a of the complete issue here.

Transcription

fiar
The Forum for Inter-American Research was
established by the American Studies Section of the
English Department at Bielefeld University in order to
foster, promote and publicize current topics in the
studies of the Americas.
fiar is the official journal of the International
Association of Inter-American Studies (IAS).
www.interamerica.de
fiar@interamerica.de
Executive Director:
Wilfried Raussert
Editors:
Yolanda Campos
Joachim Michael
Paula Prescod
Wilfried Raussert
Associate Editors:
Marius Littschwager
Brian Rozema
Vol. 8 No. 2 (September 2015/Septiembre 2015):
New Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Feminicide at the U.S.-Mexico Border
Introduction:
New Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Feminicide at the U.S.-Mexico Border . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4-19
Laura Gillman, Virginia Tech
and Tobias Jochum, Free University Berlin
The Historiography of Feminicide in Ciudad Juárez:
What Numbers Don’t Tell Us . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20-45
Steven S. Volk, Oberlin College
El destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46-66
Julia E. Monárrez Fragoso, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte Ciudad Juárez, México
(Re)Living Feminicide through Social Control:
The Regulation of Life and Bodies through Fear and (In)Formal Social . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67-91
Cynthia Bejarano, New Mexico State University
“The Weight of Words, the Shock of Photos”:
Poetic Testimony and Elliptical Photography in
Sergio González Rodriguez’ The Femicide Machine (2012). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92-119
Tobias Jochum, Free University Berlin
“A New Landscape of the Possible”:
400 Women, Politics of Representation and Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120-138
Aishih Wehbe-Herrera, Independent Scholar
Haptic Visuality in Lourdes Portillo’s La Señorita Extraviada:
Towards an Affective Activism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139-159
Laura Gillman, Virginia Tech
Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide:
A Comparative Analysis of Sergio Gonzalez Rodriguez's
Huesos en el desierto and Roberto Bolano's 2666. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160-181
Alice Driver, Independent Researcher
The Maquila Complex:
Reification, Disposability, and Resistance in Maquilapolis: City of Factories . . . . . . . . . . . . 182-205
Edward Avila, Minnesota State University, Mankato
www.interamerica.de
The Forum for Inter-American Research is also the official journal of the International Association of Inter-American Studies.
The association seeks to promote the interdisciplinary study
of the Americas, focusing in particular on inter-connections
between North, Central, and South American culture,
literature, media, language, history, society, politics, and
economics.
www.interamericanstudies.net
Guest Editors:
Laura Gillman
Tobias Jochum
www.interamerica.de
The Forum for Inter-American Research is also the official journal of the International Association of Inter-American Studies.
Laura Gillman (Virginia Tech) and Tobias Jochum (Free University Berlin)
Nowadays, we know too much, and yet we continue to know nothing. In the process of
learning; reading; researching; raising consciousness; signing petitions; writing stories,
poetry, and music; making art; organizing conferences; and collecting anthologies, there are
only two things that have changed. The number of victims continues to grow. And now the
Juárez femicides have become a legend.
—Alicia Gaspar de Alba & Georgina Guzmán, Making a Killing (2010)
New Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Feminicide at the U.S.-Mexico Border
For more than two decades now, Gloria Anzaldúa's famed metaphor for the U.S.-Mexican border
as an open wound where the Third World grates against the first and bleeds has been imposing
itself in shockingly literal manifestations of increasing intensity. The case of Ciudad Juárez,
plagued by a gruesome epidemic of extreme gender violence since at least 1993, stands out.
When at his presidential inauguration in December 2006, Felipe Calderón declared open warfare
against Mexico's transnationally operating drug cartels, the city's international infamy for its
"femicides" was already firmly established. [1] His subsequent deployment of the army followed by
the federal police force triggered an unprecedented escalation of violence that turned the border
metropolis into the world's statistical murder capital for three consecutive years (2009-11).
Altogether Juárez accounted for over 10,000 of the at least 60,000 casualties that "Calderon's
War" claimed nationwide during his administration. Add thousands of never investigated
disappearances and tens of thousands of local residents who abandoned their homes, fleeing
bloodshed and economic downturn, plus a level of criminal impunity approaching a hundred
percent (not least exonerating the numerous blatant human rights violations committed by the
federal forces [Human Rights Watch]) to complete a dire panorama of a hemorrhaging community.
Laura Gillman & Tobias Jochum
Introduction
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FIAR Vol. 8 No. 2 (Sep 2015) 4-19
© Forum for Inter-AmericanResearch
ISSN: 1867-1519
Faced with the dramatic upsurge of violence in Juárez, scholars introduced the term juvenicidio,
designating the killing of the young, and increasingly deploy postcolonial theories to conceptualize
what many regard as a de facto war against the underclass merely masquerading as military
operations against sophisticated crime organizations (Wright "Necropolitics"). [2] But whatever the
rationale behind the metastasizing mayhem of late, it effectively obscured the insidious
continuation of violence against women to the larger public. With the homicidal violence finally in
decline since 2012 (Figuera), the dust now settles on a traumatized and fundamentally transmuted
urban setting, one that urgently demands—once again—our clear-eyed critical attention.
Why then a continued focus on gender violence against female victims in a contemporary context
where predominantly young men and boys are being "killed like flies," as one critic put it (González
Rodríguez, qt. in Driver)? Indeed, both sincere and disingenuous voices who question the
justification of the term, the study and even the very reality of feminicide have regained purchase,
pitting relative percentages of female murder victims, which dropped below the ten percent mark
during the escalation of violence, against the record-breaking rise of male-on-male murder
(Hooks); in absolute terms, of course, the number of female murder victims skyrocketed as well. It
is also true that formerly neglected hotbeds of feminicidal violence have emerged to challenge
Juárez' presumed preeminence when it comes to the killing of women: the state of Mexico,
Guerrero, Oaxaca and Chiapas within Mexico, and Guatemala and El Salvador in Central America,
all exhibit alarming proliferations of systemic violence against vulnerable female populations
(Bejarano & Fregoso Terrorizing). If only Ciudad Juárez were as exceptional as some of the earlier
studies might have implied!
Let us be clear, however; the myth that reemerging revisionists and number crunchers purport
them to be, the Juárez feminicides are certainly not. [3] That we know and talk about them at all is
to the credit of a vibrant activist movement that successfully politicized las muertas de Juárez
against an initial discourse of silence and evasion. Women and girls continue to be exposed in the
public and the private sphere to high risks of assault, abduction, and sexual violence in a climate of
impunity. Juarense sociologist and contributor to this issue, Julia Monárrez Fragoso, who has been
chronicling the feminicides at the border since they were first registered, updated the aggregate
death toll of murdered women in the past two decades in Juárez to nearly 1,500 victims, more than
doubling any established pre-2008 estimates (Monárrez Fragoso "Analysis"; González Rodríguez
Machine 71-75). Today, as the city's putative return to normalcy is hailed in international news
outlets such as the New York Times (Cave), local journalists and intellectuals, along with the still
ubiquitous missing-person posters adorning walls and lampposts around the historic center, attest
to the fact that, whereas slain female corpses indeed no longer turn up in erstwhile frequency,
women and girls do continue to simply vanish at an alarming rate.
Introduction
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There can be no doubt that the mass killing of young marginalized men at the border (and
elsewhere [4]) merits keen attention and careful analysis, but in no way does this infer that
feminicide as a concept had forfeited any of its pertinence. Utilizing one kind of violence in order to
discredit and silence inquiry in another persistent phenomenon purports a rather false and
dangerous dichotomy. The term femicide was theorized by Diana Russell and Gill Radford in 1992
and can be defined in the broadest of terms as the "killing of women for being women" (Monárrez
Fragoso, "Serial" 9). The recent modification to feminicide constitutes, first of all, an adjusted retranslation from the Spanish feminicidio, for femicidio in Spanish simply denotes the homicide of a
woman, irrespective of any gender dimensions. We favor the use of this new term—following
Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano, editors of the interdisciplinary anthology Terrorizing
Women: Feminicide in the Américas—as it takes the constructed nature of gender as well as the
dynamic relations of power between gender, sexuality, race, and class into account to thus "shift
the analytic focus to how gender norms, inequities, and power relations increase women's
vulnerabilities to violence" (Introduction 3-4). To reiterate the obvious, men are not killed for being
men. They are, however, victimized under very much the same system of impunity that protects
and enables the misogynist practice of feminicide. Anyone interested in probing into the conditions
behind juvenicidio could do worse than consult the existing scholarship on feminicide and heed the
lessons of the anti-feminicide movement in Ciudad Juárez. As Melissa Wright points out, the focus
on feminicide has unlocked interconnections between violence, economy, and politics, and feminist
perspectives remain indispensable to understand how gender is key for the distinct ways in which
both feminicide victims and young male murder victims have been blamed for their own deaths by
official discourses ("Necropolitics" 726). [5]
While the scholarship on feminicidal violence against subaltern women on the U.S.-Mexico border
remains a shifting and contested terrain, what is beyond dispute is the remarkable wealth of
cultural responses and knowledge production that has been accrued around the Juárez cases over
the past twenty years. The myriad songs and poems, comics and graphic novels, articles and
essays, book-length fiction and nonfiction accounts, feature films and documentaries, art
exhibitions and installations, public gatherings and performances, well-intentioned to ill-conceived,
dedicated to the victims and their families, creating awareness, empathy, outrage or merely
voyeuristic titillation, have become too numerous to list with any claim to completeness. [6]
Meanwhile, scholars from both sides of the border have dedicated scores of studies on the causes
of the violence, seeking to fill the epistemological vacuum left by a failing criminal justice system.
Crossing disciplinary, discursive and geographical boundaries to enter into productive dialogues
and political coalitions in their quest to diagnose and alleviate the intolerable situation, they
gradually untangled an intricate web of interrelated socioeconomic, geopolitical, and cultural
Introduction
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pathologies converging in Ciudad Juárez to facilitate the conditions behind the violence: a
combination of a totalizing political and cultural disenfranchisement and hyper-exploitation of the
subaltern border woman on the one hand and a pervasive system of criminal impunity for the
perpetrators on the other. The result is a comprehensive, multi-layered, and steadily evolving
corpus of scholarship that offers a host of overlapping, interconnected, and competing theories
regarding the root causes of gendered violence, as well as proposed strategies addressing how
best to counter them.
Early in the debate, a disproportionate focus on transnational economic forces popularized the socalled maquiladora narrative. Particularly U.S. critics emphasized the cataclysmic demographic,
cultural, and socioeconomic shifts inflicted on the region by NAFTA. Some of these accounts
displayed a lack of critical engagement with the local culture, communities, and institutions, and a
problematic inclination towards sensationalism (Bowden, “While You,” Laboratory; Nathan).
Cogent if at times constrictive correlations were drawn between feminicide and the feminization of
unskilled labor in the export-processing plants along the border [7]; for instance, social geographer
Melissa M. Wright exposed one of the more sophisticated links between the maquila industry and
the murders in her deconstruction of the myth of the disposable third world woman. [8]
In November 2001, the discovery of eight raped, tortured, and murdered female bodies in an empty
lot known as Campo Algodonero, uncharacteristically close to the city center, marked a new level
of flagrancy for feminicidal violence in Ciudad Juárez. The disastrous handling of the so-called
Cottonfield Murders became emblematic for the authorities' unacceptable incompetence and willful
misconduct. Together with the production of the 2001 documentary Señorita Extraviada/Missing
Young Woman by activist-filmmaker Lourdes Portillo, widely disseminated in human rights circles,
and a damning report by Amnesty International titled "Intolerable Killings" (2003), the case became
a powerful catalyst that galvanized international attention and helped a diverse transnational antifeminicide movement gather momentum in the early-to-mid 2000s.
The result was a new proliferation of feminicide scholarship produced on both sides of the border
that provided critical correctives and expansions of preceding accounts. Feminist scholars with
close biographical and/or professional ties to the borderlands and local grassroots initiatives or
NGOs led the way with an applied type of scholarship that operated with a passion and urgency
openly driven by an activist impetus to achieve social justice (Julia Monárrez Fragoso, Alicia
Schmidt Camacho, Cynthia Bejarano, Rosa-Linda Fregoso, Melissa M. Wright). Sociologists
probed into subaltern subjectivities of those women most at risk (Schmidt Camacho “Body Counts”,
“Ciudadana”) and rectified prevalent misconceptions about the victims, clarifying, for instance, tha
the vast majority of targets were poor young migrants from the rural Mexican South, culturally
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uprooted and politically, socially and geographically marginalized in their new home while
maquiladora workers per se only constituted up to a fourth of total feminicide victims: victims also
typically included students, housewives, domestic servants, service industry employees, sex
workers and drug traffickers (Monárrez Fragoso "Serial"). Political scientist Kathleen Staudt
questioned the exclusive fixation on the dramatic serial kidnap-rape-and-torture murders by
introducing pervasive domestic violence to the equation. [9] Feminist scholars also pondered the
cultural forces of male backlash against women entering the workforce, and denounced media
discourses that sensationalized the violence, objectified the bodies and colluded with the state in
blaming the victims, thereby re-victimizing their families and discrediting grassroots justice
movements (Staudt 49; Fregoso). Mexican voices, meanwhile, kept railing against the
institutionalized system of absolute impunity, nurtured by rampant corruption throughout all levels
of government (González Rodríguez Huesos; Monárrez Fragoso "Serial").
After the mid-2000 peak of activist momentum, the critical discourse kept diversifying, as it
grappled with increasing frustrations and impasses experienced among anti-feminicide activists,
who proved unable to make strides against institutional inertia and impervious criminal forces. [10]
Scholarship reflected the rising sense of fatigue in the border communities and pushed, on the one
hand, for new and more effective human rights frameworks [11], and on the other, shifted the focus
from the epistemological impulse to identify and inhibit the forces primarily responsible for the
perpetuation of the killings to critical interrogations of how the feminicides were being represented
in public discourse. Differentiated (self-)evaluations of movement activism and acute discourse
analyses of official, documentarian, academic, and artistic treatments of feminicide in multiple
genres and media also led to a deeper reflexivity with regards to the ethics, politics, and inherent
practical and discursive limitations of academia (Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán; Corona &
Domínguez-Ruvalbaca; Driver). This new phase also coincided with European scholars taking
notice and actively partaking in the debate for the first time (Messmer).
The more recent feminicide scholarship (including substantial contributions by several of the
present collection's authors), thus readily acknowledges its own political shortcomings with regard
to subaltern subjectivities, vulnerabilities and violence experienced in marginalized communities on
the border, while nonetheless strengthening the resolve to find new ways to overcome their
contradictions (Corona & Domínguez-Ruvalcaba 6-9). In addition to impassioned preambles that
re-assert strong commitments to social justice, recent interdisciplinary anthologies—namely
Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and la Frontera, edited by Alicia Gaspar de Alba and
Georgina Guzman, Terrorizing Women: Feminicides in the Américas, edited by Rosa-Linda
Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano, and Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico Border: Media
Introduction
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Representations and Public Responses, edited by Ignacio Corona and Héctor DomínguezRuvalcaba (all published in 2010), also prominently incorporate testimony. As the coeditors of the
latter compilation emphasize the urgently needed "strategy for 'building bridges'" across the gaps
that divide the academy from the community and the humanities from social sciences (7), so we,
the co-editors of this special issue, hope to build a bridge of understanding by reaching across
continents for a transatlantic connection around justice, activism and scholarship.
The contributors of this special issue draw on the aforementioned scholar-activist tradition of
feminist and transborder scholarship. Our collection is unique in that it brings together scholars
from different geocultural sites—Europe, the United States and Mexico—to raise awareness
regarding the feminicides, thereby widening the sphere of coalition building. Several of the
collected articles also venture to subtly shift the location of knowledge southward, unsettling the
totalizing hegemony of Western European and Anglo-American epistemologies by turning to local
witnesses, artists, and intellectuals from Mexico and other representatives of the Global South as
jumping off points for critical reflection.
Acknowledging thusly the geopolitics of knowledge, we, the contributors, ask questions, such as:
What are the experiences of those who have been most intimately touched by the violence and
what knowledge have they acquired on the ground? What strategic interventions and coalitions
have scholars and activists on the Northern side of the North-South divide as well as from
transcontinental sites made to engage perspectives of the global South and what strategic
interventions can they make to help shift the location of knowledge about the feminicides from the
global epicenters of Europe and the Americas to the global South? How can scholars and activists
and cultural workers situated in such geopolitical sites form linkages of knowledge production
within contemporary cultural work as well as within social and cultural theory capable of disrupting
not just the physical violence but also the configuration of knowledge hierarchies that underpin and
exacerbate the violence?
While we are conceptually indebted to the already important body of cross-border scholarship on
the feminicides, in particular, the aforementioned recent volumes, this issue nonetheless offers
several other unique features that distinguish it from previously published works. The origin of the
current issue provides an important context in which to consider the analytic of feminicide. This
idea for this project grew out of two panels on feminicide, organized by the co-editors of the current
issue and presented at the 2014 European Association for American Studies (EAAS) conference
“America, Justice, Conflict, War” in The Hague, Netherlands. The panelists, the bulk of whom are
also contributors to this issue, agreed that there was a need to make visible the continuous abuses
and violation of rights, and to begin to make sense of such violence not only within a cross-border,
Introduction
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hemispheric context, but also within a broader transatlantic context. The articles thus reflect a
collective effort to evolve current understandings of the structures sustaining and reproducing the
violence through an interrogation of representational schemas as well as state and academic
discourses.
The cultural background, scholarly training, and political interests of the contributors span a wide
range of fields encompassing the arts and social sciences, including visual cultural studies, human
rights studies, American Studies, Women’s and Gender Studies, Justice Studies, Latin American
Studies, and Latin American History, approaches that in many cases intersect with or emerge out
of the contributor’s activism. They also originate from and/or teach in institutions representing
Europe, Mexico and the United States.
One important area of critical inquiry in this issue is the critique of social ideologies and discourses.
In his article, “The Historiography of Feminicide in Ciudad Juárez: What Numbers Don’t Tell Us,”
Steven Volk retraces the historiography of the feminicides to determine the types of analytical
intervention most appropriate for understanding and eliminating the crimes. In his comparison of
feminist and empirical approaches as competing frames used within scholarly and journalistic
discourses, he shows how two generations of scholarship on the violence in Juárez offer very
different, even incompatible views on the violence. The first focuses attention on the creation of
theories on feminicidal violence that allow for the comprehension of deeply contextualized social
processes that in many ways overdetermine women’s conversion into targets of violence. The
second approach uses quantitative analysis, in particular, the use of statistics, to argue that women
are not the exclusive or primary targets of violence. Volk concludes that while empirical
approaches are helpful, they cannot take the place of feminist analysis, which provides us with
motives, context and causes that reveal the explicit and more subtle and covert social processes
linking feminicide to women’s marginality.
The correlating concerns over how to advance new or more nuanced theoretical approaches that
can help explain the formation and operations of state power that freely violate human rights as
well as how to aid in the elaboration of new resistance practices capable of contesting evolving
forms of state hegemony constitute another thematic emphasis in our collection.
In her essay, “El destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos,” Julia Monárrez Fragoso also
offers an evolved theoretical understanding of the gendered state. She examines the ways in
which governments have the power (biopolitics) to determine who lives or dies, which they
exercise through regulatory techniques (necropolitics) that convert the population into killable
subjects without juridical implications. Drawing on the theoretical work of Achille Mbembe, she
explores a three-tiered operation that results in the expulsion of certain women (feminicidios) and
Introduction
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young people (juvenicidios) from humanity: the loss of bodies; the loss of place of origin or
residence, resulting in the creation of spaces of death; and the loss of citizenship, resulting from
the patriarchal state and its repressive regimen. She draws on the feminist scholarship of Rocío
Silva Santisteban, Melissa Wright and Alice Driver in order to show how gender politics intersect
with and inform necropolitics. This line of inquiry—a gendered necropolitics—is useful in producing
a new critical vocabulary for understanding the impunity of the crimes and for foregrounding
feminicidio and juvenicidio as the violation of the human right to life and citizenship.
Cynthia Bejarano's essay, “(Re)Living Feminicide through Social Control: the Regulation of Life
and Bodies through Fear and (In)Formal Social Control,” examines the hegemony of the Mexican
state from the perspective of the temporal vantage point of the second decade of the 21 st century.
She argues that the hegemonic state has used the feminicides to implement a regime of gendered
social control in Ciudad Juárez. The state has succeeded in regulating womens’ bodies through
the deployment of a rhetoric of fear that operates in tandem with formal and informal systems.
Bejarano asserts that the rhetoric of fear naturalizes the gendered spatial divide of public and
private so as to deprive women and girls of full citizenship, thereby exacerbating the already
normalized sexualized and gendered violence. She further traces how regulating bodies falls into
Richard Lawrence Millers’ framework of the ‘Chain of Destruction’ (1996) which describes mass
violence through five phases: identification, isolation, ostracism, confiscation, and annihilation.
A third area of critical inquiry entails the examination of linkages between feminicide, human rights
and art. Several of the contributors interrogate the role that cultural producers play in producing
narratives, rhetorical strategies and representational schemas that unwittingly contribute to the
objectification and reification of women. Others analyze alternative strategies that cultural
producers have developed for invoking feminicidal violence in their work in a manner that
encourages the spectator’s moral and epistemic agency as well as oppositional political action.
Tobias Jochum’s “The Weight of Words, the Shock of Photos”: Poetic Testimony and Elliptical
Photography in Sergio González Rodriguez’ The Femicide Machine (2012),” sets the stage for the
critical discussion of the limitations and potential of representation for artists who seek to put their
art to use as a resource for human rights activism. Jochum uses The Femicide Machine as a case
study to argue that the ethical demands posed by extreme gender violence on the US-Mexico
border as well as the analytical complexity required to pin down the causes challenge artists to
transcend genre boundaries and seek out new means of representation. A vital question that he
asks is: can representation respond adequately to human suffering, invoking in the spectator a
greater capacity for empathy and political agency? Drawing from Susan Sontag and Jacques
Rancière, Jochum argues in his analysis of the book's "Epilogue" that Gonzalez manages, through
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inventive use of testimony and illustration, to humanize a complex critical analysis of the Juárez
feminicides while effectively circumventing sensationalism and titillation. Using text to visually
replace photographs, González anticipates and plays off of the reader’s (voyeuristic) interest in the
image, but then, in denying visual access, encourages her to be self-reflexive about her own
voyeuristic investments.
In her essay “’A New Landscape of the Possible’: 400 Women, Politics of Representation and
Human Rights,” Aishih Wehbe Herrera examines and assesses the role of art as mediator in the
dissemination of human rights values and discourses, its power to raise awareness about
violations of women's human rights and its function as a cultural and political mechanism that
functions to convert spectators into duty-bearers. To address with specificity the complex nature of
the intersections of art and activism, she analyzes 400 Women, an art installation by London artist
Tamsyn Challenger, in collaboration with families of the victims, artists and NGOs. Challenger’s
inspiration for the project emerged from the shame and discomfort she felt when Consuelo
Valenzuela showed her a photo of her disappeared daughter, Julieta Marleng González
Valenzuela. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and Wendy Hesford, Wehbe Herrera
examines the relationship between rights discourses and the politics of representation within art.
She ultimately argues that against normative visual rhetorics encountered in artistic works that
uncritically implement cosmopolitan and neoliberal power relations, the visual rhetorics and
economy of Challenger’s installation expose the unequal power relations that permeate economic
and political globalization processes and instantiate an alternative visual economy that resists
totality, homogenization and the (re)construction of hegemonic binaries.
In her essay, “Haptic Visuality in Lourdes Portillo’s La Señorita Extraviada: Towards an Affective
Activism,” Laura Gillman analyzes the affective registers that Portillo uses to replace visual
regimes of violence in her documentary La Señorita Extraviada, Missing Young Woman. Arguing
that cinematic affect, in particular, haptic visuality, which she defines, following Laura Marks, as a
tactile form of expression commonly used in the works of diasporic film makers of the global South
for the purpose of developing an affective, inter-embodied contact between the filmic subject, the
filmmaker and the spectator, disrupts the necropolitical discourses of feminicide. She further
argues, through an in-depth analysis of several examples of haptic visuality in the documentary,
that Portillo uses the affective register as an escape route from a colonial way of seeing, by
involving the viewer’s body as a site for knowledge and political action.
Alice Driver’s essay, “Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide: A Comparative
Analysis of Sergio González Rodríguez' Huesos en el desierto and Roberto Bolaño 's 2666,” also
concerns the problematic nature of available systems of representation of violence that compound
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exponentially the feminicidal violence visited upon the victims. Driver analyzes visual depictions of
feminicide in Huesos en el desierto (2002) by Sergio González Rodríguez, and the posthumously
published novel 2666 (2004) by Roberto Bolaño, arguing that while violence against women is
made real in graphic and/or explicit descriptions of rape, strangulation, suffocation, and other forms
of torture in these works, the authors have created a context in which such portrayals humanize
the victims rather than sensationalize the stories of their deaths. González Rodríguez undermines
sensationalism by connecting the bodies of victims with memories of their lives and deaths,
converting his account into a vehicle of memory, including the hegemonic social forces that have
contributed to the violence. In contrast, Bolaño analyzes the processes of anonymity surrounding
the feminicides, which allows him to explore the depth and meaning of horror, without fetishizing a
particular victim, or reproducing in Juárez what Driver calls, following Butler, “corporeal
vulnerability.” Driver critically explores whether and to what extent the author achieves such
avoidance strategies.
In his essay, “The Maquila Complex: Reification, Disposability, and Resistance in Maquilapolis:
City of Factories,” Edward Avila examines Maquilapolis, a film by Vicki Funari and Sergio de la
Torre, showing how it is possible to adopt representational strategies capable of exposing the
reification of female employees’ labor in the maquila industry. The complex challenges of
representing the intersecting social forces reproducing gendered violence in the Mexico and U.S.
borderlands, Avila argues, result from the difficulty of avoiding the pitfalls of unwittingly subscribing
to the default mode of reification, fetishism, and sensationalism within representation, which Avila
views as the cultural worker’s encounter with the “specter of reification.” Yet Avila suggests that by
engaging with processes of exploited labor, commodity fetishism, and social reification, as
conceptualized in the work of Marx, Maquilapolis pushes beyond the limits of reification to offer the
spectator a more complex representational approach. Indeed, the documentary interrogates the
historically contingent character of reified identities, subjectivities, and social relations within the
maquila complex. To demonstrate this more subtle approach, Avila analyzes the film’s narrative
strategies, including interpersonal video diary, the performative mode of narration, and symbolic
appropriation. Each of these represents centrally the voices of women working in the assembly
plants, ones that challenge hierarchical gendered and classed relations under maquiladora-led
industrialization, and implementing what he calls, following Alicia Schmidt Camacho, a
“contestation-in-struggle.”
Looking forward to the future and beyond the confines of the borderlands, what the example of
Ciudad Juárez offers us, then, is an exceptional model of how art, activism, and academia can
coalesce over atrocities that have come to be theorized by feminicide scholars not as an epidemic
of violence but as a human rights violation—the human right to state protection and to life itself.
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The aggregate activist response, the cultural texts dedicated to the dead women of Juárez, and the
innovative, politically engaged scholarship that reaches across disciplinary as well as national
boundaries is what truly renders this case unique. The lessons of the anti-feminicide movement
and the insights gleaned by research and scholarship make valid claims far surpassing the
confines of las muertas de Juárez, ones applicable to other loci of intense gender violence in the
region, in the hemisphere and around the globe, and instrumental for an understanding of the
closely related and no-less intricate phenomenon of juvenicidio against young, poor women and
men in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands.
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Endnotes
[1] A definition of the terms, including a critical distinction between the earlier established femicide vs. the
more recent feminicide which we endorse, follows below. As a still-contested concept, the term will also be
explicitly addressed in several of the compiled articles that make up this special issue.
[2] Giorgio Agamben’s theory of ‘bare life’ has gained legitimacy in designating the high-risk colonias around
Juárez as “absolute biopolitical spaces” (González Rodríguez Machine, 31), as has Achille Mbembe’s
concept of necropolitics.
[3] In fact, conversations indicate that feminicide is now such a loaded term in the current climate in Juárez
that its affirmation or rejection has become a Gretchenfrage of sorts for local activists and academics. See
Steven Volk's contributing article below for a thorough discussion of the issue.
[4] The case of 43 disappeared student teachers (plus six who were murdered on the spot) in Iguala,
Guerrero on September 26, 2014, followed by the (apparently unrelated) discovery of several mass graves in
the vicinity, serve as a stark reminder that Mexico is still immersed in a severe crisis of governance,
regardless of the new political rhetoric. The insolent collusion between municipal police and cartel sicarios in
the planning and execution of the crime attests to the inextricable entanglement between state and
organized crime that has become normalized in parts of the country (Archibold). Speaking of impunity or
"state-sanctioned terror" (as Rosa-Linda Fregoso did in the context of feminicide) seems like an
understatement in the face this level of criminal collaboration (17).
[5] In "Necropolitics, Narcopolitics, and Femicide: Gendered Violence at the Mexico-US Border," Melissa
Wright cautions that with regard to juvenicidio, the odds are stacked against justice movements seeking to
counter the prevailing narrative of drug violence as 'criminals killing each other off'—a discourse that would
frame any and every murder victim, ipso facto, as a delinquent, thus spinning the escalating murder rate into
a positive indicator proving that the war on drugs is, indeed, progressing as intended. She offers that,
Feminist scholars can help in this endeavor by exposing how discourses of a rational
masculinity contribute to violence, to the silencing of citizens, and to state-sanctioned
impunity. Just as feminist scholars provided the term femicide, which has proven so
valuable to activists in northern Mexico, feminists could help subvert the logic that depicts
drug violence as a productive development ("Necropolitics" 726).
[6] For an incomplete (and by now, slightly outdated) list of books, films, and music, see "Appendix B" in
Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán, Making a Killing 298-300. The most recent mainstream take on Ciudad Juárez
may be the current crime-drama series The Bridge, a US-American (though in part transnationally produced)
adaptation of an originally Swedish-Danish crime series, which is currently airing its second season on FX.
[7] See for instance Leslie Salzinger’s landmark study of the maquila industry in Mexico and the gendering of
its production processes, Gender in Production: Making Workers in Mexico’s Global Factories (2003). For
further historical insights into the heavily gendered industrialization of the borderlands since the 1960s (with
a particular emphasis on Ciudad Juárez), see: María Patricia Fernández-Kelly For We Are Sold, and I and
My People: Women and Industry in Mexico’s Frontier (1983).
[8] Combining post-structural feminist and neo-Marxist approaches, Wright revealed a narrative that
rationalizes the deliberately high turnover rates of female workers in the low-skill/high-intensity production
sectors of the export-processing plants. Unlike the traditional (male) worker whose company value increases
over the course of his employment through the accumulation of experience and skills, the value of this
“disposable woman” is gradually used up through the tremendous grind of her work.
Within a relatively short period of time and at a young age [she] loses the physical and
mental faculties for which she was initially employed, until she is worth no more than the cost
of her dismissal and substitute [and] turns into a form of industrial waste, at which point she
is discarded and replaced.” (Disposable 2).
The parallels between such a systematic extraction of value followed by a disposal of the female body with
the rationale behind sexual murder (by bodies then literally being discarded like waste in the desert) seems
obvious, but Wright is mindful to warn against summarily utilizing the former to explain the latter.
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[9] The media's fascination with spectacular violence is not surprising, but anti-feminicide activists, too, had
rallied around the extreme cases while strategically including fatal domestic violence into their statistics.
[10] For illustrative insights on government repression against as well as debates and inner tensions within
the activist movement, see the four essays that encompass the section “¡Ni una más!“ in Making a Killing:
Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera, co-edited by Alicia Gaspar de Alba and Georgina Guzmán: Staudt &
Coronado; Monárrez Fragoso; Rojas; Wright, 155-241.
[11] For example, in 2009 Kathleen Staudt conceded that “national and state human rights commissions lack
authority to compel changes in Mexico,” just as academic criticism does (Staudt et al. Rights 2).
In 2010, Corona and Domínguez-Ruvalcaba described a generalized "scenario of pessimism", a catch-22
where "on the one hand, the authorities are defined as de facto offenders because of the prevailing impunity
along the border; on the other hand, mutual disqualification and distrust among the government, NGOs, and
civil and international organizations impede any sense of real progress" (8).
In reaction to the apparent impotence or unwillingness of the Mexican state and its judicial system to
administer justice, Héctor Domínguez-Ruvalcaba and Patricia Ravelo Blancas even called for a direct
engagement with the cartels as de facto sovereigns of powers in the region—a proposal perhaps less
practicable than illustrate of the sense of frustration (“Obedience” 194).
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Works Cited
Amnesty International. “Mexico: Intolerable Killings: Ten years of abductions and murders in
Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua.” AMR. 11 Aug 2003. Web. 15 Oct 2014.
<http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3f4dcd7d0.html>
Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera—The New Mestiza. 3rd Ed. San Francisco: Aunt Lute,
2007. Print.
Archibold, Randal C. "43 Missing Students, a Mass Grave, and a Suspect: Mexico's Police" New
York Times. 6 Oct 2014. Web. 14 Oct 2014.
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/07/world/americas/43-missing-students-a-mass-graveand-a-suspect-mexicos-police-.html>
Bowden, Charles. “While You Were Sleeping.” Harper’s Magazine. Dec 1996. 44-52. Web. 15 Oct
2014. <http://www.jayhanson.us/page77.htm>
–––––. Juárez: The Laboratory of Our Future. New York: Aperture, 1998. Print.
Cave, Damien. "Ciudad Juárez, a Border City Known for Killing, Gets Back to Living." New York
Times. 14 Dec 2013. Web. 15 Oct 2014. <http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/15/
world/americas/a-border-city-known-for-killing-gets-back-to living.html?_r=0>
Corona, Ignacio and Héctor Domínguez-Ruvalcaba. “Gender Violence: An Introduction.” Gender
Violence at the U.S.-Mexico Border: Media Representation and Public Response. Eds.
Héctor Domínguez-Ruvalcaba and Ignacio Corona. Tucson: U of Arizona P, 2010: 1-13.
Print.
Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, Héctor, and Ignacio Corona, eds. Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico
Border: Media Representation and Public Response. Tucson: U of Arizona P, 2010. Print.
Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, Héctor, and Patricia Ravelo Blancas. “Obedience Without Compliance:
The Role of the Government, Organized Crime, and NGOs in the System of Impunity That
Murders the Women of Ciudad Juárez.” Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano.
Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. 182-96.
Print.
Driver, Alice. More or Less Dead: Feminicide, Haunting, and the Ethics of Representation in
Mexico. Tucson: U of Arizona P, 2015. Print.
Figueroa, Lorena. “Former Juárez Police Chief Julián Leyzaola leaves city a safer place” El Paso
Times. 20 Oct 2013. Web. 14 Oct 2014.
<http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_24347770/leyzaolas-tenure-juare-police-chief-ends>
Fregoso, Rosa-Linda. meXicana Encounters: The Making of Social Identities on the Borderlands.
Berkeley: U of California P, 2003. Print.
Fregoso, Rosa-Linda, and Cynthia Bejarano, eds. Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas.
Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. Print.
–––––. “Introduction: A Cartography of Feminicide in the Américas.” Ed. Rosa Linda Fregoso and
Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP,
2010: 1-42. Print.
Introduction
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Gaspar de Alba, Alicia, and Georgina Guzmán, eds. Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and
La Frontera. Austin: U of Texas P, 2010. Print.
–––––. “Introduction: Feminicidio: The ‘Black Legend’ of the Border.” Ed. Alicia Gaspar de Alba
and Georgina Guzmán. Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera. Austin: U
of Texas P, 2010. 1-22. Print.
González Rodríguez, Sergio. The Femicide Machine. Trans. Michael Parker-Stainback. Los
Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2012. Print.
Hooks, Christopher. "Q&A with Molly Molloy: The Story of the Juárez Femicides is a 'Myth'." Texas
Observer. 9 Jan 2014. Web. 15 Oct 2014.
< http://www.texasobserver.org/qa-molly-molloy-story-juarez-femicides-myth/>
Human Rights Watch. “Mexico: Country Summary.” 2010. Web. 15 Oct 2014.
<http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/related_material/mexico_0.pdf.>
Mbembe, Achille. “Necropolitics.” Trans. Libby Meintjes. Public Culture. 15.1 (Winter 2003), Duke
UP. 11-40. Web. 15 Oct 2013.
<http://publicculture.dukejournals.org/content/15/1/11.citation>
Messmer, Marietta. “Transfrontera Crimes: Representations of the Juárez Femicides in Recent
Fictional and Non-Fictional Accounts.” American Studies Journal 57 (2012). Martin Luther
University
Halle-Wittenberg.
Web.
15
October
2014.
<asjournal.zusas.unihalle.de/202.html>
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia. “Serial Sexual Femicide in Ciudad Juárez: 1993-2001.” Debate
Femenista 13.25 (April 2002). Women on the Border. Web. 14 October 2014.
<http://www.womenontheborder.org/sex_serial_english.pdf >
–––––. “An Analysis of Feminicide in Ciudad Juárez: 1993-2007.” Ed. Monique Widyono.
Strengthening Understanding of Feminicide: Using Research to Galvanize Action and
Accountability, Washington DC, Apr. 14-16, 2008. Seattle: PATH, 2009. 78-83. Web. 3 Jan
2013. <http://www.path.org/publications/detail.php?i=1702 >
Nathan, Debbie. “Death Comes to the Maquilas: A Border Story.” The Nation. 264.2 (January
1997): 18-23. Print.
Portillo, Lourdes (dir.). La Señorita Extraviada/Missing Young Woman. Xochitl Productions, 2001.
Video.
Russell, Diana E. H., and Jill Radford. Femicide: The Politics of Woman Killing. New York: Twyane,
1992. Print.
Salzinger, Leslie. Genders in Production: Making Workers in Mexico’s Global Factories. Berkeley:
U of California P, 2003. Print.
Schmidt-Camacho, Alicia. “Body Counts on the Mexico-U.S. Border: Feminicidio, Reification, and
the Theft of Mexicana Subjectivity.” Chicana/Latina Studies 4. 1 (Fall 2004): 22-60. Web. 15
Jan 2013. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/23014438>
–––––. “Ciudadana X: Gender Violence and the Denationalization of Women's Rights in Ciudad
Juarez, Mexico.” CR: The New Centennial Review 5.1 (2005): 255-92. Project MUSE. Web.
8 Jan 2013. <http://muse.jhu.edu/>
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Staudt, Kathleen. Violence and Activism: Gender, Fear, and Everyday Life in Ciudad Juárez.
Austin: U of Texas P, 2008. Print.
The Bridge. Prod. Elwood Reid. FX. 2013. Television.
Wright, Melissa W. Disposable Women and other Myths of Global Capitalism. NY: Routledge,
2006. Print.
–––––. “Necropolitics, Narcopolitics, and Femicide: Gendered Violence on the Mexico-U.S.
Border.” Signs 36.3 (Spring 2011). Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2011. 707-31. Web. 4 Jan
2013. < http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21919274>
Suggested Citation:
Gillman, Laura; Jochum, Tobias S. “Introduction: New Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Feminicide at the
U.S.-Mexico Border.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 4-19. Available at:
<www.interamerica.de>
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Steven S. Volk (Oberlin College)
The Historiography of Feminicide in Ciudad Juárez:
Critical and Revisionist Approaches
Abstract
Nearly a quarter of a century has passed since activists first denounced as “feminicides” the
murders of women and girls occurring with alarming frequency around Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. The
accumulating, gender-based murders generated a vibrant anti-feminicide movement and captured
public interest far beyond the transborder region. Analysis of the murders also ignited heated
debates within academic and journalistic communities. A first generation of writers studying the
murders largely analyzed them within this gender-based, feminicide framework. More recently, a
number of journalists and scholars have challenged that approach, arguing that the death of
women in Juárez did not arise from any gender specificity, and that they could only be understood
by reference to the more numerous murders of men in the region. These revisionist approaches
dismiss those who frame the murders as feminicides as either shoddy researchers or opportunists.
In this article, I explore the historiography of these debates and place the revisionist analyses
within a larger debate about the utility of empiricist approaches as a primary instrument of social
explanation. I suggest that critical theory, in particular feminist analysis, provides a better
conceptual tool for understanding the nature and causes of violence against women in Ciudad
Juárez.
Keywords: Ciudad Juárez, femicide, feminicide, neoliberalism, states of exception
Steven S. Volk
Historiography of Feminicide
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Introduction
Nearly a quarter of a century has passed since activists in Ciudad Juárez first denounced as
“feminicides” (feminicidios in Spanish) the murders of women and girls occurring with alarming
frequency in and around that city. [1] This distance has allowed us to come to some conclusions
about the killings, nearly 1,500 to date (1993-2013), even as much remains unknown (Monárrez
Fragoso “Message”). The feminicides, gender-based murders of women, generated an extensive
grassroots response and captured public interest far beyond the transborder region. They also
compelled a broad cultural response in the form of poetry, novels, crime fiction, documentaries,
and major Hollywood features films, not to mention a tangle of soft-core pornographic thrillers.
Singers and musicians engaged with the murders, as did playwrights, painters, and performance
artists. The scholarly community also turned its attention to the events, producing numerous
monographs and scores of academic publications.
For a first generation of scholars and journalists who explored and theorized the events in Juárez
from within the analytic frame of “feminicide,” it was violence against women, particularly female
homicide, which generated the overarching crisis of violence in Ciudad Juárez, and it is violence
against women that necessarily shapes our understanding of how the crisis originated and how it
should be addressed (Staudt 4).
More recently a revisionist narrative has challenged that approach, arguing that by calling the
murder of women in Juárez a “feminicide,” activists and scholars are perpetuating a “myth” that
“ultimately serve[s] to conceal, rather than reveal, the major factors contributing to a rising tide of
violence in Juárez” (Frey 5). The violence of Juárez is not rooted in gender, Charles Bowden, one
of the critics, recently insisted. “The problem is that life itself in Juárez, across the board, has been
devalued” (qtd. in Powell 191). Another critic, Adam Jones, questioned why men, the “vast
majority” of Juárez’s murder victims, have been consigned to “conceptual oblivion” in the debate.
Nor is he reluctant to provide an answer: “Clearly, feminist discourse and activism has [sic.] a
powerful interest in adopting such a strategy….Acknowledging that women murdered in all
contexts in Juárez constitute a small minority of victims overall would threaten the potency of this
framing” (Jones 27). While the acrimony embedded in Jones’ statement suggests a misogynistic
undercurrent characteristic of some of the revisionists, it also directs us toward a methodological
conflict in social analysis as we attempt to understand events in Juárez.
These disparate
perspectives can be seen as part of an older debate about differences between empirical and
critical research approaches in the social sciences. The question raised by feminist scholars is
whether empirical approaches, particularly statistical analysis alone, can offer the insights needed
for us to understand complex social phenomena (Probert). Finally, we should not forget that the
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family and friends of the victims continue to demand that the state take responsibility for finding
and prosecuting the responsible parties. [2]
Turning Points
In 1996 Charles Bowden introduced the issue of border violence to a largely uninformed U.S.
public. Bowden painted Juárez as “an entire city woven out of violence” (“While Sleeping” 51).
Digging down, however, one found a more complex narrative of violence against women in the
border city. From 1985-1992, an average of 5.5 women per year were murdered (9% of total
murders), whereas the average jumped seven-fold over the following eight years [See Table 1].
Between 2008-2010, the annual average number of female deaths soared to 147 (Monárrez
Fragoso and Cervera Gómez “Actualización” 96), a partial consequence of the upsurge of drugwar related violence that claimed 3,111 lives in Ciudad Juárez in 2010.
Table I: Murder of women and girls in Ciudad Juárez and the Juárez Valley, 1985-2000
(Monárrez Fragoso, “Violencia” 279)
Year
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
Total Cases of
Violent Deaths
53
77
60
26
82
44
69
55
123
211
320
276
247
213
179
208
Feminicides
(Murders of Women)
5
10
4
1
13
3
2
6
24
20
50
45
41
38
25
38
Numbers, however, can be imperfect messengers. Data coming out of local, Chihuahua state, and
Mexican federal authorities are flawed, as are the statistics published by INEGI (Instituto Nacional
de Estadística Geográfica e Informática) and, ultimately, we must accept that the precise number
of victims remains unknown, particularly as the shallow graves that local inhabitants continue to
stumble upon make it evident that many more bodies remain to be found.
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The killings in Juárez circulated first as journalistic discourse in the local border press, and then as
activism (led by Esther Chávez Cano and a number of organizations in Chihuahua and Juárez
formed by relatives of the victims), before being engaged as a field of scholarly inquiry,
appropriated by writers and musicians from both sides of the border, including Carlos Fuentes,
Roberto Bolaño (Driver), Los Tigres del Norte and Tori Amos, and finally circulated via Hollywood
films including Gregory Nava’s Bordertown and The Virgin of Juárez (both 2006) (Volk and
Schlotterbeck). Given that this singular set of events produced knowledge of Juárez for markedly
different audiences, was mediated by different critical criteria, and responded to different discursive
demands, one should not be surprised that it also generated heated debates and exaggerated
claims (e.g., Corona 109-110; Cohen). Unchallenged is the fact that Ciudad Juárez continues to
face a social crisis whose meaning scholars, academics, activists, and artists struggle to
understand even as the victims’ families and friends persist in demanding that the state take
responsibility for finding and prosecuting those responsible for the murders.
Understanding the Crisis: Femicide/Feminicide
Something changed in Juárez in the early 1990s, as the data make clear. In 1993 Esther Chávez,
an accountant, and Judith Galarza, a human rights activist, raised an alarm about an estimated
forty women and girls who had been killed in Ciudad Juárez (Wright, “Urban Geography” 409). It is
true that violence in the border city was not uncommon before the 1990s, but its roots were often
different. Early narratives of border danger located the transborder space as both denationalized
(falling outside the scrutiny of national laws) and liminal (exempt from “civilized” standards). [3]
Understanding the rising wave of violence directed against women and girls after 1992 required
fresh interpretative efforts.
The analytical concept of femicide/feminicide has provided a historically contextualized approach
to understanding the specific nature of violence that developed in the border area in the 1990s.
The term “femicide” was first used by Diana Russell and Jill Radford in 1976 to indicate the
“misogynist killing of women by men” (Russell and Radford 3). Julia Monárrez Fragoso applied it
to the Juárez context in a presentation at the Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez (UACJ) in
1998, but it had been circulating in Latin America since the 1980s (Monárrez Fragoso “La
Cultura”). “Feminicide,” which can be read in one fashion simply as a translation of feminicidio, has
been employed to broaden a critical approach to female homicide. Feminicide understands the
“murders of women and girls [as] founded on a gender power structure,” occurring in both public
and private spheres (with state and individual actors), and that is systemic and “rooted in social,
political, economic, and cultural inequalities” (Fregoso and Bejarano 5). Such an approach not only
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provides an intersectional framework for apprehending how gender, race, and class interact within
a specific history, but also offers an analytic framework for understanding how violence against
men is part of the self-same history that gave rise to violence against women. Some scholars have
proposed that feminicide should be understood as “genocide against women” (Lagarde y de los
Ríos xv-xvi). Instead, I use the definition proposed by Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano
who describe feminicide as an “analytic and legal framework for locating state accountability
around ‘crimes against women’s life and liberty’” (18). Systemic abuse based on gender is central
to its conceptualization, not the notion of gender “cleansing” or mass killing.
As the murders and disappearances of women mounted in Ciudad Juárez, those in positions of
authority frequently blamed the victims, claiming they were “looking for trouble” by being out at
night, and suggested that the spectacle of female bodies being dumped around the city and in the
desert was somehow “normal” for a city like Juárez (Tabuenca Córdoba and Nathan “Work, Sex”).
Journalists and bloggers put forward a series of largely improbable motives to explain the upsurge
of murders, including organ trafficking by serial killers, extreme pornography, or “sport” killing
(particularly as carried out by “Los Juniors,” the sons of the wealthiest Juarenses). They also
raised the specter of conspiratorial activities involving U.S. and Mexican border personnel. But little
evidence materialized to support these claims.
Scholars turned their attention toward the examination of factors that were generating a social
emergency on the border in the early 1990s. This work centered on three central themes,
occasionally linked to others and often intertwined: intensification of the neoliberal economic
model, the spread of drug trafficking and intra-cartel warfare, and the state’s reluctance to
prosecute serious criminal activities. I will briefly examine each of these and then address
additional revisionists’ critiques of the feminicide frame.
1. Neoliberalism and States of Exception:
The U.S.-Mexican border, and Ciudad Juárez in particular, occupied the leading edge of
neoliberalism’s launch in the Americas. Assembly plants sprang up along the border as early as
1965, spurred by Mexico’s Border Industrialization Program and taking advantage of U.S. trade
laws that allowed for the re-importation of manufactured goods that paid taxes only on the value
added by (low-wage) assembly abroad (Volk). In December 1992, the United States, Mexico and
Canada signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA); it became operative on
January 1, 1994, significantly deepening neoliberalism’s impact on the border cities.
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By the turn of the 21st century, Ciudad Juárez had become virtually unrecognizable from what it
was 50 years earlier. Its population (1.2 million by 2000) exploded as migrants from all parts of
Mexico moved north. Value added by assembly plants (maquiladoras) increased from one million
pesos in 1974 to thirty-eight billion pesos in 2004, and maquila employment rose from 3,135 in
1970 to 249,509 by 2000 (Sklair 35, 99; INEGI). The once-compact city across the river from El
Paso now licked far out into the Chihuahuan desert.
As has been thoroughly documented, in their early years the maquiladoras relied overwhelmingly
on female workers. Nearly four of every five workers were women or girls in 1976. But hiring
practices began to shift in the 1980s, and by 2004 an almost equal number of men and women
worked in the assembly plants. Scholars have suggested a number of different explanations for
this change, including the decline of so-called “maquila-grade females,” the expansion of
production to include more jobs typically thought of as masculine (e.g., furniture assembly), and the
creation of higher skilled, technology-oriented jobs that were prioritized for men (Fernández-Kelly;
Iglesias Prieto; Sklair; Salzinger). Tamar Diana Wilson has argued persuasively that once the
trope of the woman as the “ideal” worker became “institutionalized and accepted by the working
class along the border, the [actual] need to employ women in preference to men diminishe[d].”
Economic necessity could force men to become the “docile, nimble-fingered” (i.e., “women”)
workers coveted by employers (Wilson 4-5; Sklair 173). Wilson’s argument underscores the need
to read statistical data critically, as the gendered meanings of “men” and “women” are not captured
in the numbers alone.
Was the rise of maquiladora industrialization behind the increase in the murder of women and girls
(Weissman, “The Political Economy”; Quiñones)? To the extent that the victims were themselves
employed by maquilas, no. In their meticulous work, Julia Monárrez Fragoso and Luís Ernesto
Cervera Gómez were able to determine the occupation of 45% of the 877 known victims killed
between 1993-2010. Of these, about 5% (46) were classified as maquila workers (“Actualización y
georreferenciación” 84-85). Yet, if few murder victims were employed by maquiladoras, scholars
still point to a highly significant relationship between the intensification of the neoliberal,
maquiladora economy and the spread of violence against women. As Alicia Schmidt Camacho
argues, conflating violence in the workplace with feminicide only “obscures the particular logic of
gender terror taking place in the distinct spaces of home, work, and the street…” (“Body Counts”
33). The opening of wage labor possibilities to previously excluded women was not simply a
process of expanding the potential pool of workers, or a “great discovery for capital,” as one author
put it, but rather one that required local and complex negotiations regarding how these changes
would be understood and implemented (Iglesias Prieto xxiv).
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An early promotional brochure endorsing maquiladora industrialization was forthright about the
social implications of a largely female workforce.
Traditionally the father, as provider and protector, has been the dominant member of
the closely knit family. Now, it is often the daughter, working in an industrial plant,
who becomes the main source of family income. […] When the father does work, it
happens not infrequently that the daughter earns more. Certainly male egos, of
fathers and would-be boyfriends must suffer some deflation from this dramatic
change in the economic influence of these young women. (Baerresen 34)
Maquila employment could make all women more vulnerable as it combined an employment model
that was, above all in its early years, largely female-based at the same time that it maintained a
“politics of reproduction that stigmatized [women] for working outside the home” (Wright, “Urban
Geography” 408).
Furthermore, with the rise of the maquiladoras, Juárez became a city of migrants, a denationalized
space where new residents lacked the social networks they enjoyed in their native communities
and were turned into “disposable non-citizens” (Franco 2002, 13). This political economy
generated a particular category of residents who were “displaced, rejected, or subordinated from
social protections” (Weissman, “The Political Economy” 827). Women who worked in the maquilas
were turned into commodities, “waste in the making” (Wright, Disposable Women 88-89), but no
poor or indigenous woman in the city could escape the marginalization which neoliberalism
generated. And it was this extreme level of marginalization that created the environment of murder.
Foucault argued that one of the “characteristic privileges of sovereign power was the right to
decide life and death” (Foucault 135). To be sure, legal frameworks usually mediate the state’s
determination of “who lives and who must die” (Mbembe 11), but, as Giorgio Agamben theorized,
spaces “of exception” have always existed, temporal or spatial zones in which the sovereign could
remove legal protections from some citizens (Agamben, Homo Sacer; Schmitt). One measure of
sovereignty was the state’s power to reduce a subject to “bare life” by stripping him of his political
existence (citizenship) (Agamben, State of Exception, Monárrez Fragoso, “El destino”). Thus,
under Roman law, a man who committed certain crimes would becoming homo sacer (sacred
man), included within the law to the extent that he could not be sacrificed in a ritual ceremony, but
excluded from the law to the extent that he could be killed by anybody (Agamben, State of
Exception 8). [4]
Agamben’s concept of the “state of exception” well describes the situation for poor women in
Ciudad Juárez who have become femina sacer, vulnerable inhabitants in denationalized spaces,
deprived of full citizenship rights, and reduced to the barest elements of existence within their far-
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flung slum dwellings (colonias) (Eisenhammer 101). Cervera Gómez’s spatial analysis of Juárez
revealed a city with pronounced zones of social exclusion, marginal areas with high poverty rates
and minimal urban infrastructure, where violence was considerably more prevalent than in other
areas (51). The state slashed social services, particularly for education and such city services as
lighting and transportation, in ways that adversely impacted the poor. Reductions in funding for
police and security services, paralleled by an increase in privatized security services for the
wealthy left the poor without protection, further shredded an already threadbare social contract,
and left women vulnerable to high levels of domestic abuse (Nathan, “Movie Review”). A study of
57,000 households in the country found that 47% of women experienced a wide range of abuse,
with Juárez registering one of the highest levels of reported domestic violence (Staudt 32). Debbie
Nathan observed that aggression “skyrocketed” only after 1993, with the increasing impact of the
neoliberal political economy on the city. Domestic violence, she continued, had gone “haywire in a
place where older cultural norms have been severed and murder is now endemic” (Nathan, “Work,
Sex” 30; Soto 430).
