Good Practices in the Preservation and Promotion

The publication of this book has been
completed by the Association of the
Jewish Historical Institute of Poland
thanks to the following grants.
The publication of this book has
been made possible as a part of the
project financed by the Embassy
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
in Warsaw for the project called
„Creating open civil society and
European identity in Belarus by means
of international activities to the
benefit of Jewish heritage in Eastern
and Central Europe”.
Good practices in preservation and promotion of the Jewish heritage.
The publication of this book has
received funding from the U.S.
Embassy in Poland
(Federal Assistance Award for the
project called „Supporting transition
in Belarus by promotion of good
practices of preservation of Jewish
heritage”)
A guide based on the Polish and Belarusian experiences
Good practices in preservation
and promotion of the Jewish heritage
A guide based on the Polish
and Belarusian experiences
Edited by A. Bielawska, A. Maksimowska, A. Sidarovich
[1]
[2]
[3]
The book cover shows Józef Markiewicz’s pinhole photograph of one of the
Warburg Colony buildings in Brest
Translated by
Wanda Jóźwikowska • Joanna Sliwa • Mariya Diawara • Roman Voranau •
Natalia Hasley • Ksenia Yusava • Artyom Yurkevich • Grzegorz Zawora •
Magda Rybka • Zmicier Zanieuski
Language editing and proofreading
Małgorzata Członka
Alexandra Milentey
Published by
Museum of the History of Polish Jews
10 Jasna St., Ap. 200
00-054 Warsaw
Typesetting and book design
Rafał Rola, Tomasz Smołka / Studio Format • studioformat.pl
Printed by
Petit • petit.lublin.pl
isbn 978-83-928380-4-3
Copyright by Stowarzyszenie Żydowski Instytut Historyczny w Polsce,
Warszawa 2012
Many articles which have been included in this volume were originally presented
during the speeches delivered at the scientific-practical conference which was held
in August 20–21st, 2011, in Brest. We would like to express our thanks to Inna
Gerasimova and Borys Bruk for having organized this conference.
Some texts and photographs published herein would not be possible without
Polish-Belarusian research expeditions organized by Inna Gerasimova, Ina Sorkina
and Sergei Pivovarchik.
We would also like to take this opportunity and thank Vadim Akopian, the Director
of the Museum of the History and Culture of Jews in Belarus and Dmitri Slepovitch
for their help in editing the content of the published articles.
[4]
Contents
Preface9
Cultural landscape,
memory and identity11
Józef Markiewicz (Warsaw)
The Virtual Shtetl project as a way
of practicing space in a Belarusian town
12
Agata Maksimowska (Warsaw)
Poles? Belarusians? Jews?
20
Marina Mojeiko (Minsk)
Cultural heritage as a value:
the post-modernist version of revision and its lessons
29
Ala Sidarovich (Minsk)
The town: a place where cultures meet
39
The History of Belarusian Jews43
Ina Sorkina (Hrodna)
Researching Belarusian Shtetls: outcome, perspectives,
opportunities and possible application in practice
44
Jefim Basin (Brest)
The Practice of limiting ritual slaughter
of animals in interwar Poland
57
[5]
Yury Barysiuk (Minsk)
Preservation of Jewish Heritage in Polesye Shtetls:
the example of the shtetl of Dzivin,
Kobrin District, Brest Region
62
Іda Shenderovіch (Mahilyou)
The Narrative as Cultural Heritage:
The Chronicles of Mahilyou Jews
65
Alexander Litin (Mahilyou)
Problems and opportunities of collecting visual materials
related to Jewish history: a case study
„The History of Mahilyou Jews: Documents and People”
72
Vadzim Akapyan (Minsk)
The History of Rescue
87
Aleksandra Bielawska (Narewka),
Krzysztof Bielawski (Warsaw)
Faye Schulman’s photographic testimonies
91
Мастацтва і літаратура беларускіх габрэяў
94
Siarhei Pivavarchyk, Natallia Pasiuta (Hrodna)
Architecture of synagogues and prayer houses
in the Hrodna-Belastock region
95
Katsiaryna Salamiannikava (Mahilyou)
Bykhau Synagogue as an Example of Fortification Architecture 112
Viktar Zhybul (Minsk)
Papers of the Jewish culture figures kept at the
Belarusian State Archive and Museum of Literature and Art 116
Inesa Dvuzhylnaya (Hrodna)
The preservation of Jewish heritage in the past two decades 125
[6]
Arkadzi Shulman (Vitebsk)
Liozno – Marc Chagall’s Shtetl 134
Preservation of the cultural
heritage of Belarusian Jews144
Krzysztof Bielawski (Warsaw)
The condition of the selected Jewish cemeteries
in western Belarus 145
Anton Astapovich, Anton Vantukh, Andrej Larry (Minsk)
Proposals for the reconstruction of vanished
urban development complexes: the example of the right side
of Handliovaja (Zybickaja) street and the south-east section of
Zamchyshcha. Principles, conditions and methodology 173
Ihar Rakhanski, Neli Darashkevich,
Katsiaryna Matveyeva (Minsk)
Ashmiany Synagogue: the best way to save is through use 184
Oleg Medvedevsky (Brest)
Synagogue buildings in Vysokaye, Kamianets district,
Brest region. The issues of studying and preservation 192
Representation of Jewish history
in secondary school program200
Hanna Węgrzynek Ph.D. (Warsaw)
What can Polish students learn
about the history of Jews and the Holocaust? 201
Marta Szymańska (Warsaw)
Teaching about Jewish history in school textbooks
published in Belarus in 2000–2010 206
[7]
The experience of Polish and Belarusian
organizations preserving the cultural
heritage of European Jews213
Marcin Dziurdzik, Jan Kubisa (Warsaw)
‚Memory in Stone’ – the project for documenting
Jewish tombstones 214
Kornelia Kurowska (Olsztyn)
The experience of the milieu of Olsztyn’s “Borussia”
in the preservation of cultural heritage, education,
and cultural activity 220
Karolina Jakoweńko, Piotr Jakoweńko (Będzin)
Activities of the Cukerman’s Gate Foundation
in the urban space 229
Emil Majuk (Wojsławice / Bychawa / Lublin)
The House of Fawka the Shoemaker
Regarding the activities of the Panorama of Cultures
Association connected with Jewish cultural heritage 238
Aliaksei Zhbanau
Discovery trips “In search of Yiddish” 246
Aleksandra Zińczuk (Lublin)
Individual histories in cultural education.
Activities of the ‚Grodzka Gate – NN Theatre’ Center 251
Zhanna Kaspiarovich, Ivatsevichy
The experiences of “Poshuk” Club and
“Heirs of Henri Dunant” volunteer club 257
authors259
[8]
Preface
The history of Polish Jews is part of the history of Jewish residents of contemporary Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. In 2009, when we began to
enrich the Virtual Shtetl portal with descriptions of former Jewish townlets that were formerly included in Eastern Borderlands (Kresy Wschodnie),
it became clear that it truly was a pioneering idea since back then there
was absolutely no information whatsoever regarding these territories on
the Internet. ¶ It was indeed a great challenge for us. We were facing thus
far unknown yet extremely interesting material, which was to be collected
and presented to the wider public. We decided to launch a research project,
a trip to, as it was for us, a terra incognita. A group of history enthusiasts,
historians and photographers from Poland were to meet with Belarusians
interested in this project. All of us were to embark on a bus tour to collect
materials and documents for the Museum of the History of Polish Jews.
Later the materials were to be published on the Virtual Shtetl. ¶ In 2010,
the first tour was organized. On our way, we recorded synagogues, prayer
houses, cemeteries and sites that still bring to remembrance the prewar
Jewish life. Meeting people was an especially rewarding experience for
us. In each of the visited towns, local researchers, history witnesses and
representatives of local authorities guided us around their hometowns.
¶ Who did we meet? We met remarkable outspoken and friendly scientists.
There was not a single town which did not have a local enthusiast (such
as a teacher, an expert in cultural studies or a local historian), always with
a suitcase packed with memorabilia and letters of people writing from the
Diaspora. They were always happy to guide us around the town. ¶ What
did we see? We viewed many religious buildings and objects which were
destroyed under the Soviet rule. Nevertheless, this country has successfully resisted negative phenomena that unify the space, which usually
occurs at a time of a chaotic transition, as it happened in Poland. Wooden
architecture predominates in small towns, which prevented numerous
traces of Jewish communities from disappearing, such as dents left after
mezuzot, traces of signs of Jewish stores covered with translucent layers
of paint and plaster, and wooden Stars of David. In Poland, new facades,
advertisements hung on the walls and rebuilding works have covered this
part of history. It was precisely in Belarus that we came across a cemetery
[9]
A synagogue in
Pinsk. State Jewish
Theatre at BSRR.
From the National
Digital Archives
collections (NAC,
archival fonds:
Koncern Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny – Archiwum
Ilustracji).
where wooden matzevot
have still been preserved.
This discovery is unique on
a worldwide scale. ¶ It also
transpired that these tours
offered a great opportunity
for our Belarusian friends
to discover monuments
that they did know although
most participants of the
tour had been engaged in
the protection of cemeteries and memorial sites in
their hometowns. Having
participated in the tour, they realized that these are only a small part of the
greater whole. What is equally important is that they had an opportunity
to meet each other, which created an integrated circle of enthusiasts. We,
on the other hand, were engulfed with memories of how it felt when we
recently began to bring to light Polish synagogues that had been arranged
into grain storehouses, plowed cemeteries and destroyed buildings, which
we later put together in one network. ¶ Having finished this project, we
realized that we actually only started our common journey to discovering
Jewish heritage in Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. And so we embarked
on another two tours. We traveled for more than 3,000 kilometers, visited
over 100 towns, and staged seminars, conferences, training courses. As
a result, a movie ‘Wirtualny Sztetl na Białorusi’ (The Virtual Shtetl visits
Belarus) was made. We mounted photo exhibitions, such as ‘Belarusian
Synagogues’, and the famous Łukasz Baksik’s exhibition called ‘Matzevot
of Everyday Use’. ¶ All collected materials were updated and published
on the Virtual Shtetl portal, which is run by the Museum of the History
of Polish Jews, on a regular basis. During one of our tours, our Belarusian
colleagues came up with an idea of launching a Belarusian version of the
portal. We were not yet aware of many symbolical meanings behind this
novel idea. Indeed, it was a sort of a declaration of fortifying the national
identity of Belarusians and the identity of Jews who lived or still live in
their homeland.
By Albert Stankowski
The originator of the Virtual Shtetl Project, Current Program Activities Manager,
member of the board of the Association of the Jewish Historical Institute of Poland.
[10]
Cultural landscape,
memory and identity
[11]
r Józef Markiewicz (Warsaw)
The Virtual Shtetl project as a way of practicing space in
a Belarusian town
‘The past is a foreign country’ – this proverb is obviously false. Time
distance cannot be translated into a geographical distance, as it was commonly practiced by 19th-century evolutionists, who saw their encounters
with cultures outside of European as a journey in time back to earlier
stages of culture and the evolution of civilization. This outlook, backed by
social Darwinism, legitimized European colonial policy. The theme of this
essay, however, is not a history of European imperialism but the relation
between experiencing geographical space (from the perspective of both
individuals and national narratives) and feeling culture and history. In this
context, we can talk about practicing space and even architecture, and
giving them a symbolical meaning. Therefore, no matter what we think
about our own rationality, our journeys etch some maps in our minds.
This article is an attempt to reflect upon relations that bind Poland and
Belarus; to ponder how undertaking various activities under the Virtual
Shtetl project influences our perception of the role and place of Jewish
heritage in the context of historical relations between Poland and Belarus. This essay is a result of a ten-day research and educational trip to
Belarus which was organized as part of the project titled ‘The protection
of cultural heritage and memory of Belarusian Jews’, which was carried
out in May this year. Virtual Shtetl, a project of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews, incorporates the two dimensions mentioned above.
On the one hand, the project’s focus on Jewish heritage obviously entails
a temporal dimension, where memory (understood as remembrance
but also oblivion and denial) and testimony, as well as solidification and
protection against disappearance are the most important categories. On
the other hand, a transnational trait of ‘Virtual Shtetl’ forms a dimension
of a geographical distance and, more importantly, of a cultural distance.
Therefore, we have formed an international Virtual Shtetl community, as
a group of portal users all over the world and as a community of Central
and Eastern European countries (Poland, Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania).
The countries for which the so-called settling zones, and consequently the
[12]
heritage of the Jewish Diaspora, make a significant part of their national
heritage. ‘Virtual Shtetl’ expressively proves that we cannot talk about
two impenetrable and parallel cultural realities. The Virtual Shtetl proves
that the heritage of local cultures is part of global transnational processes.
Usually, the memory of a local culture is stored in another country, or
sometimes even in another continent. After the fall of the Berlin Wall
and of Iron Curtain, the identity and social memory, frozen for decades,
has been starting to revive. The processes of reconstructing and defining
anew the identity of former USSR countries (such as Lithuania, Belarus
and Ukraine), and also that of Poland, take place in the context of regaining lost experience, which is often made real through pilgrimages and the
return of descendants of those who had been forced to leave their local
homeland in dramatic circumstances. Local culture has to be prepared
for an influx of alternative narratives or even criticism. The question is
whether it can succeed and avail of this opportunity to bring productive
results.
Mestechki were the crossroads of town and village/ Mastechki
were borderlands of different ethnicities, religions, languages
and culture/ Mestechki were centers of Jewish history and culture,
main settlements on mental map of the lost Jewish world of the
Eastern Europe/ Mestechki were keepers of local traditions of
self-government which were based on the principles of religions
tolerance and constructive multiethnicity/ Mestechki were the model
of economic, social and cultural organization for a population of
small urban settlements in the conditions of political and economic
transformation
Ina Sorokina
Phenomenology of the shtetl ¶ A shtetl is a state of mind. In the preface to
‘Life is With People: The Culture of the Shtetl’, an undoubtedly fundamental
publication, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett stresses that the definition of
a shtetl, as a material cultural phenomenon, is insufficient (‘not as a place
but as a state of mind,’ she writes). She also points to the source of contemporary interest in history and culture of the town, which is something
more than merely a subject of research of a detached historian, a cultural
expert or an urban planner. In this article, I will take one step further, trying to explain why, in my opinion, the shtetl still continues to influence
our emotions and imagination. The research trip to Belarus made me realize once again the vitality of symbolical thinking and projections which,
stored in us, are released by nothing more than the phenomenon of the
shtetl or what has remained of it. The shtetl/town itself, as a form of an
economic and social organization, was created in a defined historical time
[13]
Brest,
wooden house
in the F. Wartburg colony.
A photo by Józef
Markiewicz
(pinhole camera
technique).
in the so-called settling zone (Hebr./Yid. tkhum-hamoyshev) and may be
characterized as an area which is every inch heterogeneous), where rural
and urban cultures intertwined. Similarly various ethnic groups (with
an obvious position of Jews) as well as religious and economic systems
mixed. The multiple aspect of the shtetl is also illustrated by a dramatic
degradation of small towns in our part of Europe: the annihilation of the
Jewish community, the fading economic significance and the degradation
to the rank of a village. Although we often tend to think that the heyday
of the shtetl fell before World War II, the shtetl was gradually losing
its significance much earlier. Therefore, our state of mind, the way we
looked at Belarusian towns, was filled with melancholy. While conducting
ethnographic research in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century,
Szymon Anski perceived the shtetl in a similar manner. Like us, the author
of ‘Dybuk’ was enthusiastic about the idea of recording and documenting
Jewish culture. Of course, his research was done in completely different
historical circumstances on entirely different grounds. (It was all about
the role of Jewish culture/Diaspora in the context of growing national
culture in Eastern Europe, which fit in with an anatomy doctrine created
by Simon Dubnow.) However, the way I see it, a heuristic value of the reference to Anski’s research boils down to the question of what is the place
of contemporary shtetls’ heritage nowadays? ¶ The moving and romantic
image of a small town culture, which is rooted in Poland, is rather a relic
[14]
of Communist times and masks the true meaning of cultural layers which
developed at the intersection of urbanity and ruralism, looking for their
way somewhere between modernity and tradition. For many years, the
true small town culture was downgraded as an enclave of self-interest
(craftsmen!) of free trade and profiteering. There is no doubt about the fact
that the shtetl, as a form of economic organization, could not survive the
time when a new socialist order was being built. In Belarus, cooperatives,
communal cooperatives and other forms of collective labor implemented
in Poland, were replaced by collectivization. Thus, if we look at the shtetl
as an organism which combined various social groups (and layers), the
destruction of cultural potential of the shtetl entailed, in addition to the
annihilation of the Jewish community, a destruction of the culture of
the farmer and the noble. Additionally, the ethnic composition of towns
located in the vicinity of the contemporary Polish-Belarusian border, was
modified by postwar displacement actions, so-called repatriation and
emigration. Obviously, there are reasons for asking whether we can still
talk about a shtetl after the end of World War II, if at all. ¶ The shtetl as
a small urban space has a real specific structure, and, more precisely, it has
several structures which superimpose, just like a palimpsest. Of course,
these are not autonomic structures and they do intermingle. Therefore,
if we have a look at the space from the cultural point of view – as space
practice – we will notice much more than only architecture. I think that,
amidst the multitude of many narrative structures, the main objective of
the Virtual Shtetl portal is to discover the structure of a prewar town with
regard to the Jewish heritage. As an archetype, the shtetl/town is a symbol
for our ‘structural nostalgia’, our longing for authentic, unmediated social
relations, which have the nature of face to face meetings. Shtetl, due to
its little geographic size, forms a strictly defined social space, which has
its own center, outskirts and periphery and which is described by the
local toponymy. It also seems that the small size of the shtetl intensifies
the phenomenology of the shtetl space, which divides the space in the
interweaving of the sacred and the profane.
Desecrations ¶ How did the shtetl/town space change upon the Shoah and
the new communist order? In postwar years, small towns in the Hrodna
Voblast (which is also the case of other towns in Western Belarus) were
subject to the brutal ‘naturalization’ policy, i.e. immersion in the new
socialist cultural and economic system of the USSR. Their location near
the border, their history, ethnic composition, which was broken upon
the outbreak of World War II, and, last but not least, their connections
with foreigners (‘inostranets’) proved their ideological ‘ambiguity’ and
gave reason for local dwellers to mistrust them. On this occasion, it is
noteworthy to mention cultural differences which divide Eastern and
Western Belarus. These differences influence inner relations among the
[15]
Antopol,
Jewish houses
at the market
square. A photo
by Józef Markiewicz (pinhole
camera technique).
Antopol, the
synagogue’s
building.
A photo by Józef
Markiewicz
(pinhole camera
technique).
members of Jewish communities in the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic after the end of the war. When it was still possible to leave the USSR
and go the West, sham marriages between Jews from eastern and western
Belarus were quite common. The latter, prewar citizens of the Second
Polish Republic, were allowed to leave the USSR under the repatriation
law. The emptiness left by them in western Belarusian Soviet Socialist
Republic (analogically to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), the
territory which had formed part of Poland before the outbreak of World
War II, was filled with the displaced from the East, above all, those who
were oftentimes evacuees during the war. The problem which is still upto-date is the lack of understanding in the newcomers’ perception of local
customs, tradition and history of their new surroundings. It is also the
case of the Jewish community. Paradoxically, postwar exchanges of people from the Polish People’s Republic and the Belarusian Soviet Socialist
Republic only intensified these relations, which, in turn, in the following
years, made it easier to cross the border. For the locals, the border was
not so much an ‘iron curtain’ but rather a strainer (a very telling term
used by Jurij Andruchowycz). Therefore, if we look at the shtetl space
as a heterogeneous network of meanings, the effect of social valuation
of the space, we will come to understand that the postwar ‘mushrooming’ of monuments (of Lenin, Stalin, other partisan activists and mystic
figures) and of ‘official’ memorial sites (in the form of monuments to the
Red Army heroes, to ‘mirnye grazhdane’ etc.) was related to discovering
a sacred space which already existed by then. Thus, it seems explicable to
talk about a ‘socialist redemption economy’, a Marxist ideology interpreted
as an eschatological vision. Additionally, what is once again a paradox,
Marxism-Leninism gave a spiritual and moral aspect to materialism. And
so, on the one hand, a new economic model, implemented by the process
of collectivization and based on class conflict, created a shapeless space
where economy merged with morality. On the other hand, the new urban
space was to model a ‘Soviet man’. Not surprisingly, community actors,
i.e. town dwellers, were engaged in building the new postwar order. This
[16]
is why the postwar period seems to be critical and, as far as researchers
are concerned, it was the most interesting time. Regardless of the social
and ethnic origin, town dwellers had a deeply internalized symbolic town
topography, polarized into the sacred and the profane. We experienced
it in Belarus in an intuitional way. If there is a monument erected under
the Soviet rule, one can blindly assume that it is a former place of a synagogue (or other place of cult) or a cemetery. Therefore, is it really all about
desecration? If we admit that the shtetl space included sacral sites, shared
by the community and recognized even by Soviet rule, it is possible that
it may be desecration. However, the question is not so obvious. Desecration as such entails a manipulation of the sacred, and its practical use,
to be more precise. It means shifting the sacred to the area of profane
human activities. Temples and graveyards are the places where we can
most intensely experience hierophany. Still, a cemetery, by definition,
combines human lives with religion. It is the site of social remembrance
and transcendence. A good illustration of this are matzevot, on which,
through symbols, the role of the dead in society is depicted, and, at the
same time, the form of a tombstone has its religious meaning related to
a given vision of redemption. The cemetery space hangs between the
poles of the sacred and the profane. ¶ Łunna (Lunna), is a municipal park
building at the site of the former Jewish cemetery. There are monuments
to Red Army heroes in the park. Local interpretations and explanations
of the origins of this park reveal a kind of ambiguity in the assessment of
the behavior code of local actors after the end of World War II. The first
interpretation maintains the purposefulness of such behavior as a protection of the sacredness of this place. The second one portrays this initiative
as an attempt to prove the loyalty towards the new Soviet power (an author
of this idea was supposedly of Jewish descent.) ¶ Desecration is wiping
away the sacredness, stripping a place of a higher transcendental sense,
such as using matzevot as building material. By the same token, building a monument or other extremely symbolical (and ideological!) object
does not ‘uproot’ a given site from the sacred but rather confirms its own
place. Georgio Agamben suggests naming this process ‘a secularization’,
pointing out that looking at the world in the categories of symbols and
experiencing numinosum is not reserved only for practices which are
generally known as religion. Let us take, for instance, the Soviet policy of
atheization, which, according to some researchers, was rather a transfer of
sacredness and religious experience to areas that were acceptable by the
authorities. Experiencing holiness was defined long ago by Jacek Olędzki,
who described it as a miraculous consciousness, which is by definition
sensitized to all manifestations of sacredness and transcendence. I could
quote here tens of examples (in narratives of my interlocutors – residents
of towns and villages) of ‘divine interventions’, experienced by people
who violated the sacred either by using cemetery matzevot, or by trying
[17]
to tear down a synagogue, building a house in a Jewish cemetery or other
desecrating practices. People were ill and died, machines broke down.
What seems important here is the fact that these narratives belong to
Christians. Obviously, the narratives alone and the accompanying worldview are more important than the fact of whether we really have to deal
with divine punishment. Consequently, the miraculous consciousness is
also connected with the local theodicy, i.e. the way of understanding the
local justice and the genesis of injustice and suffering. ¶ Can a synagogue
be desecrated? Obviously yes, through a change in her function, which
makes the object more ‘practical’ (I have written it in quotes since any
religious function is also a practical function.) The synagogues which we
have visited on our trip served or have served for the following purposes:
in Indura it was a kolkhoz storehouse, in Swisłocz(Svisloch) there was
a cinema, in Izabelin – a village club, in Porozów (Porozov)– a warehouse,
in Słonim (Slonim) there were a warehouse and a sports school, in Iwje
(Ivye) –a sports school and a bar, in Oszmiany (Oshmyana)– a warehouse
and a henhouse, in Nowy Dwór (Novy Dvur)– a store and in Ostrina
there was a cultural center. ¶ However, we should not necessarily perceive
a synagogue as a temple in is strict sense (this term is reserved for the
Temple of Jerusalem.) Therefore, the sacredness of the synagogue should
not be interpreted the way the Christians do. The question of the synagogue sacredness is worthy of a separate comprehensive study.
