A Conceptual Exploration of the Istambay Phenomenon in the

CLARENCE M. BATAN
A Conceptual Exploration
of the Istambay
Phenomenon in the
Philippines
This paper explores istam bay as a concept gleaned from various sources such
as local dictionaries, perceptual survey, and selected songs. Using Mill's notion
of the sociological imagination as an analytical frame, an examination of these
sources directs attention to two possible ways of understanding the istambay
phenomenon in the Philippines. The first is what I call the problematic istambay,
which points to individualized and generally negative stereotypes that Filipinos
have come to associate with people experiencing this state of inactivity. The
second is istambay as problematique, which unravels the social forces that
generate and sustain this phenomenon of inactivity, particularly among Filipino
youth. This paper concludes by discussing how these intertwining personal and
social aspects qualify conceptions of istambay as a social phenomenon.
Keywords: Istambay, youth, Filipino youth, sociological imagination,
inactivity
Philippine Sociological Review (2012) Vol. 60 • pp. 101-130 101
INTRODUCTION
his paper is a conceptual exploration of istambay - a colloquial
Filipino term derived from the English phrase on standby,
T which popularly refers to that group of people, usually male
and more likely young, hanging-out in street-corners (kanto) in the
Philippines. Very few local studies have mentioned the istambay
(Jocano 1969; Margold 1995), but in Western literature, there are some
classical studies that talk about youth that seemingly have some of
the istambay's stereotypical characteristics. These include Whyte's
([1943]1981) Street Corner Society, and in some ways, Willis' (1977)
Learning to Labour and MacLeod's (1987) Ain 't No Making It. The
apparent lack of conceptual understanding of istambay is what this
paper aims to address.
My interest in studying the istambay phenomenon stems from
almost 18 years of ethnographic research on the youth in Talim
Island, Philippines, and seven years of urban youth studies in Manila.
In my quest to provide a sociological understanding of the lives of
disadvantaged Filipino youth, I find the istambay phenomenon to be
conversing directly with youth transition discourse. This discourse
presupposes that all, if not most, of the youth necessarily undergo a
process of transition, or movement, from one stage to another. I argue,
however, that in the Philippines, there are some Filipino youth who,
early on in their lives, are already non-transitioning. That is, their
growing-up process has been interrupted by the on-going tensions and
crises such as the lack of access to education and/or employment. The
situation of these individuals challenges the view that youth transition
is linear and necessarily progressive. It also directs attention to the
likelihood that transition may be circuitous, on hold (Coté & Allahar
1994), arrested (Arnett 2002; Côté 2000), halted, or on standby mode
The author wishes to acknowledge that this work was carried out with aid grant
from the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada (www.
idrc.ca ) and the Research Cluster on Education, Culture, and Social Issues of the
University of Santo Tomas, Manila, Philippines. Clarence M. Batan is Associate
Mga tsfwnhav so kan (Photo by Romeo Loc
Professor at the University of Santo Tomas, Manila. Email: cbatan@hotmail.com
103
(Batan 2010). While istambay as a manifestation of the crises of youth
transition in the Philippines has been researched elsewhere (Batan
2010), this paper focuses on how istambay as a concept is defined,
described, and understood from various sources. Its aim is conceptual
- to produce a fundamental understanding of who are, or possibly, what
are, the Filipino istambay.
THEORETICAL LENS
In this conceptual exercise, I used Mills' (1959) notion of the sociological
imagination as the analytical frame in unravelling the sociological
underpinnings of istambay as a concept. I find Mill's technique of
drawing-out connections between private problems and public issues
useful in communicating the ways in which istambays are perceived and
represented. Accordingly, this allows me to situate the istambay in both
the private and public spheres. Doing so would be conceptually significant
in generating questions about the character of istambay vis-à-vis the public
institutions with which they have contact. It will thus enable me to see the
contradictions and antagonisms produced by such intersection. I believe
that by approaching the istambay question this way, I am able to fulfill the
promise of sociology to provide a logical explanation on how individual
biographies interact and intersect with history.
METHODS
There are three sources of information utilized in exploring the
concept of istambay. First are two local dictionaries (Almario 2001;
Vicassans's Pilipino-English Dictionary Abridged Edition 2006) in
which full definitions of istambay are presented and analyzed. Second
is a survey among purposively-selected students of the University of
Santo Tomas (UST) who responded to a one-page istambay perceptual
survey. Thissurvey aimed to: (a) obtain a general perception of istambay
among a relatively well-educated group; (b) determine the extent of the
respondents' knowledge of the istambay; and (c) assess the extent to
which the istambay may be regarded as a youth phenomenon. Survey
data were analyzed using SPSS 14, and the results are presented
using descriptive statistics. The third source of information includes
104-
six selected songs about the istambay, which were textually analyzed
using Atlas.ti Qualitative Software Program.