2. Drug Trafficking and the Juárez Cartel
Drug traffickers, using Juárez as a preferred port of entry to the United States, had been active for
years prior to 1993 (Grayson), but some researchers linked the surge in violence in Juárez to the
specific moment when Amado Carillo Fuentes assumed control of the Juárez cartel (Powell, Frey).
According to Human Rights Watch, some 60,000 people died in Mexico in drug- related violence
during President Felipe Calderón’s (2006-2012) war on the cartels (1). More than 3,000 people
were killed in Ciudad Juárez in 2010, at the height of the carnage. In the face of such statistics,
“[l]abeling the murders in Juarez a ‘femicide,’” as Erin Frey charged, “distracted scholars, activists,
and journalists from seeing the female homicides as a function of the root cause of violence
against men and women in the city: the drug trade” (27).
The category of “drug-related violence” most often includes battles between the cartels for control
of the Juárez corridor, the “war on drugs” launched by Calderón (and supported for years by the
United States), and the violence generated by an increasing number of small-time, ever more
brutal local players (Nathan, “Movie Review”; Bowden, Murder City). Given the explosion of
violence after 2006, it is no stretch to suggest that by resolving the “drug issue” one would also
resolve all the causes of violence in Juárez. But just as not all the violence in Juárez is rooted in
misogyny, so the drug trade cannot explain all the underlying violence. In many ways, in fact, these
two sources of violence are co-determined, with the gendered structure of labor segmentation that
characterized neoliberalism helping to “prepare the field” for the drug violence of the late 1990s
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and early 2000s. Stephan Eisenhammer maintains that the neoliberal state of exception in Juárez
not only produced women as denationalized workers in the assembly plants, but men as narcos
(107). Further, as Clara Rojas, a professor of political rhetoric at the UACJ, has argued, the cartels
saw that they could literally get away with murder when women began to be killed with impunity in
Juárez in the early 1990s. “There is no way you can change anything if everybody thinks this city is
a trash can for whatever they want to do,” Rojas observed (qtd. in Beaubien).
3. Impunity and the Mexican State
The far-reaching impunity enjoyed by criminals in Mexico is seen by some as an important factor
helping to explain the rise of violence in Ciudad Juárez (Albuquerque, Andión Ibáñez). While the
issue of impunity does not suggest why there was an upsurge in violence after 1992, it can help us
understand why it could expand so dramatically at that time. The simple fact is that the Mexican
state has failed to develop a criminal justice system capable of, or interested in, locating, arresting
and successfully prosecuting those charged with serious crimes. Of the 1.5 million criminal
complaints filed in 1998, only 149,000 arrest warrants were issued, and only 85,000 were actually
served, a rate of less than 6%, and this ignores countless charges that were never filed because of
the known futility of the action (Albuquerque 84). A study by the Monterrey Institute of Technology
estimated that fully 98.5% of crimes in Mexico in 2009 went unpunished (qtd. in “Study”). Indeed, a
common trope in the detective novels and fiction movies that take up the Juárez femicides is the
absence, or criminal complicity, of law enforcement (Volk and Schlotterbeck).
The impunity debate raises the question of who shares responsibility for the violence beyond the
perpetrators who have almost uniformly evaded arrest. Those who see the bloodshed as rooted in
the social crisis produced by neoliberalism often absolve the Mexican state of responsibility,
pointing to the weakness of the national state in the face of stronger, globalized corporate forces.
In this case they point to the drug economy, observing that cartels have formed a parallel state that
can dispute the Mexican state’s monopoly over the means of violence and have even (in certain
areas) assumed the social service functions abandoned by the state itself (Segato). Camacho
Schmidt, on the other hand, refuses to let the Mexican state evade its accountability, observing
that “the state’s refusal to grant protection [to its citizens]…reveals [the] negation of poor women’s
citizenship and [the] reproduction of class power and masculinist control of the border’s public
sphere” (“Body Counts” 34, 49). Further, to suggest that the Mexican state is not accountable for
the protection of its citizens because it is a weak player within a globalized system is to overlook
the state’s opportunistic use of the crisis as an occasion to expand its own repressive authority.
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Making a Case Against Feminicide
The Juárez feminicides have drawn an exceptional degree of local and international attention. An
organization known as “La Coordinadora de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales en Pro de la
Mujer” (The Coalition of NGOs in Favor of Women), made up of approximately fourteen local
organizations, formed in 1994 to pressure the government to protect girls and women, investigate
the mounting crimes against women, and forcefully address the conditions in Juárez that promoted
the violence (Wright, “Necropolitics” 711-12).
U.S. journalists picked up the urgency of their
message, and concern soon spread to feminist, human rights, and other campaigners in the United
States and elsewhere. While it is beyond the scope of this article to explore what accounts for the
success of the anti-feminicide campaign in publicizing its cause, there is little doubt that these
“deaths in the desert” generated a public awareness that continues to resonate in media and
cultural circles. [5]
Nonetheless, many of the local organizations that were instrumental in raising the issue of
feminicide in the 1990s had begun to decline by 2005 even though the killings continued. At the
same time, as we have seen, particularly as the mayhem in Juárez increased with the upsurge of
cartel-related murders in 2006, a new set of voices emerged to challenge the scholars and activists
who had focused on the deaths of females on the border. Some of the critics rejected their
previously held positions; others were new to the debate.
Most revisionist critiques are centered in statistical analyses which indicate that more men than
women have been killed in Juárez. To the critics, in light of these numbers, those who describe
the murders as feminicide are either willfully or unintentionally ignoring the “real” problem. As one
critic remarked, “Hundreds of corpses…piled up around Juárez over the decades…but the subjects
here are the murdered men of Ciudad Juárez, who constitute the overwhelming majority of
victims…” Yet to acknowledge this, he continued, “would threaten the potency of this [feminicide]
framing” (Jones 25-27), and thus the decision to persist in the discourse of feminicide can only be
explained by opportunistic motives. In the words of Robert Andrew Powell, a U.S. journalist who
moved to Juárez in 2009 to report on the city’s fútbol team:
Proponents of the Femicide [narrative], most with the best of intentions, have been
extremely effective in taking the generalized violence in Juarez and turning it into
something that supports their agenda. I came to call it the ‘femicide business.’ As in
any business, there are people profiting. The traditional narrative has funded their
clinics and/or won them academic positions and/or book deals and/or paid speaking
opportunities at conferences (qtd. in Cohen). [6]
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Charles Bowen, who introduced the Juárez murders to a U.S. readership, blames himself for
having “created a Frankenstein’s monster without even knowing it! Suddenly,” he lamented, “there
developed this cottage industry [around ‘femicide’].” And Molly Molloy, a research librarian and
professor at New Mexico State University who has managed the valuable “Frontera List” blog for
many years, came to question her earlier focus on the death of women on the border. “Femicide is
like a religion,” she observed. “I used to be a true believer. Then when I started looking at the real
numbers, I changed my opinion. Now I’m a heretic” (qtd. in Powell 191, 180). [7]
For the revisionists, scholars who theorized feminicide were essentially self-promoters, attempting
to sell their “product” to a sympathetic world. Many of these U.S.-based critics frequently deploy
the same accusation that government authorities used in the early 2000s to discredit antifeminicide activists: they were “profiting from dead girls” (Wright, “Paradoxes”). In 2003,
Chihuahua’s state attorney general denounced campaigners for “selling out the victims and their
grieving families for their own political and economic gain” (Wright, “Necropolitics” 717-18; “Urban
Geography”; Piñon Balderrama A1). As Wright argues, this reconfigured message did more to
quell activist protests after 2005 than earlier campaigns that labeled the victims as prostitutes
responsible for their own murders. As one of the leaders of Mujeres de Negro, an activist coalition
in Ciudad Chihuahua, explained, the charge by the state attorney general “wasn’t true, but the
accusation of ‘lucrar’ [profiting] was very damaging” (qtd. in Wright, “Necropolitics” 718).
When one looks beyond the charges of opportunism, the row between those who theorize the
murders as feminicide and their revisionist critics is located in a dispute about how we understand
“real numbers,” as Molloy put it. Are statistics, which can help describe a reality on the ground,
capable of providing an analysis of what was happening or why. This question is not posed as a
postmodern observation on the contingency of “truth,” or as a challenge to the data that have been
produced. Quantitative data help locate the crisis which ruptured the transborder region early in the
1990s. But for many whose analysis remains largely quantitative, the numbers are all we need to
explain the crisis.
A variety of statistical analyses have emphasized that while female murder rates were higher in
some Mexican border cities than in other non-border cities, the male homicide rates in those cities
were higher yet, and that the femicide share of homicides in Ciudad Juárez was not only below that
of other Mexican cities (Matamoros, Tampico) but below some U.S. cities (Los Angeles, Houston)
as well (Albuquerque and Vermala 4-8). But even Albuquerque and Vermala observe that
“femicide rates in Juárez are high and worrisome,” and that these rates are “50% higher in selected
Mexican border cities than in other cities” (4). And Frey points to “one nagging statistic” that
remains in her analysis: the ratio of female murder victims in Juárez was proportionately higher
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than the national average (38-39). These “worrisome” numbers are also highlighted in a report by
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that found the rate of increase of female
homicide in Ciudad Juárez between 1993-2001 to be roughly double that of the male homicide rate
(“Violence Against Women,” Para 42; Red Ciudadana).
However, the argument that the rate of male homicides is the best predictor of the rate of female
homicides is the one that deserves most attention, for it is through this empiricist door that
revisionist critics of the feminicide analysis essentially disappear women from their arguments
(Albuquerque and Vermala; Frey 22-23). Thus, Frey argues that “the correlation found through the
statistical analysis implies that the same factors that contributed to the increase in violence against
men could have contributed to the increase in female murders in Juárez” (23), and Powell simply
claims that “[w] omen are being killed in Juárez because men are also being killed in Juárez” (185).
Feminist theory provides an understanding of the way that the gendered public sphere operates as
a “mechanism of violence” that defines women’s exclusion from, and subjectivity in, the modern
state. [8] Persistent violence against women around the world, and the existence of what one
analyst has called “gendered zones of death” (referring to honor killings, but equally applicable to
other states of exception where domestic and public violence against women is allowed and/or
ignored) underline the reality that in Juárez, shaped as it has been by specific economic, social,
and political histories, the death of women is not the same as the death of men. Even if we can find
a numerical correlation between the deaths of males and those of females, this is not the same as
saying that women are being killed because men are being killed. Women are being killed because
they are women (Ahmetbeyzade 188), and often men are being killed as if they were women. The
following two examples will demonstrate this argument.
1. Gender and Murder: Reading the Bodies
In describing the murder of women in Juárez, Cecilia Ballí observes that they disclose “a certain
style of killing.” Most of the murders of women, including victims of domestic violence, “were
sexualized in some way related to the broader wave of violence we’re seeing now against both
men and women” (qtd. in Vulliamy, Amexica 163). Ed Vulliamy, a reporter for the Guardian, was
struck by the same realization. He found that the “message” of the mounting deaths in Ciudad
Juárez had “more to do with the killers than with the victims.” This is, he continued, “why I think the
feminicidios ultimately signal a crisis of masculinity in Juárez, not a crisis with women” (162). What
he misses, of course, is that to talk of a “crisis of masculinity” is but another way of talking of a
“crisis with women.”
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One of the most difficult aspects of reporting and studying the Juárez murders has been how to
represent the victims without reducing their bodies to signifiers of powerlessness or violent
appropriation. [9] Cultural production surrounding the feminicides often has eroticized the victims
and reproduced charges that those killed were “asking for it.” [10] Charles Bowden initiated this
trope in U.S. journalism. “After work,” he wrote in 1996, “some of the [maquila] girls go downtown
to sell their bodies for money or food” (“While Sleeping” 48). And yet the victims in Juárez quite
literally embody a narrative that can be read and understood, one that offers greater insight than
statistics alone can (Monárrez Fragoso “Las víctimas”).
As has been widely reported, the bodies of about a third of the feminicide victims,
disproportionately poor and young, have been marked by clear patterns of sexual abuse that
inscribe “domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity”
(Monárrez Fragoso, “Serial Sexual” 154). While this has been widely discussed elsewhere, less
attention has been focused on the bodies of many male victims. Reading these bodies closely, we
find that they disclose the marks of what Vulliamy earlier described as a “crisis of masculinity.” In
fact, they mimic the sexual abuses to which female victims were subjected.
Dr. Hiram Muñoz works for La Procuraduría, the District Attorney’s office, in Tijuana, Baja
California, where he has learned to decipher the messages inscribed on the murder victims. “Each
different mutilation leaves a message,” he remarked. “If the tongue is cut out, it means the person
talked too much—a snitch, or chupro… If you are castrated…you may have slept with or looked at
the woman of another man in the business” (qtd. in Vulliamy “The Terror”). In September 2012,
Eladio Martinez Cruz, a 24-year old man, was found crucified on a traffic sign in Contepec,
Michoacán. He had reportedly been arrested, but then was taken from police custody, tortured,
castrated, and crucified (Sullivan). The anonymous journalists behind the “Blog del Narco” report
an astonishing number of similar sexual mutilations on their blog and in a recent book, Dying for
the Truth: Undercover Inside the Mexican Drug War (Fugitive Reporters; Blog). The gendered
nature of these “messages” is unmistakable.
David Campbell reminds us that violence can be understood as an act that implicitly testifies “to the
entailments of identity at work, such as that of gender and social class” (110). What the sexual
mutilations of many male victims tell us is that identities are being re-gendered as female. In this
sense, one can only understand male victimization by reference to female marginality in a state of
exception. This re-gendering of male victims recall Wilson’s analysis of the maquiladora plants
where men began to replace women workers. “Due to recurrent economic crises,” she wrote, “high
male underemployment and unemployment, the precipitous fall in real wages, and persistent
inflation, male workers [we]re becoming docile, nimble-fingered, and non-militant” (15). In other
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words, social forces defining the logic of neoliberalism required that men become the “ideal” female
maquiladora labor force. A positivist analysis based on statistics alone would have only observed
an increasing number of male workers. In the same way, to look only at numbers of men and
women killed in Juárez is to remove an understanding of how women’s social marginality created
the conditions and forms of violence against men as well as women.
2. The Juárez Femicides and the Disappeared of Argentina
Alicia Schmidt Camacho has observed that “[t]he 15-year feminicidio in Ciudad Juarez and
Chihuahua marks a campaign of gender terror that…mimics the repressive campaigns of Latin
American ‘Dirty Wars’” (“Ciudadana X” 259). The two cases are quite distinct in a number of ways,
not the least because the large-scale disappearances and murders associated with the “Dirty
Wars” in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, in particular, came at the hands of the state itself and were
designed specifically to further a distinct political agenda. These states were characterized by a
formal state of exception; legal and constitutional rights had been abrogated for all. In Mexico, on
the other hand, while there is abundant evidence that the state was either complicit with the
murders of women and girls on the border, or uninterested in stopping them, a state of exception
existed primarily in relation to specific forms of violence against women. And yet, the history of
state-directed repression in Argentina, in particular, provides new insight for understanding
murders in the Mexico-U.S. transborder region. As Luís Fondebrider, an Argentine forensic
anthropologist, recently argued, “What happened in Ciudad Juárez showed to the world that in
many countries, women for different reasons have been targeted—have been kidnapped, raped
and killed. Very often, this is not due to political reasons, it’s due to the condition of women”
(Binkowski).
Disappearances in the Southern Cone countries—the unacknowledged arrest and (often) murder
of regime opponents or innocent bystanders—were matters of state policy in Brazil after 1968 and
in Chile following the 1973 military coup. But it was in Argentina, both prior to and after the 1976
coup, that the process reached its appalling pinnacle, and where it has been estimated that some
25,000 people were “disappeared” (Feitlowitz).
One of the apparently contradictory features of the disappearances was that they often involved
the public performance of an act intended by its very nature to be private. Previous military
dictatorships in Argentina had jailed, exiled, and even murdered their opponents, but the victims
weren’t “disappeared” or removed from public records and state responsibility. The key to the idea
of disappearance as a state policy was in the military’s ability to argue a lack of all knowledge of
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the individual in question. And yet in many of the actual kidnappings, the initial move to “disappear”
the subject was enacted in public with the perpetrators fully aware they were being witnessed by
many, either direct family members or the general public (Feitlowitz). Few Argentines were
oblivious to the meaning of the unmarked dark green Ford Falcons that ferried targeted individuals
to secret prisons and, most likely, death. The answer to this seeming paradox is that the open
display of a private act was intended as a means of spreading fear among a larger public. These
were performances engineered for their demonstration effect, public displays of state power.
We can see the same logic at play with the Juárez femicides. As Monárrez Fragoso writes,
“although the killers target only a few women, the most vulnerable, the message is for all women”
(“Serial Sexual” 162). The deaths of men in drug-related violence, and the public and gruesome
display of their corpses, were also performative. But women, particularly poorer, indigenous or
mestiza women, became symbols of a vulnerable population on the margins of the community.
Their murders, as Corona and Domíguez-Ruvalcaba pointed out, were cultural, not random, acts
(9). That their bodies were scattered like rubbish in the desert was a sign that all poor women were
disposable. [11]
Conclusion
If something was unusual about the feminicides of Juárez, the ever-growing number of women and
girls who were murdered beginning in the early 1990s, it wasn’t that females were being murdered.
The gender-based killing of women in many parts of the world was, and remains, all-too common.
What was unusual was the significant response the murders elicited. Spurred by local activism,
opposition to the Juárez killings spread far beyond the border area, manifesting as activism,
scholarship, artistic presentation, and popular culture. Scholars working in a variety of disciplines
have examined the murders seeking some explanation for why they took the form they did, why
they occurred when they did, and whether they fit into enduring patterns of violence against women
or suggested characteristics specific to a neoliberal political economy.
This dynamic, perhaps unprecedented response undoubtedly encouraged the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights to send a Special Rapporteur for the Rights of Women to visit
Juárez in the spring of 2002, resulting in a Special Report detailing the human rights abuses that
had occurred on the border. The Rapporteur made dozens of recommendations to improve the
situation in Juárez (Inter-American 2003). In November 2009, responding to a suit brought by
mothers of three of the victims and filed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the
Inter-American Human Rights Court held Mexico responsible for the murders of the three young
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women and ordered the government to compensate their families, formally apologize, and
memorialize the deceased (Campo Algodonero).
Yet even in the face of these international findings, or perhaps because of them, pressure to
discount or dismiss the gender-specific nature of the victims has mounted. Along the border, local
activist responses to the feminicides ebbed after 2005 following a concerted government attempt to
label the activists as opportunists trafficking in the murders for personal benefit. Such a charge
played a decisive role not only in setting local campaigners against each other, but also in
weakening anti-feminicide work in general. A similar drive developed within some academic and
journalistic circles where revisionist critics charged those denouncing the murders as feminicides
with manufacturing a non-existent crisis in order to attract funding or further their own careers.
Some of the revisionists, it seems clear, are intent on undermining the work of a generation of
campaigners, even as they profess sympathy for the victims and their families. “I believe that what
happened to the dead women of Juárez is bad,” Robert Powell wrote. “It is horrible! But it isn’t all
that mysterious. What happened to them—what is still happening to women in Juárez—is what
would be happening to a percentage of women in any city in the world where the government has
given up on law and order” (191). By normalizing the murders, Powell essentially discounts them.
Yet other accounts deserve more serious consideration and lead one to question if not their
political intent, then their specific research methodology. These critiques are positivist accounts
rooted in statistical analysis. For example, Albuquerque and Vemala concluded that “male
homicide rate is the most important explanatory factor of femicide rates” (8). Other researchers
extended that analysis to conclude that, “…the so-called femicide in Juárez…was not caused by
misogyny, patriarchal backlash, female disposability, or a psychopathic serial killer.... What
occurred in Juárez could be called a Juarense-cide, but not a femicide” (Frey 38). On a purely
methodological level, the revisionists’ rejection of a gender-specific framing of the murders, their
insistence that they are not about “misogyny” or “patriarchal backlash,” raises the question, as we
saw when discussing employment trends in the maquiladoras, of how much statistics by
themselves can tell us about the deaths of women and girls in the transborder region.
The revisionists’ positivist approach recalls debates that reach back at least to Kant, Marx, and the
Frankfurt School, particularly the work of Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno (Tarr). While space
limitations do not allow a full discussion, at issue is how we come to recognize reality. For
“positivistic sociology” (Lazarsfeld 58), observation is the primary basis by which we understand
prevailing reality. Objective forms of data gathering must be employed to obtain quantifiable data
and, by those means, an accurate view of social reality. Positivism assumes that facts are value
free, that, in this case, one death on the border is equivalent to any other.
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Adorno, in arguing against empiricism, insisted that no object is simply “given” because objects are
historical and have the potential to change. A critical theory approach argues that “facts” by
themselves are incapable of indicating human intentions; they are “acted out and shaped” within a
society that is not value-free. Thus “positivism’s claim to discover the ‘value-free facts’…has to be
methodologically grounded in a sort-of feigned ignorance of the social issues—the power
struggles, the ideological elements, and so on that are actually present in the situations under
study” (Probert 1655). As a mode of analysis intent not just on describing society but on changing
it, critical theory provides “an analysis of the conditions of possibility and the limits of rational
faculties undertaken by reason itself” (qtd. in Supa n.p.). Quantitative modeling, such as that
developed by Albuquerque and Vermala, or by Frey’s associates at Yale, can provide one
description of reality, but it can also reduce or diminish what is complicated, producing a picture
that is incomplete or distorted (D. Scott).
As social science research has increasingly adopted quantitative approaches, what is lost, as we
have seen in much of the revisionist critique of feminicide research, is a comprehension of deeper
social processes that are historically shaped and critically determinative. As much as statistical
analyses are used to “prove” that the death of men in Juárez reveals why women are being killed,
they are incapable of providing the analysis that is needed. In the end, what a feminist analysis of
the Juárez murders discloses is how women’s social marginality not only subjects them to
violence, but can help us understand specific forms of violence against men, as well.
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I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the issue editors, particularly Laura Gillman, for their
insightful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. I would also like to recognize the important collaboration
of all the femicide panel participants at the 2014 European Association for American Studies conference in
The Hague for helping me develop this paper further. Any shortcomings that remain are, of course, mine
alone.
Endnotes
[1] I will discuss my use of “feminicide” as opposed to “femicide” later in the paper. By occasionally placing it
in quotes I acknowledge that, as an analytic concept to explain the murder of women and girls in Ciudad
Juárez and Chihuahua, it remains a contested term. Further, since those who argue against gender as a
salient factor in understanding the Juárez murders employ the term “femicide,” I will use both although the
concept of “feminicide” is consistent with my own analysis. See Lagarde y de los Ríos, Marcela. “Preface:
Feminist Keys for Understanding Feminicide. Theoretical, Political, and Legal Construction.” Feminicide in
the Americas. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010: xi-xxviii. Print.
To explore its uses and limits in different contexts, see Bueno-Hansen, Pascha. “Feminicidio. Making the
Most of an ‘Empowered Term.’” Terrorizing Women. Feminicide in the Americas. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso
and Cynthia Bejarano. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010: 290-311. Print.
[2] Local officials and the wealthy Juárez power structure have their own framing narrative which blamed the
women for being out at night in places likely to get them into trouble, insinuating that they were prostitutes or
“loose women.”
[3] See, for example, Martínez, Oscar J. Border Boom Town: Ciudad Juárez Since 1848. Austin: U of Texas
P, 1978, and Castillo, Debra and Maria Socorro Tabuenca Córdoba. Border Women: Writing from La
Frontera. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2002. Orson Well’s classic 1958 film, Touch of Evil, gives a good
portrayal of this early narrative.
[4] See, in particular, Mbembe, Achille. “Necropolitics.” Public Culture 15:1 (2003): 11-40; Ahmetbeyzade,
Cihan. “Gendering Necropolitics: The Juridical-Political Sociality of Honor Killings in Turkey.” Journal of
Human Rights 7:3 (2008): 187-206; Schmidt Camacho. “Ciudadana X: Gender Violence and the
Denationalization of Women’s Rights in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico.” Terrorizing Women. Feminicide in the
Americas. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010: 275-289; Debin,
Megan Lorraine. “Bloody Body Doubles: Performing Testimony in the Borderlands.” CSW Update May 2013;
and, in this issue, Julia Monárrez Fragoso, “El destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos.”
[5] Wright, in “Urban Geography” and “Necropolitics,” provides the most trenchant analysis of the growth and
demise of the anti-feminicide movement in Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua City.
[6] In a similar vein, F. Meza Rivera denounced the “pseudo-organizations and pseudo-leaders who benefit
(lucran) not only politically, but also with the donations that they receive in bank accounts in the name of
women assassinated in Ciudad Juárez.” “Sí, Reciben Donativos las ONGs.” El Heraldo de Chihuahua 25
Feb 2003. Web. 25 Jun 2014.
[7] The “Frontera List” blog can be found at: http://fronteralist.org/tag/molly-molloy/.
[8] Among many others, see Landes, Joan. Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French
Revolution. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1988 and Scott, Joan. Gender and the Politics of History. Rev. ed. New York:
Columbia UP, 1999. Print.
[9] A number of articles in this issue take up this challenge. See, in particular, those by Aishih WehbeHerrera, Tobias Jochum, Laura Gillman, and Edward Avila. Other important sources include DomínguezRuvalcaba, Héctor. “Death on the Screen: Imagining Violence in Border Media.” Gender Violence at the
Steven S. Volk
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U.S.-Mexico Border: Media Representation and Public Response. Ed. Héctor Domíguez-Ruvalcaba. Tucson:
U of Arizona P, 2010: 61-78; Herrera, Sonia, et al. Documentaries on Femicide in Ciudad Juárez. Barcelona:
Generalitat de Catalunya, 2010; and Messmer, Marietta. “Transfrontera Crimes: Representations of the
Juárez Femicides in Recent Fictional and Non-Fictional Accounts.” American Studies Journal 57.3 (2012): n.
pag. Web. 30 Aug 2014. <http://www.asjournal.org/archive/57/202.html>.
[10] Monárrez Fragoso, Julia. “Serial Sexual Femicide in Ciudad Juárez, 1993-2001.” Aztlán 28.2 (Fall 2003):
154. See as well: Staudt, Violence and Activism, 2, and Skrapec, Candice. “‘The Morgue Was Really from
the Dark Ages’: Insights from a Forensic Psychologist.” Ed. Alicia Gaspar de Alba. Making a Killing:
Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera. Austin: U of Texas P, 2010: 245-253.
[11] For Juárez, see Wright, “Urban Geography,” and Schmidt Camacho, “Body Count.” On Argentina,
among others, see: Agosin, Marjorie. Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Linea Fudadora): The Story of Renée
Epelbaum, 1976-1985. Stratford, Canada: Williams-Wallace, 1989; Guzman Bouvard, Marguerite.
Revolutionizing Motherhood: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources,
1994; Fisher, Jo. Mothers of the Disappeared. Boston: South End P, 1989; and, Taylor, Diana. Disappearing
Acts: Spectacles of Gender and Nationalism in Argentina’s ‘Dirty War’. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1997.
Steven S. Volk
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forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 20-45. Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Julia E. Monárrez Fragoso (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte Ciudad Juárez, México)
El destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos
Resumen
Este artículo reflexiona acerca de la preocupante indiferencia que priva en Ciudad Juárez ante la
muerte violenta y sistemática de mujeres y hombres: del feminicidio y del homicidio/juvenicidio,
desde la década de 1990 hasta el año 2013. Esta preocupación se inserta dentro de las corrientes
teóricas del feminismo y el humanismo, las cuales han creado un aparato crítico para pensar la
desigualdad social en la vida, en la muerte y en la injusticia. Para tal empresa, se hace un nexo
entre los conceptos teóricos de biopolítica, biopoder, necropolítica y necropoder. Por medio de
este andamiaje teórico, pretendo comprender por qué algunas mujeres y algunos hombres son
convertidos en sujetos matables, en sujetos desechables que cualquiera puede matar; ya que su
muerte, de acuerdo con Giorgio Agamben, no tiene consecuencias jurídicas, porque ni siquiera se
mencionan como homicidio. He ahí la importancia de llamarlos feminicidio y juvenicidio. Las guías
teóricas expuestas me ayudan a entender tres elementos presentes en las muertes artificiales, en
las muertes públicas—como las llama Jean Baudrillard—del ser humano. El primero es la pérdida
de sus cuerpos, el siguiente es la pérdida de su lugar de origen o residencia, y el tercero es la
pérdida de su ciudadanía. Bajo estos tres quebrantos, Achile Mbembe, considera que se les
expulsa como sujetos de la humanidad.
Palabras clave: biopolitics, biopower, necropolitics, necropower, killable subjects
Julia Monárrez Fragoso
El destino de la humanidad
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Para mí, eres lo humano
y tu terrible destino es el destino de la humanidad en estos tiempos inhumanos
—Vassili Grossman, Vida y destino
Introducción
Quiero abrir este texto con una preocupación: la prevalencia de la nuda vida del homo sacer en
Ciudad Juárez (Agamben, Homo Sacer). El caso de esta ciudad fronteriza, del norte de México, es
trascendente ya que desde la década de los noventa del siglo XX y estos primeros trece años del
siglo XXI, se ha caracterizado nacional e internacionalmente, por dos ejemplos muy reveladores
de pérdida en vidas humanas. Atendiendo a la cronología descrita, el primero de ellos es el
feminicidio, que fue descrito como paradigma de violación de los derechos humanos de las
mujeres por razones de género, y el Estado mexicano fue condenado internacionalmente, por la
Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (2009) a través de la Sentencia del Campo
Algodonero. El segundo visibiliza la pérdida de miles de vidas humanas—mayoritariamente
hombres—ligadas al crimen organizado y cuya atrocidad comenzó a ser del conocimiento público
a partir del Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua, versión local de la Guerra contra las Drogas. Este
ejemplo de pérdidas humanas inicia desde el centro del país en el año 2006 y sus efectos
devastadores saltan a la esfera pública en esta localidad en el año 2008. Esto de ninguna manera
quiere decir que anteriormente los hombres no hubieran sido asesinados en esta ciudad, sólo que
sus muertes no estaban en la agenda pública, su exterminio inducido no importaba, tampoco
saber quién los asesinó y mucho menos otorgarles justicia. Ambos mujeres y hombres fueron
expulsados de la humanidad.
¿Cómo se expulsa a los seres humanos de la humanidad? Para dar contestación a esta pregunta,
me voy a basar en los conceptos teóricos de biopolítica, biopoder, necropolítica y necropoder, los
cuales son definiciones críticas para entender por qué algunas mujeres y hombres son convertidos
en sujetos matables y en sujetos desechables que cualquiera [1] puede matar y “cuya muerte no
entraña en la práctica consecuencia jurídica alguna” porque ni siquiera se mencionan como
homicidio (Agamben, Homo Sacer 244). Estos cuatro conceptos me ayudan a entender tres
elementos presentes en las muertes artificiales o en las muertes públicas (Baudrillard) de las
mujeres y los hombres que han sido asesinados en Ciudad Juárez. El primero es la pérdida del
cuerpo, el siguiente es la pérdida del territorio, y por último la pérdida de la ciudadanía. Bajo estas
tres destrucciones es como se expulsa a los sujetos de la humanidad (Mbembe). Desde estos
quebrantos mujeres y hombres son privados del derecho a la vida, del derecho a un lugar en el
mundo y por ende del status político de ciudadanas(os) (Comesaña).
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1. Argumentos y perspectivas teóricas
Quién puede vivir y quién debe morir, han sido consideraciones cardinales para el poder del
soberano, dice Michel Foucault. Esta facultad de ejercer el poder sobre la vida y la muerte de las
personas la llamó Foucault biopoder. En este “hacer vivir” y “dejar morir”, el soberano (218), define
de una manera desigual a una parte de la población como amenaza para la supervivencia de la
otra parte de esta misma población. Esta “biopolítica de la especie humana” (220) permite
comprender “que la vida y la muerte no son esos fenómenos naturales, inmediatos, en cierto
modo originarios o radicales, que están fuera del campo del poder político” (218). Decidir sobre la
vida y la muerte está basado, desde la óptica de Foucault, en la norma biológica del racismo. Por
medio de ella se fragmenta, se distingue y se jerarquiza a la población en inferiores y superiores.
Al mismo tiempo, la biopolítica del poder soberano utiliza técnicas regulatorias y disciplinarias de
la muerte; las primera de ellas se utiliza en el cuerpo de la víctima mientras la segunda de ellas es
para la población a la que se le ha permitido vivir. El reemplazo de las vidas, en el
homicidio/juvenicidio [2] y el feminicidio, se hace pues, por medio de la muerte. Esta puede ser
provocada por individuos bajo motivos de desigualdad generalizada o por el propio Estado que
lanza la contienda bélica (Monárrez, "Sobrevivir"). Sin embargo, la guerra que se lanza contra los
adversarios expone a los “propios ciudadanos” (232), y a estas bajas, supuestamente no
intencionales, se les ha designado en estos últimos años como “daños colaterales” (Bauman 14).
Ahora bien, frente a este concepto de biopolítica, Achille Mbembe sugiere avanzar el estudio de la
vida desnuda por medio del término necropolítica. Esta política de la muerte descansa en las
nociones de soberanía y estado de excepción. Quien ejerce la soberanía tiene el poder de decidir
quién debe morir y quién debe vivir. Por eso es necesario preguntarse ante las acciones que
emprende el poder soberano: “qué lugar le deja a la vida, a la muerte y al cuerpo humano
(especialmente cuando se ve herido y masacrado) ¿Cómo se inscriben en el orden del poder?”
(20) las acciones que emprende. Para explicar el estado de excepción Mbembe se apoya en
varios críticos del mismo. Para este artículo sólo citaré la referencia que hace este autor del
estado de excepción propuesto por Giorgio Agamben: la suspensión del estado de derecho se da
en un espacio geográfico determinado, el cual permanece continuamente fuera de la ley. Giorgio
Agamben explica, en una conferencia, que asumir la definición de un concepto es asumir una
posición respecto a la naturaleza del fenómeno que se estudia, y cuando se adopta la
terminología, ésta, de ninguna manera es neutral. La perspectiva siempre está sustentada en una
postura política (Höller).
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La necropolítica nos lleva a la noción de necropoder. Para entender este concepto, Achille
Mbembe nos provee de los siguientes elementos.
Por necropoder, tengo en mente las varias formas en las cuales, en nuestro mundo
contemporáneo, el poder soberano se imagina así mismo y se despliega en el
interés de la máxima destrucción de las personas y la creación de espacios de
muerte; estas son formas nuevas y únicas de existencia social en las cuales vastas
poblaciones están sometidas a las condiciones de vida que les confiere el estatus
de muertos vivientes (Höller; cursivas mías)
El objetivo del despliegue del necropoder es el cuerpo muerto del sujeto matable, es su cadáver
expuesto a otros a través de “innovaciones en tecnologías del asesinato” (Mbembe 27). Además,
este poder de la muerte ofrece otra dimensión de análisis: los espacios donde se decide quiénes
han de morir y quiénes serán las personas desechables. Estos espacios, para Mbembe, siguiendo
los aportes de Frantz Fanon, se dividen en “compartimentos”, en “fronteras internas” y son
“lugares de mala fama” con personas de mala reputación (ibíd. 45). Asumir esta lógica conceptual
me permite incorporar los imprescindibles trabajos de teóricas feministas relacionados con estos
temas.
Rocío Silva Santisteban, desde una experiencia de la “Guerra Sucia” en el Perú, y a partir de la
década de los ochenta, explica la basurización simbólica de los seres humanos sobrantes en
América Latina. Traza el inicio de esta exclusión de los límites del acceso a la nación para algunas
personas a través de una alteridad y la conformación de otro marginado, subalternizado
irracionalmente por el racismo criollo de las “capas medias urbanas”. Son ellas quienes con su
“indiferencia” y “resistencia” hacia la violencia que sufrían los otros “el campesino pobre,
ayacuchano o huancal/elicano o de otras zonas de alta concentración de población indígena, con
patrones culturales percibidos como ajenos” los transforman y convierten en “chivo expiatorio de la
sinrazón de la violencia política (82). Esta simbolización de la deshumanización de las personas,
se encuentra presente y toma cuerpo de una manera diferenciada en las mujeres, especialmente
en los conflictos bélicos, donde coinciden los múltiples atavismos de dominación de género hacía
las mujeres y donde se entrecruzan el ejercicio de la violencia doméstica, la violencia ejercida por
los militares—en especial para las mujeres excluidas que son víctimas de la violencia sexual—la
injuria, el menosprecio, el sarcasmo, el improperio y las dificultades para acceder a la justicia.
Melissa Wright explica que “la política de la muerte y la política de género van de la mano”. Esta
necropolítica se encuentra extendida en todo el mundo y se evidencia en las múltiples formas de
violencia que sufren las mujeres. Esta política de la muerte constituye “la producción de los
Estados y la reproducción de los sujetos” ("Necropolitics" 710). Wright, retoma el tema de Ciudad
Juárez con dos ejemplos de la política de la muerte binaria: el feminicidio y los asesinatos de
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hombres relacionados con el crimen organizado. Las mujeres asesinadas, en el discurso de las
elites políticas y empresariales, fueron asesinadas porque eran “mujeres públicas”, obreras de día
y prostitutas de noche que habían contaminado el espacio geográfico; por lo tanto sus asesinatos
debían ser vistos en términos de una limpieza social. El exigir justicia era innecesario y podría
entorpecer los negocios de una economía basada en la industria maquiladora de exportación
(715). La matanza de hombres no tuvo mejores opiniones: el discurso de las elites fue culpabilizar
a los muertos y decir que eran criminales que se estaban matando razonablemente entre ellos, en
la esfera pública, por el mercado de las drogas y la reestructuración de los grupos mafiosos que
controlan estas empresas. Por lo tanto, la buena ciudadanía no tenía por qué preocuparse. (ibid.)
Alice Driver reitera que para entender la “vida desnuda y la erosión de los derechos humanos
básicos,” es necesario entender el nexo de las raíces de violencia física y la forma en que las
víctimas [del feminicidio] son culpabilizadas por sus crímenes” (3). Igualmente aduce que: en
Ciudad Juárez el poder soberano se comparte entre el gobierno y los grandes empresarios. En un
nexo cómplice, estas “estructuras paralelas” de poder deciden qué cuenta y qué no cuenta como
pérdida humana (ibid.). La vida nuda se manifiesta en contraposición a la existencia de un sujeto
político de una ciudadanía con derecho a tener derechos. En este estado de excepción persiste lo
privado frente a lo público. La obligación de otorgar justicia se desvanece porque hay un Estado
que permanece inactivo ante la desaparición de mujeres y el feminicidio, lo que hace que las
víctimas permanezcan en una situación de “más o menos” muertas (2), debido también a la
ineptitud de la policía que no investiga. Más o menos muertas es no poder disfrutar de los
derechos humanos, haber vivido una vida devaluada y ser parte de los cuerpos violentados que
vivieron en las “geografías de la pobreza” (6).
Con estas guías teóricas organizo mi discusión de la destrucción humana de mujeres y hombres
de una parte de la humanidad que ha sido considerada indigna de vivir—un desperdicio y residuo
de Ciudad Juárez cuya muerte violenta no es considerada una pérdida. Por tales motivos,
propongo comprender las tres pérdidas propuestas por Achille Mbembe. La primera es la pérdida
del cuerpo para sujetos matables. La segunda es la pérdida del espacio físico, que se manifiesta
en Juárez en las cartografías de las zonas de riesgo, en los territorios de excepción para mujeres
y hombres, y en las(os) muertos vivientes. El tercero es la pérdida de la ciudadanía, que en este
contexto se manifiesta en la malograda y descuidada población que se mantiene en el espacio
privado y abandona la discusión pública.
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2. La pérdida del cuerpo
Comenzaré por explicar que la historia del feminicidio en Ciudad Juárez a inicios de la década de
los noventa del siglo XX es del conocimiento público. Son los medios de comunicación quienes
presentan el tema ante la opinión pública como una forma atroz de asesinar niñas y mujeres, las
cuales habían sido previamente desparecidas, luego torturadas física y sexualmente, y sus
cadáveres arrojados en las zonas inhóspitas, en los lotes baldíos y en el desierto que contiene la
urbe. [3] Luego, las demandas de justicia por parte de familiares de víctimas junto con
organizaciones feministas y mujeres de otras organizaciones de la sociedad civil comienzan a
poner en blanco y negro, [4] los nombres y la falta de nombre—las no identificadas o las
desconocidas [5]—de las niñas y mujeres asesinadas a partir del mes de enero del año 1993. Son
ellas, y algunos hombres [6] quienes formaron parte de este movimiento que reivindicó el derecho
a la justicia para las mujeres en cuyos cuerpos se inscribió el orden y el poder necropolítico.
Todas reclamaron el derecho de vida para las mujeres/muertas/vivientes que podían ser las
próximas víctimas. También revelaron desde el cuerpo de la víctima las condiciones estructurales
que privan en esta ciudad y limitan la integridad de algunas mujeres. Es todo este movimiento
organizado desde lo local, nacional e internacional quien logró que la Corte Interamericana de
Derechos Humanos, con la Sentencia del Campo Algodonero (2009), hiciera responsable al
Estado mexicano de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos de las niñas y mujeres
asesinadas en los casos de Esmeralda Herrera, Brenda Berenice Ramos Monárrez y Claudia
Ivette González.
Con relación a los hombres asesinados en Ciudad Juárez, en el año de 1998, la Coordinadora de
Organismos No gubernamentales en Pro de la Mujer [7], presentó a las diputadas y diputados de
las Comisiones de Equidad y Género y Derechos Humanos una carta con fecha del 9 de febrero
de 1998, en la cual exigían la prevención, sanción y erradicación de la violencia en este municipio.
Al mismo tiempo que hacían del conocimiento de esta Comisión una lista de hombres y mujeres
asesinadas, así como de personas desaparecidas en otras ciudades cuyos familiares en Ciudad
Juárez demandaban su aparición. La violencia contra los cuerpos de mujeres y hombres había ya
tomado cauce frecuente e impune. En contraste con lo anterior, tanto la documentación de los
casos como la exigencia de justicia prevalecieron para el sexo femenino. Y la visibilización del
sujeto matable masculino reinició a partir del 28 de marzo del año 2008 cuando a petición del
gobierno estatal y municipal, el gobierno federal instaura en esta ciudad el Operativo Conjunto
Chihuahua para combatir el crimen organizado y devolver la paz a la ciudadanía. El estado de
Chihuahua ocupó a partir del año 2008 el primer lugar en homicidios en el país. Ver tabla 1.
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Tabla 1
Homicidios en el estado de Chihuahua 2006-2013
Año
Casos
Porcentaje
2006
648
2.83
2007
518
2.26
2008
2,601
11.35
2009
3,671
16.02
2010
6,407
27.95
2011
4,500
19.63
2012
2,783
12.14
2013
1,794
7.83
TOTAL
21,128
100.00
Elaboración Carmen Saraí Martínez con base a INEGI BOLETÍN DE PRENSA NÚM. 288/13
Las tasas para esos años fueron 20, 15, 76, 105, 182, 126 ,77 y 51.1 homicidios por cada 100 mil
habitantes. Si bien en el año 2012 hubo un descenso, de cualquier forma Chihuahua, junto con el
estado de Guerrero, registraron la misma tasa y ocuparon el primer lugar ese año (INEGI 2013).
Se afirma que en este sexenio 101,199 personas fueron víctimas de homicidio en todo el país. Se
considera que el 50 por ciento de estas muertes violentas están ligadas al crimen organizado, y
en el estado de Chihuahua el 76.5 por ciento de los casos son por pugnas entre los diferentes
grupos que pelean el mercado de las drogas. A nivel nacional, la tasa de homicidios para hombres
representa el 59.6 y para las mujeres la tasa es de cinco mujeres asesinadas por cada cien mil
habitantes. Ciudad Juárez destaca con una tasa de 477 homicidios—hombres y mujeres—por
cada cien mil habitantes (Lara; ver Tabla 2). Esta urbe se convirtió, a partir del año 2008, en el
espacio urbano nacional en el cual se asesinó al mayor número de personas. [8] Desde una
distinción de los sexos sacrificables, en esta ciudad retomo el conteo que han hecho los diarios
locales de la muerte continua en Ciudad Juárez a partir del año anteriormente mencionado. En la
diferencia de la muerte artificial para mujeres y hombres, desde una política sexual, menciono que
500 mujeres habían sido asesinadas desde el año de 1993 hasta el año 2007; desde el año 2008
hasta el 2013—en sólo cuatro años—los casos sumaron 952.
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Tabla 2
Homicidios y feminicidios en Ciudad Juárez Chihuahua 2008-2013
Año
Hombres
Porcentaje
Mujeres
Porcentaje
TOTAL
2008
1,510
93.9
98
6.0
1,608
2009
2,441
91.8
201
8.2
2,643
2010
2,780
89.1
304
10.9
3,084
2011
1,604
86.6
216
13.4
1,820
2012
666
87.6
83
12.4
749
2013
435
88.6
50
11.4
485
TOTAL
9,436
90.0
952
10.0
10,388
Elaborado por Carmen Saraí Martínez con base a: Monárrez, Fragoso, Julia E., 1998, "Base de datos
Feminicidio" [archivo particular de investigación], Ciudad Juárez, Departamento de Estudios Culturales,
Dirección General Regional Noroeste, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. Para los homicidios: con base a
Diario de Juárez y Norte de Juárez.
En el caso de las mujeres y los hombres asesinados, lo que permea frente a la voluntad del
individuo o del grupo que les tomó la vida es la injusticia. La periodista juarense, especialista en
violencia, Luz Elena Sosa del Carmen, menciona, que:
Juárez tiene registrados 11 mil 598 asesinatos de 2003 a 2013, revelan datos de la
Fiscalía General del Estado, obtenidos a través de Transparencia. De ese histórico
número, 10 mil 340 carpetas se encuentran en estatus de “investigación”. Además,
en 670 archivos existen acusados y sólo en 206 casos judicializados un Tribunal de
Garantía dictó sentencia, destaca el informe. Es decir, sólo el 1. 9 por ciento de los
asesinatos de la última década han sido investigados y el probable responsable
sentenciado.
La impunidad no puede ser más explícita, según explica Sosa.
Esta práctica sistemática de violencia de género, prolongadamente sostenida, tiene un propósito:
“dictar lo que los “hombres” y las “mujeres” se suponen que deben ser y disciplinar a las
comunidades marginadas (Nayak y Suchland 469). En este sentido, es necesario no centrarnos
solamente en el término violencia contra las mujeres, porque invisibilizamos la violencia contra los
hombres y dejamos a un lado la falta de la debida atención a lo que significa "hacer" género a
través de la violencia o a la forma en que los códigos de masculinidad afectan negativamente a los
hombres" (472). Asimismo podemos decir que el homicidio/juvenicido y el feminicidio son actos
crueles que han regularizado a los dos sexos y al mismo tiempo disciplinado a la población
juarense. Una de estas disciplinas es mantener a la población aislada y sitiada en sus lugares de
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residencia.
3. La pérdida del lugar de residencia o el lugar de origen
El especialista en el análisis de las dimensiones espaciales de la violencia, Luis Cervera, sostiene
que si se quiere diseñar y aplicar políticas públicas para prevenir y sancionar la violencia, es
fundamental entender el contexto del espacio urbano en el cual las conductas delictivas toman
acción. En este sentido, las condiciones físicas, socioeconómicas y demográficas sobre las cuales
se asientan los conglomerados humanos pueden explicar algunas aristas de la violencia
(Monárrez y Cervera). Ante el incremento de la violencia que se vive en el entorno fronterizo, Luis
Cervera ha privilegiado el análisis espacial. Este factor le ha permitido abrirnos otras visiones
fuera de los motivos interpersonales, y acercarnos a un espectro de variables estructurales que
nos ayudan a reconocer “las formas sistémicas de violencia y dominación inherentes en la riqueza
y en la desigualdad del ingreso económico” (Dilts 5).
En Ciudad Juárez, si bien quienes la habitamos formamos parte de la totalidad de una ciudad, el
disfrute de la misma no se da en su conjunto para todas y todos. Esto, desde la visión de Paulo
Freire, se debe primordialmente a que los gobernantes no jerarquizan los gastos públicos con
relación a las “necesidades, muchas de ellas dramáticas de las poblaciones explotadas” (Freire
39). Así, las ciudades quedan divididas en déficits que se acumulan en las calles sin pavimentar,
la falta de escuelas, la privación de espacios de ocio y otros elementos que impiden el soporte y el
sustento de la vida digna para las grandes mayorías de la población que miran anhelantes la falta
de carencias o menores carencias en las “zonas felices” de la ciudad (ibíd.). Responsabilizar a los
sujetos por la violencia sufrida o cometida deja intacto el análisis de las zonas en las cuales hacen
su vida cotidiana. La forma en que se distribuyen o son forzados a distribuirse—hombres y
mujeres—en el espacio se fundamentan en campos económicos, políticos y sociales que las y los
hacen más proclives a ser sujetos violentados.
Luis Cervera ha mostrado que el espacio donde se lleva a cabo el feminicidio y el homicidio tiene
un patrón espacial perfectamente definido. Con el uso de herramientas de los Sistemas de
Información, técnicas geo-estadísticas e indicadores socioeconómicos, sus estudios revelan estos
patrones espaciales agrupados en clusters que evidencian varias zonas de alto riesgo tanto para
las niñas y mujeres como para los niños y los hombres. Para el feminicidio, el Centro Histórico de
la Ciudad es el de mayor peligro; le siguen otros de menor dimensión, pero no menos riesgosas,
en la zona poniente de la ciudad. Estas agrupaciones espaciales, “los compartimentos”, o las
“fronteras internas” de violencia de género para las mujeres, indican una alta correlación entre
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pobreza y feminicidio. En estas zonas los déficits de infraestructura urbana son altos, igual que las
carencias económicas (Ver Mapa 1).
Mapa 1
Espacios de muerte para las niñas y mujeres en Ciudad Juárez (1993-2010)
Fuente: Elaborado por Luis Cervera con datos del Sistema de Información Geográfica del Homicidio
Con relación al patrón espacial que muestra el homicidio, los resultados de Cervera son los
siguientes: existen dos zonas de alto riesgo para los hombres. Estas se encuentran en la parte
norte de la ciudad y en el sur de la misma. La primera abarca desde el centro histórico hasta los
puentes internacionales que unen las ciudades fronterizas de Juárez y El Paso, Texas. La
segunda es el corredor que va de la calle Jilotepec a la Zaragoza. Este autor utiliza dos hipótesis
para estas dos zonas de riesgo. La primera posiblemente esté ligada al control de territorios donde
se cruza la droga hacia los Estados Unidos. La segunda es un territorio de vendedores de drogas
domésticos (Monárrez y Cervera). Sólo agrego que ambas dimensiones espaciales no son del
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todo diferentes ni idénticas, pero sí son equivalentes. Ambas son habitadas por los cuerpos que
sobran en esta ciudad, los cuales han sido desechados en esta guerra contra el narcotráfico.
Mapa 2
Espacios de muerte para el homicidio en Ciudad Juárez (2008-2010).
Fuente: Elaborado por Luis Cervera con datos del Sistema de Información Geográfica del Homicidio
Los estudios de Luis Cervera han develado un patrón especial donde si bien las personas somos
geográficamente cercanas, socialmente nos distinguimos por nuestra separación. Este
alejamiento y esta dispersión semeja lo que Achille Mbembe reflexiona acerca de los países
colonizadores en su relación de dominación, explotación y opresión con sus colonias: “[l]a colonia
representa el sitio donde la soberanía consiste fundamentalmente en el ejercicio del poder fuera
de la ley (ab legibus solutus) y donde la "paz" es más probable que tome la cara de una "guerra
sin fin" (Mbembe 23). Las colonias del mismo modo representan estados de excepción en sitios
espaciales designados exclusivamente para “hacer vivir” y “dejar morir”. La ausencia de Estado y
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la impunidad toman control sobre estas áreas geográficas y crean una nueva relación espacial y
social entre el Estado, los agresores y las víctimas
así como para una gran parte de la
ciudadanía. Estos patrones espaciales de dolor han sido analizados por Rosalba Robles ya que
para ella, “el dolor aquí adquiere el significado de la pérdida, la pérdida de la seguridad, la pérdida
de un ser querido o conocido, la pérdida al derecho ciudadano de tener un trabajo digno, la
pérdida de recorrer los espacios públicos a cualquier hora del día, la pérdida de la tranquilidad en
el hogar, la pérdida al dejar de pertenecer a un grupo social” (Robles 108).
4. La pérdida de ciudadanía
Las desigualdades del sexo basadas en el género, las desigualdades de la distribución de la
riqueza social y las desigualdades de la injustica, han minado a la ciudadanía juarense; al mismo
tiempo, han implantado “una sociedad donde no hay ninguna seguridad en la vida o en los bienes,
porque la guerra es el modo de vida corriente” (Valcárcel). A través de este largo periodo de
violencia que hemos sufrido, la población ha sido sujeta a ser testigo y experimentar de cerca o
apreciar desde un punto distante, la vejación de los seres próximos o de los lejanos que habitan
este espacio geográfico. La muerte violenta, las extorsiones, los secuestros, la violencia sexual, la
desaparición forzada, y/o tortura, son sólo algunos de los tratos crueles e inhumanos que la han
sojuzgado y han hecho de ella, o en la mayoría de ella, una ciudadanía del miedo y con miedo.