Shtetl representations and reconstructions ¶ Continuing our deliberations
about experiencing the world, let us now turn to the meta level related to
the world depiction. In this sense, we talk about a ‘representation’, i.e. creating images and narratives of various types, including accounts, written
sources, symbols (such as a monument and memorial places), paintings
and photographs. For our European culture, the notion of a representation
plays a key role, also due to the fact that it is related to a religious sphere.
And so, the ban on creating images (imitations), which has been preserved
in Judaism, also exists (in a slightly modified version) in Orthodox Christianity. Most Christian denominations rejected this radical ban, finding
justification in a dogma of a double nature of Christ and giving thereby
a green light (from the Renaissance times) for the realistic and mimetic
European art to flourish. Perils entailed by any image boil down to its
inner diversity called from Greek eidolon and eicon. Eidolon is an autonomic representation which may be separated from the reality it depicts
(religious ideol/deity, realism in terms of art.) Eicon, on the other hand,
contains an image which may not exist without reality which it presents
(for example, an Orthodox icon, symbolism in terms of art.) A tension
between representations and the reality it portrays involves, therefore,
negotiating superiority. According to the most extreme view on this issue,
mimetic representation is defined as an annihilation/nonexistence of what
[18]
it presents. Let us be more specific: how do we create representations of
a shtetl/town? This is a fascinating question, indeed. How do we experience and present this cultural reality? Obviously, it is all about Jewish
culture in two contexts. The first one is a fact that we talk about the past
reality which, to simplify a bit, no longer exists. The second context is
related to the Holocaust and an inability to depict (the so-called aporia
of the impossibility to the present). Both contexts, once again, direct us
to memory and nostalgia, mentioned at the beginning of this essay, as
an imagination space. To sum up, the Virtual Shtetl is a documentation
work and, on the other hand, an effort to reconstruct, which gives a phenomenological, or hermeneutic, hint to our work. This reconstruction
is based on us ourselves, i.e. our interpretations, figures of thought and
our symbolic imagination. Therefore, to be in line with a concept of representation which is often based on a religious belief that the image must
not be superior to the reality, any reconstruction is simply a blasphemy.
Creating fiction, which is an empty sign, does not refer us to any reality
(which is what Jean Badurillard called simulacrum and Umberto Eco
used the term ‘hyperrealism’) However, what happens when this reality
actually does not exist? On the other hand, negating ‘artificiality’ of any
representation is absurd. The same happens with art, which is by definition ‘inauthentic’. Still, our work does not go in pair with these two areas
of art and religion since looking for the specific reality is the sine qua non
of reconstruction and documentation. Consequently, our work will be
a ‘fighting sphere in the middle’ between these two poles. It comprises
the possibility and impossibility to represent an ethnic flavor, which is
quite essential as far as documentaries and testimonies are concerned. It
can be said that the history of the shtetl perceived from the perspective
of the Shoah eliminated the opposition between reality and fiction. Last
but not least, it is worth mentioning about the epiphanic character of
documenting works in a contemporary Belarusian town, which usually
boils down to the local community deciphering meanings of a material
testimony. An epiphanic character of such work makes us see some objects
(such as matzevot, inscriptions, photographs or a given space) as carriers
of a certain reality. Their biography is a source of knowledge and of lost
experience for us.
[19]
r Agata Maksimowska (Warsaw)
Poles? Belarusians? Jews?
ZDAJECCA
Zdajecca, toj dom stajaŭ na ŭskrainie miesta
Na vulicy ź ciopłaha pyłu i płotaŭ draŭlanych
Pad hrušaj staroju, jakaja ŭžo nie radziła
Zatoje davała šmat cieniu ŭ letniuju śpioku
Zdajecca, toj dom byŭ pabieleny niekali vapnaj
La domu byŭ kvietnik, a ŭ im nieźličonyja kvietki
Na tle biełych ścienaŭ najlepiej hladzielisia malvy
Uvohule, malvy zaŭsiody hladziacca niablaha
Zdajecca, toj dom mieŭ błakitna-zialonyja dźviery
Jaho haspadar z haspadyniaj byli ŭžo vielmi staryja
Jany havaryli pra śmierć i pra kvietki
U domie była cišynia i paŭciemra
Zdajecca, u domie byli my nia bolej za kolki chvilinaŭ
Ale, kali vyjšli adtul, to było ŭžo ciomna
U ciemry byŭ pryvidny vodar lilejaŭ i miaty
Pablizu ŭ vadu hučna padała kropla
Paźniej my daremna čakali apošni aŭtobus
Na vulicy ź ciopłaha pyłu i płotaŭ draŭlanych
Chacieli palić, ale ŭ nas nie było zapalnički
Chacieli viarnucca ŭ dom, ale nam nie stavała nachabstva
Michał Aniempadystaŭ
It’s summer, and we have just started our Polish-Belarusian tour. A group
of people are strolling along a dusty road of a little town. A certain house
with flowers all round, an image so typical of the Belarusian landscape,
draws our attention. Indeed, although it seems an ordinary house it somehow appears special to us. We have agreed that we will be looking for
this uniqueness precisely here, in a small Belarusian town in the August
afternoon. Belarusian as it is today, and Jewish as it was once. We are trying to bring out this uniqueness as if by developing an old photographic
film. The only thing we need are tangible clues which the surrounding
reality gives us. ¶ I can’t recall who told us that this house used to belong
[20]
to a Jewish family or where we heard that Jews had lived here. We are
listening to all sorts of accounts. We would like to check what history
scholars know from old records and what local historians were told by
farmers living here. Every day on our tour we are trying to spot any trace
of the prewar Jewish existence, driven by a researcher’s passion and a sort
of sentiment, a longing for the lost world which we are trying to reconstruct. Upon entering the house, we notice a small cavity, a remnant after
a mezuzah. This time, a seemingly insignificant discovery tells us much
more than a story told by the woman who moved in here after the war.
¶ What is the perception of Belarusian and Polish participants of the trip,
and are we looking for the same thing? Who exactly are Belarusians and
who are Poles? How can you define a Polish and Belarusian Jew? During
long evening talks it turns out that while seeking Jewish traces together
and rebuilding the envisaged Jewish past of the town, each of us is actually
exploring ourselves. The sun is going down, lazily laying its rays down on
us and the house. It is high time we said goodbye. We have still twenty
towns ahead of us, with their past open to many interpretations. ¶ Since
2010, the Museum of the History of Polish Jews and the Jewish Historical
Institute Association in Poland have been carrying out various projects
aiming to investigate and protect Jewish cultural heritage in Belarus.
These projects are rooted in many discourses, such as bringing democracy and furthering European integration, an economic transformation
and a dialogue among the nations, the protection of European legacy
and supporting civil society. ¶ For us, the participants and organizers of
these projects, such expeditions also offer a great opportunity to see, on
a micro scale, the process of how the past provides a context for identity.
It happens not only in terms of those well-known general historical policies, of which our museum forms part, but it also occurs on the level of
personal experience. Below, you will read more about such projects and
chances to share the same experience together.
Tours, memory prostheses, experience ¶ Documentary expeditions were
launched by a team of people, members of the Virtual Shtetl Internet
project which deals with the history of local Jewish communities. The
Virtual Shtetl is a digital archive which, with its Web 2.0 technology, is
an interesting alternative to the traditional form of archives. The Virtual
Shtetl gives broad access to materials about the past and enables Internet
users to co-create history. It also gives equal place to various historical narratives, both to professionals and amateurs. When we launched the portal,
we assumed that new technologies would contribute to the mushrooming
of “memorial sites” and that the digitalization process would be almost
the perfect prosthesis of memory because digital pictures, changed into
bits, never fade and last forever. The portal brings to remembrance and
[21]
commemorates. It provides a platform where you can share your knowledge about Jewish history by recording and sharing materials, thanks to
which Internet surfers may have their share in reconstructing the past.
Additionally, the portal is a living interactive monument to the communities which ceased to exist. On the one hand, it prevents these communities
from being wiped away from chapters of our history and from human
imagination. On the other, it provides a virtual space comprising of commemorating pictures of the times that will never return. Taking all that
into account, two questions may cross your mind. First, it seems that the
portal’s approach to the question of memory is that it should mirror the
erstwhile times. However, memory is not a fixed set of pictures of the past.
On the contrary, it is quite susceptible to the present needs of its actors,
especially when it comes to the question of the coherence of their identity.
A fanciful striving to nurture memory is an effect of our present-time
imagination, which attempts to cross the limits of the contemporary times
in search of the essence of the existence of a certain group. Secondly, does
this endeavor to commemorate Jewish communities not coincide with an
attempt to replace those who can no longer speak for themselves? In other
words, does the appropriation of the identity serve the purpose of creating
a virtual reality? The Virtual Shtetl is virtually twofold. First, as an archive,
it offers a digitally mediated experience and thanks to virtual medium,
it facilitates memory work.1 Secondly, it is also a replica of social world,
which is becoming the only available substitute of the real one, bound to
confine the Jewish past in a shtetl’s collage made of nostalgic old pictures
and accounts.2 ¶ The tours that we have organized served to develop the
Virtual Shtetl project and give us a chance to collect materials from places
which, due to state historical policies, were rarely captured with the careful eye of a researcher. All collected materials were to be published on the
Virtual Shtetl portal and translated into many languages so that both the
1 According to Dominic LaCapra, the archive is rather a prototype of the lack of
experience (LaCapra D., Historia w okresie przejściowym, Kraków 2009, p. 37)
2 It may be considered whether it is not a phenomenon that Ruth Gruber calls
a ‘virtual Jewishness’ in post-Holocaust Europe, a distinct artificial world: “Many
non-Jews study, teach, perform, produce and consumer in a virtual Jewish Word
of their own creation. Their internal relationships with each other and with Jewish
cultural products – texts, music, objects, ambience, and whatever else they perceive
or define as Jewish – may become a substitute or surrogate for relationships with
living Jews and Jewish environments, creating the sort of ‘museum Judaism’ where
Jews themselves need have no place, except perhaps as artifacts” (Gruber R.E.,
Virtually Jewish, University of California Press, 2002, p.50)). It should be noted,
however, that among many visitors to the Virtual Shtetl there are many Jews who,
while looking for information regarding their ancestors, enter this virtual world,
which, through the lens of their own experience of Jewishness, they perceive as
authentic.
[22]
residents of the visited towns as well as descendants of Jews who used to
live there have access to the thus far unknown past and read the “signs”
of that past in preserved monuments. The creation of “virtual” counterparts of the ones that we visited on research tours aimed to capture the
experienced reality in a digital form and to commemorate the annihilated
Jewish communities which are stripped of any identity whatsoever when
it comes to inscriptions on monuments in Belarus. (It is noteworthy that
Belarusian monuments to Holocaust victims do commemorate them as
civil victims and helpless citizens but silence their Jewish identity). ¶ Two
of the research tours were completed as part of the programs financed
by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation (the Region in Transition
program – RITA). One was made possible thanks to the financial support of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the ‘Wspólne działania
polsko-białoruskie’ program) and the other thanks to the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (“Matra” project).
¶ There is no doubt that, thanks to the tours, we have incorporated new
elements in our “virtual archive”, enriching our collection of “memorial
sites” with pictures of desolate cemeteries, ruined synagogues, recorded
accounts of people who, despite stumbling blocks of the Soviet state, were
rebuilding their own private world on the post War ashes. The house, with
flowers in the backyard, when photographed, found a place in a broader
context of virtual memorabilia related to the universe of the Yiddishland.
Consequently, a great number of Poles and Belarusians as well as people
throughout the world learned more about the history and culture of Jews
in Belarus. ¶ Having said that, I would like to highlight another aspect
of the organized tours, namely the experience shaped neither by virtual
media nor by “virtual worlds” set in our minds. What I mean here is that it
was an opportunity to open yourself to and get lost in the space of a Belarusian town, where all of us, Poles, Jews and Belarusians, can ask each
other “What I am doing here?”, “How do I understand the past and what
categories should I apply?”, “What does this thing I am looking for tell me
about myself, my mindset and my education?”. ¶ Many signs of the past
still remain undeciphered and there is still much to be done. In search of
what is important to us, we are only touching the surface. Once we find
it, we place it in a broader context of our way of thinking about the past.
Each of us, Poles, Jews and Belarusians, has to answer the question about
our contemporary identity and our proper place in our own world. During tours such as the ones that we have organized together to Belarusian
towns, it becomes clear that a reciprocal understanding and maturing
enables each participant to more fully understand their identity. It occurs
every day, when the signs concealed in reality are being interpreted anew.
This gives us another perspective when we think about memory. It is no
longer a supporting structure of our national identity which needs to be
maintained and nurtured but rather a house surrounded with flower beds,
[23]
A Jewish
house in Zheludok, a photo
by Agata Maksimowska.
a place which is waiting to be incorporated into our own personal identities. Otherwise, you cannot recognize any identity, whether Belarusian,
Polish3 or the Jewish one.
Voiced identity ¶ Another project I would like to bring up here is an
exhibition which we have mounted in the National Historical Museum
in Minsk. The exhibition, called “Matzevot of Everyday Use” showcases
photographs by Łukasz Baksik and was made possible thanks to Trevor
Gile’s support. Its arrangement in Minsk was successful thanks to the
co-operation of the Polish Institute in Minsk and financial help from the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. ¶ The
theme of the exhibition seemed to be of greatest importance for us, the
organizers from Poland. It was previously on display in the Center of
Contemporary Art in Warsaw and during the Jewish Cultural Festival
in Krakow. Black and white pictures, showing the ongoing tendency to
‘recycle’ Jewish tombstones, strongly agitate our peaceful conscience. The
exhibition highlights incidents that occurred in Poland for years, mainly
3 Surprisingly, a visit to Wasiliszki Stare was fairly memorable to me. There is
Czesław Niemen’s family home, a museum now. The Belarusian context did not
conflict with a felling of nostalgia which engulfed me when I heard Czesław Niemen’s
songs playing from loudspeakers.
[24]
during World War II and in the era of the People’s Republic of Poland. It
reveals the influence of the regime states that take away right to live and
deprives of identity, demoting the property of those who are no longer
citizens and wiping away material traces of their existence. On the other
hand, displayed photographs reveal much about Polish society, which,
in past and unfortunately today, continues to partake in plundering Jewish cemeteries, using tombstones for all sorts of purposes. ¶ Does the
exhibition deal with memory? The Polish viewer will find a lot of information about memory, defined as an important and shared element of
the Polish identity. Polish interpretation of the pictures is dominated by
“neighbors”: Polish and Jews, and their “neighborly rapport”, which should
have been sustained by the Poles during World War II and afterwards
(which happened only occasionally). This unfulfilled close relation and
a feeling of guilt are starting to dominate in the discourse about the past.
These two issues form the framework of collective memory, around which
revolve “the memory of Jews” and a positive identity model of “a community which remembers”, as illustrated by many social and art projects
in Poland, such as initiatives of the Grodzka Gate – NN Theatre and the
Borderland of Arts, Cultures and Nations” Center in Sejny. Therefore,
this memory of Jews, which is crucial for the new positive Polish identity,
provides a context for the Polish interpretation of the exhibition. In this
way, an intended act of forgetting quarrels with a discourse of a research,
reconstruction, rebirth and commemoration that reminds us of Jan Józef
Lipski’s concept of patriotism, according to which one should face even the
darkest chapters of Polish history. ¶ Belarusian recipients of the exhibition,
who took the floor at the debate which accompanied the inauguration of
the exhibition, talked about examples of a similar approach to matzevot
in Belarus. However, this phenomenon was explained in the context of
another interpretation of memory. Some suggested that a “used” matzeva
still bears a remembrance. It is a sign which illustrates the past, with its
historical trauma and violence, but it is also a kind of testimony. This
approach significantly differs from the Polish interpretation, according to which the need to eliminate shameful and vile behavior is put
forward. (The cases of plundered matzevot from Jewish cemeteries are
more often publicized in the media). This reporting, in turn, may help
bring into existence a community responsible for the memory of erstwhile
neighbors. According to the Belarusian interpretation, the top priority
is to get as close as possible to the victim of the persecution and to put
emphasis on the remaining pieces of what has been preserved after the
tumultuous times during and after World War II. The contemporary
positive Belarusian identity, based, among other things, on the feeling
of trauma, forms a besieged identity, or, in other words, it is the identity
[25]
which is banned to the islands of the “Belarus” archipelago.4 ¶ Belarusian
and Jewish relations did not boil down to the interactions between two
persecuted minorities during the war. The process of wiping away the
national identity by a commonly known phrase “Soviet nation” and the
folklorization of ethnic differences did not contribute to solidifying the
national identity at all, not even the one which is more reflexive and open
to diversity (proposed by Jan Józef Lipski). At that time, any manifestation of “bourgeois nationalism” was stifled and Jewish and Belarusian
intelligence was purged. In the present political conditions, Belarusians
for whom national Belarusian culture is extremely important and who
want to build their own identity can hardly achieve their goal. It is as if
they were a minority in their own country which became colonized by
Russianness. Some say that Belarusians need an identity based on citizens’
ideologies and statehood, not on the language (as suggested by Barbara
Tornquist-Plewa5), but in fact the fear of assimilation does not allow the
leaders of the opposition to give up the efforts to build the identity based
on the common language, history and cultural heritage. ¶ In this context,
the memory of Jews is central to a positive image of their own group,
and a feeling of patriotism among Belarusians, but in a different way
than here in Poland. The Belarusians who attended the debate perceive
the Jewish fate as a history of those living in the Belarusian land and see
matzevot, used in construction works as shown on the exhibition, as
part of the heritage that may be important for defining the Belarusian
identity. Remarks that the vast majority of Belarusians have problems
with discovering and protecting their own cultural heritage came up
during the discussion quite often. This, in turn, does not encourage full
engagement in the heritage of other minorities. ¶ The exhibition showed
a very important aspect related both to expressing Polish and Belarusian
identities and to various trajectories of critical thinking about one’s own
identity. The memory of Jews seems to be important only for a certain part
of each of the two groups. In the case of Poland, it refers to people who
believe in patriotism open to diversity while in the case of Belarusians it
applies to those who are trying to answer the question of what is the core
of the Belarusian identity. ¶ Whereas, on research trips, we confronted
our knowledge and our identity with reality, which is liquid and prone
4 The Belarus archipelago is mentioned by Valiancin Akudovicz, who presents
a specific topography of Belarusness, which does not overlap with the borders of
the state but rather resembles the islands and islets in the sea of the Russian identity
(http://kamunikat.org/download.php?item=3882.html&pubref=3881).
5 Tornquist-Plewa B., The union between Belarus and Russia in the context of
Belarusian nation-building, in: I Rindzeviciute, E. (ed.) Contemporary change in
Belarus, Baltic & East European Graduate School, Södertörns högskola 2004, (pp.
21–39).
[26]
to various forms of description, the exhibition gave us an opportunity to
witness attempts to express the identity through defining oneself in the
context of significant others and their fate. Polish organizers had to face
the way in which Belarusian viewers interpreted the exhibition and to see
how, differently than in the discourse on the Polish identity, the questions
of the limits of the community and of the sense of its existence are posed
in the discourse on the Belarusian identity.
Heritage ¶ It seems that the previous fragments of this chapter deal
primarily with the question of the Polish and Belarusian identity, its
experiential or conceptual character. A great number of social projects
related to the memory of Eastern and Central Europe after the Holocaust
seem to prove the contemporary Jewish community in the Diaspora has
been overlooked and Jewish cultural heritage has been treated like an
object for particular ends of dominating groups. ¶ The concept of cultural
heritage is prone to politics. Heritage is oftentimes interpreted as national
property and therefore susceptible to conflicts. In the case of minority
groups whose heritage happens to be marginalized by a homogenizing
cultural strategy of a given national state, a doctrine of multiculturalism
comes in handy, according to which minority groups are assigned some
space in which they can design their own narrative and nurture their
cultural legacy. ¶ We have followed this idea when completing our projects in Belarus. We wanted to present Jewish heritage in the context of
multicultural Belarusian and Polish lands and perceive it as a challenge for
Polish and Belarusian cultures, as a legacy which is rooted in the Eastern
and Central Europe and which needs a Subject that would speak on its
behalf. ¶ This kind of the discourse entails the danger of excluding the
real actors, namely Jews. Holocaust survivors in the USSR were persecuted the most dramatic time being between 1948 and 1953, when a state
policy of anti-Semitism was enforced. Throughout the existence of the
USSR, Jews suffered minor persecutions which were commonly referred
to as “kitchen anti-Semitism” since it only emerged in everyday ordinary
talks at home; backstage one could say (Rus. kuhennoi antisemitizm,
v bytu), without physical violence towards Jews. Over time, more and
more Jews began to assimilate for fear and under pressure implemented
by the state rules of atheism, which made it extremely difficult for Jews
to nurture fundamental rules of Judaism. Soviet Jews were being rooted
out. A movement which aimed to facilitate Jewish migration to Israel, the
so-called refuseniks (otkazniks), was to do away with persecutions and to
pave the way for Jews to find their identity in the democratic state of Israel.
¶ Within the Soviet Union, methods of the escape from the Soviet Jewish
identity also varied. Sometimes a person’s nationality was changed in their
papers, or in their internal passport, but it did not always mean leaving
Jewish culture and tradition behind. Therefore, internal passport entries
[27]
which were a form of Soviet alienating classification, are often rejected
and unreliable. Jews are recognized on the basis of their involvement in
Jewish life and in promotion of Jewish language and tradition while Jews
defined only by the data included in their passports are not seen as the
“true ones” (in Russian: evrei tol’ko po pashportu). ¶ In those horrible times,
many were brave enough to try to create their own archipelagos of the
Jewish life. Nowadays, in post-Soviet countries, Jews have been rebuilding
their communities anew although large-scale waves of Jewish migration
to Israel, which started in 1991 and is mainly caused by the economic
reasons, does not help. Jewish organizations in Belarus are remarkable
partners for us because by participating in international projects they get
an opportunity to learn their own heritage and to take responsibility for it.
¶ We, the Poles, acting as good neighbors driven by the will to share our
critical and deconstructive attitude towards regimes and the historical
official policies, have to be careful not to dominate the common ground
for cooperation (which should be equally shared by us and the Belarusians)
with our interpretation of the common memory and cultural heritage.
Additionally, we should be aware that by no means can we perceive this
area as a terra incognita and superimpose another meaning of ours there.
We cannot simply describe this cultural heritage as something permanent,
fossilized in the “ethnographical past”. We must avoid marginalizing the
actors who have always been creative and defended their own heritage,
namely Belarusian Jews. ¶ Cultural heritage does not mirror the nation.
It is rather an island, which was built among others by us, the Poles, in
order to survive throughout the history.
[28]
r Marina Mojeiko (Minsk)
Cultural heritage as a value: the post-modernist version of
revision and its lessons
1. Value of tradition: education and shaping of an industrial civilization
¶ The phenomenon of education is one of the underlying phenomena of
a European-type culture. Its characteristics determine the way the latter
is organized, as from the very outset education was closely linked to the
values in a traditional culture. ¶ The formation of an industrial civilization as such became possible thanks to the emergence of education as
a phenomenon within the culture of classical antiquity. The shaping and
development of a new type of civilization in European history is related
to profound changes in the way cultural heritage was passed on to next
generations. ¶ At the early stages of its development mythical thinking was characterized by a name-type traduction of social experience,
which presupposes a fixed relation between knowledge about certain
types of social roles (as well as corresponding rights and duties of an
individual within a community) and the name given to a person at birth
(a child’s name that corresponds to child’s behavior patterns) and later,
during the initiation rite (an adult’s name that endows an individual
with the status of a fully-fledged member of a community). Traditional
societies that practice this type of traduction of historical experience do
not need education as a specific activity: all the necessary information
about social roles in such a society is implicitly present in the names
used. ¶ Emergence of a family and profession-based modification of this
mechanism does not really change anything. Its addressee remains the
same: it’s a concrete entity, the bearer of the name, the only difference
being that in this case it is a collective entity as the name is applied to
a family (dynasties of doctors that refer to themselves as “sons of Asclepius,” or blacksmiths calling themselves “Hephaestides” in Greece of
Mycenaean era) rather than to an individual. This type of culture does
not need education either: acquisition of profession-related technologies
and corresponding social roles was an implicit process that took place
as a child was directly involved in the system of family and professional
[29]
relations. ¶ The name-type traduction mechanism was replaced by the
one based on education, which became a means of translating socially
important information. This entails alienation of the translated technology or behavior on the one hand, and alienation of socially determined
situation-based aspects on the other. This happened due to the fact that,
in contrast to traditional agricultural communities of the Ancient Middle
East, the Greek economy was based on specialization. ¶ Whereas possible
social roles of individuals in traditional eastern societies were limited to
very few options (peasant, loyal subject, son, father, husband), the culture
of antiquity displays a fundamental diversification. As a rule, a citizen of
ancient Greece was unable to provide for his family through farming only
and had to try his hand at a whole number of different occupations, such
as shipwright, sea-farer, craftsman, salesman to name but a few (Hesiod’s
Works and Days provides a vivid illustration of this). ¶ Similarly, during
the time of his life a citizen of a polis could be elected strategos, archon,
etc. ¶ In both cases an individual had to learn corresponding professional
and social technologies, which resulted in learning becoming a purposeful activity and education emerging as a specific institution.1 A law is
known from Salon’s time, which states that a son had no obligation to
care for his old father if the latter had failed to provide the son with an
opportunity to learn some craft. To sum up, education as an early social
institution was not only rooted in traditional culture and its values, but
also aimed at their preservation and traduction, both from technological
and axiological standpoints.