ETYMOLOGY AND LOCAL
DEFINITIONS OF ISTAMBAY
Etymologically, the Filipino term istambay is derived from the English
idiom on standby (Almario 2001; Vicassans's Pilipino-English
Dictionary Abridged Edition 2006). English as a language and as an
official form of communication was introduced to the Philippines
during the American occupation in the early 1900s. The evolution of
the term istambay and its present-day usage among Filipinos appears
to be a by-product of this colonial period. Istambay is a localized
version of standby, which over the years has developed a set of peculiar
characteristics signifying a particular subsector of Philippine society. Evidence of the foregoing observation is the inclusion of the
term istambay in two local dictionaries published by well-known
universities in the Philippines. One dictionary defines istambay as "a
person who does not have work and who usually hangs-out on street
corners" (Almario, 2001: 385). This definition also recognizes the use
of tambay as an accepted abbreviated form of istambay.
Another definition of istambay comes from a Pilipino-English
dictionary (Vicassans's Pilipino-English Dictionary Abridged Edition
2006: 209). This definition offers a more lucid characterization of the
negative stereotypes attached to being an istambay. The dictionary
defines istambay as "(1) an act of spending one's time unprofitably;
idler; (2) a person who spends his time unprofitably; idler; (3) inactive;
not being used, as machines." This definition also suggested the Filipino
terms paglalakwatsa (gallivanting), taong tamad (lazy person), and
diginagamit (not being used) as synonymns for istambay.
Despite a similarly negative emphasis, these local definitions of
istambay reflect two differing yet related themes. The latter (Vicassans 'S
Pilipino-English Dictionary Abridged Edition 2006) describes the
istambay as troubled, deficient, and delinquent. The former (Almario,
2001) reflects the social aspects of being istambay, that is, "not having
work" and spending time in kanto or street corners.
105
This conceptual tension between the individual and the social is also reflected in the istambay perceptual survey analyzed in the next section.
physical appearance" in public (31%). Other images pointed to the
social dimensions of istambay life, for instance, istambays as "lacking
in resources," "poor" (44%), "social problems" (14%), or as persons
who are often seen "hanging-out with friends" (9%);
ISTAMBAY PERCEPTUAL SURVEY RESULTS
I conducted a purposive survey among selected students of the
University of Santo Tomas (UST) with three objectives: to obtain a
general perception of the istambay among a relatively well-educated
group; to determine the extent of the respondents' knowledge of the
istambay; and to assess the extent to which the istambay may be
regarded as a youth phenomenon.
I surveyed a total of 111 university students from two faculties the Faculty of Arts and Letters (53%) and, the College of Education
(47%). Access to these faculties was conveniently secured due to my
teaching affiliation with them. Sixty-three percent of the respondents
are female and 37% are male, reflecting the gender distribution in these
two faculties. The mean age of the respondents was 18.9 years.
The respondents were first asked an open-ended question,
"Whenever you hear the word "istambay, "what comes to your mind?"
Each respondent was given ten blank lines to describe their perceptions
of istambay. This was followed by a question asking if they personally
know an istambay and if so, how many they knew. For those who
personally knew an istam bay, I asked a multi-response question on the
age-groups of these istam bays. The age-group categories provided are
11-14, 15-19, 20-24, 25-35 and 36 and older.
The survey generated 650 open-ended responses, which I
categorized into nine broad themes (see Table 1). Seventy-seven
percent of the respondents offered a variety of istambay descriptions
(e.g., lazy, too dependent, idle) that portray them as suffering from
individualized risk-related problems. This was followed by more
particular descriptors such as having "no work or unemployed"
(66%), engaging in "socially-problematized behaviors" (65%), such
as drinking, drug abuse, smoking, crime and violence, and being
"inactive" (59%). Some descriptors pertained to self and identity, for
instance, having a "happy disposition" (38%), or projecting a "negative
106'
Table 1: Images of
Istambay by Themes
IMAGE/DESCRIPTION
Individualized-risk related problems No work/unemployed
Socially-problematized behaviors
,
Inactive
Lacking in resources/poor
Happy disposition
Negative physical appearance
Asocial problem
Hangs-out with friends ("Ma-barkada") Others
n=111
NO
YES
f
86
73
72
66
49
42
34
15
10
13
%,f
25
77
66 38
39
65
45
59
62
44
69
38
77
31
96
14
101
9
98
12
%
23
34
35
41
56
62
69
86
91
88
This survey reveals a multidimensional but interconnected
image of the istambay. The thematic descriptions given by the
respondent's affirm earlier observations on the concept of istambay
- that, in general, the term is (a) negatively-laden, (b) permeated by
individually-based stereotypes, and (c) reflective of the istambay's
social situation.