Quienes primordialmente han perdido la ciudadanía son las víctimas a las cuales se les arrebató
la vida, sea por hombres conocidos o desconocidos que asesinan mujeres, y transgreden, desde
la política sexual, el primer tabú que dio pie al proceso civilizatorio: no mataras. O también
aquellas mujeres y hombres victimados por organizaciones criminales o por la omisión,
negligencia o complicidad de los agentes estatales que matan y no otorgan la justicia. “Son estos
grupos los que, de manera legal o extralegal, actúan bajo las coordenadas de un modelo de
masculinidad apoyado en la fuerza y el ejercicio de la violencia; modelo que, en última instancia,
es inherente a la constitución patriarcal del Estado y al funcionamiento de sus aparatos
represivos.” (Padilla 315). La injusticia nos hace desiguales y rompe el contrato social. Por lo
tanto, la condición de igualdad para todas y todos y la protección de sus bienes dentro de la ley
han sido quebrantadas (Rousseau).
La ilegalidad ha estado acompañada de la discriminación de las víctimas. Ellas y ellos, los sujetos
matables, han sido definidos y definidas desde el poder soberano como culpables de haber sido
asesinadas. A través de los años en esta ciudad quienes han sido asesinadas y asesinados se les
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han llamado narcos, malandros, pandilleros y delincuentes; a ellas, prostitutas, vagas y las de la
doble vida, entre otros calificativos. No son reconocidos (as) como juarenses, ni tampoco como
mexicanas(os). Se les niega legitimidad de sujetos públicos, y de esta manera se busca destruir y
terminar con la incipiente democracia en nuestra ciudad (Wright, Email). La culpabilidad está en
haber sido definidos como sobrantes de la comunidad, como los residuos, despojos y desperdicios
que estorban o no son necesarios—y se dejan en la calle. Y se dejan en el espacio público porque
no cumplieron con sus papeles de género, pues, por eso fueron ultimados. Y se dejan en los
tiraderos de basura, en el desierto, en las mallas ciclónicas y colgados de los puentes que cruzan
las vías principales de la ciudad para atestiguar con el sacrificio de sus cuerpos fragmentados que
no son necesarios y de ninguna utilidad porque son parte de la descomposición de tejido social.
El término tejido social, acompañado de la palabra descomposición, hace rato que acompaña las
explicaciones de todas las violencias que sufre Ciudad Juárez. Somos una “sociedad enferma.”
Hannah Arendt asevera que no hay nada más peligroso que explicar la violencia y el poder en
términos biológicos. Estas definiciones a las cuales llama “metáforas orgánicas” (Arendt, On
Violence 75) esconden la voluntad política del soberano. En el invierno del año 2010, ante las
demandas de justicia por la masacre de Villas de Salvárcar, ocurrida a finales del mes de enero
del mismo año, el presidente Felipe Calderón (2006-2012), puso en marcha el programa Todos
Somos Juárez, Reconstruyamos la Ciudad. Bajo este esquema se propuso, dentro de la estrategia
de seguridad pública en el combate al crimen organizado, realizar cerca de 170 acciones
concretas y con un monto aproximado de más de 3 mil millones de pesos. [9]
Un par de meses después, el representante presidencial de esta estrategia en la ciudad, al ser
cuestionado por la prensa sobre la reconstrucción del tejido social, articuló la necesidad de tener
“un poquito de paciencia”; los resultados para él no serían inmediatos. Las causas estaban en que
los ciudadanos habían dejado de comportarse como tales para ser sólo “pobladores” de esta
ciudad y que “no exigían derechos” (Gallegos). La paciencia fue tal que el año 2010, tal como lo
muestra la tabla 2, el número de personas asesinadas fue el más alto. Con estas declaraciones y
estas fatalidades, se le avisó a la ciudadanía, si es que hay alguna, que cualquiera podía gozar de
un status de muerto viviente.
Frente a este estado necropolítico que ejerció el necropoder, la ciudadanía continuó encerrándose
y volviéndose una ciudad sitiada con toques de queda y vigilancia autoimpuesta (Ver fotografía 1).
Una ciudad con callejones sin salida, y con una ciudadanía que no participa en los asuntos
públicos que la lastiman. Si bien, a partir del año 2011, inicia una disminución del homicidio y el
feminicidio, Eduardo Guerrero nos remite a los siguientes factores que pudieron haber incidido
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tanto a nivel local como nacional: las organizaciones criminales se ven con problemas para
reclutar sicarios y el surgimiento de movimientos sociales que denuncian la violencia, las
desapariciones y violaciones a los derechos humanos. Los Operativos que se extienden a otras
ciudades son más eficaces y con mayor coordinación con los gobiernos locales. Los arrestos y
abatimientos que se dan a las organizaciones criminales se hacen sopesando la reacción de la
violencia con la que pueden responder. En el Reporte Especial de Drug Violence en México se
advierte que la disminución también puede obedecer a una posible connivencia de los
funcionarios del gobierno para negociar una paz. Igualmente, afirman que hay evidencia
sustantiva que muestra un decremento en las muertes intencionales en los últimos dos años;
aunque, “permanece relativamente alta y la situación de seguridad para el país permanece
altamente problemática en ciertas partes del país” (Heinle et al. 10).
Fotografía 1
En el encierro y en el miedo, me disciplino y te disciplino.
Fuente: Julia Monárrez [archivo particular] Fraccionamiento Villa Alegre, Cd. Juárez, 10 agosto de 2013
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En septiembre de 2011, el periódico La Jornada preguntó al alcalde Murguía sobre los
señalamientos que hizo Human Rights Watch ante la desaparición forzada de cuatro jóvenes por
parte de la policía municipal, en específico por parte del Secretario de Seguridad Julián Leyzaola.
Su respuesta fue “no me interesan […] está dando resultados, que es lo que nos interesa a los
juarenses. Créanme que no tengo ninguna denuncia contra él sobre derechos humanos, y si en el
pasado se tomó una Pepsi en un lugar equivocado, de eso yo no tengo conocimiento” (Camacho
Servín; cursivas mías). En esa misma entrevista “pidió defender Juárez para borrar la imagen de
violencia que se tiene de ella, al tiempo que llamó a darle un trancazo a los que hablen mal de la
ciudad” (cursivas mías). Defender la ciudad es defender el mito, es defender el “feliz avance
propagandista que suele basar sus argumentos en teorías morales o relativas a los orígenes”
(Millet 113), en este caso, del origen del mal en esta ciudad que puede afectar la llegada de
capital. Su respuesta “no me interesan” muestra la miseria de la condición humana para el poder
municipal.
Héctor Murguía Lardizábal les comentó a los presentes en la audiencia que existe nueva serie de
televisión en donde hablan mal de Ciudad Juárez. “Ya basta de dejar que nos echen (sic) lodo”,
expresó el edil quien se refería a la serie “en donde ponen a Juárez con situación errada de lo que
somos” (Redacción). Murguía Lardizábal también comentó que lo único que van a provocar series
como ésta es que cancelen las inversiones en Juárez por lo que invitó a los ciudadanos a
defender su ciudad. “Hagamos cruzada para defender lo nuestro, de decir ante el mundo aquí
estamos tenemos problemas pero ya los superamos”, expresó el edil. (ibid.)
El Alcalde utiliza las palabras “echen lodo” y evita usar la palabra feminicidio, término que dice lo
que acontece en Ciudad Juárez a algunas mujeres. Tampoco habla de los miles de asesinados,
por eso lo cambia por “problemas”. Y así, a través del discurso banal, “de la situación errada de lo
que somos” desaparece la “tragedia humana” (Enríquez) que miles de ciudadanas y ciudadanos
han padecido en esta ciudad. En Ciudad Juárez, se ha dicho que la violencia y los delitos de alto
impacto han disminuido, gracias a los buenos oficios del gobierno. Ciertamente la disminución es
un hecho. Para el año 2013, Juárez ocupa el cuarto lugar de municipalidad violenta (Heinle et al.).
Con todo, habría que hacer una evaluación de estos oficios. A pesar de este triunfalismo, el
homicidio/feminicidio mantiene una tasa de 39 casos por cada 100 mil habitantes (Comisión
Indicadores). Otra violencia son los casos de personas que van a la fosa común porque nadie las
ha identificado; este año 2013, 79 cadáveres -5 de ellos FNI- no fueron reclamados por nadie. El
Fiscal Jorge González Nicolás,
aseguró que muchas de estas víctimas eran procedentes de estados como Oaxaca,
Tabasco, Chiapas y Veracruz. Algunos eran personas que llegaron a esta frontera
en busca de trabajo, pero al no tener una buena opción fueron reclutados por
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grupos del crimen organizado. Expresó que no se descarta que algunas de las
personas fallecidas sean personas deportadas de los Estados Unidos y cuyos
familiares podrían desconocer lo que pasó con ellos. La mayoría fueron víctimas de
la delincuencia organizada o delitos del fuero común, pero también hubo casos de
accidentes fatales y muertes naturales. Al no contar con la identificación de estas
víctimas sus carpetas se han archivado, al igual que su ADN para reactivar las
investigaciones que lleven con el paradero de los responsables de su muerte.
Durante seis meses nadie los reclamó y mucho menos preguntó por ellos, por eso
las autoridades ministeriales decidieron inhumarlos, aunque ya procesaron sus
restos para tener una muestra de ADN disponible en caso de que alguien acuda a
buscar alguna persona extraviada. (Chaparro)
He ahí la gran diferencia entre las vidas que sí importan y las vidas que no importaron y que su
muerte está en espera de ser reconocida, no por una acción gubernamental concertada sino hasta
que algún familiar, en su largo peregrinar por este territorio de impunidades, tenga la suerte de
encontrarla.
La disminución de la violencia de igual forma se debe a que una de las organizaciones criminales_
presumiblemente_ la del Chapo Guzmán, ganó la plaza [10] a la organización de La Línea. Por lo
expuesto, hay algo que no queda claro, si ya superamos los problemas, ¿qué necesidad tenían
quienes pronto dejarían el poder—Héctor Murguía y Julián Leyzaloa, Secretario de Seguridad
Pública Municipal— de pedir escoltas personales? Las cuales les fueron concedidas por el
Cabildo. A su vez, la sociedad civil organizada, liderada por Plan Estratégico de Ciudad Juárez,
promovió un amparo colectivo contra esta decisión a espaldas de la ciudadanía. El 27 de agosto
de 2013, 1,600 personas acudimos a firmar este amparo. Esta acción fue rechazada por el juez
Alberto Escobedo Castañón, quien sobreseyó el proceso promovido por el Plan Estratégico de
Juárez (Plan Estratégico de Juárez). Finalmente le fueron otorgadas escoltas al hoy expresidente
municipal y a su familia. Incongruentemente, aquí no contó para este agente estatal manchar la
imagen de la ciudad, ni tampoco, refrendar que los “problemas” ya habían sido superados. Si bien
esto parece un fracaso, debe tomarse en cuenta que es la primera acción en México de una
ciudadanía que se inconforma y se ampara contra una decisión arbitraria. Plan Estratégico
continuó con un recurso de amparo. Esta es la información que aparece en su página:
El Tribunal Colegiado de Zacatecas confirmó la resolución contra el amparo
promovido en contra del pago de escoltas al Ciudadano Héctor Murguía Lardizábal.
La resolución confirmada, argumenta que la ciudadanía no es afectada ni jurídica ni
legítimamente por pagarle escoltas a un ciudadano común con dinero público. ¿Tú
qué opinas?¿Te afecta que utilicen cada mes poco más de 104 mil pesos en la
seguridad de Héctor Murguía mientras en ti solo gastan 51 pesos al mes?
Plan Estratégico de Juárez evalúa llevar el caso hasta la Corte Interamericana de Derechos
Humanos.
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A manera de conclusión
Frente a estas pérdidas de vidas humanas, de territorios y de ciudadanías que he presentado,
frente al destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos y a los mecanismos de la política de la
muerte que se ejercen sobre los cuerpos físicos y la totalidad de la población, estas tecnologías
de ninguna manera deben verse como un proceso absoluto, integral y compartido. Si así lo
asumimos, nos invadiría la desesperanza de negar la autonomía y la capacidad de articular
respuestas y mecanismos antidisciplinarios y antirregulatorios de familiares de sobrevivientes, del
cuerpo social, y toda la red de organismos de la sociedad civil nacional e internacional (Monárrez,
Trama). Hay una sociedad que genera acciones en contra de la necropolítica y el necropoder que
despliegan sobre los cuerpos lacerados de los hombres y las mujeres, los tres niveles de
gobierno. Son opciones políticas que merecen ser tomadas en cuenta como ejemplos de una
supervivencia asociadas a las acciones de las y los sujetos públicos. Éstas acciones están
enmarcadas dentro de la importancia de haber llamado a quienes han sido designados como
sujetos matables: feminicidio y de ahí, dar pie para designar a la matanza discriminada de
jóvenes: juvenicidio. Estos conceptos o definiciones críticas ponen el acento en el derecho
humano violado que se les despoja a las víctimas: el derecho a la vida. Permiten visibilizar a los
agresores y ponen en movimiento los aparatos de justicia, nacionales e internacionales, en pro del
respeto a los derechos humanos, y en pro de la justicia para todas y todos (Ni Aolin). Estas
acciones, si bien modestas, significan un avance contra la industrialización de la violencia. Nos
ayudan, al resignificar y resimbolizar a las y los sujetos matables, evidenciar la violación a los
derechos humanos de las y los muertos vivientes frente a las necropolíticas que asumen los
líderes políticos a través del necropoder en contra de sus ciudadanías.
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Mis agradecimientos a Carmen Saraí Martínez Márquez, asistente de investigación de excelencia.
A mi esposo Carlos Pons, por su acompañamiento y enorme satisfacción por mi trabajo.
Notas:
[1] Tzvetan Todorov hace una distinción muy significativa para esta generalización: “Todos los hombres son
potencialmente capaces del mismo mal, pero no lo son efectivamente, pues no han tenido las mismas
experiencias: su capacidad de amor, de compasión, de juicio moral ha sido cultivada y ha florecido o, por el
contrario, ha sido ahogada y ha desaparecido". (151)
[2] Aunque este término aún carece de una definición critica como la del feminicidio, su enunciación nos
permite situarlo dentro de la nuda vida. He ahí la importancia de llamarlo juvenicidio.
[3] A esta forma de asesinar mujeres le llamé feminicidio sexual sistémico (2009), aunque en otras obras he
analizado la complejidad del feminicidio en las formas de presentarse y de conceptualizarse (2011).
[4] Me refiero al estudio hemerográfico de mujeres asesinadas (1993).
[5] Hoy se les llama FNI Femeninas no identificadas. Doy gracias a Cecilia Espinoza de la Red de Mesa de
Mujeres por acercarme a este término.
[6] Queda pendiente dar luz a ese número pequeño, en comparación con las mujeres, que acompañaron
este movimiento, desde diferentes ámbitos y en diferentes momentos a lo largo de estos veinte años.
[7] Esta organización pierde fuerza a partir del 2001, con la aparición de otros grupos como Justicia para
Nuestras Hijas y Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa (Pérez García).
[8] Los años 2008 al 2011 concentraron la mayor proporción de bajas en esta ciudad. A partir del 2012,
inicia una desaceleración (Heinle et al.).
[9] La estrategia y sus acciones están a la espera de una evaluación.
[10] Si la ciudadanía se perdió, también se pierde el término ciudad por el de plaza.
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Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez, 2011. Print.
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de 2013. Web. 29 Jul 2013. <http://puentelibre.mx/_notas/1364850>
Robles, Rosalba. “Las mujeres de Ciudad Juárez ante el riesgo del feminicidio. Percepciones,
sentido y sentimientos.” Coordinadores Julia E. Monárrez, Rosalba Robles et al. Cuerpos y
territorios en busca de la justicia. En prensa, 2014.
Rousseau, Jean- Jacques. El contrato social. Traducción cedida por Edaf. Madrid: SARPE, 1983.
Print.
Silva Santisteban, Rocío. “Capitulo III Maternidad y basurización simbólica (el testimonio de
Giorgina Gamboa).” El factor asco. Basurización simbólica y discursos autoritarios en el
Perú contemporáneo. Perú, Red para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Sociales en el Perú,
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Sosa del Carmen, Luz. “Quedan impunes miles de crímenes en la ciudad.” El Diaro.Mx Juárez,
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sobre igualdad y democracia, ni más ni menos: ¿iguales? Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de
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Wright, Melissa W. “The Dialectics of Still Life: Murder, Women, and Maquiladoras.” Millenial
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Suggested Citation:
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia. “El destino de la humanidad en tiempos inhumanos.” forum for interamerican
research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 46-66. Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Cynthia Bejarano (New Mexico State University)
(Re)Living Femicide through Social Control:
The Regulation of Life and Bodies through Fear and (In)Formal Social Control
Abstract
The aim of this article is to analyze how violence and femicides have created a regime of gendered
social control including the regulation of women’s bodies in the Mexican state of Chihuahua.
Hyper-vigilant forms of social control permeate popular culture, which is heavily influenced by the
patriarchal hegemonic state. The State’s discursive and local practices work to impact and shape
quotidian life and movement for girls and women across Chihuahua. Formal and informal legal and
social systems also regulate and control female bodies, thereby generating a categorical scale of
social control for women and girls that include: femicide as ‘denigrated body;’ activist mother as
‘denouncing body’; anti-feminicide activist as ‘disruptive body’; and finally, State as site of the
production of ‘docile’ bodies. This article explores how the rhetoric of fear of femicide adds to an
already normalized landscape of sexualized and gendered violence. This work also utilizes Richard
Lawrence Miller’s framework of the ‘Chain of Destruction,’ which describes mass violence through
five phases: identification, isolation, ostracism, confiscation, and annihilation. Miller’s framework
offers an analytical framework for understanding the regulation and control of bodies.
Keywords: Femicidal State Rhetoric, feminicide, activism, social control, state repression, chain of
destruction
Cynthia Bejaranao
(Re)Living Feminicide
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Introduction
For over twenty years, girls and women have gone missing or have been killed in Chihuahua. The
numbers of murdered women have long surpassed one thousand, and still there is no concensus
on the number still missing. The eruption of violence in Chihuahua during former Mexican
President Felipe Calderón’s ‘War on Drugs’ resulted in rival cartel killings, street level brutality, and
military and federal police presence that included documented claims of human rights violations by
soldiers and police (Meyer, De la Rosa Hickerson and Castro Rodríguez). The 13,000 plus killed
in Juárez as a result of this War has left an indelible mark on how we understand social violence
(INEGI). These deadly occurrences have overshadowed everyday violence against women and
girls, including the continued disappearance and murder of girls and women in the Mexican state.
When women were murdered or found dead during the ‘great violence’ [1] between 2008 and
2012, their death was popularly explained as the result of their involvement in the drug trade.
Overwhelmed by the reality of so much death and bloodshed due to the Drug War, the feminicides
and general violence against women were pushed aside by authorities, and any efforts or
pretenses by the Mexican state to investigate these crimes were rechanneled to the widespread
carnage that people experienced.
The aim of this article is to analyze how violence and femicides have created a regime of gendered
social control including the regulation of women’s bodies. In particular, I am focusing on the
feminicides in Ciudad Juárez and the hyper-vigilant forms of social control permeating popular
culture. [2] I will also detail how every day the hegemonic, patriarchal State and its local, discursive
practices influence girls and women’s movements in the region. This is salient because two
generations of young people—especially girls—in Ciudad Juárez now experience hyper-vigilance
as normative, and at times accept the spatial limits to their movements. Warnings of death, rape,
and forced “disappearances” are naturalized as the self-evident consequences of venturing out at
night. These warnings contain spatial prohibitions that limit the movement of girls beyond the
domestic sphere and into the urban areas, which are the “realm of men” that are characterized as
violent, chaotic, and dangerous. Similarly, nighttime is the time when perceived hyper-masculine
behaviors such as drinking, carousing, and masculine confrontations occur: thus, it is the opposite
of the feminine and the “safe” daytime hours in which women are allowed to be active in the public
sphere. In short, women and girls are told indirectly by the State and, by extension, segments of
society, that behaviors which transgress gender-conforming roles and spatial boundaries can result
in their victimization and even feminicide. Building on these preliminary observations, this article
deconstructs the use of manipulation of “the femicides” as a controlling technology that works to
limit the freedom—spatially, temporally, and otherwise—of women and girls in Juárez, Chihuahua,
and throughout the borderlands more broadly.
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In this article, I will argue that “Femicidal State Rhetoric” [3] is used as a subtle yet explicit
mechanism deployed by State institutions to impose new societal pressures on women and girls,
which focus on their movement—day and night—for their ‘own good.’ What I suggest by ‘Femicidal
State Rhetoric’ is that hegemonic State forces and State actors use the reality of femicide as a way
of controlling, curtailing and convincing women and girls to alter their activities and to limit their
movement across the city. This also impacts women and girls’ confidence in their surroundings,
and their sense of security and well-being. The transformation of earlier feminist notions of
“femicide” as “the killing of females by males because they are female” (Russell 3) to the use of a
feminist and human rights framework that articulates “feminicide” as a critique of sexual violence,
patriarchy, misogyny, gender discrimination, and neo-liberal economic violence, are concepts used
by families, activists, academics and legal scholars to address the most extreme form of violence
and terror against women and girls.
Mexican Ciudad Juárez-based sociologist, Julia Estela Monárrez Fragoso, has tracked the
murders of women and girls since 1993, and has worked to aggregate and typify the distinctions
among these murders (Monárrez Fragoso 2005). Moreover, the Mexican feminist, cultural
anthropologist and former federal Congresswoman, Marcela Lagarde y de los Ríos has elaborated
on the concept even further by preferring the term feminicidio to “name the ensemble of violations
of women’s human rights, which contain the crimes against and the disappearances of women.
[She] propose[s] that all these be considered as ‘crimes against humanity’” (xv). [4]
As an antithesis to the numerous interlocutors on femicide and feminicidal discourse involved in
the anti-feminicide movement, the State has worked to use these deaths as a new tool of genderbased oppression—the threat of femicide. [5] In this work, I use the term ‘femicide’ to discuss
‘Femicidal State Rhetoric’ and how the State has used the concept as a form of social control
threatening fear of death, but throughout the article, I prefer using the concept feminicide to
describe the failure of the State to provide a life free from violence for women and girls. In building
on the work of other scholars, Rosa-Linda Fregoso and I have further elaborated on feminicide as
follows:
...the murders of women and girls [are] founded on a gender power structure…[that
is] both public and private… implicating both the state (directly or indirectly) and
individual perpetrators (private or State actors); it thus encompasses systematic,
widespread, and everyday interpersonal violence... feminicide is systemic violence
rooted in social, political, economic, and cultural inequalities…[and] the intersection
of gender dynamics with the cruelties of racism and economic injustices in local as
well as global contexts... Our framing follows [Marcela Lagarde y de los Rio’s] critical
human rights formulation of feminicide as a “crime against humanity” (6)
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In short, the institutions within the Mexican government and groups rebutting crimes against
women critiqued for their passive or active participation in—or cover up of—the feminicides have
hijacked the deaths of women and girls and transformed them into a tool of social control within
society. This hegemonic rhetoric of ‘femicide’ and the social regulation of ‘female bodies’ through
the social control of society make it increasingly difficult to address the sources of ongoing gender
based violence. In an earlier work, I argue that:
The failure of nation-states to critically interrogate these crimes and the habitual lack
of respect and due diligence in investigations granted to victims in
Mexico…manifests itself in their arenas of justice (courts, police precincts,
prosecutor’s offices)…[This lackadaisical response facilitates] gender-based
violence, especially feminicide, as a tool of informal social control for women…by
institutions within society and societal members. (Bejarano 120, translation mine)
Subsequently, Mexican authorities do not use femicidal rhetoric as a cry of moral outrage. Their
use of femicidal discourse reveals a pervasive belief in the futility of fighting feminicide and the
appropriation of language to exert power and incite fear in society. Discourse is used in formal and
informal systems to regulate and classify female bodies, producing the categories of: ‘denigrated,’
‘denouncing,’ ‘disruptive,’ and ‘docile’ bodies. In the section below, I explore how the rhetoric of
fear of femicide adds to an already normalized landscape of sexualized and gendered violence. I
also examine how the regulation of bodies can be understood within the context of Richard
Lawrence Miller’s framework of the ‘Chain of Destruction’ (1996) which charts mass violence
through five phases: identification, isolation, ostracism, confiscation, and annihilation.
1. Widespread Fear and Social Control
At the Mexico-U.S. border, globalization has created a strong network for corruption, underground
economies, state malfeasance, and ungovernability (Olivera). Forced disappearances and
everyday street crime are rampant as organized crime syndicates fight with rivals and State entities
for trafficking corridors. Ciudad Juárez remains a city plagued by poverty, domestic and structural
violence and unbridled fear. This untenable situation is directly tied to the appetite for drugs in the
U.S., weapons trafficking from the U.S. into Mexico, and billions of dollars associated with these
two illicit trades (O’Rourke and Byrd; Payan). Rarely are connections made between U.S. drug
consumption and the 13,000 approximate murders in Ciudad Juárez and the greater claims of over
100,000 deaths throughout Mexico (INEGI). Instead of State and global actors working to find
linkages among various forms of violence to disrupt its deleterious effects, Chihuahuan
communities experience the natural upheaval that accompanies daily violence and the threat of
death and victimization with little international intervention. So much bloodshed translates into
forms of survivability that dramatically change the social fabric of society and how ordinary people
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live their lives. As everyday people are swept into the violence in Ciudad Juárez, life is altered with
stories of unabridged terror and macabre stories of death. In Fragoso Monárrez’s work titled, Death
in a Transnational Metropolitan Region, she states:
Ciudad Juárez resembles a public cemetery; it is a modern necropolis. Yet these are
not natural deaths but artificial ones, and we experience them as socially symbolic
events, like a sacrifice “through the will of the group” (Baudrillard, 1993:165). The
executed—the ones that are connected to the criminal groups—will sooner or later
die, because in Ciudad Juárez, social memory has been engaged through personal
experiences or through the eyes of newspapers and mass media that report the
killings. (28)
The social violence and ungovernability experienced in Cd. Juárez is coupled with a parallel
governing power through organized crime syndicates that, independently and in concert with the
State, the Mexican military, and federal and State police, make conditions for people at minimum
uncomfortable and for most intolerable. Although the Mexican military and federal police presence
dissipated after 2012, their ineffaceable footprint of human rights violations and intimidation tactics
remain embedded in people’s memories. Now, human rights violations and the fear of violence and
death preoccupy many people; ordinary citizens try to disengage from the violence by not raising
their voices against it because to do so can pose great risk. Stopping feminicides has taken a
backseat to a larger-than-life fear that interrupts everyday living; speaking out against feminicide
can mean harassment and even death.
Typically, “[s]tates seek to administer a citizenry which obeys the law not only because of the
threat of punishment, but [because] it is ‘the right thing to do’” (Chriss 22). But what if the State is a
reflection of the severe negligence of its citizens? The work of Juárez sociologist Luis Alfonso
Herrera Robles looks at the impact of citizen abandonment by the State through the lack of city
infrastructure and public spaces. He also proclaims the overabundance of bars and ‘drug houses’
(picaderos) as an additional source of societal problems and institutional negligence. Herrera
Robles asserts:
violence is becoming naturalized by the public because it is becoming part of the
everyday. The generations born to this sub-culture of violence understand violence
as part of the political and social landscape of the City, and come to understand it as
‘conviviencia’ o mal-vivencia; [ostensibly] people learn to negotiate this within society
itself. In other words, the generations born during this time period or who were raised
during this currently violent period of Juárez, come to socially understand violence as
a means of survival and a means of resolving conflict. (81-82; translation mine)
Herrera Robles further claims that apathy and lack of political will are proof of both the
normalization of violence and the acquiescence of ordinary people. Conversely, apathy or the lack
of political will within certain segments of society likely serve to mask their fear of death and
simultaneously explain their non-participation in civil movements to curb violence. Despite these
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fears, a valiant and determined subset of society, comprised of seasoned and youth activists that
form part of Mexican civil groups, remains unflinchingly committed to stopping the violence that
plagues their communities in the face of great risk to themselves.
As abandonment and violence become the ‘new normal’ in Juárez, societal norms adjust and
people conform to widespread violence and its concomitant fear—real and imagined. As norms
regulate behavior and work as a form of social control, fear and conformity dictate routine activities,
gendered practices and all aspects of socio-cultural life. The ‘new normal’ is informally passed on
through socialization and customs, which then forms part of norms passed down through
generations as tradition, imitation, and authority (Chriss). As life becomes more restricted because
of violence and fear, people become more isolated and more removed from life as they once
understood it. Ordinary people will generally conform to these expectations because of fear of
being labeled as deviant—or worse, blamed for their own victimization. In the next section, I argue
that violence is a methodology used by the State to reproduce State power and femicide is used as
a tool to control segments of society.
2. Violence as Power, Femicide as a Tool of Social Control
An ongoing atmosphere of femicidal fear adds to a normalized landscape of sexualized and
gendered violence that is downplayed by authorities even as victims are continuously found. A
Juárez family-based organization called the Mothers and Relatives Committee of Disappeared
Daughters are demanding investigations into the cases of 40 teenage girls and young women that
have gone missing since 2009 in Ciudad Juárez (Paterson). In the spring of 2012, the remains of
sixteen young women, possibly victims of forced prostitution were recovered from the Valle de
Juárez outside of the city in a wash called the Arroyo Navaho. Several male and female remains
were found at this site, yet the vast majority of bodies are still unidentified, and there is no clear
indication of the gender breakdown of the remains discovered.
Authorities initially showed little interest in this case, as girls and young women who had gone
missing from 2008-2011 were identified through DNA as the individuals found in the Arroyo
Navaho. The Arroyo Navaho case is emblematic of the types of intersections referenced, above,
where State actors neglect to investigate, including possible drug trafficking, forced
disappearances, and sex-slave trafficking and prostitution. The Chihuahua City-based women’s
human rights center, Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres, claims that the fiscalia (district
attorney’s office) reportedly continues to mix-up the remains of women victims and continues to
mistreat victims’ families. Recently, a trafficking ring was arrested for these Arroyo Navaho
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feminicides, but it remains to be seen whether there will be claims of scapegoating by the
individuals in custody. If they are in fact culpable for so much death, then the question remains,
how will they legally be punished? Elsewhere I have argued, “As systems of justice fail to ensure
rights and provide due process and due diligence in investigations, people lose faith in these
systems” (Bejarano 121). Consequently, fear and impunity as social control reign in the city. The
2001 feminicides of eight women and girls found in a cotton field now known as the Campo
Algodonero remains unresolved despite the three feminicide victims’ mothers taking their cases to
the InterAmerican Court. The InterAmerican court ruling of González et. al. v. Mexico, “found
Mexico guilty of failure to comply with its obligations to guarantee human rights, of gender
stereotyping and discrimination, and of negligence to investigate these crimes including broad
sweeping impunity, among other key rulings” (Memory of Struggle 199). The lack of due diligence
and fulfillment of the court issued resolutions, along with the obscene disregard for the international
protocols cited in this landmark case, and the 2012 Arroyo Navaho case make evident the Mexican
State’s sheer, unadulterated impunity.
Given the apathy of the State and the normalization of violence resulting in citizen abandonment, it
is not surprising that two generations of girls living in the border area of Ciudad Juárez are taught
not to venture out at night, alone, or to the downtown district of the city, or they may become the
next victim of feminicide. In the late 1990s, local media ads on billboards once asked parents in
Ciudad Juárez if they knew where their daughters were, encouraging (it seemed) a stronghold on
the whereabouts and activities of their daughters. Also, campaigns like ponte vida, a popular safety
campaign ‘taught’ girls how to be aware of their surroundings and how to protect themselves by
using keychain whistles. The campaign restricted the freedoms of girls and young women by
situating them within the stringent control and regulation of familial, religious, education, economic,
and legal systems, all the while arguing that surveillance and restrictions were measures for their
own protection. In effect, feminicides heightened already rigid controls and made these systems
even stronger by better controlling female bodies.
Although feminicides are popularly understood as part of Mexico’s current crisis of governability
(Olivera), they are also a mechanism of gendered control. According to James Chriss,
“[s]ocialization…then is the single important and efficient mechanism by which moral and legal
rules are inculcated in and internalized by citizens” (22). Social violence frequently works hand in
hand with social control. As Chriss further notes, “Ruling is made easier if those being ruled assent
to the system of regulations being imposed” (ibid.). In Ciudad Juárez, a quasi-informal structure
materializes where people living in terror are governed by an unwritten set of informal
regulations—social norms—influenced by violence, which becomes the common rule of order in
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the region. There is no trust in government, so people avoid legal systems and government agents
entirely for their own protection and self-preservation. Yet, they remain influenced by how State
structures conceptualize threats and violence, and people learn restricted routines and adapt to
violence through their own cautionary practices. Morrison et.al. assert that, “[v]iolence is woven
into the cultural fabric of many societies and becomes a part of a set of norms that guides behavior
and helps shape group’s identities” (103). In the next section, I examine how social control
influences segments of society in such a way as to produce derisive categories in which to classify
women within the anti-feminicide movement.
3. (De)Coding the Regulation of Bodies in the Anti-Feminicide Movement
'Femicidal State Rhetoric' combined with formal and informal systems regulate and control female
bodies, producing categories of social control that include the ‘denigrated body’, the ‘denouncing
body’, the ‘disruptive body,’ and the ‘docile body.’ These categories are largely inspired by
misogynistic underpinnings manifested in routine life. I argue that this taxonomy also reflects what
women engaged in the anti-feminicide movement have endured for over twenty years in
Chihuahua. Feminicide is the most extreme form of gender-based violence that I will call the
‘denigrated body,’ the final control and power often elicited through the sexual violence and murder
of a woman. The female body is desecrated and left with no mechanism for justice and no
pronouncement of emotion except for her violent image of death. Feminicide insures that silence is
maintained. Only witness-survivors, such as the families of these women, are left to seek justice.
Feminicides in Juárez represent the juxtaposition of the failure of the State to protect, and the
State’s ability and power to control the female body even after death. Assassins involved in
feminicides and other gender-based violence—both private actors and agents of the State—are
guaranteed safety from imprisonment, since 98% of crimes are unresolved in Mexico (Pachico).
The next category is the ‘denouncing body’ of the mother. As the mother of a feminicide victim
denounces the State for its inept investigations, the denouncing mother is ridiculed and often met
with hostile confrontations by police and other State actors. She is belittled and minimized for her
demands for justice. The mother as ‘denouncing body’ is persecuted as blameworthy and
responsible for her daughter’s death, for, in effect, letting her ‘go out at night,’ for working a late
shift, for taking public transportation out of necessity and a litany of other reasons. She is
questioned for not protecting her daughter from death, and is characterized as a meddlesome
woman during police investigations, as a profiteer for speaking to the public and international
human rights workers, and as someone in need of further surveillance and control.
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The following category is of human rights activist. This category classifies the human rights activist
as a ‘disruptive body’ since the activist confronts the State, demanding accountability and due
process within legal systems. As feminicides have generated international interest and support,
mainly women have been at the forefront of the anti-feminicide movement to counter the
patriarchal forces in place that ignored investigations through negligence, which further articulated
a misogynist agenda in covering up crimes. Anti-feminicide activists, then, have become targets of
State control. As their work is questioned by authorities, they too become subject to surveillance
and often harassment.
The final category is the ‘docile’ female body, which is the attempt by the State to shape women in
the image of prescribed heteronormative gender roles. These gender roles place women in the
domestic sphere as childbearing, childrearing, submissive and dutiful wives and daughters. The
‘docile’ body lacks agency, voice, and to a great extent, personhood. Additionally, the docile body
accepts the “natural” place of men at the center of power, enjoying full autonomy and decisionmaking within the home. On a public level, these hegemonic patriarchal tendencies warn women
that acting outside of standard cultural and social conventions as activists or by engaging in
everyday behaviors that contradict traditional or normative activities, place women at the margins
of socially acceptable behavior. The argument goes that women that work or that work late, and
who travel alone or to entertainment districts, hence, seek danger, and by stating this aloud,
femicides become an effortless and natural social control tool to argue blame and culpability onto
victims. It is the desire of the State and other segments of society to use femicide as a tool to
encourage women to act in the socially measured and acceptable ways of ‘gente decente.’ Gente
decente become the benchmark for cultural and social scripts that influence societal governance.
The taming of society and women and girls in particular allows for governance that is more
oligarchical and authoritarian, despite living in a democracy. It also allows for the further
construction of ‘gente decente’ or as the popular culture term insinuates “the right sort of people” to
rule a society and to live in it. According to this discourse, ‘gente decente’ would not protest in the
streets of Ciudad Juárez or Chihuahua City like the ‘denouncing’ and ‘disruptive’ bodies of
feminicide victims’ mothers and women activists.
4. Richard Lawrence Miller’s Chain of Destruction
Building upon my analysis of social control and the categorization of female bodies in sections one
through three above, I want to turn to an examination of Richard Lawrence Miller’s framework
called the “chain of destruction” to explain how throughout history and across different societies,
marginalized people have been oppressed and considered disposable. Central to these examples,
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is how violence has intentionally been orchestrated to obstruct them. In some settings, ordinary
people have been both complicit in this violence and victims of it. Historian Richard Lawrence
Miller has investigated the ways in which ordinary people are targeted for destruction. In his work,
Miller discusses the Holocaust and its applicability in terms of understanding the mass
incarceration of people of color in the U.S. His framework and analytical thinking coincide with the
arguments made about feminicide victims in particular and the anti-feminicide movement in
general. Miller’s analysis is useful in helping us to understand victims’ families as ‘ordinary’ women
that are targeted for destruction because they are perceived as a nuisance by the State apparatus,
along with the activists that accompany them in their fight for justice. In this way, Miller’s discussion
of everyday people and their persecution can be utilized to argue that ‘ordinary’ people in the antifeminicide movement are persecuted for their demands for justice, accountability and
transparency, even while other ‘ordinary’ people remain aloof to the feminicide atrocity, or minimize
it or even deny it in efforts to remain nonaligned with anyone involved in this justice movement for
their own self-preservation. In this sense and on a much smaller scale than what Miller analyzes in
his own work, these women are targeted through what he calls a ‘chain of destruction’ that includes
the identification, isolation, ostracism, confiscation, and annihilation of groups within society.
Miller’s framework is useful in explaining how ordinary people like women activists and feminicide
victims’ families are beleaguered. His work also describes how ordinary people themselves can be
indoctrinated by governments to target particular groups of citizens. In this sense, I consider how
the concept of ‘gente decente’ is useful in understanding how some segments of society—mainly
the elite classes and business world—yearn for the anti-feminicide movement to end, thereby
reestablishing a façade that Chihuahua is on the mend, that feminicides never existed, and that
border zones like Ciudad Juárez are vibrant, thriving industrialized urban centers where ‘gente
decente’ are rearticulating a sanitized image of this city (Morales and Bejarano).
For self-proclaimed ‘gente decente’ in Chihuahua, the women of this movement are troublemakers
and deviants, and are personified as a paradox to their everyday and ‘ordinary’ law-abiding
existence. These women counter the idea of obedient ‘gente decente.’ As Monárrez states, "[l]awabiding citizen[s] dismissed the constant homicides perpetuated before 2008, and 'little by little, the
dead cease to exist'" (Baudrillard 126, as cited in Monárrez Fragoso 30). In effect, privilege
provides the ability not only to ignore death, but to categorize death and afford it meaning. As
Monárrez goes on to argue:
Authorities and some segments of society categorized values associated with life
and death: which bodies are worthy of importance; what lifestyles are considered to
be a “life”; what lives are worth protecting; what lives are worth saving; and what
lives deserve to be mourned? (Butler, as cited in Monárrez Fragoso 31).
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While self-identified law-abiding ‘gente decente’ attempt to forget feminicides and forge a different
imaginary of their city and state, the State and its agents work to undo the legitimacy and moral
authority that these women and groups have in fighting for justice and due diligence. Miller’s ‘chain
of destruction’ framework helps feminicidal scholars discern certain identifying and targeting
techniques designed to defame if not destroy the momentum of the anti-feminicide movement and
its protagonists.
Miller’s ‘chain of destruction’ template links identification, ostracism, confiscation, concentration,
and annihilation. His work is, as he says, ‘inspired’ by Raul Hilberg’s book, The Destruction of the
European Jews published in 1961, in which Hilberg analyzes the destruction process as applied to
the Holocaust. Although I am not a student of the Holocaust, I have contemplated its relevance to
the U.S.-Mexico Border area through my invitation to participate in a University of New Mexico
symposium sponsored by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Center for Advanced
Holocaust Studies in 2013. This symposium investigated the ways in which research on the
Holocaust has inspired scholarship on mass dispossession, violence, and ethnic cleansing
throughout the Western Hemisphere. I spoke about (un)silencing sexualized violence at the U.S.Mexico borderlands since the symposium’s intent was to “explore emerging Holocaust research on
historical trauma and its aftermaths, as well as current research on these topics in the American
southwest and its borderlands” ((UN)Silencing the Past). Presenters discussed colonization and
decolonization in American Indian communities, historical trauma, relocation of African-origin
populations, and mass murders of women in Guatemala. Despite the horrors contemplated in this
symposium and the pain analyzed in my work, the large-scale atrocities of the Holocaust are unlike
any other.
Neither this chapter nor the papers presented at the conference claim moral or historical
equivalence with the Holocaust. However, what the Holocaust can do is help us to critically
contemplate the great suffering that humans endure as well as how this widespread havoc is
masterminded. Such is the basis for Miller implementing his framework to analyze the U.S.-based
War on Drugs and the massive incarceration of people of color through the prison-industrial
complex. Similarly, my use of Miller’s framework serves solely as a heuristic to understand the
systematic processes of “destruction” associated with the violence against women, children, and
their families in Ciudad Juarez. I found Miller’s comparison and ‘his chain of destruction’ framework
eerily fitting to the social violence and feminicides that plague Ciudad Juárez. Miller states that the:
elements of destruction can be visualized as a chain. Once the targeted group is
identified, members can be ostracized from community life through the boycott of
social and business relations, and through the revocation of legal rights. The next
link in the chain of destruction is property confiscation, followed by concentration of
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the group’s members into geographic localities. The final element of destruction is
annihilation, by prevention of birth and infliction of death (xi)
Each element of his framework pertains to eradicating the anti-feminicide movement, as well as to
the categorization of (re)gulating bodies by the State as mentioned earlier. Femicidal State
Rhetoric is used to tame bodies and attempt to make them into acceptable ‘gente decente.’ I trace
the various links of the chain of feminicidal violence in the next sections.
5. Identification and Ostracism
The analogy of war is frequently made about the U.S.-Mexico borderlands as it relates to drug
violence and State’s responses to crime; and like communities riddled with war-time atrocities,
Ciudad Juárez also comes to represent a conflict zone. In the ‘chain of destruction’ framework,
Miller begins by discussing “identification” and “ostracism.” Before Felipe Calderon initiated the
Mexican-based War on Drugs, women and girls disappeared. They were ostensibly identified and
selected for their vulnerability, their youth, and their attractiveness; they were all killed senselessly.
Whether through serial sexual killings or through domestic violence, women and girls have gone
missing and have been found murdered.
Vulnerable bodies are identified for abuse and ultimately death (denigrated bodies), and left, as
Rita Laura Segato has suggested, as a complex system of communication between powerful
figures in the local society who have authored their demise. Segato explains, “Sovereignty’s mark
par excellence is not the power of death over the subjugated but, rather, the psychological and
moral defeat of the subjugated and their transformation into a receptive audience for the
dominator’s exhibition of its discretionary death power” (75). Consequently, those women involved
in the anti-feminicide movement are marked and identified as ‘Other’ and targeted for persecution
because of their search for justice and accountability. Femicides as a form of social messaging
simultaneously represent the State’s negligence, gender discrimination and failure to protect its
citizenry, and serve to identify the families and activists associated with that victim for further
targeting and surveillance. [7]
Once mothers, victims’ families and activists have been identified and associated with the antifeminicide movement, the process of ostracizing them begins. Both subtle and overt practices are
found where claims-makers like authority figures will refer to the mothers as ‘viejas escandalosas”
(exaggerative women). The mother becomes the ‘denouncing body’ that despite having the moral
authority to criticize and demand justice from the State, is eventually questioned for her demands
and is perceived and constructed as a mere nuisance. For over a decade, the mothers’ accounts
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that I have heard detailing their search for their missing daughters confirm that they were told by
authorities to wait for more than 72 hours before looking for them.
Police argued that their
daughters had likely run off with a boyfriend or were leading a double life—a common script by
Juárez law enforcement. [8]
Activists in the anti-feminicide movement have also fallen under this identification system and have
been ostracized and called ‘Malinches’ to Juárez, “who betray the City’s newfound image as a
haven for tourism and modernity” (Morales and Bejarano 191). Attempts to ostracize activists by
claiming they profit from the ‘pain of the families of the murdered’ garner public support from the
‘gente decente’ and ‘obedient’ citizenry that decry the negative depictions of their beloved city. The
more activists defiantly confront the State, demanding accountability, the more they become
transformed in the public purview as deviant and unlikeable. Their work in exposing corruption,
negligence, and the brutal techniques that various appendages of the State have used against
women and society at large place them perpetually in harms’ way. In the words of long-time antifeminicide activist, lawyer, human rights defender, and co-founder of the Centro de Derechos
Humanos de las Mujeres in Chihuahua City, Lucha Castro Rodríguez:
[As] human rights defenders, despite our fear, we leave our homes to demand,
accompany, and to listen to suggestions, to discuss, and to denounce, in order to
hope for a better life for all, yet we recognize the challenge of documenting human
rights violations. We document these violations so we do not forget, so that we
preserve a historical memory in our heads and in our hearts of those who torture,
those who burn our homes, and who threaten, rape, disappear and murder our sons
and daughters (Castro Rodríguez 6; translation mine)
Like the mothers of the murdered and disappeared, activists become targets for control and
regulation, especially at a time of tremendous loss of life over the past two decades. As the State
proves unsuccessful in its attempts at co-opting them, or even worse, harassing and killing these
activist mothers and their supporters, it becomes further vexed in their pursuit against them.
For various State and non-state actors like the police, the military, organized crime syndicates,
sexual offenders and domestic violence abusers, anti-feminicide activists are a nuisance. Antifeminicide activists denounce these State and non-State actors for crimes against women which
activists argue are crimes against humanity. Activists become in some ways a useful scapegoat to
blame for the slow progress on revitalization efforts in Ciudad Juárez and for its never ending
eruption of social problems. The scapegoating fits Miller’s claims regarding the chain of
destruction:
For authoritarians a crucial benefit of scapegoating is that directing public anger
toward scapegoats assures continuance of public anger, because problems creating
fear and anger thereby remain unaddressed and will continue. In contrast to a
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confident and contented citizenry, a fearful and angry citizenry is more susceptible to
authoritarian demands, therefore, scapegoats are crucial for maintaining social
turmoil needed by authoritarians. (192)
For years, human rights activists have endured defamation campaigns both personally and against
their civil society organizations for allegedly profiting from the pain of the families of murdered and
disappeared women. They have also worked despite great risks to themselves in seeking justice.
Organizations like the Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres have been threatened so
much so that they have submitted a petition seeking protection by the InterAmerican Comission
and InterAmerican Court of Human Rights (www.cedehm.org.mx).
The fear of threats and harassment against these women has been enough to alter life-as-peopleknow-it. Fear—direct or indirect—and social control work hand in hand. In 2010, there were rumors
that a blacklist was created by local authorities targeting 42 activists for arrest. Authorities
temporarily detained Cipriana Herrera, a long-time union and human rights activist in Juárez; she
was the only individual arrested at that time. She had been denouncing military human rights
violations and had worked closely with the well-known activist Josefina Reyes who was murdered
along with several other members of her family before and after her death (Figueroa).
Both
women were also involved in the anti-feminicide movement. Cipriana quickly began receiving
death threats and random, unjustifiable visits by the military at her home. She was purportedly
arrested for a civil protest she was involved in years before but was released several hours later.
Fearing for her life, she sought political asylum in the U.S. and received it in 2011 (Figueroa).
Although it was never confirmed whether the blacklist existed, it powerfully worked to impose fear
on people, families, activists, and other ancillary groups. Ostracism through social stigmatization
has worked to perpetuate fear and to create a sense of isolation from every day, ordinary people,
marginalizing these women for their activism. In Cipriana Jurado’s case it meant leaving behind
everything she knew. On September 22, 2014, I participated as a judge for the Tribunal
Permanente de los Pueblos in Chihuahua City, Chihuahua, and I heard countless testimonials of
human rights atrocities, forced disappearances, gender-based violence, and feminicides. Cipriana
Jurado skyped into the tribunal from the U.S. and shared her testimonial saying, “Perdí todo…lo
que perdimos fue nuestra patria...vivir acá es vivir una vida sola” (I lost everything…what we lost
was our homeland…to live here [in the U.S.] is to live alone; translation mine). Others representing
families of feminicide victims left Juárez seeking asylum in the U.S. or relocated to the interior of
Mexico for their safety. [7] Living in exile or fleeing the prospect of death is unmistakably a drastic
form of isolation and ostracism and in some ways is a kind of social death.
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6. Confiscation and Concentration
The following two elements in Miller’s ‘chain of destruction’ include ‘confiscation’ and
‘concentration.’ Within Miller’s construct of ‘confiscation’ lies the revocation of legal rights that
translates into the lack of due diligence and a disregard for the rule of law. Cipriana Jurado’s case
also falls within these two constructs of ‘confiscation’ and ‘concentration.’ She was granted political
asylum in the U.S. in June of 2011 (Figueroa). As an exile, she was taken from her home, stripped
from her belongings and everything she knew; she was forced to flee her homeland. In some
respects, it is as if her belongings were confiscated from her and she was detained (process of
concentration) in a foreign country. The political asylum process prohibits an applicant from
returning to her homeland during the application process. Cipriana’s case became known
internationally; if she returned to Mexico, she would clearly be identified, ostracized, and possibly
arrested (detained and confiscated) and even placed in custody (confinement) or worse. She was
targeted for speaking out against human rights violations by the military that included the abduction
and murder of Mexican citizens. In essence, her life as she lived it in Mexico was confiscated from
her. Although she remains active in revealing Mexico’s human rights violations and working with
other exiles through the organization, Mexicanos en el Exilio, she was displaced. She survived
these attacks, while her colleague, Josefina Reyes, was brutally murdered.
On January 3, 2010, Josefina Reyes was assassinated by an armed group outside of Ciudad
Juárez. Josefina had publicly reported the disappearance of one of her sons at the hands of the
Mexican Army. From 2008 until the time of her death, Josefina actively participated in protests
against violence in the city and violations of human rights perpetrated by the military. Before her
death, she would publicly State that if she were to be disappeared or killed, it would be at the
hands of the military. According to witnesses, Josefina was fighting against the men who tried to
kidnap her. They told her, “you think you are tough because you are with the organizations” and
then they shot her in the head.
The assassination of Josefina remains in impunity and the authorities have not provided any
information regarding progress made in investigating those responsible (Meyer, De la Rosa
Hickerson, and Castro Rodríguez). Josefina was simply a woman who was an activist that fought
against feminicides and the military presence within Chihuahua. She sought justice for the murder
of her son and, as a consequence, several members of her family were annihilated. At one point,
more than thirty members of her family were seeking political asylum across several countries
(Figueroa). In the Reyes’ family case, life was taken, confiscated and their movement was
contained barring all access to the life that people had known. This upheaval was due to one
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person asserting their civil and human rights, which led to the decimation of family members and
the deracination of those still alive that were forced to forge a new life in a foreign land. As people
are identified, ostracized, confiscated and contained, these mechanisms assure the State that
‘Femicidal State Rhetoric’ and the overall fear of violence keep people silenced. Fewer people are
willing to speak openly against the State and other appendages of power for fear of being targeted
for victimization or death.
The disregard of and attacks on civil liberties impact human rights and provide blatant impunity for
authorities. Miller claims that, “[a]ttacks on civil liberties are basic if ordinary people are to be
destroyed. Attacks have two premises. First, civil liberties interfere with the destruction effort and
must be eliminated. Second, civil liberties are inherently undesirable because they give citizens
power to affect government actions” (Miller 36). In the case of Juárez, the confiscation of basic civil
and human rights and access to the Mexican legal system translate into the difficulties that
mothers and activists endure in demanding justice through juridical channels. The apathetic
response of police, investigators, prosecutors, and judges has led to gender-based violence,
especially femicide, as a tool of informal social control for women and as a way of commandeering
women’s access to justice.
The confiscation of rights also deteriorates into the tendency of ‘blaming the victim’ and ‘blaming
the mother and families rather than scrutinizing the failures within the State or, again, pursuing the
original perpetrators of the violence. The persistent questioning of what a woman wore when she
was victimized, how late she was out, who she was with, are all pervasive questions that transcend
justice. Women victims are often re-victimized by the very systems intended to safeguard their
rights through law enforcement interrogations, the lack of due diligence in investigations, and the
overall paternalistic or patriarchal attitudes of officers, other agents of the State, and society
(Bejarano). Since justice systems are based on heteronormative patriarchal powers primarily
designed and articulated by men, the lack of gender perspectives explain the obstacles women
face in obtaining positive results from the criminal justice system itself.
In another blatant example of the deployment of confiscation as a mechanism of social control is
the confiscation of not only rights, but the difficulty of moving freely to assert one’s rights which is
pervasive (containment). The families of feminicide victims often made the painful decision to
either make weekly visits to the fiscalia, to attend social protests, or to save their money for bus
fare, rent or groceries. One very suspicious move by the local government was to offer cheaply
made homes atop of a city landfill called Los Ojitos, in the southern part of Juárez, a massive
urban and impoverished part of the City. Families were offered cheaply-made, two-bedroom
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homes as a sign of atonement for neglected feminicide cases. Many families refused to move there
since they felt this move was a way to bribe the families to end their activism. A few others moved
there for economic survivability.
A critical perspective, based on the framework of the chain of destruction would offer the obvious
analysis of the isolation of these families in the outskirts of Ciudad Juárez and away from the public
eye, the authorities’ offices, and the city center, which is the heart of the activist movement. The
concentration of these ‘ordinary people’ turned dissident activists into a distinctly desolate
geographic location is suspect. One could claim that the government thus knew exactly where
some of the most vocal and ‘troublesome’ families and specifically mothers lived. Their movement
could easily be monitored as well as who they kept company with. Hence, the concentration of
these families into concentric geographic localities further marginalized people from activism, from
investigating their daughters’ cases, and pushed them further from the social service resources
primarily located in central Juárez. These ordinary people, forced to become activists, were
punished, marginalized and contained in the same perimeter in a marginalized and extremely
impoverished area of Juárez. The mothers and their families were punished for denouncing their
daughters’ killings and asserting their rights. Los Ojitos was not an act of atonement, but an act of
controlling, containing and taming the denouncing bodies that caused them so much grief. Activists
were always suspicious of this action by the local government arguing that Los Ojitos served as a
perfect surveillance technique of the families’ comings and goings.
