,
59-60,64, 66
Ez Haim Society, Amsterdam, Holland, 5 I
.;
FAIA,AARON
DE LA, 5I
Fair Employment
Practices Commission,
. .
1.1 7
Fanmount Temple (Anshe Chesed), Cleveland, Ohio, 86
FAISAL(king of Iraq), 164
Faith for Modems, A, 81-82
Family, 83, 125, 128
Family!, 82
Fanaticism; see Anti-Semitism, Religious
prejudice
FARIA,FRANCISCO
DE, 49
FARIA,IOHANDE, 56
Farmers, 147; see also Agriculture
FARO,DAUIDISRAEL;see Fereira, Dauid
Israel
FARO,ISAAC
HENRIQUES,
68
Fascism, fascists, 153-54, 160, 163, 165,
I 67 ; see also Nazism
FEBOS,ISAAC,52
FECHHEIMER
(family), 98
FECHHEIMER,
MARCUS,
75
Feder, Die (New York), 95
Federal Army (Civil War); see Union
Army, United States Army
Federal Constitution; see Constitution (of
the United States)
FEFFER,ITZIK,I 55
FEIBELMAN,
JULIAN
B., 89, 92, 97
FEINBERG,
ISRAEL,
173-74
Feinberg, Louis, Synagog (Adath Israel
Congregation), Cincinnati, Ohio, 88
M., 85
FEINERMAN,
ABRAHAM
Fellow of Jewish Studies; set Habcr
FEREIRA,
DAUIDISRAEL,
49
Fernambuco, Brazil; see Recife
FERNAND,
MARGRIETA,
48
FERRO,ABRAHAM,
56
Festivals; see Jewish holidays
FEUCHTWANGER,
LEWIS(LUDWIG),27-30
FIDANQUE
(families), 67
FIDANQUE,
BENJAMIN,
47, 67
FIDANQUE,
JOSEPH,
67
FIDANQUE,
RACHEL,
47, 67
Fieldston School, The Bronx, N. Y., 30
Fifth Column (Spanish Civil War), 166
Financiers, 62
Findley Avenue Temple, Zanesville, Ohio,
Food industry, 109
Foreigners, 5, I to
FORMAN,
MRS.MAX,94
Fort Riley, Kans., 98
Fort Wayne, Ind., 88
Forward (New York), 133, 144, 17273
Forward Association, 144
Fourth Zionist Congress, 18I
Fox, CHARLES
EDWIN,95
Fox, G. GEORGE,
94
FRAENKEL,
DAVID,z 2-2 3
FRAENKEL,
JOSEF,Lucien Wolf and Theodor
Herzl, 87
France, French empire, the French, 5-6,
10, 12, 98, 103, 161, 165-66, 169, 172;
Jews in, 9 r ; see also French Revolution
FRANCES,
IOSEPH(JOSEPH),57, 64-65
FRANCO,
ESTER,56
FRANCO,
FRANCISCO,
168
FRANCO,
ISAAC,
56
FRANCO,
JACOBISRAEL,
57
EMMETA., 96
FRANK,
FRANKFURTER,
FELIX,I 5, I 83
FRANKLIN,
LEOM., 9, I I
FRANKS,
JOHN,9 2
I01
FINKEL,MORRIS,94
FRANKS,
MOSES,96
FINKELSTEIN,
LOUIS,85
Fraustadt, P ~ s s i a nPoland, 22, 26
Freedom, academic, I I 7; of assembly,
E., 94
FINN,CHESTER
I 34; of religion, 6, 34; of speech, I 34;
FINNEY,
JOHN,94
of thought, 6; political, 5, 28; proFinns, I 3 I
fessional, 28
First World War, 5-7, 94, 100, 134,
B., 97-98
FREEHOF,
SOLOMON
150, 162, 164, 168-69
FLEXNER,
ABRAHAM,
14
Free Sons of Israel; see Concordia Lodge
No. 101
FLIEGEL,HYMANJ., The Lifc m d Times of
Free Synagogue, New York, N. Y., 91;
Max Pine, 80
Florida, 100, 102, 129
Men's Club, 95
FREIBERG,
J. WALTER,15
FONDAN,
IACOB,
52
FONSECA,
ABRAHAM
(DIAS)DA, 43
Freiheit (New York), 143-46, 152-54,
FONSECA,
ALVARO
DA,58
156, 163, 166, 168, 170-71, 174
F O N S E C AB
, A L T A Z A(RB A L T H A S A R ,Freiheit Singing Societies, I 56
French Communism, French Communist
DE (DA)
, 5 I , 57, 64
BALTHAZAR)
FONSECA,
DAVIDDIASDA,43
Party, 150, 160
French Guiana, 62
DIEGORODRIGUES
DA, 58
FONSECA,
FONSECA,
IACOB(JACOB)DA,58
French Revolution, z I
LEOPOLD,
93
FONSECA,ISAACABOABDA; see Aboab, FREUDENTHAL,
Isaac da Fonseca
FREUND,
ELISABETH
D., Crusader for Light,
FONSECA,
RIFCABAS
DA,43
80-8 r
FONSECA,
RIFKADA,43
FREY,JOSEPHSAMUEL
C. F., 96, 101
Friday, 109, I 1 2
FONSECA,
SARADA,64
FONSECA,
SIMONDE VALEDE,56
FRIEDL~NDER,
JULIUS,80
FRIEDMAN,
ARTHUR,
FONTES,ISAAC
DE, 56
2, 106
FRIEDMAN,
LEE M., 9
FONTES,SIMONDE,56
German Federal State, z r
German-Soviet Non-Aggression and
Friendship Pact, 146, 159, 170
Germany, Germans, 7, 24, 28-3r, 38,
98, loo, 143, 149, 164-65, 167, 172;
Jews of, 20, 80, 109, 167, 177 (see also
Ashkenazim); language, 20, 23
GERSHWIN,
GEORGE,
8 I, 83
IRA,8 I
GERSHWIN,
Gershwin Years, The, 83
Get, Gittin; see Divorce
Gezerd (OZET), 147-48
Ghetto, 130, 177
GIDON,A B R (ABRAHAM),
~
49, 56
GIDON,SIMON,56
96
GINS,HELMUT,
GINZBERG,
ASHER,I 8 3
GINZBERG,
ELI, 85
GITLOW,BENJAMIN,173
GLASER,
MILTON,81
GLAZER,
B. BENEDICT,
96
G . & J. Heckers Literarische Annalen in GLUECK,NELSON,96
God, 73-74, 82, 112, 114-16, 125
Gtrmay, 30
GOEBBELS,
JOSEPH,165
GABAY,
ESTER,47
GOLD,MICHAEL,145-46
GABAY,
IACOB,56
GOLDBERG,
ARTHURJ., 96
GABAY,
ISAAC,56
Golden Gate Mining Company, Sonora,
52
GABAY,
SALOMON,
Calif., 94
Galicia, Poland, r 64
GOLDMAN,
ROBERT
F., 101
GALLAS,MORDECHAI,
44
GOLDSMID,
OSMOND
D'AVIGDOR,
I 80
GANS(family), 23
GOLDSTEIN,
ISRAEL,
85
GANS,EDUARD,
z 1-27, 35
GOLDSTEIN,
MORRIS,
Lift Up Your Life, 8 I
" 'Ganstown, U.S.A.' - A German-JewGOMES,
ABIGAIL,
51
ish Dream," 20-31
GOMES,CLARA,5 I
GAON,MENASSEH,
67
GOMES,MANUELDE (DA) FONSECA,56,
GARFIELD,
JAMESA., 100
Garment industry, 109, I r I ; see also Cloak
64, 67
G ~ M E ZMORDECAI,
,
93
and suit industry
GOMPERS,
SAMUEL,1 36, 142
GASTER,
MOSES,180
G~RDIS,
ROBERT,A Faith for Moderns,
Gemara, 60; see also Talmud
81-82
Genazim Institute, Israel, 178-79
AARON
DAVID,86
Genazim: Kovets L'ioldot Ha-sifrut Ha-ivrit GORDON,
GORDON,
ALBERTI., 85
B'dorot Ha-achronim (review), I 78-79
GORDON,
JOHN,93
Genealogy, 94, roz, 177
General Hospital, Charlortesville, Va., 104 GOTTHEIL,GUSTAV,z z
GOTTSCHALK,ALFRED,97; review of The
Geneva, Switzerland, r 54
Jews: Social Patterns of a American
Gentiles, 19-20, 24, 55, 57, 6:-62, 108,
Group, 76-78
I I 8, r 78, I 8 r ; see also Catholics, Christianity, Mennonites, Methodists, Prot- Govermnent, governments, 7, zo
GPU, 170
estantism, Puritans, Unitarian Church
GRADIS,
MME., 96
George and Ira Gershwin Sang Book, The, 8 I
GRADIS,BENJAMIN,
JR., 96
Georgia, 94, 103-4
Granby, Quebec, 93
German Army, 1 0 2
GRATZ(family), 96
German Communist Party, 149-50
FRIEDMAN,
LEO, 2, 106
FRIEDMAN,MAURICE,review of The
Greater Judaism in the Making. A Study
of the Modern Evolution of Judaism, 70,
73-74
FRIEDMAN,
THEODORE,
85
TUVIAH,
The Hunter, 87
FRIEDMAN,
96
FRISCH,EPHRAIM,
F r m Ararat to Suburbia: The History of
theJewish Community of Buffalo (review), 177-78
FRUIN,ROBERT,32
Frunze Military Academy, Soviet Union,
168
Funerals, 62-63, 88-89, 91, 97
Furriers, r 54
F~~RS,NBERG,
PRINCEOF, 80
FURTADO,
ISAK,43
Fiirth, Germany, 28
GRATZ,BARNARD,
96
Gratz-Croghan Papers, 96
GRATZ,JOSEPH,96
GRATZ,MICHAEL,
92, 96
GRATZ,MIRIAM,92
GRATZ,SIMON,92, 97
GRAYZEL,
SOLOMON,
97
Great Britain, lo, 12-13, 103, 180-84
Greater Judaism in the Making, The. A
Study of the Modem Evolution of Judaism
(review), 70,7 3-74
GREEN,WILLIAM,I43
GREENBAUM,
WOLFF& ERNST,80
GREENBERG,
HAYIM,86
(Mrs.