On the other hand, Table 2 shows that 76% percent of the respondents
revealed having personal knowledge of an istambay. Among these
respondents, 48% said they knew more than ten istambays, 34% said
they knew one to five istambays, and 18% said they knew six to ten
istambays. This suggests a high degree of istambay knowledge among
a majority of the respondents, indicating that istambay descriptions
may not necessarily be limited to perceptions, but are actually based
on personal interactions with the istambay.
Table 2 also shows the age groups of the istambay. A majority of the
respondents indicated having known istambay who were 20-24 (74%),
107
16-19 (60%), 25-35 (49%), 36 and older (30%), and 11-15 years old
(10%). This shows that, among the istambay known to respondents,
there are those as young as 11 years, and as old as 35 years or more.
The data also reveal an age pattern that peaks between the ages of
16 and 35, proving that a majority of the istambay, as identified by
the respondents, are youth. Based on this data, the istambay can be
regarded as a manifestation of a transition crisis faced by some of the
"socially- problematized behaviors," "lacking in resources," and
"happy disposition." These descriptions were more frequently given
by respondents who had personal contact with younger istambay, as
compared to those who had contact with older ones. Given that it is
the younger istambay who tend to exhibit such characteristics, it could
mean that over time and as they grow older, the disposition, behavior,
and economic condition of istambays change.
Filipino youth.
Table 3: Istambay Descriptions by Age groups
Table 2: Knowledge of
Istambay
THEMATIC ISTAMBAY
DESCRIPTIONS
AGE GROUPS
Do you know any istambay?
KNOWLEDGE OF ISTAMBAY
F
Yes
82
76
No
26
24
Total
108
100
If yes, how many do you know?
NUMBER OFISTAMBAY
1 to 5
14
6 t 10
More than 10
Total
37
77
84
79
83
80
No
16
21
18
20
related pro b/ems
69
73
76
18
No
33
31
28
24
48
Socially-pro blematized
behaviors
Yes
59
59
53
44
No
41
41
48
56
Yes
45
44
55
44
No
55
56
45
56
69
66
68
.48
31
34
33
52
Yes
55
44
33
32
No
45
56
68
68
28
28
28
72
73
72
10
40
25
60
74
49
30
N = 82
To better understand the nature of the thematic istambay descriptions,
each of these descriptions was cross-tabulated with gender, knowledge
of istambay, and age group of istambay known to the respondents. While
gender and personal acquaintance with the istambay did not show any
pattern, the age group of the istambay appears to be associated with
three specific istambay descriptions, shown in Table 3. These include
108
Yes
Individualized-risk
67
% OF CASES
49
61
36 ABOVE
Yes
100
8
11 to 14
15-19
20-24
25-35
36 above
F
25 TO 35
34
How old are the istambay known to you? (Multi-response)
AGE GROUP
20 TO 24
No work
F
26
15 TO 19
Inactive
Lacking in resources/
poor
Yes
No
Happy disposition
Negative physical
appearance
Yes
No
27
73
109
THEMATIC ISTAMBAY
DESCRIPTIONS
AGE GROUPS
15T019
20T024
12
88
11
89
16
84
13
87
A social problem
Yes
No
Hangs-out with friends
("Ma-barkada ")
Yes
No
N = 82
25T035
36ABOVE
15
85
16
84
13
88
20
80
*Age group 11-14 is not shown due to small number ofcases.
Overall, this survey shows that the concept of istambay, as
understood by the university students, pertains to a diverse mix of
primarily negative stereotypes consistent with the local istambay
definitions presented earlier (Almario 2001: 385; Vicassans's PilipinoEnglish Dictionary Abridged Edition 2006: 209). The descriptions
given by the students contain both individual and social conjectures
that illustrate how the istambay can be conceptualized in fluid but
identifiable categorizations. The fluidity of the concept could render
the idea of istambay as vague, however, since it encompasses both the
complicated personal trouble of a defective individual, and the idea of
istambay as a social problem (Mills 1959). Such will make the concept
of istambay difficult to operationalize.
Selected Istambay Songs
Since the 1963 film Istambay (Joseph Ejercito Productions) was
shown, there has been an abundance of istambay representations in
the visual arts (i.e., films, photos, paintings, cartoons, sketches, and
graphic arts) and in music over the past 50 years. Interestingly, the
mediatisation of the istambay has also led to its commercialization,
which can be found, for instance, in t-shirts, baseball caps, and bags.