7. Annihilation
The final category of Miller’s framework is ‘annihilation’ which needs no further elaboration. Miller
states that, “[d]eath can be inflicted by indirect or direct means. Indirect means include withholding
of medical care. Direct means include death squads and central killing operations (camp)” (Miller
xi). In Chihuahua, there is the social death that families endure in losing a loved one. Families are
compelled to investigate their daughters’ cases and to do the investigative work of the State. They
are also made to publicly mourn instead of remembering their daughters privately with loved ones.
Annihilation through indirect means has taken its toll on mothers and activists when considering
the resources they expend to fight for justice that can tear families apart and bankrupt them. Their
desire to find their daughters and their understandable obsession in seeking justice can also take
its toll emotionally, psychologically and physically, including the fear that entire families and even
their communities can suffer harassment, injury and even death. This too was evident when I
heard testimonials by families of feminicide victims at the September 2014 Tribunal Permanente de
los Pueblos in Chihuahua City, Chihuahua.
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There is a cadence to death, an undeniable intonation to how disruptive, denouncing, and
denigrated bodies materialize. In the state of Chihuahua, they are identified, ostracized, and found
suspect. They are isolated, their lives at any moment can be taken from them, confiscated and
terrorized, and they are contained and categorized as deviants, as troublemakers, as Viejas
Escandalosas by the Mexican State. In some instances, as we have witnessed, activists are
annihilated like the women and girls that they work to vindicate. As Miller argues about the
Holocaust and the U.S. War on Drugs, “…mass murder is probable once a society decides to
eliminate a group of ordinary people, as was the case in Nazi Germany” (xi). This is where
‘Femicidal State Rhetoric’ works best: in terrorizing a community to the point of complacency with
the rhetoric of murder. If you go out at night alone, you can be murdered; if you align yourself with
activists and family-based organizations, your families are in danger; and if you speak too loudly
against the State or any other associated entity or shadow governing body, you might even
experience death. The denigrated bodies, the victims of feminicide through serial sexual killings,
domestic violence, narco violence, and sexualized and gender-based violence, have suffered
annihilation.
The death of the activist Susana Chávez offers an example of ‘Femicidal State Rhetoric’ to plant
fear in society that anyone can be a victim of femicide. Susana, a poet and activist, who is credited
for coining the rallying cry of the anti-feminicide movement “Ni Una Más!” was killed on January 3,
2011 in Ciudad Juárez by three young men, two of which were minors. They severed her left hand
and suffocated her with a plastic bag (Villalpando; Nájar), purportedly to make her death look like a
narco murder. Although the State was not directly involved in her feminicide, and authorities
refuted that her murder was attributed to her anti-feminicide activism, her murder worked to
condemn her for going out late alone and partying with men. For the State and even ‘gente
decente,’ she placed herself in harm’s way and was the author of her own demise. To the activists
and segments of society comprised of ordinary, everyday people, however, it was another poignant
example of the State’s failure to provide safety for its citizenry. The State refuted that she was a
victim of feminicide, yet the irony is irrefutable. Norma Ledezma, mother of feminicide victim
Paloma Ledezma and founder of Justicia Para Nuestras Hijas in Chihuahua City said, “The motive
matters, but she was killed because she was a woman. It is part of the climate of impunity in which
we live” (Nájar; translation mine).
The final example of annihilation that pulls every aspect of what I have argued in this article
together is the emblematic feminicide cases of Rubí Marisol Frayre Escobedo and her mother,
Marisela Escobedo from Ciudad Juárez. At the Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos, Lucha
Castro—fellow activist and attorney of Marisela Escobedo—recounted to an audience of more than
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two hundred people how twenty days prior to Marisela’s death, she had explained to authorities
from the office of the Secretary of the Interior in Mexico City the great risk to her life. On December
8, 2010, after meeting with the Attorney General of Chihuahua, she stated that she would hold a
silent protest at the Plaza de Armas across the street from the government offices where the
Chihuahua Governor’s office is located. A permanent installation by the organization Mujeres de
Negro of Chihuahua, called La Cruz de Clavos NI UNA MÁS, is in the Plaza de Armas facing the
Governor’s Palace in Chihuahua where Marisela staged a peaceful protest for several days before
her death. She stated that she would hold the protest until authorities apprehended her daughter’s
assassin. Sergio Rafael, the perpetrator of her daughter was initially detained by authorities but
was later exonerated by a Juárez court. However, a second appeal found Rafael guilty of killing
Rubí. Still, he managed to escape apprehension despite Marisela escorting police to his location in
another Mexican State (CEDEHM).
On December 16, 2010, Rubi’s mother, Marisela would be the target. Marisela Escobedo was
gunned down in front of the Governor’s Palace in Chihuahua as she held her protest late that
evening. Security cameras caught her murder as a man exits a waiting car and walks up to
Marisela who then runs to the Governor’s Palace pleading for help; she was shot point blank in
front of the palace sidewalk. Before her death she had requested protection from the State
government but was denied protective measures. Like Josefina Reyes before her, Marisela
publicly stated that if she were killed, the government would be responsible for her murder. Again,
like Josefina Reyes, members of her family received death threats and fled for their lives. They are
currently exiled from Mexico in the U.S. Sixteen-year-old Rubí was killed by her boyfriend.
Meanwhile, Marisela and Rubí’s memories are all that are left. Marisela’s legacy as denouncing
mother and then disruptive activist point to the dangers in place for women and men activists; she
became the denigrated body, a feminicide victim like her daughter. Years before her death, when
she stood before the court that was to sentence Rubí’s murderer, Marisela stated, “I would like to
see that the death of my daughter was not in vain, and that it was the last feminicide of this city”
(CEDEHM, 3).
Conclusion
In a report by Margaret Sekaggya, the Human Rights Rappateur for the United Nations stated that
Mexico is one of the most dangerous countries for human rights defenders, “who are fighting
against impunity in cases of alleged violations of human rights" (Almada 1). She additionally noted
that "although the general identity of the perpetrators of human rights violations is unknown, that it
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is known that between them, there are members of the police, the army, and armed groups" (ibid).
Despite the dangers discussed in this article, ordinary public citizens are defying forms of social
control by the State. Although ‘Femicidal State Rhetoric’ and incessant violence pulverize hopes
for a peaceful future and life free from violence, the denouncing and disruptive bodies that work to
undo so much injustice continue their work. Although the State and ‘gente decente’ work to change
images and breed a different kind of citizenry that is tamed and controlled, a dissident segment of
society will work to heal its people and to create a reality that is not governed or illustrated by
brutality.
The urgency with which activists and feminicide victims’ families work to curb the multiple forms of
social violence that spur feminicides and other gender-based violence is evident in pivotal events
like the Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos. People are wary of existing systems of justice, which
lead them to join responses by civic society groups, feminist and women’s rights groups, and
private citizens to create alternate strategies for justice with a gendered perspective in mind. The
TPP in Chihuahua City was hosted by 49 civil society organizations in Northern Mexico to stop
feminicides, human rights violations and impunity. The Chihuahua City TPP, like others before it,
marked the numerous instances of rights violations that the Mexican people endure: the right to
live a life free from violence or the threat of it is absent in contemporary life in Chihuahua, but the
need to tell the histories of these atrocities lives on.
In the words of Salvador Salazar Gutiérrez and Martha Mónica Curiel García, “Existe una urgente
necesidad de despertar las historias que duermen en las calles” (There exists an urgent need to
awaken the histories that sleep on the streets) (9; translation mine). At the end of the day, it is
really the Chihuahenses, the activists and families who defend their rights and demand
accountability from the State that are the true ‘gente decente’ in its most literal translation. Decent
people do not allow death and destruction to rule a society; they assert their rights and demand
justice for all.
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I would like to thank the editors of this collection, Laura Gillman and Tobias Jochum, for their careful review
of this manuscript, along with the blind peer reviewers who offered their suggestions. I would also like to
acknowledge Jeff Shepherd, María Eugenia Hernández, and Jose Montoya for their support and assistance
with this manuscript.
Endnotes
[1] The ‘Great Violence’ references Felipe Calderón’s War on Drugs according to Kent Paterson, journalist
and writer for the online news service Frontera Norte Sur. He states that, “In terms of the 'drug war,' the
broader, national conflict really flared during the Fox administration as early as 2003, i.e. Nuevo Laredo, but
escalated under Calderon. When I [Kent Paterson] speak of the drug war beginning in 2008, I am specifically
referring to the war in Juárez” (Personal Communication, September 13, 2014). Other journalists and
scholars point to 2006 or 2007 as the impetus for the Mexican government-led War on Drugs against
Mexican-based drug cartels. Data varies on the number of people killed during former President Felipe
Calderon’s anti-drug trafficking war that was launched when he took office in 2006. Roughly 67,050 people
were killed in México and over 13,000 were murdered in Juárez from 2006-2013 (3,075 in 2010). Other nongovernment affiliated accounts place the death count much higher at over 100,000 people. This violence
between rival Mexican drug cartels over trafficking corridors into the U.S. also resulted in the mass departure
of people from México (Payan). Although the U.S. drug market is valued at between $63 and $81 billion
(O’Rourke and Byrd), a clear indication of why cartels are killing for control of the market, little conversation
directly connects the carnage in Mexico and its responsibility back to the U.S. and the U.S. drug consumer
market.
[2] I will be using ‘femicide’ when referring to the tactics by the State and non-State actors to incite fear of
gender-based violence, and in contrast, I will use ‘feminicide’ in my critique of the strategies and discursive
practices that the State uses, while also using ‘feminicide’ to describe the push back of women involved in
the anti-feminicide movement against the State and other gender-based violence aggressors.
[3] I use the idea of ‘Femicide State Rhetoric’ to stand separately from femicide or feminicide. The term
femicide alone is used to describe the deaths of women and girls and draws on the groundbreaking work of
Diana Russell (2001), but does not explicitly capture the feminicides that occurred after her initial writings on
‘femicide.’ The original discussion on femicide does not directly make the connections between the systemic
and systematic representations of gender-based violence that implicates both State and individual
perpetrators, that encompasses the systematic, widespread, and everyday violence rooted in social, political,
economic, and cultural inequalities (Fregoso and Bejarano). Marcela Lagarde y de los Ríos elaborates even
further by calling feminicides in Mexico crimes against humanity (2010). Femicide and feminicidal discourse
has evolved for decades with robust debate over the use of either term and has grown in strength and in its
legal importance. Feminicide has been codified into law in various Mexican States and recognized as a crime
at the Mexican federal level.
[4] For a comprehensive debate and discussion of the use of femicide and feminicide across Latin America,
see Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas (Fregoso and Bejarano, 2010) and Alice Driver’s More
or Less Dead: Feminicide, Haunting, and the Ethics of Representation in Mexico (2015.)
[5] For more on Richard Lawrence Miller’s arguments on mass incarceration in the U.S., see his contribution
to the 2012 documentary, The House I Live In directed by Eugene Jarecki.
[6] Another poignant example is that of the State denying or misidentifying the bodies of feminicide victims. In
December of 2009, the InterAmerican Court wrote their scathing sentence of the Mexican government’s
irregularities in their investigations, negligence and exhibiting gender discrimination in the feminicide cases of
Claudia Iveth González, Esmeralda Herrera Monreal and Laura Bernice Ramos Monárrez who were three of
the feminicide victims found in the Campo Algodonero. See Bejarano’s “Memory of Struggle in Ciudad
Juárez: Mothers’ Resistance and Transborder Activism in the Case of the Campo Algodonero” footnote four
(202) for a description of the misidentification of bodies in that case. Similar claims are made by the Centro
de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres about the Arroyo Navaho cases (www.cedehm.mx.org).
[7] Since 1998, I have followed the feminicides in Ciudad Juárez and have worked with families of the
missing and murdered. Most of my involvement stemmed from my activism with Amigos de las Mujeres de
Juárez, a local border organization I co-founded in 2001. We were the most active in Chihuahua, primarily
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supporting the efforts of women’s rights, human rights and family based organizations in Ciudad Juárez and
Chihuahua City from 2001-2009. Several of the examples given in these next segments are based on years
of activism, advocacy, and research, and hearing families’ testimonials.
[8] Co-founders of the organization, Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, Norma Andrade, mother of Lilia
Alejandra García Andrade, Maria Luisa (Malu) García Andrade, sister of Lilia Alejandra Andrade murdered in
2001, and Marisela Ortiz, Lilia Alejandra’s school teacher fled from Ciudad Juárez after receiving death
threats because of their work through that organization. (For additional information on the organization’s
efforts see their website: http://nuestrashijasderegresoacasa.blogspot.com/p/quienes-somos.html).
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Works Cited
Almada, Hugo. “RV: Desaparición forzada de familiares de la activista Josefina Reyes.” Message
to Cynthia Bejarano. 8 Feb 2011. E-mail.
Baudrillard, Jean. Symbolic Exchange and Death. London: Sage, 1993. Print.
Bejarano, Cynthia. “Memory of Struggle in Ciudad Juárez: Mothers’ Resistance and Transborder
Activism in the Case of the Campo Algodonero.” Aztlán 38.1 (2013): 189-204. Print.
–––––. “Falta de respeto y sistemas de justicia: Perspectivas binacionales sobre violencia de
género en ambos lados de la frontera.” Colección Diversidad sin Violencia.
Eds.
Patricia Ravelo Blancas and Héctor Domínguez Ruvalcaba. Mexico, D.F.: Fondo Nacional
para la Cultura y las Artes, 2011. 119-142. Print.
Butler, Judith. Cuerpos que importan. Trans. Alcira Bixio. Mexico, D.F.: Paidos, 2002. Print.
Castro Rodriguez, Luz Estela. “Experiencias en la labor de las y los Defensores de Derechos
Humanos.” 1 Oct 2011. Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres. Chihuahua City,
Mexico. Print.
Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres. Memoria
Tribunal de
Conciencia: Primer
Aniversario del feminicidio de Marisela Escobedo. Chihuahua City: Random, 2011. Print.
Chriss, James J. Social Control: An Introduction. Malden, Massachusetts: Polity, 2013. Print.
Figueroa, Lorena. “En dos semanas, Cipriana sabrá si EU le brindará o no refugio.” El Diario de El
Paso. 3 Mar 2011. Web. 1 Sep 2014.<diario.mx/El_Paso/>
Fregoso, Rosa-Linda, and Cynthia Bejarano. "Introduction: A Cartography of Feminicide in
theAméricas.” Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Americas. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso
and Cynthia Bejarano. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. 1-42. Print.
Herrera Robles, Luis Alfonso. Juárez: el desgobierno de la ciudad y la política de abandono:
Miradas desde la frontera norte de México. 2nd Ed. Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma de
Ciudad Juárez, 2010. Print.
Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía. Defunciones por homicidio, por entidad
deoccurencia, desglosado por sexo y según año de registro. Web. 14 Sep 2014.
<www.inegi.gob.mx>
Lagarde y de los Ríos, Marcela. “Preface: Feminist Keys for Understanding Feminicide:
Theoretical, Political, and Legal Construction.” Trans. Charles Roberts. Terrorizing Women:
Feminicide in the Americas. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Durham, NC:
Duke UP, 2010. xi-xxv. Print.
Meyer, Maureen, Gustavo de la Rosa Hickerson, and Luz Estela Castro Rodríguez. “Las Mujeres
en Chihuahua: entre la ocupación militar y policiaca, la violencia y el narcotráfico.” Oficina
en Washington para Asuntos Latinoamericanos (WOLA), la Comisión Estatal de Derechos
Humanos del Estado de Chihuahua and the Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres,
Washington, D.C. and Chihuahua City. 2010. Print.
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Miller, Richard Lawrence. Drug Warriors and their Prey: From Police Power to Police State.
Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1996. Print.
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia E. “Death in a Transnational Metropolitan Region.” Ed. Kathleen Staudt,
Cesar M. Fuentes, and Julia E. Monárrez Fragoso. Cities and Citizenship at the U.S.Mexico Border: the Paso del Norte Metropolitan Region. New York, NY: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2010. 43-70. Print.
–––––. Feminicidio sexual sistématico: víctimas y familiares, Ciudad Juárez,1993-2004. Mexico
City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 2005. Print.
Morales, M. Cristina and Cynthia Bejarano. “Border Sexual Conquest: A Framework for Gendered
and Racial Sexual Violence.” Ed. Angela J. Hattery, David G. Embrick, and Earl Smith.
Globalization and America: Race, Human Rights, and Inequality. Boulder, Colorado:
Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008. 181-198. Print.
Morrison, Andrew, Mayra Buvinic and Michael Shifter. “The Violent Americas: Risk
Factors,Consequences, and Policy Implications of Social and Domestic Violence.” Ed.
Hugo Frühling, Joseph L. Tulchin, and Heather A. Golding. Crime and Violence in Latin
America: Citizen Security, Democracy, and the State. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson
Center Press, 2003. 93-124. Print.
Nájar, Alberto. “A Susana Chávez ‘la mataron por ser mujer.’” BBC Mundo, México, 13 Jan 2011.
Web. 1 Sep 2014. <www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/>
O’Rourke, Beto and Susy Byrd. Dealing Death and Drugs: The Big Business of Dope in the U.S.
and México. El Paso: Cinco Puntos P, 2011. Print.
Olivera, Mercedes. “Violencia Feminicida: Violence Against Women and Mexico’s Structural
Crisis.” Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in
the Americas. Trans. Victoria J. Furio. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. 49-58. Print.
Pachico. Elyssa. “98% of Mexico’s 2012 Murder Cases Unsolved.” Web. 1 Jul 2013.
<http://es.insightcrime.org>
Paterson, Kent. “Femicide on International Trial Again.” Frontera Norte Sur. 2 Jun 2012. Las
Cruces, NM: New Mexico State U. Print.
Payan, Tony. “Introduction: The Many Labyrinths of Illegal Drug Policy.” Ed. Tony Payan, Kathleen
Staudt, and Z. Anthony Kruszewski. A War That Can’t Be Won: Binational Perspectives on
the War on Drugs. Tucson: U of Arizona P, 2013. 3-30. Print.
Russell, Diana E. H. “Introduction: The Politics of Femicide.” Ed. Diana E. H. Russell and Roberta
A. Harmes. Femicide in Global Perspective. New York: Teachers College P, 2001. 3-11.
Print.
Salazar Gutiérrez, Salvador and Martha Mónica Curiel García. Ciudad Abatida: Antropología de
la(s) fatalidad(es). México, D.F.: Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez: 2012. Print.
Segato, Rita Laura. “Territory, Sovereignty, and Crimes of the Second State: The Writing on the
Body of Murdered Women.” Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing
Women: Feminicide in the Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. 70-92. Print.
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(Un)Silencing the Past: Narratives of Trauma in Comparative Perspective Symposium.
Albuquerque: U of New Mexico. 2013. Print.
Villalpando, Rubén. “Asesinan en Ciudad Juárez a la activista social Susana Chávez.” La Jornada.
11 Jan 2011: 10. Print.
Suggested Citation:
Bejarano, Cynthia. “(Re)Living Femicide through Social Control: the Regulation of Life and Bodies through
Fear and (In)Formal Social Control.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 67-91.
Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Tobias Jochum (Free University Berlin)
"The Weight of Words, the Shock of Photos" [1]:
Poetic Testimony and Elliptical Imagery in Sergio González Rodríguez'
The Femicide Machine
Abstract
Since the early 2000s, the academic discourse around the feminicides in Ciudad Juárez and the
state of Chihuahua has grown increasingly interdisciplinary and self-conscious—that is to say, selfreflexive about inherent ethical ambiguities and pragmatic limitations of writing about (and against)
fatal gender violence in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. For politically-motivated scholars of
feminicide, illustration and narrative became fundamentally necessary to help humanize otherwise
often faceless research and academic work: hence, recent volumes of feminicide scholarship
prominently incorporate photographic images and personal testimonials. In his monograph The
Femicide Machine (2012), Mexican journalist Sergio González Rodríguez likewise adds testimony
and illustration to his dense study of Ciudad Juárez, but with an unusual twist. Guided by
reflections on graphic representations of violence by Susan Sontag and Jacques Rancière, this
paper aims to uncover the specific strategies deployed by González Rodríguez, as he turns
testimony into poetry and deflects the reader's urge for visual gratification, thereby opening a
space for critical self-reflection. I posit The Femicide Machine as a case study for the larger
argument that politico-ethical urgency and analytical complexity posed by atrocities such as the
Juárez feminicides are pushing cultural producers to transcend genre boundaries and seek out
novel or alternative modes of representation in the quest to engage audiences in meaningful ways
and ultimately elicit political responses towards effecting social change.
Keywords: femicide / feminicide, Ciudad Juárez, testimony, photography, representation
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Introduction
In the increasingly international intellectual debate around feminicide in Ciudad Juárez and the
state of Chihuahua, the public discourse has gradually come into focus over the past decade,
conceivably as a way of out the political and discursive gridlock experienced in academic and
activist circles alike. The public sphere, as it were, can offer a site in which to carry out “the
struggle for interpretative power” (Jean Franco, qtd. in Schmidt Camacho, “Body Counts” 47) and
thereby impact more effectively the unyielding status quo of criminal impunity and political inertia.
With state institutions throwing insurmountable bureaucratic roadblocks in the way of any effort to
implement substantial social change from the outside, the realm of public opinion, while hotly
contested from various fronts, promises at least a more accessible forum for mobilizing support
and applying pressure to the state (Fregoso, Encounters; Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán;
Domínguez-Ruvalbaca and Corona; Volk).
Conventional academic publishing and human rights reports ultimately proved to hold relatively
little drawing power for larger audiences and were often dwarfed by other “louder” lines of
discourse. This helped foster a palpable sense of frustration and fatigue among politically
motivated scholars and activists, reflected in much of the scholarship published after public interest
peaked in the early to mid-2000s when several key events galvanized international outrage and
protests (Gillman and Jochum 4). With The Femicide Machine, Sergio González Rodríguez
delivers an updated synthesis of his seminal earlier account of the Juárez feminicides, Huesos en
el desierto, repackaged for an Anglophone audience. In it the Mexican author classifies the public
discourse into four categories: the “official version,” disseminated by state authorities and
government spokespeople and, as such, notoriously riddled with misinformation and manipulation;
the day-to-day “journalistic narrative,” locked in a more or less critical dialogue with the former,
state-sanctioned discourse; the academic and human rights angle on the violence; and, finally, the
“cultural narrative,” a diverse body of cultural and artistic texts produced in a variety of written and
audiovisual genres and a large spectrum of sources, from investigative reporting, critical analyses,
fictionalized accounts, first-person narratives, views held by the local communities, rumors and
myths, each of which seeking to, in various degrees, “reinvent reality or defend historical truth”
(82). [2]
As scholars grew increasingly aware of the delicate ethics of their work and its limited access to
the broader cultural narrative, they responded by seeking out new ways to mend traditional
confines of academic writing. The formal vocabulary of academic discourse struggled to render
accessible the multifarious complexities behind the perpetuation of the violence, while conventional
scholarly rhetoric seemed increasingly ill-equipped to address human suffering on such a scale,
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often hampered, as it were, by a sense of analytical disconnect. While feminicide scholars such as
Alicia Gaspar de Alba and Melissa M. Wright, were imbuing their writing with a passion, urgency,
and political outspokenness that owed much to Gloria Anzaldúa and her deeply personal and
unapologetically political writing, discursive constraints persisted. By the late 2000s, with public
attention in decline and the anti-feminicide movement losing momentum, the affective tone in
feminicide scholarship grew increasingly exasperated. Pondering the failure to achieve palpable
progress, authors struggled to find new ways to convey the persisting urgency and jarring specifics
of the continued violence without succumbing to fatalist pronouncements or losing professional
countenance. [3]
From the very brief and streamlined progression of feminicide scholarship delineated above, we
can detect the emergence of two fundamental needs to assist and alter otherwise faceless and
powerless discourses of research and theory: illustration and narrative. The medium of
photography offered the most obvious tool for addressing the former, and had, in fact, already
featured prominently within public discourse, albeit in forms that provoked controversial debates
(see my discussion of Charles Bowden below). Photography as such brings with it a long history of
documenting injustice and human suffering, accompanied since its invention by critical reflections
over inherent ethical risks, rewards, and responsibilities. In these debates, exploitation and
sensationalism delimit one end of the spectrum, while the potential of utilizing the power of
authenticity to elicit genuine empathy and political responsiveness marks its opposite end.
Particularly in light of a media environment characterized by the inflationary display of—or, in any
case, access to—graphic images of calamity from virtually anywhere on the globe, the use of
photography warrants a careful interrogation over its practical advantages and ethical pitfalls. For
this, let us now turn to one of the earliest and most problematic photographic takes on the
feminicides in Ciudad Juárez.
1. Problematic Pragmatics
Shock and Symbolic Violence in Charles Bowden's Border Reporting
In order to demonstrate what is at stake when it comes to the representation of violence and
victims of the Juárez feminicides as well as to exemplify the bitterness that has become
characteristic of the debate, let us consider the example of Charles Bowden who, until his recent
passing in 2014, had been writing prolifically about the borderlands and particularly about Ciudad
Juárez. Bowden first introduced the historical occurrence and graphic imagery of the feminicides to
a U.S.-American public, drawing both controversy and critical acclaim. [4] His award-winning 1998
photo essay Juárez: The Laboratory of Our Future opens with Noam Chomsky's introduction that
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predictably frames the abject poverty and physical violence afflicting the region as directly caused
by neoliberal forces, in particular as a manifestation of the devastating consequences of NAFTA. In
the main body of the volume, Bowden then showcases the personal stories and work of a group of
local photographers, most of whom specialized in crime scenes of violence and death in Ciudad
Juárez, often risking their lives in the pursuit of their motives. [5] According to Bowden’s account,
these adrenaline-driven renegade reporters, or "street shooters," genuinely regard their work as a
vital service to an otherwise ignorant, indifferent, or deeply cynical public that had its back turned
on the alarming levels of brutality and suffering right in front of their doorsteps. However, some of
the photojournalists also display a rather morbid fascination with their subjects, regarding singular
shots with the undisguised pride a hunter might harbor over a particularly rare or prestigious piece
of game (73-75; 76; 90).
The most notorious among more than a dozen photographs of slain bodies that are dispersed
throughout the pages of Laboratory depicts a face in close-up, belonging to a sixteen-year-old rape
and murder victim. Enlarged to approximately the size of an actual human head, the face fills out
the entirety of the page (66). Bar any discernable background, the image impedes any sense of top
and bottom, and offers no hint as to the body's position. As if reinforcing this decontextualizing
quality, the photograph was actually printed in two different versions, first a smaller version in
horizontal scale in Harper's Magazine, suggesting a probable prone position of the body, and then,
in Laboratory, larger and turned upright to unsettling effect. Disembodied and disorienting, the
head appears to jut out of the US-letter-sized hardcover book, as if leaping directly towards us. The
face is mummified beyond recognition from prolonged exposure to heat and light, the skin visibly
blackened yet in some parts glistening bronze in the sun: a ghostly and a ghastly image. Harper’s
had first published the shot in 1996, adorning an article by Bowden titled "While You Were
Sleeping", his first exposé on Ciudad Juárez and the local photographers chronicling the city's
violence.
Two years later, he used the piece as one of the chapters of the transnational collaboration that
became the photo essay Juárez: Laboratory of Our Future, featuring close to a hundred more of
the street shooters' photographs in color prints. In the Harper's piece (as in Laboratory), Bowden
writes in his characteristic first-person mode, the classic style of New Journalism, to relate how he
first mistook the image for “a beautiful black carved mask" and admired its aesthetic faculties (“The
face is smooth with craftsmanship”) before realizing the horror of what the image actually portrays
("Sleeping" 46; Laboratory 67). The photo catches his attention as he is given a private slide show
by Jaime Bailleres, the photojournalist who authored the shot and who then volunteers relevant
background information—at least to the minimal extent available: where the body was found, the
victim's forensically determined age, her never-resolved status of anonymity, and the fact that the
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local paper had refused to print the photo. Obviously fascinated, Bowden resumes his aesthetic
contemplation: “The lips of the girl pull back, revealing her clean white teeth. Sound pours forth
from her mouth. She is screaming and screaming and screaming. […] A deafening image” (ibid.).
At the close of the book chapter (or article), Bowden returns to this synesthetic association of the
'silent scream' that so distinguishes the image for him—an image he admits being both obsessed
with and haunted by: "[S]he stares at me. The skin is smooth, almost carved and sanded, but
much too dark. And the screams are simply too deafening" (ibid.). Bowden here elevates the dead
girl’s countenance to the level of the symbolic, a metaphor for the incomprehensible discrepancy
between the inhumanity of the violence in Juárez and the indifference and silence with which it has
been met: a silent cry, too loud to be heard.
While Charles Bowden’s writing expresses in unequivocal terms his shock and outrage over the
physical and economic violence, as well as his solidarity with those afflicted by it, he nonetheless
came under scathing criticism—and with due justification—for never truly engaging with the murder
victims as individual human beings, or in this case, as one critic put it, never bothering to listen to
“what the dead girl might be saying.” (Schmidt Camacho, “Body Counts” 39). Beyond the moral
question of whether to publish such an image at all—and Bowden does seem to take an irksome
amount of misplaced satisfaction in the fact that he, against Bailleres' repeated prediction, has
indeed managed to get the shot published—the objections against Bowden’s particular use of it
would seem obvious. With no apparent hesitation he bypasses the victim’s individuality, her dignity,
and any hypothetical objections by her unknown family to instrumentalize her death into a literary
metaphor in the service of making a point about the savagery and surrounding silence he sees in
Ciudad Juárez. Conceivably, Bowden took the anonymity and unclaimed status of the corpse as
sufficient license not only to turn its destruction into a public spectacle and rhetorical tool but also
to claim it as his own, symbolically, through his written projections, and physically, by keeping a
copy of the picture in a folder by his desk, as he informs us, as a kind of talismanic memento that
can haunt him on demand (105). This is reckless misappropriation par excellence, bar any
legitimacy, sensitivity, self-reflexivity or meaningful engagement with the depicted human subject
(cf.: Delgadillo).
Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Alicia Schmidt Camacho are two among a number of feminist critics to
excoriate Bowden, accusing him of transforming the image of the girl into an exoticized fetish
(Fregoso, Encounters 16) and of reenacting “the violence of the murder itself [through the]
deliberate conversion of the dead body into an aesthetic object” (Schmidt Camacho, “Body Counts”
39). They lambasted the author’s unmitigated male gaze as “perverse,” “possessive,” and
“misogynist”, in particular pointing to extended passages in which Bowden eroticizes Mexican girls
as he observes them in local bars and dance clubs, imagining what sexual thoughts they might be
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thinking. Fregoso denounces his “racist and colonialist gaze” as he indulges, laconically, in the
classic chauvinist Western fantasy of rescuing a sex worker—a “whore” in his self-incriminating
term of choice—from the dreadful fate her own savage culture has in store for her. To Fregoso, the
fact that Bowden is quite obviously being facetious here, seeking to sell his trite digression as a
swipe against sanctimonious Western liberalism, does little to alleviate his offense. To the contrary,
she reads his resort to humor as an insult to common civility, given the grave immediate context of
rape and murder. In her scathing final verdict, Bowden’s “perversity," as manifested in the cited
litany of harmful gazes, "constructs border women as abject” (Encounters 15).
These readings, while sharp-tongued and somewhat selective, are pertinent, productive critiques
of a manifestly problematic writer taking on most sensitive issues—criticisms to which I
wholeheartedly subscribe. In what follows, I by no means seek to issue a recuperation or defense
of Charles Bowden's transgressions. His lifelong public refusal to critically reflect on them speaks
volumes. His writing reflects and perpetuates longstanding hegemonic and patriarchal forms of
conceiving and constructing the borderlands, fed by a literary aesthetic tradition by authors such as
Cormac McCarthy and Carlos Fuentes. What I would like to propose, then, is a stance that, instead
of disqualifying his work altogether based on its worst offenses, allows for further critical inquiry
that might unlock more nuanced or ambivalent insights into the modus operandi of even the most
misguided attempts to represent violence. And for better or worse, the border, according to
Bowden, continues to resonate in a popular transnational cultural imaginary.
A self-styled nature recluse in the individualist-masculinist tradition who came of age in the sixties
and seventies, Charles Bowden not only missed the feminist call as a student and later continued
to ignore its widely available lessons, he also developed an ostensible attitude of disdain for ivory
tower intellectualism throughout his career, presumably dating back to his walking out of his
dissertation defense in frustration before turning to journalism and his own writing projects fulltime.
In interviews he fashioned himself as dutiful working stiff simply out to Report The Story, the sort of
seasoned crime beat writer who has seen too much to bother with political correctness or
complications of deconstruction. He was plainspoken about his intentions to write the capital-t
Truth to capital-p Power. Despite extensive ground research and close cooperation with local
women’s rights activists, journalists, and photographers, Bowden dismissed activist intentions on
his part, and routinely deflected inquiries into the dangers of the job to his Mexican peers south of
the border, whom he lauded as the ones to literally be putting their lives on the line, working, as
they were, under the constant threat of intimidation, kidnappings, torture, and assassination (see:
Driver "Femicide"; Blake). [6]
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On the page, his terse prose, often described as darkly poetic, betrays a deliberate kinship to the
testosteronic writing traditions of Hemingway, McCarthy, the New Journalists, and authors of hardboiled detective fiction. His bleak visions of Juárez as harbinger of an apocalyptic future of freemarket capitalism marked by environmental destruction and extreme violence have to answer to
the charge of perpetuating the notion of the Mexican borderlands as an inherently violent space
while minimizing the possibility of local resistance (Delgadillo). And yet, the force of his lyrical, well
researched, and deeply personal narratives of the dire, oftentimes previously ignored
consequences of global economic dynamics and U.S.-driven policies cannot be refuted so easily.
Thus, even as an arguable anachronistic misogynist with a Cassandra complex, Bowden's writing
continues to demand our clear-eyed critical attention, perhaps especially as feminist readers and
scholars.
The political conclusions that Bowden drew from his analyses, meanwhile, run almost entirely
congruent with the practical prescriptions by critical scholars and feminist activist-artists working on
human rights issues on the border. His three propositions for the United States to alleviate—or
rather, to stop aggravating—the violence and hardship south of its border remain judicious and
comprehensive—albeit miles removed from the limited possibilities of contemporary U.S.
realpolitik: renegotiate NAFTA so that Mexican workers are paid a living wage and ecological
destruction is curbed by effective regulations; end the disastrous War on Drugs and reframe
substance addiction as a medical problem; and, finally, implement progressive immigration reform
that would open a path to citizenship for the “secret underclass” of undocumented workers, on
whom the United State’s economy, in fact, crucially depends (Blake). At the same time, he readily
acknowledged that concrete solutions that could diminish criminal impunity and corruption would
have to be negotiated and executed on the local level. Ultimately, as he liked to quip, “Mexicans
have to fix Mexico” (Perspectives). [7]
Bowden’s major fallacy remains his willful ignorance and insensitivity regarding gender as a vital
factor in these murders of women in the borderlands. While lamenting domestic violence as
commonplace and culturally accepted in Northern Mexico and acknowledging rape as a form of
applied gender terror, he remained skeptical of using the terms “femicide” (/"feminicide") or even
“hate crime” as analytical concepts, since he took neither to adhere to an officially deployed social
policy (Driver "Femicide" 375). [8] Bowden crucially ignores the central distinction of violence
against women as directed against them because they are women. The rationale behind the
analytical term “feminicide" (or "femicide") as a useful concept to separate these crimes from maleon-male homicide, has little to do with direct legislation, as explained by, among many others,
Fregoso and Bejarano:
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[Unlike] most cases of women’s murders, men are not killed because they are men
or as a result of their vulnerability as members of a subordinate gender; nor are men
subjected to gender-specific forms of degradation and violation, such as rape and
sexual torture, prior to their murder. Such gender differences in the experience of
violence suggest the need for an alternative analytic concept, such as feminicide, for
mapping the hierarchies embedded in gender-based violence. (Fregoso and
Bejarano 7)
Bowden’s disavowal of the gender dimension can be read as a misguided expression of the
concern that femicide/feminicide—at least in the popular understanding of the term [9]—may not
provide the key diagnostics for solving the ongoing crisis of the Mexican state and the associated
explosion of seemingly non-gender-specific violence. His point that the “the murders of men aren’t
investigated either” may unproductively pit one kind of offense against the other, but remains
factually accurate on face value (Driver, “Femicide” 376). [10]
Given the opportunity to publicly defend his representational choices against allegations of
exploitation and sensationalism in an interview with Alice Driver, Charles Bowden resorted to an
almost naïve candor:
I thought if I used photography readers would identify more because it is an art form,
and that if I used dead girls instead of dead boys that they’d pay more attention.
That’s it. […] ‘Does it worsen things to show corpses or does it help things?’ No one
on earth knows. I thought that in this instance it helps things. I thought people
needed a wake-up call. ("Femicide" 372-3)
Specifically probed about the term porno-misery, clarified by Driver, who first applied the term to
representations of the Juárez feminicides in her book More or Less Dead, as “the voyeuristic
exploitation of misery,” Bowden reveals both a basic grasp of the practical risks—if not necessarily
ethical problem—that arise with the distribution of graphic images of extreme violence and,
simultaneously, shows his lack of a definite answer to the problem. Working from his own off-thecuff definition of pornography as “deadening [and] redundant imagery,” Bowden acknowledges the
possibility of porno-misery “when you produce enough of these images that people don’t react to
them. […] There isn’t a rule,” he concludes, “It’s a judgment.” Still, rights and sensibilities of the
subjects in front of the camera do not enter his equation. But unsurprisingly, he goes on to insist
that people did in fact have “a real reaction” to the photos in Laboratory back in 1998 ("Femicide"
378).
While Bowden's point about the precise kind of response to Laboratory among its readership
remains up for debate, one would be hard-pressed to question the desperate need for a wake-up
call at a time when U.S. media and politicians still unanimously fawned over Ciudad Juárez as a
role model for successful free trade policies. Again, none of this would suggest that Charles
Bowden deserved absolution from accusations of misogyny, ethnocentrism, or a proclivity toward
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the sensational and the self-righteous. However, in the spirit of political pragmatism, I would simply
suggest that the work by one of the most vocal—and, not least, highest-selling public U.S. critics of
precisely the U.S.-policies that, as most academics and activists agree, directly contribute to the
violence at the border against both men and women—merits a more constructive critical
engagement than a wholesale dismissal and vilification of its author. Calling out and holding
responsible cultural workers and intellectuals for their symbolic transgressions is a vital and
productive part of shaping public debate; foreclosing the possibility of dialogue is not. Eventually,
broader and more diverse coalitions willing to work through ideological differences will have to be
forged in order to tackle the multiple interconnected fronts of gendered (and classist and racialized)
violence in Ciudad Juárez and elsewhere. Meanwhile, Bowden’s inconclusive assessment of the
effect that graphic displays of violence may have on a given viewer is indeed worth further
elaboration. This elusive threshold where shock turns into oversaturation and, consequently,
numbness, calls up the late Susan Sontag, through whom we shall examine more closely the
potential functions, merits, and limits of shock as an affective trigger for awareness and action.
2. The Spectacle of Suffering Reconsidered
Susan Sontag’s New Nuance and the Return of the Real
In her essay Regarding the Pain of Others (2003) Susan Sontag offers a nuanced and decidedly
un-dogmatic examination of precisely the ethical and practical considerations around the reception
of visual imagery graphically depicting human suffering, the precise problem of representation that
Charles Bowden stumbled into somewhat clumsily. With Regarding Sontag devised a follow-up
and partial revision of her 1977 seminal work On Photography, in which she lamented the
diminishing impact of visual representations of suffering as a media landscape apparently
oversaturated with visual images of violence and atrocities. Back then she concluded with a
proposal for an “ecology [...] of images” to preserve our capability to react in meaningful ways to a
visual confrontation with human misery from a safe distance (180). Two and a half decades later,
however, Sontag came to harbor serious doubts about her former line of reasoning, and
challenged several of her own claims head on, effectively complicating the issue at the cost of
prescriptive moralizing and catchy generalizations. “There isn’t going to be an ecology of images,”
she concedes in 2003. “No Committee of Guardians is going to ration horror, to keep fresh its
ability to shock. And the horrors themselves are not going to abate” (97).
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This insistence on the true nature of human suffering forms the moral center around which
Sontag's ruminations gravitate. She forcefully rejects the postmodernist truism that holds reality as
but a spectacle in an echo chamber of media simulations and self-referential representations (or
simulacra, to use Baudrillard’s popular turn of phrase), and fiercely denounces the underlying
cynicism and narrow viewpoint of this discourse:
To speak of reality becoming a spectacle [...] universalizes the viewing habits of a
small, educated population living in the rich part of the world, where news has been
converted into entertainment. […] It assumes that everyone is a spectator. It
suggests, perversely, unseriously, that there is no real suffering in the world. [It] is
absurd to identify the world with those zones in the well-off countries where people
have the dubious privilege of being spectators, or of declining to be spectators, of
other people's pain, just as it is absurd to generalize about the ability to respond to
the sufferings of others on the basis of the mind-set of those consumers of news who
know nothing at first hand about war and massive injustice and terror. There are
hundreds of millions of television watchers who are far from inured to what they see
on television. They do not have the luxury of patronizing reality. (98-99) [11]
For Sontag, the assumption that images of atrocities were categorically impotent to engage any
viewer, the knee-jerk presupposition of “something innately cynical" about their circulation are but
cosmopolitan clichés of a privileged elite and ultimately further evidence that, "[s]ome people will
do anything to keep themselves from being moved" (ibid.).
Sontag's blistering critique of postmodernism is to be read in context with a number of intellectual
endeavors arguing for a departure from the postmodernist era of irony and play toward a new
paradigm of sincerity, bringing with it a cultural revalorization of the real and the authentic, in
however non-essentializing forms. Sometimes loosely referred to as post-postmodernism or, as
theorized by art historian Hal Foster, the “Return of the Real,” it is a project that emerged in the
mid-1990s, then gained popular currency in the wake of the events of September 11, whereupon it
was predominantly negotiated within the critical discourse on trauma with its emphasis on
suffering, memory, and marginalization (Haselstein, et. al.). Exploring the popular reemergence of
Holocaust literature and its accompanying scholarship at the time, Michael Rothberg proposed
“traumatic realism” as a new genre template, one infused by testimony and offering an ethical
response to the conflicting demands of trauma representation. Contesting previous takes on
trauma by theorists such as Cathy Caruth and Shoshana Felman, who placed extraordinary
historical horrors such as the Shoah beyond the confines of what is aesthetically, or artistically,
representable, Rothberg postulates documentation, self-reflection, and a critical engagement with
commodity culture as urgent demands for what he deems the essentially necessary endeavor of
representation (7).
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Sontag’s cautious optimism regarding the moral justification and political potential of
representations of suffering through aesthetic means then can be read as part of an “ethical turn
from trauma theory to a generalized theory of suffering” (Haselstein et. al. 17), in line with
thematically linked works by Judith Butler (Precarious Life: The Power of Mourning and Violence
[2004]; Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable [2009]) and others (ibid. 14-19). The renewed
hope in a post-postmodern viewership capable of differentiation, empathy, and political agency
also interlaces with French philosopher Jacques Rancière's notion of an “emancipated spectator”
in his evolving philosophy of political aesthetics, which I will engage in further detail below.
In Regarding the Pain, Sontag displays deep ambivalence about photography’s potential to invoke
meaningful responses. She emphasizes the medium’s unique ability—hence, its responsibility—to
establish visual immediacy and emotional alertness to atrocities occurring in geographically,
culturally and/or socioeconomically distant spaces. She further argues that only through the power
of shock can violent images provide the initial spark to trigger a chain reaction in the viewer from
awareness to critical reflection and thought, to, ultimately, taking the plunge to political action.
To a certain extent, Sontag defends the spectacular in war or disaster photography, scrutinizing
the conventional wisdom on the ethical etiquette of media representations of suffering. “For the
photography of atrocity, people want the weight of witnessing without the taint of artistry, which is
equated with insincerity or mere contrivance” (23), Sontag writes. She then goes on to question
the impulse by ‘morally alert’ photographers to artificially downplay spectacular scenes of violence
to appear less visually dramatic for the sake of chasing an aesthetic that would better correspond
to popular expectations of realism. In religious narratives throughout Western history, she argues,
suffering has often been conveyed in spectacular terms without apparently forfeiting any affective
power over the pious viewer (71-72). Moreover, Sontag holds the feeling of guilty titillation we
often experience at the sight of gore and horror as less morbid and abnormal than our moral
conscience may suggest, when in fact, it is an age-old sentiment traceable in philosophical
consideration all the way back to Plato (86). Our urge to gawk at images of horror becomes
diluted with shame over our self-awareness as distant onlookers, safely positioned out of harm's
way while impotent to interfere. With our gaze fixated on the image we become uncomfortable,
self-conscious voyeurs. When it comes to pictures of ongoing atrocities, however, a simultaneous
sense of obligation to look may arise as we wonder: isn’t there something to be done after all?
Eventually, Sontag comes to the assertion that “for photographs to accuse, and possibly alter
conduct, they must shock” (72) only to put that jolt, along with similar affective responses, under
close inspection. The apparent volatility of emotions that wear off over time unless transformed into
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action is the key problematic for her. Sympathy or pity often remain self-serving sentiments that
merely help us wash our hands clean of any co-implication with the suffering while reinforcing our
perception of impotence when it comes to stopping it (91). We also use certain defense
mechanisms to shield ourselves from inconvenient or overwhelming realities—for instance, we
disassociate when faced with the suffering of people who look different from us (64-65) and we
grow detached and indifferent in order to cope with overpowering dread and despair, long-term
frustration, or merely, again, our impotence to interfere (89). The much-maligned “apathy” then
emerges not so much as the lack of a real reaction but the transformation of emotions such as
fear, terror, and frustration, which, over time and through relentless intensity, have become too
unbearable to maintain. Isolated from an instructive context, all our affective responses remain
fleeting impulses. What ultimately dulls our emotional responsiveness is perpetual passivity rather
than repeated exposure (91). “Harrowing photographs do not inevitably lose their power to shock,"
Sontag asserts, "But they are not much help if the task is to understand” (80).
Photographs depend on explanatory captions and supplementary analytical interpretations to make
us understand and direct our shock and outrage, our compassion and empathy. The formal context
in which images are displayed then take on fundamental importance—the CGI-rendered artificial
gore pervading the entertainment industry, for instance, precisely does not constitute the
equivalent to actual war photography—and Sontag insinuates that perhaps “the weight and
seriousness of such photographs survive better in a book [than in an exhibition], where one can
look privately, linger over the pictures, without talking” (109). From the advantages of the book
format, Sontag moves to the benefits of narratives, for the sheer duration of the reader’s emotional
engagement: “A narrative seems likely to be more effective than an image. Partly it is a question of
the length of time one is obliged to look, to feel” (110). Photographs haunt us, but narratives can
establish substantial understanding (80).
Do Susan Sontag's nuanced ruminations help justify the crude spectacle Charles Bowden makes
of border violence? Not exactly. Part of the criticism directed against Laboratory of the Future
concerns several appallingly insufficient photo captions: “a raped and murdered woman” next to
the image of a brutalized dead female body, even if factually anonymous, is likely not what Sontag
envisioned as satisfactory explanatory captions, even as it may be argued that, on the whole,
Bowden’s writing on Ciudad Juárez does, in fact, establish—or construct—rational contexts and
arrange narratives around the puncturing moments of shock. Sontag’s qualified confirmation that
all “images that display the violation of an attractive body are, to a certain degree, pornographic”
(85) likewise denounce Bowden’s reckless use of such imagery. However, the inherent worth she
ascribes to the mere shock value of graphic imagery, particularly when it comes to ongoing as
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opposed to historically sealed atrocities, does in a general sense apply to Bowden’s aesthetics of
shock.
Sending out mixed signals is no automatic disqualifier—the signals do not cancel each other out
(and neither does an imperfect messenger). Audiences are capable of emotional ambivalence, of
standing in awe at the sight of a murderous spectacle and at the same time genuinely resolving to
stop it. But Rosa-Linda Fregoso’s charge that Bowden “crosses the line between titillation and
information” (Encounters 15) disregards the fact that such a neat line may often not actually exist—
much less in contemporary Mexico, where news media covering state/narco violence have become
subject to pervasive forms of (self-)censorship. [12] Ultimately, the outcry and controversy Bowden
managed to stir up, by whatever flawed means, shed an unyielding light on the situation in Juárez
at a moment when scarcely anyone outside of the region was paying any attention to it. His work
thus played a part in instigating a substantial debate not just about the violence at the border per
se but also, unwittingly, about (in)appropriate ways to represent and discuss it. Noise can be a
good wake-up call, just as long as we get up and start to face the day instead of turning over and
hitting the snooze button.
3. The Need for Narrative and the Power of Testimony
Coinciding with Sontag’s assessment, from the early 2000s on, academics, activists, and artists
working on the Juárez feminicides increasingly deployed narratives as auxiliary tools to humanize
complex analyses, contextualize visual images in meaningful or engaging ways, or simply to create
some broader awareness in the first place. The use of testimonies, meaning here the public
dissemination of subjective experiences as remembered and (re)presented by survivors, family
members, and friends of victims, provided a way for academics and other writers to incorporate
raw and personal narratives to affectively illustrate and ethically validate their work, ideally helping
to bridge the distance of their privileged positions of observation. The latest wave of feminicide
scholarship has indeed tapped into testimony as an essential ingredient. The three 2010
anthologies Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade and La Frontera, edited by Alicia Gaspar de
Alba and Georgina Guzmán; Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico Border: Media Representations
and Public Response, edited by Hector Dominguez-Ruvalbaca and Ignacio Corona; and
Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas, edited by Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia
Bejarano all prominently incorporate testimonios by family members of victims and/or local
juarense activists to complement their compiled essays.
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The testimonies included in Terrorizing Women, for instance, are spread throughout the anthology,
one placed at the respective beginning of each of its three subsections, providing recurrent
reminders of the concrete human toll behind the murders via the unmediated voices of women who
were directly impacted by feminicidal violence. The testimonies cover a range of human responses
to loss, suffering, and injustice. Eva Arce, mother of one of the feminicide victims, has abandoned
all hope of ever finding truth, justice, or closure after years of rejections, threats, and physical
abuse by the authorities have worn down her spirit (45-8). Julia Huamañahui, the sister of another
victim, speaks of their shared history of sexual abuse in their family upbringing, of the terror,
trauma, and guilt she felt after her sister’s death along with an overwhelming sense of devastation
and powerlessness in the face of dismissive or outright hostile misogynist investigators. Struggling
for words to explain her desperation, she momentarily transcends the level of the descriptive
narration and taps into a powerful emotional immediacy: “if you could see my heart, you would see
it is bleeding and bleeding from all the sorrow I feel” (179-81). Rosa Franco, the mother of another
girl who was kidnapped, tortured, raped, and murdered, appears to have psychosomatically
literalized the same metaphor of cardiac ailment. She suffered a heart attack nine months after her
daughter’s death and her account emphasizes the lingering effects: “I still suffer from after effects
and will have to take many medications for the rest of my life. I suffer from high blood pressure,
insomnia, and heart trouble” (273-74). At the book’s closing, a final testimonio stakes out the
possibility for hope, as Norma Ledezma Ortega, who lost her daughter to feminicide, describes the
comfort she found in the community of other mothers as a transformative and empowering
experience that gave her new meaning in life and the strength to go forward in the joint struggle for
justice (331-33). All these testimonies help turn Terrorizing Women into a captivating volume, as
they bridge part of the distance between academic critics and affected communities, injecting
outrage and empathy, and ultimately, hope into an excellent collection of dedicated scholarship.
Sergio González Rodríguez’ English-language monograph The Femicide Machine deploys
testimony in quite a different and unfamiliar way, vividly illustrating what would otherwise remain a
problematic treatise. González Rodríguez is a Mexican journalist, essayist, and art and culture
critic who distinguished himself early on as one of the most prominent and outspoken experts on
the feminicidios of Juárez from outside the academic/activist sphere. In the mid-1990s, he began to
investigate the murders for the Mexico City-based newspaper Reforma. The result was his
unconventional nonfiction account Huesos en el desierto from 2002, in which he merged his
findings with literary experimentation and academic analysis, referencing reputable feminicide
scholars, such as Melissa Wright and Julia Monárrez Fregoso, and applying, as one of the first to
do so, Giorgio Agamben's "bare life" theory to the peri-urban "death space" along the TexasChihuahua borderlands. [13]
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With The Femicide Machine the Mexican writer offers an updated synthesis of his past work on
Ciudad Juárez to an English-speaking audience. The small-sized volume's main part is a
multidisciplinary analysis of the border city as a space where various transnational geopolitical,
socioeconomic and cultural forces coalesce to paint Juárez as a surreal urban dystopia steeped in
extreme violence. His study of Ciudad Juárez makes for a dense and alarming read, informed by
sound analysis, but probably hampered by a slightly awkward English translation. However,
through precisely this unfavorable style, The Femicide Machine performs the essential challenge
for nonfictional writing about feminicide, to wit: how to communicate in an emotionally engaging
way the cumbersome analysis of real-life horrors of such an epidemic scale, without
sensationalizing the issue or alienating the common reader.
González Rodríguez’ writing retains a mode of analytical distance and semi-academic register, but
frequently slips into hyperbolic phrasing that strains the limits of analytical vocabulary—a profusion
of intensifiers, superlatives, and absolutisms that overwhelm the reader and create an overall
sense of impotent verbal rage. The Juárez feminicides are introduced here as “normalized
barbarism” in a “lawless city sponsored by a State in crisis” (7); “extreme [and] plutocratic,
corporate, monopolistic, global, speculative, wealth-concentrating, and predatory [capitalism]”
converges there (12); the border displays a “complete alienation from the larger nation” (36); the
level of brutality reveals an “unlimited psychopathy” (13) and constitutes a call for a “savage
disorder” (92); the militarized escalation of the drug war meant the installment and normalization of
an oppressive “police state” (52; 55), while the criminal machine of the drug-trade remains
“inherent in [Mexico’s] political and economic institutions,” with U.S government institutions
critically involved (59); the Mexican public, meanwhile, has become paralyzed by an ”incredible
degree of amnesia and indifference” (94; emphasis added in all previous citations). At the end of
this verbose onslaught of grievances, the author shrugs off any pessimism on his part, insisting his
analysis to simply constitute “the observation of a negative inertia that systematically grows and
expands” (97).