2. Traditional values and the value of education ¶ In a Western-type
culture education acquires an attributive status: such culture cannot
either exist or even imagine itself without this social institution. Even in
those spheres, whose inherent features seem to preclude the possibility
of education, the latter is present and plays a dominant role. ¶ The dual
cultural attribution of the Western European tradition (“between Athens and Jerusalem,” as Tertullian puts it) predetermines the axiological
ambivalence of Europe’s Christian tradition: “Jerusalem” requires mystery
and profoundness of allegory (revealed in apophatic, or negative, theology); “Athens” call for a system in knowledge, rational and logic clarity
(which is embodied by cataphatic theology seeking to rationalize God).
¶ Accordingly, on the one hand, the European theological tradition has
a pronounced theistic bias with an articulated inclination towards personification of God. In line with this, Revelation is interpreted as the truth
being revealed by God’s will to the one who seeks it. God is thought of
as an entity and relations with Him are experienced as very personal and
1 One classic example are the sophists’ school, where those who needed to
participate in the political life of a polis studied rhetoric.
[30]
simultaneously suprarational; they provide a possibility to transgress the
insurmountable divide between the earthly and the heavenly (and this
transgression also escapes rationalization). ¶ At the same time and on
the other hand, as a descendant of Greek rationalism Western Christian
culture generates within its own context a rationally organized theology
as a theoretical subject. In terms of theoretic endeavors, this tendency
was best represented in Scholasticism, while in terms of organizational
impact it gave rise to theological departments at medieval universities
across Europe (beginning with a theological department at Paris University in the first half of the 13th century) with all the ensuing consequences.
¶ Thomas Aquinas argues that theology’s object is represented by God in
the aspect of His divinity (essence, not manifestations): deus sub ratione
deitatis. Similarly, Doctor Subtilis – John Duns Scotus – reasons that due
to its object theology is the most complicated of scholarly disciplines;
his view is that the more complex the subject, the more complicated
the discipline. Consequently, theology has to be acknowledged as the
most complex one as its subject – God – is the paragon of complexity.
¶ Yet within a theistic context looking at a personified God as a subject
is a blasphemous at the very least. Moreover, the theistic paradigm does
not allow for the knowledge of God to be articulated as a subject-object
process. Contemplation as a cognitive procedure comes to denote looking
into God’s own eyes; that is why, according to the Bible, gaining knowledge
of God is a reverent and inspired “seeking for God’s image”.2 The essential
non-objectness of God was explicitly stated already by Anselm of Canterbury (“it is one thing for an object to be in the understanding, and another
to understand that the object exists”); the Protestants’ dialectic theology
(Karl Barth, Reinhold Niebuhr and others) is also based on radical criticism of objective knowledge of God, etc. ¶ However often one might refer
to theology as “doctrina sacra” (Thomas Aquinas), a scholarly structured
speculative study of Revelation and faith has no intrinsic connection
with the mysterious act of Revelation and the living faith itself. Looking
at the sacred mystery as an intellectual problem (as well as turning the
intimate act of Revelation into a subject of a public scholarly dispute) is
a desecration of the great miracle of epiphany when viewed from a theistic standpoint. ¶ From a cultural studies researcher perspective, the
axiologically ambivalent character of Christian theology as a scientifically
structured conceptual teaching about the act of Revelation, which itself
cannot be conceptualized, is, perhaps, intimately the most significant and,
therefore, the most revealing manifestation of ambivalent character of
social and cultural foundations of the Christian culture as a whole. This
ambivalence is dichotomically articulated within such binary oppositions
2 Пс, 23, 6.
[31]
as Hellenistic West vs. Byzantine East, rational knowledge vs. irrational
faith, Greek philosophy vs. Biblical mythology, and, eventually, Old vs.
New Testament. ¶ In other words, the supremacy of education as a value
in European culture leads to a situation when laws of formal, logic-based
rational thinking are applied to religious, essentially non-conceptualized
experience (not to mention the purely social issues it generates: the problem of admission and selection of students; the problem of simony, i.e.
corruption in medieval universities, etc. Within the context of theological
departments they acquire a different dimension, when violations of social
and moral regulations turn into deathly sins.) ¶ Apart from that, looking at
theology as a system of rational knowledge automatically generates false
knowledge. The price, i.e. sin, is very high, because a mistake can lead to
heresy and a wrong theory may result in negation of faith. It is no accident that most heretics of medieval Europe were rationalist theologians,
who thought of themselves as good Christians. The spread of “Christian
learnedness” across Western Europe creates a situation, which Francis of
Assisi aptly summed up in a following maxim: “It is inadmissible when one
has to know Latin to save his soul.” ¶ Axiologically, the Christian culture’s
reaction to this situation was in presuming the inviolacy of traditional (in
this case Christian) values. ¶ In a softer form this tendency manifested
itself in the establishment of certain limits to the destructive influence of
totally formalized rationalism on the mysterious content of faith, namely,
an official prohibition of disputes between theologians and philosophers
at medieval universities. ¶ At its most radical, this tendency leads to the
emergence of an alternative axiological paradigm, which is reflected in
rejection of book-learned wisdom, early Franciscan calls to abandon literacy, etc. Later, this kind of attitude transformed into the idealization of
traditional way of life and values and presented ideal society as perfectly
traditional (“when Adam delved and Eve span…”), endowing traditional,
Hesiod-inspired perceptions of a long gone “golden age” with new, social
meaning.
3. Traditional values and the problem of spirituality in today’s culture
¶ Throughout its history traditional ethics, which defines itself as a theory
of morality and aims at providing a model of virtuous way of life, was used
to substantiate a concrete system of moral regulations and was based on
concrete interpretations of such notions as good, evil, duty, honor, conscience, justice, meaning of life, etc. ¶ The regulatory character of ethics
is explicitly postulated in Kantian reflections on the theory of morality;
in actuality, ethics is always constituted as a teaching about the proper,
thus acquiring features of a practical philosophy. ¶ As to the present-day
culture of post-non-classical type, its original ideological self-definition
was based on the statement that in terms of post-modern values and
[32]
semantics ethics in its traditional understanding cannot be constructed
as such. ¶ There are several reasons for that:
1) Homogeneity of axiological field in post-modern culture.
Paradigm changes, which are characteristic of today’s way of thinking,
lead to a situation when the culture of post-modern type begins to understand itself as essentially relativistic. Preceding cultural traditions are
viewed retrospectively as being centered around the so called “metanarratives”, i.e. interpretative patterns and models that claim universality and
endow social institutions, knowledge, ways of thinking with a sort of “legitimacy” (thus, heretical teachings cannot be legitimate within the context
of “Christian metanarration” of medieval Western Europe, obscurantism
is void within the “Enlightenment metanarration”, dissident views won’t
acquire legitimacy within the “Soviet matanarration,” etc.) ¶ Present-day
culture is viewed by post-modernism as a culture of “declining metanarrations,” which means radical rejection of “metanarrations” claiming the
status of not only a template for semantic, interpretative and axiological
procedures but also a regulatory framework for all types of behavior.
In this respect the very notion of axiological priority, as put by Fredric
Jameson, may be described as “unacceptable within the modern theory,” as
the latter does not distinguish between the true and the false, acceptable
or unacceptable. From this perspective, culture provides a possibility for
interaction and dialogue between different (including alternative) traditions. As Jean-François Lyotard points out, in the post-modern culture
“all earlier existing centers of gravitation, formed by national states, parties,
institutions and historical traditions lose their strength.”3 According to
Félix Guattari “everything will do, everything is acceptable.”4 ¶ Ethics, on
then other hand, is not only value-based in essence but also has regulatory
claims, which won’t allow it function in its traditional way in the conditions
of a mosaic-type culture. In this context Dawne McCance postulates “open”
or “multiple” ethics as the only kind of ethics possible, provided under
“multiple” we are to understand essential rejection of the very possibility
of a canon instead of the usual pluralism in numbers.5
2) Rejection of the idea of binary oppositions in post-modern culture.
3 Lyotard J.-F. The Postmodern Explained. Minneapolis – L., 1993.
4 Трансфер или то, что от него осталось, или Аналитик живет в постоянном
страхе. Феликс Гваттари в беседе с Брахой Лихтенберг Эттингер // Кабинет:
картины мира. Психогенез – Техногенез: коллекция perversus. Сборник статей. –
СПб., 1998, – с. 23.
5 Мак-Кенс Д. Этика в постсовременной перспективе // Философские науки.
1996. № 1–4.
[33]
At all levels of its organization as a theoretical discipline, ethics is
based on the binary principle: pairs of categories (good-evil, properactual, virtue-sin, etc.) alternative moral principles (asceticism-hedonism,
egoism-collectivism, altruism-utilitarianism, etc.), opposite values, etc. –
including the values necessary to construct the possibility of ethics based
on the opposition between good and evil. At the same time, the transformations in paradigms of modern thinking are based on the idea of
ambiguity of directions in evolution (“plurality of possibilities” for development); accordingly, in their program statement they reject the very
idea of binary oppositions. This is the reason behind a situation in the
post-modern intellectual field when, as stated by Gilles Deleuze and Félix
Guattari, “dualism or dichotomy are impossible, even in the primitive form
of good and evil.”6
3) Idiographic rejection of strict deductivism
Present-day culture maintains the presumption of idiographic
approach, i.e. a disposition to perceive each individual phenomenon as
an event, adequate interpretation of which requires viewing it as unique;
this means total rejection of any attempts at formulating universal laws and
values. ¶ In such a coordinate system ethics, which traditionally requires
any individual act to be classified under a general rule (code) and be evaluated on the basis of a universally valid norm, cannot construct its contents
in the earlier status. Whereas traditional ethics interprets regulation of
human behavior as based solely on the deductive principle, present-day
post-non-classical culture looks at alternative strategies and suggests
models of self-organized human subjectivity as an autochthonous process,
beyond the externally imposed regulations and limitations coming from
one or another moral code. In Michel Foucault’s view, a deductively constructed canon realized through a ban on alternative behavior scenarios
is not and can never be a basis for present-day morality; we can only
speak of a certain “stylization of conduct.” Similarly, E. Jardine emphasizes
situation-dependant “self-regulation” of a person through absolutely nonuniversal mechanisms rather than following a general rule. ¶ Moreover,
the very “principle of stylization of conduct” is not universally obligatory,
strictly rigorist or supposed to be obeyed by everyone, but is meaningful
and useful only for those who, as put by Foucault, “wished to give their
existence the most graceful and accomplished form possible.”7 Yet this
rejection of obligatory nature of moral maxims deprives the latter of their
6 Делез Ж., Гваттари Ф. Капитализм и шизофрения. М.: Анти-Эдип, 1990.
7 Фуко М. Воля к истине: по ту сторону знания, власти и сексуальности. М.,
1996.
[34]
regulative potential and turns them into hypothetical verbal structures,
whose modality shifts from the domain of validity/efficiency into the
domain of probability/improbability.
4) A glimpse of “future ethics” and the return of metaphysics
In the described coordinate system the traditional ethics, which always
demanded individual situations to be classified under a general rule, scenario of a concrete action to be deductively derived from a general code,
and its evaluation to be based on a generally valid norm, cannot sustain
its earlier social and cultural status. ¶ Thus, in a modern philosophy moral
behavior is not something determined by externally imposed rules, but
is a product of a special, immanent and strictly individual creative effort.
¶ As a matter of fact, we can talk about a certain kind of transition from
code-based ethics, which presupposes classification of a unique act under
a general – and thus irrelevant – rule, to creative ethics, in accordance
with which each individual case requires a unique scenario of moral
behavior. This necessitates a different understanding of moral consciousness and moral action, which is treated as a result of immanent creative
effort by human consciousness. ¶ One of the most vivid examples demonstrating the post-non-classic attempt at abandoning the code-based
ethics and moving towards the creative ethics is the above-mentioned
Foucault’s concept of “aesthetics of existence.” Marking the statement that
“entire morality is a product of prohibitions” as wrong, Foucault formulates
“the problem of ethics as a form one should give to one’s conduct and one’s
life,”8 “within this ethics one has to create for oneself rules of conduct, thanks
to which it is possible to achieve (…) supremacy of oneself over oneself.”9
Stating the need for new form of moral consciousness in today’s culture
(creative ethics instead of traditional code-based ethics), post-modernism
actually assumes the original function of philosophy, i.e. reflection on the
fundamentals of culture and tendencies in its development. I doubt that
there will be someone willing to oppose Foucault’s position concerning
his analysis of the status of traditional ethics (the ethics of norm as the
ethics of prohibition) in the present-day culture. Foucault is definitely
right in pointing out that spirituality of the modern man cannot be formed
on the basis of traditional values and ideals alone, and in saying that it is
necessary to form the ethics of self as a new type ethics; an ethics founded
on gaining insight into the essence of each unique precedent of moral
choice, rather than deductivism. ¶ At the same time, practical suggestions
contained in this concept can be easily criticized: the concept itself cannot
function as a practical system of morality. The reason is that any ethics
8 Ibid., p. 319.
9 Ibid., p. 317.
[35]
A Minsk synagogue, 1920s –
‘Kultura’ cinema.
From Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s
collection.
A Minsk synagogue, 1930s –
State Jewish
Theatre at BSRR.
From the National
Digital Archives
collections (NAC,
archival fonds:
Wydawnictwo
Prasowe Kraków–
Warszawa).
of self-creation constructed as creative ethics in contrast to code-based
ethics can only exist if based on clearly realized axiological priorities, if
consciousness of an individual that “practices self ” is rooted in concrete
systems of values. ¶ Otherwise, in absence of clearly defined axiological
priorities, the practice of the “art of self ” turns in to a pointless game, an
endless process of trying on all possible modes of conduct without respect
to their desirability for others and the individual as self. Self-creation turns
into the process of variation as a value in itself, and doesn’t involve an
outcome. ¶ The reason is that ethics is necessarily metaphysical in nature,
for, like any kind of metaphysics, it seeks profound numinous foundations
of existence (in this case, the existence of morality). This is especially true
for the creative ethics, which has no relation to strict norms and emphasizes motivation for a moral choice by an individual that presupposes this
individual’s freedom in choosing the value whose prevalence he or she
desires to attain by constructing the moral action. In fact, the creative
ethics is only possible when it is postulated as the ethics of value. In other
words, this kind of moral self-development, whose creative potential is
apparent and undoubted, is only possible in the presence of values metaphysically (supernaturally) articulated for an individual and, therefore,
unconditional for him/her. ¶ That is why attempts at formulating the
foundations of a new morality by postmodernist philosophers within the
[36]
field of postmetaphysical thinking remain simply an original theoretical
experiment, which can contribute very little to practical morality. This is
conditioned not just by their bodacious eccentricity, but even more so by
the inescapable fact that without internal – at the level of fundamental
cultural values – discrimination between good and evil moral consciousness is impossible as such. And when postmodern culture tries formulating
its morality on the basis of postmetaphysical thinking, whose program is
built around relativity of moral choice and the statement that all variants
are equally possible and equally acceptable, it necessarily arrives at the
realization of futility of such an attempt. ¶ The theoretical statement of
“this way no more relevant than the other,” which initially was looked upon
exclusively from the perspective of stylistic pluralism of self-creation (as
a certain marker of anti-dogmatic attitude of an individual in the process
of self-creation), in popular (and often superficial) understanding is perceived as allowing any forms of social action. In practice, this position
generates nihilism and all-permissiveness; it is not the action itself that
is perceived as important but the aptness of its interpretations, of which
the actor is either capable or not. Hid behind the numerous and mutually
exclusive renderings, the essence of the action escapes any assessments,
given that the number of such assessments in different coordinate systems
is infinite. ¶ Yet such moral pluralism, which was characteristic of postmodern culture for several decades, is now becoming the subject of radical
re-thinking within a value-based paradigm. The critical point of this
cultural transformation was the “phenomenon of September 11,” which
marks a very real danger to the existence of civilization emanating from
the civilization itself. Under the pressure of extra-cultural realities the
modern culture arrived at a realization that beyond the metaphysically
determined opposition between good and evil the existence of man as
homo culturis will be impossible. ¶ Accordingly, postmodernism as
described above (in its classical variant) is now changing into post-postmodernism, whose program postulates the necessity of formulating a kind
of “cultural classicism,” i.e. “the re-discovery of lost meanings” (M. Gottdiener) for the underlying foundations of culture. In these conditions the
paradigm of postmetaphysical thinking seems practically exhausted,
there’s a growing tendency of some sort of metaphysical revival, i.e. a philosophic return to the universal values of classical culture. ¶ At the same
time, the modern culture’s understanding of moral consciousness as
a creative phenomenon (inclined towards individual improvement in the
process of moral self-creation rather than following an existing code of
rules) is not yet exhausted. ¶ To sum up, two interrelated tendencies can
be observed within the context of postmodern culture: on the one hand,
the domination of postmetaphysical thinking and resulting fashion for
all-permissiveness today can be said to be a thing of the past; on the other,
it is doubtful that modern moral consciousness will return to traditional
[37]
rigorist “code-based ethics.” ¶ In this situation present-day culture focuses
on those ethical concepts coming from classical philosophical and religious traditions, which, though rooted in classical metaphysics, presume
individual creativity as a way to spiritual self-improvement. The latter can
be attained only through internal work of a moral subject with the motive
of his/her action, which, in turn, is only possible when an individual
interiorizes certain cultural values eventually determining the moral
choice. Consequently, in today’s culture considerable emphasis is put on
upbringing as the process of shaping an individual capable of such internal
work and intense, continuous efforts directed towards self-improvement.
¶ To sum up, the ethics of norm, which imposes general rules on individuals, can be substituted only by such creative ethics that would be understood
as the ethics of values, i.e. free objectivation in an action of an axiological
ideal consciously chosen by the individual. That is why the pair code-based
ethics – education is being substituted by a new formula: creative
ethics – upbringing.
[38]
r Ala Sidarovich (Minsk)
The town: a place where cultures meet
“Heritage is what belongs to us from the beginning,” Ales Razanau once
said.1 But could we also refer these words to the cultural heritage of the
Belarusian Jews? Are we ready to understand the notion of “multicultural
approach” as the one that implies specific objects of material heritage of
not only Belarusian ethnical culture? ¶ The discussion about the preservation of the cultural heritage of the Belarusian Jews is a discussion that
deals both with the legal perspective (immediately, the question arises
not only about the condition but also about the status of material objects:
former synagogues, mikvehs, beit taharas) and with the research methodology, which would depend on the scientific field of a researcher. The
condition of the majority of the objects of the cultural heritage of the
Belarusian Jews is unsatisfactory. Few of them have the Historic and
cultural monument status, which would protect the object from becoming
unrecognizable as a result of the reconstruction or from total destruction.2
The discussion about the preservation of the cultural heritage of the
Belarusian Jews inevitably concerns the ways and forms of the preservation of the memory about the vanished social reality, and first of all, about
the town, as a unique social and cultural phenomenon. ¶ It’s rarely mentioned that the world of the Belarusian-Jewish towns, completely destroyed
during the three years of the Nazi occupation, was the stage for the origination and consolidation of the Belarusian tradition at the beginning of
the 20th century. The wave of the Belarusian national life revival triggered
off by the Nasha Niva newspaper would hardly be possible, if Belarus at
that time hadn’t had strong social infrastructure represented by a network
1 Алесь Разанаў. Слова пра спадчыну. Анталёгія сучаснага беларускага
мыслення. – СПб.: Невский Простор, 2003. – С. 22. (Ales Razanau. A Word about
Heritage. Ontology of the contemporary Belarusian thought).
2 A vivid example is the demolition at the end of April, 2011 of a mikvah from
the 17th century in Hlybokaje. The building didn’t have the historical and cultural
monument states and was demolished in the framework of the preparation of the
town for the Day of the Belarusian Literature.
[39]
of towns. It’s sufficient to examine carefully the newspaper’s correspondents’ places of residence to note that from the very beginning the audience
of the “Belarusian revival project” was spread broader than merely in the
rural area. Valiantsin Akudovich highlighted a special role of towns in
the Belarusian history saying that “the phenomenon of the Belarusian
shtetl, probably, is explained by the fact that in our shtetls it was necessary
to fulfill many of the functions that in other countries are usually performed by the “center.”3 ¶ During 2010–2012, I participated in four research
expeditions carried out by the Association Jewish Historical Institute and
the Museum of the History of the Polish Jews together with the Museum
of Jewish History and Culture in Belarus. We went on expeditions to Brest,
Hrodna, Minsk, and Vitebsk regions. The routes mostly went through the
territories that until 1939 were part of the II Rzechpospolita. The aim of
those many-day trips was to explore the state of the preservation of the
cultural heritage and the places of memory of the Belarusian Jews. The
second part of our program focused on collecting the reminiscences of
local residents about their former Jewish neighbors. It’s remarkable that,
talking about the past of a shtetl that today has a town or village status,
our respondents, predominantly those of senior age, referred to it as
a “Jewish shtetl.” Although, it is well known that even when Jews comprised the majority of town dwellers, there were always Christian residents.4
¶ These two communities, the Jewish and the Belarusian, or, to be precise,
the Judaic and the Christian ones, used to be face-to-face, mingled in the
everyday life through certain established social practices, which always
had a subjective meaning expressed both as sympathy and antipathy. In
their recollections of the Jews that lived in their town, local residents first
mentioned traders and craftsmen, and even remembered the names. They
spoke about their life style, clothes, holidays that differed from theirs,
which they saw themselves and had the most vivid memories of. Fairs,
shops, a house of a Jewish neighbor where a Belarusian villager could
happen to be on Shabbat to make a fire in the oven, or where children
came on Pesah (Passover) to treat themselves to matzah – these are the
fragments of the vanished world that almost all the respondents remembered. They recall some words in Yiddish5, names of the residents that
became idiomatic6, vestments of the rabbis and the friendliness of petty
3 Валянцін Акудовіч. Код адсутнасці. Мінск, 2007. – С. 77 (Valiantsin Akudovich.
The Code of Absence).
4 In many towns, for example, in Dauhinava, Iuye, Mir, there were a lot of Tatars.
5 For example, in town Krasnaye, Molodzechno district, the word “a hoi”, denoting
a Jew (someone who was not a Jew), was used with the meaning ‘skillful at work,
smart’.
6 In Tseliakhany, Ivatsevichi district, there is a saying referring to a young dashing
local Jew: “Kalman, why are you running around like Kalman”.
[40]
traders who readily sold the goods on credit in the name of a fair worker,
or were very persistent in trying to persuade a child to buy some sweets
at their shop. Unable to respond to such a proposal and in order not to
spend more than they could afford, the least wealthy parents forbade their
children to “go to the Jews.” ¶ After World War II, Jewish neighbors perished. How did Belarusians apprehend their abrupt disappearance? How
did they explain to themselves the new world they found themselves living
in after the German occupation and where there were no former neighbors? In the post-war Belarus, the fate of the Jews murdered in ghettos
and also the fate of prisoners of war and inmates of concentration camps
was stigmatized at the state level. The memory about the Catastrophe,
which was an enormously traumatic experience for dozens of thousands
families of the Belarusian Jews who managed to stay alive, was intended
not to become public. ¶ Without the Jews who were totally exterminated
during World War II Belarusian towns fell into a decline and in the 1970s
when a large number of villagers moved to the city, and virtually vanished
as a unique cultural and social phenomenon. For Belarusians, the shtetl
was no more a place of communication and intensive competition with
the Jewish community, but just a unified administrative and economic
center, a peculiar terra incognita represented by the Soviet authority.