GREENBERG,ROSE HAIMOWITZ
Samuel), I 01
GREENBERG,
SIMON,85
GREENE,
NATHANAEL,
99
GREENEBAUM,
J. VICTOR,96-97
Greenville, Miss., 88-89
Greenwich Village, New York City, 133
Grouch and Me, 84
Guadalajara, Spain, 168
GUGGENHE~M,
DANIEL,16
Guggenheim Fellowships, 79
Gunmen, 145
GUTERIS,
LOUISDIAS,56
K., 92, 97
GUTHEIM,JAMES
GUTHRIE,
TYRONE,
79
GUTMANN,
JOSEPH,96
GUTTIERES,
JEAN,48
H
Haber (Fellow of Jewish Studies), 92
HABILLO,
DANIEL,39
Hadassah, 109
Haganah, 161-62
Haggada, 153
Hague, The, Holland, 32-33, 47
Hahamim, 37-38, 58-61,63,66-67; set also
Rabbis
HAHNEMANN,
SAMUEL,30
Haifa, Palestine, I 63-65
HALPERN,
BEN, The Idea of The Jewish
State, 82
Halutzim, I 63
Hamburg, Germany, 26-27,30,38,44-47,
102, 168
Hamburgische Israelitische Freischule,
Hamburg, Germany, 3 I
Hamburg Tempel, Hamburg, Germany, 27
HANA(daughter of Eva Palache and Simon
bar Mayer), Recife, Brazil, 61
Hand in Hand Congregation, New York,
N. Y., 89
HANDLIN,
OSCAR,185
Hanukkah, 116, 123-24, 127-28
HAPGOOD,
NORMAN,
I 83
HARBY,LEONORA
R., 10I
HARBY,LEVICHARLES,
101, 103
HARDING,
WARREN
G., 97
Harlan County, Ky., 153
HARLAN,
LOUISR., review of From Ararat
to Suburbia: The History of the Jewish
Community of Buflalo, I 77-7 8
HARLOW,
JULES,85
HARO,IERONIMO
DE, 56
Harold A ~ l m :Happy with the Blues, 83
HARRIS,
MOSES,92
HART,AARON,
92
HART.ALEXANDER,
92
HART,BENJAMIN,
92
HART,EZEKIEL,
92
HART,JACOB,
92
HART, MOSES,92-93
HART, MOSES;EZEKIELHART, & CO.,
93
Hartford, Conn., 93
H a ~ a r University,
d
7 5, 82
Hascmnoth, 49, 57
Hasidism, 70, 87
HAUER,
RICHARD,
101
Hauer Simmonds Papers, 1 0 2
HAUER,SIMON,94, 101
Havana, Cuba, I 7 I
HAY,JOHN,13
HAYES,RUTHERFORD
B., 98, 100
HAYS,BARRACK,
93
HAYS,SARAH
ANN,96
H a - Y m (Warsaw), 179
Hazan; see Chazan
Hebrew (language and literature), 24, 60,
1237 1639 1 7 8 7 9
Hebrew Benevolent Society, Alpena,
Mich., 90
Hebrew General Relief Association, Cincinnati, Ohio, 91
Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, New
York, N. Y., I 32
Hebrew Ladies Benevolent Society, St.
Paul, Minn., 9 I
Hebrew Ladies' Sewing Society, Detroit,
Mich., 88
Hebrew Orphan Asylum, New York,
N. Y., 91
Hebrew press, 163
1 9 ~
AMERICA
Hebrew Reform and Benevolent Societv,
Albany, N. Y., 90
Hebrew Relief Society, New York, N. Y.,
9'
Hebrew Rest Cemetery, New Orleans,
La., 89
Hebrew schools, I 2 3
Hebrew Shelterine House (HIAS), New
York, N. Y., 94"
Hebrew Union Colleee. Hebrew Union
College - Jewish 1n;ihlte of Religion,
Cincinnati, Ohio, I 2,9 I, 96,99, I 79
Hebrew Union Congregation, Greenville,
Miss., 88-89
Hebrews; see Jewry
Heder, I 25
HEFTMAN,
JOSEPHHAIM,179
HEIDEN,KONRAD,
84
25, 36, 129
HEINE,HEINRICH,
Hemmingford Township, Canada, 92
Henrietta Sterne Sisterhood, Anniston,
Ala., 90
HENRIGUS.
HESTER
BAROQUES,
42
HENRIQUES, ABRAHAM
COHEN,6 I, 65
HENRIQUES,
BENJAMIN,
42
HENRIQUES,
DAVIDLOPES,52
HENRIQUES,
DEBORA,
42-43
HENRIQUES,
GABRIEL,
47
52
HENRIQUES,
IACOB,
HENRIQUES,
JACOB
COHEN,6 I , 65
HENRIQUES,
MARIA,55
HENRIQUES,
MOSESJOSUA,61
HENRIQUES,
PHILIPE,63
HENRIQUES,
RIFICA,43
Henry Berkowitz Endowment Fund, 95
HENRY,JACOB,
99
HERBERG,
WILL, 185
HERTZBERG,
ARTHUR,Edited by, The
Zionist Idea (review), 69-70
HERZL,THEODOR,
87, 180-8 I, 183
HESKETT,THOMAS;
see Eskett, Thomas
HIAS; sce Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, New York, N. Y.; Hebrew Sheltering House, New York, N. Y.
Hibbing, Minn., 89
High Holy Days, r 23-24, 153
High States of Holland, 56
Hillel Foundation, 109
HILLMAN,
SIDNEY,I 29-30
HILLQUIT,MORRIS,129-30, 142, 152
HIRSCHMAN,
JACK, A Correspondence of
Americans, 82
His Brother, The Bear, 79
Histadrut, 162-63
Historians, 19
Hisrorwgrajia c Bibliograjia do Domi'nio
Holmdis no Brasil, 3 3
History, 3, 32, 68, 70, 74, I 18, 184
HITLER,ADOLF, 146, 150, 154-559 167,
1707 '77
Hof van Holland, 65
Holidays; see Jewish holidays
Holland, 5, 33, 38, so. 59, 62, 68
HOLLANDER,
JACOB
H., 9, I I
Holliindische Kolonialreich in Brasilien, Das,
33
HOLMES,
OLIVERWENDELL,95
"Holy Alliance," 2 I
Holy Blossom Temple, Toronto, Canada,
85
Holv Land; see Israel (state),
.
. Palestine
~ o l office,
i
58
Holv Societv to Dower Orphaned Girls,
~ k s t e r d a k Holland;
,
see Santa Companhia de Dotar Ortas e Donzellas
Home, the, I 14, 116, r 25-28
Homeland, ~olitical,for Jews; see Zionism
Homeopathy, 30
Hoogduitsche Joden (Ashkenazic Jews), 90
HOOK,SIDNEY,I 55
HORE-BELISHA,
LESLIE,87
House Committee on Un-American Activities, 173
HOUSE.EDWARD,
184
House of Representatives (of the United
States), 97; see also Congress (of the
United States)
Hoy (Havana), I 7 I
Hudson River, 3 2
Huesca, Spain, 168
Humanism, I I 2
Humanities, I to, I I 2
Human rights; see Rights, human
Hungarian Communists, 169
Hungarian Jews, 2 4
Hunter, The, 87
Huntington, W . Va., 89
HURST,FANNIE,Family!, 82
HYAMS(family), rot
HYAMS,
ISAAC
R., 103
HYAMSON,
ALBERTM., 63-64
I
ICOR (Association for Jewish Colonization in the Soviet Union), I 56
Idanha, Portugal, 57
Idea of The Jewish State, The, 82
IKUF (Organization for Yiddish Culture), I 54; sec also American IKUF
I. L. G. W . U.; see International Ladies'
Garment Workers' Union
Illustrations
Aboab, Haham Isaac, 54
Berkowitz, Henry, I 7
Dubinsky, David, I 58
Ellis Island, 140
Epstein, Melech, I 39
Gans, Eduard, 35
Heine, Heinrich, 36
Leo-Wolf, William, 53
Recife, A View of the Harbor of, 7 I
Recife during the 16oo's, 72
Suaus, Oscar S., 18
University of Illinois, Part of the
Campus, 1 2 I
Weizmann, Chaim, 175
Zhitlowsky, Chaim, 157
Immigrants, immigration, 20, 25-28, 31,
41, 80, 95, 111, 117, 125, 128-31, 133,
136, 138, 160, 162; quota laws, 150
Imperialism, 164, I 7 I, I 73
Importers, 29
Independent Order of the Free Sons of
Israel, 9 1-92
Indian Treaties,,g7
Indiana Universxty, 82
Individuals, I z
Indologists, 10
Industrialists, 16
Industrial unionism, 143-44
Industry, industrialization, 143, 147
Inquisition, 40, 57
Insurance, 89
Integration, 19-20, 109, 128; sec also
Assimilation
Intellectual life, intellectuals, zo-z I, 30,
75,107, 1.~7~132,
135,138,147,155
Intellxgents~a,Jewlsh, 2 0
Intermarriage, 61-62, 79, I 19
International Brigade (Spanish Civil War) ;
scc Thirteenth International Brigade
International Institute of Agriculture,
Rome, Italy, 97
Internationalism, 82
International Ladies' Garment Workers'
Union (I.L.G.W.U.), 142, 158, 173
International Workers Order, I 56
IOHANMAURITSVAN NASSAU;see Johan
Maurits van Nassau
Iraq, 161, 164
Irish, the, 145
Iron Curtain, 148
JOHANNIS
(Jans de [a] la Manha), 38
ISAAC
Isaacs and Co. vs. Confederate States of
America, 103
ISAACS,
HANNAH,
99
ISAACS,
WILLIAMB., 103
ISAIAH(son of Michael Isaac Ha-Levi),
New York City, 93-94
ISAQUE
SEMAH;see Semah, Isaque
ISIDRO,ESTERBARUCH,
46
45
ISIDRO,MOSESBARUCH,
RIBCABAROUCH,
45
ISIDRO,
Israel (people); see Jewry
Israel (state), 82, 85, 87, 123-24, 128,
179, 183; sce also Palestine
Israelis, Israeli Jewry, 69
Israelites; see Jewry
ISSERMAN,
FERDINAND
M ., 9 5
Italian-Ethiopian War, 161
Italy, 5-6, 24, 147, 160
ITKIN,STANLEY
L., 103
JABLONSIU,
EDWARD,
Harold Arlm: Happy
with the Blues, 83
Jackson, Miss., 89
Jacob R. Schiff Library of the American
Jewish Publication Society, 177
JACOBS,
SAMUEL,
93, 97
JACOBSON,
JACOB,27
JAFFA,IDA,93
Jaffa, Palestme, 160-61, 163-64
JALKA,MATEI(General Lukan), I 69
Jamaica, British West Indies, 61
JAMES,ROBERSON,
97
JAMISON,A. LELAND,and JAMESWARD
SMITH,Religion in American Life,185
JANSDE [A] LA MANHA,38
JASIN,JOSEPH,97
MORRIS,8, 10, 12, 16, 19
JASTROW,
JEFFERSON,
THOMAS,97
Jena, Germany, 149
Jerusalem, Palestine, 164-65
Jesuits, 40
JESURUN,
RACHEL,45
JESUSOF NAZARETH,
I 16
"Jew" (term), 14
Jew and Communism, The, 129, 171-72
Jewelers, 64
Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, Moscow,
Russia, 155
LOO
AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, NOVEMBER, 1962
Jewish beliefs; see Judaism, Religious
observance
lewish Cemetery Association, Fort Wayne,
Ind., 88
Jewish Chautauqua Society, 8
Jewish Classics Committee of The Jewish
Publication Society of America, 97-98
Jewish Communism, Jewish Communists,
- 153-54, 16244, 170-71, 174
Jewish community, 77, 126-27, 130, 138,
I?, 172
Jewish culture; see Culture
Jewish Daily News (New York), 99
Jewish education; see Education
Jewish Education Association of Essex
County, N. J., 9 i
Jewish holidays, I 53; see also Hanukkah,
High Holy Days, New Year, Passover,
Yom Kippur
Jewish homeland in Palestine, 5
Jewish Institute of Religion,
- New York,
N. Y.3 91,959 97
Jewish Intelligenccr, The (New York),
94
Jewish Labor Committee, 173
Jewish Labor Congress, 142
Jewish Labor in U.S.A., 129
Jewish labor movement, Jewish labor, 80,
1433 I73
Jewish Ladies' Aid Sociecy, Blytheville.