Public graffiti on the istambay are also prominent in a number of
places. Not only are these representations evident in public spaces in
the Philippines, but they also abound in the Internet.
110
Included in these representations are music and lyrics on the
Filipino istambay. These are useful in understanding how the istarn bay
is socially constructed from the vantage point of local artists, who
articulate the image, voice, and challenges of inactivity in the
Philippines. Results from this song analysis demonstrate the apparent
association of istambay with negative individual traits (i.e. being lazy
and irresponsible) and their higher likelihood of engaging in sociallyproblematized behaviors such as drinking, smoking, drug abuse, and
gambling. The songs actually challenge the risk dynamic of negative
stereotypes attached to the concept of istambay. However, another
dimension found in the songs is that the istambay phenomenon is not
exclusive to the economically poor and educationally limited. The
themes of istam bay songs clearly describe inactivity among those who
are well-educated and economically well-off.
Through the songs, istambays are given a voice that explains what
led them to such a precarious state of inactivity. The songs also serve
as a plea for the Filipino public to understand the vulnerable context of
the Filipino istam bay. Those who come into contact with the istam bay
are urged to have some sense of compassion, hope, and resolution for
their inactive situation.
For the song analysis, I have chosen local compositions that explicitly
have the istambciy as the focus of musical interest. Interestingly, all
six songs in this study are entitled, Istambay. I will be referring to the
respective artists of each song (see Table 4) to explain the salient points
of the analysis: Each of these songs tells a specific istambay story. Each
story underpins the various settings and contexts of being an istambay.
The lyrics of the songs articulate underlying assumptions about the
istam bay, their life history, and their precarious state of inactivity.
Table 4 presents summary information of selected istambay songs
revealing their historical, musical, and geographical contexts. Local
artists have been producing songs about the istam bay since the last halfcentury. The musical genres of these songs range from folk country,
to reggae, and rock. Even those regional compositions such as Enchi
and Ulihing Tubo have prominently surfaced alongside mainstream
Tagalog/Filipino compositions.
111
From a historical perspective, the Istambay film song indicates that
the istambay phenomenon has been observed in the Philippines since
the Second World Wai, possibly earlier. Songs in the 1980s and 1990s
by Heber Bartolome and Ulihing Tubo appear to coincide with the
local and global restructuring of the labor market, which had serious
impacts, not only on the rate of unemployment and underemployment
in the Philippines, but even more so on the taken for granted issue of
inactivity. At present, local bands such as Genecity, Enchi and PML
have reinvented musically the life, conditions, and problems of the
istambay.
The musical genres of these songs also reflect the social texture of
being an istambay and the shifting social character of the istambay.
For instance, the conceptual representation of istambay has taken on
different forms - from a folk-country tone to reggae to danceable-rock
style. From a spatial point of view, it seems that the istambay songs
have also taken on the character of places, mimicking the slow-paced,
laid back tempo of folk music in the countryside, as well as the fast,
loud, and lively sound of reggae and rock in urban spaces. At the
same time, Enchi's song, written in the Visayan language, as well as
UlihingTubo's Ilonggo version, provide further proof that the istam bay
phenomenon is also salient in other regions of the Philippines.
is in the use of the term kanto (street corner) that these songs vividly
capture the state of inactivity among istambay.
Kanto is the istambay's place of congregation - a space of gathering
and a point of intersection between the istambay, the bystanders, and the
passersby. In the songs, kanto is suggested to have become the istambay's
social space. The kanto provides them with some degree of identity and
legitimacy. The use of kanto as a symbolic space for the istambay reveals
the prejudice of the public against them, as well as the precariousness of
their situation. Such are apparent in the following lyrics:
Istambav film song
Islam bay laging nasa kanto (Istambay, always on the street corner)
Humihingi ng lagay sa mga tao (Asking for dole-o uts from people)
Enchi
Sa akong pagstambay (While lam standing by)
Din sa dalan nga agianan (On this road where people pass)
Ila kong gikataw an (They laugh at me)
Genecity
0 puro ka lokohan ang na sa isip nila (They only have mischief on
their minds)
CAPTURING ISTAMBAY THROUGH MUSIC:
SPACE AND SOUNDS OF TENSIONS
As with the results of the istambay perceptual survey discussed in the
previous section, the lyrics of the istambay songs portray the sense of
stigma attached to istambay. This stigma is accentuated by stereotypes
that direct attention to negative individual traits and sociallyproblematized behaviors. The images brought forth by the music
illustrate the tensions and crises that inactivity brings to the istambay.