In an evident attempt to organize his multi-angled, interdisciplinary analysis into a manageable
structure, González Rodríguez divides Ciudad Juárez into four separate cities-in-one, each
corresponding to one analytical vector: the Border Town in its geopolitical and historical relation to
the rest of Mexico and its northern neighbor; the Global City of Assembly, as embedded in the
transnational economy; the War City, ravaged by the bilaterally conducted, heavily militarized socalled war on drugs; and finally, the City of Femicide. The cumulative effect of these angles,
however, is more overwhelming than illuminating, as they generate the sense to be competing for
the bleakest aspect of the city. As González Rodríguez' writing rages against these “machines,” as
it were, Ciudad Juárez emerges in the shape of a Hydra-shaped beast growing more terrifying and
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indomitable with each added layer of analysis. Tackle one of its heads and another of the three
flame-spitting heads already appears in its place. [14] Nevertheless—or perhaps precisely because
of this—The Femicide Machine reads like an accurate condensation of the state of criticism at the
time of its publication, down to the sense of exasperation, the exemplified representational
shortcomings of nonfictional analysis, and the resulting need to branch out into unconventional
modes of expression. [15]
Only by way of its "Epilogue", then, does The Femicide Machine transcend the analytical and
representational impasse hampering academic and nonfictional literature on Juárez. Over the
book's final twenty-odd pages, González Rodríguez presents a mother's account of her daughter's
kidnapping, rape, killing and the aftermath for her family. It is the 2001 case of Lilia Alejandra
Andrade, a young maquiladora worker, then 17 years old and a mother of two, who was abducted,
held captive and physically and sexually abused for five days, then killed; her dead body found in a
vacant lot next to a shopping mall. If the story rings familiar to readers with any prior knowledge of
the Juárez feminicides, it is because the case was prominently featured in the Amnesty
International report "Intolerable Killings" in 2003 that played a vital role in generating international
awareness (2; 7). The 2006 feature-length documentary Bajo Juárez: La ciudad devorando a sus
hijas also featured Norma Andrade's testimony, the mother of Lilia Alejandra. And finally, Gonzalez
Rodríguez himself had already included Lilia Alejandra's story in his experimental nonfiction book
Huesos en el desierto in 2002, as a result of personal encounters and interviews with her mother
(personal email). The injustice suffered by the family propelled both Norma Andrade, who cofounded the grassroots organization Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, and Lilia Alejandra's sister
to become vocal anti-feminicide activists.
Indeed, in many ways, Ale's case may be seen as, if not the most representative statistically
speaking, then still a highly emblematic case of feminicide in Juárez. In Huesos, her case is
presented briefly in formally unremarkable language and without any mention of her mother to
effectively exemplify the blatant failures of criminal investigations in Juárez at the time (221; 235;
244). Her name appears again in the book's final chapter "La vida inconclusa" among over a
hundred feminicide victims listed chronologically backwards according to the respective dates of
their discovery from September 2002 to January 1993, each annotated with as much or little
factual information as the investigations had yielded: "21/02/01, Lilia Alejandra García Andrade, 17
años, baldío frente a Plaza Juárez Mall, envuelta en una cobija, semidesnuda, fue atada, violada,
mutilada y estrangulada." (...17 years, empty lot in front of the Plaza Juárez Mall, wrapped in a
blanket, half-naked, was found tied up, raped, mutilated, and strangled) (259). This section
became one of the key inspirations for Roberto Bolaño's "The Part About the Crimes" in 2666
(Driver "Risks"). While Bolaño's novel weaves elaborate storylines around the recurring
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descriptions of mangled bodies and stagnant investigations, the list in Huesos performs an act of
commemoration yet fails to sustain consistent reader attention due to its uninterrupted monotonous
repetitiveness. Individually heartbreaking, in accumulation the words merge into an overwhelming
blur of dates, names, places, numbers, physical attributes, articles of clothing, clinical terminology,
and over and over again, "no identificada" ("not identified") (257-73).
By contrast, The Femicide Machine's re-presentation of Lilia Alejandra's story conveys immediacy
and accessibility, narrated over the span of seven small pages in a colloquial first-person account
that stands as a striking contrast to the preceding word clusters of the book's portentous analysis.
The conclusion of what happened to Norma Andrade's daughter instills a particular jolt in the
reader. The last paragraph relates Alejandra's ordeal in a few short, plainspoken phrases that carry
an enormous power in their blunt, bitter, and accusatory simplicity, while assuming the formal
shape of a prose poem:
They kidnapped my daughter, like so many other girls, right off the street.
They beat her.
They tied her hands.
They tortured her.
They mutilated her while she was alive.
They burned her with cigarettes.
They killed her by strangling her until she was asphyxiated.
And then they threw her into a vacant lot like she was garbage.
Alejandra.
I looked at her in the coffin and I almost didn't recognize her: She who had such a
pretty, long neck was now like a hunchback, sunk down into her shoulders. They
broke her. She faced an inhuman death all alone. She was just on her way home,
like so many other girls. (105)
In the face of overwhelming atrocity and hopelessness, the individuality and authority of testimony
becomes operational to convey the human element, countering the distant observer’s selfprotective impulse to simply write off the ‘hell’ of Juárez as a lost cause. Through its disarming
immediacy, testimony has the capacity to bridge the gulf that divides subaltern subject and
privileged audience. These are real people, they live here, and they tell their own stories—“human
cannon fodder” they are not (González Rodríguez, Machine 12).
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4. Nothing to See Here?
Un/Real Pictures in Sergio Rodríguez González’ The Femicide Machine
Until he turned into an unlikely early expert on the Juárez feminicides, Sergio González Rodríguez
was an intellectual mainly versed in the fine arts in his career as a culture editor for the liberalleaning newspaper Reforma in Mexico City. With an evident nod to this background he frames the
account by Lilia Alejandra’s mother with a deliberate conceptual twist. The chapter is titled
“Epilogue: Instructions for Taking Textual Photographs”, the testimony itself then introduced as a
“Photographic mise-en-scène” (99). Its language is kept deceptively plain, comprised of simple
vocabulary and arranged in short, straightforward sentence structures. Yet it contains a wealth of
detail and vivid imagery that effectively portray the daily life of a humble lower/middle-class family,
allowing for deeper insights into their socioeconomic woes. Some of the passages may evoke
Sandra Cisneros’ deliberately child-like poetic prose of The House on Mango Street to the effect of
invoking the universal through the specific:
Lilia Alejandra was seventeen and had two small children.
You’d see her with her babies and she looked like a little girl playing with her dolls.
She was very disappointed with her boyfriend, so she preferred to live with us. (99)
[…]
Since she was pretty, they used her as a model to pose next to the products the
factory produced. They took her picture a lot. (100)
The theatrical allusion of the “mise-en-scène” subtitle issues an unmistakable request for the
reader to approach the text in decidedly visual terms, as if setting up reading stage directions in a
written play, activating the reader’s imaginative faculties as if announcing, “and this is what the
Femicide Machine looks like in reality; picture this!” The frame also acknowledges the utilitarian
artifice of the testimonial account without diminishing its claim to truthfulness. [16]
But González Rodríguez’ masterstroke is the opaque concept of the “textual photographs,” the
meaning of which is revealed after the testimony’s harsh conclusion. On twenty blank pages, titled
“Photograph 1” through “Photograph 20,” we find twenty captions placed in the center of each
page, each describing one nonexistent (or rather, non-displayed) photo to the ineluctable effect of
making us pause to imagine and reflect. Some of the captions to the absent photographs simply
specify locations and settings relevant to Alejandra’s case. Others describe impossible snapshots
of key moments of her kidnapping:
Alejandra resists abduction on Rancho Becerra
Street, not far form the plant where she worked. (110)
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Two individuals force a woman—Alejandra—into a
white Thunderbird in front of a TV repair shop, the
night of February 19, 2001. (113)
Others still describe what, if depicted, would be facsimiles of official documents or technical
recording devices, meticulously dated and classified:
Image taken from security cameras at the factory
where Alejandra worked, the day of Alejandra’s
kidnapping on February 14, 2001, at the end of
the workday, 7pm (108)
Printed notice of Alejandra’s disappearance (112)
Alejandra’s semi-hidden body as seen on television (117)
Add to these three “Satellite images,” complete with date, time, and precise geographic
coordinates (123-5). Some of the described images are likely to actually exist in one form or other,
such as a “[photo] taken of Alejandra at the factory where she worked” (107) or a family picture
“taken years after her murder” (122). The length of the captions ranges from minimal one-liners
(112) to a detailed description of Alejandra’s physical appearance, including clothes and attire, on
the day she went missing (109), which is mirrored, ten pages further on, by an equally elaborate
description of her dead body in the medical precision of an autopsy, printed in nineteen lines that
form a justified block of text that visually fills out the center of the page just like a medium-sized
photograph would (119).
González Rodríguez borrowed the device—unwittingly so, as he assured me via personal
correspondence—from Chilean-American conceptual artist Alfredo Jaar. In 1995, he conceived an
evolving series of installations on the genocide in Rwanda named Real Pictures. The exhibition
consisted of an arrangement of black boxes that contained photographs of sites and victims,
survivors, volunteers, and other people somehow linked to the genocide, but the boxes remained
closed, the images kept hidden from the viewer. Instead, only white-on-black inscriptions detailing
the concealed contents of each container were visible. Here the “real” evades being captured in
representation; the black boxes are anti-representation, a refusal of the hegemony of
representation. [17]
Jacques Rancière uses Jaar's Real Pictures to explicate his concept of "The Intolerable Image" in
The Emancipated Spectator—and we may then, in turn, apply his illuminating explications to
González Rodríguez' "Textual Photographs." In certain ways Rancière echoes Sontag's
Regarding the Pain of Others, similarly demanding that we reconsider visual representations of
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atrocity and their political potential, the ways in which they operate on and are being received by
the viewer. Seeking to "rescue the analysis of images from the trial-like atmosphere in which it is
still so often immersed" and to "challenge [...] identifications of the use of image with idolatry,
ignorance or passivity" (95), Rancière questions a series of traditionally upheld but on close
inspection collapsing constructs of binary oppositions: between viewing and knowing, activity and
passivity, (surface) appearance and (hidden) reality, which underlie most postmodern
denouncements of the spectacle. "Emancipation," he declares, "begins when we challenge the
opposition between viewing and acting" (12). Since the act of viewing entails observing, selecting,
comparing and interpreting, it is automatically in and of itself a productive act "that confirms or
transforms [the] distribution of position." (13). For Rancière, much of the critique of the spectacle
invariably reproduces the logic of postmodernism’s diagnosed nihilism that it purports to criticize,
just as political art, when anticipating and, indeed, depending on its audience's prior
understanding of—including their own incrimination in—what it is that is being denounced, often
merely serves to have the spectator "wallow in guilt" as opposed to "prompt her to political action"
(88). Another presumed opposition Rancière takes on is testimony as oral narrative versus
photographic images as documentary proof (90-3). To him, both are to be located on the same
map of representation, which he defines as "not the act of producing a visible form, but the act of
offering an equivalent—something that speech does just as much as photography" (93).
Turning to Jaar's Real Pictures installation on the Rwanda genocide as an example of a text that
succeeds in disrupting accustomed viewing habits, thus enhancing the active potential of the
viewing process instead of laboring to anticipate the effect the images would have on the viewers,
Rancière observes: "Here the words are detached from any voice; they are themselves taken as
visual elements" (95), and then more to the point: "The words do not replace images. They are
images" (97; my emphasis). If representation is not an act of producing a visible duplicate but
rather an equivalent, then Alfredo Jaar's black boxes, much the same way as Sergio González
Rodríguez' Textual Photographs, create precisely that "certain connection between the verbal and
the visual" (ibid.), effectively turning them into examples of visual objects that "rework the frame of
our perceptions and the dynamism of our affects," that Rancière sought to champion at the outset
(82). "As such," he writes, "[art] can open new passages towards new forms of political
subjectivation" as long as it remains aware of that unavoidable "aesthetic cut that separates
outcomes from intentions" (ibid.).
This is where The Femicide Machine struggles, in its premeditated intentionality and in spite of
itself, against Rancière's pronouncements. The intentions of Rodríguez González' project are very
much a given through the deliberately created frame of the preceding critical analysis. The author
insists his work to be understood as journalistic reportage rather than artistic conceptualization.
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The "Epilogue" remains a complementary addendum—unlike Alfredo Jaar's installation; it is not
supposed to be the main event here. In a generous email interview, Sergio Gonzalez Rodríguez
confirmed that he precisely anticipated "hacer que el lector imagine la tragedia que narro como si
fueran evidencias fotográficas. Las palabras se desdoblan en imágenes mentales (...to have the
reader imagine the tragedy that I narrate as if through photographic evidence. The words unfold
into mental images)" (my translation). In utilitarian terms, he deems testimonial accounts
necessary to oppose those re-emerging revisionist voices fundamentally questioning the reality of
feminicide in Ciudad Juárez as such. In my reading, however, González Rodríguez is selling
himself short. More than mere illustrative supplement to support his analysis, the blank pages
stage a powerful intervention in the dominant visual hegemony of human rights discoures and
journalistic conventions, one that potentially carries lasting repercussions for the individual reader's
habits of perception.
Conclusion
By way of conclusion, allow me a personal reflection over my own initial encounter with these
evocative captions and elliptical photos. It occurred to me that in my previous research, working
my way through articles and books of scholarship on gender violence and the specific history of
the situation in Juárez—several of which included sections of photographic illustrations—I had
tended to skip over those sections, or at best, hastily flicked through those pages, casting no more
than a fleeting glance over images of protests, rastreos, victims' families, crime scenes, urban
scenery, desert landscapes, makeshift homes and memorials. What Rodríguez González
achieves here, by experimenting with form in such a perplexing yet simple way, is to create an
effective miniature model of Susan Sontag’s notion of how a written narrative structurally engages
us for a longer period of time than an image—without even resorting to the use of a narrative
proper.
It takes no more than a split second to take in even quite complex visual images, much less time
than needed to process even the shortest caption presented on these pages. Confident to have
earned our full attention through the preceding testimonial, González Rodríguez plays with our
sense of anticipation, tricking us into a sort of ethical self-interrogation: We are curious to see,
now that we have come to know this story and met its characters; we are eager for illustration, for
the gratification of seeing the victim (not only because she was said to be attractive), her family (in
their grief and in struggle), the unpunished perpetrators (for the small cathartic reward of
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channeling our outrage), and even her brutalized body (for all the darker age-old reasons put forth
by Sontag). Our gaze lingers on these pages between compassion, curiosity, and confusion. But
our impulse for voyeuristic gratification is denied, an increasingly rare experience in today’s
image-driven world of instant access, and the blank pages reflect back our puzzled gaze onto
ourselves. While our eyes zigzag through lines of a block of text that list in medical precision the
grisly injuries inflicted upon Lilia Alejandra’s body, we invariably come to question this urge to see
more. What would possibly be gained by it?
Sergio González Rodríguez flips around that old slogan from Paris Match, retrieved by Susan
Sontag and here repurposed for the title of my article. The recycled testimonial by Norma Andrade
shocks with words, and it is his textual photos that trigger a deeper, weightier reflection. Rancière
calls this the "redistribution of the sensible": the mapping out of new ways of seeing, thinking, and
understanding, through images that "change our gaze and the landscape of the possible" (105).
When I think of Charles Bowden's "carved wooden mask" image always first and foremost
remember Bowden's enacted personal associations, his flagrant fantasizing and his troubling gaze;
The Femicide Machine, however, will stay with me for forcing me to confront my own gaze.
Needless to say, González Rodríguez holds little control over the broader media discourse in
which his readers are immersed or immerse themselves. In fact, as one of his captions indicates,
news outlets have already broadcast footage of Alejandra’s half-covered body. And yet, within the
confines of his thin little volume, he does successfully create an artificial space devoid of
sensationalist imagery without diminishing the level of shock, outrage, and empathy elicited. And
for once, someone does get to play that “guardian of rationed horror”, realizing Susan Sontag’s
elusive old goal of an “ecology of images.”
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Endnotes
[1] This is the old advertising slogan from the French magazine Paris Match, borrowed for my purposes from
Susan Sontag's mention of the phrase in Regarding the Pain of Others (20).
[2] For an extensive, if by no means complete, selection of books, films, and music taking up the topic of the
Juárez feminicides, see: Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán, 298-300.
[3] Consider, for example, Kathleen Staudt's concession in 2009 that “national and state human rights
commissions lack authority to compel changes in Mexico,” just as academic criticism does (Staudt 2), or
Alicia Gaspar de Alba and Georgina Guzmán's palpable and representative frustration in their introduction to
their 2010 essay collection, Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade and La Frontera:
Nowadays, we know too much, and yet we continue to know nothing. [Throughout years of]
learning; reading; researching; raising consciousness; signing petitions; writing stories, poetry,
and music; making art; organizing conferences; and collecting anthologies, there are only two
things that have changed. The number of victims continues to grow. And now the Juárez
femicides have become a legend. (Gaspar de Alba & Guzmán 1)
[4] His 1996 article in Harper's magazine "While You Were Sleeping"—subject of the subsequent
discussion—was awarded, among other accolades, The Hillman Prize for outstanding journalism dedicated
to social justice (Smith).
[5] The term "economic violence" is proposed by Julian Cardona, a recurrent collaborator of Bowden and one
of the Juarense photographers featured in Laboratory, to refer not to physical forms of violence that are
individually induced, but rather to systemic victimization associated with poverty and marginalization (Driver
"En Juárez" 180-81).
[6] Since the escalation of the drug war under former president Felipe Calderón, self-censorship has become
a crippling problem in the Mexican press, and many periodicals in regions most severely affected by
organized crime stopped posting their journalists’ bylines under articles on narco–related issues. In 2009,
Mexico was declared the most dangerous country for journalists worldwide by Reporters Without Borders,
even ahead of war- and terror-torn Iraq. By 2012, Sergio González Rodríguez cites 65 journalists killed
throughout Mexico since 2000 (Machine 86) and seventeen murdered human rights defenders and activists
in the state of Chihuahua alone since 2009 (Machine 51).
[7] Lourdes Portillo, the activist filmmaker behind the lauded documentary film Señorita Extraviada / Missing
Young Woman, for instance, lists precisely Bowden's core factors as root causes behind the gender violence
in the Mexican borderlands (PBS).
[8] While Bowden’s use of statistical data to relativize femicide in comparison with the escalating (and
overwhelmingly male) death count of the drug war neglects the particular forms of victimization and power
relations at play, his criticism of the term “femicide” and the disproportionate focus on the murdered women
in the media ties in with recent research on the war over the public discourse as presently conducted by the
state with regard to the narco violence. In 2011, Melissa Wright predicted an uphill battle for activists trying to
contest the official line of interpretation, which cynically holds the violent deaths of thousands of young poor
Mexican males as merely criminals killing each other off and, simultaneously, evidence for the state’s
success in destabilizing the cartels. This new re-manifestation of the blaming-the-victim discourse will be
even harder to discredit when the victims-to-blame were young women and girls. A preliminary step could be
the new term “juvenicidio” that seeks to redefine the thousands of casualties of the drug war as young,
disenfranchised victims as opposed to categorically guilty criminals (Wright, “Necropolitics”).
[9] Charles Bowden’s critique of the popular and narrow understanding of “femicide” in Juárez as exclusively
spectacular abduction/rape/murder cases also echoes Kathleen Staudt’s proposed shift of attention toward
the pervasive quotidian forms of gender violence.
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[10] There is no shortage of statistical evidence to back up alarmist denouncements of the Mexican justice
system as de facto non-existent. Impunity rates for Mexico are notoriously overwhelming. Already before the
militarization of the narco war plunged entire regions into escalating cartel- and state-induced terror and
judicial chaos, Alicia Schmidt Camacho cites an impunity rate of 97 percent from a 2000 study of the criminal
justice system (“Ciudadana” 268), and in 2012, at the tail end of what has since been called "Calderon's
War", González Rodríguez speaks of a nationwide impunity rate of 99%-- a number so high that it entails a
declining rate of reported crime while real crime keeps rising (cf.: Schmidt Camacho "Ciudadana" 269).
González Rodríguez' blunt conclusion: “Rule of law does not exist in Mexico, just as it doesn’t exist in Ciudad
Juárez” (Machine 46). For a comprehensive critical engagement with precisely the kind of feminicideskepticism displayed by the late Bowden and other critics, see Steven Volk's contribution to this issue.
[11] Jacques Rancière, for one, compellingly opposes the readily accepted assumption of our media as
oversaturated with violent imagery of atrocity:
For the dominant media by no means drowns us in a torrent of images testifying to
massacres, massive population transfers and the other horrors [...] Quite the reverse, they
reduce their number, taking good care to select and order them [...] What we see above all
in the news on our TV screens are the faces of the rulers, experts and journalists who
comment on the images, who tell us what they show and what we should make of them. If
horror is banalized, it is not because we see too many images of it. We do not see too many
suffering bodies on the screen. But we do see too many nameless bodies, too many bodies
incapable of returning the gaze that we direct at them, too many bodies that are an object of
speech without themselves having a chance to speak. (96)
[12] The post-Christmas 2004 earthquake and tsunami in South East Asia may serve as an apt illustrative
example here. The distribution of spectacular apocalyptical visuals through TV and amateur footage online
both seemed to titillate dark voyeuristic impulses of Western audiences watching from the safe distance of
comfortable living rooms while simultaneously mobilizing a wave of international solidarity, as evidenced by
the considerable volunteer response and money donations.
[13] Today, Sergio González Rodríguez' is perhaps best known for his role as Roberto Bolaño's foremost onsite source of information while the late Chilean novelist was conceiving his magnum opus 2666 (2004) that
centers around a thinly veiled fictionalization of Ciudad Juárez and the feminicides.
[14] More than just the “femicide machine,” González Rodríguez also theorizes the war machine, crime
machine, police machine, and “the machine of apolitical conformity” in Ciudad Juárez’ (10; 97).
[15] Invoking Susan Sontag and Georges Didi-Huberman, González Rodríguez explained his stance on
graphic images of violence to me as follows: "hay que dejar que las imágenes atroces nos persigan.
Asimismo, Didi-Huberman ha añadido a tal punto de vista un concepto: tenemos que desarrollar imágenesescudo contra la barbarie." (We have to let the atrocious images haunt us. Likewise, Didi-Huberman has
added a concept to this point of view: that we must develop image-shields against atrocity; my translation)
[16] In our email correspondence, González Rodríguez was adamant about the absolute accuracy of his
retelling of Norma Andrade's account: "el testimonio refiere lo sustancial de los hechos acontecidos ... Mis
libros de non fiction se limitan a narrar hechos" (the testimony relates the substantial of the facts as they
occurred. ... My non-fiction books merely narrate facts; my translation) and only after I clarified that I was
merely speaking of a stylization—as opposed to a fictionalization—showed himself willing to entertain my
question regarding the chosen narrative mode. It is a further reflection of a media environment, in which a
recent "revisionist tendency" is launching ad hominem attacks against those writing about feminicide,
seeking to paint the very existence of feminicide in Ciudad Juárez as a mere "myth" or academic invention.
(ibid., my translations)
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[17] Robert Fitterman's Holocaust Museum (2013) is another example that uses this technique of detaching
explanatory captions from their visual signifiers in order to foreground, destabilize, and renegotiate the
interaction of text, image, and narrative, while playing with viewer/reader perception. A US-based scholar
and poet, Fitterman used actual captions of photographs from the United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum in Washington, DC. and rearranged them into the shape of a long poem, split into several thematic
sections, across almost 100 pages.
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Works Cited:
Amnesty International. “Mexico: Intolerable Killings: Ten years of abductions and murders in
Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua.” AMR. 11 Aug 2003. Web. 3 Sep 2014.
<http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3f4dcd7d0.html>
Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute, 2007.
Print.
Blake, Meredith. “The Exchange: Charles Bowden on Juárez, ’Murder City.’” The New Yorker Blog.
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May
2010.
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1
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2014.
<http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/2010/05/the-exchange-charles-bowden-onjurez-murder-city.html>
Bolaño, Roberto. 2666. Trans. Natasha Wimmer. New York: Picador, 2009. Print.
Bowden, Charles. “While You Were Sleeping: In Juárez, Mexico, Photographers Expose the
Violent Realities of Free Trade?” Harper’s. Dec 1996. 44-52. Web. 3 Sep 2014.
<http://www.jayhanson.us/page77.htm>
–––––. Juárez: The Laboratory of Our Future. New York: Aperture, 1998. Print.
–––––. “PERSPECTIVES 2011 Series—Episode 4: An Interview with Charles Bowden.” Prod.
David Zlutnick. Upheaval Productions, 2011. Web. 3 Sep 2014.
< http://www.upheavalproductions.com/interview-with-charles-bowden/>
Butler, Judith. Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? New York: Verso, 2010. Print.
Delgadillo, Willivaldo. "El Juárez de Charles Bowden." La Jornada. 3 Sep 2014. Web. 8 Oct 2014.
<http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/09/03/opinion/a06a1cul>
Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, Héctor, and Ignacio Corona (eds.). Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico
Driver, Alice. "En Juárez la fotografía como tal muestra sus límites: una entrevista con el
fotoperiodista Julián Cardona." Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 16 (2012):
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<http://alicedriver.com/writing/wpcontent/uploads/2014/04/ajhcs-julian-cardona-interview.pdf>
–––––. “Femicide and the Aesthetics of Violence in Juárez: The Laboratory of Our Future: An
Interview with Charles Bowden.” Hispanic Research Journal 12.4 (Augt 2011): 369-81.
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–––––. “Feminicide and the Disintegration of the Family Fabric in Ciudad Juárez: An Interview with
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–––––. More or Less Dead: Feminicide, Haunting, and the Ethics of Representation in Mexico.
Tucson: U of Arizona P, 2015. Print.
–––––. "Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide: A Comparative Analysis
of Sergio Gonzalez Rodriguez's Huesos en el desierto and Roberto Bolano's 2666." forum
for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015). Web.
Foster, Hal. The Return of the Real: The Avantgarde at the End of the Century. Cambridge, MA
and London: MIT Press, 1996. Print.
Fregoso, Rosa-Linda, and Cynthia Bejarano (eds.). Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the
Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. Print.
Gaspar de Alba, Alicia, and Georgina Guzmán (eds.). Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and
–––––. “Introduction: Feminicidio: The ‘Black Legend’ of the Border.” Ed. Alicia Gaspar de Alba
and Georgina Guzmán. Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera. Austin: U
of Texas P, 2010. 1-22. Print.
Gillman, Laura and Tobias Jochum. “Introduction. New Interdisciplinary Perspectives on
Feminicide at the U.S.-Mexico Border.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep2015).
Web.
González Rodríguez, Sergio. Huesos en el desierto. 3rd Ed. Barcelona: Anagrama, 2005. Print.
–––––. The Femicide Machine. Trans. Michael Parker-Stainback. Los Angeles: Semiotext(e),
2012. Print.
–––––. Personal correspondence. 26-29 Sep 2014. Email.
Haselstein, Ulla, Andrew Gross, and MaryAnn Snyder-Körber. “Introduction: Returns of the Real.”
The Pathos of Authenticity: American Passions of the Real. Ed. Ulla Haselstein, Andrew
Gross, and MaryAnn Snyder-Körber. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2010. 9-32.
Print.
Lagarde de lo Ríos, Marcela. “Preface: Feminist Keys for Understanding Feminicide: Theoretical,
Political, and Legal Construction.” Trans. Charlie Roberts. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and
Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP,
2010. xi-xxv. Print.
Mbembe, Achille. “Necropolitics.” Trans. Libby Meintjes. Public Culture 15.1 (Winter 2003): 11-40.
Duke UP. Web. 3 Sep 2014. <http://publicculture.dukejournals.org/content/15/1/11.citation>
Portillo, Lourdes (dir.). Señorita Extraviada / Missing Young Woman. Xochitl Productions, 2001.
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Rothberg, Michael. Traumatic Realism: The Demands of Holocaust Representation. Minneapolis:
U of Minnesota P, 2000. Print.
Schmidt-Camacho, Alicia. “Body Counts on the Mexico-U.S. Border: Feminicidio, Reification, and
theTheft of Mexicana Subjectivity.” Chicana/Latina Studies 4.1(Fall 2004): 22-60. Web. 15
Jan 2013. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/23014438>
–––––. “Ciudadana X: Gender Violence and the Denationalization of Women's Rights in Ciudad
Juarez, Mexico.” CR: The New Centennial Review 5.1 (2005): 255-292. Project MUSE.
Web. 8 Jan 2013. <http://muse.jhu.edu/>
Smith, Dylan. "Border Chronicler Charles Bowden dead at 69." Obituary. TucsonSentinel.com. 1
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083114_bowden/border-chronicler-charles-bowden-dead-69/
Sontag, Susan. On Photography. London: Penguin, 1977. Print.
–––––. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Penguin, 2003. Print.
Staudt, Kathleen. Violence and Activism: Gender, Fear, and Everyday Life in Ciudad Juárez.
Austin: U of Texas P, 2008. Print.
Volk, Steven. "The Historiography of Feminicide in Ciudad Juárez: Critical and Revisionist
Approaches." forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015). Web.
Wright, Melissa W. Disposable Women and other Myths of Global Capitalism. New York:
–––––.
“Necropolitics, Narcopolitics, and Femicide: Gendered Violence on the Mexico-U.S.
Border.” Signs 36.3 (Spring 2011): 707-31. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2011. Web. 3 Sep
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Suggested Citation:
Jochum, Tobias. “‘The Weight of Words, the Shock of Photos’: Poetic Testimony and Elliptical Imagery in
Sergio González Rodríguez' The Femicide Machine.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep
2015): 92-119. Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Aishih Wehbe-Herrera (Independent Scholar)
"A New Landscape of the Possible":
400 Women, Politics of Representation and Human Rights
Abstract
This paper engages with the broad question of the (im)possibility of art to represent a feasible and
effective mechanism for changing values and raising glocal awareness with regards to genderbased violence and sexual violence against women. It focuses on 400 Women, an art installation
by London artist Tamsyn Challenger which brings to light the feminicidal reality of the MexicanAmerican borderlands specifically, and gender-based violence globally. The installation, which
consists of 175 portraits by different artists, sends a clear message in support of women's human
rights to life, and their right to live a life free from violence. Likewise, it advocates for people's right
to memory, rectification and reparations. In addition, the installation compels the individual, the
public, the local authorities and the international community to take a stance against gender-based
violence against women and impunity, and in favour of compliance to the human right to nondiscrimination. This artistic project, which developed over five years and which was exhibited
worldwide, represents a cry for gender and social justice in the face of personal, collective and
state violence against women. My argument, therefore, revolves around the thesis that art is a
powerful tool to mobilise people´s consciousness and demand accountability for gross violations of
women´s human rights, but also an emporing mechanism for the families of the disappeared to
claim justice and bring the missing family members into our collective memory.
Keywords: feminicide, politics of representation, human rights, visual arts, activism
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Every woman has the right to be free from violence in both the public and private spheres.
—Convention Belém do Pará, Article 3
The images of art do not supply weapons for battles. They help sketch new configurations of
what can be seen, what can be said and what can be thought and, consequently, a new
landscape of the possible.
—Jacques Rancière, "The Intolerable Image" 105
Introduction
This paper engages with the (im)possibility of art to represent a feasible and effective mechanism
for changing values and raising glocal awareness about human rights issues, in particular about
gender-based violence and sexual violence against women. Although this is a very broad question,
to which the paper is unable to provide a final answer, my analysis aims to problematise a series of
issues such as the role of art as mediator in the dissemination of human rights values and
discourses, its power to raise awareness about violations of women's human rights, and its
function as an important accountability mechanism for demanding action from duty-bearers in face
of system(ic) violence against women. I will focus on 400 Women, an art installation by London
artist Tamsyn Challenger, which aims to make a statement and raise glocal awareness on the
feminicides in the Mexican-American borderlands, and gender-based violence globally. The
installation, which consists of 175 portraits by different artists and which developed over five years,
makes visible the feminicidal reality of the region, sending a clear message in favour of women's
human right to live a life free from violence and their right to life. It also advocates for the human
right to memory, bringing to the fore issues of state accountability and rectification, among others.
In addition, the installation invites the individual, the public, the local authorities and the
international community to take a stance against gender-based violence and impunity.
Besides examining the content of the artistic message, it is also important to critically examine the
way in which these messages are conveyed and codified by/through the politics of representation
intrinsic to the art project, and the set of relations it establishes with existing human rights
discourses. These are some of the questions with which both Jacques Rancière and Wendy
Hesford engage in their respective works as they scrutinise the politics of representation that
becomes activated whenever a work of art is produced, and whenever it is finally exposed to the
public. Accordingly, Hesford stresses the importance of examining the particular visual economies
and truth-telling mechanisms that are triggered by and intrinsic to the work of art. These visual
rhetorics, more often than not, engage and reproduce cosmopolitan and neoliberal power relations
through a "mass media production of the spectacle of suffering (...), [which ultimately] divest[s] it of
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any structural understanding of the production of suffering itself" (Hesford 7). These visual
rhetorics, which permeate the realm of literature, music, and the media as well as art, appeal to
Western audiences precisely because such rhetorics constructs them as moral subjects and
bearers/guarantors of human rights, mapping the world into clearly demarcated spectator zones
and sufferer zones (ibid.). The humanitarian character of these specific visual rhetorics, which
draws a strong line between subject/object, I/Other and powerful/powerless, reproduces and
mirrors the unequal power relations that circulate economic and political globalisation processes
without critically assessing their origins, outcomes, or their local impact. The problem is, as
Hesford explains, that these visual economies circulate a "global market place that tends to recast
structural inequalities, social injustices, and state violence as scenes of individual trauma and
victimisation" (29). The complete removal of collective and systemic factors from the focus of
analysis in favour of the "victimised" and "traumatised" individual decontextualises the latter from
the material and power/knowledge structures and networks that make them socio-economically
and politically more vulnerable (not powerless) than other social subjects. Therefore, this
humanitarianism obscures power relations by embracing a "politics of pity" in which the
audience/subject that looks (the saviour) constructs "what/who is being seen" within the logic of a
specific cosmopolitan narrative in order to validate the "subject" who has the power of both seeing
and constructing specific orders of things.
Bearing this in mind, it is crucial to interrogate what visual economies 400 Women deploys and
performs, and above all, where the victims of feminicides stand in Tamsyn Challenger's work. If we
problematise art in light of human rights practices and rhetorics, and put both into dialogue, then it
becomes central to question the discursive and political relationship that is inevitably established
between the two. This critical reflection is fundamental if we consider that art, as other cultural
manifestations, does convey and disseminate social values that can influence individual and
collective moralities, validate and subvert hegemonic principles, and also mobilise people towards
certain actions. [1] The politics of representation that a specific art piece might endorse and evoke
is what Hesford refers to as spectacular rhetorics, which "refers not [only] to individual images,
iconic or otherwise, but to social and rhetorical processes of incorporation and recognition
mediated by visual representation and the ocular epistemology that underwrites the discourse of
human rights” (7).
The problem with these hegemonic politics of representation is that they tend to appropriate human
suffering through the use of images that respond to specific politics of alterity and become
intelligible within particular humanitarian and cosmopolitan Western referential frameworks and
socio-economic, political and cultural logics. As a result, "victim subjects [are incorporated] into
social relations that support the logic of a global morality market that privileges Westerners as
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world citizens" (Hesford 9), relations that also construct those objects/subjects of suffering as
ultimately "othered". Jacques Rancière, in this respect, prompts us to interrogate "what kind of
human beings the image shows us and what kind of human beings it is addressed to; what kind of
gaze and consideration are created by this fiction" (Rancière 102). Consequently, it is fundamental
to interrogate in what specific ways (and if) 400 Women, from its own artistic space and character,
engages in a gender/social justice political project. Likewise, it is important to assess the sort of
dialectical relationships that are established between and among the public, the subjects of vision,
the contextual and reference frameworks, the geopolitical spaces, the imaginary inventories, and
the structures of feeling involved in such (re)presentations. [2] The following sections, therefore,
will try to shed light on these questions
1. Feminicides in Ciudad Juárez
There are no survivors of feminicide. All we have are the voices of witness survivors (families)
who speak for them.
—Rosa Linda Fregoso & Cynthia Bejarano 11
Feminicides are one of the most extreme forms of violence against women. It is a term used to
refer to "the killing of women qua women, often condoned by, if not sponsored, by the state and/or
religious institutions" (Russell and Radford 1). [3] Diana Russell and Jill Radford's definition
highlights several recurrent issues in feminicides: 1) That these women are systematically killed
based on the fact that they are women; 2) that these killings are intimately linked to the level of
gender discrimination in the region; 3) that this discrimination against women is systemic and
permeates all levels of society and political institutions; and 4) the role of the state as a guarantor
of human rights, in this case of women's.
There is a significant body of knowledge that is being produced around these issues, offering a
differential and non-hegemonic knowledge that defies the “official” stories about these murders and
that have forced regional and local governments to take responsibility and action for the (ab)use of
women. The obstructive role of the local government and the state in dealing with the killings of
women, as well as the abuse of power exerted against family members, friends and nongovernmental organizations have been common practice over the years. This governmental stance
has relied on a political and public discourse that holds the dead and disappeared women
responsible for their own ill fate, thereby further appropriating their (non)existence through the
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imposition of a “narrative” of blame. [4] In addition, the lack of thorough criminal investigations
“showed that the authorities did not consider these pandemic feminicides sufficiently serious and
patterned crimes; for this reason, the crimes remained in impunity and continued to be committed”
(Carmona et al. 166-7). This disregard on behalf of the state—through its multiple
representatives—which nurtures the “sense of impunity” of the murderers, plays an important role
in the advancement of a women’s human rights framework for tackling feminicidal violence. This
approach highlights the state's obligations to respect, protect and fulfill human rights,
conceptualises feminicides as individual and systemic violence, and situates these murders as part
of a gender power structure characterised by politicl, economic, and social inequalities.
Precisely because of the inaction of the state as well as its victim-blaming rhetoric, the role of the
families and friends of the victims has been crucial in exposing the killings of women to the public
eye and in demanding social justice. The actions of these local actors have been fundamental to
the process of raising public awareness with regard to the level of gender violence in the region
and for demanding that authorities meet their obligations under international law. They play
another important role for the community, that of giving visibility to the otherwise “invisible” women.
In this context, families, support groups, and cultural production on the matter serve as active
agents, subverting this attempt at erasing “existence” and “memory” from the collective
(un)conscious by precisely bringing these murdered women from the “margins” to the centre of
analysis, discourse, and to the public eye. Art plays a key role in these ‘decentring’ and ‘recentring’ processes, since as mentioned above, it conveys (non)hegemonic values that can
challenge the status quo, and denounce discriminatory and abusive social practices, including
human rights violations. It is from this political space that my analysis of Tamsyn Challenger’s 400
Women will develop.
2. 400 Women and a "New Landscape of the Possible"
As a collaborative project between families of the victims, artist and NGOs, 400 Women works at a
glocal level by denouncing feminicide in Ciudad Juárez and raising awareness and socio-political
action against gender violence worldwide. The conceptual installation came to fruition after
Challenger contacted nearly two hundred artists from several nationalities and asked them to
participate in the project. [5] Challenger’s inspiration to mount the show originated in 2006, during a
trip to Mexico in which she met Consuelo Valenzuela, whose daughter Julieta Marleng González
Valenzuela had disappeared without a trace. Challenger says she was moved in multiple and
contradictory ways when Consuelo attempted to hand her a postcard with a blurred picture of her
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daughter, which prompted an unexpected feeling of embarrassment and discomfort in her. As she
explains:
I’d first met Consuelo in a private room in a hotel but it was when we left the room
and were in the foyer, a much more public place, that she decided to press the
postcards of her daughter into my hands. In an instant I was very nervous at being
scrutinized by her and then immediately ashamed of feeling like I wanted to get away
from this person that was suffering so much. The shame of my reaction made
everything immediately vivid; her proximity, her smell, her grip, the translator nearly
shouting, as I remember it “she wants you to take them, to give them to anyone,
anyone you know” but the most arresting memory for me is the face of Julieta zinging
out from this 3 colour-way postcard. The face looking up at me was such a poverty of
an image. It had been reproduced from a snapshot and the face was blurred. She
had no eyes really, everything was faded, a bleached out nose. And I think I just
wanted to bring her face back. (www.tamsynchallenger.com)
This quote highlights a few questions: the division between the private/public, the collapse of the
presence/absence dynamics through the image of Julieta, and its power to trigger a series of acts
and emotions that troubled Challenger, displacing her from her comfort zone. All these feelings are
captured by 400 Women, which establishes a dialogue between artists, the public, urban spaces,
structures of feeling, collective imaginaries and power relations, through the presence/absence of
the murdered women and their representation. [6]
In this respect, Challenger's haptic encounter with the faded photograph of the feminicidal victim
triggers a powerful reaction when she is forced to confront the reality of the disappeared, or rather,
her presence and her image. As a result, Challenger experienced the uneasiness of having to put
a name and a face to one of the many girls abducted, therefore giving a concrete dimension to her
absence, infusing it with “physicality” and “tangibility” by means of a picture that stands for
existence and life. Above all, Challenger was compelled to be participant of the pain and suffering
of “another”, who in turn channels the pain of the missing and the abused. The connection between
the presence/absence of the victim and the one who recognizes and acknowledges her is precisely
what haunts and seizes the public when they undergo this immersive experience, and face each of
the portraits. The face-to-face encounter with each woman in each of the portraits breaks the
objectifying gaze and moves beyond narcissistic recognition, as each face compels the seer, the
so-called "subject" to act, to engage, and not merely to project onto them his/her own beliefs and
expectations. All of the women claim their own subjectivity and position themselves as subjects by
commanding that act of engagement, that participation by figuratively defying that objectification
and claiming their spatial existence in their own right.
Indeed, 400 Women plays with a presence/absence dynamic to bring to the fore each and every
woman that is part of the exhibition, as well as the collective they represent. The former
problematises the latter by means of the installation's aesthetics, i.e. the physical characteristics of
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the portraits and their arrangement. For example, the portraits were produced in a size reminiscent
of a Mexican retablo, which symbolizes an act of remembrance and the tribute paid to the victims.
In this respect, Challenger provided photographs of the murdered and disappeared women to each
artist and commissioned them to do a portrait. However, not all the artists received an image to
work with, either because these were unavailable or because it was not part of their practice, in
which case, the name of the woman had to be visible in the portrait. As Challenger explains, “If I
had made all the works myself this individuality in memoriam would be lost; it would have only
expressed my character. So I knew I needed individuals, with all their unique qualities, to express
the individuality of the woman or girl I gave them to represent” (Edinburgh Art).
In line with Hesford's analysis, this act of representation can be inherently problematic; an act of
"ventriloquism" that involves the appropriation of these women's subjectivities by another actor.
Inevitably, a certain level of "appropriation" takes place in this act of representation, since these
women are dead and/or disappeared, and therefore, unable to communicate that subjectivity.
However, the process surrounding the "birth" of this installation, the fact that Challenger worked
closely with families, NGOs and relatives at these embryonic stages, and the fact that she sets no
claims of truth neither to the victims, nor to the work of art itself, represents already a significant
effort to counteract as much as possible the potential re-victimisation of these women, their further
dehumanisation, and a utilitarian use of their existence and disappearances. In effect, by publicly
acknowledging that 400 Women is in itself a fiction, Challenger articulates a powerful critique of the
hypocritical dynamics of artistic representation and the art industry (and by extension society in
general). She points out that "these women’s lives have been disregarded in a way that this work
hasn’t been, and each portrait in the 400 installation hasn’t been, so it’s a sad irony of our times
that these objects have more significance than each of those young women’s lives had” (Line
Magazine). That critique highlights the commodification of women in society and their perception
as disposable objects in a neoliberal economy and system of governance, in which their lives have
less value than a work of art. [7]
Indeed, the social disposability of women is further highlighted by the way in which the portraits are
displayed. The visual effect of the lined-up portraits, all sharing the same size and monotonously
placed one after another, also denounces the dehumanization of women by being treated as mere
statistical figures in criminal records, and the erasure of their autonomous subjectivity. This idea is
highlighted by the fact that there is no information accompanying each portrait, just a number
written at ground level. The arrangement of the portraits themselves evokes the alignment of
workers in the maquila, their alienation, their loss of a sense of uniqueness and the erasure of their
identities, being reduced to a number with a set market value in a neoliberal economy. It also
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denounces the authorities’ negligence to the murders, the exploitation of women in the workplace
and the connection between feminicides and the maquila system.
The visual politics of 400 Women brings to the surface its intercontextuality, exposing further the
specific structures of feeling that are activated through simultaneous interactions among the public,
the art installation, its visual aesthetics and the urban spaces in which it was exhibited. For
example, as part of the Edinburgh
Fringe Festival, the exhibition was
shown in an old rundown schoolhouse,
the Canongate Venture, with the ceiling
coming off, and the floor covered in dirt
and dust. The Amsterdam venue (see
pictures
1-4)
was
an
old
and
abandoned factory in the outskirts of
the city (Sugar City), right by a highway
and almost deserted. The state and
feeling
of
neglect
and
isolation
Picture 1 - Courtesy of Tamsyn Challenger and 400 Women
permeating these spaces mirrored the
dire conditions in which these women
lived,
vanished
and
died,
again
exposing their marginality in society. In
effect, the exhibition simultaneously
confronts the public with the reality of
these women, who live under “high
levels of insecurity, vulnerability, and
absence
of
social
and
political
protection, and in zones of social
devastation, where insecurity and crime
prevail, along with coexistence marked
by illegality [...] the disintegration of
institutions, and the rupture of the State
of Law” (Fregoso & Bejarano 12). This
reality is powerfully cut across by
gender, racial, ethnic, class and sexual
factors and dynamics.
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The portraits highlight the fact that the women (and girls) who are victims of feminicides “were poor
and young; that many of them worked in the maquilas; that they were dark-skinned and had long
hair” (Lagarde xv). The installation, therefore, opens up
the space for exposing the levels of sexism, racism,
and labour exploitation in which these women and girls
work and live, which turns them into one of the most
vulnerable sectors of society. All these factors intersect
in ways that define these women's social realities, their
life choices, the level of discrimination they experience,
their desires and motivations, as well as the scarce
protection they receive from the state. Therefore, the
installation denounces the violation of women’s human
rights and the (ab)use of women in socio-economic
arenas. A number of portraits, for example, articulate a
specific critique of these violations by resembling
newspaper cut-outs about the disappearance of the
women/girls (picture 5).
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Another one (picture 6) holds the state of Mexico
accountable not only for leaving the crimes unresolved,
but for promoting impunity through its inaction. This
particular portrait, with the image of one middle-aged
woman, smiling and distilling life, conflicts with the reality
of her death, which more powerfully conveys the
denunciation of institutionalised gender discrimination
and systemic violence against women, sanctioned by
both, the Catholic doctrine and its traditional gender
values, and the Mexican government. Consequently, the
installation points to critical questions regarding the
nature of these intercontextualities and structures of
feeling, their foundations, and their adherence to a
particular "shared morality", which seems to permeate
human rights discourses with a humanitarian take.
The installation additionally problematises the relationship established between those privileged
subjects who attend such an installation and those who are the subject/object of such piece of art.
In effect, the hierarchical relationship between self and other, which reproduces unidirectional and
top-down power relations, is not uncommon in mass media human rights campaigns, film and art
pieces with a political edge. [8] Therefore, going back to the original question posed at the
beginning of the paper, it is fundamental to ask whether 400 Women succeeds in questioning and
problematising such power dynamics, and whether it avoids their reification through the
endorsement of a hegemonic discourse of the female "victim". As Hesford explains,
victim identifications may make distant human rights violations visible and, in some
cases, provide an opportunity for the disenfranchised to represent themselves, but
the limitations of victim-based politics [...] are profound. Victimization rhetoric invites
interventions and protectionist remedies that can obscure structural inequalities and
economic injustices, and that therefore ultimately undermine the promotion of human
rights. (47)
In addition, beyond exposing the systemic violence and social structure of abuse and
discrimination, victim identification and victimization politics may nurture the Western subject’s
moral worth and superiority by activating and reproducing a cosmopolitan politics of pity and piety
rooted in cultural and ethical colonial rationalities that utilise the so-called "victims" to validate the
neoliberal subject in its own righteousness instead of dismantling and shedding critical light on their
privileged positions. To what extent does 400 Women break the chain of identifications based on
sameness and universalist reciprocity that obscure those power dynamics? As Hesford asserts,
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"human rights representations of suffering subjects do not appeal to particularity or difference but
to universality and sameness, although the appeal is initiated by difference" (Hesford 51). This fact
is highly problematic as it erases power inequalities and structural differences that condone the
perpetuation of such dynamics of discrimination and abuse. It also assumes that emotions and
perception are prediscursive, therefore universally felt and experienced, which again further
ostracises the "victim" in the aforementioned "otherness" and nurtures a sort of "narcissism of pity"
implicit in the western "gaze", which by looking, seems to grant recognition and humanity onto the
other. [9]
400 Women, however, presents a number of elements that attempt to dismantle this referential
framework. As discussed above, the buildings and spaces in which the installation is exhibited
engage with specific structures of feeling to produce certain effects: To challenge the public in their
comfort zone through the production of asymmetric identifications. This term refers to the ways in
which similarities and identifications between the public and these women can be drawn without
erasing the differences among them or overlooking the relations of power that constitute all of them
as subjects. As a result, "the seer and the visible reciprocate one another and we no longer know
which sees and which is seen" (Merleau-Ponty 1968, 139; qtd. in Hesford 49). This asymmetrical
relationship engages the public in a “dynamic of acknowledgment”, not only of these women as
subjects (i.e. who they were, how they are remembered and how they experienced death, violence
and trauma) but also of the individual’s situationality and positionality on a global scale. [10] It
activates and encourages, according to Kelly Oliver, a "dialogic understanding of subjectivity as
"response-ability" and "address-ability" (6), in which subjectivity is constructed in relational terms,
in which the "other" turns him/herself into an agent that commands us to engage with him/her as
significant to us, not as alien but intimate, not in opposition but in relation. [11] By confronting the
nearly two hundred portraits, the public is called to engage in a process of recognition of the “other”
across the power structures that have placed both subjects at the time/spaces junctures that
converge at the moment of looking. This dynamic shift reveals the spectators' socio-economic
positions in relation to these women, which undermines the unproblematic chain of identifications
inherent in humanitarian rhetorics, and produced in/by cosmopolitan power relations.
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Like Challenger's experience with Julieta's picture, 400 Women unsettles the public in its position
of privilege through these women's presence-in-absence (their deaths). It also exposes the public
to an intercontextual web that is organised around specific themes. Thus, one can identify certain
thematic areas that engage with issues of remembering/forgetting/the right to memory (pictures 7
and 8), the presence/absence of these women and their right to life (picture 9), the sexual violence
and severe torture they experience, women's right to humane treatment, dignity, and a life free of
violence (picture 10). In addition, there are other recurrent leitmotifs such as women and flowers
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(pictures 11 and 12), women as martyrs and saints through an array of religious iconography:
altars (picture 13), references to the Virgin of Guadalupe and Agueda de Catania [12], and the
commodification of women as objects. [13]
Picture 11
Courtesy of Tamsyn Challenger and 400 Women
Picture 12
Picture 13
The installation also highlig hts how gender-based violence against women, and sexual violence
against them crosscuts the whole spectrum of the female population in Ciudad Juárez, as it is a
systemic practice inflicted upon girls as little as three years old, which brings to the fore issues of
children's rights, to women as mature as sixty-five. Interestingly, these thematic elements were
neither predetermined nor formally agreed upon. Each portrait was produced independently from
one another as each artist worked with one woman/girl and her respective particular reality.
However, the fact that these thematic lines emerged in the exhibition also points out to the
existence of a shared collective imaginary according to which artists, public and individuals
envision and imagine women, violence against them, abuse, memory, loss, injustice, rights,
innocence, and childhood. [14]
In this respect, 400 Women exemplifies Jacques Rancière's analysis of "the image" as another
element within any given fiction that contributes to the creation of a common knowledge or sense
that refers to the collective symbolic, material, and discursive practices. These constitute a
collective frame of reference that is uncritically accepted as fact. According to Rancière, however,
the problem is not whether an image should or should not be represented, but "what kind of
common sense is woven by some particular fiction, by the construction of some particular image"
(102). [15] The image in 400 Women, though evocative and functional within specific common
systems of knowledge and imaginaries, transcends these representational parameters by precisely
fragmenting the totality of the image (and the hegemonic Western discourse) of "the victim" with
each portrait, which stands for every individual woman in her uniqueness. The multiplicity of artistic
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practices, visual aesthetics, themes, and women/girls represented subverts any attempt to
homogenise all these experiences under a mass of "nameless bodies [...] incapable of returning
the gaze that we direct at them [and] that are an object of speech without themselves having a
chance to speak" (Rancière 96). The exhibition resists the spectator's neoliberal disciplinarian gaze
that turns the women/girls into a faceless mass of victims and "others", devoid of any autonomy
and subjectivity. [16] In fact, the portraits engage with a range of emotions (happiness, rage,
vitality, calmness, etc.) that have nothing to do with traditional representations of the "suffering
subject". In so doing, the installation avoids engaging in what Hesford calls a "victimization
rhetoric" (47). This kind of rhetoric, according to Hesford, tends to blind the spectator to structural
and economic inequalities, encouraging protectionist interventions and solutions, and annihilating
the victims as individuals in their own right. [17]
In this respect, 400 Women performs a differential visual economy that defies a linear narrative of
gender violence and human rights abuses [18], while at the same time claiming accountability and
justiciability, and constituting itself as a mechanism to demand both. In so doing, 400 Women turns
into itself to expose the very inner workings of the spectacle, the intolerable image, and its own
fiction. Like Rancière's intolerable image, 400 Women "construct[s] different realities, different
forms of common sense—that is to say, different spatiotemporal systems, different communities of
words and things, forms and meanings [as well as] new relations between words and visible forms,
speech and writing, a here and an elsewhere, a then and a now" (Rancière 102). This is what
Hesford refers to as posthumanist politics of representation (and I would add, posthumanitarian),
which questions how the normative "suffering" body is embedded and made legible within specific
structures of feeling, human rights discourses and visual rhetorics, and therefore legitimated. What
is more, these posthumanist politics also make explicit the multiplicity of factors, structures of
visibility/invisibility that display the truth-telling conventions upheld by universalism in all its
manifestations (191). [19]
Conclusion
I have tried to show the ways in which 400 Women approaches women's human rights issues and
the trauma of feminicides within the space of art. The installation engages with how the feminicides
of Ciudad Juárez can be put into "images and fiction" (Rancière 102), without reproducing
traditional Manichean binaries and hierarchical power relations that ultimately privilege the Western
I/eye who sees. 400 Women destabilises traditional politics of representation by constituting itself
as an assemblage of individual portraits, women, memories, structures of feeling, artistic visions
and
visual-discursive
possibilities.