Ark., 88
Jewish law, 70
Jewish life, Jewishness, 76, 78, 107-20,
123-28
"Jewish Life and Thought in an Academic Community - A Case Study of
Town and Gown," 107-20, 123-28
Jewish literature; see Hebrew (language
and literature), Literame
Jewish Ministers of the Southern States,
New Orleans, La., 9 I
Jewish national-cultural rights; see National-cultural rights, Jewish
Jcwish National Home, 183; see also
Nationalism
Jewish Opinion, I I
Jewish press; see Journalism, Newspapers,
Periodicals, Yiddish press
Jewish Publication Society of America,
97-98
Jewish rights; see Equality; Rights, Jewish
Jewish Socialist Federation, I 3 3
Jewish Socialists, 145
Jewish Socialist-Territorialist movement,
129
Jewlsh state, 4-7, 10, 14-16, 69, 82, 183;
see also Zionism
Jewish Smdies, Fellow of; see Haber
Jewish theatre; see Theatre
Jewish Theological Seminary of America,
New York, N. Y., 81
Jewish United Front, 160
Jewish W a r Relief Day (in 1916), 142
Jewish Widows Aid Society, Detroit,
Mich., 88
Jewish World, 99, 102
Jewry, Jews, 3-8, 13-16, 19-12, 25, 28,
32, 34, 37-41, 49-50, 57, 68, 70, 72-74,
76-78, 83, 85-86, 89-92, 97-98, 103,
107-9, 112, 115, 117-20, 123-28, 131,
135-38, 141, 143, 145, 148-50, 154-55,
159-61, 165-67, 17011. 1749 17778,
180-8 I, 183-84; seealso American Jewry,
Amsterdam, Ashkenazim, Brazil, East
European Jews, England, Europe, France,
Germany, Hoogduitschen Joden, Israelis,
Levantine Jews, North America, Poland,
Portugal, Russia, Russo-Polish Jews,
Sephardim, Soviet Russia, World Jewry
Jews in Colonial Brazil, 33, 58, 68
Jews, The: Social Patterns of an American
Group (review), 7 6 7 8
Jews Without Money, 145
JOHAN(IOHAN)MAURITS
VAN NASSAU,
40,
57
JOHANNIS,
ISAAC
(Jans de [a] la Manha), 38
Joint Distribution Committee, 80, 95, 142
JONG,M. DE,60
JOSEPH(family), 10 I
JOSEPH,
ABRAHAM
J., 101
JOSEPH,FANNY
D., I O I
JOSEPH,
JUDAH,
93,97
JOSEPH,MRS.SAMUEL,
98
Journalism, journalists, 79, 133; see also
Newspapers, Periodicals, Yiddish press
JUDAH,ISAAC,
93
Judaism, 3,41, 43-44, 57, 70, 73-74, 7778, 83, 87, 107, 110, 112, 114-18, 115,
117-28, 153, 177, 184; sec also Conservative Judaism, Orthodox Judaism,
Reconstructionism, Reform Judaism,
Religious observance
Judaism, modem, 74
Judaism, traditional; sce Orthodox Judaism
Judaizers, 33, !5
Judicial Council, Brazil, 50
Junior Branch Young People's Society,
Detroit, Mich., 88
Jurists, 9
Justice, 6
Labor, labor moSement, 80, I 30, I 3 3, I 3 5,
141, 143-45, 155, 160, 177; Leaders,
133, 136, 143-44; see also Jewish labor
movement, Workers
Labor Zionists, 142, 144
Ladies' Aid Society, Marion, Ohio, 89
KAHN,JULIUS,8, 10, 19
Ladies Auxiliarv Association, Detroit,
Kampf, Der (New York) , 144
Mich., 88
Kansas, 89
Ladies Hebrew Aid Society, Welch, W .
Kansas City, Mo., 4, I 35
Va.. 00
KAPELL,WILLIAM,
79
s
Benevolent Society, Alpena,
KAPLAN,MORDECAIM., 115, 117, 125, ~ a d i eHebrew
Mich., 90; Anniston, Ala., 90
I 27; The Greater Judaism in the Making.
A Study of the Modem Evolutiun of Ladies' Sewing Society, St. Paul, Minn., 9 I
Ladino, 64
Judaism (review), 70, 73-74
Karl Liebknecht House, Berlin, Germany, La Grange Reporter (La Grange, Ga.) , I 03
Laity, laymen, 4, 14-1 5
150
Lancaster, Lancaster County, Pa., 93-94,
KARPELES,
LEOPOLD,
93, 100, 103-4
Kashruth, I 16, I 2 3
103
Landowners, I 59
KATZ,WILBERG., 185
LANGER,
JIRI, Nine Gates to the Chassidic
KAUFMAN,
MOSE,97
Mysteries, 87
KELMAN,
WOLFE,85
LANSING,
ROBERT,too, 184
KENNEDY,
JOHNF., 96
La Paz, Bolivia, 96
Kentucky, 153-54
Late Summer Fruit: Essays, 83
KETCHUM,
LEONIDAS,
103
Keter Tora Yeshiva, Amsterdam, Hol- Latin America, I 73
Law, 7, 73; see also Jewish law, Scrolls of
land, 59
the Law
Ketubot (marriage documents), 41, 67,
Lawrence, Kans., 89
94
Lawsuits, 49,93
Kibbutzim, 16I
Lawyers, 9, 74-75, 80, 180; see also Legal
KIERSKI,MOR~TZ,
IOI
profession
KIEVAL,HERMAN,
85
LAZARUS,
EMMA,95
KIRSCHBAUM,
ELIEZER
SIMON,24-2 5
LAZARUS,
HENRY,9 2
~ C H GUIDO,
,
roo
LAZARUS,
MORITZ,98
KLEBER,EMILIO,I 68-69
LAZARUS,
W . ISAAC,97
KLEIN,ISAAC,85
LAZERWITZ,
MRS.GERTRUDE,
108
KLEIN,JOSEPH,89
League Against Fascism and Dictatorship,
KLEIN,MRS.JOSEPHJ., 96
'7'
KLOCK,AUGUSTUS,
30
League of British Jews, I I
Koblenzer Anzeiger, 2 3
League of Nations, 7-8
KOGON,EUGEN,84
League of Women Voters, I 17
KOHLER,
KAUFMANN,
97-98
L E ~ oELIAU
,
DE MICHAEL
JEHUDA,
67
KOHUT,GEORGE
ALEXANDER,
58, 97
KOLTUN,J. B. (Communist theoretician), Learning, 107, I I 2-1 3
Lebanon, 161
16344
Lecturers, lectures, 96, 98-99, 102-3
KOUSSEVITZKY,
SERGE,79
LEESER,ISAAC,
92
Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, 168
Left wing, left-wing group, leftists, 144Kremlin; see Soviet Russia
45, 150-52, 154, 156, 164, 170-71; see
KRESSEL,
GETZEL,178
also Communism, Marxism, Radicals,
Kuban Cossacks, 147
Socialism
KUHNE(KuHN), GEORGE,104
Legal profession, I r r ; see also Lawyers
KUNZ,GEORGE
F., 97-98
-
LEHMAN,
NICOLAS
R., 43
LEMOS,IACOB,56
LENIN,VLADIMIR
ILYICH,I 56
LENSKI,GERHARD,
The Religiuus Factor, 83
LEON,DAVIDIUDA,5 I
LEON,FRANCISCO
VAZ (VAEZ)DE,65
LEON,IACOB
IUDA,52
LEON,TOBIAS
DE, 55
LEO-WOLF(family), 28'-z9
LEO-WOLF,GEORG[E],28
LEO-WOLF,
JOSEPH,27-29
LEO-WOLF,LEWIS(LUDWIG),27
LEO-WOLF,MORRIS(MORITZ),27, 29
LEO-WOLF,SOPHIE,27
LEO-WOLF,WILLIAM,26-28, 30-3 I, 53
Leshem Shomayim Congregation, Wheeling, W . Va., rot
Letters to M y Teacher, 87
LEUY,JACOB,
SR., 49
Levantine Jews, 49
L f v ~SYLVAIN,
,
10-1 I
LEVIN,RAHEL;see Varnhagen, Rahel
LEVINE,
JOSEPH,1 0 2
LEVINSON,
BURTON
E., 1 0 2
LEVITAS,IRVING, "Reform Jews and
Zionism - 1919-1921,'' 3-16, 19
LEVY,AARON,
97
LEVY,ALBERT,104
LEVY,CHAPMAN,
97
LEVY,ISAAC,
93
LEVY,ISABEL
ADELINE
MOSES,104
LEVY,ISRAEL,
93
LEVY,LEVYANDREW,
97
LEVY,THOMAS
I., 10I
LEVY,URIAHP., 93, 97
LEWIN,ISAAC,
Late Summer Fruit: Essays, 83
LEWIS,ABRAM,104
LEWISOHN,
ADOLPH,97
LEWISOHN,
LUDWIG,
86
Lewisohn Stadium, New York City, 138
LEWYSOHN,
LUDWIG(German rabbi), IOO
Lexington, Ky., 9 I
LIAO,MOYSES
IUDA,5 5
Libau, Russia, I 3 I
Liberalism, liberals, 107, I 53
Liberal Jewish Synagogue, London, England, I I
Liberal Party, 174
LiberalSocialist government, Germany,
I49
Liberties, civil; see Civil liberties
Libraries, 138
Life, I I 5; see also Jewish life
Lifc and T i m a of Max Pine, The, 80
Life, Jewish; see Jewish life
LiftUp Your Life, 8 I
LILIENTHAL,
JESSEW., I 5
LILIENTHAL,
MAX,92
Lima, Ohio, 89
LIMA, SALOMON
ABENUDE; see Abenu
[de Lima], Salomon
LINDO,MOSES,93
LION,ABRAO;see Gidon, Abdo
Liquor trade, 109
Lisbon, Portugal, 39-40, 43, 46, 48
Literati, Yiddish, I 33
Literature, 74, 76, 86, 118, 123, 126, 133,
141, I 56; see also Hebrew (language and
literature), Yiddish
Literature, Hebrew; see Hebrew
Literature, Yiddish; see Yiddish
LittCrateurs, 95
LITVINOFF,
MAXIM,154
Livro das denunciu@a q u . se jizerlio nu
v i s i t a g do Santo Oflcio a' Cidade do
Salvador da Bahia de Todos os Santos do
Brusil, no mmo de r6t8, 34
LLOYDGEORGE,
DAVID,180-82
L O C ~ O U141
~S,
LOEBE,PAUL,149
L ~ N C KHENDRIK
,
CORNELISZOON,
34
London, England, 2 I, 63, 65, 89, 18 I, 183
MEYER,129-30
LONDON,
Louis Feinberg Synagog (Adath Israel
Congregation), Cincinnati, Ohio, 88
Louisiana, 26, 79
Louisiana Guard Artillery (Civil War),
104
Lovestone group, I 73
Loyalists, Loyalist Spain, 93, 161, 165-66,
16970
Loyalty, 13
LUBIN,DAVID,97
Lucien Wolf and Theodor Herzl, 87
Ludlow Massacre, 1 36
LUKACZ,
GENERAL
'Matei Jalka), I 69
LUMBROSA,
SARA,55
LYONS,JUDGE,Confederate Georgia, 103
MACABC,
DEBORA
ISRAEL,68
McAllister Collection, 96
MCCLELLAN,
GEORGE
B., 99
MCDANIEL,
WALTONB., 29
MACHABEU,
JUDAS(Jehuda), 5 5,68
MACHIAVELLI,
NICCOL~,
I 74
I
MACHORO,
SAL~MON,
64
MACK(family), 94
MACK,JULIAN
W., 16
MACK,MILLARD
W., 97
MACK,WILLIAM
J., 97
Madrid, Spain, 46, 48, 166, 168, 170
MADURO,
DAVID,56
Magazines; see Periodicals
MAIER,REUBEN,
89
GISHA;see Epstein, Gisha Malkin
MALKIN,
Man, mankind, 73, 82, 112-15, 123, 126,
'69
MANDEL,
BEN, I 7 3
MANDELBAUM,
DAVIDG., 77
MANN,JACOB,
98
MANNHEIMER
(family), I o I
MANNHEIMER,
LEO, I o I
MANSBACH,
MEYER,93
Manufacturers, 27, 29, 109, I I I
Marante, Portugal, 62
MARCUS,
JACOB
R., 75, 96
MARCUS,
SALOMON,
45
Marion, Ohio, 89, 9 I
Marion Lodge, No. 864, B'nai B'rith,
Marion, Ohio, 91
MARKOWITZ,
ISSIE,I 3 2
MARKOWITZ,
MEYER,I 3 2
MARKOWITZ,
NEHEMYE,
I 32
MARKS,
EDWIN,I 04
MARKS,
MARTIN,100
MARKS,
S.; see Marx, S.