Inactivity is explicitly articulated in the storylines of all six istambay
songs. In Genecity version, an inactive situation is portrayed in these
lines: "Walang alam kahit anong trabaho" (Do not know anything about
working), and "Ganyan talaga ang walang magawa sa buhay" (That is
the case when there nothing to do with your life). Symbolically, it
112
'Yan ang sabi nyo istambay sa may kanto. (That is what you say
about istambay on streetcorners)
Heber Bartolome
istambay dyan sa kanto (Islam bay on the street corner)
Ako ay istambay dyan sa kanto. (lam an istambay on the streetcorner)
Pagala-gala sa lansangan (Loitering on the streets)
Naglalakad akong walang pupuntahan (Walking and not knowing
where to go)
Ulihing Tubo
Istambay ang tawag (Istam bay is what we call)
Sa tahosadalan (People by the roadside)
113
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114
The tensions of being an istabay are found in song phrases
that depict the istambay's negative traits as intertwined with their
socially problematic behaviors (see Table 5). In particular, the
Ulihing Tubo and PML songs describe the idleness and laziness of
the istambay, as well as their easy-going and laid-back attitude. For
instance, the Ulihing Tubo and PML songs depict an irresponsible
attitude towards food and eating through these lyrics: "Wala pa ka
tig-ang, mapulimaka-on angpingganbaya-an" (You have not rnade
rice, you go home to eat, and you leave the plates unwashed); "Sa
balay salaguron" (And in the house, you need to be fed/looked after);
and "Tumbaangkalderosabaytulog" (Eat all there is in the rice pot,
then sleep).
In four of the istambay songs, however - Istambayfihin song, Heber
Bartolome, Enchi, and PML - the istambay's visible association with
socially-problematized behaviors such as smoking, drinking, drug
abuse, and gambling, are highlighted. Table 5 shows the specific lyrics
that direct attention to these behaviors. The songs seem to suggest that
participation in socially-problematized behaviors is either a coping
strategy or a defensive reaction to their inactive situation.
Table 5: Socially-Problematized Behaviors in Selected Istambay Songs
SONG
Pautanginng pang-toma't sigarilyo.
Istam bay
film song (Loan him money for his drink and cigarette.) Anong aking gagawin (What shall I do)
Ako'y di pinapansin (They do not have time for me)
Ngayo'y naririto (Now I am here)
Humihithit nitong damo (Smoking grass marijuana).
Kami ngayo'y naririto (Now we are here)
Heber
Bartolome Kaharap ay beer at rum (Drinking beer and rum)
Huwag sanang sisihin (Please don't blame us)
Bagkus kami'y kahabagan (Instead, have pity on us)
Komento ng mga miron (Crowd comment)
Ayaw ko nang inuman (I do not like to drink
anymore. Laughter).
Enchi
UNEARTHING SOCIAL STRUCTURES
IN ISTAMBAY LYRICS
The storylines of each song underpin tensions experienced by the
istambay. Based on the storyline matrix presented in Table 6, it can
be seen that the songs depict the istambay as single, young, and male.
The Istambay film builds its story along this demographic. In addition,
all songs implicitly point to similar social characteristics, in which the
istam bay' is portrayed as relatively free from any domestic and familial
responsibilities.
The main differences in the songs, however, lie in the way they talk
of the istambay's economic and educational characteristics. Four of
the songs - Istambay film song, Ulihing Tubo, Enchi, and PML band represent the economically poor and less-educated istam bay, while the
other two - Heber Bartolome and Genecity - present an istainbay who
is relatively well-off and better educated.
116
LYRICS
PML
Sa akong pagstambay (As istambay)
Ang sigarilyo nalay kalipay(Smoking brings me
happiness)
Hawid hawi randa undi ladilaan (I hold and puff the
cigarette)
Aron ang probiema makalimtan (To forget my
problems)
Makainom lang gamay (Just drink a little)
Ang katulog, kahamugaway, (The future I confront)
Dili na madestorbo (Not to disturb)
Inig -ka ugma balik sa uno (Hoping for afreshstart.)