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Such
an
amalgamation
of
elements
unsettles
the
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dogmatic/domesticated spectator's vision, challenging it in its comfort zone by exposing it not only
to multiple stimuli but also to strong political messages in which women's human rights violations
are addressed. In this way, the installation moves away from anticipatory patterns of seeing, thus
generating a feeling of estrangement, allowing for public and art, the "seer" and the "visible" to
engage in a more balanced tête-à-tête
In addition, Challenger's work unsettles visual power hierarchies and defies the re-victimisation of
the disappeared women, whose images and presence command the engagement and participation
of the public with their reality through an asymmetric process of identifications. This rapport is
established in a relational fashion, bringing on more ethical acts of vision in which power relations
are horizontally constructed, and handled among individual subjects. Subjectivity, therefore, is
questioned and reformulated in such a manner that it is not necessarily tied to a corporeal reality,
but to a presence, a stance, a command, a reminder to everyone that these women lived, and still
live at multiple levels of existence in people's memories, in portraits, in us as a public. In this way, it
could be argued that 400 Women becomes "a new landscape of the possible", opening up (and
constituting itself) as a new space for political mobilisation, articulations of human rights principles
and practices, and the construction of visual, sensorial and discursive architectures that resist the
politics of subalterity.
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Endnotes
[1] In this respect, Raewyn Connell explains that governmental bodies and institutions are agents for the
dissemination of hegemonic (gendered) values. Likewise, literature, mass culture and other artistic
manifestations are vehicles for their circulation. All of them have an impact on wider sectors of society, and
contribute to the maintainenance of a specific social order. Likewise, these tools can also be used to
undermine the same hegemonic order they may eventually uphold, which turns cultural production and mass
media into powerful (anti)hegemonic agents. For a detailed discussion, see Connell (1995, 2002).
[2] This web of elements is what Hesford refers to as "intercontextuality", which encapsulates a collective
framework of reference (of material, symbolic and discursive practices) in which images are embedded and
made intelligible.
[3] The complexity of elements that collide in this egregious form of violence against women, as well as the
multiple aspects that are in need of consideration when approaching this issue are also reflected in the
terminology used. As observed by Rosa Linda Fregoso, Cynthia Bejarano, and Marcela Lagarde, not only
does the evolution of the term from femicide to feminicide reflect the changes and development in the field of
research, it also encapsulates different approaches to the same reality, which in turn points to the lack of
terminological consensus when referring to the murders. The concept of feminicide incorporates the
misogynist murder of women and contextualises it within a broader structure of systemic violence and
discrimination against them from an intersectional perspective. However, femicide is a preferable option for
some scholars in Central America since it underlines the “misogynist murder of women, independent of the
element of impunity or the participation of the state.” (Fregoso and Bejarano 8) In my opinion, although the
two concepts do not necessarily cancel each other out, it seems to me that the concept of feminicide is much
more holistic and comprehensive, and problematises and challenges fundamental heteronormative
structures and their impact on the individual lives of women. The use of feminicide also refers to a
"transborder perspective" that incorporates "the relevance of theories originating in the global South for the
formation of an alternative paradigm (knowledge, logics, subjectivities, traditions (...) that reverses the
hierarchies of knowledge and challenge claims about unidirectional (North-to-South) flows of traveling
theory" (Fregoso and Bejarano 4-5).
[4] In effect, a common explanation for the disappearance/murders was that the women/girls were
provocatively dressed and therefore incited sexual attacks on them, that they ran away with their boyfriends
(hence categorising the case as a “domestic” issue) or that they were "having a good time" away from the
parents/family supervision.
[5] Some of the artists that were part of the project are Tracey Emin, Paula Rego, Maggi Hambling, Gordon
Cheung and Humphrey Ocean.
[6] This relational network can also be found at the heart of other artistic pieces on feminicides, such as
Lourdes Portillo's Señorita Extraviada (2001). Carefully examined by Laura Gillman in her contribution to this
issue, Portillo's documentary film draws the audience into political mobilisation and empathy through its
powerful haptic visuality. As Gillman argues, the audience is inescapably compelled by the film images, and
then immersed into a responsiveness process at the sensorial level, in which subject/object relations are
symbiotically established.
[7] Gillman's discussion of haptic visuality in Señorita Extraviada (2001) relates to the need of developing
new systems of representation that will reproduce neither hegemonic visual politics nor normative discourses
on gender, race and class, entrenched in the systemic and symbolic violence exposed by the film. Señorita
Extraviada (2001) illustrates this point, and captures Portillo's strong concern with the risk of "exoticising",
and "commodifying" feminicides if hegemonic systems of representation were used.
[8] New York City's 2014 campaign "Let's End Human Trafficking" is a good example of this idea (see:
http://www.nyc.gov/html/endht/html/home/home.shtml). The Amnesty International USA (AIUSA) "Imagine"
campaign in 2002 is also illustrative of this point.
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[9] In effect, as Challenger summarised in her interview on Line Magazine, giving these women "visibility"
both as "human subjects" under international human rights law and as a works of art involves an act of
acknowledgment that rests on the idea that "humanity is a matter of endowment, declaration, or recognition"
(Esmeir 1549), which can be given and taken away, further reinforcing their victimhood and their subjectless
status. In addition, these dynamics classify people as human, dehumanised, or non-human depending on
their position within the legitimating discourse of international human rights law. Therefore, as interrogated by
400 Women, "if the human is a meaningful subject position and if humanity is taken away from the other,
what possibilities [then] remain for the other to exist as a formed subject [...]? Furthermore, when persons
are declared dehumanized, what political possibilities exist for them, aside from being victims awaiting
humanitarian interventions?” (Esmeir 1549) By dismantling and destabilising colonial and neoliberal
referential frameworks, and subverting hegemonic humanitarian politics of representation, challenging our
own preconceptions of victimhood, humanity, "dehumanised" and "other", 400 Women invites us to work
toward "the forging of concrete alliances with human beings who await not our recognition but our
participation in their struggles" (Esmeir 1545).
[10] This is what I understand as a two-way referential process of
interpellation, which takes place at this particular encounter.
[11] In this respect, "we create an impossible problem for
ourselves for presuming to be separated in the first place. By
presuming that we are separated from the world and other people
by the void of empty space, we at once eliminate the possibility of
connection and relationships even while we make a desperate
attempt to bridge that abyss" (Oliver 12). Oliver suggests that the
divide between "subject" and "other" is a devastating construct,
resulting from violent power relations. This relational approach,
however, does not involve "sameness" but acceptance of our
"connectivity" in a wider discursive and material structure, our
response-ability and address-ability in it and towards it, and our
vulnerability to it. This is one of the ways, according to Oliver, in
which the notion of "subjectivity" is reworked, in which "otherness
is always internal to subjectivity and encounters with others" (10).
[12] An example of
this is the portrait of
Picture 14
Adriana
Torres
Márquez (picture 14,
right), disappeared in 1995 at the age of 15 and found dead with
a nipple mutilated and a breast cut off. The portrait presents
Adriana suspended in the air, her body mutilated, her hands
extended as if crucified, floating over a vast field of land
resembling the place where her body was found. This image is
evocative of Saint Agueda of Catania, a martyr, virgin and saint
who was tortured and whose breasts were both cut off as a
punishment for her remaining a virgin.
Picture 15
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[13] Several portraits are composed of objects (picture 15,
left)—items either belonging to each of the victims, or belonging
to someone else but found near the place where the particular
victim disappeared, and subsequently offered to the families and
friends in substitution for their remains. Considering that their
bodies were never found, the only thing that the families and
friends keep as symbols of their lives, existence and memory
are the objects that belong to them. These objects therefore
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metaphorically capture the essence and lives of these women. Each of these portraits makes a harsh critique
of the state's recklessness in the investigation of these women's disappearance and murders, their
subsequent involvement in the violation of their human rights through their inaction, and their responsibility in
promoting gender-based violence against women and the impunity relating to it.
[14] These "visions" are intersectionally defined.
[15] Rancière elaborates: "A ‘common sense’ is, in the first instance, a community of sensible data: things
whose visibility is supposed to be shareable by all modes of perception of these things, and the equally
shareable meanings that are conferred on them." (102)
[16] As Rancière affirms, "the issue is not whether it is necessary to show the horrors suffered by the victims
of some particular violence. It revolves around the construction of the victim as an element in a certain
distribution of the visible" (103). Therefore, problematising "the construction of the victim" as part and parcel
of specific bodies of knowledge is at stake here.
[17] From its inception (as Challenger's words reveal) 400 Women developed a sense of ”meta-awareness,"
that is, a strong concern as to how the feminicides of Ciudad Juárez and the murders of these women can be
put into "images and fiction." (Rancière 102)
[18] This linear narrative presupposes a correlation between "perception, affection, comprehension and
action" (Rancière 103).
[19] As Hesford underscores, it is fundamental to acknowledge the "contaminated normativity of human
rights" (Cheah 172) and how “the human rights spectacle both haunts and consolidates hegemonic power”
(194).
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Works Cited
Cheah, Pheng. Inhuman Conditions: On Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights. Cambridge: Harvard
UP, 2006. Print.
Connell, Raewyn. The Men and the Boys. St. Leonards (New South Wales): Allen & Unwin, 2000.
Print.
–––––. Masculinities. Berkeley: U of California P, 1995. Print.
Edinburgh
Art
Festival.
2011.
Web.
30
<http://edartfest2011.wordpress.com/2011/08/12/diary-3/#more-82>
Mar
2014.
Ertrük, Yakin and Commission on Human Rights. "Integration of the Human Rights of Woman and
the Gender Perspective: Violence against Women, Report of the Special Rapporteur on
Violence against Women, Its causes and Consequences." United Nations Economic and
Social Council, doc. E/CN.4/2005/727add.3. 10 Feb 2005. Web. 27 Nov 2013.
<http://daccess-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G05/108/17/PDF/G0510817.pdf?OpenElement>
Esmeir, Samera. "On Making Dehumanization Possible." PMLA 121.5 (Oct 2006): 1544-1551.
Print.
Fregoso, Rosa-Linda, and Cynthia Bejarano (eds.). Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the
Américas. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. Print.
Gaspar de Alba, Alicia and Georgina Guzmán (eds.). Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade and
La Frontera. Austin (TX): U of Texas P, 2010. Print.
Hardie, Sarah. “An Interview with Tamsyn Challenger, Creator of 400 Women.” Line Magazine. 17
Aug 2011. Web. 30 Mar 2014. <http://blog.linemagazine.co.uk/post/8876736848/aninterview-with-tamsyn-challenger-creator-of>
Hesford, Wendy. Spectacular Rhetorics: Human Rights Visions, Recognitions, Feminisms.
Laurent, Claire et al. (eds.). Femicide: A Global Issue that Demands Action. Academic Council on
the United Nations System (ACUNS) Vienna Liaison Office. 2013. Web.
<http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/Copublications/Femicide_A%20Gobal%
20Issue%20that%20demands%20Action.pdf>
Oliver, Kelly. Witnessing beyond Recognition. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2001.
Russell, Diana and Roberta A. Harmes (eds.). Femicide in Global Perspective. New York:
Teachers College P, 2001. Print.
Radford, J and Diana Russell. (eds.). Femicide: The Politics of Woman Killing. Buckingham: Open
UP, 1992. Print.
Rancière, Jacques. "The Intolerable Image." The Emancipated Spectator. London: Verso, 2009.
Print. 83-105.
Suggested Citation:
Wehbe-Herrera, Aishih. “‘A New Landscape of the Possible’: 400 Women, Politics of Representation and
Human Rights.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 120-138. Available at:
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Laura Gillman (Virginia Tech)
Haptic Visuality in Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada:
Towards an Affective Activism
Abstract
This essay investigates Lourdes Portillo’s 2001 documentary, Señorita Extraviada / Missing Young
Woman, as a cinematic medium that functions through impressions, much like skin does, with an
aim to create an affective, inter-embodied contact between the perceiver(s) and the object
projected on the screen. I call this tactile form of cinematic expression, following film theorist Laura
Marks “haptic visuality.” In my analysis, I suggest that, like other diasporan filmmakers, Portillo
draws on the proximal sense of touch in order to directly and empathically involve the viewer’s
body as a site for intercultural knowledge and political action. She thus aims to facilitate viewers’
bodily affective capacity in the double sense of undergoing new somatic experiences and
registering those changes subjectively (the body’s capacity to be affected), which can lead to
political feeling or action (its capacity to affect). Haptic visuality, I further suggest, counters a neocolonial Euro-American hegemony of knowledge that is mediated through the visual, one that,
within normative representation and discourses, is bent on mastery and possession of the object
represented. It also offers the spectator a transformed, decolonial form of seeing, knowing and
interacting, both intimate and embodied, that places the viewer nearby the object, yielding to it.
Keywords: affect, agency, feminicides, haptic visuality, Lourdes Portillo
Laura Gillman
Haptic Visuality in Sra. Extraviada
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Introduction
In her internationally acclaimed documentary, Señorita Extraviada, Mexican-American filmmaker
Lourdes Portillo investigates as well as unveils the silence surrounding the murder, torture and
disappearances of girls and women in the border town of Juárez (Portillo 2001). This early
documentary, perhaps more than any other, helped raise consciousness of the crimes around the
world (Gaspar de Alba 3; Sandell 456). At the time of its first screening, over three hundred women
and girls, many of whom worked in the maquiladoras and who had migrated to Juárez from the
south in search of work, had been murdered. At least a third of the victims had been found in
similar conditions: they were kidnapped and held in captivity. They were subsequently subjected to
rape, sexual torture and mutilation, and then burned and dumped in remote places.
In her dual role as artist and political activist in human rights work, Portillo’s purpose in making the
film was to create a form of artistic expression that would raise world awareness regarding the
myriad causes of the feminicides (Driver 216). She selected and arranged the material included so
as to help the viewer grasp the complex amalgamation of interconnected systemic conditions
underpinning the violence as well as causing it to continue with impunity. In the film, she addresses
the problem of the precarity of citizenship in the global city in the context of the maquiladora
industry, resulting in the feminization of labor or what Alicia Schmidt Camacho refers to as
‘denationalized subjectivity,’ whereby neoliberal policy converts “poor migrants into a population
with little purchase on rights or representation within either the nation-state or new global politics”
(276). She exposes the complicity of the Mexican state, which remained indifferent to the health
and security of the women and girls working in the maquiladoras. She also signals the city’s
notoriety in terms of its history of illicit activity, providing inexpensive sex, drugs and leisure to
tourists.
Portillo revealed in several published interviews some of the challenges she faced in achieving her
goal of heightening audience awareness and empathic engagement. The first was how to use the
artistic medium of the documentary without falling back onto the representational and discursive
systems that are in their own right laden with hegemonic ideologies of gender, race and class that
caused the violence in the first place. A second challenge entailed the complexity of embedding
within the documentary a structure of expression capable of engendering empathy in national and
international audiences as a countering to the apathy of the Mexican state. The remote audiences
in the United States and Europe would be composed of people whose every day lives and
concerns are disconnected from the atrocities, and additionally, whose own identity statuses as
citizens of countries who benefit from a neoliberal logic might lead them to be more susceptible to
believing the causes supplied by state officials within the media footage. Even the incorporation of
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the personal testimonies provided by those closest to the victims that she sought to integrate into
the documentary might not be sufficient to allow her audiences to think and feel outside of these
entrenched hegemonic systems.
In a 2012 interview, Portillo shared her concern about the ubiquitous problem of sensationalism
and voyeurism within creative non-fictional representations of the crimes. She cited as an example
Charles Bowden’s depiction of the feminicides in Juárez in his 1998 book, The Laboratory of our
Future. Bowden represented the female victims, Portillo claimed, in a manner that reinforced the
degradation of the victims and of women in general, making violence against women more
normatized: “By showing the photographs without the permission of the family members, your aim
cannot be to give value to the lives of the victims but to produce a shock effect, that is, to
sensationalize and hence, capitalize on the violence” (Driver 217).
Portillo’s concern about the violence of representation is echoed in the perspectives of other
feminicide scholars. In her essay, “The Victims of the Ciudad Juárez feminicides,” Julia Monárrez
analyzes the sensationalistic media’s depictions of the victims, arguing that the specific labor of the
media’s representation of the victims, in their portrayal of the bodies as nude, abandoned, and
neglected, is to “other” or dehumanize them, which they accomplish by failing to discuss their
“historical, citizenship, and territorial specificity” (Monárrez 59). In another article, “The Suffering of
the Other,” Monárrez shows how representation and discourse are linked in such a way so as to
reinforce a hegemonic way of seeing and knowing. Symbolic violence is enacted, she asserts,
when official discourses that render intelligible the discourse of pain deployed by the survivors is
taken up in the media: “Their words (referring to the words of the family members), which are ‘an
attempt to restore justice in a societal structure of violence,’ frequently become contaminated or
lost within the ideology of symbolic violence that their representatives, or ‘guardians of the law’
generate” (186).
Rosa-Linda Fregoso further exposes how women are portrayed as abject in discourse and
representation, thereby creating an environment that makes feminicide possible:
Women’s visibility as abject is a subject-effect produced by the intersections of
experiential violence and symbolic violence: the violence of racist misogynists, the
violence of state-sanctioned terrorism, the violence of discursive frameworks of
interpretation but also the violence of representation. (“Toward a Planetary Civil
Society” 54) [1]
Portillo also notes the challenge of creating audience empathy. In a recent retrospective on
Portillo’s films, Fregoso relates the content of an interview with the filmmaker, in which the latter
revealed her goal to instill empathy for the survivors in her viewers, for through empathy, the
viewer would be motivated to gain political awareness and engage in activism. In noting that her
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audiences consistently were moved to activism, she stated that this was her intention, to “[c]rear
una especie de conciencia, incitar a la gente a actuar, y éso es lo que hizo” (“to create a
consciousness, incite people to act, and that is what it did” (Fregoso, “Retrospectiva” 166).
Fregoso further underscores Portillo’s observations, adding that the documentary “va más allá del
nivel informativo. Incita la imaginación e inspira la participación creativa” (goes beyond the level of
providing information to actually incite the imagination and inspire creative participation) (165).
In a recent article on the film, Jillian Sandell analyzes in some detail the mechanisms by which
Portillo engenders an empathic response in viewers. She cites the juxtaposition of the aesthetic
and the historical as one such mechanism. By pushing the pervasive repetition of poetic images
such as the painting of the pink crosses, and the haunting requiem music that serves as an elegy
honoring the victims against the media footage, Portillo, she asserts, humanizes the murdered
women and invites in the spectator “an affective and humanitarian response" (462). Sandell further
notes that Portillo refuses the traditional documentary format, one that, by emphasizing empirical
data and leaving out subjective interpretations/testimonies, might (re)objectify the victims. Sandell
finally points to Portillo’s deployment of some avant-garde cinematic techniques, such as the use
of slow motion, aimed at giving the viewer time to reflect on the suffering of the survivors or the
speeding up of motion, when portraying the exacerbated development of Juárez into a global city
(457-58). [2]
Building on the important critical insights of the aforementioned critics, I want to explore here the
ways in which Portillo embeds cinematic affect as a mechanism for countering neocolonial
representational and discursive violence. Portillo’s film, I suggest, is structured around scenes that
highlight the body’s potential to create force encounters or kinetic interconnections between the
viewer, the filmmaker and the objects in the film, thereby triggering the viewer’s empathy at a
visceral level, and her capacity to (re)act. In the section that follows, I provide a brief overview of
contemporary affect theory. I then narrow my critical focus to cinematic affect, based on the works
of Laura Marks, Jennifer Barker and Vivian Sobchack, all of whom elaborate on the
conceptualization of cinema, and in the case of Marks, with a particular attention to diasporan
cinema, as deeply embodied and tactile. In the final and longest section, I analyze in detail three
particular tactile strategies that Portillo employs in the film: the turning crystal, the close up and the
tactile event.
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1. Affect Theory, Cinematic Affect and Haptic Visuality
Interest in affect and emotions has intensified in the last decade across the disciplines. The so
called ‘affective turn’ is closely linked to other conceptual shifts, such as ‘the ontological turn’ and
‘the new materialism,’ modes of inquiry and meaning making that appeal to feminist, race and
postcolonial scholars insofar as an analysis of materiality in relation to ontological existence offers
possibilities for circumventing disciplinary and regulating regimes produced in discourse as well as
the suppressive and othering mechanisms of representational systems. According to Deleuze and
Guattari, affect is a material intensity that emerges via the ‘in-between’ spaces of embodied
encounters, circulating power not primarily as a mode of discursive regulation or representational
negation but rather as the potential to become otherwise (Deleuze and Guattari).
Although there is no one given meaning, definition or theoretical approach to affect, a starting point
for contemporary theorists is the materialist philosophy of the 17th century philosopher Baruch
Spinoza. In his Ethics, Spinoza offers a basic definition of affect: "I understand affections of the
body by which the body's power of acting is increased or diminished, aided or restrained" (70).
Offering a materialist conception of existence, Spinoza considers bodies as always in relation.
Affects are the material forces of the encounter of bodies that traverse and transform those bodies,
triggering and augmenting or diminishing the subject's capacity for acting within its world. Affective
encounters both constitute subjects and orient them, and in the process reveal possibilities for
obliging the world to matter—viscerally and cognitively. As Spinoza states: “the human mind does
not know itself, except insofar as it perceives the ideas of the affections of the body'” (49).
In contemporary theory, as suggested by Melissa Greg and Gregory J. Seigworth, editors of The
Affect Theory Reader, affect describes "visceral forces beneath, alongside, or generally other than
conscious knowing, vital forces insisting beyond emotion" (1). There is, moreover, a concern for
and emphasis on what bodies can do, their potential activity, “a body’s capacity to affect and be
affected” (2). What is tracked and questioned is how a body “comes to shift its affections (its beingaffected) into action (capacity to affect)” (ibid.). There is an emphasis on acting more than thinking
or reflecting. Nonetheless, these types of shifts transpire in close connection to passages of
thought. Thought is conceived not as separate from the body, but rather itself embodied (2-3).
Affect, moreover, is incremental, picking up force as it moves through bodies in their encounter
with one another: “At once intimate and impersonal, affect accumulates across both relatedness
and interruptions in relatedness, becoming a palimpsest of force-encounters traversing the ebbs
and swells of intensities that pass between 'bodies' (bodies defined not by an outer skin-envelope
or other surface boundary but by their potential to reciprocate or co-participate in the passages of
affect)” (2).
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Affect theory resonates with feminists’ and postcolonial theorists’ calls to bring serious attention
(back) to the material substance and significance of matter, materiality and the body. Theorists
such as Sarah Ahmed (2004) and Lauren Berlant (2011) have shown how power works through
affect to shape individual and collective bodies in such a way as to make certain bodies move into
a state of un-belonging, or attaching us to the very conditions of subordination and social norms
that we should eschew for their ability to reproduce normative hierarchies and exclusions. Others
have emphasized affect’s transformative potential. For example, in Touching Feeling (2003), Eve
Kosofsky Sedgwick calls for a re-privileging of ontology through a critical focus on affect, which she
understands as integral to accessing a form of life that pushes beyond the social regulation of our
existence. Still others have highlighted the ambivalence of affective registers. Susan McManus, for
instance, analyzes the political polyvalence of the affective register in terms of producing hope and
fear, both of which are ambivalent and both of which are used within the public sphere, she
demonstrates, to diminish or enhance potentially transformative agency (McManus). But it is this
very ambivalence, she claims, that creates an opening or threshold for cultural workers and
political actors to disrupt what appears to be an affective determinism (McManus).
The work of cinema theorists Laura Marks, Vivian Sobchack and Jennifer Barker fits within the first
of eight main approaches to affect that Gregg and Seigworth list in their introduction under the
heading of phenomenologies of embodiment and inter-embodiment. They define the approach as
characterized by “investigations into a body’s incorporative capacities for scaffolding and
extension” (6). The editors thus highlight a particular orientation, one that emphasizes embodiment
as mediated or affected by interactions with other bodies, human and non-human.
For postcolonial cinema theorist Laura Marks, as alluded to in the title of her work, The Skin of the
Film, cinema, like skin, expresses meaning to the viewer through materiality, that is, through
impressions of feeling, with the goal of transforming the spectator in her embodied existence (xixii). Marks draws on Deleuzian theory and phenomenology to contribute to theories of haptic
visuality. I define haptic visuality, following Marks, as the subjective perception of touch on the
surface of and inside our bodies. The dominant mode of optic visuality obliges the viewer to see
things from a distance, obliging her to perceive them as distinct forms in deep space. It further
depends on a separation or boundary between the viewing subject and the object. Haptic visuality,
by contrast, refers to “the way in which the eyes themselves function like organs of touch. Rather
than plunging to the depth of the object, haptic looking moves over the surface, not to distinguish
form but to discern texture” (Marks 162). Haptic cinema encourages an embodied encounter
between viewer and image, a dynamic subjectivity (164).
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Cinematic affect theory also draws upon Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenology, one that views the
relationship between the self and the world as symbiotic. As Marks affirms, the time and space of
the world is, according to Merleau-Ponty’s account, thick and viscous with experience. Our
perceptions fold us into this thick world, merging us with it and demarcating us as well from it (148).
Film theorist Vivian Sobchack suggests that cinema replicates the phenomenological relationship
between the self and the world, extending the viewer’s embodied existence through its staging of
the interactive encounter between two bodies—that of the viewer and that of the film/world—with
the viewer coming to actively participate in the cinematic experience and even inhabit the same
space of the film/world (Sobchack, The Address of the Eye 10-15). Merleau-Ponty’s
phenomenological encounter, Marks notes, stands in contrast to Deleuzian philosophy of affect
insofar as it acknowledges a primordial subjectivity. It posits the presence of the embodied subject
in the act of perceiving while also relinquishing the belief of the unity of the self (150).
Intercultural cinema, a genre to which, I argue, Portillo’s documentary corresponds, pivots crucially
on the subjectivities and bodies of women in conflictive encounters that result from neo-colonial,
capitalist patriarchal systems. Far from being politically neutral, the rubric ‘intercultural’ introduces
the concept of the often fraught and conflictive encounters between and within different cultural
systems of knowledge that result as people migrate across or within national borders (Marks 7).
Indeed, Marks argues, while haptic visuality can be found across cinematic genres, it is more
widely cultivated by non-Western diasporan filmmakers, who, by necessity, are drawn to systems
of knowledge derived from the senses. Such systems offer the means for structuring sense
perception differently from those pertaining to Euro-American societies “where optical visuality has
been accorded a unique supremacy (xiii). Intercultural cinema is also unique inasmuch as it
emphasizes the social character of embodied experience. The body in intercultural cinema is a
repository not just of individual but also of collective cultural experience, memory and meaning
making. Herein, Marks distinguishes herself from the individualist approaches to the body of avantgarde cinema (xiii). An emphasis on diasporan cinema as a site for making visible and reclaiming a
buried repository of cultural memory and meaning, as well as a resource for the recovery of an
embodied subjectivity, aids me in establishing a theoretical ground for an analysis of tactile
technologies in Portillo’s documentary in the following sections.
2. Tactile Technologies in Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada
Portillo uses the genre of documentary in two different, almost opposing ways. She seems at first
to follow the prescribed genre of the documentary. She offers a critical context for the feminicidal
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violence through her own voice-over narration. Herein, she portrays Juárez as a city that had spun
out of control as a result of Mexico’s overly rapid industrialization and integration into the global
economy. She then adds to this analysis a linear account of the murders, documented in
photographs, newspaper clippings, and media footage of reports made by media anchormen, local
and state authorities, including police, prosecutors, mayors, governors and forensic specialists. As
an overlay to this critical profiling of the known facts and observable landscape, Portillo then
integrates that which is not officially known or disseminated through her inclusion of pieces of
interviews with local activists as well as the testimonies of those closest to the victims, family
members and co-workers, whose narrations are discrepant with those of local and State officials.
Finally, she creates and integrates with the aforementioned components an oppositional
travelogue, taking the viewer with her as she walks the streets of Juárez, tracking not just the dead
but also living young girls and women. She follows some in the streets and shops or as they paint
pink crosses on telephone poles to bring back into visibility the dead and disappeared, others as
they go out on the rastreos or search parties for dead bodies in the desert, and still others as they
ride the bus that transports them to the assembly plant where they work—possibly to meet the
same fate as the victims.
In this brief overview, it is possible to see how Portillo complicates the traditional documentary
rather than displacing it completely. She does so in order to engage an affective aesthetics to
reveal its distorted logic and at the same time encourage the spectator to ‘be with’ or be in greater
proximity to affective experiences of the victims and their family members. In the section that
follows, I provide a critical overview and analysis of two tactile strategies that Portillo deploys in the
film—the turning crystal and the close-up—as these appear in the film. Following that, I define and
analyze the third technology, the tactile event.
2.1 The 'Turning Crystal’ and the ‘Close-up’
In her work, The Tactile Eye, Jennifer Barker, following Gilles Deleuze, argues that film
complicates the viewer’s empathic, embodied identification with the character(s) and objective
observations by “taking us to the edge, without collapsing, the boundaries between the ‘here’ and
‘there’ the’ us’ and the ‘them’” (7). This sensual/structural ambivalence is Deleuze’s notion of the
“turning crystal,” a technique that positions different actors spatially and temporally around an
event. In the case of the film, these could include the filmmaker or camera’s embodied subjectivity,
the protagonist’s and the film viewer’s (9). As film viewers, we perceive the imaginary/artistic
expression of the object in the film. At the same time, we experience the real world’s significance
through it and we in turn express the significance through our lived body’s reaction. In the
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existence of our lived bodies, we are always perceiving and expressing in an inter-dynamic relation
of reversibility. Each side of the crystal ball is necessary to the other in a relation of reciprocal
presupposition or reversibility (ibid.). As Barker notes, Merleau-Ponty also articulated the notion of
reversibility by using the image of a person’s hand touching the other: each hand both touches and
is touched. This structure of reversibility involves a shift of attention and of intentionality from one
aspect of the encounter to another (19). This structure is the archetype of subject/object relations.
Herein, the self and the world are irreducible to one another in a relation of reversibility that the film
and viewer are performing in a very concentrated manner (ibid.).
Integral to the tactile register of reversibility is that of the close-up. When the camera zooms in for a
close-up, it causes the film viewer to focus on the skin as a site of exchange and traversal,
connecting the inside and outside of the self as well as the self with the other (Barker 27). MerleauPonty’s concept of “flesh” helps to define the film’s skin, which indicates an evocation of body and
things that are really not completely separate but rather of each other. This reciprocity and
reversibility between body and world is best captured in the skin, which covers and display’s the
body’s secrets (29).
In intercultural cinema, viewers perceive, by means of the close-up, how objects gain a biography
as well as how that biography tells us at once as much about the subject as about the social world
in which they, she or he is emplaced. In essence, the close-up puts a face on the/our world. Marks
defines faciality, following Deleuze, as the intensification of affect in an image whose motor
extension is limited (94). As such, the face contains a wealth of knowledge. The camera in
intercultural cinema will follow an object to trace the intensification of affect as transmitted through
faciality in an attempt to elicit the cultural biography it tells and excavate memories of objects,
developing more thoroughly the stories they retain.
In Señorita Extraviada, Portillo implements the visual technology of the turning crystal in
connection with the close-up in two testimonies that are given central cinematic attention, the
testimony of María and the testimony of Eva Arce.
The testimony of a woman, who, for the sake of anonymity, calls herself María, is dispersed
throughout the film. It is broken up into seven segments, each of which sheds light on Portillo’s
chronological recording of the feminicides but from the perspective of the lived experience of a
victim/survivor as well as provides the spectator access to the various institutional sites of violence
in which María finds herself: the criminal justice system, the media and the maquila industry.
A central analytic in the first testimony is the corruption of local police. María calls the police to
report that a neighbor has assaulted her husband. Rather than assist her, the police give her and
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her husband an exorbitantly large fine. Unable to pay it, they are held in custody for twenty-four
hours. Once separated, a female police orders María into the bathroom, and assaults and attempts
to rape her. Although she screams, no other guard comes to her assistance. In a second segment,
María reveals that drugs are distributed to the inmates and the guards themselves are heavily
drugged. A guard called El Diablo raped her later that night. He then took her to a room filled with
women’s clothing—panties, bras and dresses. He told her that the clothes belonged to women that
he and other guards had taken. In a third segment, María states that the guards took many photos
of her. In a fourth segment, María explains that though she ultimately went to the police and the
media to report the arrests and the perpetration, the perpetrators were never charged with any
crime. In a fifth segment, María recounts how she heard two shots fired in the middle of the night, a
month after being released. When she looked out the window, she saw El Diablo, parked outside
of her house. She took it as a reminder that she should remain silent. In a sixth segment, María
adds additional information to her original testimony on what occurred the night she was in jail. El
Diablo grabbed María by her hair. Then, pushing her head down while screaming ‘bitch,’ he forced
her to look at a photo album. The photos told a story in sequence: there were images of men
grabbing young women by the hair and dragging them in the desert; of women being raped and
sodomized, surrounded by male onlookers; of men laughing as they looked at the women’s faces
contorted in pain and crying out; and of men dousing the bodies with gasoline and setting them on
fire. In a final segment, María tells how some time later, while in a maquiladora looking for work,
she felt herself being stared at. When she turned around, she saw “El Diablo.” Upon returning the
following day, she was told that he did not work there although he had applied for the position of
security guard.
As spectators of these various segments, we witness the reversibility of the image. The sixth
segment in particular integrates the close-up with the turning crystal. With the oil in her skin
glistening as it mixes with sweat, her voice faltering and her lips dry, María tells us that she was
raped just as these women were raped. She was grabbed by the hair as they were. She was called
bitch as they were. Photos were taken of her in jail and in the maquiladora just as photos were
taken of them.
Our gaze follows the camera, our looking becoming self-conscious. Preceding the close-up, in
which we see María’s face as she tells us what she saw in the photos, we see images of María
looking out at the desert, as if she were actually seeing the violence take place. Her back is to us,
her long, dark hair blowing in the breeze. We look at her looking. We see the women who are not
there through her material presence at the site of the crimes. In creating an image of María looking
out over the desert, Portillo asks the spectator to reflect on the idea that María understands that
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she could have been or still can be a victim of feminicide. She is looked at (in jail) but she also
looks.
In the close up, each fold of her narrative picks up the affect of the memories of the events she
experienced through time (several months) and institutionalized space, (home, jail, court, media
exposure and maquiladora). The viewer watches María in the act of perceiving and potentially
becomes aware of her own felt understandings. At the same time, the spectator witnesses how
María expresses what she has perceived. Portillo zooms in for a close-up to grasp her perception.
The viewer sees that her skin sweats, her voice breaks, her eyes look down, her pores open. Her
skin’s response becomes a contact zone.
Faciality, as demonstrated here in María’s expression, can be characterized as reversibility, a
facial expression that returns the look (Marks 94). María is affected by an impersonal force, (having
undergone a somatic change as a result of her perception). She is also affecting, (re)acting or
expressing on her face her sadness and anguish/fear. Her (re)action now serves as a material
context for bringing history into contact with the viewer, who can in turn undergo and react
somatically to the history of violence that has remained invisible to us. Those visceral
engagements will be different and even unpredictable. Some will respond with fear if they find
themselves currently in a situation similar to María. Others will respond with empathy and still
others with shame for not having previous knowledge of these events or as they gain awareness of
their social position within the web of power relations, one that make them feel in part responsible
for the violence. The differently engendered feelings result from the ambivalence of affect, one that
registers at the surface or in the skin of shared historical and contemporary social-structural
relations.
Faciality, expressed as a return of the look, is also found in the fifth segment, when María narrates
the scene in which El Diablo parks outside of her house, fires some shots and then drives away. In
the first part of the narrated segment, María is simply sitting in front of the camera. In the close-up
of María, we see her face as she explains how the occurrence served as a tactile reminder of her
powerlessness to act in the public sphere and of her relegation to the private one. The viewer
witnesses María swept up by forces from outside of herself, e.g. of fear. But then in the final scene
in this segment, we witness not just what María perceives and expresses from the outside, but
another somatic change that comes from the inside and moves outside to show on the skin of her
face, drawing the viewer’s body into its force field.
In the scene, María appears to be sitting in a chair or couch in her own home, looking at an image
of herself in the mirror. The viewer and camera are situated behind María. We are looking at María
looking at herself and looking back at us through the mirror. The viewer, in effect, is drawn into the
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turning crystal, not seeing, but imagining how María sees the camera and the viewer positioned
alongside the camera in the mirror, bringing us into contact with María and into the same space
and time in which she is inserted. As an object that has moved through the time and space of
various institutions within the social structure, she has become invested with a value that Marks
calls “auratic,” that is, as containing the power to distill and make visible the hidden history of those
sites (104). In bringing us into the material presence or aura that María generates, Portillo creates
a scaffolding that joins the object on the screen and the spectator, encouraging cognitive and
embodied understanding of the historical-spatial reality in which she lives, impelling the
spectator/subject to (re)act.
Another set of images that Portillo transmits by means of the technology of the turning crystal in
tandem with the close-up can be found in the testimony of Eva Arce, who tells of the 1998
disappearance and murder of her daughter Silvia. Here, the image of the turning crystal
encompasses two visible figures/objects: the mother of the missing woman and a little boy of
approximately two years of age, who is sitting on her lap, perhaps a grandson. As the camera
zooms in, Eva tells of how she was kidnapped when pregnant with Silvia. Once in the car of her
kidnapper, she was taken to a hotel and later to various abandoned sites, eventually ending up in
the desert. She tried to run away several times during the night but her kidnapper caught her and
put back in the car. He repeatedly raped her throughout the course of the night. She tells how she
cried, fearful that she would lose her child. In the morning, when he drove her home, he reminded
her of how merciful he was. Another man would have killed her. As Eva narrates these final
scenes, the spectator sees images of a woman running in the desert.
The reversibility of the turning crystal here is portrayed as occurring through time as well as space.
The testimony and images tell an inter-generational history of violence, kidnapping and murder.
Portillo creates a visceral imaginary of the violence by showing how the violence visited upon the
daughter has been part of the felt, embodied experience of the mother (and even the child in utero)
and therefore is something that can be known through the materiality of the body. In this scene the
spectator grasps that the feminicides are not exclusively a consequence of the contemporary State
or of global politics alone but rather embedded within a longer history of structural patriarchy.
The close-up also appears as double in these scenes in the intergenerational embodied contact
between grandmother and grandson. As Eva tells her story, the camera zooms in to capture her
faciality. Her voice breaks and she begins to cry. At the same time the camera tracks the faciality
of the little boy, who looks at his grandmother as she tells of her fear and how she cried when the
man kidnapped her and “did with me what he wanted.” The boy’s eyes get large from fear. His
cheeks tighten, his lips open in fear and close downward as he starts to cry. The boy’s facial
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expression bears witness to and brings into the viewer’s embodied consciousness the horror of the
violence, materializing and making its occurrence visible by putting a face on it.
2.2 The 'Tactile Event'
Let me turn, finally, to the technology of the tactile event. In haptic cinema, the tactile may be
conveyed in the film’s theme (Marks 44). I call this haptic technology “the tactile event” insofar as it
encourages the viewer to feel the (inter)action at the surface of her fingertips. In Lourdes Portillo’s
film, the tactile event is expressed in the thematics of feminicide. In the hegemonic necropolitical
media representations of feminicides, the original violence is exacerbated. The decomposing and
mutilated bodies of the victims are re-presented as fetishized objects. The image as fetish object
takes on value insofar as it has the capacity to be consumable and exploitable by the viewer,
constructed as a white, heterosexual male. As fetish object, the feminicidal body serves as a tactile
reminder of an illusory citizenship, as Monárrez underscores, “a citizenship for girls and women
whose sexual nature has been instrumentalized as non-normative; whose racial heritage is a crack
in the difference of the white social body; and whose poverty represents exclusion from material
progress” (“Victims” 66).
To counteract the transformation of women into a hegemonic fetish object, Portillo elaborates on
the caressing gaze as a central theme, capable of transforming the fetish object, imbuing it with a
positive valence and allowing the viewer to know it differently. The caressing gaze is, as Marks
observes, one that does not, like the optic gaze, imply that it knows or has mastery over the object
it observes, but rather suggests that it does not even know what it seeks. The caressing gaze is
thus able to yield to the image, its capacity to evoke pleasure or new knowledge of the self in
relation (184). As Barker further notes, the caressing gaze asks the viewer to engage the erotic
encounter as a way of redressing the problem of the abject or the assaulting image of the object.
The erotic encounter between the viewer and viewed expresses the need for and pleasure in
proximity, for the viewer to feel the other against herself, which implies a mutuality. This erotic
relationship between two bodies, while expressive of adult sexuality, notes Barker, may also be
expressive of an eros of parenthood (39).
As viewers of Portillo’s film, we witness the erotic relationships in the memory images of the
survivors, both lovers and parents, who remember the loved one’s body as the source of joy,
pleasure and love. I provide three examples, two entailing memory images provided through image
and testimony and another, marked by anonymity, entailing the relationship of an unnamed mother
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and daughter, and unaccompanied by testimony. Let me begin with Silvia Arce, in order to
complete the discussion of the segment narrating the history of feminicidal violence in her family.
In the final scene of the segment, Eva tells of her daughter’s disappearance. As if to alert the
viewer to the reversibility of the embodied space of the filmic object and the viewer’s, the camera
shifts from the close-up to a view of Eva sitting at a window looking out, her back to the camera as
if witnessing the perpetration against her daughter. The viewer is aware that her visual perception
is accompanied by a visceral imaginary. The camera then zooms out and we see a sort of
unidentified filmy kind of texture, a pale pink covering the screen, separating us from Eva so that
we must see her image through it. As the camera zooms out further, we see that it is a pink veil
that her daughter is wearing and we become aware that what we are seeing is a framed photo of
Silvia Arce. In the photograph, she is wearing a pink dress and matching veil, typically worn in a
quinceañera, a ceremony held on a young girl’s fifteenth birthday celebrating her entrance into
adulthood.
The viewer is recruited into the film through the tactility of this image. The veil, superimposed on
the mother’s image, seems to be touching it/her, as well as the histories she has narrated.
Standing on the other side of the veil, the filmmaker’s and/or the camera’s body and the spectator’s
body are enjoined to touch the daughter, the pink filmy texture acting as a sort of second skin. This
cinematic tactility encourages an embodied awareness of and reflection on the historic and
contemporary interconnections binding the spectator and the object on the screen. When we as
spectators experience the loving, caressing touch and engage it, we are also asked to remember
the violence of touch that produced the disappearance. We are further asked to ponder the
broader hemispheric racial-ethnic and gendered power relations in which we are entangled as
hemispheric subjects, or as citizens of nations that have participated in analogous neo-imperialist
or global projects framing the violence.
In the segment marked by anonymity, the viewer sees a set of slow motion images of a mother
laying her missing daughter’s dress on the bed. All we see are the mother’s hands. The dress
appears to be like one that a young girl would wear for a communion. It is a white gown, made of a
sheer, satin material, suggesting the purity of the girl for whom the dress was destined. Its softness
invites a caress. The mother passes her hand over the soft material, smoothing it down, as though
she were caressing her daughter’s body while at the same time remembering her daughter’s body
in it and perhaps the event itself. The Communion marks through ritual the special union of the
communicant’s soul with Christ. In taking the Eucharist, the daughter receives God’s grace. The
image of the dress functions as both a time image and a recollection image. In the time image the
object is not connected to the world to which it corresponds but is shown alone, as if stranded in
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time. The viewer is unable to draw objective connections, or use common sense to make sense of
the object perceived, and is therefore obliged to question how this particular image got to be
constructed from a particular perspective (Marks 27-28).
In the scene, the image is shown in slow motion, giving the viewer the opportunity to slow down
her thoughts long enough to question the meaning of the image in its own right, for example, as
one imbued with the value of virtue or deserving of a mother’s love, as well as weigh this image
against the so-called objective representation of the victims as loose, and therefore deserving of
their violent fate. The incompleteness of the image forces the viewer to depend upon a relation of
mutuality. The filmmaker provides an image and the viewer must complete it. By critically engaging
the image, she must work to sort out the public image and the private rendition of the event. For
example, the viewer might reflect on the range and intensities of the mother-daughter relationship,
the mother’s feelings of hope for the daughter’s future and for their future relationship as two adult
women. Here the incomplete image of the skin’s touch leaves traces of unofficial or private
memories that capaciously confront official history.
The testimony of María Sagrario Gonzalez’s mother is a final example of the tactile event. It
focalizes on a recollection object, defined by Marks as an object that encodes history and memory.
In excavating such objects, it is possible to bring their violent contents into the present where
memories associated with the objects, covered over by dominant histories, can be re-membered
and reclaimed (Marks 77-78). Such objects may be considered fetishes. In intercultural works, the
focus on the image object or fetishized object, one that moves within and between cultures and
societies along with the dislocated, diasporan subject, serves to trace how value and meaning
come to be encoded in objects as they move through space and in time, as well as how the filmic
event itself, in its materiality, proposes a non-fetishizing form of looking.
The non-fetishizing look functions to contest neocolonial fetishism, which seizes objects to control
and/or exploit them from a distance (Marks 77-78). Portillo exposes the neocolonial processes of
production of the Mexican feminicidal victim as fetish, ones that, as Julia Monárrez claims, convert
her into “a sensual object for death” (“Victims” 67). Her murder comes to symbolize, as Monárrez
further asserts, “the exploitation of the female other in the sphere of exotic difference, in a
discourse of racial superiority and economic development that legitimizes the consumption of
things and people as a civilizing force” (“Victims” 67-78). But Portillo also illuminates the ways in
which fetish objects associated with the victims of feminicidal violence, in condensing hidden
histories, gain force and intensity in their movement, transforming the value and meaning of the
embodied subjectivities of the victims.
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Portillo invites the viewer to experience the non-fetishized object not so much visually as through
bodily contact in the testimony of María Sagrario’s mother, encouraging a caressing gaze. The
mother states that her daughter had migrated to Juárez to help provide income for the family and
subsequently disappeared. The testimony of the activist Judith Galarza overlaps with that of María
Sagrario’s mother. Galarza advises that photographs were taken of the girls and women every
Friday in the maquiladoras. They were asked to pose, as if they were models. Numerous
photographs were taken of Sagrario. This suggests, Galarza asserts, that perhaps it is through
such photos that the girls that went missing were selected. They could be commoditized as
models, perhaps for pornography. The camera then zooms in on María Sagrario’s mother, who is
holding a photo of her daughter taken in the maquiladora. In the photo, one widely disseminated by
the media, she is standing in an objectified pose wearing a sundress. The mother then counters
this public image with her testimony.
She portrays her daughter as a ‘good girl”’ who taught catechism every Sunday, sung in the church
choir and was deeply loved in the community. The camera shifts from the mother’s face to images
of birdcages, somewhere outside the family’s home. The mother then explains that Mari’s
boyfriend, Andrés, had given her daughter a gift of two parakeets, Clint and Luis. The mother goes
on to describe, her voice shaking as if she were about to cry, how one morning when she went to
put the cages out in the sun, she found Clint dead. Only her daughter could touch Luis without
being bitten, she relates; yet on that day she was not afraid to pick Luis up. Her instinct was right,
for Luis allowed the mother to touch and caress it. The mother believes this was because he knew
that something was wrong with her daughter. She then relates how she talked to the bird, asking
him if he knew Mari’s whereabouts, whereupon the bird nodded as if he understood. And the
mother nods in front of the camera as she tells how Luis nodded. She then states that the parakeet
flew away. It was a Tuesday. On Wednesday the authorities found her daughter and on Thursday
the family received the news.
The parakeet, a material artifact linked to María Sagrario, a gift from a loved one and therefore
symbolizing the loving relationship between Andrés and Mari, speaks and understands what she
cannot. This counterhegemonic fetish object contests the objectifying gaze as portrayed in the
photo of Mari in the sundress, serving a tactile memory of what has been concealed. María
Sagrario’s mother thus redeems the fetishized object of the woman in the photo by revealing
values unrecognized in her and in the dislocated context in which she finds herself—the
maquiladora. She thus allows the viewer to experience her daughter not visually but through the
objects that Mari touched and were touched by her.
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Conclusion
The body is something more than just an effect of discourse or a representation. In my examination
of technologies of embodiment and interembodiment I have suggested that the body is a source of
subjectivity and knowledge of the world. The conceptualization of knowledge as developing
potentially in the relationality of interembodied contact between diverse subjectivities rather than
through individual rational consciousness and action alone runs parallel, Marks affirms, to the
recuperative history projects undertaken in the last decades of the 20th century under the rubric of
identity politics, ones that take identity to be viewed as always in process, and historically and
culturally shaped (Marks 4). Portillo’s documentary would seem to suggest how such projects work
in tandem with one another even though they might at first glance appear to be contradictory.
Portillo’s film shows its roots in the productive projects of identity politics in that it shows how
human subjectivities, shaped in connection to given bodies, seek historical identity by
deconstructing official histories while also excavating the past and recording it differently, even
when realizing the improbability of retrieving the meaning of historical events with any certainty or
recovering the loved ones lost. But Portillo’s work also exemplifies the projects of the intercultural
diasporan film insofar as she moves beyond the mourning of lost objects that results from the
interrogation of history through personal and family memories to use the cinematic medium to
stage the knowledges of the body, ones that transmit meaning without recourse to visual
representation or words. The skin of this film translates meaning more densely, beyond the visual
and the audible, through affective registers.
I have also suggested in this paper that Portillo reflects a vision of embodied subjectivity as a
source of agency. As film theorist Vivian Sobchack states, and I concur, the emergence of an
ethics depends upon “the lived sense and feeling of the human body not merely as a material
object one possesses and analyzes among other objects but a material subject that experiences
and feels its own subjectivity (Carnal Thoughts, 178). The important point here is that viewers as
embodied subjects are enjoined to empathize with the pleasures and pains of other embodied
subjects on the screen insofar as they share the same affective capacities. Portillo’s affective
aesthetics reminds us, for example, of our own dual status as agents of vision and as visible
objects, one that allow us to experience bodily affects through the reversibility of the crystal ball.
The affective space that Portillo constructs serves as a template for the reconceptualization of an
ethically conceived public space. Rather than distancing the spectator from ethical responsibility to
others, potentially leading to objectification of the object viewed, this reconceived space narrows
the distance between viewer and viewed, in effect, as Fregoso has noted, “perturba[ndo] el
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espacio del espectador distanciado" (“Retrospectiva” 166). By attending to the political polyvalence
of the affective register within Portillo’s documentary, I hope to have effectively suggested how
cinematic affect can orient agential possibilities for (re)acting politically within the context of
relationality and contact that intercultural cinema provides.
As an exemplar of intercultural cinema, moreover, Portillo’s film uses the affective register to
encourage the spectator, from whatever social-spatial context, to undergo and register somatically,
and hence, cognitively, her/his constitutive co-implications in the maintenance of neo-colonial,
racist and heteropatriarchal boundaries that allow for the separateness between and within
cultures. In doing so, the film offers the spectator a means for negotiating new ways of being and
thinking, potentially capable of disrupting and transforming the logic of fear that dominates Juárez’
political present.
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Endnotes
[1] For further analysis of the problem of the representation of the feminicides, see also Steven Volk and
Marian Schotterbeck “Gender, Order, and Femicide: Reading the Popular Culture of Murder in Ciudad
Juárez.” (2010)
[2] For an analysis of negative affects in relation to the feminicides in Ciudad Juárez, see Ana Del Sarto “Los
afectos en los estudios culturales. Cuerpos y sujetividades latinoamericanos en Ciudad Juárez.” (2012).
[3] For a thorough review of the ways in which feminist and queer theorists have analyzed the polyvalent
registers of affect, see Carolyn Pedwell and Anne Whitehead “Introduction. Affecting Feminism: Questions of
Feeling in Feminist Theory.” (2012)
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215-225. Web. 28 Jun 2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/>
Fregoso, Rosa Linda. “Una retrospectiva crítica de la obra cinematográfica de Lourdes Portillo."
Comunicación y Medios 24 (2011): 148-170. Print.
–––––. “Toward a Planetary Civil Society.” Ed. Denise A. Segura and Patricia Zavella. Women and
Migration in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands: A Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 2007. 35-66.
Print.
Gaspar de Alba, Alicia. "Introduction: Feminicidio: The ‘Black Legend’ of the Border.” Ed. Alicia
Gaspar de Alba and Georgina Guzmán. Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La
Frontera. Austin: U of Texas P, 2010. 1-22. Print.
Gregg, Melissa and Gregory J. Seigworth. “An Inventory of Shimmers.” Ed. Melissa Greg and
Gregory J. Seigworth. The Affect Theory Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 2010. 1-25 Print.
Marks, Laura U. The Skin of the Film: Intercultural Cinema, Embodiment and the Senses. Durham:
Duke UP, 2000. Print.
McManus, Susan “Hope, Fear and the Politics of Affective Agency.” Theory and Event 14.4 (2011):
n.p. Web. 28 Jun 2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/>
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia Estela. “The Victims of Ciudad Juárez Feminicide: Sexually Fetishized
Commodities. Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing Women:
Feminicide in the Americas. Durham: Duke UP, 2010. 59-69. Print.
Laura Gillman
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–––––. “The Suffering of the Other.” Ed. Alicia Gaspar de Alba and Georgina Guzmán. Making a
Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera. Austin: U of Texas P, 2010. 183-200. Print.