Marranos; see New Christians
Marriage, marriages, marriage certificates,
41-48, 57, 59, 61-68, 89-90, 93-94,
99-1 02 ; see also Ketubot
Marseille, France, 165
MARSHALL,
JOHN,94, 98
MARSHALL,
LOUIS,11-12, 15, 99-100
MARSON,
PHILIP,A Teacher Speaks, 84
Mar99 79
Martyrs, 58
MARXBROTHERS
(entertainers), 84
MARX,GROUCHO;
see Marx, Julius
MARX,JACOB,
98
, 84; Grouch0
MARX,JULIUS(GROUCHO)
and Me, 84
MARX(MARKS),
S., 97
Marxism, Marxists, 144, 160, 169, 177;
see also Left wing
Marxist-Leninist system, 164
Masaltot Saluniki, 32
Maskil El Dal Society, Amsterdam, Holland, 64
Massachusetts, 98; see also Boston
Masses, the, 130, 149
Materialism, I 3
Mathematics, I 10, I 26
Mauritsstad, Brazil, 42, 64
JAKOB,
20
MAUVILLON,
MAYBAUM,
SIEGMUND,
98
MAYER,DAVID,98
Mayors, 9
MEATOB,
ISAAC,
65
"Medical Education in Germany," 28
"Medical-Practical Notes from New
York," 3 0
Medicine, medical ~rofession, 109, I I I ;
see also Physicians
MEDINA,
ISAAC
DE,93
Memoir Addressed to Persuns of t h Jewish
Religion in Europe, 24
Memoirs, 94, 101-2, 179
Memphis, Tenn., 89
MENASSEH
BEN ISRAEL,
58, 60, 64
MENDELSSOHN,
MOSES,2 0
MENDES(family), 3 8
MENDES,ARON,43
MENDES,DAVID,
49
MENDES,DAVIDFRANCO,
37, 59, 68
DE ABRAHAM
DE SOUSA,
MENDES,
ESTHER
66
MENDES,
ISAAC,
38
MENDES,
JACOB,
38
MENDES,
JAHACOB
ISRAEL,
49
MENDES,
JONAS
ISRAEL,
37
MENDES,
LUNA,43
RODRIGUES,
55
MENDES,MICHIEL
MENDES,MOSES,52
Mennonites, 20
MERCADO,
ABRAHAM
(DE),44, 51, 65-66
REPHAEL
DE,65
MERCADO,
DAVID
MERCADO,
DEBORA
DE, 65
DE, 65
MERCADO,
ESTHER
MERCADO,
ISAAC,
5I
MERCADO,
ISAAC,
the elder, 56
MERCADO,
ISAK(ISAAC)DE,45, 65
MERCADO,
JACOB
DE,66
MERCADO,
MOISE,56
MERCADO,
MOSHEDE,66
MERCADO,
RACHEL
DE,qq, 65-66
RIBCADE,45
MERCADO,
MERCADO,
SAMUEL
ISRAEL
DE,66
MERCADO,
SARAH
DE,65-66
Merchants, 34, 93, I I I, r 17, 165; see also
Businessmen, Wholesalers
DE, 5 I
MERCIENA,
ABRAHAM
MERCIENA,
SARA
DE,5I
MEREZHIN,
ABRAM,
148
MERZ,LOUIS,I 0 3
MESQUITA,
BENJAMIN
BUENO
DE, 66
MESSIAG,
DANIEL,5I
Messianic era, messianism, 24, 69, 73,
I12
Metallurgical products, 29
Methodists, I I 2
Mexico, Mexicans, I 36, 17 I ; Communists,
171-72
Mexico City, Mexico, 103, 172
MEYER,ADOLPH
H., 104
MEYERS,
PHILIP,99
MICHAELS,
MYER,93
MICHIELS,
DAVID,
52
MICHOELS,
SOLOMON,
I 55
MICHON,
SIMON,55
Middle class, I 12, I 16-17, 128, 155-56,
160, 177
Middle East, 180-8 I, 184
MIDDLEMAN,
JUDAH,
93-94
Midms (school), 49
Midrash, 95
Midwest, Midwesterners, 108, I I 3, I 17,
119
Mikve Israel Congregation, Curasao,
Netherlands West Indies, 88
Mikve Israel Congregation, Philadelphia,
Pa., 91
MILHAUD,
DARIUS,
79
Militarism, military organizations, 84,
101-4
Militia, 93, 99, 104; see also Soldiers
MILLER,BEATRICELILLIAN;see Chyet,
Beatrice Lillian Miller
MILLER,MRS.CHARLES
J., 99, 1 0 2
MILLER,JUDEA
B., 98
Milton, Nova Scotia, 93
Milwaukee, Wis., 78, 89
Miners, mining, 149-50, I 52; see also
Coal miners
Minimum wage, 144
MINIS(family), 94
Ministers; see Clergy, Hahamim, Rabbis
MINNA(daughter of Jacob), New York
City, 94
Minneapolis, Minn., 91
Minnesota, 98
MINNEY,R. J., The Private Papers of
Hore-Belisha, 87
MINOR,ROBERT,
152
Minorities, minority rights, I 17
Minyan (quorum of ten men for religious
worship), 39
MIRABEAU,
HONOR&
20
MIRANDA,
ANNAMARIA,57-58
MIRANDA,
FRANCISCO
NUNESDE BERNAL,
58
MIRANDA,
MANUEL,
58
MIRANDA,
PEDRO,58
MIRVIS(family), 101
MIRVIS,MARIE,101
Missouri, 97
Mitzvot, 73
Mixed marriage; see Intermarriage
Mobile, Ala., 91
MOCATA,
JAHACOB,
49
MOCH(family), 98
MOCH,MRS.CHARLES,
98
Modernism, modern life, modern Jews,
73-74
MOEHRING,
GOTTHILF,
2 7-29
MOEHRING,
SOPHIE
LEO-WOLF,2 7
Mohel, 59
Monarchists, 165
Monroe, La., 99
MONSANTO,
RICA,41, 43-44
MONTAGU,
EDWIN,I 82
G., I I, 180, 182
MONTEFIORE,
CLAUDE
Montefiore College Library, Ramsgate,
England, 98
MONTEFIORE,
MOSES,98
MONTESINOS,
SAMUEL,
55
MONTEZINOS,
CLARA,
44
MONTEZINOS,
DAVID,
44
MONTEZINOS,
HELENA,
44
MONTEZINOS,
LEA,44
MONTEZINOS,
RACHEL,
44
MONTEZINOS,
SAMUEL,
44
MONTEZINOS,
SARA,
44
Montgomery, Ala., I 35
MONTOR,
MRS.HENRY,
98
Montreal, Canada, 9 3
MOM, BRANCKA
DE FRANCISCA
DE; see
Carnero [de Moraes] , Manuel
DE, 55
MORAES,
MANUEL
CARNERO
Morality, moral law, 70, 73, I 1 2
MORDECAI,
ALFRED,
96, 98
MORENO,
AARON,
5I
MORENO,
GABRIEL,
45
MORENO,
ISAC,44
MORENO,
JACOB
DE MATHIAS,
45
MORENO,
MATHIAS,
55
MORENO,
MOZES,45
MORENO,
RACHEL,
44-45
INDEX
Z05
NationalRecovery Administration (NRA) ,
I53
Naturalism, naturalists, 74, I I 2, I 14, r 16,
118, 125-28
Nature, 7374, I 13-14
Nature of Judaim, Thc, 87
Naval Court of Inquiry, 93
NAVARRO,
AARON
(ARoN), 56, 66
NAVARRO,
IACOB
(JACOB),
52, 66
NAVARRO,
ISAAC,
66
NAVARRO,
MOSES,37, 56, 66
Nazism, Nazis, 73, 149-50, 154, I 59-60,
165, 167, 171
NEBEL,ABRAHAM
L., 98, loo
Needle Trades Industrial Union, I 54
Needle Worker (New York) , I 53-54
Negroes, 83, 93, 99, I 35; see also Slavery
NEUBAUER,
ADOLF,98
Neuer Tempelverein Hamburg, Hamburg,
Germany, 27
NEUMANN,
EMANUEL,
70
Neumann Memorial Publication Fund, 2,
I 06
NEUMARK
(family) ;see Newmark (family)
NEUMARK,
DAVID,
98
Neve Zedek Yeshiva, Amsterdam, Halland, 59
Neveh Salom Congregation, Amsterdam,
Holland, 58
NAAR(family), 66
New Amsterdam, 32
NAAR,IACOB
DE PINA;see Pina, lacob de
Newark, N. J., 91
NAMIAS,
MOSES,56
NEWBURGER
(family), 98
Nantes, France, 64
New Christians, 33-34,40-41, 43-44
Nantucket, Mass., 80
NAPOL~ON,
Napoleonic wars; see Bona- New Deal, 111, 154
NEWMARK
(family), I 01-2
parte, Napolbn
NEWMARK,
MRS.HARRIS,
102
Nashville, Tenn., 89
NEWMARK,
MARCO,
IOL
NASSI,DAVID;see Tavera, Christoffel de
NEWMARK,
MRS.MARCO,1 0 2
NASSY,DAVID,62
New Mexico, 99, I O I ; Adjutant General
Natchitoches, La., 99
NATHAN,OTTO, and HEINZ NORDEN, Militia Muster Roll Book, 104
New Orleans, La., 26, 89, 91, 101, fo4
Edited by, Einstein on Peace, 84
New Orleans and Carrollton Rallroad
NATHAN,
SIMON,94
National-cultural rights, Jewish, I 55
Company, 95
National Foundation for the Preservation New Spain, 44
Newspapers, 10, 25, 102-3, 137, 141,
of Democracy, 94
149, 177, 179; see also Periodicals
National Gazette and Literary Register
New Year, I 53
(Philadelphia), 29
New York (City), 16, 27-3 r, 79, 82, 89,
National homeland for Jews; set Zionism
91, 93-94, 131, '34, 145, '52, 159409
Nationalism, nationality, 3-4, 6-7, I 2-1 5,
165, 172; see also East Slde, New York
73, 82, 182-83
City; Lower East Side, New York City
National Municipal League, 75
"National Radical" day school, New New York (State), 90-91 ; Assembly, 9 I ;
Senate, 90
York, N. Y., I 37
MORENO,
RIRCA,
45
MORENO,
SARA,45
MORGENSTERN,
JULIAN,I 2, 94, 96, 100
MORGENTHAU,
HENRY,SR., 10-1 I , 98
MORTEIRA,
SAUL,66
Mortuary records; see Funerals
Moscow, Russia, 146-47, 149, 155-56,
164, 171
MOSER,MOSES,21-22, 24-25, 31
MOSES,RAPHAEL
J., I O I , 104
MOSESON,
JOSEPH
M., 92
MOSLER,
HENRY,101
Motion picture industry, 79, 81
Mount Zion Hebrew Congregation, St.