Punta sa tambayan (Bound forthe "tambayan ")
Doon sa bilyaran, pustahan na (To play billiards, to
place a bet)
At sa gabi'y (In the evening)
Aakyat ng ligaw sa kanyang chika na si Inday (He
courts his chick named Inday)
Dala-daia'yaiak at pulutan (He brings alcohol and
finger food)
Para pantagay sa Itay ni Inday (To share with
Indays father)
Naglalasing, oraS lumilipas (Getting drunk, time
passes by)
Tagay at pulutan (Shots of alcohol andfinger food)
Walang humpay (Flowing)
SOCIALLYPROBLEMATIZED
BEHAVIORS
Drinking and
smoking
Drug abuse
Drinking
Drinking
Smoking
Drinking
Gambling
Drinking
111
Enchi
Table 6: Storyline Matrix of Selected Istambay
Songs by Selected Indicators
ID
Istambay
GENDER ECONOMIC
STATUS
EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT
MARITAL
STATUS
AGE
Single
Young Male
Poor
Young Male
Non-poor Middle/High
Young Male
Young Male
Young Male
Young Male
Low
Poor
Low
Poor
Non-poor Middle/High
Low
Poor
Nga mangita pa ug adobo (To look for adobo [seasoned meat with soy
film song
Heber
Single
Bartolome
Ulihing Tubo Single
Single
Enchi
Single
Genecity
Single
PML band
Low
sauce and vinegar])
PML Band
The poverty of istambaysis best illustrated in the lyrics of the
Istambay film song: "Humihingi ng lagay sa mga tao" (Asking alms
from people); and in Ulihing Tubo outright declaration:
Basulon ta ayhan (Shall we associate)
oh! Pasipalahan (or blame)
bangud kay pigado (their poor)
angiya gin halinan (family background).
In Enchi and Ulihing Tubo songs, food is again used as a metaphor
to depict the low economic status, of the istambay, while the FML
band agonizes over the istambay's difficult life and inability to make
improvements in living conditions. Consequently, poverty has been
linked to the istambay's lack of access to education.
Ulihing Tubo
Ang masubos mi (The sad thing is,)
Kung wala pa sang sud-an (f there is no main dish)
Matulon sang kan-on (just swallow the rice)
Bisan tubig pasundan (and drink water.)
ADO ang mahimokay
(What can you do)
Wala sang kootun (you have nothing to find.)
118
Sa akong paglatagaw (In my journey)
Mo kaon lang ug singkong lugaw (Al/I eat is 5 cents of rice porridge)
Dili gud ambisyoso (But I'm not ambitious)
o kayhirap (Oh how difficult)
Buhay-istambay (Life of anistam bay)
Walangasenso (No progress)
Angbuhayistambay (The life of the istambay)
Siya'y isang istambay..hay, hay,hay... (He is an istambay, hay, hay, hay...)
On the other hand, there is also another type of istambay, one who
enjoys a better economic situation. Heber Bartolome s song hints at this
type through such lyrics as: "Ako nama'y anak mayaqian, Daddy ko'y
businessman" (Jam a rich kid, my daddy is a businessman). Likewise,
the Genecity song also makes a point that not all istambay on street
corners are uneducated. The song implies that the credentials of an
educated istambay differ from those of a less-educated istambay.
Kaibigan hindi lahat ng istam bay sa may kanto ay puro loko (Friend, not
all istambay on street corners are fools)
Katunayan merong tituladong istambay sa may kanto (In fact, there are
istambay with educational credentials)'
Kaya't wag mong mumurahin (So, do not curse them)
This distinction provides a conceptual basis for looking at the
istambay phenomenon as cutting across social classes. What is of
further note are depictions made of educated istambays, which cast
doubt on the expected positive relationship between education and
employment.
In addition to economic and educational structures, the family also
plays an important part in the istambay's life. The familial social field is
brought up in Heber Bartolome songto illustrate how parental conflict
'
119
can mark the istam bays' positive disposition towards life. Dysfunctions
within the family can push inactive youth to participate in sociallyproblematized behaviors, which expose them to great risks.
Ang nanay ko'y laging wala (My mother is always not around)
Naroon sa kapitbahay (She's at our neighbour's)
Sa madyunga'y natatalo (Losing at Mahjong)
Kaya't mainit angulo (That is why her mood is foul).
Tatay ko'y laging lasing (My father is always drunk)
sin-o ang matoy-toy (who will assist them).
bulig sang estambay (An istambay's help)
handanga mag-hatag (is always ready to be given).
Istambav film song
Istambay huwag niyong hahamakin (Istambay, do not belittle them)
Istambay ay nakakatulong din (Istambay could sometimes be helpful).
Kung merong mamatay sa inyong kapitbahay (If someone dies in your
neighborhood)
Istam bay ang mga nagialamay (Istambay are the ones at the wake).
Umaga na kung dumating (Arriving late at home)
Hindi matatanong (You cannot ask him any question)
Baka ikaw ay sipain (For he may kick you).
Lagi silang nag-aaway (They are always fighting)
Naririnig ng kapitbahay (Our neighbours can hear them)
Pati ako'y minumura (They even curse at me)
Ako'y anak daw ng tupa! (That Jam a "son of a sheep"!).