Pedwell, Carolyn and Whitehead, Anne. “Affecting Feminism: Questions of Feeling in Feminist
Theory.” Feminist Theory 13.2 (Aug 2012): 115-129. Web. 28 Jun 2014. <http://intlfty.sagepub.com>
Portillo, Lourdes, dir. Señorita Extraviada/Missing Young Woman. Xochitl Productions, 2001.
Video.
–––––.
“Interview
with
Lourdes
Portillo.”
<http://video.pbs.org/video/1724098690/>
POV.
Web.
28
Jun
2014.
–––––. “Filming Señorita Extraviada.” Aztlán 28.2 (2003): 229-234. Print.
Sandell, Jillian. “The Proximity of the Here and the Urgency of the Now: Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita
Extraviada.” Social Identities 19.3-4 (2013): 454-467. Print.
Schmidt Camacho, Alicia. “Ciudadana X: Gender Violence and the Denationalization of Women’s
Rights in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico." Ed. Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano.
Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas. Durham: Duke UP, 2010. 275-289. Print.
Sedgwick, Eve Sokovsky. Touching Feeling. Durham: Duke UP, 2003. Print.
Sobchack, Vivian. Carnal Thought: Embodiment and Moving Image Culture. Berkeley: U of
–––––. The Address of the Eye: A Phenomenology of Film Experience. Princeton: Princeton UP,
1992. Print.
Spinoza, Benedict de. Ethics. Trans. and ed. Edwin Curley. London: Penguin, 1996. Print.
Volk Steven, and Marian E. Schlotterbeck. “Gender, Order, and Femicide: Reading the Popular
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Suggested Citation:
Gillman, Laura. “Haptic Visuality in Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada: Towards an Affective Activism.”
forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep. 2015): 139-159. Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Alice Driver (Independent Researcher)
Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide:
A Comparative Analysis of Sergio González Rodríguez's Huesos en el desierto and
Roberto Bolaño's 2666. [1]
Abstract
In the past decade, several important fiction and nonfiction works have been produced about
feminicide in Juárez, Mexico. This article focuses on the relationship between two authors and their
narratives, one non-fiction and one fiction. In Mexico, the first non-fiction work produced on
feminicide was Huesos en el desierto (2002) by Sergio González Rodríguez, a journalist from
Mexico City. Chilean novelist Roberto Bolaño, who had never been to Juárez, but was working on
the behemoth novel 2666 (2004) that revolved around feminicides, contacted González Rodríguez
via email to get more information about the killings in Juárez. The two books have striking
similarities, and via interviews with González Rodríguez (Bolaño died in 2003), I explore the
relationship between the writers and their work, focusing on how Bolaño’s novel fed off of
González Rodríguez’s experiences and research and on how what Judith Butler defines as
“precarious lives” are represented in the narratives. González Rodríguez writes Huesos en el
desierto to create a historically accurate document that gives testament to the lives of feminicide
victims. Bolaño, on the other hand, recreates the situation in which we, as humans, get
desensitized to violence and cannot continue to function; we cannot continue to read, hear about,
or see images of senseless violence. We shut down.
Keywords: Juárez, Mexico, feminicide, Bolaño, violence
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Introduction
The word “flesh” implies vulnerability and carnality, two essential narratives surrounding the issue
of feminicide in Juárez. [2] In the introduction to Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico Border: Media
Representation and Public Response (2010), Héctor Domínguez and Ignacio Corona assert that
victims of feminicide are, “[d]oubly victimized by criminals and the system of impunity on the one
hand and by available systems of representation of violence on the other.” The authors discuss
how the victims are revictimized by the media. In many cases, either the women were exhibited as
naked, destroyed bodies or they were described as prostitutes. [3] In her article “Memoria y
anonimato: representaciones discursivas de las muertas de Juárez” (2006) Núria Villanova
captures the paradox of the relationship between bodily vulnerability, death, and memory. She
explains that,
These women are, without a doubt, victims excluded from a society in which their
memory becomes inscribed only after their death. That memory, in a paradoxical
way, is generated by their death since the victims and the perpetrators, like two
inseparable pieces of a sinister game, become part of the memory of violence and
death in Juárez.” (145-46)
Villanova highlights the fact that most of the victims of feminicide are first recognized or
remembered by the media and society as dead bodies. Although victims’ families have personal
memories and photographs, the citizens of Juárez and international audiences see their dead
bodies in newspapers or on TV and, with little or no information provided by police, are asked to
read the messages written on those bodies—to judge them by their style of clothing, their painted
fingernails, or the position of their bodies.
This article analyzes depictions of feminicide in Huesos en el desierto (2002) by Sergio González
Rodríguez, and the posthumously published novel 2666 (2004) by Roberto Bolaño. [4] I explore
the relationship between González Rodríguez and Bolaño and how it influenced 2666. González
Rodríguez writes Huesos en el desierto to create a historically accurate document that gives
testament to the lives of feminicide victims. Bolaño, on the other hand, recreates the situation in
which we, as humans, get desensitized to violence and cannot continue to function; we cannot
continue to read, hear about, or see images of senseless violence. We shut down. His tactics are
the opposite of those of González Rodríguez. Bolaño seeks to show us how easily we forget or
look away from violence. He creates a situation in which one can see how difficult it is to maintain
memory, to not look away, to continue to read of dead bodies and to feel that one person can
make a difference in the face of such violence. González Rodríguez and Bolaño, though their
techniques are different, raise similar questions about whose lives are seen as grievable. They
show how “[i]t is not just that a death is poorly marked, but that it is unremarkable” (Butler 35).
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They describe how victims of feminicide have been treated as anonymous piles of flesh in public
discourse.
Bolaño, who had never been to Juárez, relied on evidence and forensic reports provided by
González Rodríguez to complete the 300 page chapter “The Part about the Crimes,” which
recounts a seemingly endless number of feminicides (108 in total). As González Rodríguez
confirmed during our interview:
No, he was never in Ciudad Juarez. He left Mexico, if I am not mistaken, in 1974,
and never returned to Mexico. He did not want to return to Mexico, our mutual friend
Antonio Saborit commented. Roberto Bolaño spoke with Saborit in Chile when he
was last home. They met at a literary event, and Bolaño commented to Saborit that
he would not go back to Mexico. (Personal Interview)
In Bolaño and González Rodríguez’s narratives, violence against women is made real in graphic
and/or explicit descriptions of rape, strangulation, suffocation, and other forms of torture. In his
2003 article “El feminicidio y la conversión de Ciudad Juárez en territorio de la impunidad” Carlos
Monsiváis argues that the “role of the media has been the main factor: they situate the crimes in
the context of yellow journalism and not, as they should, on the front page of the paper. This
behavior serves to highlight the guilt of the victims, and, because they are dead, they cannot
defend themselves” (15). However, some literary production, like Huesos en el desierto, has
worked against this trend and tried to humanize victims rather than to sensationalize the stories of
their deaths.
Graphic, violent descriptions and images of feminicide, although they may be represented as an
effort to preserve the memory of the dead or to promote justice, contribute to the exploitation and
objectification of the female body and reify the idea of the spectral, ghostly condition in which
women in Juárez are depicted, hovering somewhere between life and death. Works that contribute
to the exploitation of the female body rely on gender stereotypes that reduce women to sexualized
bodies and do not move beyond the realm of the flesh. González Rodríguez seeks to connect the
bodies of victims with memories of their lives. In yet another representational strategy, Bolaño’s
feminicide victims are decidedly spectral and anonymous, allowing him to explore the depths and
meaning of horror.
It is important to examine the ethical implications of the aesthetic choices surrounding
representations of graphic violence. Perhaps some balance can be achieved between descriptions
and images of dead bodies and the lives the victims lived. This balance, or as Butler describes it
“framing of images,” puts the focus on the humanity of the Other. As she explains, “The
derealization of loss—the insensitivity to human suffering and death—becomes the mechanism
through which dehumanization is accomplished. This derealization takes place neither inside nor
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outside the image, but through the very framing by which the image is contained” (148). To ensure
that an image or description of a dead body does not convert it into a thing, some framework or
reference is necessary. An emphasis on the fetishized body of a woman who has suffered extreme
violence, if that representation does not include her life story, can convert the victim into a ghost. In
this spectral state the Other becomes a victimized body and joins a long list of anonymous or
misidentified female bodies. The two works included in this analysis wrestle in different ways with
the issue of violence written on the female body, and how most effectively to represent the victims’
lives and deaths.
Butler asks, “Who counts as human? Whose lives count as lives? And, finally, What makes a
grievable life?” (20). Butler poses these questions in light of the events of 9/11, and wonders if
mourning can cross borders and overcome nationalism or if it will simply translate into anger and
violence. Her thoughts are especially pertinent in the context of Juárez, a city in which violence has
been translated into ever more extreme forms of violence. [5] Even though feminicide was first
identified in the area in 1993, it took years for the issue to cross borders and come to the attention
of an international audience.
In the context of the border—which includes agreements like NAFTA that provide more protections
for companies and goods than for people—the poverty of many feminicide victims marks them as
less than human and less than grievable. As Herlinghaus argues in Violence Without Guilt,
“contemporary cultural conflicts over the borderlands can be understood, to an important degree,
as rhetorical conflicts consisting of a struggle over the figurative potentials displayed by speech
acts and bodies, and entangled with numerous practices of movement and exchange” (62). The
struggle over speech acts and bodies is nowhere more evident than in Juárez, a city in which the
dead bodies of women often disappear, reappear, are anonymous, are misidentified, or are put on
public display. González Rodríguez and Bolaño have taken risks to represent the victims of
feminicide given that nationalist discourse in Mexico and the U.S. for many years refused to
recognize these crimes against women.
The authors of most works of cultural production who have sought to document crimes against
feminicide victims faced decisions regarding the ethics of representation and how to depict the
violated body. What are the risks, challenges, and ethics of representing violence? Current
memory debates often address the issue of whether horror can be represented without being
reproduced. An analysis of representations of feminicide brings to the forefront the complicated
issue of fascination with the dead female body. In relation to that body, Butler asks a pertinent
question: “Is there something to be learned about the geopolitical distribution of corporeal
vulnerability from our own brief and devastating exposure to this condition?” (29). The distribution
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of corporeal vulnerability in Juárez points to the relationship between economic and physical
violence, given that the victims have been primarily of lower socio-economic status. [6] The works
analyzed here provide ample evidence that the political discourse surrounding victims of feminicide
has been overtly sexual. In contrast, the deaths of men have involved very little discussion of their
sexuality. [7]
1. Linguistic Violence
An analysis of the linguistic territory of this issue shows that what is at stake is not only physical
violence, but also the violence of derealization in the realm of language—linguistic violence. If the
term homicide suffices to describe all murders, then key elements of the crimes have not been
named. Of note is the fact that only one of the works being analyzed employs the term(s)
femicide/feminicide/feminicidio to describe the rape and/or murder of women. González Rodríguez
labels them “femicide[s]” or “homicides against women,” (11; 275), and Bolaño calls them “the
murder of women” (444). González Rodriguez has been the most active in acknowledging and
discussing the differences between homicide and feminicide:
But men are not killed for being men. Women are killed for being women, and they
are victims of masculine violence because they are women. It is a crime of hate
against the female gender. We cannot ignore this. These are crimes of power. Yes,
men are killed like flies, but they are not killed for being men. Women are. (Personal
Interview)
The Inter-American Court for Human Rights recognized the legal use of the term feminicide, and
on July 26, 2011 it was codified as a legal term in one of the 32 states of Mexico. The use of the
term feminicide has experienced several years of evolution in which homicide/femicide/feminicide
were used interchangeably or in different contexts by different groups. For example, politicians and
the police in Juárez have generally used the term homicide to discuss the murders, whereas the
mothers of victims and other activists use femicide or feminicide. As Fregoso and Bejarano point
out, “Women’s rights advocates, researchers, and feminist legal scholars are using the terms
femicide and feminicide to refer to this phenomenon” (3). Yet the evolution and growing power of
the term feminicide is not present in 2666.
The absence of this term could be due to several different factors, including the chronological
evolution of the term and the academic and activist circles in which the word is generally used. As
noted in my book More or Less Dead: Feminicide, Hautning, and the Ethics of Representation in
Mexico, Cynthia Bejarano, a professor of Criminal Justice at New Mexico State University, stated
that:
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Everybody has a different interpretation of what the term means. I think the most
important thing is to think about the term as it has evolved. People who haven’t been
immersed in the discourse of femicide or feminicide haven’t understood the evolution
of the term and how scholars and academicians or activists have come to use the
term. Unless you’re fully immersed in the issue, perhaps these individuals are
coming at it from the periphery of either the movement or their involvement.” (Driver
76)
While González Rodriguez uses the term femicidio to discuss the murders, I could find no
reference to the term or in interviews with Bolaño or in his writing.
2. Feminicide: A Shared Obsession
In Mexico, the first non-fiction work produced on feminicide was Huesos en el desierto (2002) by
Sergio González Rodríguez, a journalist from Mexico City. [8] González Rodríguez began writing
for the Mexico City newspaper Reforma in 1993, and in 1996 he traveled to Juárez to investigate
the disappearance and murder of girls and women. [9] By the summer of 1999, his research began
to show the involvement of policemen and politicians in the murders, and in June of that year he
was kidnapped in Mexico City, beaten, and left on the side of the street. It was just after the
kidnapping that the relationship between González Rodríguez and Bolaño began. González
Rodríguez described how he got to know Bolaño:
I met Roberto Bolaño in Blanes [Spain] in 2002. I did not know him when he was in
Mexico. I was a member of a rock band and a student. Our social circles converged
in areas that he describes in the novel Los detectives salvajes: in the neighborhoods
Roma, Condesa, the city center, and other parts of the city. All of these areas existed
during that time as points of encounter for young musicians, artists, and writers.
However, I did not know him then. I met him in the process of doing research for my
book, Huesos en el desierto, and we communicated via email. This occurred in 1999
and 2000. (Personal Interview) [10]
González Rodríguez had already decided to use his extensive research for a non-fiction book,
Huesos en el desierto, which would eventually be published by the editorial Anagrama in Spain.
Thus, he and Bolaño nurtured a friendship based on a common obsession with the murders of
women. [11] As writers, they both faced the ethical question of how to represent graphic violence.
Bolaño, who had never visited Juárez, relied on González Rodríguez to answer questions about
the exact details of the murders. [12] The friendship proved influential to Bolaño, and he included
González Rodríguez as a character in his posthumously published novel 2666. When discussing
his inclusion in the novel González Rodríguez he explained:
Bolaño loved formalist elements and adapted them to his context. We must not
forget that he was a great reader of French avant-garde novels and other elaborate
narrative forms. He introduces reality as a novel. This is why Bolaño told me, 'I'm
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going to steal Javier Marias’ idea, and I'll include you as a character like he did in
Negra espalda del tiempo. Indeed, he put me there with my name among various
novelistic witnesses. (Personal Interview, emphasis mine)
The relationship between these two works proves pivotal because Bolaño’s fiction feeds off the
reality and statistics of feminicide violence as researched and documented by González
Rodríguez. In Narcoepics (2012) Herlinghaus writes that in “The Part About the Crimes” in 2666, “if
reality outplays ‘fiction,’ Bolaño makes perceive the invisible ‘alliance’ between fear, common
desires for relief, and actual blindness. What can literary fiction, guided by a bet on sobriety and a
rejection of psychological scenarios, achieve in that light?” (212). Herlinghaus goes on to argue
that the distinction between nonfiction and fiction involves “structure, an order of meaning” (ibid.).
While Bolaño clearly structures the chapter, it is also true that he relied on real forensic reports to
provide many of the gruesome details about feminicide victims. For me, the distinction hinges on
feminicide and Bolaño’s representation of the violence. It appears that he copied, either partially or
fully, forensics records from Juárez. Given that he describes 108 murders, often in a forensic
format: date of birth, description of injuries, description of clothing, etc., this makes up a substantial
part of the chapter. While he clearly structured the fiction around the murders, I would argue that
the feminicides themselves are taken partially or wholly from reality.
Feminicide researcher and Juárez resident Julia Monárrez Fragoso, upon reading 2666, noted the
striking similarities between Bolaño’s descriptions and the original list of feminicide victims
prepared by Casa Amiga, the first rape crisis center in Juárez founded by Esther Chávez Cano in
1991. Monárrez Fragoso has spent the last two decades researching feminicide, and has worked
with forensic reports and other official documents. She noted “the similarities between how Bolaño
described the murder of a woman” and how they were described in forensic records and added, “it
is not an original creation” (Driver 85). Monárrez Fragoso argued that Bolaño should have
discussed his reliance on forensic records given that many of his descriptions were copied from
those records. Although Herlinghaus argues that Bolaño’s work is fiction, he recognizes that,
“Santa Teresa becomes a novelistic space into which ‘Ciudad Juárez’ has metamorphosed,
presenting a quasi-documentary account of every murdered woman from 1993-1997” (214). The
question then is why Bolaño never openly discussed his research or how much he borrowed from
forensic evidence to write his description of the murders.
In a 2004 interview included in Para Roberto Bolaño, Jorge Herralde, editor of Anagrama and longtime friend of Bolaño, also discussed Bolaño’s fascination with the feminicides, highlighting the
similarities between his descriptions of the victims and a forensic report. Herralde explained,
the crimes of Ciudad Juárez (Santa Teresa in the novel) are, in effect, the bloody
backdrop of the four novellas of 2666 and the specific subject of one of them, the
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penultimate, The Part About the Crimes. A meticulous and aseptic description of the
assassinated women, as if it were a forensic report. (71)
Bolaño challenges readers with an eerily accurate fictional account of events rooted in a violent
reality.
Domínguez and Corona note the relationship between bodies and signs, arguing that the body
becomes part of the discourse on feminicide and produces “a collective endeavor of a literary
discourse in which ‘fiction’ is crisscrossed by references to factual events” (5). 2666 is such a work,
and, as González Rodríguez said of his communication with Bolaño, “I transcribed judicial records
of some case relating to the murder of a woman. He wanted to know how the crimes were
described in forensic language” (Email).
3. Bones in the Desert
The title Huesos en el desierto (Bones in the Desert) alludes to the bodies of victims of feminicide
found in the unforgiving landscape of Juárez in empty lots within the city as well as on the
periphery. The geography of the city is complicit in, or at least representative of, the memory
problem: “The geography that devours [the victims of feminicide] is responsible for the feeling of
uprootedeness and abandonment. This feeling is created by [the lack of] collective memory in the
land that has expelled them” (Huesos 87). As an influx of migrants looking for work continues to
arrive in Juárez, they are greeted by silence on the subject of the killings. In a short poem included
in the book the author writes, “Nothing is happening, she will say. Nothing, those who come to the
city will repeat. / Nothing. / Like the silence of the desert. / Nothing. / Like the bones of the victims
scattered in the night” (231). [13] The theme of the desert as a geography of forgetfulness is
evident throughout the work. The author describes Lomas de Poleo, a tract of informal housing and
dumps on the northwest edge of the city near the U.S. border where many bodies of feminicide
victims have been found, as “that fluid earth that repels memory” (26). However, for the author, the
book’s title also has another meaning:
It seems to me that what has happened there with the victims of systematic murders
is very illustrative. Women’s bodies were abandoned in the desert, and therefore
they are bones in the desert. I am not only referring to the geographic process, the
telluric process, or even the figure of the desert as a representation of the opposite of
civilization. I am referring to the desert of institutions there. (Personal Interview)
González Rodríguez analyzes the power structures at work in Juárez and demonstrates how state
institutions are responsible for allowing feminicide to continue. He describes how a dysfunctional
justice system contributes to the spectrality of feminicide victims.
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In the preface to the book, González Rodríguez discusses how authorities claim to have resolved
80% of the (then) 300 official feminicides. And yet, he objects “You can distinguish there the
decisive effects of actions and omissions by the authorities: the impossibility of making them
uphold the law or impose justice” (11). The authorities seem to believe that through speech acts
they can manifest a semblance of justice, as if declaring a case resolved after forcing a confession
through torture would amount to the same thing as applying the law. [14] For González Rodríguez,
beyond the lack of institutional justice and the statistics on feminicide, there are two important
points to make. He outlines, “Looking beyond the statistics, these crimes make evident two acts
that are equally serious now and looking into the future: distraction or global amnesia before an
extreme phenomenon of anarchy; the impulse to normalize brutality in contemporary societies”
(12).
In the absence of investigation, victims of feminicide are often forced to be associated with
objects—shoes, clothing, and lipstick—rather than with names. González Rodríguez discusses
how this exchange contributes to the anonymity of both the body and the life of feminicide victims
(153). He suggests that bodies become identified by symbols surrounding the circumstances of
their death, symbols that ultimately fail to identify or make real the lost lives. The desert,
abandoned roads, shoes—these have become the protagonists of feminicide, things that appear in
photos alongside the bodies of unidentified women. Butler argues that “[i]t is important to claim that
our bodies are in a sense our own and that we are entitled to claim rights of autonomy over our
bodies” (25). However, this becomes infinitely more difficult in death, leading to questions about
how unidentified bodies are treated. Do not these bodies, even without names, have human rights?
Does death convert them into public property? The answer, it would seem, is that bodies,
especially the bodies of the poor, become a part of public space, free to be displayed as the media
wishes.
In terms of structure, González Rodríguez’s book is a vehicle for memory, for collecting facts,
figures, and for telling the stories of victims in an attempt to lend some shape to the senseless
narrative of feminicide. The book is divided into 18 short chapters followed by an epilogue, a list of
the author’s sources, a list of important figures related to feminicide. It also includes a map of
Juárez titled “Geographies of Danger” that shows where high concentrations of victims of
feminicide have been found. González Rodríguez discusses the importance of memory and
explains: “For me, more important than any stylistic or narrative choices was the fact that these
events be recorded” (Personal Interview). His focus is on reconstructing bodies and putting them in
context, finding out their names, the story of their lives, and how politicians and other institutional
figures may enter into the equation. According to the author, “the only way that events do not
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repeat themselves is if we retain memory of them. Memory is very important; it is the only thing that
remains with us” (Personal Interview).
The chapter “An Unfinished Life” in Huesos en el desierto structurally mirrors “The Part About the
Crimes” in 2666 in several aspects. Both chapters recount in exacting detail the murders of dozens
of women. González Rodríguez records details about victims starting in the year 2002 and moving
back in time to 1993. He provides the date of death, the name of the victim (when possible), and a
description of the violence suffered. For example, the chapter begins as follows:
23/09/02, Erika Pérez, between 25 and 30 years old, brown hair, a blouse with a
flower pattern, pants and panties below the knees, the strap of the purse around her
neck, at the dirt path that crosses the streets Paseo del Río and Camino San
Lorenzo. (257)
The number of entries that begin with the words “unidentified” reminds the reader how many
bodies remain anonymous. In 2666, Bolaño begins the chapter by describing feminicides from
1993 to 1997. Whereas González Rodríguez succinctly lists dates of death, names, and the cause
of death, Bolaño couches stories within stories, showing the way in which gruesome deaths can
get lost or buried among the layers of disparate information that make up media-driven societies.
[15]
According to Cynthia Bejarano, feminicide makes evident that “there is a politics in killing, and
there is a politics in death” (Driver 88). González Rodríguez captures one angle of the politics of
death in Huesos en el desierto when he describes how state and federal authorities try to
downplay the crimes or blame the victims. For example, González Rodríguez describes how, in
1995, the spokesman for the judicial police of the state of Chihuahua, Ernesto García, declared,
“We would like to alert the community that women should not pass through unknown or dark areas
of the city. They should be accompanied whenever possible and carry pepper spray to defend
themselves” (15). This statement displays how the police, as state agents who are sworn to protect
the population from violence, are warning women that they are responsible for their own safety.
Taking into account the initial statements by officials in Juárez, the truth to be learned is that a lone
woman who traverses public spaces risks rape that will end in death. Huesos en el desierto
provides a record of statements made by local and municipal authorities ranging from the governor
to police chiefs, a record that demonstrates the belief that a female in public invites violence upon
herself. By collecting and recording a range of public statements made on feminicide, the author
shows how female sexuality can be used to dispossess both victims and potential victims of their
personhood.
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In the chapter “The Cotton Fields” the González Rodríguez tells the story of the discovery in 2001
of the bodies of eight women dumped in a cotton field in Juárez. He describes how “diverse civil
organizations protested in front of the Prosecutor’s Office. They created a symbolic moment and
demanded the scientific investigation of the homicides” (233). His focus on how the actions of local
individuals and organizations demand justice in the face of impunity is an example of how
individual citizens can and do influence local and national discourse.
The treatment of bodies in Huesos en el desierto and 2666 are similar in their efforts to record the
graphic nature of the violence against women. However, González Rodríguez’s goal in writing the
book is to leave testimony of the economic, political, and social forces that have contributed to the
violence exercised against women, whereas Bolaño’s work explores more generally the
metaphysics of horror and evil without articulating any stated goals related to fomenting social
change in Juárez. González Rodríguez asserts that it was important to him to record information
and sources related to feminicide, “because in the future nobody will be able to say ‘This never
happened’” (Personal Interview). The author acknowledged that he could have written the book in
many different formats or even written it as a novel. However, “information, memory, the story of
events, and the convergence of testimony were most urgent” (Personal Interview). The text depicts
the tenuous relationship between memory and anonymity that plagues victims of feminicide.
The chapter “Unending Deaths” illustrates the spectral nature of disappearing women in Juárez.
Although photos of the faces of missing women and victims are plastered around the city, often the
bodies of victims remain anonymous due to poor collection of evidence or the decomposed state of
the body. Thus the names and faces of victims often become separated from their actual bodies in
death. When discussing the flyers that display faces of missing girls and litter the streets and
signposts of the city, González Rodríguez describes “a spectral montage of faces, dates, signs,
and impossible stains” (143). The flyers represent disembodied faces, thus causing those women
to take on a ghostly quality. Even when bodies are found, they are, as the author describes when
he lists the dead, “unidentified” (257). Through these observations González Rodríguez captures
the difficulty of memory and remembering in the presence of anonymity.
4. 2666 and the Aesthetics of Horror
2666 is not about memory, but about the lack thereof, about what happens when humanity is
swallowed up by a black hole. The title of the novel is a seemingly mysterious number that is
nowhere mentioned in the book. It is taken from Bolaño’s 1999 novel Amuleto which tells the story
of Auxilio Lacouture, a Uruguayan living illegally in Mexico who gets trapped in a bathroom at the
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Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México when the Mexican army takes over the campus in the
days leading up to the 1968 Tlatelolco student massacre. While trapped, Auxilio sifts through her
memories, and describes a time when she was following two people (one of them Belano, the alter
ego of the author) through Mexico City. She says:
I followed them. I saw them walk slowly down Bucareli to Reforma and then I saw
them cross Reforma without waiting for the green light, both of them with long hair
blown by the wind because at that hour on Reforma the wind from the previous night
still blows. Reforma Avenue transforms into a transparent tube, into lungs in the form
of cuneiform where the imaginary exhalations of the city pass by. Later we began to
walk down Guerrero Avenue; they walked more slowly than before, and I walked
more quickly. Guerrero, at that hour, looked more than anything like a cemetery, but
not a cemetery from 1986 or even a cemetery from 1975. Rather, it looked like a
cemetery from 2666, a forgotten cemetery underneath a dead eyelid, the watery
dispassionate eye that began wanting to forget something and ended up forgetting
everything. (76-77, my translation)
The title sets the tone for a novel of apocalyptic horror in which Bolaño forces readers to examine
issues they would rather forget. The epigraph of 2666, a quotation of poet Charles Baudelaire,
reads “An oasis of horror in the middle of a desert of boredom.” [16]
According to González Rodríguez, 2666 is not sensationalist and goes far beyond counting the
dead. He explained, “On another level it is a metaphysical reflection about evil, but Bolaño is very
clear in his criticism of the authorities and of the institutions in Santa Teresa” (Personal interview).
This is difficult to discuss, because, for me, the work both is and is not sensational. On the one
hand, Bolaño is consciously trying to be as sensational as possible to mimic the real violence in
Juárez, but on the other, the work is so obsessed with sexual violence that I find it discomforting. In
my interviews with Monárrez Fragoso and Bejarano, they also shared their discomfort with the
novel. In fact, they were unable to finish the novel due to the unrelenting nature of the violence
described.
When asked whether Bolaño had discussed his intentions in writing 2666, González Rodríguez
explained:
I think that he wanted to record that literature could somehow mend the world. It is
something that is very clear in his novel. In his novels, we usually see that everything
has to do with a political theme, and somehow his novel 2666 is also political in
content. There will always be a figure of someone carrying out symbolic
compensation, either as revenge or as symbolic displacement where a minimum of
justice is restored for victims. This is an issue that Bolaño did not need to make
explicit because it is obviously not a novella. It becomes a social novel. He is not a
novelist who introduces ideological content in his novels. I have the impression that
Roberto was going to continue the narrative. In fact, Bolaño’s editor Jaume
Vallcorba, who was also a close friend of Roberto, told me that, as he understood it,
[Bolaño] told him that the novel would continue. As I recall, Herralde was a bit more
reserved about it. It is a detail that has to do with his idea of the book and of
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literature. For him, it is a finished novel as such. But in the case of Vallcorba, yes, he
told me that as far as he understood the project, Roberto had the intention of
continuing it. (Personal Interview)
Were Bolaño alive, I would want to interview him, of course. But for now, all that remains are such
secondhand accounts of the text, small literary arguments about whether it was a finished novel or
an incomplete one.
In “The Part About the Crimes”, Elvira Campos, the head of the mental asylum in Santa Teresa,
discusses misogyny, which she describes as “gynophobia, which is fear of women, and naturally
afflicts only men. Very widespread in Mexico, although it manifests itself in different ways” (382).
These elements of misogyny and many more make up the map of horror that Bolaño traces. In
another scene, the narrator describes how, after taking prostitutes to the police station to question
them, “[i]n the other cells policemen were raping the whores from La Rivera” (401). In yet another,
a police office investigating the murder of a woman “first made inquiries among Santa Teresa’s
high-class hookers to see whether anyone knew the dead woman, and then, when his questioning
yielded scant results, among the cheap hookers […] (390). In Bolaño’s novel, the police, at every
turn, associate feminicide with prostitution or the sexualized female body, a commentary on the
way police have behaved in Juárez, which has been extensively documented.
For Bolaño, the message is in the flesh, and the criticisms toward the police and other institutions
of justice stem from comments and actions those officials have made in reference to the dead
bodies. Thus he purposely grounds the text in the anonymity of death, in the creation of ghosts.
“The Part About the Crimes” opens and closes with an anonymous death, and as the bodies pile
up, the police get distracted from feminicide by a man who desecrates churches with his urine.
How easily we turn away from murder, Bolaño seems to say.
In “The Part About the Crimes,” whole paragraphs are written as if they were a forensics report and
include detailed descriptions of the violence perpetrated, of the posture of the body, and of the
victims’ clothing. Huesos en el desierto describes in spectral terms but combats that spectrality by
collecting the voices of family members of victims and moving beyond the narrative of the dead
body. 2666, on the other hand, treats the dead bodies of victims of feminicide as a way to explore
the concept of horror. In Pretérito imperfecto, Leonor Arfuch and Gisela Catanzaro address the
connection between art, memory, and the disappeared in the context of Argentina by posing the
questions: “What can impress us, when day after day we see explosions, attacks, war, famine?
What potential does artistic work have to awaken the body and soul?” (112). These questions are
particularly relevant in discussing Bolaño’s formal and stylistic choices in describing feminicide.
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The unnamed narrator of a chapter of 2666 describes the body of a 10-year-old girl in the following
manner: “The dead girl was ten years old, more or less. She was four foot three. She was wearing
clear plastic sandals fastened with a metal buckle. She had brown hair, lighter where it fell over her
forehead, as if it had been dyed. She’d been stabbed eight times, three times in the chest” (501).
Another description details, “She had been vaginally and anally raped, probably more than once,
since both orifices exhibited tears and abrasions, from which she had bled profusely” (354). Bolaño
also describes fractured skulls, loss of brain matter, faces smashed beyond recognition, and the
mutilation of breasts. Readers are faced with the question of how to combat such overwhelming
violence. This graphic assault on the reader represents women as a mass of bodies, wounds being
their main identifying characteristics. As Marcela Valdés writes, “reading ‘The Part About the
Crimes’ feels like staring into the abyss. Strangling, shooting, stabbing, burning, rape, whipping,
mutilation, bribery and treachery are all detailed in deadpan prose” (20).
The bodies in Bolaño’s narrative have been detached from history and often family, leaving only
the messages written on their bodies for readers to decipher. Although memories of their lives
don’t haunt readers, visions of their tortured bodies do. Descriptions of the corporeal propel the
narrative, demonstrating how the victimized “Other” is a captive of descriptions of her body.
According to Butler, “The derealization of the ‘Other’ means that it is neither dead nor alive, but
interminably spectral” (33). In Bolaño’s fiction the victims of feminicide are spectral figures, given
the obsessive focus on the dead female body. However, the repetition of violence is also a case
where form and function work together to reproduce a perceived reality—the indifference or
inability of citizens to relate to such overwhelming violence. Bolaño exploits spectrality to get to the
roots of horror, to the roots of a society that can witness the death of so many without ever really
paying attention.
Donoso makes a connection between the last chapter, “The Part About Archimboldi,” which
addresses the horrors of World War II, and “The Part About the Crimes,” the chapter about
feminicide. He explains, “The political element has to do with the repetition of descriptions of
serialized characteristics of two distinct of crimes that are in principle different—feminicide and
genocide—the repetition generates both indistinction and difference” (132). Bolaño points to the
nature of horror as a historical fact that repeats itself. At the end of the novel, when the mysterious
Archimboldi finally reveals himself, he thinks “history, which is a simple whore, has no decisive
moments but is a proliferation of instants, brief interludes that vie with one another in
monstrousness” (794). Santa Teresa may be the current locus of horror, but it is not the only one.
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“The Part About the Crimes” produces numbness associated with porno-misery, the idea of
exploiting human misery for personal or financial gain. However, at the same time, forces the
reader to recognize violence that has surpassed all known or imagined limits. This analysis
examines whether descriptions of bodily violence such as rape, mutilation, burning, and/or beating
suffered by feminicide victims fulfill the need to document the truth, and examines at what point
such representations cross the line into porno-misery. Pornomiseria or porno-misery is a term
coined by Colombian filmmakers Carlos Mayolo and Luis Ospina in Agarrando pueblo (1977), a
short fake documentary that satirizes a group of filmmakers desperately looking for poverty in order
to profit from its representation.
The directors used the term to denounce the “voyeuristic
treatment of abjection” seen in 1970s Colombian films (Gómez and Vega-Hurtado 64). As film critic
Christian León describes, “Pornomisery plays with the voyeuristic impulse of the spectator,
exploiting, for commercial means, the fascination with violence and obscene poverty that is a latent
desire in both citizens and consumers” (77). In the face of overwhelming violence and the
recreation of that violence in cultural production, the term pornomiseria brings together issues of
violence and voyeurism, allowing for a discussion of how and why graphic descriptions of
feminicide can turn into just another facet of consumption. The term also represents a kind of
cultural production that exploits the shock value of sensational violence and misery but provides
none of the accompanying complexity or explanation needed to analyze an issue.
The term pornomiseria is most commonly used in debates about aesthetics of film, but I think its
application to photography and literature is justified. Although it may be argued that graphic
depictions of feminicide and misery are necessary to provoke awareness, it is also true that the
content can be exploited. Monárrez Fragoso makes a connection between the media and use of
pornographic images when she argues that “The testimonies that are presented by the media are
also part of a graphic, elaborate, pornographic description of the bodies of victims; thus, they
degrade the families of the victims. These discourses take the terrible things that were done to
murdered women and create a moral vacuum” (Trama de una injusticia 209). The prostitution of
female bodies thus continues even after death, when images of corpses are bought and sold as
part of a sensationalist news cycle.
The reason that images of bodies of feminicide victims appear so frequently in the mass media and
in works of cultural production is that they reflect our curiosity to see damaged bodies, to witness
destruction in the most realistic way possible. The concept of pornomiseria also relates to the way
the perpetrators of the crimes deal with the bodies of victims. The bodies aren’t dumped; they are
arranged so as to present a necroart exhibit to the public. I believe that arrangement of bodies is
not done to desensitize but to sensitize, to gain attention and recognition for the perpetrator of the
crime. Victim’s families displace the power of the perpetrators and the images of arranged bodies
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by constructing memorials at the sites where bodies have been found. However, the issue remains
that the crime of feminicides is used to control women and to keep them out of public space. In this
issue, in her article “(Re)Living Feminicide through Social Control: the Regulation of Life and
Bodies through Fear and (In)Formal Social Control” Cynthia Bejarano says,
What I suggest by ‘femicidal state rhetoric’ is how hegemonic state forces and state
actors use the reality of femicide as a way of controlling, curtailing and convincing
women and girl’s to alter their activities and to limit their movement across the City.
This also impacts women and girls’ confidence, sense of security, and well-being.
(71)
In academic and feminist circles, Charles Bowden, who has written extensively about Juárez and
the U.S.-Mexico border, has been accused of porno-misery in his works of non-fiction such as
Juárez: The Laboratory of Our Future. However, when I interviewed him in 2010, he said denied
that is work was porno-misery and discussed his own definition of the term:
Porno-misery I find more useful. When the term is used, it means that you use it so
much it deadens people. The assumption is that pornography is deadening. That’s
why we have a distinction in language between eroticism and pornography. Eroticism
is supposed to stir people, whether you approve of it or not. Pornography is
absolutely redundant imagery. Porno-misery exists when you produce enough of
these images that people don’t react to them. It’s kind of like somebody in a bar
having one too many drinks. There isn’t a rule. It’s a judgment. Beethoven’s 9 th
Symphony is about an hour and a half long. It’s far longer than his other symphonies,
but it doesn’t deaden you. It’s the right length. Certainly, if you read the tabloids in
Mexico you don’t think, “This is going to stir people to action.” I’m not defending the
book, but people had a real reaction to it. I think it’s that they hadn’t seen anything
like it. (Driver 55)
Although Bowden and Bolaño have been compared in terms of their exploitation of misery, I think
that Bolaño’s case is different because he was actively mining porno-misery to prove a point about
how we can become numb to violence. Literary critic Adam Kirsch defends Bolaño, arguing that he
“succeeds in restoring to physical violence some of its genuine evil” (1). I disagree with Kirsch, and
question this idea of restoration given the already publicized nature of the victimized female body
in Juárez. As Butler points out, “The public sphere is constituted in part by what can appear, and
the regulation of the sphere of appearance is one way to establish what will count as reality, and
what will not” (xx). The line between restoration of genuine evil and exploitation of the female body
is thin in Bolaño’s narrative. However, as journalist Lev Grossman argues,
the relentless gratuitousness of 2666 has its own logic and its own power, which
builds into something overwhelming that hits you all the harder because you don't
see it coming. This is a dangerous book, and you can get lost in it. How can art,
Bolaño is asking, a medium of form and meaning, reflect a world that is blessed with
neither? (1)
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“The Part About the Crimes” ends with a description of the last feminicide victim of 1997. Despite
the number of years, the investigations, the claims against the way the police have treated women,
and protests and marches to bring attention to impunity, the description of how the police view the
bodies of victims has not progressed.
The metaphor that Bolaño pursues to represent horror is a black hole, an ever-present part of the
constellations that allows nothing, not even light, to escape. This vision of Juárez is problematic for
Monárrez Fragoso because “There is something that bothers me. It is as if you were reading about
a city in semidarkness, a city without ethics” (Driver 94). The black hole in the novel, the force that
pulls in and routinely devours bodies, things, ideas—is the city itself, Santa Teresa. Echeverría,
who compiled the first edition of 2666 as per the instructions left by Bolaño in his notes, reveals, “In
one of his copious notes about 2666 Bolaño signals the existence of a ‘hidden center’ in the work
that is hidden under what could be called the ‘physical center.’ There are reasons to believe that
this physical center would be the city of Santa Teresa, the faithful representation of Juárez on the
border of Mexico and the United States” (1123).
If the black hole is Santa Teresa, at its center is the date 2666, a date from which no one will
seemingly escape. [17] In the last sentence of “The Part About the Crimes” the narrator describes,
“Even on the poorest streets people could be heard laughing. Some of these streets were
completely dark, like black holes, and the laughter that came from who knows where was the only
sign, the only beacon that kept residents and strangers from getting lost” (633). The streets are like
black holes, and the only sign that remains is laughter. Perhaps, in the end, Bolaño does offer
hope, for the black hole has not swallowed up everything and has allowed, at least momentarily,
that a guiding sign remain for humanity. Among the ghosts, the darkness, the bodies, the blood,
the rape, the hate, the corruption, perhaps the sign will be discovered. However, what Bolaño
makes clear is that black holes are a permanent part of the human constellation of life, and
periodically, the blackness overwhelms us with war, murder, and hatred, but we generally do not
recognize it because we are too distracted; because it is easier to look away and forget.
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Endnotes
[*] All translations mine, except Roberto Bolaño: 2666 and Between Parentheses.
[1] I conducted research for this article during my 2012-13 Postdoctoral Fellowship at the Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) and published More or Less Dead: Feminicide, Haunting, and the
Ethics of Representation in Mexico with University of Arizona Press in March 2015.
[2] In the introduction to Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas, editors Fregoso and Bejarano
discuss the terms femicide and feminicide, and argue for the use of feminicide. They explain,
the concepts of feminicide and femicide are used interchangeably in the literature on genderbased violence and among the contributors to this volume. These are evolving concepts that, as
noted in Bueno-Hansen’s chapter, are ‘still under construction.’ However, we will make a case
for feminicide and, in the process, contribute some analytic tools for thinking about the concept
in historical, theoretical, and political terms. In arguing for the use of the term feminicide over
femicide, we draw from a feminist analytical perspective that interrupts essentialist notions of
female identity that equate gender and biological sex and looks instead to the gendered nature
of practices and behaviors, along with the performance of gender norms. As feminist thinkers
have long contended, gender is a socially constructed category in which the performance of
gender norms (rather than a natural biological essence) is what gives meaning to categories of
the ‘feminine’ and ‘masculine.’ Instead of a scenario in which gender and sex necessarily
concur, the concept of feminicide allows us to map the power dynamics and relations of gender,
sexuality, race, and class underlying violence and, in so doing, shift the analytic focus to how
gender norms, inequities, and power relationships increase women’s vulnerabilities to violence .
(3-4)
[3] For a more complete bibliography on academic articles and books analyzing feminicide, refer to “La
ciudad y el feminicidio en los textos académicos” (2010) by Juila E. Monárrez Fragoso, Raúl Flores
Simental, and Diana Lizeth García Salinas.
[4] In 2007 Pablo Ley and Alex Rigola directed the first theater production of 2666 at Theater Lliure in
Barcelona, Spain.
[5] The increasing violence is reflected in overall homicide and feminicide statistics, in the type of violence
perpetrated, and in the circumstances in which individuals have been murdered. For example, in 2010
Marisela Escobedo Ortiz, one of the most vocal activists against feminicide, was murdered in front of the
Government Palace in Chihuahua. Her body fell not far from a cross that had been placed in front of the
Palace by the group Women in Black to remember victims of feminicide. Police surrounded her at the time
of her murder. To be murdered in broad daylight, on government property, surrounded by police begs the
question: was the violence orchestrated or permitted by the police or other governmental entities?
[6] On the last page of Huesos en el desierto González Rodríguez includes a map titled “Geografía de
peligro” which shows the relationship between poverty, feminicide, and the physical geography of the city.
The page that includes the map is not numbered; it appears directly after page 334.
[7] Cynthia Bejarano observes that, “If men are being killed and being tortured for a number of days, what we
hear and what we’re told is that men have been brutally tortured. There have been assertions that some men
have been raped as well, although that’s sort of beneath the surface. You aren’t hearing very much about
that” (Driver 167).
[8] In 2012 González Rodríguez published The Femicide Machine, a slim book that brought together many of
his journalistic essays on feminicide.
[9] In Huesos en el desierto González Rodríguez states, “I became interested in the homicides against
women in Juárez in 1995. One morning in 1996, I left Mexico City for the northern border. There I found a
trace of blood. Since then, I have continued [to investigate] it” (284).
[10] Journalist Marcela Valdés also describes the chronology of the relationship between the two writers:
“The year that González Rodríguez was first attacked, Bolaño had been working on his demented tangle for
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more than half a decade. Searching for information about Juárez, Bolaño e-mailed his friends in Mexico,
asking more and more detailed questions about the murders. Finally, tired of these gruesome inquiries, his
friends put him in touch with González Rodríguez, who, they said, knew more about the crimes than anyone
in Mexico. Bolaño first e-mailed him around the time that González Rodríguez decided to write a nonfiction
book about his investigation.” (3)
[11] Jorge Herralde, editor of Anagrama and long-time friend of Bolaño discussed the relationship between
Bolaño and González Rodríguez a 2004 interview with El Periódico of Barcelona. He stated, “The subject of
2666 came up in every conversation in the past few years. He spoke to me, for example, of the numerous
times he consulted via email Sergio González Rodríguez” (64).
[12] Bolaño, who was born in Chile, spent the years of his youth in Mexico. During his many years in Mexico
he never visited Juárez. In 1977 he left Mexico for Paris and never returned, spending the last years of his
life in Blanes, Spain.
[13] The author talks about the precariousness of the lives of all migrants, not just women. He expresses,
“Any of the Northern Mexico border forms an ideal territory that promotes the radical anonymity of migrants.
For a few of them, the ‘border’ means a new identity, but for the majority, it embodies the experience of
transition from Mexico to the United States, the loss of native identity, and the search for a new one, one that
is volatile and likely to involve risks. A police beating, fraud, theft, bribery, or death” (Huesos en el desierto
13).
[14] In the case of many suspects who have been arrested for feminicide, there has been evidence of torture
and forced confession. According to González Rodríguez, Sharif Sharif, the main suspect in multiple
feminicide cases, “was forced to make false testimony and declarations, a common practice in Mexico. He
also had to sign false declarations and to identify witnesses that never reappeared. Torture, whether it is
physical or psychological, has to be eradicated, but it is frequently used” (Huesos en el desierto 99).
[15] In “La apretada red oculta” Elvio E. Gandolfo describes Bolaño’s mania for writing stories and anecdotes
within other stories as an essential characteristic of his work: “The even tone that unites everything is the
bulimic plot that devours dozens and hundreds of thematic threads and anecdotes in each book” (117).
[16] The word oasis is referenced several times in 2666, one of the most pertinent being a conversation
between Florita Almada, a woman with visions about the future and premonitions of what is happening to
women in Santa Teresa and Reinaldo, a television host. Reinaldo explains that Florita, “She said that she
had seen dead women and dead girls. A desert. An oasis” (545).
[17] Echeverría adds that, “As for the ‘hidden center’…wouldn’t it indicate precisely that date, 2666, that
covers the entire novel?” (1123).
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Bolaño, Roberto. Amuleto. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1999. Print.
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–––––. 2666. Trans. Natasha Wimmer. Picador, 2008. Print.
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Butler, Judith. Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. London: Verso, 2004. Print.
Cabrera, Roberto “Literatura + enfermedad = 2666.” Taller de letras 36 (2005): 187- 201. Print.
–––––. "Una entrevista con Sergio González Rodríguez." Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural
Studies 19 (2015): forthcoming. Print.
Domínguez-Ruvalcaba, Héctor and Ignacio Corona. Ed. Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico
Donoso Macaya, Ángeles. “Estética, política y el posible territorio de la ficción en 2666 de Roberto
Bolaño.” Revista Hispánica Moderna 62.2 (2009): 125-142. Print.
–––––. “Violencia y literatura en las fronteras de la realidad latinoamericana: 2666, de Roberto
Bolaño.” Bifurcaciones 5 (2005): 1-3. Print.
Echevarría, Ignacio. “Nota a la primera edición.” Roberto Bolaño. 2666. Barcelona: Anagrama,
2004. 1121-1125. Print.
Gómez, Felipe and Margarita de la Vega-Hurtado. “Third Cinema Documentary in Colombia: The
Case of Luis Ospina.” Ed. Frieda Ekotto and Adeline Koh. Rethinking Third Cinema: The
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Role of Anti-Colonial Media and Aesthetics in Postmodernity. Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2010. 5380. Print.
González Rodríguez, Sergio. The Femicide Machine. Trans. Michael Parker-Stainback. Boston:
Semiotext(e), 2012. Print.
–––––. Huesos en el desierto. Barcelona: Anagrama, 2002. Print.
–––––. Personal Interview. 21 Jun 2010. Audio.
–––––. “La entrevista sobre Huesos en el desierto.” Message to Alice Driver. 8 Apr 2010. E-mail.
Grossman, Lev. “Bolaño's 2666: The Best Book of 2008.” Time 10 Nov 2008. Web. 12 Mar 2010.
Herlinghaus, Hermann. “From ‘Pharmakon’ to Femicide: 2666 (Roberto Bolaño).” Narcoepics: A
Global Aesthetics of Sobriety. Bloomsbury Academic, 2012. 157-231. Print.
–––––. Violence Without Guilt: Ethical Narratives from the Global South. Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2009. Print.
Herralde, Jorge. Para Roberto Bolaño. Santiago de Chile: Catalonia, 2005. Print.
–––––. “Respuestas a un cuestionario de la revista Qué pasa de Santiago de Chile.” Para Roberto
Bolaño. Bogotá: Villegas, 2006. 69-77. Print.
Ley, Pablo and Álex Rigola. 2666. Dir. Álex Rigola. Perf. Julio Manrique, Andreu Benito, and Joan
Carreras. Theatre Lliure, Barcelona. 27 Jun 2007. Performance.
Mayolo, Carlos and Luis Osipina, dir. Agarrando pueblo. SATUPLE, 1977. Video.
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia Estela. Trama de una injusticia: feminicidio sexual sistémico en Ciudad
Juárez. El Colegio de la Frontera Norte: Tijuana, 2009. Print.
Monárrez Fragoso, Julia Estela, Raúl Flores Simental and Diana Lizeth García Salinas. “La ciudad
y el feminicidio en los textos académicos.” Ed. Julia Estela Monárrez Fragoso et al.
Violencia contra las mujeres e inseguridad ciudadana en Ciudad Juárez. Mexico City:
Miguel Ángel Porrua, 2010. 68-140. Print.
Monsiváis, Carlos. “El feminicidio y la conversión de Ciudad Juárez en territorio de la impunidad.”
Revista Metapolítica Fuera de Serie (2003): 12-16. Print.
Valdés, Marcela. “Alone Among the Ghosts: Roberto Bolaño’s 2666.” The Nation. 8 Dec. 2008. 15. Print.
Vilanova, Núria. “Memoria y anonimato: Representaciones discursivas de las muertas de Ciudad
Juárez.” Ed. Martin Lienhard. Discursos sobre (l)a pobreza: América Latina y/e países lusoafricanos. Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2006. 145-158. Print.
Alice Driver
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Volk, Steven S. and Marian E. Schlotterbeck. “Gender, Order, and Femicide: Reading the Popular
Culture of Murder in Ciudad Juárez.” Ed. Alicia Gaspar de Alba and Georgina Guzmán.
Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade and La Frontera. Austin: Texas UP, 2010. 121-54.
Print.
Suggested Citation:
Driver, Alice. “Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide: A Comparative Analysis of Sergio
González Rodríguez' Huesos en el desierto and Roberto Bolaño's 2666.” forum for interamerican
research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 160-181. Available at: <www.interamerica.de>
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Edward Avila (Minnesota State University, Mankato)
The Maquila Complex:
Reification, Disposability, and Resistance in Maquilapolis: City of Factories
Abstract
This article considers the ways in which the documentary Maquilapolis: City of Factories (2006)
critically represents social reification under post-NAFTA maquiladora-led industrialization in
Tijuana, Mexico, particularly as it relates to the production and circulation of myths of female
obsolescence, disposability, and waste under the neoliberal (b)order. Drawing from the Marxist
concept of reification, I demonstrate the ways in which the film largely overcomes the limitations
and dangers associated with reified narratives and images that, unwittingly in many cases,
rehearse myths of female disempowerment, victimization, and patriarchal dependency in the
context of neoliberal industrialization in Tijuana, Mexico. Through a skillfully rendered combination
of documentary modes of representation, with particular emphasis on narratives of personhood
and human sensuousness, Maquilapolis captures the intersecting politico-economic, social, and
cultural forces underwriting the proliferation of anti-female terror. In analyzing the narrative
strategies deployed in the film, this article discusses how the film engages with the limits and risks
associated with reification, including the naturalizing of social inequalities and the so-called
immutable and ineluctable laws of neoliberal development in the context of gendered violence
occurring within that peculiar neoliberal spatiality referred to here as the “maquila complex.”
Keywords: Border industrialization, Lukács, Marx, Maquilapolis, reification, resistance
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Thus time sheds its qualitative, variable, flowing nature; it freezes into an exactly delimited,
quantifiable continuum filled with quantifiable ‘things’ (the reified, mechanically objectified
‘performance’ of the worker, wholly separate from [her] total human personality).
—Georg Lukács, “Reification and the Consciousness of the Proletariat” (1923)
I make objects and to the factory managers I myself am only an object, a replaceable part of the
production process… I don’t want to be an object. I want to be a person.
—Obrera/Promotora, Maquilapolis: City of Factories (2006)
Introduction
In “Body Counts on the Mexico-U.S. Border,” Alicia Schmidt Camacho persuasively illustrates the
ways in which popular and academic discourses of gendered violence occurring along the Mexico
and U.S. borderlands often rehearse reified narratives and images of female disempowerment and
disposability. Such discourses and images of feminicide, writes Schmidt Camacho, often “consign
the targets of feminicide to an unchanging death-in-life in ways that come dangerously close to
rationalizing the violence against them” (24). As a result, proliferating images of violated bodies
displace any political recognition of female subjectivity in life. Similarly, in “Seeing Through the
Photographs of Borderlands (Dis)order,” Sandra K. Soto maintains that graphic photographs
accompanied by sensationalized and festishized accounts of the victims of feminicide tend to
precondition the viewers’ conception of the living as already potentially dead. [1] In light of these
observations, we may ask the following questions: To what extent do progressive discourses that
attempt to document and critique social injustices fail to recognize and articulate female resistance
to gendered violence? How do cultural producers attempt to represent female identity in the
context of the gendered order of power operating in the borderlands? How do cultural producers
craft narratives of personhood that avoid rehearsing reified narratives of female disempowerment
and victimization? Last, what set of narrative strategies do writers and filmmakers use in order to
avoid constructing reified accounts of the victims of feminicide and anti-female terror as
disempowered, disposable subjects?