Those who hadn’t moved to the city yet had to develop quite unequal
relations with it and to adjust their still predominantly traditional, based
on the religious values life to its completely secularized prescriptions. The
cultural landscape of the shtetl changed irreversibly: churches were shut
down, synagogues were re-equipped for utility purposes, old cemeteries
were buried under the buildings. ¶ At the beginning of February 2012,
together with my colleagues from the Association Jewish Historical Institute and the Museum of the History of the Polish Jews, I organized a photo
exhibition by Łukasz Baksik at the National Museum of History. The
exhibition was called Matzevot of Everyday Use and depicted the fate of
Jewish cemeteries in the post-war Poland. The author set a complicated
task for himself: to cross entire Poland in order to find and take photos
of former Jewish cemeteries. In the majority of pictures exhibited, there
are no actual cemeteries: the gravestones from most of them were taken
by the local residents for their household needs. Gravestones were used
as grindstones, tiles for sidewalks, and kerbs. During the discussion many
visitors noticed that not only Jewish but also numerous old Christian
cemeteries shared the same fate. ¶ After World War II, in Western Belarus
the attitude of the society towards the cultural heritage gradually changed.
When we talk about ideological motives that drove the deconstruction
or reconfiguration of Christian religious buildings, we often note today
that these “activities” were initiated by the state institutions of that time.
But the change in the attitude to the cultural heritage unavoidably
impacted people’s private everyday life and caused certain reflections.
[41]
The changes brought by the Soviet authorities were not accepted blindly:
in most cases, those who agreed to participate in the destruction of
churches were unequivocally condemned by the local community. Nevertheless, the fate of the Jewish cemeteries with matzevot taken for
household needs after the war seems to most clearly define the changes
in the boundary of what is “acceptable” in the attitude of the society to
the preservation of the memory and where a new Foucauldian historical
break is located, the boundary between the tradition world and a new
Soviet one. Post-war generation of Belarusians had no experience of the
relations with the Jewish population of shtetls as their parents did. For
the new generation of Belarusians, the rich Jewish cultural heritage of the
towns for a long while was only a setting to an unknown play, the text and
actors of which were burnt during the last war. ¶ The memory about the
rich culture of the Belarusian Jews started to be revived only at the beginning of the 1990s, most often through a politically correct representation
of the culture of a national minority and memorialization of the Holocaust
places. Equally important, probably, is the readiness to discover Jewish
culture, which used to be part of the habitual everyday life of the previous
generations of Belarusians and, paraphrasing Ales Razanau, “from the
very beginning” shaped, through contrast to itself, the Belarusian identity
and cultural landscape of Belarusian towns.
[42]
The History of
Belarusian Jews
[43]
r Ina Sorkina (Hrodna)
Researching Belarusian Shtetls: outcome, perspectives,
opportunities and possible application in practice
In the history of Belarus, small towns are a unique example of integration
of the Jewish population into the Belarusian environment with the preservation of their national culture. As a result of some historical factors, for
centuries our country was the land of Jewish settlements, the centers of
Jewish culture and history. The specific Jewish subculture was segregated
from the surrounding cultural environment. As qahals were religiously,
culturally, spiritually, and socially autonomous in the towns, the term
“shtetl” should be introduced (from Yiddish, ‘little town’), which denotes
Jewish physical and spiritual space in Belarusian towns. The concepts
“shtetl” and “town” should not be used as interchangeable. One correlates
with the other as part of the whole. Presence of a shtetl was one of the main
features of Belarusian towns. At the same time, representatives of various
ethnicities and religions participated in the functioning of these settlements, which shaped the specificity of the economic, social and cultural
life, unique forms of communication between the people in the towns.
¶ The long-term research of the history of the Belarusian towns reveals
that there is plentiful of sources and a certain historiographical tradition.
Let us start a short historiographical review of summarizing works focused
on the towns. ¶ A Polish historian, Stanislaw Aleksandrowicz, studied
comprehensively Belarusian and Lithuanian towns of the 15–17th centuries.
He is the author of a number of publications about genesis and social and
economic development of these settlements1 and cultural aspects of
1 Aleksandrowicz, S. Miasteczka Białorusi i Litwy jako ośrodki handlu w XVI
i w I połowie XVIІ w. // Rocznik Białostocki. – T.1. – Białystok, 1961. – S. 63–130;
Aleksandrowicz, S. Kierunki produkcji rzemieśłniczej i przemysłowej w miasteczkach
Białorusi i Litwy (XVI do połowy XVIІ w.) // Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu
Adama Mickiewicza. Historia. – Z. 6. – Poznań, 1964. – S. 23–54; Aleksandrowicz,
S. Zaludnienie miasteczek Litwy i Białorusi w XVI i w I połowie XVIІ w. // Rocznik
dziejów społecznych i gospodarczych. – Poznań, 1966. – S. 35–67; Aleksandrowicz, S.
Geneza i rozwój sieci miasteczek Białorusi i Litwy do połowy XVIІ w. // Аcta BalticoSlavicа. – Białystok, 1970. – T. 7. – S. 47–108.
[44]
functioning of the Belarusian towns.2 In Belarus, specialized research about
the towns arouse in 1994. It was a dissertation by Yury Bokhan, which
concentrated on the towns in the upper reaches of the rivers Vilija and
Berazina (Nioman’s tributary) in the 15–18th centuries.3 Studying the region,
the author defined the place of the towns in the structure of urban settlements in Belarus in the 15–18th centuries, comprehensively analyzed their
social and economic development, planning and material culture. Unfortunately, the research by Y.Bokhan has not been published. ¶ In 1998, the
author of this article defended her dissertation for the “Candidate of Sciences Degree” at the Institute of History of the National Academy of
Sciences of Belarus where she examined the development of the towns in
Belarus at the end of the 18th century – first half of the 19th century. In 2010,
a book about this issue was published.4 Based on the acquired scientific
knowledge of history of towns and the identified complex of historical
sources, there was an attempt to work on a monograph about the towns
in Belarus at the end of the 18th century – first half of the 19th century, to
explore the peculiarities of the development of economy, social and demographic situation and culture in these settlements. ¶ A new promising
research direction today is studies of the history of individual towns. The
activization of the research about the local history in Belarus resulted in
the creation of extremely interesting historical essays about a number of
towns.5 Local history studies acquire a scientific character, half-amateur
studies of local history develop into professional regional studies. This
tendency is manifested through a number of books that have recently been
published in Belarus where microhistory of individual towns is recreated
on the basis of historical sources (for example, the work by Herman Breher
about Khatsiukava6), new methodological approaches (research by Siarhei
Danskikh about Shchuchyn where the author creates a “dynamic existential
anthropological” model of the development of the town7). A group of
2 Aleksandrowicz, S. Rola miast i miasteczek w przemianach kulturalnych
i językowych na ziemiach Białorusi w XVI – XVIII w. // Наш Радавод. – Кн. 7. –
Гродна, 1996. – С. 243–248.
3 Бохан, Ю.М. Мястэчкі вярхоўяў Віліі і нёманскай Беразіны ў XV–XVIII ст.
(па археалагічных і пісьмовых крыніцах): дыс. … канд. гіст. навук. – Мінск, 1994.
(Bokhan, Y.M. Small towns in the upper reaches of the rivers Vilija and Berazina
(Nioman’s tributary) in the 15–18th centuries (based on the archeological and written
sources)).
4 Соркіна, І. Мястэчкі Беларусі ў канцы XVIII – першай палове ХІХ ст. – Вільня,
2010. (Sorkina, I. Small towns in Belarus at the end of 18th – first half of the 19th
century).
5 Скобла, М. Дзярэчынскі дыярыюш. – Мінск, 1999; Камінскі, А. Пад хвалямі
Крэўскага мора. – Маладэчна, 2002; і інш. (Skobla, M. Diary of Dziarecha.)
6 Брэгер, Г. Хацюкова. Гісторыя невялікага паселішча. – Мінск, 2001. (Breher, H.
Khatsiukava. A Story of a Small Settlement.)
7 Данскіх, С.У. Наш Шчучын. – Гродна, 2001. (Danskikh, S.U. Our Shchuchyn)
[45]
authors (with the largest part contributed by Siarhei Tokts) used a broad
range of sources and made a research about the 500-years history of Skidzel.8 A book by Vital Karnialiuk, which examines Krynki9 also played an
important role in the studies of the history of the towns in Belarus. Iryna
Ramanava and Iryna Makhouskaja wrote a book where the history of the
town of Mir is depicted from the viewpoint of its inhabitants.10 ¶ In our
country, in the historical urban studies more attention is devoted to the
large and medium size urban settlements. The analysis of various sides,
mostly social and economic ones, of the development of small towns is
usually made in a general urban context by urban history scholars: Valiantsina Chapko, Anatol Liuty, Zakhar Shybeka, etc.11 ¶ Some aspects of
economic development of towns are covered in the studies of the economic
history of Belarus by Maksim Bolbas, Viachaslau Shved, Andrei Kishtymau,
etc.12 Mikalai Ulashchyk drew attention to the struggle of the peasants of
8 Скідзель. 500 год гісторыі / І.Барысаў, М.Дзелянкоўскі, А.Вашкевіч, Д.Люцік,
Я.Лялевіч, З.Сямашка, С.Токць. – Гродна, 2008. (Skidzel. 500 Years of History
/ I.Barysau, M.Dzeliankouski, A.Vashkevich, D.Liutsik, Y.Lialevich, Z.Siamashka,
S.Tokts)
9 Карнялюк, В. Крынкі ў 1795–1918 гг. Нарысы гісторыі мястэчка. – Гродна,
2010. (Karnialiuk, V. Krynki in 1795–1918. Essays about the history of the town)
10 Раманава, І., Махоўская, І. Мір: гісторыя мястэчка, што расказалі яго
жыхары. – Вільня, 2009. (Ramanava, I., Makhouskaja, I. Mir: The story of the town
told by its inhabitants)
11 Чепко, В.В. Города Белоруссии в первой половине ХІХ в. (экономическое
развитие). – Минск, 1981 (Chapko, V.V. Belarusian towns in the first half of the 19th
century (economic development); Лютый, А.М. Социально-экономическое развитие
городов Белоруссии в конце XVIII – первой половине ХІХ в. – Минск, 1987 (Liuty,
A.M. Social and economic development of Belarusian cities at the end of the 18th –
first half of the 19th century); Шыбека, З.В. Гарады Беларусі (60-я г. ХІХ – пачатак
ХХ ст.). – Мінск, 1997 (Shybeka, Z.V. Towns of Belarus (from the 1860s through the
beginning of the 20th century); Шыбека, З.В. Гарадская цывілізацыя: Беларусь і
свет. – Вільня, 2009 (Shybeka, Z.V. Urban civilization: Belarus and the world).
12 Болбас, М.Ф. Развитие промышленности в Белоруссии (1795–1861). – Минск,
1966 (Bolbas, M.F. Development of the industry in Belarus); Швед, В.В. Торговля
в Белоруссии в период кризиса феодализма (1830–1850-е гг.). – Гродно, 1995
(Shved, V.V. Trade in Belarus during the crisis of feudalism (1830s-1850s); Кіштымаў,
А. Гомельскі маёнтак графа М.П.Румянцава: вопыт гаспадарання // Беларускі
гістарычны часопіс. – 1995. – №1. – С. 20–27 (Kishtymau, A. Homel manor of
the Count M.P.Rumiantsau: economic management experience); Киштымов, А.Л.
Экономика Белоруссии ХIX – начала ХХ в.: государственная политика и частная
инициатива. // Экономическая история России ХIX – ХХ вв.: современный
взгляд. – Москва, 2000. – С. 132–145 (Kishtymau, A.L. Belarusian economy in the
19th – beginning of the 29th century: state policy and private initiative); Киштымов,
А.Л. Экономические достижения Беларуси в ХIX – начале ХХ в. // Гісторыя
Беларусі ў еўрапейскім кантэксце. – Мінск, 2002. – С. 22–52 (Kishtymau, A.L.
Economic achievements of Belarus in the 19th – beginning of the 29th century);
Шаўчэня, М.М. Развіццё гандлю ў Беларусі (у канцы XVIII – першая трэць XIX
[46]
some towns for the restoration of their town citizens status, which they
were divested of after the annexation of Belarus to the Russian Empire.13
¶ Cultural aspects of the functioning of small towns in Belarus still require
more comprehensive studies. Only some of them were covered in historical
literature. The cultural life of small towns in the second half of the 18th
century through the 1820s was partially depicted in Sviatlana Kul-Sialverstava’s monograph.14 The works by Jozef Łukaszewicz, Uladzimir Pase,
Mikalai Nikalaeu, Daniel Bavua, Lilija Koukel, Leshek Zaushtaut, and
Andrei Samusik help identify the educational role of the small towns.15 The
ст.): дыс. … канд. гіст. навук. – Гродна, 2003 (Shauchenia, M.M. Development of
trade in Belarus at the end of the 18th through the first third of the 19th century).
13 Улащик, Н.Н. Предпосылки крестьянской реформы 1861 г. в Литве и
Западной Белоруссии. – М., 1965. (Ulashchyk, N.N. Preconditions for the peasantry
reforms of 1861 in Lithuania and Western Belarus)
14 Куль-Сяльверстава, С.Я. Беларусь на мяжы стагоддзяў і культур: Фармаванне
культуры Новага часу на беларускіх землях (другая палова XVIII – 1820-я
гады). – Мінск, 2000. (Kul-Sialverstava, S.Y. Belarus at the crossroads of centuries
and cultures: Formation of the culture of the New Time on the Belarusian territories).
15 Łukaszewicz, J. Historia szkół w Koronie i w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim – T. 1–4.
Poznań, 1849–51; Поссе, В. С. Просвещение в Белоруссии в конце ХVIII – первой
половине ХІХ в.: дис. … канд. ист. наук – Минск, 1963 (Pase, V.S. Enlightenment in
Belarus at the end of the 18th – first half of the 19th centuries); Нікалаеў, М.В. Аблічча
сярэдневяковай бібліятэкі: кнігазборы Сапегаў // Мастацтва Беларусі. –1985. –№
7. –С. 64–67 (Nikalaeu, M.V. State of the Medieval library: Sapehas’ book collecions);
Beauvois, D. Szkolnictwo polskie na ziemiach Litewsko-Ruskich. 1803–1832 – T. 2. –
[47]
Hrodna. A panoramic view of the
Jewish quarter.
From the National
Digital Archives
collections (NAC,
archival fonds:
Koncern Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny – Archiwum
Ilustracji).
issue of architectural and planning development of the towns is examined
in the mentioned above dissertational research by Yury Bokhan, as well as
in the studies by Wanda Rewenska, Uladzimir Chanturyja, Inesa Slunkova,
Valeryi Shabliuk, Aliaksandr Lakotka, Yury Chanturyja.16 ¶ As the history
of the small towns in Belarus is inseparable from the history of Jews, the
works on the history of the Jewish people in Eastern Europe are also of
great use in studying these settlements. ¶ Since the 1990s, the studies about
the history of Jews in Belarus have been more and more active. Yauhen
Anishchanka devoted his publications to some of its aspects.17 The works
Rzym–Lublin, 1991; Коўкель, Л.І. Прыватныя бібліятэкі Гродзеншчыны (канец 18 –
пачатак 20 ст.) // Шлях у навуку: Матэрыялы навук. канфер. – Мінск, 1997. – С. 80–
84 (Koukel, L.I. Private libraries in Hrodna Region (end of the 18th century – beginning
of the 20th centuries); Zasztowt, L. Kresy. 1832–1864. Szkolnictwo na ziemiach łitewskich
i ruskich dawnej Rzeczypospolitej – Warszawa, 1997; Kowkiel, L. Biblioteka dworu
szlacheckiego na Grodzieńszczyżnie w 1 połowie XIX wieku // Przegląd Wschodni. –
2001. T. VII. – Zeszyt 4 (28). S. 1229–1256; Самусік, А.Ф. Навучальныя ўстановы ў
паўсядзённым жыцці гарадоў заходняй і цэнтральнай Беларусі ў апошняй трэці
XVIII ст. // Гарады Беларусі ў кантэксце палітыкі, эканомікі, культуры: зб. навук.
арт. – Гродна, 2007. – С. 250–254 (Samusik, A.F. Educational institutions in the
everyday life of the towns in Western and Central Belarus at the last third of the 18th
century); Beauvois, D. Szkolnictwo polskie na ziemiach Litewsko-Ruskich. 1803–1832 –
T. 2. – Rzym–Lublin, 1991.
16 Reweńska, W. Miasta i miasteczka w północno-wschodniej Polsce. Położenie
topograficzne, rozpłanowanie. – Wilno, 1938; Чантурия, В.А. Памятники архитектуры
и градостроительства Белоруссии. – Минск, 1986 (Chanturia, V.A. Landmarks of
architecture and urban building in Belarus); Слюнькова, И.Н. Архитектура городов
Верхнего Приднепровья ХVІІ – середины ХІХ в. – Минск, 1992 (Sliunkova, I.N.
Architecture of the towns in the Upper Dnieper area in the 17th – middle of the 19th
century); Шаблюк, В.У. Забудова прынёманскіх мястэчак у XVІ–XVIII ст. //
Гістарычна-археалагічны зборнік. – Мінск, 1995. – № 6. – С. 242–256 (Shabliuk,
V.U. Building of the towns in the Nioman area in the 16–18th centuries); Лакотка
А.І. Нацыянальныя рысы беларускай архітэктуры. – Мінск, 1999 (Lakotka A.I.
National features of the Belarusian architecture); Чантурия, Ю.В. Градостроительное
искусство Беларуси второй половины XVI – первой половины ХІХ в. – Минск,
2005 (Chanturyia, Y.V. Art of the town building in Belarus in the second half of the 16th –
first half of the 19th century).
17 Анішчанка, Я.К. Камеральнае апісанне – крыніца па сацыяльна-эканамічнай
гісторыі ўсходняй Беларусі (1772–1774) // Весці АН БССР. Сер. гум. навук. –
1988. – №3. – С. 71–78 (Anishchanka, Y.K. Laboratory description: source of the
social and economic history of Eastern Belarus (1772–1774); Анішчанка, Я.К.
Падрыхтоўка да ўвядзення рысы аселасці ў Беларусі // Весці АН Беларусі. Сер.
гуман. навук. – 1993. – № 1. – С. 62–70 (Anishchanka, Y.K., Preparations for the
introduction of the pale of settlement in Belarus); Анішчанка, Я.К. Яўрэі ўсходняй
Беларусі ў канцы ХVШ ст. паводле ўрадавага ўліку (крыніцазнаўчыя аспекты)
// Весці АН Беларусі. Сер. гуман. навук. – 1993. – № 4. – С. 59–68 (Anishchanka,
Y.K. Jews in Eastern Belarus at the end of the 18th century according to the official
records); Анішчанка, Я.К. Фінансавая рэвізія кагалаў Гродзенскай губерні ў
[48]
by Volha Sabaleuskaja18, Emanuil Iofe19; dissertation by Ina Herasimava20;
work by Sofia Kuzniatsova21 are also useful for studying the history of towns
in Belarus. Publications by researchers Ala Sakalova and Eleanora Bergman
help examine the architecture of the shtetl.22 Studying the traditional Jewish education system, one can’t skip the research by Shaul Shtampfer23, and
пачатку ХІХ ст. і яе вынікі // Весці АН Беларусі. Сер. гуман. навук. – 1995. –
№1. С. 45–53 (Anishchanka, Y.K. Financial revision of qahals in Hrodzenskaja
Hubernija at the beginning of the 19th century and its results); Анищенко, Е.К.
Черта оседлости (Белорусская синагога в царствование Екатерины II – Минск,
1998 (Anishchanka, Y.K. Pale of settlement (Belarusian synagogue at the times of
Catherine the Great).
18 Соболевская, О. Недоверие как продукт незнания: бытовой антисемитизм в
Беларуси (конец 18 – середина 19 в.) // Свой или чужой? Евреи и славяне глазами
друг друга: сб.статей. – Выпуск 11. – Москва, 2003. – С. 376–385 (Sobolevskaja,
O. Distrust as a result of ignorance: domestic anti-Semitism in Belarus (end of
the 18th – middle of the 19th centuries); Сабалеўская, В.А.Сацыяльныя змены ў
асяроддзі беларускіх габрэяў (канец ХVШ – першая палова ХІХ ст.) // Евреи
Беларуси. История и культура. Сб. Статей. – Вып. 5. – Минск, 2000 (Savaleuskaja,
V.A. Social changes in the life of the Belarusian Jews (end of the 18th – first half of
the 19th century); Соболевская, О., Гончаров, В. Евреи Гродненщины: жизнь до
Катастрофы. – Донецк, 2005 (Sabalueskaja, O., Hancharou, V. Jews of Hrodna
Region: life before the Catastrophe).
19 Иоффе, Э.Г. Страницы истории евреев Беларуси. – Минск, 1996 (Ioffe,
E.H. Pages of history of Belarusian Jews); Иоффе, Э. Историография евреев
Беларуси досоветского периода // Материалы 10-й ежегодной Международной
междисциплинарной конференции по иудаике. – Ч.1. – Москва, 2003. – С. 391–
402. і інш. (Ioffe, E. Historiography of the Belarusian Jews in the pre-Soviet period).
20Герасимова И. П. Еврейское образование в Беларуси в XIX – начале XX в. и
отношение к нему российского самодержавия. Автореф. дис. на соиск. уч. степ.
канд. историч. наук. – Минск, 1996. (Herasimava I.P. Jewish education in Belarus
in the 19th – beginning of the 20th century and attitude of the Russian autocracy.
Author’s abstract of the dissertation).
21 Кузняева, С. Еврейские общины Беларуси в конце ХVШ – начале ХХ в. –
Минск, 1998. (Kuzniajeva, S. Jewish communities in Belarus at the end of the 18th –
beginning of the 20th century).
22Соколова, А. Архитектура штетла в контексте традиционной культуры
// Лукин В., Соколова А., Хаймович Б. Сто еврейских местечек Украины.
Исторический путеводитель. – Вып. 2.: Подолия. – СПб., 2000. – С. 55–84
(Sakalova, A. Architecture of the shtetl in the context of traditional culture);
Bergman, E. The rewir or Jewish district and the eyruv // Studia Judaica 5. – 2002. –
№1 (9).
23 Штампфер, Ш. Хедерное образование, знание Торы и поддержание
социального расслоения в традиционном еврейском обществе восточноевропейской диаспоры // Еврейская школа. – 1993. – январь – март. – С.53–64
(Shtampfer, S. Heder education, knowledge of Tora and maintenance of the social
stratification in the traditional Jewish society of the Eastern European diaspora);
Штампфер, Ш. Дифференциация по половому принципу и женское еврейское
образование в Восточной Европе в XIX в. // Еврейское образование. – 2001. – №
[49]
looking into the music life of the towns, one should pay attention at the
publications by Zinoviy Stoliar, Nina Stsiapanskaja, and Dzmitry
Sliapovich.24 ¶ Transformation of the towns in the interwar period is exam2. – С. 119–146 (Shtampfer, S. Gender differentiation and Jewish women education in
Eastern Europe in the 19th century). і інш.
24Столяр, З. Музыка еврейского местечка // Материалы Восьмой ежегодной
междунар. междисциплин. конференции по иудаике. – Ч.2. – Москва, 2002. – С.
243–247 (Stoliar, Z. Music of Jewish settlements); Степанская, Н. Еврейская музыка в
исполнении белорусских народных музыкантов: к проблеме переинтонирования
// Свой или чужой? Евреи и славяне глазами друг друга. Сборник статей. – Москва,
2003. – С. 423–433 (Stsiapanskaja, N. Jewish music performed by Belarusian folk
[50]
ined in the works by Elina Shkolnikava, Arkadzij Zeltser, Andrei Zamoiski,
Veranika Rusakova, Hanna Vaitseshchyk.25 ¶ Books focused on individual
musicians: on the issue of reintonation); Слепович, Д. Историческая типология
клезмерской традиции в Восточной Европе в ХХ веке. // Материалы Двенадцатой
Международной междисциплинарной конференции по иудаике. Академическая
серия. Вып. 18: В 2 ч. Ч. 1. – М.: Центр научных работников и преподавателей
иудаики в вузах “Сэфер”, Институт славяноведения РАН, 2005. – С. 249–262
(Slepovich, D. Historical typology of Klesmer tradition in Eastern Europe in the 20th
century).