ISTAMBAYS' VOICES
Aside from shedding light on the structural and social forces that
influence the istambay's location in society, the songs also give voice
to the actual life experiences of istambays. Despite making frequent
references to the istambays' negative behaviors, each of the songs also
counters stereotypes by showing what is positive about the istambay.
For instance, the song of Ulihing Tubo and the Istambay film song
show the istambay to also be kind and helpful. As such, these songs
give us insight on the values and dispositions of istambays, despite
their apparent inactivity:
An in-depth analysis of the coded themes (see Table 7) reveals
that the positive characteristics of the istambay are mentioned just as
frequently as the negative traits and socially-problematized behaviors,
with ideas about the "positive future" of the istambay mentioned 23%
of the time, and negative traits and socially-problematized behaviors
mentioned 17% and 11% of the time respectively. This shows how the
songs are also challenging negative conceptions of the istambay. They
provide alternative ideas on how such negative perceptions can be
reversed by pointing to the values of hope and optimism that istambays
possess despite their inactivity.
Among the songs, the one by Enchi seems to be the most forwardlooking. At the core of the song is an advice to the istambay to turn
away from the violence of street-brawls and value "peace not war."This
appeal is carried out in a light, reggae style so that the problems of
inactivity can be diffused through this symbolic "dancing-out of regrets"
and "up waving of hands."Similarly, PML's rock tune encourages the
istambayto reform:
Enchi
Sa ti-on sang kalayo (When it is far)
Sin-o angmahakwat (who will carry)
sang tubig sa baldi (the water in the pail)
agud ang sunog mauntat (so the fire can be stopped).
pagtabok sang tigulang (When old people cross the street)
120
Woh stambay diii mang itaug away (Oh istambay do not look for afight)
Wohs tambay kalinaw among kalipay... (Oh islam bay our happiness is
apparent)
Oh stambay saya warong way mahay (Oh istambay, dance-out your
regrets)
Oh stambay kamo ti kaway kaway (Oh istambay, wave your hands).
121
Table 7: Count and Percentage of Coded Themes Emerging From Istambay Songs
Heber Bartolome
Istambay dyan sa kanto (Istambay on the street corner)
Kami ang istambay dyan sa kanto (We are istambay on the street corner)
THEMES
FILM
LIEBER
SONG BARTOLOME
ENCHI GENECITY
ULIHING
TUBO
PML TOTAL %
Future
1
9
11
0
5
3
29
23
Negative traits
1
8
5
1
3
4
22
17
Sociallyproblematized
behaviors
Pagala-gala sa lansangan (Loitering on the streets)
Naglalakad akong walang pupuntahan (Walking not knowing where to
1
6
5
0
0
2
14
11
go)
As a problem
0
3
5
3
1
1
13
10
Family
0
6
2
0
2
1
11
9
1
3
1
3
2
0
10
8
Happy
disposition
0
0
4
1
0
4
9
7
Positive traits
3
1
1
0
1
1
7
6
Poverty
and lack of
resources
0
0
2
1
1
1
5
4
.0
0
2
1
0
0
3
2
Education
0
0
1
1
0
0
2
2
Religion
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
Total (Count)
7
36
39
11
16
17
126
Kanto (street
corner)
Barkada
(friends)
Istam bay dyan sa kanto (Istambay on the street corner)
Kami ang istambay dyan sa kanto (We are the istam bay on the street
corner.)
Saan kami patutungo (Where do we go?)
Kaliwaba o kanan o diretso (Will it be left, right, or straight ahead).
Insights from this song analysis complement findings from the
perceptual survey. An in-depth examination of song lyrics renders
ideas that substantively clarify the concept of istambay in terms of:
(a) the relationship between negative traits, socially-problematized
behaviors, and risks; (b) the impact of inactivity across economic and
educational statuses; (c) the meaningful influence of the family; and
(d) the construction of positive values and dispositions among the
istambay.
DISCUSSION
PML
Magbago ka! (Reform yourself!)
Kumilos ka! (Move it!)
Gising na! (Wake up!)
Against the backdrop of these negative stereotypes, the Heber
Bartolome song expresses a plea on behalf of the istambay: "Huwag
sanang sisihin, bagkus kami'y kahabagan" (Please don't blame us,
instead, have pity on us). It is an encouragement to lift the stigma
against istambays and recognize them as lost and wandering, a segment
of Philippine society that urgently need a sense of direction.
122
There is an apparent similarity between observations of Mills (1959) and
the istambay phenomenon. Mills appears to be speaking directly about
the realities of istambays in the Philippines on the following grounds:
First, the precarious inactivity of istambays is commonly perceived to
be a private trouble. This is further highlighted by negative stereotypes
about them, which can be likened to Mills' notion of "traps." Second,
the notion that these crises or traps are difficult to overcome leads to
feelings of powerlessness, as shown in some of the songs.