I am aware of the structural limitations and risks in offering what some might refer to as another
well-intended, however problematic, “globalization discourse,” one that Rosa-Linda Fregoso
appropriately describes as the conflation of exploited female bodies with their extermination (7-8).
[2] While the “exploitation-feminicide” discourse certainly falls short of taking into account the
complex political and cultural forces underwriting gendered violence in the border region, we
cannot disregard or underestimate the critical insights offered by cultural producers that have
drawn and continue to draw critical connections between exploited labor and anti-female terror. [3]
Given the complex challenges of representing the intersecting global and local forces underwriting
gendered violence in the Mexico and U.S. borderlands, cultural producers—fiction writers, visual
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and performance artists, journalists, and intellectuals, among others—have developed innovative
and transformative modes of representation that avoid reified, sensationalist accounts of gendered,
classed violence. However, in these representations of gendered violence, including graphic
images of cadavers, disfigured and exploited bodies, cultural producers often encounter what I
refer to as the specter of reification: that complex, ever-present narrative threshold in which reified
discourses of disempowerment and non-agency complicate even the most critical and wellintended representations of anti-female terror. Drawing from Laura Gillman’s analysis of cinematic
affect, which she refers to as haptic visuality, operating in Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada,
we would do well to consider the ways in which the artistic medium of documentary circumvents or
avoids altogether reproducing “discursive systems that are in their own right laden with hegemonic
ideologies of gender, race and class that caused the violence in the first place” (“Haptic Visuality”
143). [4] The following essay examines one such innovative and transformative mode of
representation that effectively incites critical viewership and empathic engagement while drawing
critical connections between neoliberal industrialization and anti-female terror occurring along the
Tijuana/San Diego border region—Maquilapolis: City of Factories (2006), produced and directed by
Vicky Funari and Sergio De La Torre. [5]
At the risk of committing what Fregoso calls the “synoptic gaze,” a critical approach that fails to
take into account multiple intersecting social and cultural forces constituting the conditions for the
proliferation of violence against women, I analyze Maquilapolis: City of Factories in a manner that
reassesses the ways in which this important documentary film engages with the ever-present
specter of reification that dangerously represents women as disempowered subjects who are
incapable of forging resistance to complex systems of gendered violence in both global and local
contexts. While offering a reading of the film through the framework of the “globalization
discourse,” it is precisely in engaging with that discourse, that is, the processes of exploited labor,
commodity fetishism, and social reification that Maquilapolis critically represents violence against
women beyond immediate social appearances. [6] In taking this approach, I highlight the subtle,
yet powerful, representational modes that interrogate the historically contingent nature of reified
identities, subjectivities, and social relations existing within that peculiar spatiality that I refer to in
this article as the “maquila complex.” I use the term “maquila complex” to denote the ways in which
the film strategically configures the social and environmental ecologies of maquiladora-led
industrialization in the border region, within both the assembly plants and the surrounding colonias,
in which many of the maquila workers reside.
Through a combination of narrative modes of storytelling, including interpersonal video diary, the
performative mode of narration, and symbolic appropriation, Maquilapolis represents
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workingwomen along Mexico’s northern border as critical voices that challenge naturalized,
asymmetrical gender and class relations under maquiladora-led industrialization. Furthermore,
Maquilapolis avoids the pitfalls of producing reified accounts that rehearse and reinscribe the loss
of Mexicana subjectivity, including disempowerment, victimization, and patriarchal dependency. To
illustrate this point, I turn to the Marxist concept of reification in order to analyze the complex
challenges and contradictions associated with representing feminicide and anti-female terror.
Reification offers a critical lens through which to examine how Maquilapolis contests the
naturalizing of (uneven) social relations and challenges the so-called immutable and ineluctable
laws of neoliberal development along the Tijuana-San Diego border region.
1. The Specter of Reification
Though Karl Marx never explicitly articulated a working definition of reification in Capital, Volume 1,
he provided the groundwork for what would later become a theory of reification. In the well-known
section from Capital, Volume 1, “The Fetishism of the Commodity and Its Secret,” Marx illustrates
the pervasive logic of the commodity form upon human consciousness and social relations. In
particular, Marx draws out the ways in which the commodity form constitutes a cultural logic that
extends beyond the specific confines of the production process. In relation to commodity
production, Marx notes that the “mystery of the commodity form [...] consists in the fact that in it the
social character of labor appears to them as an objective characteristic, a social natural quality [sic]
of the labor product itself” (463). As Marx directs our attention to the way in which labor takes on a
naturalized, objective character, seemingly emerging from the commodity in-and-of-itself, he also
emphasizes how the objective character of labor tends to shape social relations in which the
capitalist mode of production is the dominant form of social organization. Though the commodity
form constitutes a historically specific definite social relation, it is precisely the way in which it takes
on Marx’s fantastic form of relations between things that the mediating force of the commodity form
as a cultural logic comes to the fore. As Marx famously notes: “To the producers, the social
relations connecting the labors of one individual with that of the rest appear not as direct social
relations between individuals at work, but as what they really are, thinglike relations between
persons and social relations between things” (463). It is this notion of the mediating force of the
commodity form affecting social relations—and concomitantly social consciousness—that I put in
relation to what Marx refers to as the “form of appearance,” that is, the way in which the commodity
form (logic) conceals larger, yet seemingly inconspicuous, uneven social relations under the
inescapable laws of neoliberal development in the region. [7]
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Georg Lukács’ “Reification and the Consciousness of the Proletariat” remains one the most
influential discussions on reification. There, Lukács articulates the objective and subjective
dimensions of reification as the structural limitation of bourgeois thinking, facilitated by the
commodity form within an advanced capitalist mode of production and exchange. And while
Lukács offers a provocative theory of the proletariat’s privileged capacity to challenge capitalist
social relations (deriving from having experienced the violent, structural constraints of the
commodity form as exploited, alienated workers), it is his conceptualization of reification as the
gradual immiseration of the workers’ intellectual faculty, psychological interests, and libidinal
investments and the way in which reification likewise, however differently, affects bourgeois
consciousness and the bourgeoisie’s ability to grasp social totality that warrants special attention in
the present study. [8]
Under the structure of commodity relations, Lukács points to the growing trend towards the
progressive reduction of the workers’ qualitative human attributes. This reduction emerges from
more intensified rationalization of the work process as “labor is progressively broken down into
abstract, rational, specialized operations so that [...] work is reduced to mechanical repetition of a
specialized set of actions” (88). In addition, Lukács offers insightful observations regarding the
subjective experience of the principle of rationalization—the fragmentation of the production
process that necessarily entails the abstract reduction of the worker, psychologically and
intellectually. According to Lukács, the worker no longer appears as the “authentic master of the
process,” but rather constitutes a mechanical appendage to a seemingly autonomous production
process. “As labor is progressively rationalized and mechanized,” writes Lukács, “[the worker’s]
lack of will is reinforced by the way in which [his or her] activity becomes less and less active and
more and more contemplative. The contemplative stance [...] transforms the basic categories of
man’s [sic] immediate attitude to the world” (89). Unlike its current normative use, Lukács’ term
“contemplative” refers to how the worker experiences the closed system of commodity production
under the principle of rationalization, whereby the worker’s creative, intellectual input potentially
becomes a risk or impediment to efficient, calculable production. While the work-process appears
to function autonomously and outside the control of individual workers under this process,
collectively, the possibility of resistance always already exists for workers, a reality beautifully
captured in the chapter “Somos Promotoras” in the film. Here, however, I want to emphasize the
productive relationship between Lukács’ notion of the reduction of the worker to an “isolated
particle” and what Fredric Jameson refers to as the “reified atomization of capitalist life.” Lukács
writes:
[T]he objectification of the [workers’] labor-power into something opposed to their
total personality [...] is now made into the permanent ineluctable reality of their daily
life. Here, too, the personality can do no more than look helplessly while its own
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existence is reduced to an isolated particle [...]. [M]echanization makes of them
isolated abstract atoms whose work no longer brings them together directly or
organically. (90)
In this passage, Lukács emphasizes the extent to which social totality, with respect to both labor
and social relations, unravels under the objectification of the workers’ labor-power. Contemplation
here denotes the way in which human sensuousness (which consists of an array of human
attributes, including feeling, thinking, wanting, loving, etc.) become increasingly devalued and
closed off under rationalized, mechanized labor processes. It is in this respect that Marcial
González’s treatment of the Marxist concept of reification opens some intriguing methodological
possibilities for analyzing the film’s treatment of “reified atomization,” particularly in terms of the
naturalization of social inequalities and the ineluctable laws of modernization.
In an important study on the politics of form in Chicano novels, Marcial González offers a valuable
reworking of the Marxist concept of reification, one that remains grounded in Marx’s critique of
commodity fetishism and objectification while also broadening the concept to include socio-political
rationalities existing under contemporary capitalism. [9] In emphasizing the valuable contribution
that reification as a critical perspective holds for helping us understand contemporary processes
and forms of ossification, or thing-ification, González’s reworking of the term also offers a critical
framework for analyzing the various social and cultural permutations of reification, a
reconceptualization of reification that points directly to socio-political rationalities by which and
through which images and narratives of female disempowerment and disposability emerge.
González writes:
[R]eification can also be understood in other related ways: the shallowness of
perception; the naturalizing of social inequalities; the use of immutable or quantifiable
laws to explain history; the categorizing of humans according to phenotype and
anatomy; the fragmentation and compartmentalization of productive human activity—
a development necessitated by the classifying and rationalizing tendencies of a
capitalist mode of production; and, most importantly, the manner in which the logic of
commodity fetishism has pervaded every aspect of social life under late capitalism.
(10)
While Maquilapolis captures in graphic detail the exploitation of female labor and the destruction of
the environment resulting from maquiladora export-production, the film emphasizes the ways in
which cultural representations of gendered violence link with commodity fetishism and social
reification. [10] González’s description of reification offers a useful lens to examine how the
narrative strategies deployed in the film engage with and, ultimately, resist reified accounts of
female disposability, disempowerment, and dependency. In doing so, the film resists constructing
reified accounts of female victimization (i.e., subjectivity only in death) by capturing and
documenting female subjectivity as—to borrow from Schmidt Camacho—“contestation-in-struggle.”
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Furthermore, as discussed below, González’s reworking of the Marxist concept of reification allows
us to investigate the way in which the film complicates political discourses that often naturalize
social inequalities and justify gender and class differences (and violence) as the inevitable
outcome of neoliberal development in the region, particularly as an instance of the so-called
immutable and ineluctable laws of historical development qua modernization.
In her critique of certain metropolitan discourses of feminicide that rehearse—unwittingly in many
cases—narratives of female disempowerment, disposability, and dependency, Alicia Schmidt
Camacho demonstrates the critical value that the Marxist concept of reification holds for
investigating explanatory discourses of feminicide and anti-female terror. According to Schmidt
Camacho, “reification [constitutes] a technique of representation linked to new modes of social
control in which the image [or narrative] serves to make a given social order or cultural practice
appear normal, inevitable, and fixed” (41; emphasis added). When we view reification as “a
technique of representation,” particularly as a discursive form of cultural mediation that ascribes
specific meanings to acts of gendered violence, we begin to understand the ways in which even
the most well-intended representations of feminicide and anti-female terror rehearse and reinscribe narratives of female disposability and consequently justify uneven relations of power as
the inevitable outcome of industrialized modernization in the border region. However, if reification
constitutes a technique of representation as Schmidt Camacho suggests, then we must also
consider the ways in which cultural producers appropriate the semiotics of reification toward
unraveling those very reified images and narratives. Put in a different manner, we would do well to
consider the ways in which Maquilapolis constructs images and narratives of female subjectivity
(as agential, empowered activists) linked to critical, artistic modes of representation that challenge
and unsettle cultural practices and the established social order as natural, inevitable, and fixed.
Before turning our attention to the narrative strategies of the film, let us briefly discuss the historical
contexts of maquiladora-led industrialization along Mexico’s northern border.
2. Maquiladoras and Border Industrialization
During the early 1940s, U.S. interests in acquiring Mexican labor would redefine U.S.-Mexico
political, economic, and cultural relations. The acquisition of Mexican labor within a rapidly
emergent U.S. Southwest agri-business established a lasting impact that would not only affect
U.S.-Mexico economic relations, but also profoundly shape governmental and public discourses on
immigration, border enforcement, and citizenship. With the U.S. mobilizing for war in Western
Europe and the Pacific, coupled with severe labor shortages affecting growers, a bi-national
agreement between Mexico and the U.S. resulted in the 1942 Bracero Program that permitted U.S.
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growers to legally contract Mexican male labor in order to maintain U.S. agricultural productivity
during and after the conclusion of the war.
In 1964, twenty-two years after its implementation, the Bracero Program terminated, resulting in
approximately 200,000 unemployed braceros. As a way of confronting high unemployment and
putting into productive activity this large reserve army of labor, the Mexican government
implemented in 1965 the Border Industrialization Program (BIP) (Lugo 70). While the Mexican
government lauded maquiladora assembly production as a successful model of economic
development, critics from both sides of the border have pointed out a number of social and
environmental disruptions associated with maquiladora-led industrialization, many of which are
addressed in Maquilapolis: City of Factories.
We should note that throughout the 1980s, economic growth in Latin America relied heavily on
external borrowing as a number of countries faced difficulty balancing budgets and paying off
loans. [11] Increased capital diffusion in Latin America proved devastating for peasant societies
engaged in modes of production oriented toward subsistence and full employment rather than
capitalist modes of efficient output and maximum profit. As David G. Gutiérrez points out, “[t]he
proliferation of maquiladora industries has not only added to the skyrocketing population of
Mexico’s northern tier states, but has also contributed to the uprooting of women and men from
traditional occupations and attachment to the land” (65). With the development of offshore
manufacturing and the concomitant destruction of peasant communities via capitalization and
enclosure, large populations faced limited means of subsistence, resulting in regional and longdistance migrations.
During the 1980s, multinational corporations established a major presence along Mexico’s northern
border region. The devaluation of the Mexican peso yielded lower wages for workers and,
therefore, a cheaper and more flexible labor force for multinationals. Moreover, the shift in the
gender dimension of labor constituted one of the more significant and unforeseen transformations
associated with the maquiladora model, particularly when put in the context of BIP initiatives. In the
context of feminized labor, many women working in assembly-line production encountered various
forms of physical and psychological abuse, including sexual harassment, forced sterilization,
exposure to toxic chemicals, and long, arduous repetitive tasks re-shaping and de-forming the
body to the point of perceived obsolescence and disposability.
Labor exploitation in the
maquiladora industry emerges from a complex, violent interaction of local and global forces where
uneven relations of power between supervisors and assembly-line workers are grounded on
culturally-defined differences based on gender, race, and class (Wright 49-59). Efforts by the State
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and the maquiladora industry to survey and to discipline labor and working-communities residing in
proximity to the plants form a crucial aspect of the unsettling relationship between politicaleconomic techniques of neoliberal governing and violence against workingwomen in the border
region. In order to examine the ways in which Maquilapolis represents this violent relationship, I
turn to the Marxist concept of reification, which offers insightful analytic possibilities.
3. Narratives of Personhood
Maquilapolis: City of Factories represents the complex relationship between social reification and
violence against poor, racialized maquila workers in Tijuana, Mexico during the post-NAFTA era.
The film documents the relations of production and environmental degradation associated with
maquiladora-led industrialization along the Tijuana/San Diego border region from the perspective
of the maquila workers and activists (obreras and promotoras, respectively) actively engaged in binational and international movements for economic, political, and social justice under so-called
neoliberal development in the region.
By offering up-close and intimate video diaries of their living and working conditions, Carmen
Durán and Lourdes Luján document their struggles against maquiladora-labor exploitation and
social domination. In the film, Carmen and Lourdes represent millions of obreras working for
poverty wages in transnational factories globally. The conditions of labor documented in the film
represent what Marx refers to as abstract, alienated labor—characterized effectively through the
trope of mechanized, reiterative production whereby the laborer is disassociated from the products
of her own labor.
Carmen and Lourdes’ videographic diary constitutes an effective rhetorical strategy that captures
the daily instantiations of ecological damage and gender violence. Through a complex, hybrid
narrative form that oscillates among the expository, observational, and performative/poetic modes
of documentary filmmaking, Maquilapolis offers a critical and transformative approach to
documenting the ecological and sociological effects of maquiladora-led industrialization in the
Tijuana border region.
Rather than representing the featured maquila workers (obreras) as passive, objectified narrative
subjects—in which the expository mode of narration inadvertently speaks for the obreras, thus
framing them as voiceless, yet hyper-visible, subjects—the film strategically uses a series of
interpersonal video diaries produced by the workers/activists themselves. Through this strategic
narrative approach, both Carmen Durán and Lourdes Luján come to articulate in their own voices
the personal and collective struggles against labor abuses, against environmental destruction, and
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against the widespread class oppression and patriarchy operative within maquiladora production.
In order to delineate the way in which this hybrid mode of narration effectively resists reproducing
reified accounts of female disempowerment and disposability, I focus on two distinct narrative
approaches: interpersonal video dairies and choreographed performances. As I demonstrate
below, a skillful narrative hybrid of the performative/poetic modes of documentary representation
allows for symbolic appropriation of reification. Taking our cue from Lukács, it is precisely in the
“reified, mechanically objectified ‘performance’ of the worker” that the film begins to demystify the
mysterious, concealing power of reification.
In considering the film’s modes of narration, I turn to Bill Nichols’ conceptual outline of key
narrative conventions of documentary filmmaking. Nichols identifies six modes of documentary
narration, of which the expository, the observational, and the performative/poetic are relevant to
our discussion of the film. The “voice of God” or voiceover commentary approach characterizes the
expository mode. Other conventions associated with the expository mode include verbal
commentary with visual accompaniment, which serves to provide a counterpoint to oral narration
and evidentiary argumentation. This mode is most often associated with documentary film in
general. The observational mode is characterized by the “window on the world” narration in which
filmmakers observe moments of the social world as they occur. In doing so, the filmmakers attempt
to capture the energy and motion of social activity. Typically this mode does not employ voiceover,
non-diegetic sound, interviews, or performance for spectators for the audience. As a purely
observational approach, this mode attempts to observe social action and to allow viewers to infer
their own conclusions. In the performative mode, the filmmaker may emerge as a participant. More
importantly, this mode highlights the subjective or expressive aspect of the filmmaker’s own
involvement with the subject matter of the film (e.g., the subjective aspect of the filmmaker's
involvement with the narrative construction of the film, particularly Carmen’s videography in
Maquilapolis, which offers both a personal and communitarian perspective unique to
workingwomen in the region). Stressing tone and mood, this mode attempts to capture the
specificities of personal experience in order to provide a more nuanced and complex articulation of
more general social and historical processes at work. We should note that the performative mode
may combine elements of various documentary modes—in this case the poetic mode—in order to
draw
connections
between
subjective,
experiential
knowledge
and
the
more
general
understandings of society and the world. The poetic mode, like the performative, strives for
subjective expression by using lyrical and rhythmic formal elements in order to capture a more
experiential perspective.
While Maquilapolis does not resemble experimental or avant-garde film, it does emphasize
symbolic association as well as tonal and rhythmic qualities, particularly when combined with the
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performative mode. [12] The performative mode of documentary filmmaking “emphasizes the
subjective or expressive aspect of the filmmaker’s own involvement with a subject [which] rejects
notions of [objective certitude] in favor of evocation and effect” (Nichols, Introduction 32). Although
the performative mode of documentary narration constitutes arguably the most innovative
approach to addressing reification, we must also attend to the ways in which the film reconfigures
the expository and observational modes of narration, a strategic approach that likewise represents
the agential and empowered subjectivity of workingwomen within maquiladora production.
The opening scene from Maquilapolis combines the observational and participatory modes of
narration, an approach that offers a window to the world of maquiladora production as it captures
the sense of the social and political situation of the principle videographer, Carmen Durán. Prior to
the opening credits, Carmen offers an “underground shot” of the interior of an unidentified maquila,
which includes the sight and sounds of production machinery, the obreras at work along the
assembly-line, and the well-kept yet grey, austere environs of the shop floor. Interestingly, the
filmmakers deliberately and strategically construct a captivating narrative by allowing the viewer an
unauthorized look into a maquila plant. While the scene lasts only several seconds, offering little
indication of exploited feminized labor, it nonetheless symbolically represents an important,
however subtle, act of resistance—one that we might refer to as a clandestine, videographic
performance.
In capturing on film the interior space of a maquila plant, Carmen offers an insightful and poignant
narrative of her arrival to Tijuana: “My name is Carmen Durán. I am a maquiladora worker. I have
worked in nine assembly plants. I was 13 years old when I arrived in Tijuana. I was alone here [...]
and I decided to stay” (Maquilapolis). Immediately, the film begins by constructing what Schmidt
Camacho refers to as “narratives of personhood” that unsettle cosmopolitan discourses of
disempowerment and disposability. [13] If in fact, as Schmidt Camacho suggests, “the obrera
represents zero degree subjectivity tied to the undifferentiated violence and tedium of the border
space, a subjectivity that can only be recuperated in death” (25), then we must consider the way in
which Carmen’s videographic performance begins to articulate greater subjectivity through
“contestation-in-struggle.” It is in this subtle, yet powerfully suggestive narrative that issues of
dispossession, relocation, and re-settlement emerge. In offering an account of her present working
condition, Carmen’s personal narrative suggests important questions related to the historical
conditions that make possible dispossession, migration, and long-term resettlement, including the
following: From where did she migrate—can we assume a singular point of departure? What
constitutes “home” for Carmen—might we perceive Tijuana as her “home”? Does Tijuana
constitute an unhomely site? [14] Under what material conditions was she compelled to migrate to
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Tijuana? Why at age thirteen? To what extent do these relocations speak of labor insecurity and
the devaluation of women assembly-line workers of both mass and flexible systems of production?
State and corporate discourses of socio-economic development (i.e., neoliberal modernization)
often gloss over such personal accounts of proletarianized labor that speak to experiential
knowledge of the limitations and dangers associated with maquiladora-led industrialization in the
border region. It is precisely the way in which Maquilapolis constructs a highly personal yet
community-oriented narrative that the film draws critical connections between local and global
forces underwriting gendered, class violence within that peculiar neoliberal spatiality I refer to as
the maquila complex.
Immediately following the opening credits, Carmen captures on film the intimate spaces of her
home where viewers are introduced to her son, whose charming curiosity about the hand-held
camera offers a momentary relief, just as it offers a personal account of everyday life at home,
from the seriousness and gravity of the film’s critical content. In capturing the ingenuity of making
do with limited resources without falling prey to romantic idealizations of the working poor, Carmen
offers a glimpse of what daily life holds for those residing within the maquila complex. In presenting
herself as a working single mother of three young children, Carmen disrupts State-sponsored
discourses of blame, most notably the maqui-locas discourse, whereby the victims of feminicide
are presumed to live a “double life” or una vida doble characterized by a life of work during the day
and of prostitution or sexual self-objectification at night. Yet, we must be careful not to project this
image of mother and children in heteronormative terms, as such an image can be easily
appropriated to maintain State-sponsored claims about appropriate female conduct, ones
predicated upon patriarchal and heterosexual notions of domestic and public female behavior and
display. In her insightful analysis of the “Tres Marías Syndrome,” Alicia Gaspar de Alba informs us
of the ways in which patriarchy frames the obrera as the very source of feminicide. The maqui-loca
figure, as Gaspar de Alba points out, discursively transfigures or, more precisely, transmogrifies
workingwomen into independent, transgressive women afflicted by “close contact with the libertine
ways of el norte” (80). In associating so-called female independence (qua promiscuity) with “First
World” moral depravity, the maqui-locas discourse insidiously maintains a culture of impunity that
rehearses critiques of globalization in the service of reproducing an ethic of appropriate female
conduct. While the film may initially appear to rehearse notions of heteronormative conduct with
images of mother and children in domestic context, ultimately the film portrays workingwomen as
agential and empowered subjects who perform multiple, complex roles as workers, activists,
educators, documentarians, caretakers, and heads of household.
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Seconds later, Carmen takes us on an excursion into her neighborhood, or colonia, where the
struggles of daily life are immediately captured on film as she tracks the movement of a dented,
worn pickup truck (emblazoned with the words “Policía”) struggling along a rutted, unpaved road.
Shortly afterward, Carmen offers a rather stunning panoramic view of her neighborhood,
Lagunitas, a maquila plant overlooking the makeshift houses and dirt roads of the shantytown
below. From a lower angle, in closer proximity to the factory shot in the previous segment, the
camera zooms in on a Sony plant, again perched high on the hilltop, securely fortified, in panoptic
view. While this segment constitutes only a fraction of her entire video diary, it nonetheless
provides a stunning cartography of uneven social relations associated with maquiladora-led
industrialization in this particular border region. In focusing on Carmen’s documentary depiction of
the social ramifications of environmental degradation, I draw critical connections between
narratives of personhood and socio-political abandonment. While some viewers may too easily
interpret the setting as mere background, wherein people and objects are simply contained or
confined within this specific social environment, others may see the way in which Carmen’s
videography brings into relief this peculiar spatial organization (or spatiality) that constitutes and
sustains uneven relations of power, a subtle, yet powerful visual account that situates the
buildings, homes, and people—in short, infrastructure—at the center of her narrative. As the shiny,
modernized architectural structures adorned with lush green lawns and spacious parking lots
(equipped, of course, with an army of well-trained guards and other security technologies) tell a
story of unimpeded economic development in the region, the lived experiences of those surviving
in the shantytowns below convey quite a different account.
Though Achille Mbembe’s critique of contemporary colonial occupation in “Necropolitics” may
appear unrelated and therefore unsuited for an analysis of Maquilapolis, his discussion of vertical
sovereignty and territorial fragmentation nonetheless proves instructive when thinking about the
ways in which the “natural” environment (including waterways, hilltops, and valleys) are politically
transformed and, more importantly, transfigured in the film into nodes or “outposts” of discipline
and containment. Mbembe suggests that “high ground offers strategic assets not found in valleys
(effectiveness of sight, self-protection, panoptic fortification that generates gazes to many different
ends)” (28). However subtle and unassuming, I find most impressive the way in which Carmen
captures on film the verticality of power and territorial fragmentation represented in the spatial
juxtaposition between the maquila plants and the colonias. In capturing the ways in which this
particular spatiality of power is expressed through mechanisms of vertical sovereignty and
territorial fragmentation, the scene draws critical connections between the maquila complex (as a
specific neoliberal spatiality) and political abandonment. It is in the context of political
abandonment, however, that the notion of restricted sense (or sensuousness) offers insights into
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the ways in which the obreras and promatoras featured in the film not only articulate narratives of
resistance to neoliberal developmental policy, but, equally important, illustrate how “contestationin-struggle” constitutes a lived process of reification and therefore the material and discursive
condition upon which that very resistance emerges.
4. Human Sensuousness
In revisiting Marx’s theory of the sensuous, political economist Massimo De Angelis’ discussion of
commodity fetishism offers some interesting and provocative insights for thinking about the
relationship between human sensuousness, abstract labor, and reification. His analysis of Marx’s
concept of commodity fetishism highlights two key concepts developed in Capital, Volume 1:
commodity fetishism and the “form of appearance” of social relations under capitalism. In an
excellent essay on the often-concealed relationship between commodity fetishism and social
relations, De Angelis offers an insightful discussion on the distinctions and connections between
actually existing forms of labor and the form labor appears to take. In revisiting Marx’s concept of
human sensuousness, De Angelis suggests that Marx’s notion helps to distinguish real relations of
production from so-called “mechanistic and economistic approaches” such that it brings to the fore
“the question of praxis and human emancipation” (7). De Angelis points out that the concept of the
sensuous in Marx is a confirmation of human reality grounded in what Lukács refers as the totality
of historically-determined social relations. Human sensuousness, Marx reminds us, “come[s] into
being only through the existence of their objects, through humanized nature” (De Angelis 8).
The significance of human sensuousness is an important, but perhaps underappreciated,
conception of social relations in Marxist scholarship. As De Angelis contends:
[T]he “sensuous” is in Marx the [...] confirmation of “human reality” and manifests
itself in a plurality of ways: seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting, feeling, thinking,
contemplating, wanting, acting, loving [...]. What makes an individual human is what
makes an individual a sensuous-being, not only a being with senses, but a being
able to act upon these senses, to shape them, to educate them, to refine them. (7-8)
While this notion of the sensuous human experience in the context of class struggle may appear
rather commonsensical and nostalgic, by situating Marx’s concept of sensuousness in relation to
social constraint and restricted sense, De Angelis offers a valuable perspective through which to
discuss how the film performs restricted sense as a radical critique of the processes of reification.
Material need and necessity, De Angelis argues, can impose a determining influence upon human
sensuousness and the way in which social subjects come to experience the totality of their
personal and collective social existence. It is in this context that De Angelis introduces the idea of
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social constraint in developing a conceptual understanding of ‘”restricted sense” or “restricted
sensuousness.” If restricted sense or sensuousness emerges from social constraint, then we must
attend to how reification emerges from conditions of socio-economic constraint.
From the perspective of Capital, labor is sensuous-less, external objectivity to be deployed and
appropriated toward generating ever-greater surplus value and profit. Experienced through
seemingly autonomous, de-personalized productive technologies and procedures, the reiterative
movements of assembly-line production emerge as de-humanizing activity. Yet, from the
perspective of the workers, their activity—however de-humanizing and constrained—is never
entirely sensuous-less; it is an experiential contradiction, or, as De Angelis suggests, a
fundamental contradiction “between an activity which carries the burden of a restricted
sensuousness and the reality of sensuous needs, sensuous desires, and sensuous aspirations”
(11). Yet, how is the question of commodity fetishism and reification relevant to this analysis of the
film? It is relevant to the extent that it offers a critical lens for viewing capitalist social relations and
the way these relations are comprehended and acted upon.
Rather than situating the abstract simply in terms of false consciousness, the abstract must be
understood as constituting a sensuous activity existing within socio-economic constraint. Restricted
sense under conditions of socio-economic constraint nevertheless constitutes a lived experience, a
concrete experience—that is, a sensuous experience. The commodity form, in other words, is not
simply an external process of objectification, but rather is a living process of being transformed into
objectified subjectivities (13). Productive activity presents itself for the worker as a lived process of
reification within the rationalized workspace of maquila production. From this perspective, we come
to understand how the abstract (e.g. abstract labor) indicates a sensuous activity, however
contemplative; to borrow from Lukács, the worker stands in relation to the principle of
rationalization. Even under such conditions of constraint, sensuous activity nonetheless constitutes
“a lived experience in which human sensibility is confined and restricted to one dominant character
(9)—abstract labor. Despite this reductive process that makes possible images and narratives of
female obsolescence and disposability, social contradiction complicates the notion of reification as
“locked into a prison house” (González 12) with no possibility of moving beyond or escaping
reification. [15] Put differently, it is precisely through contradiction (and the symbolic appropriation
of that contradiction) that a critique of reification takes form in the film. If looking at labor from the
perspective of restricted sensuousness and social contradiction entails acknowledging the lived
experience of the worker as consciously experienced alienation and abstraction, then I propose
looking at the ways in which the film literally takes up this lived experience through performance.
To illustrate this point, let us turn to the chapter “Somos Promotoras.”
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In “Somos Promotras,” directors Funari and De La Torre draw particular attention to the seemingly
instrumental and mundane uniforms worn by the maquila workers, particularly the obreras of
assembly-line production. Traveling by an industrial park in the Otay Mesa region of the border,
Carmen lectures to a van full of activists about the color-coded scheme of the smocks worn by
maquila workers. As a group of workers enters the factory, Carmen informs her audience that the
color of the smock identifies your rank and “place” in the factory: “They see your color and they
know who you are: group leader, supervisor, or just an operator” (Maquilapolis). As the scene
highlights the significance of the color scheme by acknowledging each worker’s position and status
within the maquila plant, it also appears to establish the subjectivity of the workers as abstract,
reified labor. Even in its heterogeneity (i.e. group leaders, supervisors, operators) the images of
workers moving in and out of the maquila plant appear to frame the workers through a kind of
standardized, universal, or identical imagery. This subtle yet peculiar image of homogenous labor
effectively sets up a later (and significantly related) scene in which the filmmakers appropriate the
very color-coded smocks used in the factory in order to illustrate the ways in which this scheme not
only demarcates and discursively encloses the subject of maquila labor as abstract, objectified
“things” of maquila production, but also signals organizational efficiency and calculability. And while
the film certainly engages with the commodity logic of neoliberal industrialization, arguably to the
point of rehearsing and therefore reproducing that very logic, the color-coded smock scene
performs a transformative function in indicating the degree to which sensuous human productivity
becomes reduced to a restrictive and reductive form of being, signified in the figure of the
expendable, disposable obrera. My objective, however, is to illustrate the ways in which the
filmmakers, both the directors and obreras/promotoras, establish the importance of the color-coded
smocks that sets up the following scene that I believe constitutes one of the most artistically
rendered forms of radical critique and resistance to reification in the film.
In the following scene, Funari and De La Torre carefully position a set of individual smocks of
varying colors in and around various parts of downtown Juárez and the surrounding colonias
located in proximity to the maquila plants. For example, the filmmakers place a blue smock upon a
wire hanger perched high above an overpass located near a maquila plant. As the blue smock
sways to a mild breeze upon the overpass, the voice of an obrera interrupts this seemingly tranquil
and innocent reverie: “I am from the state of Michoacán. There are no jobs there like we have
here” (Maquilapolis). Subsequent images of different color-coded smocks run in succession as the
voices—and only the voices—of obreras accompany each of the different smocks on display: “I am
from Guadalajara, Jalisco;” “I am from Sola de Vega, Oaxaca;” “I am from Mazatlán;” “I was born in
Sinaloa” (Maquilapolis).
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In their apparent simplicity and directness, these five-second vignettes appear to offer little by way
of radical critique. Some may argue that this sequence of image and voice unwittingly rehearses
and reinscribes the very structure of domination that the film intends to critique. On the contrary, I
suggest that the scene carefully deconstructs the processes of abstraction and reification by
appropriating the very objects and symbols of abstract, reified labor. In doing so, this scene of
carefully juxtaposed image and voice unmoors the mysterious power of the color-coded smocks.
While the scene remarkably places the smocks in visual relief it also offers a symbolic index of the
extent to which erased subjectivity is figuratively linked to the color-coded smocks. By
appropriating the very symbols of abstract, reified labor, and the power that it holds in constructing
and shaping discourses of female identity and subjectivity within and outside of the factory, the
scene appropriately identifies workingwomen of neoliberal industrialization as agential, influential
mediators of socio-economic development in the region. The essence of Capital’s power lies in its
ability to operate reclusively as a natural, universal organizing principle. If the commodity-form and
reification directly shape individual and collective identity and subjectivity, then we would do well to
investigate the ways in which the film represents such commodified, reified relations through
images of subjectified commodities and objectified individuals.
In a segment from “Bienvenidos a Tijuana,” which I refer to as the “flyback” scene, the film
beautifully captures, through a hybrid narrative style—combining the performative and expository
modes—the lived process of social constraint and reification. In analyzing this scene, I consider the
ways in which the filmmakers come to represent social constraint, restricted sensuousness, and
abstract, reified labor through narrative juxtaposition. For those familiar with the film, recall the use
of the expository mode as the voice-over narration offers a brief history of the emergence of the
maquiladora industry since the implementation of BIP. Continuing with the expository narrative
mode, the camera then focuses on an overpass sign that reads: “Tijuana, la Capital Mundial de la
Television” or “Tijuana, World Capital of the Television.”
The narrative device of visual juxtaposition again draws our attention to the way in which this
scene dramatizes the objectification of individual subjects, or what we might refer to as objectified
labor, a position which assumes a contemplative stance in which the object produced and the
producer of the object conflate into a singular form, i.e., the commodity. Here, the “flyback”
(television part) and the worker (Carmen) are literally and figuratively put into relation with one
another in such manner that the distinction melts into thin air. This performative sequence begins
innocently enough with a television rotating on top of a draped circular table. However, as we view
the back of the television, the internal parts of the television immediately come into focus. It is at
this moment that the commodity as product and the commodity as laborer figuratively become
indistinguishable. And yet, as Carmen rotates on the display turntable, the internal (and typically
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concealed) parts that make up the television come into full view with the “flyback” held in Carmen’s
hands. It is also at this moment that the fusion (or conflation) of the object of labor and the
objectified laborer takes place, that is to say, the objects of production are revealed
undifferentiated upon the rotating table display.
In “Bienvenidos a Tijuana,” the filmmakers offer an aerial view of ten maquila obreras in straight
line performing the tasks of assembly-line production in synchronous, mechanical efficiency. The
soundtrack constructs a pulsating rhythmic drone that marks a distinctive sonic hybrid between
early twentieth-century, Fordist production and twenty-first century, advanced, automated
production. As the camera slowly makes its way toward a frontal view of the obreras, close-up
shots of arms and hands performing the repeating, yet fluid motion of the assembly-line process
dominate the screen. The performance draws to a close as the obreras conclude the assembly
process, drawing fisted hands to their sides, bodies upright, faces expressionless—mechanical.
This carefully constructed performance represents not only a beautifully rendered enactment of the
repetitive, mechanical motion of assembly-line work, but also the ways in which abstract, reified
labor extends beyond the confines of the shop floor. That the performance is carefully placed in an
open valley outside and in front of the maquila plant (situated in the background) deserves greater
attention in at least two ways. First, the visual and spatial organization consisting of laboring
bodies, open land, and factory (mise-en-scène) beautifully captures that specific topography of
power alluded to earlier in our discussion of vertical sovereignty and territorial fragmentation. The
image of the obreras’ mechanical movement and posture in relation to the plant located above in
the distance illustrates the uneven and violent relations of power inscribed and embedded in the
visual landscape. Second, the performance illustrates what Marx refers to as human labor power
revealed in the specific form of its expenditure. In this performance, the film brings to our attention
the actual reifying process of abstract labor. Drawing from De Angelis’ analytic insight, human
activity presents itself as a lived process of reification as these seemingly contemplative,
mechanical appendages of capitalist production enact restricted sensuousness in “clashing
opposition with the humanity of the subjects as sensuous beings” (13).
Conclusion
Though it is difficult to argue that the film offers a representational account of an alternative socioeconomic totality with its own systems and institutions, it certainly offers, as Lisa Lowe might
suggest, an alternative “spatial imaginary” that performs “a fiction of community” and that
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effectively “comments upon the capitalist social relations that exist, defamiliarizing those social
relations as artificial, as relations that could be transformed through political action” (11-12). The
process of defamiliarization via the appropriation of the semiotics of reification thus becomes a vital
political action in the film, one that underscores the violent artificiality of social relations under
maquiladora-led industrialization along the Tijuana borderlands. Throughout the film, Carmen,
Lourdes, and their compañeras-in-solidarity (promotoras) represent the remarkable power and
efficacy of women’s struggles against local and global structures and institutions of gendered
violence and class oppression operating under neoliberal restructuring along the borderlands. In
documenting the struggles for fair labor practices, for greater environmental protection, and for
greater dignity for all workers in the region, Carmen and Lourdes emerge as full, complex
individuals-in-community whose subjectivity materializes in life, that is, through “contestation-instruggle.” The obreras and promotoras fighting for socio-economic justice constitute a growing
number of “non-State actors operating as a transnational advocacy network” that, as Lisa Lowe
suggests, “target the governmentality—the larger set of social disciplines that includes state
institutions, corporate industry, media discourse, border policing, and social norms themselves—
that results in the treatment of the border[lands] as a zone of disposable rights” (18).
While the film’s critical representation of violence against women constitutes an important move
toward fostering greater social awareness of gendered violence in the borderlands for English
speaking audiences, filmmakers nonetheless encounter what I refer to as the specter of reification.
The difficulties that arise from the apparent impossibility of transcending reified images and
narratives of victimhood, disempowerment, and loss of subjectivity have motivated cultural
producers to create innovative and transformative modes of representation. In deploying a set of
transformative narrative strategies, including interpersonal videography, innovative approaches to
modes of documentary filmmaking, and symbolic appropriation, Maquilapolis achieves a level of
rhetorical efficacy that directs our attention to the daily instantiations of State-sponsored violence.
Maquilapolis, like Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada, a critically acclaimed and influential
documentary that investigates the intersecting political, economic, and social forces reproducing
violence against women in Ciudad Juárez, successfully avoids rehearsing reified narratives of
disempowerment by virtue of emphasizing “radicalization rather than victimization,” forged by a
skillfully rendered filmic narrative that “gives voice to women’s agency” (Fregoso 26). Last, in the
midst of gendered, classed violence and grassroots contestations against patriarchy and neoliberal
restructuring, the film offers a passionate and thoughtful counter-narrative that foregrounds the
specificities of sensual, corporeal labor exploitation, environmental racism, and socio-political
abandonment of those deemed “free” to work and reside within the maquila complex.
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Endnotes
[1] See Sandra K. Soto “Seeing Through Photographs of Borderlands (Dis)order.” Latino Studies 5 (2007).
On this point, Soto writes, “the photographs of people who are (still) alive are in many ways more haunting
than those of corpses; images of living people are images of people who are not yet dead” (424).
[2] “The Maquila Complex” draws from Rosa-Linda Fregoso’s critique of the interpretive discourses of
feminicide and disappearance, in particular two dominant discourses which we may refer to as “discourses of
morality” and “discourses of globalization.” While the former discourse imposes a moral interpretation that
blames the victims for their deaths due to the apparent violation of traditional, patriarchal gender forms of
conduct and behavior, the latter constitutes a unifying trope for explaining the brutal murders that, as
Fregoso reminds us, represents a gross conflation of exploited gendered bodies with their extermination.
And while Fregoso’s insightful critique of these two dominant narratives offers an approach that brings into
critical focus the ways in which these dominant discourses rehearse and re-inscribe the very structure of
power undergirding violence against women, I fear that such an approach potentially underestimates the
extent to which the intersecting forces of economic globalization and state sovereignty reproduce in complex
ways the conditions of possibility of violence against mostly racialized, poor women in the U.S.-Mexico
border region.
[3] See Jane Caputi and Diana E. H. Russell “Femicide: Sexist Terrorism against Women,” in Femicide: The
Politics of Woman Killing (New York: Twayne, 1992) on the definition of anti-female terror. Caputi and
Russell define anti-female terror as follows: “Femicide is on the extreme end of the continuum of anti-female
terror that includes a wide variety of verbal and physical abuse such as rape, torture, sexual slavery
(particularly prostitution), incestuous and extra familial child sexual abuse, physical and emotional battery,
sexual harassment (on the phone, in the streets, at the office, and in the classroom), genital mutilation
(clitoridectomies, excision, infibulations), unnecessary gynecological operations (gratuitous hysterectomies),
forced heterosexuality, forced sterilization, forced motherhood (by criminalizing contraception and abortion),
psychosurgery, denial of food to women in some cultures, cosmetic surgery and other mutilations in the
name of beautifications. Whenever these forms of terrorism result in death, they become femicide” (15).
[4] In “Haptic Visuality in Lourdes Portillo’s Señorita Extraviada: Towards an Affective Activism” published in
this volume, Laura Gillman reminds us of the challenges facing cultural producers concerned with provoking
empathic engagement. As Gillman astutely asks, how might cultural producers, particularly documentary
filmmakers, construct representational structures capable of engendering viewer empathy? Another
consideration is the extent to which cultural producers are capable of inciting critical awareness and
emphatic engagement outside of entrenched hegemonic systems. On this Gillman writes, “The remote
audiences in the United States and Europe would be composed of people whose everyday lives and
concerns are disconnected from the atrocities [of gendered violence, whether it be feminicide or anti-female
terror], and additionally, whose own identity statuses as citizens of countries benefitting from a neoliberal
logic might lead them to be more susceptible to believing the causes supplied by state officials within the
media footage” (143).
[5] While new aspects of globalization have emerged with neoliberalism since the early 1970s, globalization
and neoliberalism denote two distinct, however related, sets of political-economic mechanisms.
Globalization refers to the centuries-old process of the internationalization of the world economy marked by
exploitation, international expansionism, and political intrigue. Neoliberalism, in contrast, refers to new
(de)regulations and rules of contemporary capitalism that pervade every aspect of socio-economic life,
including an ethos of individual prudentialism captured in discourses of hyper-individualism, individual
responsibilization, and, for the marginalized, discourses of personal (but certainly not collective or social)
blame and punish. My use of the term “neoliberalism” denotes the political economy of the Mexico and U.S.
border since the implementation of NAFTA in 1994. Earlier forms of neoliberalism along Mexico’s northern
border, most notably Ciudad Juárez, however, appeared in 1965 with the implementation of the Border
Industrial Program (BIP).
[6] See Steven Volk and Marian Schlotterbeck “Gender, Order, and Femicide: Reading the Popular Culture
of Murder in Ciudad Juárez,” in Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera (Austin: University
of Texas Press, 2010). As Volk and Schlotterbeck suggest, “The exploitation of gendered bodies cannot
adequately explain the murder of gendered bodies. Nevertheless, the murder cannot be understood without
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recognizing the specific ways that maquila development has shaped both the political and sexual economy of
the border” (28).
[7] In Capital, Volume 1, Marx offers the basic elements for a theory of reification in the well-known section
from Chapter 1, “The Fetishism of the Commodity and Its Secret.” Marx highlights two related aspects of
commodity fetishism relevant to our discussion of reification. First, Marx identifies the commodity-form as a
mysterious social configuration or arrangement that appears in objective form severed from its historically
determined and socially constructed nature. It is precisely in the form of its appearance that the commodity
inverts the real social character out of which the commodity is produced and exchanged in the market.
Second, Marx notes the way in which the commodity-form performs, if you will, a seemingly a priori ontology
in which the value of the commodity appears as that which is inherent and intrinsic to the commodity itself.
Consequently, emerging from this peculiar system of valuation, the commodity-form progressively mediates
relations among producers, concealing those particular and unique forms of human expenditure, including
“human sensuousness” that Massimo De Angelis discusses in his work on commodity fetishism, required to
produce commodities for exchange and consumption on the market.
[8] See Fredric Jameson “Commodification.” Valences of the Dialectic (London: Verso, 2009). Jameson
suggests that “the effect of reification on the bourgeoisie [...] lies in the constriction of the idea and the
experience of society visible in the various specializations and disciplines” (263, emphasis added). As a
result of this ideological (en)closure, bourgeoisie consciousness, in general, fails to grasp the totality of social
relations under advanced capitalism and “from experiencing the blinding reality of class struggle” (263).
Moreover, there exists an interesting connection between the notion of “constriction” alluded to above and
De Angelis’ discussion of “restricted sense,” a connection that marks the way in which the proletariat,
however restricted in the sense of experiencing the totality of the production process and social relations, is
endowed with the structural possibility of grasping social totality. On the structural possibility of the proletariat
overcoming the limits of the commodity-form and reification, Jameson writes: “The force that was a limitation
for those who merely profit from and live off social production without themselves engaging in it will be the
source of truth for the exploited producers themselves. In this way Lukács rejoins the Hegel of the
Master/Slave dialectic, for whom ultimately the Master is abandoned to sterile enjoyment, while the Slave’s
praxis is also productive of truth itself” (263-264).
[9] Rosemary Hennessy and Moishe Postone claim that reification constitutes “a logic that binds ways of
knowing and forms of identity.” And as a dominant cultural logic, reification “remain[s] bound to the forms of
appearance of capitalist social relations, thereby hypostatizing or naturalizing those social relations,” which
over time, according to Marx, gains an objective reality (qtd. in González, 10-11).
[10] In Chicano Novels and the Politics of Form, I find González’s discussion of the structural embeddedness
and pervasiveness of reification especially relevant to our discussion of the film, particularly as it relates to
the way in which reification operates beyond the confines of the maquila work floor. “Reification,” writes
González, “is not a problem of poor intelligence or lack of education [...]. Rather, reification is historically,
socially, and materially based; it stems from the experience of living in a social system based on commodity
production and exchange” (10-11).
[11] Under increasing import-substitution industrialization crises, political and economic elites eventually
turned toward neoliberal economic policies and away from Keynesian welfare-state policies designed to
protect underprivileged groups and domestic producers. Arguably, since the mid-1960s, and certainly since
the early 1970s, transnational corporations operating in manufacturing and agriculture have played a
significant role in production processes and rationalization, not to mention global consumption patterns, of
which maquiladora assembly production plays a significant role since the implementation of BIP and
continuing through the post-NAFTA era.
[12] See “Documentary Modes of Representation” from Representing Reality: Issues and Concepts in
Documentary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1991) and “How Can We Define Documentary Film?”
from Introduction to Documentary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010).
[13] See Alice Driver’s “Risks, Challenges and Ethics of Representing Feminicide: A Comparative Analysis
of Sergio Gonzalez Rodriguez' Huesos en el desierto and Roberto Bolano's 2666” published in this volume.
Driver discusses the ever-present limitations and dangers associated with representing gendered violence
(what I refer to in my article as “the specter of reification”) and the ethical implications of the aesthetic
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choices surrounding such representations. Drawing from Judith Butler, the practice of “framing of images”
that attempts to achieve some balance between representing graphic violence and recounting the lives of the
victims constitutes an approach that ultimately focuses on the humanity and full subjectivity of the victims of
feminicide and anti-female terror.
[14] See José David Saldívar Border Matters: Remapping Cultural Studies (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1997). While addressing the specific historical context of Central American migrations during the civil
wars of the 1980s, Saldívar’s “On the Bad Edge of La Frontera” offers some insightful analytic possibilities
for thinking about the ways in which maquiladora operators under rationalized production processes
experience permanent liminality, particularly for those workers migrating from rural areas of southern and
central Mexico. “Liminal” denotes, among other things, (1) a threshold or edge, (2) of, relating to, or being in
an intermediate state, phase, or condition, and (3) a transitional or indeterminate state between culturally
defined stages of life, e.g., in a state of ritual passage. As Pérez Firmat suggests, “liminality should be looked
upon not only as a transition between states but as a state in itself, for there exist individuals, groups, or
social categories for which the ‘liminal’ moment turns into a permanent condition” (qtd. in Saldívar, 98). What
is taken to be simply a transitory or temporary state or condition becomes, over time, the norm.
[15] According to Marcial González, there always exists the possibility of resisting reification within the
cultural imaginary, however incomplete or partial. As González suggests, “The centrality of contradiction in
the social realities that inform Chicano subjectivity contributes to the impossibility of complete reification in
Chicano novels. Complete reification would mean the absence of contradiction” (12, emphasis added).
Again, I want to stress the way in which restricted sensuousness emerges as a lived process of reification.
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Works Cited
Caputi, Jane and Diana E. H. Russell. “Femicide: Sexist Terrorism against Women.” Ed. Jill
Radford and Diana E. H. Russell. Femicide: The Politics of Woman Killing. New York:
Twayne Publishers, 1992. Print.
Coleman, Mathew. “A Geopolitics of Engagement: Neoliberalism, the War of Terrorism, and the
Reconfiguration of US Immigration Enforcement.” Geopolitics 12 (2007): 607-634. Print.
De Angelis, Massimo. “Social Relations, Commodity-Fetishism and Marx’s Critique of Political
Economy.” Review of Radical Political Economics 28.1 (1996): 1-29. Print.
Gaspar de Alba, Alicia. “Poor Brown Female: the Miller’s Compensation for ‘Free’ Trade.” Ed.
Alicia Gaspar de Alba, with Georgina Guzmán. Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and
González, Marcial. Chicano Novels and the Politics of Form: Race, Class, and Reification. Ann
Arbor: U of Michigan P, 2009. Print.
Jameson, Fredric. Valences of the Dialectic. London: Verso, 2009. Print.
Lowe, Lisa. “Utopia and Modernity: Some Observations from the Border.” Rethinking Marxism 13.2
(2001): 10-18. Print.
Lugo, Alejandro. Fragmented Lives, Assembled Parts: Culture, Capitalism, and Conquest at the
U.S.-Mexico Border. Austin: U of Texas P, 2008. Print.
Lukács, George. History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics. Trans. Rodney
Livingstone. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1971. Print.
Maquilapolis: City of Factories. Dir. Vicky Funari and Sergio De La Torre in collaboration with the
women of Grupo Factor X, Collectivo Chilpancingo, Promotoras por los Derechos de las
Mujeres. ITVS, a CineMamás film. California Newsreel, 2006. DVD.
Martínez, Adriana. “Mujer constante mas allá de la muerte or the overpowering constructions of
feminicide in Ciudad Juárez.” Tiresias 3 (2009): 91-133. Web. 10 Jun 2011.
<http://www.lsa.umich.edu/UMICH/rll/Home/Graduate/Tiresias%20Graduate%20Student%
20Journal/Images/Tiresias%20Issue%203%20-%20April%202009.pdf>
Marx, Karl. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. Volume 1. Intro. Ernest Mendel. Trans. Ben
Fowkes. New York: Vintage Books, 1977. Print.
Mbembe, Achille. “Necropolitics.” Public Culture 15.1 (2003): 11-40. Print.
Nichols, Bill. Introduction to Documentary. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2001. Print.
–––––. Representing Reality: Issues and Concepts in Documentary. Bloomington: Indiana UP,
1992. Print.
Saldívar, José David. Border Matters: Remapping American Cultural Studies. Berkeley: U of
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Schmidt Camacho, Alicia. “Body Counts on the Mexico-U.S. Border: Feminicidio, Reification, and
the Theft of Mexicana Subjectivity.” Chicana/Latina Studies 4.1 (2004): 22-60. Print.
Soto, Sandra K. “Seeing Through Photographs of Borderlands (Dis)order.” Latino Studies 5 (2007):
418-438. Print.
Wright, Melissa W. Disposable Women and Other Myths of Global Capitalism. New York:
Suggested Citation:
Avila, Edward. “The Maquila Complex: Reification, Disposability, and Resistance in Maquilapolis: City of
Factories.” forum for interamerican research 8.2 (Sep 2015): 182-205. Available at:
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FIAR Vol. 8 No. 2 (Sep 2015) 182-205
ISSN: 1867-1519

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