Paul, Minn., 85
"Muckraking," 137
Murder, Inc., 145
MURPHY,
RAYMOND
S., 172
MUSAFIA,
AARON,
57
52
MUSAFIA,
DAVID,
MUSAFIA,
SALOMON,
52
Music, musicians, 79, 138
Musical comedy, 83
MUSSOLINI,
BENITO,167, 170
MYERS,GUSTAVUS
A., 98
Mysticism, 70, I 14
31-33, 65 ; CollecOPPENHEIM,
SAMUEL,
N e w York Times, 10, 137
tion, 3 3
New York University, 28, 84
OPPENHEIMER,
H., Sonora, Calif., 94
I 8I
NICOLSON,
HAROLD,
Ordination, 94
NIEBUHR,
REINHOLD,
I 18
Organization for Yiddish Culture (IKUF) ,
Nine Gates to the Chassidic Mysteries, 87
114
NKVD, 172
Orient, 61
2 2-26
NOAH,MORDECAI
MANUEL,
O r Noga, 60
Non-Jews; scc Christianity, Gentiles
Orphans Court, Lancaster County, Pa.,
Nonreligious, the, I 10
Non-supernaturalists, I 15
103
Non-Zionism, non-Zionists, I I , 1 3-14, 16 Orthodox Judaism, Orthodox Jews, OrthoNORDEN,HEINZ, and OTTO NATHAN, doxy, 70, 74, 78-79, 110, 1 2 0 , 124-25,
128-z9, 177
Edited by, Einstein an Peace, 84
Overbrook School for the Blind, PhilaNorth America, 3 I ; Jews of, 3 2
delphia, Pa., 80-8 I
Northwest Ordinance (1787), 24
OZET (Gezerd), 147-48
Novels, novelists, 76, 79, 82, 133
NRA; see National Recovery Administration
PAGE,WALTER,10
NUNES,BRANCA,
62
"Pages from My Stormy Life - An Auto(CLARA),
45
NUNES,CLAARTJE
biographical Sketch," by Melech Epstein,
NUNES,GABRIEL,
47
129-39, 141-56, 159-74
NUNES,GEORGE,
65
PALACHE
(family), 62
52
NUNES,IACOB,
PALACHE,
EVA,6 I
NUNES,MARIA,
62
PALACHE,
EVADE SIMON,
62
NUNES,MOSES,
55
PALACHE,
REBECCA,
6 I--62
NUNES,PEDRO
HOMEN,
62
PALACHE,
SAMUEL,
59
NUNES,RIFKA,45
PALACHE,
SAMUEL
NATHAN,
62
NUNES,
SARA,
45, 47
Pale of Settlement, Russia, r 3 5
NUSSBAUM,
PERRY
E., 89
Palestine, I , 4-10, 13-16, 63, 146, 5 2 ,
159-62, 164, 180, I 82-84; see also Br~tish
Mandate for Palestine, Israel (state),
OBEDIENTE,
JUDITH,
47
Jerusalem
OBERMAYER,
LEONJ., 9 I
Observance, religious; see Religious ob- Palestinian Communism, Palestinian Communists, 155, 159-61, 163
servance
PALMER,
A. MITCHELL,
144
OCHS,ADOLPH
S., 10-1 I, 100
Panama, 32, 67
OCHS,IPHIGENE
MIRIAM,
100
OCHS-OAKES,
GEORGE
WASHINGTON,
9- Panic of 1837, 30
Pantheism, I 14
II
Papineau Rebellion, 10 I
Odessa, Russia, 164
Paris, France, 4, 8, 154, 160, 162, 180;
Office-holding; see Public office
Peace Conference, 4, 7, 11. 14; see also
Oheb Shalom Congregation, Baltimore,
World Peace Conference
Md.. 100
DOROTHY,
80
Ohev .~holomCongregation, Huntington, PARKER,
PARO,
JACOB
LEUY;see Leuy, Jacob, Sr.
W . Va., 89
Ohio Voluntary Infantry (Civil War), 104 Particularism, 70
PARTINGTON,
PAUL,99
OLAN,LEVIA:, 96
OLGIN,MOISSAY,
152; see also Salutsky- PAS,ANDREDE,46
PAS,ESTERMENDES
DE, 42, 61
Olgin group
PAS,IACOB
DORTA
DE,52
OLIVEIRA,
JAELVASDE,44
PAS,LEADE, 42
OLIVERAS,
MICHAEL
FERNANDES
D', 64
PAS,MOSES
DE CASTRO
DE,45
OLIVEROS
(OLIVERA)
,JACOB,
94
PAS,SAMUEL
DE,47
Olympia Club, Greenville, Miss., 89
INDEX
Passover, 116, 123, 153
PATICO,ISAACK,
44
Patriotism, 5
Paulinianism, 73
Peace Conference; see Paris, France
P e a ~ h - ~ r o windustry,
in~
104
Peasants, peasantry, 2 I, 147
PEIXOTTE,MOZESCOHEN,45
PEIXOTTE,RACHELCOHEN,45
PEIXOTTO,
BENJAMIN
F., 98
PEIXOTTO,
DANIELL. M., I O Z
PELTZMAN,
MRS. ISADORE,
92
PENN,WILLIAM,20
Pennsylvania, 9 I
Pentateuch, 64, 95; see also Bible
People, Jewish; see Jewry
People's Relief Committee, 80, 135, 142
Perasha (weekly pentateuchal portion), 64
PEREIRA,
ABRAHAM
ISRAEL,60
PEREIRA,
DAVID,68
PEREIRA,
JACOB,44
PEREIRA,
THOMAS
RODRIGUEZ,
60
PERES,IACOB,55
PERES,JACOB
J., 89
PERES,MOSES,55
PERETZ,ISAACLOEB,144
Periodicals, 9-1 I , 2 3-24, 95, 99, 141, 149,
171, 177; see also Newspapers, Yiddish
press
Pernambuco, Brazil; see Recife
Persecution, religious, 20
PESSOA,
ABRAHAM
ISRAEL,
43
RIFKA,43
PESSOA,
Pharmacists, 29
Pharo, Portugal, 48
Philadelphia, Pa., 4, 13, 26-27, 29-30,
80,9 1 - 9 2 ; County Medical Society, 29
Philanthropy, philanthropists, 11, I 5-16,
21, 91, 95, 97-98, 100, I 18, 120, 1 2 3 ,
'34
Philharmonic Society, Mobile, Ala., 91
PHILIPSON,
DAVID,8-3, 14, 98
Philosophers, philosophy, 14, 86, 169
Phoenix Social Club of Detroit, Mich., 88
Physicians, 13, 22, 24, 27-30, 46, 66
Physics, I 10
"Piano Players Union," 96
Pictism, r 3
PIERCE,FRANKLIN,
95
PINA,DE (alias), 66
PINA,AARON(HIZQUIAHU)DE, 63, 66-67
PINA,ABRAHAM
DE, 67
PINA,BENJAMIN
DE, 51, 63, 66-67
zo7
PINA,IACOBDE, 52
PINA,JAHACOB
DE, 40
PINA, JOSUA (JEOSHUAH)DE ARON DE,
46967
PINA,RIBCADE,67
PINA,SALOMON
DE,67
PINA, SARADE (daughter of Aaron de
Pina), 67
PINA,SARADE (daughter of Thomas Nunes
de Pina), 63, 67
PINA,THOMAS
NUNESDE, 63, 67
PINE,MAX,80
Pinheiro, Brazil, 42
PINHEIRO,
ISAAC,44
PINHEIRO,
RACHEL,44
PINSKI,DAVID,I++
PINSKY,GERTRUDE,
96
PINTO,ANTONIO,34
PIRES,RIBCA,44
Pittsburgh, Pa., 101; Evening Leader, 103
Plantations, planters, 37
PLATNICK,
NATHAN,I O Z
PLAUT,W . GUNTHER,91, 98; Book of
Provtrbs: A Commentary, 85
Plays, Playwrights, 144; see also Drama
Poetry, poets, 79-80, 82, 95, 133, 169
Pogroms, 7, 146
Poince ?I la Hache, La., 9 3
Poland, Poles, 7, 70, 83, 150, 167, 171,
173; Jews of, 150, 166
Political freedom; see Freedom
Political homeland for Jews; see Zionism
Political reform; see Reform, political
Political rights; see Equality
Political segregation of Jews; see Segregation (of Jews)
Political Zionism; see Zionism
Politics, political life, 6-7, 10, 12-1 3, 75,
839 93, 137-38, 1417 143
POLLER,LEONARD,
I 04
POLSKY,
HOWARD
W., 78
Poltava, Ukraine, 148
POOL,DAVIDDE SOLA,66
Popular, El (Mexico City), I 7 r
Popular Front, I 54
Port Bou, Spain, 165
Porto, Portugal, 38
Porto Paraio, 42
Portrait of a Rabbi, 86
Portraits Etched in Stone, 66
Portugal, 38-39. 49-50, 56-57, 59, 66;
Jews of, 34, 38, 62, 67, 90
Portuguese Brazil, 38; see also Brazil
65. 75, 86, 91, 95-96, 102, 107-9; see
also Hahamim
R A B I N O V I T Z - M I L L E(R
f a m i l y ) ; see
Rubinovia-Miller (family)
RABINOWITZ,
SOLOMON,
I 19
Race, 3, 61,1 2
Radical Enlightenment; see Enlightenment
Radicals, radical movement, I 29-30, 13637, 147, 153; see also Left wing, Revolution
Radio, 98
Railroads, 15, 95
RAISIN,MAX,179
RAMIREZ,
L ~ P o 40
,
RANDALL,
MRS.LEONORA
(HARBY),10I
Rationalism, 107, 169
RAUCH,
JOSEPH,98-99
RAUCH,MRS.JOSEPH,99
Reactionaries, 7; see also Fascism, Right
wing
Real estate business, 109
Reason; see Rationalism
REBECK-MILLER
(family) ; see RubinovitzMiller (family)
Recife (Pernambuco), Brazil, 32, 34, 3738, 40, 42-50, 57, 61, 63-65, 68, 71-72