Perhaps the most important research insight in this paper is the
private-public nexus in which the istambay concept is located. This
theme is salient in all the data sources. Perceptions of the istambay
among university students, local definitions, and istambay song lyrics
12
all articulate, on the one hand, the negative traits of the istambay, and
on the other, the social contexts that lead to inactivity. The conceptual
tension then lies on the notion that the istambay is not only a deficient
individual, but also a social being coping with structural opportunities
and restrictions. The istambay thus accounts for both the individual
and the social.
Analyses of various data sources suggest that the concept of the
istambay can be understood in terms of two intertwined themes: (a)
problematic istambay; and (b) istambay as problematique. The former
accounts for the negative stereotypes attached to the istambay. Such a
view stems from what is commonly called, in the field ofyouth sociology,
troubled youth (Bradley 1996; Wyn and White 1997). The problematic
istambay possesses individual deficiencies that are construed to be
major factors that account for their inactivity. In the latter theme, the
permeation of the social is drawn out through an articulation of the
underlying social dynamics in the lives of the istambay.
Problematic Istambay
All data sources point to what I consider as the problematic
features of the istambay phenomenon. These features include
negative individual traits such as being lazy and idle, and having
low self-esteem. In addition, istambays are also perceived to be, and
represented as, participating in socially-problematized behaviors such
as drinking, smoking, drug abuse, gambling, and violence. These
constitute the generalized stereotypes attached to the notion of the
istambay, confirmed by the dictionary definitions, perceptual survey,
and song analysis. Findings however, also consider the istambay as
exhibiting positive traits. In the perceptual survey, the descriptor,
"happy disposition," was raised,while a content analysis of the songs
reveals situations in which the istambay demonstrate a kind and helpful
character. The concept of the problematic istambay, therefore, deals
not only with what is negative about them, but also with the untapped
potential that they may have - a potential that istambays might be
unable to release because of their condition of inactivity. Some of the
songs actually forward this notion in their portrayal of two types of
124
istambay - the less educated and the educated. Both suffer the stigma
of being an istambay, but the latter's educational capital is expected to
be significant in reversing his inactive status.
Conceptually, the problematic istambay entails a careful
understanding of the impact of inactivity on individual traits,
dispositions, and values. It allows for a critical assessment of the
tensions and crises that being an istambay engenders - whether or
not negative traits are purely intentional; and whether participation
in socially-problematized behaviors is a coping strategy or a form of
resistance. This theoretical dimension situates the generally negative
view of the istambay within the experience of inactivity and espouses
a more-balanced examination of the istambay phenomenon.
Istambay as Problematique
Another theme that has emerged in the process of exploring the
concept of the istambay deals with the social dimensions of this
phenomenon. Drawing inspiration fromDurkheim's works ([189511964,
[1893]1984), this theme is what I call istambay asproblematique.
Such allows for an articulation of the embedded social dynamics that
underlie the experiences of istambay in the Philippines. One of the
local dictionary definitions mentioned earlier underscores this theme
by pointing out that "an istambay is a person who does not have work"
(Almario 2001:35). Unemployment is a social feature that consistently
comes up in all the data sources.
While it may seem that labor inactivity is the only relevant
dimension constituting the concept of the istambay, the perceptual
survey and songs suggest other social dimensions. For instance, the
perceptual survey, shows the istambayto be a youth phenomenon, in
which "age" becomes a relevant variable for understanding youth
inactivity. The survey illustrates how the istambay phenomenon
peaks at the ages of. 16 and 35. Such insight can be directly related
to various social issues, including that of youth unemployment, that
have generated interest among academic and policy circles (Aldaba
and Ang 2010; Aldaba and Sescon 2009; Canlas and Pardalis 2009;
125
Casals 2009; Esguerra 2009; Habito 2009; International Labor
Organization 2009a, 2009b; Ofreneo 2009).
Another social dimension of the istambay phenomenon, found
in all the data sources, is its gendered nature. Even though istambay
definitions do not directly make gender distinctions, responses from
the university students and song lyrics construct the istambayas male.
Interestingly, the songs see the istambay phenomenon as cutting
across social classes, in contrast to the popular perception that it is
common among the poor. The songs also suggest that there may be
different types of istambay across social classes by showing how they
can be found throughout various economic and educational realms.
As such, in looking at the istambay as problematique, traditional
factors such as age, gender, and social class emerge as relevant to the
conceptualization of the istambay.
2006, 2008; International Labor Organization 2006; Williamson 1997,
2004).
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