25 Школьникова, Э. Трансформация еврейского местечка в СССР в 1930-е
гг. – Москва, 1998 (Shkolnikova, E. Transformation of the Jewish settlement in
the USSR in the 1930s); Зельцер, А. Евреи советской провинции: Витебск и
местечки 1917–1941. – Москва, 2006 (Zeltsner, A. Jews in the Soviet periphery:
Vitebsk and small towns in 1917–1941); Замойскі, А. Стасункі паміж жыхарамі
мястэчак Беларусі і савецкай уладай у 1918–1928 гг. // Białoruskie Zeszyty
Historyczne. – T. 29. Białystok, 2008. S. 91–114 (Zamoiski, A. Relations between
inhabitants of small towns in Belarus and the Soviet authorities in 1917–1941);
Zamoiski, A. Transformation of shtetlekh of Soviet Belarus (1920–1939) in Belarusian
historiography //Studia Judaica. – № 2 (22). – 2008. – S. 245–253; Русакова, В.Л.
Еврейское местечко в Беларуси (1920-е годы): к вопросу о трансформации
традиционных ценностей в переходный период // Личность – слово – социум:
Материалы IX Международной научно-практической конференции, Минск,
29–30 апреля 2009 г. / Редкол.: Фалалеев В.В. (главн. редактор) и др.– В 2
ч. – Минск: «Паркус плюс», 2009. – Ч. 1. – С. 73–76 (Rusakova, V.L. Jewish
town in Belarus (the 1920s): on the issues of transformation of the traditional
values in the transition period); Войтещик А.С. Штетл как социокультурный
феномен северо-восточных воеводств II Речи Посполитой в 1921–1939 гг. //
Содружество наук. Барановичи-2011: мат-лы VII Междунар. науч.-практ. конф.
молодых исследователей, 19–20 мая 2011 г. – Барановичи, 2011. – Ч.2. – С. 11–12
(Vaiteshchyk, A.S. Shtetls as a social and cultural phenomenon in the North-Eastern
[51]
Ivanava (Janów
Poleski). Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s collection.
Ivye. Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s collection.
Slonim. Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s collection.
Bereza Kartuskaya. Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s
collection.
A synagogue
in Bereza Kartuskaya.Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s
collection.
Accessories
stores Ajzensztetjn
in Biaroza Kartuskaya (Bereza
Kartuskaya). Tomasz Wiśniewski’s
collection.
Jewish houses
in Shereshov (Szereszów), photo by
K.Bielawski.
Jewish
houses in Moŭčadź
(Mołczadź), photo
by K.Bielawski.
Jewish houses in
Kopyl, photo by A.
Maksimowska.
Jewish towns in Belarus offer a kind of encyclopedic information about
the history of the life of Jews, which was closely connected to the lives of
other peoples and broader historical processes. An interesting and original
research of history of modernization of the Jewish life in Russia (demonstrated by the example of the Jewish life in Shklov) could be found in the
monograph by David Fishman.26 Considerable achievements in studying
the history of individual qahals are the works by Albert Kahanovich and
voiavodstvas in II Rzeczpospolita; Войтещик, А.С. Роль евреев в экономическом
развитии местечек Западной Беларуси в 1921–1939 гг. // Тирош: труды по
иудаике. – Москва: центр “Сефер”, 2011. – С. 173–180 (Vaiteshchyk, A.S. Role of
the Jews in the economic development of the towns in Western Belarus in 1921–1939).
26Fishman D. Russia’s first Modern Jews: The Jews of Shklov. – N.Y., 1995.
[52]
Leanid Smilavitski27, where they describe the patterns and peculiarities of
the economic, cultural, religious, and everyday life of Jews in Rechytsa and
Turau against the background of other towns and cities of the region, analyze demographic and social changes in the towns, identify the relations
of the Jews with other people and authorities. A number of essays about
the history of the shtetls were published due to the efforts by Arkadziy
Shulman in the series “My small town” (“Maio Miastechka”) of the journal
“Mishpoha”’s library.28 ¶ The studies of small towns result not only in publications but also information portals in the internet, as, for example, the
website “Voices of Shtetls”29 or “Virtual shtetl”.30 ¶ Today, despite a vast
amount of literature about the historical development of small towns, our
knowledge of it is definitely not complete. Historical science, especially
foreign, has achieved a lot in studying the history of shtetl, however a small
town as a type of settlement and a specific historical phenomenon still
should be studied more. ¶ The sources for studying small towns are the
materials from various collections of statistics published in the Russian
Empire, from periodicals of that time, scientific publications of documents
on the history of Belarus, archive materials. The most important sources
are the documentary ones. They are supplemented by cartographic (maps
of the towns) and narrative (memoirs) materials. The documents that reveal
various sides of the functioning of the towns could be found in the National
Historical Archive of Belarus in Minsk and Hrodna, Russian State Historical Archive in Saint Petersburg, Russian State Archive of Historical Records
and State Archive of Russian Federation in Moscow, Central Archive of
Historical Records in Warsaw, State Historical Archive of Lithuania, Central Archive of History of the Jewish people in Jerusalem, departments of
manuscripts of the Vilnius University Library and Central Library of the
Academy of Sciences of Lithuania, and manuscript departments of the
Jagiellonian University Library and Czartoryskich Library in Cracow. ¶ The
enlargement of the number of sources (published and manuscript) helps
deepen the studies of the historical processes in the towns of Belarus. The
diversity of the accumulated knowledge about the history of small towns
in Belarus requires their systematization and summarizing and, with the
27 Каганович, А. Речица: История еврейского местечка Юго-Восточной
Белоруссии. – Иерусалим, 2007 (Kahanovich, A. Rechitsa: A story of a Jewish town
in South-Eastern Belarus); Смиловицкий, Л. Евреи в Турове: история местечка
Мозырского Полесья. – Иерусалим, 2008 (Smilavitski, L. Jews in Turau: a story of
a town in the Mozyr Pallessie area).
28Шульман, А.Л. Откуда есть пошли Колышки: очерк. – Минск, 2009 (Shulman,
A.L. Where Kolyshki comes from: an essay); Шульман, А.Л. Местечко Марка
Шагала: очерк. – Минск, 2010; и др. (Shulman, A.L. The town of Marc Chagall: an
essay).
29http://shtetle.co.il.
30http://www.sztetl.org.pl.
[53]
Jewish
houses in
Moŭčadź
(Mołczadź),
photo by
K.Bielawski
help of the sources, allows for the reconstruction of the life of the towns.
¶ What are the reasons to call the small towns a cultural and historic phenomenon? The uniqueness of the small towns is based on the fact that they
can be considered:
– The crossroads of a city and a village;
– The “borderlands” of ethnicities, religions, languages, and
cultures;
– Centers of Jewish history and culture, main settlements on the
mental map of the lost Jewish world of Eastern Europe;
– Centers of the preservation of local self-government traditions
grounded on the principles of religious tolerance and constructive multi-ethnicity;
– A model of economic, social, and cultural organization for the
inhabitants of small urban settlements that undergo political and
economic transformation.
Each of these aspects is a separate and very interesting scientific problem, which can become the focus of further research. ¶ A vital task is
also the studies of the functioning of small towns in Belarus after the
reforms (the 2nd half of the 19th through beginning of the 20th century)
and the identification of conditions and tendencies of the development,
role of these settlements in the history of the peoples of Belarus during
[54]
the entire period when our territories were part of the Russian Empire.
¶ It is impossible to comprehend the history of Belarusian small towns
at the end of 18th – beginning of the 20th century without understanding
the process of historical development of these settlements at the foregone
times, which were a medieval “dawn” for them, and at the times to follow,
which would mark their “demise”. These “start” and “finish” of the historical past of the small towns are waiting for their researchers. Although
there are specialized works on the towns of Belarus at the times of Grand
Duchy of Lithuania (Stanislaw Aleksandrovich, Yury Bokhan, etc) and of
the interwar period (Arkadzi Zeltser, Andrei Zamoiski, etc.), the issues
and topics for further investigations could be numerous. ¶ Comprehensive studying of the processes that occurred in small towns is impossible
without contemporary methodologies, specifically, the microhistorical
approach, which implies the change of the scale of the scientific analysis
and helps see the past in its human dimension. Thus, a promising direction of studies is the study of history of individual towns, reconstruction
of their everyday life, identification of the way, in which the processes that
defined the development of the society on the macro level functioned on
the local level. ¶ To properly interpret such a complicated and multifaceted phenomenon as a small town complex, interdisciplinary studies are
required, which would unite the efforts of historians, anthropologists,
sociologists, demographers, economists, and linguists. ¶ The results of
the studies of small towns could be used not only for the purposes of the
historical sciences. It is necessary to popularize historical knowledge about
this issue in education, tourism, mass media. ¶ The collected materials
on the historical development of small towns in Belarus have a great
educational potential, and it should be actively used in the system of
education. Through the historical examples one could learn to solve such
a vital issue of today as the relations between “Me” and “The Other”. In
the Belarusian history, small towns were exactly the contact zone between
various ethnicities, the environments for the preservation of local selfgovernment traditions based on the principles of religious tolerance and
constructive multi-ethnicity. The historical meaning of the small towns
reveals in the fact that, despite the intolerant national and religious policies of the state authorities, these settlements demonstrated an example
of tolerant coexistence of the representatives of various ethnicities, religious, languages, and cultures in the same social, cultural, and economic
space. ¶ Studies of the history and culture of the small towns accumulate
rich materials for the creation of diverse tours and tourist programs (for
ethnotours, nostalgic, religious, educational tours). To use effectively
the former small towns as tourist destinations the tours should show
the material and spiritual richness of the life of the towns at that time, to
highlight the uniqueness of these settlements through demonstration of
the peculiarities of the composition and everyday life of the population,
[55]
economic and cultural development, specific architecture, etc. The tours
should be organized in such a way that tourists could travel to a peculiar
Belarusian terra incognita, the triangle “Orthodox church – Catholic
church – Synagogue” where the endless life performance took place. It
is important to help tourists feel the unique atmosphere, the flavor of the
world of the small town as a place where various ethnicities and cultures
meet and “co-live”. ¶ An extremely successful marketing of a tour to the
sites of the Jewish civilization in Belarus was demonstrated in July 2011
by Aliaksandr Astravukh, Aliaksei Zhbanau, and Sviatlana Berger:
Amateurs of the history and culture of Belarus are looking for the
like-minded to go on a tour-concert tracing the sites of the civilization
that almost disappeared – the culture of the Belarusian Jews,
whose native language for centuries was Yiddish. Together with
Ales Astravukh, the author of the Belarusian-Yiddish dictionary
and the expert in Jewish culture, you will visit classical towns of
Western Belarus: Valozhyn, Vishneva, Ivianets, Rakau. You will
see the buildings of the famous in the entire Jewish world Valozhyn
Yeshiva, the miraculously preserved synagogues, old cemeteries (and
will find out what is written on the gravestones!), the monuments to
the victims of the Holocaust, the motherland of the President of Israel,
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shimon Peres, the place of dislocation of
Jewish partisan detachments in Nalibotskaja Pushcha. You will get
to know an extraordinary and vivid language – Yiddish. You will
hear nice songs in Yiddish performed by Ales Astravukh and Aliaksei
Zhbanau. You will be also able to sing along! At the farm of Ales Los
Barok you will enjoy the original Klezmer music!31
The growing interest in the former small towns as a tourist destination
will trigger more attention to the problem of preservation of historical and
cultural heritage of small towns, restoration of the landmarks, creation of
the infrastructure needed for the development of tourism.
Thus, the way from the scientific studying of the history and culture of
small towns in Belarus to the preservation of their historical and cultural
heritage goes through the popularization of the results of the studies in
the system of education and tourism, and mass media.
31 Наша Ніва: http://nn.by/?c=ar&i=57072.
[56]
r Jefim Basin (Brest)
The Practice of limiting ritual slaughter
of animals in interwar Poland
State anti-Semitism strengthened in Poland in 1933–1939 because of,
amongst other reasons, the weakened power of a seriously ill marshal
Josef Pilsudski (died in 1935), the increase in anti-Semitic moods in Europe
and Hitler’s coming to power in Europe, the situation for Jews in Poland
deteriorated rapidly. They were subject to limitations of rights, various
forms of discrimination (quotas in universities, economic boycott etc.)
and pogroms. ¶ The law governing the slaughter of animals was adopted
in Poland in 1936. It significantly limited the practice of ritual slaughter
[Photo 1]. The State Archive of Brest Region (SABR) contains a large
amount of data which shows how the law was implemented in Polesye
Voivodship, and its consequences. At the time of the law’s passage, its
authors claimed they were driven by humanitarian concerns. Ostensibly
the law was enacted in the belief that ritual slaughter causes an animal
greater suffering than standard means of slaughter. ¶ The means and
methods of implementing this law vividly demonstrated the true intentions of the authors of the law: they were not concerned with the suffering
of animals but the exclusion of Jews from the meat-processing industry
and the trade in meat and meat products. This was an additional pressure
for Jews to emigrate. The drafters of the law were guided by absolutely
anti-Semitic beliefs. ¶ In practice the law led to:
1. Limits on the quotas for slaughtering domestic animals for Jewish tradesmen;
2. Limits on the number of ritual slaughterers (shochets) through
licensing their activity;
3. Banning ritual slaughter outside of slaughterhouses and raising
tariffs for the ritual slaughter as compared to the regular one on
the premises of the same slaughterhouse;
4. Creation of the network of secret agents to detect and report
cases of illegal ritual slaughter.
[57]
SABR has 12 personal files of such agents that operated from 1934 to
1939 [Photo 2–3]. Usually, such agents were recruited from retired policemen or former military men. Agents were hired by the city council and
usually taken on the staff of the city slaughterhouse with a monthly salary
of 50 Zlotys. This sum was complemented by a bonus for results in accordance with the tariffs approved by the city council. In 1936 the monthly
salary was raised to 65 Zlotys, and in 1939 to 75 Zlotys. The job contract
was usually concluded for several months, and in very rare cases with no
end term. Police and local authorities were also involved in looking for
cases of illicit ritual slaughter. ¶ These activities resulted in budget losses
(the number of taxes and fees has decreased), an increase of corruption
both among the police and secret agents as Jewish butchers bribed them,
and among Jews. The new law also resulted in an increase in the number
of illegal shochets.1 ¶ Kamianets-Litovsk mayor S. Rapatski gave the best
description of the consequences of this struggle in his letter to the Poviet
Starosta (head) in Brest on the Bug [Photo 4]:
“…The main reason for the growing number of illegal slaughter cases
is the lack of meat to satisfy the ritual purposes of the shtetl (…).
As meat is the main component of the nutrition of Jews, the limitations lead to the increase in illegal slaughter (…).
Another reason for this is the fact that prior to the law about ritual
slaughter coming into force, there had been 17 butchers’ in the shtetl.
At that time the cases of illegal slaughter were very rare. Currently,
5 butchers have permission for ritual slaughter, only three butchers
slaughter animals in the traditional way, the remaining nine butchers cannot exist under such conditions and therefore get involved
in the illegal slaughter of cows in the villages, at the cemeteries and
other secret places. They deliver the meat not only to Jews, but also
Christians who eagerly buy this meat due to the low cost…”
The consequences of the limitation of ritual slaughter of domestic
animals was so critical that it raised concerns in the Union of Rabbis of
Poland concerned [Photo 5]:
The community introduces a ban The Rabbinical Assembly – the
wise men of Israel and Warsaw – prohibits shechita2
1 The Brest police had 140 names on the record, while the Jewish population of
Brest was 30 000. Moreover, each person was detained multiple times, some – seven
or eight times.
2 Translated from Yiddish by Mikhail Akerman
[58]
, Permit for ritual slaughter of
domestic animals signed by the Poviet
Starosta of Brest. Dated 1938. Document
from the State Archive of Brest Region
(f. 2, op. 1, unit 4802, p. 259, 259 rev. side).
Certificate of a secret agent in the
secret ritual slaughter file of Lyidvik
Katsialkouski. The certificate if signed by
Vice-President of Brest Khaim Mastbaum.
Dated May 31, 1939. Document from the
State Archive of Brest Region (f. 5, op. 2,
unit 341, p. 3).
Certificate of a secret agent in the secret ritual slaughter file of Jusef Mondrag.
The certificate if signed by Vice-President
of Brest Khaim Mastbaum. Dated August
23, 1933. Document from the State Archive
of Brest Region (f. 5, op. 2, unit 467, p. 3).
Letter of Mayor S. Rapatski to the
Poviet Starosta (head) of Brest with the
request to increase the quotas for slaughtering domestic animals at the existing
slaughterhouses and open two more.
Document from the State Archive of Brest
Region (f. 2, op. 1, unit 4802, p. 98).
The decision of the Rabbinical Assembly, the wise men of Israel and Warsaw,
regarding the draft law of the Polish
government banning the ritual slaughter
(Dated 1939). Document in Yiddish from
the State Archive of Brest Region (f. 93,
op. 1, unit 3010, p. 119).
[59]
Given the grave danger affecting the whole Jewish community of
Poland and given the terribly strict ban on shechita (ritual slaughter
of domestic animals) we have adopted a range of resolutions:
The Brest
synagogue.
Tomasz
Wiśniewski’s
collection.
1. To stop any cases of shechita during the course of 16 days, from
March 14 through March 30, 1939.
2. During these days all meat shops that sell kosher meat should be
closed. Sausage should not be sold. Restaurants should not serve
any meat and shochets (ritual slaughterers) should stop making
shechita starting from Monday.
3. We announce the ban on eating meat and declare the meat products to be non-kosher on these days, including Saturdays.
We are deeply convinced and sure that historically, any attempt to
force Jews to break the law of kashrut always leads to the awakening
and resistance in all layers of the Jewish society regardless of beliefs.
We’ll also follow the path of our ancestors in order to preserve our
unity and observe the laws of kashrut, which makes us the holy
people and gives us an opportunity and the right to eternal life.
Everyone, without exception, will endure the announced limitations.
The Rabbinical Assembly of Poland.
[60]
Attention:
1. The ban on shechita of animals and birds is in effect on Saturdays.
2. All organizations and parties joined the above appeal regardless
of their beliefs.
All these processes took place on the eve of World War II, at the time
when Poland was increasingly in danger itself. Instead of uniting all the
nationalities in the country, in view of external threat Polish statesmen
wasted their resources on tracing illegal ritual slaughterers, thus alienating
10% of the population (the number of Jews residing in Poland at the time).
One can only guess what Vice-President of Brest-on-the-Bug Khaim
Mastbaum (Jewish) was thinking about while signing the certificate of
a secret agent to reveal the cases of illegal slaughter of domestic animals.
We should not forget that is was owing to this situation that the Brest
pogrom of May 13, 1937 took place.
[61]
A cinema at
the former location site of the
Brest synagogue.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
r Yury Barysiuk (Minsk)
Preservation of Jewish Heritage in Polesye Shtetls: the
example of the shtetl of Dzivin, Kobrin District, Brest Region
Dzivin, or Dywin, was first mentioned in 1466. ¶ In 1546, Dzivin was a town,
the center of Dzivin Volasc of Brest Powiat in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1629, Sigismund III, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, confirmed the
rights of the Dzivin inhabitants to a weekly market on Thursdays. ¶ In
1668, Dzivin is a town that comprises a part of Palessie Klucz of Brest
Ekonomija. At that time, volasc was divided in six voitaustvas: Dzivinskaje,
Staraselskaje, Darapeeuskaje, Liakhavetskaje, Oltushskae, and Hvoznitskaje. The population of the Volasc paid the duties in kind and with money.
¶ In 1642, Dzivin acquired restricted Magdeburg Rights and a seal with the
coat of arms from the Grand Duke Uladzislau IV (voit was appointed by
the King and the Grand Duke). ¶ At the times of Rzeczpospolita (PolishLithuanian Commonwealth), Dzivin was a town at Brest Voitaustva and
Powiat of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The first documentary evidence
about the Jews in Dzivin dates from 1631. However, it is obvious that Jews
had lived there even before as the Privilege by the King Uladzislau IV to
the Jews of Dzivin, issued in 1636, mentions that they had asked the King
to preserve their previous rights. The essence of this privilege was that the
Jews exercised the right to keep the legally acquired real estate (for example,
houses, areas, baths, and land, especially synagogue and graveyards, which
they had kept legally long since); that they had a right to trade, exercised
the freedoms in the same way as town residents did and paid the levies
to the court in Dzivin, which was their only supreme judicial authority;
that the Jews had a right to appeal against the Starosta’s (head of the
municipality) and Padstarosta’s (deputy head) decisions to the “external”
King’s court. The levies that the Jews had to pay equaled the levies paid
by other town residents. ¶ An interesting dispute happened between the
Jews and the town citizens concerning the use by the Jews of a half of the
municipal income from rent, which was promised by the town citizens in
exchange for 50 zlotys that the Jews paid to the town citizens for acquiring
the Magdeburg Rights. In 1656, the King’s Commissars decided the case
in favor of the Jews but granted them the right to use only a third part as
the Jews attempted to acquire this right by illegal means. The rent was
[62]
to be administered by two non-Jews and one Jew. The dispute about the
housing for soldiers that arouse in 1661 was settled in a similar way. In 1766,
there were 211 Jews in the town.1 In 1680, two Orthodox churches, one
Catholic church, two water mills and a tavern were built. The annual rent
of 500 zlotys was to be paid for using the water mill. But as the population
of that area was poor the rent was reduced to 300 zlotys per year. ¶ Two
neighboring villages – Osa and Barysauka – with 24 valokas of land were
also part of Dzivin. However, the acquisition of the Magdeburg Rights
didn’t improve the well-being of the town inhabitants whose main occupation was still agriculture. ¶ The Piatnitskaja Church records from 1759
show that there were only 70 houses in Dzivin: 30 in Kobrynskaja street,
20 in Ratnenskaja street, and Brestskaja and Pavitsieuskaja streets had 10
houses each. The population of the town was only 774 persons. ¶ These
records also say that the administration of the volasts was located in Dzivin
as well as a ministerial public school, three Jewish schools, a brewery,
a post station and three churches – Uspenskaja, Prachystsenskaja, and
Piatnitskaja. ¶ Similar to other impoverished towns, in 1776 the decree
of the Sejm of Rzeczpospolita divested Dzivin of its municipality rights,
and specific levies were imposed on its inhabitants. ¶ In 1795, Catherine II
gave Dzivin to field marshal Rumiantsau who after a while sold it to Pavel
Yahmin. After Yahmin’s death, the manor was inherited by his nephews.
¶ At the times of Rumiantsau and Yahmin, the municipality (town council)
was still there, and the Dzivin inhabitants were still relatively free. But the
new owners treated the non-Jew inhabitants of Dzivin as their serfs and
demanded that they fulfill the regular serf duties. ¶ In 1817–1818, mass
unrest was recorded in Dzivin. The unrest was caused by the annexation
of 200 dzesiatinas of municipal land to the manor land. ¶ In 1847, Dzivin
Association of Jews had 556 members. In 1897, the population of Dzivin
was 3737 inhabitants, including 1094 Jews. ¶ 1853–1855 were the years of
severe famine in Dzivin. At these years, the mortality rate was very high,
people died of fever. In 1854, 152 persons died, in 1855–90. The mortality
then was higher than the birth rate. ¶ Frequent livestock plagues and fires
were disastrous for the town inhabitants. In 1883, there were several waves
of livestock plague. In 1858, a severe fire almost destroyed entire Dzivin.
¶ In 1862, a public school was opened. It was located in a public house
and was free of charge. 200 rubles were allocated annually from the state
budget to finance the school. In 1896, Dzivin School of Literacy for girls
from Piatniskaja Church parish was opened in the church warden house.
On April 25, 1911, the building of the school was burnt down. ¶ In 1878, 2490
persons lived in Dzivin (1201 men and 1289 women), including 998 Jews.