Reconstructionism, Reconst~ctionists,86,
119, 125
Red Army (Soviet Russia), I 56, 168, 17 I
"Reform Jews and Zionism - 19191 9 ~ 1 , "3-16, 19
Reform Judaism, Reform Jews, Reform
Jewry, 1, 3-16, 19, 27, 709 73, 78, 86,
89-90, 109-10, 120, 126, 177; see also
American Reform Judaism, European
Reform Judaism
Reform, political, 75
Reform, religious, z r
Reform, social; see Social reform
Refugees, 96, 172
Rehabilitation (~ost-war), 142
Reichstag (Germany), 149
REISSNER,H A N N SG., " L G a n ~ t ~ ~ n ,
Q
U. S. A.' - A German-Jewish Dream,"
20-3 r
Quebec Light Infantry, 10 I
Religion, 6, 14, 34, 73,81-83, 107, I 12-14,
QUERIDO,ABRAHAM,
5I
r 16, I zo, I 26; see also Beliefs, religious
Quorum (for religious worship); see
Religion in American Life,185
Minyan
Religious discrimination; see AntiSemQuota laws; see Immigrants
itism, Disabilities
Religious education, I I 3
Religious Factor, The, 83
Rabbinical Assembly of America, 85
Rabbis, rabbinate, 3-4, 8, 14, 21, 37, 58, Religious freedom; see Freedom
Portuguese Jewish Community, Amsterdam, Holland, 39-41, 65, 67; Archives,
32, 37, 58,61; Synagogue, 39, 59, 65, 68
Poverty, 130, 134, 149
Prayer, I 14-15
Precious Stones, 66
President (ship), 29
Press; see Hebrew press, Journalism,
Newspapers, Periodicals, Yiddish press
PRETA,SARA,46
PRETO,ELIAS,46
PRETTO,LOUIS,56
Private Papers of Hore-Belisha, The, 87
Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of
America: Volume XXIV, 85
Proclamation to the Jews, by Mordecai
Manuel Noah, 25
Professions, professional men, 109, I I z
Professors, 75, 82-83, 107, 110, 1 1 2 ,
114-20, 125-26, 128, 134
Prophets, 6
Pro-segregationists. 96
Protestantism, Protestants, 61, 68, 83,
I 17; see also Christianity, Mennonites,
Methodists, Puritans, Unitarian Church
Proverbs, 85
Provincialism, I I 3, I 37
Provisional Government, Russia, I 37
Prussia, 7, 22-23
Psychology, I 10
Public life, 75
Public office, 8-10, 75, 96, 98, 102, 147,
182
Public schools, 84; see also Education,
Schools
Publishers, to
Pulpit, loo, 107 ; see also Sermons
Pupils, 59-60
Puritans, 77
Purveyors to the army; see Army purveyors
PURVIN,
JENNIEFRANKLIN,
98
INDEX
Religious observance, 6-7, 78, 83, r r r ,
114, 116
Religious persecution; see Persecution,
religious
Religious prejudice, 68; see also AntiSemitism
Religious reform; see Reform, religious
Religious schools, 89, I 2 3-24; see also Education, Sunday schools
Religious services; see Worship
Remarks on the Abracadabra of the Nineteenth Century, 3 0
Rent strikes, I 34
Republican Party, Republicans, I 16
RESLER,
J. S., Columbus, Ohio, 1 0 2
Responsa, 60
REUBENI,
DAVID,3
Revolution, I 53-54; set also French Revolution, Left wing, Russian Revolution,
Turkey
Revolutionary War (American), 98-99
Rhine River, 20
RHODES,
IRWINS., 93-94? 103
Ribi; see Rabbis
Richmond, Va., 91; joint stock library,
98
Right wing, I go, 173; see also Reactionaries
Rights, civil; see Civil liberties
Rights, equal; see Equality
Rights, human, 4-5, I r z
Rights, Jewish, 154
Rights, political; set Equality
Rijksarchief, The Hague, Holland, 32-3 3
Rimmon Lodge, No. 68, B'nai B'rith,
Richmond, Va., 9 I
Ritual murder libel, 148
Ritual slaughtering; see Shechitah
Riverdale Temple, The Bronx, N. Y., 85
RonrNso~,WILLIAM
DAVIS,24
ROCHA,
SARADA,43
Rockdale Avenue Temple, Cincinnati,
Ohio, 8
ROCKEFELLER,
JOHND., SR., 136
Rocky Mountains, I 3 5
Rodeo, 79
Rodeph Shalom Congregation, Philadelphia, Pa., 4
Rodeph Sholom Congregation, Rome, Ga.,
89-90
RODRIGUES,
ABRAHAM,
JR., 5 I
RODRIGUES,
DANIEL,5 I
RODRIGUES,
ESTER,46
Josh HONORIO,
33
RODRIGUES,
RODRIGUES,
RIFICA,46
RODRIGUES,
SALOMON,
46
ROE,ANNE,126-27
Rome, Ga., 89
Rome, Italy, 180
ROOSEVELT,
FRANKLIN
D., 153, 174
ROOSEVELT,
THEODORE,
I5
ROOTJE,SARADE,43
G., 100
ROSE,SIDNEY
ROSENBERG,
BERNARD
D., I O I
ROSENBLOOM,
JOSEPHR., 9 I
ROSENFELD,
PAUL,79
ROSENTHALL,
WILLIAM
A., I o I
ROSENWALD,
JULIUS,16
ROSETT,MRS.LOUISA., 94, 99, I O Z
ROTH(BERNHEIM)
, MOSES,I 02
ROTH,FREDH., 99, I O Z
ROTH,SOLOMON,
99
ROTHSCHILD,
LEOPOLD
DE, I 80
ROTHSCHILD,
LIONELDE, I I
Roumania, 5, 7, I O I
ROUTTENBERG,
MAXJ., 85
RUBENSTEIN,
SOL,94
RUBINOVITZ-MILLER
(family), 1 0 2
RUBINOWITZ,
SIMON(ZALMAN)
, 92, 1 0 2
RUDER,LUCIUS
S., 95, 103
RUNES, DAGOBERT
D., Letters to M y
Teacher, 87
SELWYN
D., 103
RUSLANDER,
RUSSELL,
BERTRAND,
84
RUSSELL,
CHARLES
MARION,
97
Russia, Russians, 7, 94, 100, 129-32,
134-38, 143-44, 147, 149, 159. 163.
168; Jews of, 80; see also Russlan
Revolution, Soviet Russia
Russian Revolution (of 1go5), 129-30,
138; (of 1917)7 155
Russo-Polish Jews, I 3
Ruzhanoi, Byelorussia, I 29
SABBATAI
ZEVI,3, 37
Sabbath, 109, I I 1-1 2, I 16, 123-25, I 27
SACHS(family), 98
Sacramento, Calif., 90
SACUTO,
ISAAC,52
Sahara Desert, 167
ST. JOHN,ROBERT,Builder of Ismel: The
Story of Ben-Gurion, 87
St. Louis, Mo., 82, 90
St. Paul, Minn., 9 1
St. Petersburg, Russia, I 38
St. Rock, Quebec, Canada, 93
St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, 94
SAKS,JULIAN
D., 99
Sal6, Morocco, 66
Salesmen, 109
SALOM,
DAVID,38, $ 2
SALOM,
MOZESREPHAEL,
46
Salonica, Greece, 32, 37, 47
Salutsky-Olgin group, 145
SALZMAN,
MARC,JR., 99
SALZMAN,
MARCUS,
99
S m m l u n g einigeer dcutschcn und heb~iiischen
Dichtungcn, 24
L., 75, 181-83
SAMUEL,
HERBERT
Samuel Oppenheim Collection, 3 3
SAMUELS,
NATANIEL,
57
SAMUELSZ,
SIMON,55
San Antonio, Tex., 101, 135-36
SANCHES,
ABRAHAM,
46
SANDERS
(family), 1 0 2
SANDERS,
MRS. GILBERT,1 0 2
SANDERS,
MRS.JENNIE,102
SANDERS,
LEOPOLD,
102
SANDINO,
AUGUSTO,
169
SANDMEL,
SAMUEL,99
SANDROW,
EDWARD,
85
San Francisco, Calif., I 5, 9 1-92
SANG,PHILIP,92
SANGER
(family), 1 0 2
SANGER
BROTHERS,
102
Santa Companhia de Dotar Orfas e
Donzellas, Amsterdam, Holland, 49-50,
58, 61, 63-67
Santa Fe, N. Mex., 90, 92; Jewish Temple
and Community Center, 90; Lodge, No.
1242, B'nai B'rith, 92
SAPINSLEY,
ELBERTL., 89-90
Saragossa, Spain, 168
SARAIVA,
DUARTE,37, $2, 56-57, 62, 67
SARASOHN,
EZEKIEL,
99
SARASOHN,
KASRIELHERSCH,94, 99, 102
SARFATI
(alias), 63
SARFATI
(family), 66
SARFATI,
JOSUA(JEOSUA),
63, 67
SARFATI,
SARA,67
Sarona, Palestine, I 64-65
SASPORTAS,
JACOB,66-67
Savannah, Ga., 92, 94; Jewish Council,
92
Schaarai Zedek Congregation, Tampa,
Fla., 90
SCHIFF,JACOB
H., I 1-1 2 , 99
SCHNITZER,
HENRYR., T h y Gwdly Tent:
T h e Fint Fifty Ycan of Temple EmmuEl, Baymmc, N. J., 85
24
SCHOENBERG,
SAMUEL
BENISAIA,
SCHONBERG,
ARNOLD,
79
Schools, 49, 60, 64, 108, 124, 138, 149.