¶ Before the end of 19th century, in 1896, Ivan Yahoravich Shevich became
the Dzivin’s owner replacing the landlord Yahmin. In 1899, Shevich sold
1 Ragests, Ι і II; Vilnius Central Archive, B. 3633 (Bershtadski’s papers).
[63]
it to Ivan Tsaiplou, a nobleman from Arlouskaja Hubernija, who starting
from 1913 sold out Dzivin by piecemeal getting 70–200 rubles for a dzesiatsina. ¶ In the 19th century, the Jews of Dzevin were mostly occupied in
handicrafts and trade. ¶ In the second half of the 19th century, a railway was
made at a long distance from Dzivin, which caused economic hardships,
and the number of Jewish inhabitants in Dzivin reduced. ¶ In 1911, there
were 4347 inhabitants in the town. 42 persons lived in the Dzivin manor,
which belonged to the landlord Charnou. In 1915, the settlement was
occupied by the army of the Keiser’s Germany, since 1919 – by the Polish
troops. ¶ Since 1921, Dzivin was the center of a hmina in Kobryn Pawiet of
Paleskaje Vaiavodstva in II Rzeczpospolita. There were 373 houses in the
town, 2299 inhabitants, at the farmstead, in the manor and in the colony
there were 71 households, 403 inhabitants; 786 persons lived in the Jewish
qahal. ¶ Dzivin was occupied by the Germans in the beginning of World
War II. A ghetto was formed where the Jews from neighboring villages
were brought, and its population was up to 1000 persons. At the end of
the summer of 1942, all of them were killed, as well as a number of Belarusians. There are 1500 persons buried in the common grave. Recently, some
names of those buried in the common graves were identified through the
archives. ¶ There was a wooden synagogue and a Jewish building in the
town. Today, the entire central part of Dzivin has been rebuilt according
to the new planning. ¶ Part of the Jewish cemetery has also been preserved
in today’s village. A story tells that the Jewish qahal hid the treasure in one
of the gravestones. After the war those who stayed alive and knew about
the treasure came back and took it from the gravestone. After that, a lot
of gravestones at the Jewish cemetery were, unfortunately, destroyed by
those who searched for new treasures. ¶ The town has not been associated with the names of famous Jews, therefore its Jewish history hasn’t
been studied. The largest body of documents about the history of Dzivin
is located in the National Historical Archive in Hrodna, some evidence
can also be found in the archives in Vilnius and Minsk. New opportunities are provided on the internet where one may even run into the facts
unknown before. Today, the researchers of the history of Dzivin are trying
to find the undiscovered documents that are kept in private collections.2
2 The article is based on: Dywin // Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego
i innych krajów słowiańskich. – Tom II. – S. 258–259; Skorowidz miejscowości
Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. – Tom VIII – Województwo Poleskie, Główny
Urząd Statystyczny Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. – Warszawa, 1924; Дывин //
Энциклопедический словарь Брокгауза и Ефрона: В 86 томах (82 т. и 4 доп.)
(Encyclopedic Dictionary by Brokhaus and Yefron). – СПб., 1890–1907; Памяць:
Гісторыка-дакументальная хроніка Кобрынскага раёна / Пад рэд. Г. К. Кісялёва –
Мн.: БЕЛТА, 2002. – 624 с. (Memory: Historical documentary chronicles of Kobrin
District).
[64]
r Іda Shenderovіch (Mahilyou)
The Narrative as Cultural Heritage:
The Chronicles of Mahilyou Jews
Over the past ten years, four volumes of the anthology entitled The History
of Mahilyou Jews: Documents and People1 were prepared and published.
These books present the history of the Jews of Mahilyou from the 16th
century, the time when a Jewish community first appeared in the city, and
to this day. ¶ The last two volumes are dedicated to World War II and
the postwar period. In addition to documentaries, these books include
interviews, memoirs and accounts that constitute the story, or the “narrative”. This type of “oral history” is quite different from the conventional
“written history” set out in academic literature and textbooks. It was not
very long ago that the recording of “oral history” gained popularity, but
it is certainly a very ancient way of study of the past. Indeed, the Greek
word “historio” means in translation “I go, I ask, I learn.” ¶ The Jewish
community’s oral history is particularly significant being that written
sources are either absent or unavailable (such as the materials in the KGB
criminal cases). The central task of chronicles was the preservation of the
spiritual history of our city’s Jewish community. For that, written sources
alone were not sufficient. Memories of Mahilyou residents currently living
in the city as well as of those who moved to other cities in Belarus and to
other countries such as Germany, Israel, USA, and Russia, became the
basis of the narrative. ¶ The main method of data collection for the narrative was interviewing. Its process revealed to us the facts from the lives of
townspeople, famous and ordinary ones alike. They told us a lot about how
their Jewish origin affected their lives; how their spiritual unity with the
Jewish people was either maintained or lost; how national traditions and
the Jewish culture (the customs, the music, the language, the literature)
1 История могилевского еврейства. Документы и люди. – Кн. 1. – Минск,
2002. – 256 с.; История могилевского еврейства. Документы и люди. – Кн.
2. – Ч. 1. – Минск, 2006. – 388 с.; История могилевского еврейства. Документы
и люди. – Кн. 2. – Ч. 2. – Могилев, 2009 г. – 396 с.; История могилевского
еврейства. Документы и люди. – Кн. 2. – Ч. 3. – Могилев, 2011. – 515 с.
[65]
were either preserved or lost in Jewish families. We were able to learn how
the same political, economic and social events were perceived differently
by different people. ¶ Often, older people have very vivid memories of the
pictures from their childhood, such as their homes, synagogues, streets,
interiors of buildings, certain significant events, etc. Verbal descriptions
do not, of course, substitute images but they essentially complement
them. Plus, not everyone used to photograph, and those photographs
that have survived to this day are far and few between. In many cases,
memories are the only way for us to imagine what the boys’ choir of the
Mahilyou synagogue looked like, or the butcher’s house, or the tailor shop,
etc. ¶ Taking into account the scarcity of available documents, the value
of the testimonies of eyewitnesses and of the family members of people
who lived through tough times in evacuation, through Stalin’s repressions
and through the Holocaust, is absolutely clear. However, even the study
of the history of the Belarusian Jews in the Soviet and post-perestroika
periods, despite the fact that those events took place in the recent decade
almost right before our eyes, cannot be based solely on written sources
either. ¶ Individual newspaper and magazine publications do not show
the entire picture of the revival of Jewish life with its successes and challenges, its accomplishments and failures. Neither do they tell us about
the motivation and efforts of leaders and members of the Jewish movement, or about how the emergence of Jewish organizations in the city
was met both by Jews and by their non-Jewish countrymen. ¶ Events in
the lives of the Mahilyou Jews that we interviewed often did not appear
to be any different from those of their peers and countrymen, but there
were nonetheless time periods and circumstances when the Jewish origin
played a very important and even a decisive role in the subsequent course
of their lives. ¶ In order to achieve our goal, we identified a range of topics
on which we sought to obtain information. Firstly, these were the topics
that are not normally reflected in official sources of information. Examples
are Jewish holiday family traditions, household and culinary traditions,
mutual aid traditions, attitude to social phenomena, etc. Thus, we came
up with the following list of interview topics:
–
–
–
–
–
Family history;
Jewish material and spiritual values in
​​ the family;
Traditional Jewish professions (Melamed, Shoikhet, rabbi, etc.);
Monuments, buildings, structures related to the Jewish history;
Repression and limitation of rights based on political and religious grounds from the 1920s to the 1950s;
– Life and work in evacuation (during WWII);
– Mahilyou Jews in the struggle against the Nazis at the front,
underground and in partisan groups;
– The Holocaust in the family history;
[66]
– The Righteous (non-Jews who saved the Jews) and fate of the
people they saved;
– Jews at forced labor and in concentration camps;
– The impact of the anti-Jewish government policies of the 1940s
and 1950s on the lives of Mahilyou Jews;
– Participation of Mahilyou Jews in rebuilding of the economy in
the fields of industry, construction, military affairs, literature and
journalism, science and education, medicine, etc.;
– The position of Jews in society and the “Jewish question” in different time periods;
– Participation in the dissident movement;
– Emigration;
– Restoration of the traditions of Jewish life in post-perestroika
period;
– Jewish life in the city in the recent decades.
Based on these themes, we identified the circle of people with whom we
looked to converse, and we began to look for them. We first addressed
our questions to individuals who had reached impressive results in their
professional activities, those being musicians, doctors, teachers, engineers,
and others. In turn, they told us of their colleagues, friends and relatives
who could share information with us. Journalists, teachers, museum
employees specializing in the history of our region who always tend to
have a particularly wide circle of friends and acquaintances, suggested
[67]
Mahilyou.
From Tomasza
Wiśniewski’s
collection
Mahilyou.
From Tomasza
Wiśniewski’s
collection
that we talk to the people they knew. Thus, we expanded the range of
interviewees. As a final option, we turned to Jewish and non-governmental
organizations and asked them to disseminate information about our work
among their members and to introduce us to veterans attending their
events. Advertisements in the media requesting to share memories with us
proved to be of little effect. ¶ Summing up the experience, we can outline
the following optimal sources and methods of search for interviewees:
– Personal connections;
– Recommendations of the interviewees themselves;
– Members of Jewish organizations, visitors to the Chesed Charitable Organization;
– Members veteran organizations;
– Employees of museums, of libraries, secondary school students, teachers, college students and professors at educational
institutions;
– Professional and amateur historians doing their own research of
our region;
– Journalists from local newspapers.
Interviewing, like any conversation to be recorded, required a thorough preparation. The conversation was usually structured in the form
of a free exchange influenced by the proposed topic and the atmosphere
of the meeting. The information obtained often contained unpredictable
[68]
responses and unexpected revelations. An interview was conducted as
a conversation between two people about various aspects of the past that
are of historic significance. Such conversations made a different understanding of events by each of the interlocutors possible. We conversed
mostly with elderly people who talked about the things that were important to them such as their lives, their time, their family, their work, and
their friends. Sometimes, the memories were painful and traumatic, and
they were almost never in chronological order. ¶ Because the interviewees’
choice of subjects for the story did not always match the requirements
of our historical research, our interviewers needed more attention and
patience, more empathy and tact, as well as more time reserves, than
regular journalists. ¶ As with any product of memory, the “narratives”
collected in this book are subjective and not always accurate when it
comes to facts and dates. However, in combination with other sources,
interviews expand the view of historic events. They bring in a personal
perspective, complement and enrich historical data with important details,
emotions and associations. In many cases, the memories’ subjectivity
becomes an asset: in their descriptions of events in their lives, in the lives
of their relatives, friends and colleagues through the prism of individual
perception, storytellers revealed the inner world of the Jewish environment of their generation, which could never be described in any official
documents. ¶ History as reflected in life stories of specific individuals
not only tells of the events of the past but also of those individuals’ view
of those events. The general historical picture of events is formed of
individual stories. An interview gives an idea of one’s​​ daily life, of the
mentality of the so-called “ordinary people,” each of which consciously, on
his or her own level, makes “historic” decisions. An interview is not only
a valuable source of new information about the past; it also opens new
perspectives for interpretation of famous events. ¶ In addition to being
a source of historic information, an interview sometimes means simply
great family stories. Deep personification and emotional intensity make
them interesting reading. The memories were collected over the past ten
years and, unfortunately, many of our interviewees will never see their
stories in print. But it is comforting to know that these stories were in fact
preserved and that the interviewees’ children and grandchildren will be
able to read them. ¶ Photographs are an integral part of the accounts, so
we photographed each interviewee and copied (with his or her permission)
photographs from his or her family albums. ¶ Interviews with activists
from Jewish communities, their leaders and cultural elites showed the
interviewees’ personal participation in the historic processes, explaining
the mechanisms of the making of crucial decisions and exposing true
motives of events. So it is important that we collect and preserve not
only accounts of events long past but also accounts of individuals directly
involved in the contemporary revival of Jewish life in recent decades.
[69]
¶ When analyzing an interviewee’s story, we took into account the factors
that had influenced his or her attitude toward the events described. Here
is the list of those that are in our opinion most important:
– Life experience of the informant;
– A personal interest in the events being interpreted in one way or
another;
– Health condition;
– Intellectual and educational level;
– Level of awareness;
– Time of day when the interview was conducted, duration of the
interview, the setting and atmosphere;
– Political and religious views;
– How the interviewee feels about the interviewer;
– Clarity of questions;
– The interviewee’s need to share his or her experiences and the
importance he or she places on the issue.
Preparation of an interview for publishing included the deciphering of audio transcripts, identification of the most significant portions
of the interview, and their editing. Recording an interview solely based
on its playback on the recorder is always fraught with errors. Therefore,
we checked spellings of the names and geographic locations mentioned
by interviewees as well as of the dates and statistics. When editing, we
maintained (as much as was possible where it did not interfere with the
perception of the text) the interviewee’s verbal and stylistic peculiarities
of speech. Older people often referred to Jewish holidays, customs and
ritual objects in Yiddish, as they remembered them called as children,
and sometimes they distorted the words due to insufficient knowledge
of the language. In order to make the texts easier to understand, when
preparing them for publication we unified the terminology relating to
Jewish customs and traditions. Since the accounts were most often about
the entire life of an individual or of his or her family rather than about
individual events, we used a chronological method of presentation of
the material. If in the context of a frank conversation people touched on
personal aspects of their private lives, we asked for their permission to
publish their memoirs.
Forms of Preservation and Utilization of Narrative ¶ It was not our objective to analyze the narrative material as a reliable historic source. Rather,
our objective was to preserve at least a small portion of oral Jewish history with all of its many information layers created by the cultural and
historic context and personal characteristics of the informant. We leave
[70]
the detailed and multifaceted examination of the material collected to
other researchers.
– Audio and video recordings. They allow not only for the
content of the story to be preserved but for the informant’s
intonation, emotion, pronunciation, certain musical motifs that
stayed in the memory from childhood (we did not have the
opportunity to make video recordings of the interviews, a fact
that we often regretted).
– Print editions. The memoirs we collected were published in the
book about the history of Mahilyou Jews, but they can be used in
many other ways, especially for the purpose of educating those
who find the study of documentary materials insufficient.
– Methodical and educational development; excursions. The use
of oral history makes classes, lectures and excursions more emotionally enriched and adds a personal touch, thus making them
more memorable and effective.
– Museums, museum corners at schools. The use of an exposition as well as further collection and preservation of narrative
material expands the scope of their activities and attracts visitors.
– The Internet. The publication of databases containing collected
memories makes them available to users worldwide. Publication of memoirs on websites and blogs enables oral history to be
brought to the public consciousness.
The present inevitably steps into past and becomes history. One must
temporarily detach oneself from events in order to judge them adequately.
Memories become a window into the transient but unique human experience. They allow for the memory of a people, a generation, and a multitude
of individuals, to be preserved.
[71]
r Alexander Litin (Mahilyou)
Problems and opportunities of collecting visual materials
related to Jewish history: a case study „The History of
Mahilyou Jews: Documents and People”
Until recently, the use of visual material in historical studies in conference
collections, scientific journals and monographs was extremely limited.
The only exception was, perhaps, the research of art history (including
that related to architecture), archaeological and genealogical research,
and studies illustrations which are impossible without the use of pictures. ¶ At the present time, however, due to the rapid development of
digital technologies, visual material occupies an important place among
other historical materials, especially those related to the history of specific localities. Illustrations certainly facilitate text comprehension (from
childhood, we all love to look at pictures). However, more and more commonly, visual information goes beyond illustrating the text. It begins to act
independently as an autonomous information source, just as it long has
in illustrated journals. ¶ A type of visual material particularly important
to us is photography, the primary features of which are its “objectivity”
and the fact that we are usually able to view it in its original form (photo
editing and subjective choice of illustrations for material to be published
are beyond the scope of this report). ¶ In addition, it is very important
to note that a photograph often serves as a starting point that leads to
a search for verbal information. ¶ In any case, it is difficult to overestimate
the importance of visual information which allows one to become directly
“acquainted” with the object of study, be it a person, an object or an event,
and to get a better feel for what some give the mystic name of “spirit of
the times.” ¶ Let us attempt to identify the challenges and opportunities
associated with collection of visual information in historical research
work as well as the sources of visual information and ways in which it can
be used. ¶ We can divide the sources of visual information into several
general categories:
[72]
-
-
-
-
-
-
Archives and museums;
Media publications;
Family albums;
The internet;
Photographs of cemetery monuments;
Auctions.
The research of all the above sources is carried out in all directions
at the same time, and very often one source complements another and
“pushes” for new discoveries. ¶ Let us look at several specific examples of
how visual materials were collected for the book The History of Mahilyou
Jews: Documents and People.1
The Shkolische Synagogue ¶ The search for depictions of the Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou took place simultaneously with the search
for information about it. Often, non-visual information obtained determined possible directions of search for images, while visual information
obtained made it possible to find new textual information. Nearly all
listed above potential sources were utilized, however only the results
obtained from archives, museums and analysis of images in publications
proved to actually be useful. The wooden synagogue in Shkolische was
one of the most famous ancient synagogues in Eastern Europe. It was
built around 1680, but is known not so much for its architecture as for
the many unique murals that were painted approximately in 1710 by artist
Chaim, son of Levi Yitzchak Segal of Slutsk. Artist Marc Chagall believed
(groundlessly) that Chaim Segal was his ancestor. The Shkolishche synagogue became the center of attention as a result of expeditions in the
beginning of the 20th century and subsequent publications dedicated to
it. ¶ The information about the Shkolishche synagogue first appeared in
Moscow in 1914 in Rachel Bernstein Wischnizer’s article [photo 1]. The
final volume of her study was published in 1964.2 In that study, she also
refers to the description of the Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou. One
of the illustrations in the study is that of a fragment of the famous 18-th
century engraving [photo 2]. ¶ This drawing has been widely used in
various publications, including the book by Maria and Kazimierz Piechotkowie Gates of Heaven3: What is puzzling, however, is the fact that
1 История могилевского еврейства. Документы и люди. Кн. 1. Минск, 2002.
256 с; История могилевского еврейства. Документы и люди. Кн. 2. Ч. 1. Минск,
2006. – 388 с; История могилевского еврейства.
2 Rachel Wischnizer. The Architecture of the European Synagogues. Philadelphia,
1964 г.
3 Piechotkowie M. i K. Bramy Nieba: Bożnice drewniane na ziemiach dawnej
Rzeczypоspolitej. Warszawa, 1996. (Gates of Heaven: Wooden Sanctuaries on the
[73]
The Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou. Illustration for Rachel Bernstein Wischnizer’s article The Art of Jews of Poland and
Lithuania from the book The History of Jewish people. Volume 11. М., 1914.
The Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou (?). A fragment of the 18th century engraving. From the book Чарняўская Т.І.
Архітэктура Магілёва. З гісторыі планіроўкі і забудовы горада. Мінск, 1973 (T. Charniauskaya. The Architecture of Mahilyou.
The History of the City Planning and Development).
Mahilyou Podolsky. Photograph dated the beginning of the 20th century. From the internet sources http://blog.imhonet.ru/
author/rybasov/post/1762642/.
The ceiling of the Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou. Photograph by Solomon Yudovin dated1913. Property of St. Petersburg
Judaica Center of the European University.
[74]
The Shkolishche synagogue in Mahilyou. Photo by Aleksandr Miller
dated 1913. From the collection of the Russian Ethnographic Museum.
Rimon-Milgroym journal cover.
Fragments of the Mahilyou synagogue’s murals, copied by Elem
Lissitzky and published in 1923 in the journal Rimon-Milgroym as an
illustration to his article Memories of the Mahilyou Synagogue.
Fragment of the Mahilyou Shkolishche synagogue’s ceiling murals.
Photoreproduction from the collection of the Museum of the History of
the City of Mahilyou. The reverse side has an inscription that the photo
was produced by «A. Vinner» in 1939.
[75]
The Mahilyou Shkolishche.
A fragment of
Nikolay Lvov’s
watercolor, dated
the end of the 18th
century. From the
book Чантурия В.
А. История архитектуры Белоруссии. Минск, 1985.
Volume 2, p.140 (V.
Chanturia. The History of Architecture
of BelorussiaI).
The Mahilyou
Shkolishche synagogue. Drawing by
Konstantin Gedda,
dated 1930s. From
the collection
of the Mahilyou
Regional History
Museum.
the landscape in the engraving does not quite match the landscape of
Mahilyou on the Dnieper. And many modern scholars (including Ilya
Rodov of Israel) believe that it is not in fact an image of the Mahilyou
synagogue. Mahilyou’s landscape can be compared with the landscape
on the engraving if one studies the photograph of Mahilyou Podolsky in
Ukraine [photo 3]. The similarity of landscapes is clear and it highly probable that the engraving depicts a synagogue that was located precisely in
Mahilyou Podolsky, not Mahilyou on the Dnieper. ¶ One of the founders
of Jewish folklore study was Semyon Akimovich An-sky (that was his
pseudonym, his real name was Shloyme-Zeynvil Aronavich Rappaport.
He was born in 1863 in Chashniki, Vitebsk Province, and died in 1920 in
Warsaw). He was a Russian “narodnik,” a professional revolutionary, and
member of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. He became one of the
first collectors of the Jewish folklore. In 1912, Mr. An-sky together with
the members of the expedition group that he himself had formed, made
several expeditionary trips to Eastern Galicia, Volhynia, Podolia, and the
Kiev Gubernia which were abundant with historic Jewish monuments. In
June 1913, despite the expedition group’s busy schedule, Mr. Ansky split
from the main group which was working in the Volyn region at the time,
in order to study and photograph the murals of the wooden synagogue
in Mahilyou. From the very first expedition An-sky included then very
young Solomon Borisovich Yudovin (1892–1954) into the expedition group.
At that time, Yudovin, a native of the small Beshenkovichi shtetl, was
a beginner artist but he knew how to work the photo camera thanks to
his work as an apprentice at Vitebsk photo studios. Yudovin took a course
of study at Yudel Pen’s School of Drawing and Painting in Vitebsk. It was
Mr. Pen who introduced Mr. An-sky to his promising student’s works
(according to other sources, Mr.Yudovin was Mr. An-sky’s nephew). Mr.
Yudovin was the one to take a great number of photographs of the Mahilyou synagogue. A portion of those photographs is now preserved in
Territories of the Old Republic of Poland).
[76]
, The Mahilyou
ghetto. Photo by
Rudolf Kessler,
German photojournalist serving
in the propaganda
squadron, July and
August of 1941.
From the the Federal Archives of the
Federative Republic
of Germany.
Medical care
building of the
Mahilyou mental
hospital. Photo by
Alexander Litin,
2008.
St. Petersburg [photo 4]. ¶ AleksandrAleksandrovich Miller (1875–1935),
one of the prominent figures in the Russian science and culture, an eminent anthropologist, archaeologist and curator, became interested in the
Mahilyou synagogue’s murals. ¶ In winter of 1907–1908, Mr. Miller collected ethnographic materials from Belarusians and Jews of the Mahilyou
Gubernia. It is unknown whether or not he visited the Mahilyou synagogue, but photography collections of the Russian Ethnographic Museum
contain some of his photographs of the synagogue dated 1913. Judging by
the photographs, Mr. Miller took them in wintertime, before or after Mr.
An-sky’s expedition trip to Mahilyou [photo 5]. ¶ In the years 1915–1916,
an expedition group of Jewish Historical-Ethnographic Society consisting
of El Lissitzky and Isahar Ryback, visited Mahilyou. ¶ Fragments of the
Mahilyou synagogue’s murals were copied by a unique artist, representative of the Russian avant-garde movement, Mr. Elem (Lazar) Lissitzky
and were published in 1923 in the Berlin journal Rimon-Milgroym which
was published in Hebrew and in Yiddish. The artist accompanied his
drawings with the article entitled Memories of the Mahilyou Synagogue
[photos 6–7]. ¶ Museum of the History of the City of Mahilyou has four
reproductions of photographs of Shkolishche synagogue’s ceiling murals.
These reproductions have until recently been relatively unknown [photo
8].The location of the original photographs is still unknown. On the back
[77]
Unveiling of the monument commemorating the extermination of Mahilyou mental hospital patients.
Photo by Alexander Litin, July 2009.
, Members of the Literary and Drama Club named after V. G. Karalenka on the day of its dissolution,
November 12, 1924, reverse side of the photo. From the collection of the Mahilyou Regional History Museum.
Pavel Kobzarevsky with Aleksandr Tvardovskiy. Photograph dated 1960s. From the collection of the Mahilyou Regional History Museum.
Aleksandr Gorodnitskiy visiting the supposed grave of his grandmother, who was shot along with other
inhabitants of the Mahilyou ghetto near the village of Pashkava. Photo by Alexander Litin, 2007.
[78]
of photo reproductions it is indicated that they were taken by “A. V. Vinner” in 1939. Researchers found out that Mr. Vinner was a well-known
Moscow art restorer in mid-twentieth century. He wrote extensively about
restoration materials and methods. Among other things, he wrote about
fresco painting in ancient Russian churches. Where and how Mr.Vinner
made those copies is unknown. The author of the original photographs is
not known either. According to one of the versions, sketches of the murals
were drawn by young Vitebsk artists in the 1920s. Israeli historian Arkady
Seltzer provided facts proving this information:
“… in the summer of 1926, a group of students from the vocational
college (Vitebsk Art Vocational College – A. L.), most likely driven
by inspiration, during their vacation made a series of sketches of
the famous Mahilyou Kalta Shul as an example of high artistic taste
and significance. The students were well aware of the importance
of making detailed copies of the synagogue’s art, realizing that the
paintings on the synagogue’s walls and ceiling might shortly be lost.