156; Principals, 65; see also Education,
Public schools
Schoolteachers; sec Teachers
Schulenburg, Tex., 90
SCHULMAN,
SAMUEL,I3-14,98
Science, scientists, 83-84, I 26, I 28
"Science of Judaism," 2 1-2 2
SCOTT,CHARLES
PRESTWICH,
I 80-8 I
S c m , WALTER,74
Scrap iron industry, 109
Scribes, 67
Scrolls of the Law, 38, 64
SEARS,
ROEBUCK CO., 16
SEASONGOOD,
AGNES,Compiled by, Speeches
1900-1959 of Murray Seasongood (review), 74-76
SEASONGOOD,
ALFRED,75
SEASONGOOD,
EMILY,75
7476
SEASONGOOD,
MURRAY,
Second Avenue, New York City, 141
Second Labor and Socialist International,
163
Second World War, I 53
Sectarians, 2 0
Secular education, 2 I
Sedcr, I 16, 123-24
Sefer Torah; see Scrolls of the Law
SEGAL,
BERNARD,
85
SEGAL,
JACOB
ISAAC,
99
Segovia, Spain, 5 I
Segregation (of Jews), 4-6; (of Negroes),
135
SEINFELD,JETTI; scc Epstein, Jetti Seinfeld
SEIXAS(family), I 04
SEIXAS,BENJAMIN
MENDES,I 02
SELIGMAN,
EDWINR. A., 9, I I
SELIGMAN,
ISAAC
NEWTON,99
S ~ C HISAC,
, 5I
SEMAH,ISAQUE,
40
Semikot; sce Ordination
Senate (of New York State), 90; (of the
United States), 97; see also Congress
(of the United States)
SENIOR(family), 63
SENIOR,
ABRAHAM,
48
SENIOR,
ARON,48
SENIOR,
BARUCH,
47
INDEX
SENIOR,
JACOB,
47
SENIOR,
JEHUDA,
63
SENIOR,JOSUA,
47
SENIOR,
MARDOCHAI,
55
SENIOR,MARIAM,
47
SENIOR,MAX,7-8, 11, 13-15
SENIOR,
MORDECHAI,
46
SENIOR,
RACHEL,
48
RIFKA(RIBCA),46, 67
SENIOR,
SENIOR,
SARA,48
Sephardim, 49
SERAIVA,
DUARTE;see Saraiva, Duarte
Sermons, 3, 90, 96, 98-99, 103, 118;
see also Pulpit
SERRANO,
JOSEPHFRANCO,
6I
Services, religious; see Worship
"Seventeenth-Century Brazilian Jewry: A
Critical Review," 32-34, 37-52, 55-68
SEVERING,
KARL,I 50
Seville, Spain, 42
Shaare Zedek Synagogue, Lima, Ohio, 89
SHANE(family), 102
SHANE,HENRIETTA
NUSBAUM,
102
SHANE,
HENRY,102
SHAPIRO,
DANIEL,94
KARL,82
SHAPIRO,
SHAPIRO,
NATHAN
D., 94
Sharpsburg, Battle of (Civil War), 103
Shearith Israel Congregation, New York,
N. Y.,89
Shechitah, 83
Sherith Israel Congregation,San Francisco,
Calif., 8 I
SHINEDLING,
ABRAHAM
I., 90, 101
Ships, 29, 94, 99, 13I
SHOLEMALEICHEM;see Rabinowitz, Solomon
Sholem's Cafk, New York, N. Y., I 33
SHOR,DAVIDD., 101
Short stories, 95
SHOSTECK,
ROBERT,
93, 100
Shtetl, I 30
Shul; see Synagogues
Shulhan Amch, 65
SHULMAN,CHARLESE., What It Means
T o Be A Jew, 85-86
Siberia, I 32
Sieniewa, Galicia, 24
SILVA,ANTONIO
Josh DA,58
DE (DA),52,
SILVA,FERDINAND
MARTINS
56
SILVAROSA,JACOB
S. DA,68
SILVEIRA,
ABRAHAM
FRANCO,
66
211
SILVER,
SAMUEL
M., Portrait of a Rabbi, 86
SIMMONDS,
COLEMAN,
94
SIMMONDS,
HAUER,94
Simmonds, Hauer, Papers, 1 0 2
SIMON,ABRAM,
99
SIMON,ALFRED,8 1
SIMONBAR MAYER,61
SIMON,CARRIE,
99
SIMON,DAVID
R., 99
SIMON,JOSEPH,92, 99
SIMONS,
HANNAH
ISAACS,
99
SIMONS,
HENRY,99
SIMSON,
SAMPSON,
94
Sin, ;7 3
Sinal Congregation, New York, N. Y., 89
Sinai Temple, Champaign, Ill., 107, 109
SIRMAY,
ALBERT,8 I
Sisterhoods, I z 3
Sixty-first Regiment, New York Infantry
(Civil War), 104
Skeptics, I I 3
SKIRBALL,
MRS.JACKH., 101
SKLARE,
MARSHALL,
Edited by, The Jews:
Social Patterns of an American Group
(review), 76-78
Slavery, slaves, 93
ADAM,5 4
SMITH,GEORGE
SMITH, JAMESWARD, and A. LELAND
JAMISON,
Edited by, Religion in American
L y e , 185
SMITH,THOMAS,
96
182
SMUTS,JANCHRISTIAAN,
SOARES,
JACOB(BRITTO),46
Social classes; see Labor; Masses, the;
Middle class; Peasants; Workers
Social concern, social issues, social movement, social problems, I 16, I 18, 129-30,
'4'
Social Democrats, I 53
Social discrimination; see Disabilities
Social equality; see Equality
Social fascists, I 53
Social Gospel, I I 3
Socialism, Socialist movement, Socialist
party, Socialists, 142-43, 145, 1 5 2 , 156,
166, 168; see also Jewish Socialists
Socialists-Communists (Spain), 166
Social legislation, I 34
Sociallife, 21, 30,83, 104, 108, 113, 117,
126, 145-467 149-50
Social reform, I 53
Social sciences, social scientists; see
Sociology
SociCtC IsraClite Franpise de Secours
Mutuels, New York, N. Y., 91
Society; see Social life
Society for Ethical Culture, New York,
N. Y., 12, 3 0
Society for Jewish Agricultural Settlement (Gezerd, OZET), 147
Society for the Education of Poor Children
and the Relief of Indigent Persons of the
Jewish Persuasion, New York, N. Y., 91
Society of Biblical Literature, 99
Society of French Jews, New York, N. Y.,
9 I.
Sociology, 76-77, 83, 110, 117, 126, 134
SOKOBIN,
SAMUEL,
94
SOKOLOW,
NAHUM,I 80-8 I
Soldiers, 37, 93, 98-99, 101-4; see also
Militarism. Militia
SOLIS,BENJAMIN,
56
SOLIS,ELEASAR
DE, 42
SOLIS,JOSEPH,56
SOLIS,SALQMON,
56
SOLIS-COHEN,
MRS.LEONM., 95
I3
SOLIS-&HEN,SOLOMON,
MYER,94
SOLOMON,
SONDERLING,
JACOB,1 0 2
Song writers, 83
SONNE,MRS.ISAIAH,
98
Sonora, Calif., 94
Sorel, Quebec, Canada, 93
South (United States), I 35
South Carolina, 92; see also Charleston,
S. C.
S o u z ~ FRANCISCO
,
DA, 64
S o u z ~ so us^], [LUIS]RODRIGO
DE,55-56
S o u z ~ so us^), SIMON(ELIAS)DE, 55-56
Sovietism, I 54
Soviet Russia, Soviet government, Soviets,
Soviet Union, 143-44, 146-48, 150.
154-56, 161, 164. 17071, 17374; Jews
of, I 55; see also Russia
Spain, Spaniards, 39, 45, 63, 66, 165-70,
I 72-7 3; see also Loyal~sts
Spanish civil war; see Civil war (Spain)
Spanish Loyalists; see Loyalists
Speeches 1900-19f9 of Murray Seasongood
(review), 74-76
SPIEGEL,
MARCUS
M., I04
SPIEGELBERG
(family), 99
SPIEGELBERG,
FLORA,99
SPINGARN,
JOELE., 99
Spinoza Burial Society, Lexington, Ky., 9 I
Stalin-Hitler Non-Aggression and Friend-
ship Pact; see GermanSoviet NonAggression and Friendship Pact
STALIN,JOSEPH,146, I 50, I 55-56, I 59,
I 69-7 I
STARK,
STANLEY,
108
Z, 106
STARKOFF,
BERNARD,
State Department (United States), 99, I 7z
State, Jewish; see Jewish state, Zionism
State, the, 2 I
Stateless Jews, I 50, I 66
States General of Holland, 32-33, 39,
$0: 59
Statlstlcs, $0-$2, 55, 57. 59
STEIN,AARON,
99-100
STEIN,LEONARD,
The Balfour Declaration
(review), I 80-84
STEIN,NATHAN,
99
STEINBERG,
BEN, Together Do They Sing:
A Manual for Directors of Junior Choirs
in Synagogues, 86
STEINBERG,
MRS.ESTHER,108
STEINBERG,
JUDAH,179
STEINBERG,
MILTON,86, I 14, I I 7
Stephen S. Wise Free Synagogue, New
York, N. Y., 95
STERN,HORACE,
9, I I
STERN,LAZAR,I 68
STERN,MALCOLM
H., 95,9899
STERNE,ANSELM,103
STERNE,M. H., Birmingham, Ala., 1 0 3
STRACK,
HERMANN
L., 100
STRAUS,
OSCARS., 15-16, 18
STRAUS,
MRS.STANLEY
M., 98
Strikes, 132, 136, 141-43
Studies, Jewish, Fellow of; see Haber
STURZO,
DON, I47
Suburbs, 177-78
Suffrage, 49
Sugar industry, 37
Sulamith, z z-z 3
Summer camps; see Camps
Sunday schools, 113, 119, 124, 127; see
also Education, Rel~giousschools, Schools
Supernaturalism, 74, I 14-1 6, I 20, 1z 5,
127-28
Supreme Arab Committee, 162
Surgeons, 26
Surinam, Dutch Guiana, 90
Survival, 73, I I 3, 123
SUSARTE,
ABRAHAM
DE JACOB,
46
SUSARTE,
DAVID,56
SUSARTE,
ISAACK,
44
SUSSAN,
R E N ~T,h r e w ' Road, 87
SWART,ABRAHAM,
46
SWAY,BORIS,1 0 2
SWAY,MRS. BORIS,I O Z
SWAY,DAVIDH., 1 0 2
Sweatshops, I 38
SWIG,BENJAMIN
H., 100
Switzerland, 5-6
SYKES,MARK,I 80-8 I
Sykes-Picot Agreement, 183
Symbolism, symbols, I 25-26, I 28
Synagogues, the synagogue, 38,49,7 5,79,
107, 109,,112, 115, 130, 153; see also
Congregations
Svndicalists.. I 69.