The students sent their sketches to the Jewish department of the
Belarusian Museum. Minsk newspaper Oktyabr expressed a wish
that other students also pay due attention to Jewish monuments of
architecture located in various cities and towns of Belarus.”4
It is also confirmed by Vitebsk publicist Arkadz Shulman.5 ¶ While
talking about the photographs we should not forget that the depictions
of the Shkolishche synagogue can also be found in the watercolors of
Nikolay Lvov that date from a much earlier time period (the end of the
18th century) than the first pictures [Photo 9], and in drawings made in
the 30-s of the twentieth century by a Mahilyou artist Konstantin Gedda
[Photo10].
– The Mahilyou ghetto in August 1941 ¶ Certain photographs of the Mahilyou ghetto began to emerge in some publications as early as in the early
1990s. But their primary sources were not listed and were apparently
unknown. In this case, specific searches began after the employee of the
Federal Archives of Germany Wolf Buchmann’s article Where Did the Photograph Come From: Authenticity and Interpretation of Historical Archival
Photographs6 appeared on the internet in 1999 after the conservative
4 Аркадий Зельцер. Еврейские художники Витебска в 1917–1941 годах: между
национальным и универсальным // Бюллетень Музея Марка Шагала. Вып.13.
Витебск, 2005. С.75–90 // http://chagal-vitebsk.com/node/44.
5 А.Шульман. От прадеда до правнука // Мишпоха. №3. Віцебск, 1997
(A.Shulman» From grandfather to grandson «/ / Mishpoha number 3, Vitebsk, 1997)
6 Buchman, Wolf, ‘Woher kommt das Photo? Zur Authentizitat und Interpretation
[79]
, , Young
Mahilyou poets and
artists’ manuscript
journal Vozrozhdenie. From the family
archive of Izabella
Gordon.
Austrian newspaper Kronen Zeitung that had a great influence on public
opinion in Austria published a note stating that photo materials of the
War of Extermination: Crimes of the Wehrmacht, 1941–1944 exhibit were
allegedly false. In response, Professor Manoschek of the University of
Vienna, who was partially responsible the exhibit, filed a lawsuit against the
newspaper. The Court sought the services of a photographic documents
specialist, who in writing acknowledged seven of the exhibit’s photographs
as forged. In particular, he insisted that white Stars of David were inserted
into two images. The article clearly refutes the expert’s arguments. ¶ What
is most striking, all the material was based on the analysis of photographs
taken in Mahilyou by photojournalist Rudolf Kessler during his service in
the propaganda squadron No 689 [photos 11–12]. In July and August of
1941, after the city of Mahilyou was occupied by the 15th Infantry Division
Mr. Kessler shot a total of three rolls of film that are now stored at the
Federal Archives. The photographs were taken for political and propaganda purposes and were intended to illustrate various activities of the
occupation authorities during the creation of Jewish street cleaning labor
groups and during the creation of the Mahilyou Jewish ghetto. ¶ Having
learnt about the existence of this photo archive we wished to exhibit the
photos in Mahilyou. Shortly after, the Federal Archives of the Federative Republic of Germany sent us several dozen copies of photographs
from the collection that was used for the exhibition, as well as granted
the right to publish several of them in the book The History of Mahilyou
Jewry: Documents and People. The photos were exhibited in the Museum
of History of the City of Mahilyou, and during the History Workshop of
von historischen Photoaufnahmen in Archiven’, in Der Archivar 4, November 1999,
pp.296–306.
[80]
View of Mahilyou from the Dnieper River. Photo by Boris Zhorov, 1920–30ss.
From the family archive of Liliya Adlivankina-Zhorava.
View of St. Joseph’s Cathedral from the roof of the opposite building.
Photo by Boris Zhorov, 1920–30ss. From the family archive of Liliya Adlivankina-Zhorava.
Building of Mahilyou Circus. Photo by Boris Zhorov, 1920–1930ss.
From the family archive of Liliya Adlivankina-Zhorava.
The Last Rabbi of pre-war Mahilyou, Yankel Chaim Movsha Gdalyevich Shulman, (1867–1938).
Photograph dated 1916. From the family album of Rabbi Shulman’s granddauther, Roza Tsayer.
the Museum of History and Culture of Belarus Jewry. In addition, the
exhibition was shown in Saint Petersburg and in several German cities.
The extermination of the Mahilyou mental hospital patients ¶ An interesting thing occurred during preparation of materials for Part 2 of the
second volume of The History of Mahilyou Jewry: Documents and People
dedicated to World War II. In his material entitled The Extermination of
Mahilyou Mental Hospital Patients – a Way to Create a New Generation
of Gas Chambers, German author Alexander Friedman used information
[81]
Young girls with a gramophone inside a home.
Photograph dated the 1930s. From Riva Vayman’s
family archive.
A family celebration. Photograph dated the
early 1950s. From Riva Vayman’s family archive.
After minyan. Photograph dated the 1960s.
From Eduard Ryzhov’s family archive.
about a film dedicated the Nuremberg trials, which existed in the Cinema
Document Archive in Berlin. The film had a 15–20 second-long fragment
of that film demonstrated the extermination of Mahilyou mental hospital
patients. With the help of our German partners we were able to obtain
a copy of Stuart Schulberg’s film Nürnberg und seine lehre (Nuremberg
and Its Lessons, 1948). A few fragments have been published in the book.
But most importantly, those few seconds of Nazi chronicles kindled the
interest of German psychiatrists who contacted the Mahilyou authorities
with an initiative to erect a monument to the victims of Nazism on the
site of that crime (the medical building of the hospital is still standing)
[photo 13]. In July 2009, the monument was solemnly unveiled [photo 14].
Photograph of the Literary and Drama Club named after U. Karalenka
¶ Here is another good example of how the process of compilation and
retrieval of illustrative material takes place when it starts from one single
photo. In this case, it was a photograph from the Mahilyou Regional History Museum. The photograph depicted the members of the Literary and
Drama Club named after V. G. Karalenka on the day of its dissolution,
[82]
November 12, 1924 [photos 15–16] ¶ The top figure in the photograph
is Fava Gordon (second row, right) who later – became known as Pavel
Kobzarevskiy, a famous Soviet poet and translator. Actually, it was he
who became the object of the search. The same museum was in possession of another photograph from the sixties of the twentieth century, of
Pavel Kobzarevsky with Aleksandr Tvardovskiy [photo 17]. ¶ The picture
of club members also depicts other individuals that caught our attention.
The reverse side of the photograph contains a list of the young people on
the photo. Among them, in the first row on the left, there is some Mikhail
Gorodnitskiy. He is none other than the father of famous scholar, poet and
“bard” (Russian for “singer-songwriter” – Trans.) Aleksandr Gorodnitskiy.
Aleksandr Moiseevich Gorodnitskiy himself visited Mahilyou, the home
of his ancestors, a few years ago. There, he shot several fragments of the
film In Search of Yiddish and visited the supposed grave of his grandmother, who was shot along with other inhabitants of the Mahilyou ghetto
near the village of Pashkava [photo 18]. ¶ Second on the right in the first
row is Pavel Kobzarevskiy’s brother Grigoriy Gordon. Shortly before the
publication of his last book, we received a letter from his daughter, Izabella Gordon, where she talked about the life of her father (journalist at
the Belarusian-language Kamunar Magіleyshchyny newspaper) together
with his three brothers. Her letter also mentions her father’s friends from
the Drama and Literary Club which he headed. Furthermore, the letter
informed us that Grigoriy edited the manuscript journal Vozrozhdenie
[Revival – Trans.], where young poets and artists tried their hand. It
turned out that she is still in possession of several issues of that magazine
which also became a beautiful illustration of the life of Mahilyou residents
in the 1920s. [photos 19, 20]. ¶ It turned out that the brother of famous
Mahilyou sculptor Abram Zhorov, Boris Zhorov, handled the design of the
magazine [photo 21]. We managed to reach out to Boris Zhorov’s daughter, Liliya Adlivankina-Zhorava, who presently lives in St. Petersburg. It
turned out that after Boris Zhorov came to Leningrad after his graduation
[83]
Physics
teacher Abram
Vulfovich Karno.
Pre-war
director of the
Mahilyou Theatre
Semen Bernardovich Bernardov.
Activists of the
Zionist movement
in Mahilyoum
Moshe Grinberg
and David Shulman. From the
Mahilyou Region
Division of KGB.
from a Mahilyou school, he enrolled in the Graphics Department of the
Academy of Art. However, he had to quit because he had no means to
support himself. In the end, he graduated from the Polytechnic Institute
as an electric engineer. As a big fan of photography, he left his family with
a large photo archive. In particular, it included some unique photographs
of Mahilyou in the 1920–1930ss. [photos 22–24]
Family Photo Albums: Important Sources of Historical Information ¶ The
importance of the use of family photo archives in regional and local history
studies cannot be overestimated. It is another issue that in most cases,
family albums are full of photographs of individuals that are important
precisely in the family’s history. But often, even family photos by their
depiction of interiors, clothing, hairstyles or reflection of internal family
life help us get a better understanding of the spirit of the past, or even
to see a particular historical figure. There are exceptions, when, as in
the case of Boris Zhorov’s archives, the author considered it important
to photograph not only friends and relatives, but also the surrounding
world. It is slightly more common to encounter photographs of people
in urban settings, which allow us to reconstruct corners of the city that
were destroyed by time or by people [photos 25–28].
Photos of Cemetery Monuments ¶ Often, archival materials and memoirs
become a source of interesting information about a particular person.
However, in my opinion the absence of his/her photographs makes the
collected material somewhat incomplete. Sometimes, a photo from the
gravestone solves this problem and allows one to combine the information collected about a person with his/her image. It also allows to confirm
[84]
the years of the person’s birth and death. ¶ Using this method, they managed to find a photograph of the blind physics teacher Abram Vulfovich
Karno [photo 29], who was remembered by Mahilyou residents with
great warmth and respect. ¶ Similarly, they were able to find a prewar
photograph of the director of the Mahilyou Theatre Semen Bernardovich
Bernardov [photos 30].
KGB Archives: a Classified Information Source ¶ I found it possible to
single out the KGB archives from the general list. One can only assume
that it contains a wealth of visual material. Sometimes this assumption
is proved by specific materials. For example, from the archives of the
Mahilyou Region Division of the KGB we managed to obtain photographs of two young activists of the Zionist movement in Mahilyoum
Moshe Grinberg and David Shulman [photo 31]. They were arrested by
the Mahilyou United State Political Administration (OGPU) on April 30,
1928. In order to obtain the photographs, we needed to present information regarding what individual we were researching and when exactly the
arrest or trial took place.
Auctions ¶ Lately, more and more often World War II photographs from
personal archives, taken ​​by German soldiers and officers of the German Army, have been appearing on the internet auctions. Usually they
are completely innocent pictures of daily life and urban landscapes, of
local residents, only at the time of war. Such photos allow one to look at
the city life as if from the inside and this time without any Jews [photos
32–34]. ¶ I provided but a few specific examples of the opportunities and
[85]
, ,
Mahilyou during
the Nazi occupation. Photograph
purchased at the
internet auction.
From the collection of David
Lisouski.
directions of the research of visual information in historical and regional
historical research work. I demonstrated the results of such research. The
research is often laborious and time consuming, and it does not lead to
the desired result. However, if something was discovered, the result is
worth the effort. From time to time, and as practice shows, such a result
goes beyond the limits of pure research.
[86]
r Vadzim Akapyan (Minsk)
The History of Rescue
Once, a united family of the Levins, lived in Minsk. The head of the family, professor Aaron Samoilavich, was a pediatrician, and was famous in
the city. His wife, Faina Maiseeuna – a singer, soloist at the Belarusian
Radio – gave her husband three children: two daughters, Sofia and Holda
(Halina), and the younger son, Misha. Parents worked from morning till
night, and since 1932, a nanny, Mikhalina Vikentsieuna Leshukevich, lived
with them and look after the kids. ¶ The first days of the war, before Minsk
was occupied, Aaron Samoilavich was mobilized to the Red Army where
he saved the lives of the wounded in the front-line hospital. In Minsk,
the Jews who didn’t manage to leave the city were forcefully moved by
the Germans to the ghetto. Faina with her three kids also hadn’t left and
hence didn’t escape the common lot. ¶ From the order of the German
authorities about the formation of the Jewish residence district in Minsk
(August, 1941):
“1. Starting from the date of the publication of this order, a certain
part of Minsk will be allocated exclusively for the residence of Jews.
2. All the Jews in Minsk must move to the Jewish district no later
than five days after the publication of this order. If after this time
any Jew will be found in a non-Jewish district, they will be arrested
and punished severely. Non-Jews who live in the Jewish residence
district must immediately leave the Jewish district.
4. The boundaries of the Jewish district are set by the streets:
Kalhasny Zavulak and the adjacent Kalhasnaja street, farther
across the river along the Niamiha street, excluding the Orthodox
church, along the Respublikanskaja str., Shornaja str., Kalektarnaja
str., Meblevy Zavulak, Perakopskaja str., Nizhniaja str., including
the Jewish cemetery, along Abutkovaja str., 2nd Apanski Zavulak,
Zaslauskaja str., and to Kalhasny Zavulak.
7. The Jews are allowed to enter and leave the Jewish districts only
through two streets: Apanskaha and Astrouskaha. Climbing over
[87]
the wall is forbidden. The German guards and the guards from the
security service have an order to shoot at the violators”.1
Mikhalina lived with the Levins until they were moved to the ghetto.
And from the very beginning, she secretly helped them: when there was an
opportunity, she brought them at least some food to the ghetto. She was
aware of the risks as the single punishment that the Germans imposed on
anyone who helped the Jews was death. But later she had to leave Minsk
and move to the village she came from. ¶ March 2, 1942 was the most
dreadful day in the short history of the Minsk ghetto. On that day, the
Nazis and policemen slaughtered 8,000 detainees. Faina with her three
kids walked in the multitude of people who were taken to the shooting
spot. The older daughter, Sofia, tried to persuade her mother to attempt
an escape together. But Faina held her little son Misha in her arms and
understood that with him it was impossible to quietly slip away from the
crowd of the doomed: the kid would start crying and all the runaways
would be found. To give her daughters at least some chance to save their
lives, she refused to run away with them and was murdered with her son
at the place where now the memorial “The Pit” was established. ¶ The
girls were lucky: unnoticed by the convoy, they slipped away. They didn’t
have any place to go, so they made their way to the village Lukashy in
Zaslauski Region where, they knew, lived their nanny who was like a family
member for them. In the village, Mikhalina lived at her niece’s, and she
couldn’t keep her pre-war foster children there. There were policemen
around, and for some time, she hid the girls in a barn and shared her
last crust with them. She was already 70, but she pulled herself together
and took Sofia and Halia to Minsk. Mikhalina was able to persuade the
administration of the orphanage for non-Jewish kids to accept the girls
and list them under Russian last names. ¶ Later, the old nanny Mikhalina
tried to decrease the danger that threatened the Jewish girls in Minsk and
again, took them out of Minsk to the village, helped to hide away and sent
them to her friends. One of those friends was Barbara Ramanouskaja who
lived in the village Akolitsa in Maladzechna region. Barbara sheltered
Halia who wasn’t even 11, and treated her as a real family member. When
Halia got sick, Barbara looked after her as if she were her own daughter.
¶ The older girl, Sofia, was able to join the Shchors partisan detachment
in 1943. ¶ In 1944, after Minsk was liberated, Sofia came to the destroyed
city and received incredible news from a doctor in the hospital: her father
who she and her sister thought was dead in fact was alive and worked as
a doctor in Omsk. She had an opportunity to send him a letter, which
1 Рубинштейн Л.М. Нельзя забыть. – Минск: Медисонт, 2011. – С. 14.
(Rubinstein L.M. Should Not be Forgotten)
[88]
after many years was put on display in the Museum of history and culture
of the Belarusian Jews in Minsk:
“My dear daddy, I’m writing this letter and can’t believe that you are
alive. I am so used to the thought that I have neither Dad nor Mom.
And now, it turns out that you are alive. My dear daddy, if you can,
come back here, I can’t wait. Halia is with Mikhalina now, and I live
in Minsk with Uncle Fima. I will go tomorrow to get Halia. Dear
daddy! I can’t even describe what we and Halia had to go through.
Daddy! You can’t imagine how the German scums torture people.
Thousands of people were victims of their terror.
The last year before the Red Army came, I was in a partisan detachment. I came to Minsk on July 23, 1944 and immediately found out
that you are alive. The doctors who came from Russia told me. For the
first year of the war, we lived in the ghetto. But after the massacre of
March 2, 1942 we didn’t come back to the ghetto. We lived with Halia
in an orphanage under the Russian last names, and then escaped
to Western Belarus. We worked for the landowners and pastured
the cattle. I for more than a year, and Halia for two years. For a few
months I worked in Rakov as a housekeeper and from there left for
the partisan detachment. Dear Daddy! That’s the story in brief. I will
tell you more when we see each other, and we can’t wait to see you.
I am asking you again: come back here.
Send you a lot of, lot of, lot of kisses,
Our Daddy
Dear Daddy! Sorry for the letter (I wrote it at night as I had to get it
ready fast or tomorrow would be late to send it).
Say hi to the family.
Your daughter Sofa, August 8, 1944”
After the war, Mikhalina lived at the Levins’ until she died in 1953. Also,
Aaron Samoilavich and his daughters always helped Barbara Ramanouskaja, whose fate was not the happiest one, and at the end of her life
she was alone. ¶ In 2010, Mikhalina Leshukevich and Barbara Ramanouskaja who despite the threat of death saved Sofia and Halia Levins, two
Jewish girls, were honored with the title “Righteous among the Nations”
from the Israeli memorial institute “Yad Vashem” “in token of the deep
gratitude for the help provided to the Jewish people during World War II”.
¶ After the war, Isaac Platner, a Belarusian-Jewish writer and poet, wrote
a poem in Yiddish “Two Sisters” about how sisters Sofia (called Dzina in
the poem) and Halia at the expense of their mother’s death were able to
escape from the group of the condemned Jews from Minsk who were
driven out to be murdered. The sisters’ aunt, poet Edzi Ahniatsvet, later
[89]
translated this poem into the Belarusian language. She also dedicated
a poem to Mikhalina.
Мiхалiна
Светлай памяцi Мiхаліны Лешукевiч
Па-над крыжам – цiхая калiна,
Гронкі, быццам песнi для душы.
Спачывае цётка Мiхалiна –
Родам з роснай вёскі Лукашы.
Снiцца ёй ваенная навала,
Чуе стогны спаленай зямлi.
Дзвюх дзяўчатак з гета ратавала,
Што з калоны страшнай уцяклi.
Беглi і дрыжэлi: “Мама, мама!”
Засталася Мама ў чорнай яме…
Стала маткай цётка Мiхалiна,
Што не мела нi дачкi, нi сына.
Прытулiла гэтых дзвюх сясцёр,
Зберагла для сонейка і зор.
Ад паганых карнiкаў хавала
І дзялiла з дзецьмi хлеб i соль,
Бо душой святою адчувала,
Што такое чалавечы боль.
Sofia Levina’s
letter. From the
archive of the
Museum of history
and culture of the
Belarusian Jews.
Колькi страхаў перажыта, мукаў
Дзеля iхнiх будучых унукаў!
Колькi мела гора і надзей,
Як малiла Бога за людзей!
Мiхалiна! Вас, жывую, клiчам.
Як уславiць Вашу дабрыню?
Помню, Вы нагадвалі з аблiчча
Мудрую Купалаву радню.
…Па-над крыжам – цiхая калiна,
Гронкi, быццам песнi для душы.
Спачывае цётка Мiхалiна –
Праведнiца з вёскi Лукашы.
[90]
r Aleksandra Bielawska (Narewka), Krzysztof Bielawski (Warsaw)
Faye Schulman’s photographic testimonies
Fajna Łaziebnik was born on November 28, 1919, in Lenin, a tiny shtetl
located in the eastern borderland of the Second Polish Republic, on the
Polish-Soviet frontier. Contrary to numerous presumptions, the name of
this village originated from the female name of Lena, not from Vladimir
Ilyich Lenin. ¶ Fajna was one of the seven children of an orthodox Jewish family of Yakov Łaziebnik and Rejzel Łaziebnik (née Migdałowicz).
The Łaziebniks were running a factory shop in Lenin. Yakov Łaziebnik,
a descendent of the Kohen family, was active in the local Jewish community as a member of a beth din and a gabbai. His position in the community
was prominent and he was entrusted with a post of a chairman of a Jewish
community loaning institution. ¶ Fajna spoke Yiddish at home, Belarusian
with her neighbors, Polish at school and she learnt Hebrew at her religious
school. Even in her childhood she used to help her brother Mosze, who
ran a photo studio. Fajna, who was a very sensitive girl, proved to be very
skillful with a camera. ¶ Sonia, the eldest of the siblings, got engaged to
a rabbi from Łódź, a student of Międzyrzec Yeshiva, Icchak Koziołek.
After the wedding, she moved with her husband to the town of Lubartów,
where they lived till the outbreak of WWII. ¶ When the war started, Lenin
became a part of the Soviet occupation zone. The new political system
ensured employment but it imposed lots of religious limitations. Those
who wanted to observe religious ordeal, risked severe persecutions. Soviet
authorities took over private property and controlled enterprises. Legal
owners were deprived of freedom and deported to Siberia. ¶ On July 24,
1941, Lenin was seized by German forces. It was the beginning of Jewish
suffering. The Łaziebnik family was not immune to bad fate. One night,
German soldiers broke into the house. They dragged Fajna and her sister
Estera out of their beds. They told them to undress and stand against the
wall. Listening to angry shouts the frightened women were waiting for
the shots. Fortunately, the soldiers left the house and hurriedly followed
German troops marching by. Jews in Lenin were beaten and humiliated.
They were forced to murderous work for the occupier. There occurred
many executions in the area. ¶ Fajna continued to work in the family
[91]
photo studio. She used to take I.D photos for German soldiers, she also
developed German photographs taken during the “Drang nach Osten”
operation. ¶ On May 10, 1942, a ghetto was established in Lenin. Its area
was wire-fenced. Jews, deprived of basic provisions, were facing starvation.
There was a severe shortage of medications and warm clothing. There was
a high death toll due to the lack of proper health care. Fajna’s two brothers
were deported to a labor camp. ¶ Ghetto liquidation started on August 14,
1942. Germans forced people to leave their houses and to gather on the
market place. They pulled Fajna from the crowd. She was known to be
a worthy photographer and her abilities could become of use. Together
with several other people, she was taken to a synagogue. There, in extreme
terror, she was watching a crowd of Jews waiting for an execution. She
could see her parents and her siblings in the crowd. Finally, the gathered
people were driven by trucks to the outskirts of town and shot dead. The
sound of guns could be heard in the synagogue. Fajna was left alone. After
the massacre, she was ordered to develop the photos that documented
the execution. She endangered her life by hiding some copies of these
pictures. ¶ Less than a month after the execution, on September 12, 1942,
shots were heard again in Lenin. This time Belarusian guerilla fighters,
from the Molotov division, attacked the German troops. Fajna realized
that being the only witness to German atrocities, she was in great danger
and that her days in Lenin were numbered. She escaped with the partisans.
These were mostly the soldiers of the Red Army, who managed to flee from
P.O.W. camps. Fajna became a nurse. She participated in military actions.
Once, she was to deliver a message to another guerilla group. She and her
companion were going on a boat and when they came to a shore, he left
the boat and after a while he got killed in a mine blast. Fajna frequently
experienced such horrors as this. Since many of the partisans were antiSemites, Faja concealed her Jewish origins. ¶ Molotov division was active
in the vicinity of Lenin. During one of the night actions Fajna demanded
that her house be set on fire. It was a bitter decision but she did not want
to leave the house to the Germans. She knew anyway that she would not
be able to live in the place where nearly all her family members had been
murdered. ¶ Fajna carried her camera all along and kept documenting all
events she witnessed. She took photos of the guerilla attack on Lenin, all
military actions, daily life in the forest as well as Nazi crimes. After the war
she would say: “I want people to know that there existed a strong resistance movement. Jews did not agree to be slaughtered like sheep. I was
a photographer. I took photos. I am in the possession of evidence”. ¶ After
the liberation, Fajna married Morris Schulman, also a Jewish guerilla
fighter. Initially, they lived in Pinsk, but the town where thousands of Jews
had been killed resembled a graveyard. They managed to get to a refugee
camp in German Landsberg. They were planning an aliyah to Palestine but
they ended up migrating to Canada. Here, she changed her name to Faye.