~ i r i a ,161
Syria and the Holy Land, b y George Adam
Smith, 6
SZOLD,HENRIETTA,
86
Temple Beth El Sisterhood, Alpena, Mich.,
88
Temple Beth El Sisterhood, Detroit,
Mich., 88
Temple Beth Israel, Lima, Ohio, 89
Temple Beth Sholom, Topeka, Kans., 90
Temple Covenant of Peace, Easton, Pa., 88
Temple Ernanu-El, Bayonne, N. J., 85
Temple Emanu-El, New York, N. Y., 2 2 ,
100
Temple Israel, Blytheville, Ark., 88
Temple Israel, Marion, Ohio, 89
Temple Israel, Miami, Fla., 97
Temple Israel, Schulenburg, Tex., 90
T e m ~ l e Israel Sisterhood, Blytheville,
A&., 88
Temple Israel Sisterhood, Marion, Ohio,
89
Temple Ohavai Sholom (Vine Street
T
Temple), Nashville, Tenn., 89
Temple Sinai, New Orleans, La., 89
Tailors, 93, 166
Talmud, 60, 67, 75, 107; see also Gemara Temple Sinai, Stamford, Conn., 86
Talmud Torah (Thora) School, Amster- Tenth Man, The, 79
Terra Santa Fund, Beth Ysrael Synagogue,
dam, Holland, 49, 61, 63
Amsterdam, Holland, 59-60
Tammany Hall, New York City, 141
TESTA,
DAVID,37
Tampa, Fla., 90
Texas, 93-94, rot; Ranger Force, 94
TANDLER
(family), 94
Texas Centennial, 1836-193 6, I o t
TANNENBAUM,
FRANK,I 34
Thaelmann battalion (Spanish Civil War),
TARTAS,
ISAACDE CASTRO,60
TARTAS,
MOSES,45
'67
ERNST,149
KARPELES(Mrs. A.), THAELMANN,
TAUSSIG,THERESA
Theaue, theatres, I 38, 149; Jewish, I 3 3,
I00
TAVERA,CHRISTOFFEL
DE, 56
= 4:
Theism, I 14, I 26-27
TAYLOR,
RICHARD,
95
Theology, 73, 115, rzo, 125
TAYLOR,
ZACHARY,
95
Teachers, 25, 43, 47, 64-65, 84, 137; Thieves' Road, 87
A Teacher Speaks, 84; see also Educators, Thirteenth International Brigade (Spanish
Civil War), I 68
Professors
THOREZ,MAURICE,150, 160
TEIXEIRA,
SARA,43
Tel Aviv, Palestine (Israel), 80, 160-62, Thought, freedom of; see Freedom
Three Rivers, Canada, 92-93
164".s
T h y G w d l y Tent: The First F y t y Years of
Televis~on,79, 84
T m p l c Emanu-El, Bayunne, N. J., 85
TEMKIN,SEFTOND., review of Speeches
TILLICH,PAUL,I I 8
1900-19f9 of Muway Seasungood, 74-76
T N T , 182
Temple (of Jerusalem), r 80
Together Do They Sing: A Manual for
Temple Anshe Emeth, Milwaukee, Wis.,
Directors of Junior Choirs in Synagogues, 86
89
LOMBARDO,
17 I
TOLEDANO,
Temple Beth El, Alexandria, Va., 88
Toleration, 6
Temple Beth El, Alpena, Mich., 88
Topeka, Kans., 90
Temple Beth El, Detroit, Mich., 9, 88
Torah, 39, 73, "4, 117-18, 1 2 0 ; see
Temple Beth-El, New York, N. Y., r 3
also Law, Pentateuch
Temple Beth-El, Rockaway Park, N. Y.,
Torah-Judaism and t h State of Israel, 87
8I
Torbay (British prison ship), 99
TORRE,DAVIDDE LA,52
TORRE,PETRODE LA,52
TORRES,
ABIGAIL
NUNES,47
TORRES,
DAVIDNUNES,47
TORRES,
DIEGOALVARES,
56
Totalitarianism, 146
TOUAR,
ARAMDE, 49
Touch Wood: A Year's Diary, 80
Touro Synagogue, New Orleans, La., 89
TOVAR,
ABRAHAM
DE,49, 55
TOVAR,
EMANUEL
DE,48
TOVAR,
SARADE, 55
Trade, Traders, trading, 34, 50, 148;
see also Economic life
Trade unions, I 38, 143, 145-46, 163
Tradition, traditional observance, traditions,7,70, 111, 114,117,120, 123-25,
I 28; see also Orthodox Judaism
Translators, 19, 84
Tratado da Immortalidade da Alma, 60
Trinidad, Colo., 93, 102
Trisquare Club, Detroit, Mich., 88
TROTSKY,
LEON,155, 17 1-72
Trotskyites, 155
TRUJILLO
MOLINA,RAFAELLEONIDAS,
80
Turkey, 7, 10-1 1, 15, 45; Revolution,
182
u
Ukraine, Ukrainians, I 31, 148-49
UIKEN,SAMUEL,
The Nature of Judaism, 87
Unemployment, I 34
Union Army, Union soldiers, 103-4
Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York, N. Y., 14-1 5, 85-86,
88.96-07
union Tl&ological Seminary, New York,
N. Y.. 81
Unions, 143-44, I 53 ; see also Craft unions,
Industrial unionism, Trade unions
Unitarian Church, 19, I 14, I 19, I 26
United Hebrew Congregation, St. Louis,
Mo., 90
United Hebrew Trades, 80, 133, 144
United Jewish Appeal, 88, I 10, I 18-19,
123
United Jewish Charities, Cincinnati, Ohio,
91
United Jewish Social Agencies, Cincinnati, Ohio, 9 I
United Railroads of San Francisco, r 5
United Socialist Party, 169
United States, 4, 10-1 I , 23, 26-27, 30,
76, 83, 95, 132, 152-53, 160, 162, 166,
I 70-7 I ; see also America
United States Army, 26, 92, 98; see also
Militarism, Union Army
United States Commission on Industrial
Relations, I 36
United Young Men's Hebrew Associations
of Pennsylvania, 9 I
Universalism, 70
Universe, r I 5
Universities, 28, 107, I 80; see also Colleges
University of Cincinnati, 75; of Illinois,
108-10, 112, 121; of Leiden, 46; of
Michigan, 83
Urban areas, urban groups, urban life,
109, 117, 119-20, 128, 159
Urbana, Ill.; see Champaign-Urbana, Ill.
VACKERS,
MARIACATHARINA,
61
VALENTINE,
JOHNJ., 99
VALENZA,
ISAAC
DE, 52
VALVERDE,
ABRAHAM,
5I
VANBUREN,MARTIN,97, 100
VAN LOON,HENDRIK
WILLEM,
95
VAN NASSAU,
JOHANMAURITS;see Johan
Maurits van Nassau
VARNHAGEN,
RAHEL,23
Vaudevillians, 84
VAZ DIAS,A. M., Amsterdam, Holland,
41, 58
VEGA,DUARTE
FERNANDEZ,
37
VECA,GIL CORREA
DA,49
VEIGA,SAMUEL
DA,67
VELHO,DAVID,38
VELHO,JACOB,
47
VELHO,SAMUEL,
38,40
VELILIOS,
IOSUA,56, 64
VELILOS,
JEOSUA;
see Velilios, Iosua
VELIO,DAVID,55
VELIO,SAMUEL,
55
VELLOSINOS,RACHEL; see Velozinos,
Rachel
VELOSINOS,
IOSUA;see Velozinos, Jeosuah
VELOZINOS,
ESTHER,68
VELOZINOS,
ISAACD'ANDRADE,
47, 67-68
VELOZINOS,
JACOB,
67
VELOZINOS,
JEOSUAH
(IOSUA;
JOSHUA),
47,
5I , 67-68
VELOZINOS,
RACHEL,
47, 68
Venice, Italy, 44, 47
VERBOOM,
MICHIEL,62
Verein fiir Cultur und Wissenschaft der
Juden, z 1-2 2, 27
Vicksburg, Miss., 99
40
VIEIRA,ANTONIO,
VIEIRA,JOSEPH,45
55
VILLEREAL,VINCENTERODRIGUES,
Vine Street Temple (Temple Ohavai
Sholom), Nashville, Tenn., 89
Virginia, 94; see also Richmond
Virginia, State of, versus Simon Nathan, 94
Vlissingen, Holland, 47
Voss, CARL HERMANN,review of T h e
Balfour Declaration, I 80-84
Vote, voting; see Suffrage
Vrijburg Palace, Recife, Brazil, 38
WACHTEL,
ROSA,100
WACHTEL-MARKS,
MARTIN,100
WACHTMEESTER,
PIETER,49
Wage earners, I 34, I 38
WALSH,FRANKP., I 36
War, 84, 94, loo, 160, 163; see also
Civil War (Spain), Civil War (United
States), First World War, Revolutionary War (American), Second World
War
WARBURG,
DANIELRUDOLF,30
WARBURG,
FELIXM., 15, I42
War relief, 142
Warsaw, Poland, I 3 1-32
WARSELL,
DAVID,I O Z
WARSELL,
MRS.DAVID,I O Z
WASSERVOGEL,
ISIDOR,
99
Waterloo, Belgium, 2 3
WATJEN,HERMANN,
33
WEIL,A. LEO, I 1-11
WEIL,CHARLES,
102
WEIL,IRWIN,100
WEIL,MRS.MORTON,100
WEIL,SARA,1 0 2
WEIL,MRS.SIDNEY,100
WEISS,GERTRUDE
MARKS,I O Z
WEISS,MRS.HIRAMB., 100, 1 0 2
WEISS,ISAAC
HIRSCH,I 79
WEIZMANN,
CHAIM,10, 175, 180-83
Welch, W . Va., 90
Welfare organizations, r 77
AND &., 99-100
WELLS,FARGO
WELLS,KEN, 101
West, Western countries, 7, I 54, 169
Western Europe, 147, 150
Western Hemisphere, 68
Westernization, 74
West India Company, 32-34. 37, 39,
50, 56-57, 63-64
W h a t It Means T o Be A Jew, 85-86
Wheeling, W . Va., I O I
White Armies (Russia), 143
WHITEMAN,
MAXWELL,
29
Whites, 83, 135
Wholesalers, 109
Wichita, Kans., 90
WIENER,LEO, 19
O F W~~RTTEMBERG,
96
WILHELM
WILKENS,
JOHN,JR., 92
Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 90, 92
Wilmington, Del., 9 I
WILSON,WOODROW,
4, 8, 10-1 I, 16,
197 142, 184
Winchester, Battle of (Civil War), 1 0 3
Winnipeg; Canada, I 52
WIRE, MARTHA,
90
WISE (family), 94
WISE,ISAACMAYER,75, 88, IOO
WISE, STEPHENS., 86, 91, 97, 100, 155.
'83
W I ~GYSBERT
,
DE, 50, 57
WIZNITZER,ARNOLD,3 2-34, 37-40, 49.52, 55, 57-60, 63-65, 68; Jews m
Colonial Brazil, 3 3, 58, 68
3I
WOHLWILL,
IMMANUEL,
WOLF, EDWIN, ZND,29
DITTENHOEFER,
10I
WOLF,FLORENCE
WOLF,LUCIEN,87
WOLF,SIMON,I 0-1 I, 100
WOLKOW,
MAX,90
WOLSEY,LOUIS,I 5
Women, 41,47, I 14, I 16, I 19
WORDSWORTH,
WILLIAM,
75-76
Workers, working people, working class,
I 5 I, I 5 3-54; Semiskilled, 143; Skilled,
109, 141; Unskilled, 143; see also Labor
Workers clubs, 156
Workers party, 145-46
Workmen's Circle (Arbeiter Ring), I 3 3
World Communism.. I -$2-$4. 161
World Jewry, 82
World (World's) Peace Conference., 6.,
8; see ako Paris '
World War I; see First World War
World War 11; see Second World War
World Zionist Movement, 180; see also
Zionism
Worship, 6, 111, 114-16, 123, 125-28
Writers, 29-30, 68, 141, 144
<
Y
z
Yalcut, 60
Yankees, 17I
YARMOLINSKY,
MRS.AVRAHM,
80
Yellow fever, 26
Yemenites, I 63
Yeshiva University, New York, N. Y., 83
Ycshivot (academies), 59, 65
Yiddish, Yiddish literature, 19, 95, 133,
141, '49, 154-557 '71, '78
Yiddishkcit, I z 5
Yiddish press, 95, 102, 141, 14,
160, I70
Yiddish Scientific Institute (YIVO), New
York, N. Y., 92
Yiddish Writers Union, 144
Yishuv (Palestinian Jewry), 16063; SEE
also Palestine
YIVO; scc Yiddish Scientific Institute
Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), I 53
YOUNGMAN
(family), roz
Young Men's Hebrew Association, Pennsylvania, 9 I
Young Men's Hebrew Association, Philadelphia, Pa., 9 I
Young Men's Hebrew Association Ladies
Auxiliary, Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 92
Young People's Society, Junior Branch,
Detroit, Mich., 88
Youth, 130
YULEE,DAVIDLEVY,100
ZACUTA,
ESTER,47
Zanesville, Ohio, 10I
ZANCWILL,
ISRAEL,
86
ZEISLER,
ERNESTB., 100
ZEISLER,
FANNYBLOOMFIELD,
100
Zcit (New York), 14
ZELMENOWITZ,
NATHAN,I O Z
ZIELONKA,
DAVIDL., I 0 3
ZIELONKA,
MARTIN,I03
ZHITLOWSKY,
CHAIM,I 55, I 57
ZIMMER,URIEL, Torah-Judaism mtd the
State of Is racl, 87
Zion, 3
Zionism, Zionists, 3-16, 19, 69-70, 73,
82, 150, 155, 177, 180, 182-84; SEE also
American Zionism, Jewish state, World
Zionist Movement
Zionist Archives, I 80
Zionist Congresses, 18I; scc also Basle
rogram, Fourth Zionist Congress
m i s t Idea, The (review), 6 9 7 0
Zionist Organization of America, I 3
Zionist Societies, 4
ZIRNDORF,
HENRY,I 00
zohar, 60
zq, 26
ZUNZ,LEOPOLD,
Zur Israel Community, Recife (Pernambuco), Brazil, 32-33,49, 57
2'
NOTICE TO RESEARCHERS
announces with pleasure
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