[92]
¶ Faye Schulman reflected her war story in a book:”A Partisan’s Memoir:
Woman of the Holocaust”. Faye Schulman’s photography exhibitions are
shown all over the world and remind people about the horrors of war.
In 2000, Faye came back to Belarus. She visited the Museum of War in
Minsk, where after the liberation, she had delivered over a number of her
photographs. She also visited her family shtetl, Lenin. She found the earth
house in the forest, where she had spent her war months and met her
war comrades. She was accompanied on this trip by a Canadian female
director, Shelley Saywell. That heart-breaking journey was recorded and
served as a material for the documentary “Out of the Fire”. ¶ Now, Faye
Schulman is living in Toronto. She has two children and six grandchildren.
She keeps on saying to the young:
“I want to tell you, Jewish offspring: you should be proud of being
Jews. I also have the following message for kids who are not Jews:
if there is a war and you have to fight, do it for your freedom and
do not be ashamed of joining the army.”
[93]
Belarusian
Jewish Art and
Literature
[94]
r Siarhei Pivavarchyk, Natallia Pasiuta (Hrodna)
Architecture of synagogues and prayer houses
in the Hrodna-Belastock region
Numerous synagogues were built in Hrodna and Belastock regions in the
course of history. Unfortunately, most of them have not been preserved
to our days. However, all kinds of sources make it possible to define the
main trends and tendencies in the architecture of Jewish religious buildings of Hrodna-Belastock region. ¶ The development of synagogue
architecture was influenced by the traditions and techniques of Mediterranean cult construction during Hellenism and Roman Empire epochs.
The first synagogues were rectangular buildings divided by columns into
aisles, with a gallery on the entrance side. The orientation of the building
was arranged so that the prayer sanctuary would always face towards
Jerusalem. The synagogue interior was strictly canonical. There was
a raised platform of moderate size beside the sanctuary – the almemar.
There was a special place in the middle of the hall for reading the Holy
Scripture – the bimah. Near the eastern wall, the depository of sacred
texts was situated – the Holy Ark (aron ha-kodesh). The liturgical space
was divided into men’s and women’s sections; this peculiarity is one of
the most ancient eastern traditions. The altars in the synagogues were
embellished with artistic hammer-work and casting, as well as rich carving patterns with animal and plant motifs, in which the traditions and
aesthetics common among the eastern nations were also manifested. ¶ The
concept of the Biblical Temple as an important element of the Jewish
religious consciousness necessarily appears in various genres of Jewish
traditional art. And especially in cult architecture. After the destruction
of the Second Jerusalem Temple in 70 A.D., it was prohibited to revive
its details and repeat the elements of liturgical processions in synagogue
service. The aim was to remind the Jews about the necessity of reconstructing the Temple in its initial place. Besides, the status of the synagogue
differed considerably from that of the Temple. Still, the Jews always tried
to incarnate the symbolical model of the Temple
within the synagogue – both in the common features and the articles of
[95]
Prayer house in
Ros. Photograph by
the authors, 2005.
Prayer house
Beit Knesset
HaGadol in Hrodna,
Vyalikaya Traetskaya
Street. Photo taken
by the authors,
2003.
Chayei Adam
Choral Synagogue
in Hrodna. Photo
taken by the authors, 2007.
embellishment.1 The symbolism of the Temple is most expressively implemented in the front (the Portal) – the altar (aron ha-kodesh) parallel. Their
interaction plays almost the most important role in the architectural
symbolic ensemble of the sinagogue, it helps to understand the distinctive
features of the architecture. ¶ As the representation of the “entrance for
the mortals”, the Portal outlines the sinagogue space with all its components: the prayer hall, the women’s gallery, the cult zone. Aron
ha-kodesh – “the God’s Gate” – is the opposite of the Portal and at the
1 Котляр Е. Образ Иерусалимского Храма в традициях синагогального
зодчества. // Истоки. Вестник Народного Университета еврейской культуры
Восточной Украины. – Харьков, 1998. – №2. – С. 33–56.
[96]
same time the symbolic climax.2 Aron ha-kodesh symbolizes the entrance
to the divine transcendency. As a matter of fact, the same semantics is
characteristic of the religious buildings of other confessions. Jewish traditional conciousness, especially in the expatriate community, understands
this model in its own way. Taking into consideration the orientation of
the sinagogue towards the East, aron ha-kodesh seems to concentrate the
prayers from the entrance towards Jerusalem: through the nation-wide
universal space (Portal) – to the congregation of Israel (the whole of the
singogue hall) – to the departure with a prayer (aron ha-kodesh) to their
2 Хаймович Б. Подольское местечко: пространство и формы. // 100 еврейских
местечек Украины. Подолия. – Иерусалим-СПб, 1997. – Выпуск 1. – С. 62.
Chayei Adam
Choral Synagogue in
Hrodna. Photograph
by Agata Maksimowska.
Chayei Adam
Choral Synagogue
in Hrodna. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Synagogue in
Indura. Photograph
taken by the authors,
2006.
Synagogue in Indura. Photograph by
Krzysztof Bielawski.
[97]
Synagogue in Indura. Plan from the funds
of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in
Hrodna.
Synagogue in Indura. Plan from the funds
of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in
Hrodna.
Prayer House in Khvolish, Brest. Plan from the
funds of the National Historical Archives of Belarus
in Hrodna.
Synagogue in Slonim. Plan from the funds
of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in
Hrodna.
[98]
[99]
Synagogue
in Slonim. From
the collection
of Tomasz Wisniewski.
Synagogue in
Slonim. Photograph by Agata
Maksimowska.
Synagogue in
Slonim. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Bregman Synagogue in Hrodna,
Myashchanskaya
St. (on the left).
Photograph from
the collection of
Feliks Woroszylski.
God.3 Consequently, the symbolical image of the Temple, represented by
the axis “the front – the altar” is an important element, which preconditioned the sinagogue architecture. ¶ Following the Jewish settlement
across Europe, the synagogues they built acquired the stylistic architectural features of the countries of settlement. In the Grand Duchy of
Lithuania, before building a synagogue it was necessary to get the Grand
Duke’s permission and in many cases – the Catholic bishop’s permission.
Synagogues had to be inferior to the Christian temples and had to have
modest decor. Famous Belarusian researcher of architecture Alyaksandr
Lakotka points out that synagogues of Belarus, as compared to those of
other countries possess a number of outstanding features. The major one
is the representation of symbolically rendered and reconsidered image
of the abode, the Ark, in their architecture.4 This can explain the fact that
all Belarusian places of worship comprise integral, impressive space under
nearly tabernacle-shaped roof. The synagogue in Ashmyany is a good
example of this: rectangular space of the ritual hall underneath the roof
with four sloping surfaces. Due to theconsiderable size and the specifications of the building, the roof has a stepped form, which is defined by the
two-tier structure of the roof system. In Hrodna region such roofs were
typical for castles, palaces, Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches. Most
of the synagogues in Hrodna region were wooden, but in large city centers
3 Котляр Е. Образ Храма в концепции “Фасад – Алтарь”: символикодекоративный ансамбль “врат” в синагогах Украины. // Материалы Седьмой
Международной Междисциплинарной конференции по иудаике. Ч.2. – Москва,
2000. – С. 288.
4 Лакотка А.І. Беларусы. Дойлiдства. – Мінск: Беларуская навука,1997. – С. 211.
[100]
they were made from stone as early as in the ХVI century. ¶ The date of
construction of the stone synagogue on Traetskaya Street in Hrodna varies in literature. Some researchers believe that the Jews built their first
stone synagogue after the fire in 1617, others express an opinion that the
Hrodna synagogue was built between 1575–1578.5 The historian of Hrodna
architecture Igar Trusau states that the synagogue was built in 1576–1580
according to the project of an Italian architect Santi Gucci. He was invited
for the construction of the synagogue in Hrodna by a famous rabbi Mordechai Yaffe. It is most likely that they got acquainted in Italy, where
Mordechai studied at the University. The invited architect was so liked
by the king Stefan Batory, that the latter hired Gucci for the construction
of the new royal castle and the Fara of Vitaut. Therefore, the Renaissance
stone synagogue in Hrodna is one of the oldest in Belarus. ¶ In the course
of the fire in 1899 the building was damaged; during the reconstruction
Art Nouveau elements were added to the exterior.6 Now it is a three-storey
brick building, square in plan, covered with double-slope(?) roof. The
principle front is flanked with towers that are square in cross-section. The
fronts are richly decorated with stone detailing, pilaster sides, keel-shaped
architraves of segmental and arch window apertures, rustication. The
main hall with low side aisles takes up the entire height. The bimah stands
in the center, its pillars hold up intersecting vaults with nervures. In
a shallow five-canted niche in the eastern wall, the altar is situated, along
the western – the women’s gallery. In spite of the reconstruction, molded
5 Еврейская энциклопедия. Т.6. / Под ред. Л.Каценельсона. – СПб., 1910 – С. 789.
6 Локотко А.И. Архитектура европейских синагог. – Минск: Ураджай, 2002. –
С. 97–99.
[101]
Prayer House in Svislach. Plan from the funds of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Hrodna.
Prayer House in Svislach. Plan from the funds of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Hrodna.
Prayer House in Vaukavysk. Plan from the funds of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Hrodna.
Prayer House in Vaukavysk. Plan from the funds of the National Historical Archives of Belarus in Hrodna.
acanthus ornamentation in its Gothic and Renaissance rendition is preserved in the interior. ¶ Stone synagogues in Navahrudak and Slonim date
back to the ХVII century. The former was built in 1640 and hasn’t been
preserved to our days. It belonged to the widespread type of centric ninefloor synagogues with elements of Renaissance architecture. The prayer
hall, square in plan, had a raised platform in the middle, the bimah, which
was shielded by four octagonal pillars and covered by an intersecting vault,
under which there was a lantern used for artificial illumination. The corner
parts of the interior were also covered with intersecting vaults, and the
[102]
intermediary piles – with cylindrical vaults with stripping. The auxiliary
and women’s rooms formed the three-sided roundabout gallery and were
symmetrically grouped.7 ¶ The Slonim synagogue was raised in 1642 in
Baroque style as part of defensive fortifications of the city. It is a brick
building, square in plan, under a high double-pitch roof. Just like the
Navahrudak synagogue, the Slonim synagogue was raised according to
the centric nine-level floor plan scheme established in XVII–XVIII centuries for this type of religious buildings: the floor structure consisting of
nine bays of a vaulted ceiling. ¶ Around the perimeter, the main area is
surrounded by a number of low buildings of a later period. Centricity of
the building is further emphasized by two-storey fronts that have a threeaxis symmetrical composition. Security considerations determined the
defensive character of the architecture – thick walls, absence of décor of
the pilaster sides, high-pitched arch window apertures. The lower level
looks especially monumental (the wall thickness is 1.7 m.) with a number
of low segmental loopholes. On the main eastern front of the building
there is a figurative Baroque accent – a high ornamental shield on the
pylon parapet. The shield is braced with doubled pilasters, elaborately
profiled niches. At the center there is a round window-rosette. The main
front is flanked with side decorative sketches that provide smooth transition to the first storey of the accessory buildings. The integrity of the
architectural space is emphasized by the laconic completion of the fronts’
surfaces with a profiled cornice and a narrow belt.8 ¶ The interior of the
synagogue is defined by the Judaic traditions. In the center of a wide hall
there is a bimah. The sounding-board over the bimah, raised on four thick
pillars and arcade, is represented by a sail vault with a lantern. The bimah
dome is decorated with a molded polychromic ornament with acanthus
and palmette leaves. The bimah compositionally integrates the interior
space and at the same time serves as the center support of the intersecting
vaults, which cover the prayer hall thatis 11.8 m high. The cushions of the
vaults rest upon pilasters, the pylons of which are adorned with frescoes
with images of romantic ruins and flowerpots. The traditional partition
between the men’s and the women’s parts of the synagogue is replaced by
a metallic gallery on four thin columns in the western part of the building.
¶ The original decor of the interior, done in grisaille technique, contains
images of plants and animals, cultic attributes (the crown, the Tablets).
The compositional and ornamental center of the eastern wall is aron hakodesh. Above it, there is a planted ornamental cartouche – molding in
the form of two crowned Tablets of the Covenant with lions on both sides.
¶ All the elements of the ornamental molding were covered with goldplating and polychromic colouring. On each side of the altar, there are
7 Памяць. Навагрудскi раён. – Мінск: Беларуская Энцыклапедыя, 1996. – С. 155.
8 Караткевiч В.Б., Кулагiн А.М. Помнiкi Слонiма. – Мінск: Ураджай, 1983. – С. 77.
[103]
Wooden
synagogue in
Hrodna. Photograph from the
collection of Feliks
Woroszylski.
Wooden synagogue in Azyoty.
Photograph from
the collection of
Feliks Woroszylski.
ДWooden
synagogue in
Peski. Photograph
from the collection of Syargei
Pivavarchyk.
preserved cartouche frescoes with images of Corinthian columns, ceremonial and secular musical instruments, drapery, bouquets, and entablature
with images of lions, vases, bouquets, drapery. The axis of the altar wall
ends with a molded canopy in the form of a crown with a star and drapery
drawn down.9 A. Lakotka states that the Slonim synagogue fits well into
the ensemble of other landmarks of the city, which belong to the Vilnius’
Baroque School: Bernardine churches, St. Andrew’s Church etc.10 ¶ In
the beginning of the 1990s, the experts examined the condition of the
landmark and estimated the possibility of restoration of the interior. The
greatest interest was aroused by technologic analysis of the decorative
elements. As was previously mentioned, their originality lies in the fact
that their creation was influenced by cultic symbolism. ¶ In the course of
research it was discovered that in most cases the adornment of the synagogue is not original. The molding and the walls were repainted many
times. Two molding types were discerned. The major part of the analyzed
9Тамсама.
10 Лакотка А.І. Пад стрэхамi прашчураў. –- Мінск: Полымя, 1995 – С. 154.
[104]
molding was made from plaster. The plaster fragments were gold-plated
and painted green. Several – the most ancient – molding elements were
made from stucco (mixture of lime, plaster and a lot of glue). Traces of
silver are preserved on the stucco elements ¶ On the cornice, fragments
of ornamental painting with crimson red colors on blue backgroundwere
discovered. Indigo was used as a pigment for the blue color; the red color
was obtained by mixing ochre and indigo. The ornament was painted with
glue paint produced from sticky organic material. As was stated by Mariya
Tseitlina, data obtained from the technological study of the ornamental
pattern make it possible to draw a conclusion that the painting technique,
coloring, and the choice of pigments are not in the least characteristic of
the Belarusian historic buildings of the XVII–XVIII centuries. The blue
indigo had not been seen anywhere before. Use of glue paint techniques
in other examples of decorative and monumental art of this period had
not been recorded either. In this case it is mostly likely possible to speak
about an independent school of painting.11 ¶ In the reserves of the National
historical archives of Belarus in Hrodna, documents that pertain to the
fate of the main Slonim synagogue in ХІХ century have been preserved.
It was discovered that its building suffered greatly during the fire in 1881.
Just after the fire the activities of the synagogue were resumed by means
of believers’ donations, but without the permission of the authorities.
After a while the police superintendent Navitski sealed up the synagogue.
On May 11, 1883 Slonim citizens Haim Pamerants and Mousha Batlin
turned to the governor with the request to open the only synagogue, as
well as to give a permission to use the money from Slonim’s donation box
for “bringing this synagogue in order”. In turn, the city governor requested
to send an architect for developing the budget for repairs. There was
a special law for the satisfaction of this request.12 ¶ On July 8, 1886 the
city governor Pyotr Antonavich Vasileuski arrived at the synagogue, which
was sealed by the police, for inspection. Here is the description of the
synagogue at that time (the style of the document is preserved):
“…part of the ceiling at the rear end of this synagogue collapsed, and
the rest of the ceiling is unsafe. This synagogue is made from stone,
roofed with tin-plate, rather spacious, with five side sections, it is
the only main synagogue, the service in which is held by a clergyman
(rabbi). The outer side of the synagogue is in sad condition, excepting
the tin roof, which only needs painting. The plaster on the outer walls
11 Цейтлина М.М. Результаты предварительных технологических исследований
интерьеров синагоги в Слониме. \\ Праблемы развiцця габрэйскай культуры на
Беларусi. – Мінск, 1993. – С. 13–14.
12 П.1, л. Б к ст.61 прил. к ст. 281 Уст. о подат. по прод. 1857 г. // Нацыянальны
гістарычны архіў Беларусі ў Гродне (НГАБГ). Ф. 8, воп. 2, спр. 398.
[105]
is mostly peeling, in many places bricks have fallen out, especially
at the bottom. The slopes that hold the synagogue building are half
destroyed. In other words, the outer side of the synagogue needs capital repairing. For the inspection of the inner side of this synagogue
the police superintendent Navitski arrived, he removed the seal, and
the synagogue was inspected within. On all the synagogue walls the
plaster is peeling, the wall in all the upper windows is considerably
cracked, the stone dome over the entire area of the synagogue space
has big cracks, in the side section at the entrance to the synagogue
building part of the dome on the right-hand side collapsed and there
is a hole of about two arshins in diameter. All the side sections also
need repairing”.13
The budget of 11430 roubles 09 kopecks was drawn up for repairing the
synagogue.14 ¶ Subsequently, the synagogue functioned in accordance
with its designated purpose – it was the main prayer house of the Slonim
Jews. During the period between wars, 64% of Slonim residents were Jews,
there were two synagogues and 18 prayer houses in the city. After World
War II, the main synagogue was used for various utility needs. The last
thing that was located in the unique architectural and historical landmark
was a furniture store warehouse. From the middle of the 1990s the synagogue was vacant, gradually falling into disrepair. ¶ The ХІХ – the
beginning of ХХ century are characterized by the growth of Jewish population and boost in construction of synagogues and prayer houses. Thus,
in Hrodna in 1834 there was one synagogue and ten prayer houses, in
1853 - one synagogue and 19 prayer houses, in 1890 – two synagogues and
32 prayer houses.15 In 1889, the chief of police in Hrodna received an order
“to instruct immediately the police officers to draw up for each part a list of
prayer houses situated at present within the city limits, indicating the streets
where they are situated, when and by whom the permission for their establishment was granted”.16 In the scrupulously compiled list, workshop prayer
houses of watermen, butchers, coachmen, sawyers, tailors are found under
various names.17 The last boom of stone architecture in Hrodna region
was at the end of the ХІХ – the beginning of ХХ century. ¶ The architecture
of most stone synagogues in Hrodna region of that period adopted the
methods and forms of civil architecture, with elements of classicism and
Art Nouveau. The architectural emphasis of another Slonim synagogue
can be seen on the principal street front of the building, which ends in
13Ibid.
14Ibid.
15 НГАБГ. Ф. 1, воп. 27, спр. 641; ф. 1, воп. 28, спр. 520.
16 НГАБГ. Ф. 8, воп. 2, спр. 615, арк. 1–14.
17Ibid.
[106]
a three-cornered frontal. The main entrance, in the form of a big circular
arch, is situated in a stanza, flanked with two two-tier risalits, which contain entrances to the gallery of the central prayer hall. The plastered flank
fronts of axisymmetric composition are divided by rows of segmental
window apertures. The main prayer hall, which is close to square in plan,
is lit by a row of high arch windows. Elements of late classical architecture
are used in the decor of the building: the window architraves with the
keystones, rustication, pilaster-strips. The main synagogue in Belastock
is also characterized by remarkably beautiful decor. ¶ The facades of the
Ashmyany synagogue are adorned with modest pilaster-strips and a multifaceted brick cornice under the building’s roof. The rectangular area of
the central room is covered by a three-tier roof with four sloping surfaces.
The front of the Hrodna synagogue also has four pilaster-strips and finishes
with a three-cornered portico. Such kind of architecture was also characteristic of the religious school in Vaukavysk, but there six windows were
grouped in threes and divided by a pilaster-strip. Synagogues in Iuye and
Mir consisted of three separate buildings for different social classes and
had Art Nouveau features. As has already been stated, the main Hrodna
synagogue, when restored after the fire, also acquired Art Nouveau features. The synagogue in Indura is remarkable for its architecture. The main
decorative emphasis is laid here upon the front, divided into three parts
by horizontal courses. In the lower horizontal course, the entrance is situated in the middle, and on the sides there are rectangular windows. The
second storey is adorned by a row of Romanesque windows. It is crowned
by a three-cornered portico with three medium-sized niche windows of
the same shape and a double-pitch roof. In its frontal part, the ponderous
building is flanked by two seemingly incomplete towers. ¶ At the beginning of the ХХ century, the most wide-spread type of synagogues and
prayer houses was represented by two-storey stone buildings under a double-pitch roof with rectangular or semi-arch windows. The main aesthetic
emphasis here was laid upon the side parts of the buildings, which possessed eclectic features. Such objects were built in Hrodna on Mastavaya
st. (Bregman’s religious school), on Vasilyok st. (its present name), as well
as in Bransk, Sukhavol, Belastock on Branskaya st. On the second storey,
the women’s rooms were situated. Rather often the walls, the door and
window apertures were adorned with moldings, different kinds of brick
ornaments, decorative millwork. ¶ Another type of prayer houses was
represented by ponderous buildings covered by a high roof with four
sloping surfaces, with large windows, which were situated rather high
along the perimeter of the whole building. The structural concept of the
buildings excludes decorations almost entirely, only vertical and sometimes horizontal courses divide them into parts. Possibly, the prayer house
in Brest had Gothic lancers windows with molded stars of David on the
front. Religious buildings in Svislach, Ruzhany, Orlya, Surazh, Knyshyn
[107]
Synagogue in
Izabelin. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Synagogue in
Novy Dvor. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Synagogue in
Iuye. Photograph
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Wooden Synagogue in Voupa.
From the collection of Tomasz
Wisniewski.
Synagogue in
Dzyatlava. Photograph by Agata
Maksimowska.
belong to this type. As can be seen from the above, at the turn of the
century, the architecture of stone synagogues and prayer houses of Hrodna
region was characterized by diversity of styles, forms and methods of
construction. ¶ Researchers of Belarusian architecture admit that the
architecture of wooden synagogues was the most distinctive.18 They possessed conceptual integrity that was attained by the volumetric and spacial
concept.At the heart of this concept is the connection of a spacious ritual
hall with a tabernacular roof, often of irregular shape. In their form, the
roundabout galleries and additional buildings repeated the main space in
miniature. Effective design solutions were required for the placement of
the main prayer hall in the center, which made the exterior of the synagogue remarkable, as well as its interior, which was adorned with carvings
and polychromy. ¶ The vaults of the synagogues, which fit into the space
of the roofs, developed the traditional forms of vaulted ceiling in houses
and klet’s. However, in contrast to the log vaults of the churches, in synagogues they were always made of wood planks on the centring.19 Such
vaults are lighter than log ones. It made it possible to reduce the load on
the roof framings, which provided the builders with ample opportunities
for the construction of complex, remarkable types of coverings. Regardless
18 Лакотка А.І. Пад стрэхамi прашчураў. – Мінск: Полымя, 1995. – С. 154.
19 Сергачёв С.А. Архитектурно-конструктивные особенности крыш синагог
Беларуси ХVII – XVIII вв.// Праблемы развiцця габрэйскай культуры на
Беларусi. – Мінск, 1993. – С. 9.
[108]
of type, synagogue vaults were always hung on the rafter framework. ¶ The
roof framework depended on the size of the wooden vaults and their location above the prayer hall. If the vault was narrower than the hall, the
trusses of the roof beam framework remained over the whole building.
This method was applied in the Adelsk synagogue built in XVIII century.
In Lunna, a cloistered vault was constructed (a synagogue of the XVIII century). Simple vault forms introduced changes to the roof structure, but
[109]
brought no changes to the form – the roofs remained double-pitch.20
¶ More complex vault forms necessarily influenced the form of the roofs.
Each vault bend corresponded to another roof tier. That is why the synagogues in Hrodna, Voupa, Peski, Azyory, Sapotskin were covered with
multiple-tier stepped roofs, which combined two- or three-tier spaces.
The structure of these roofs consisted of one or two rafter sets, identical
to those in other landmarks of Hrodna region (Brigittine convent in
Hrodna, St. Andrew’s church in Slonim). But in synagogues, unlike other
buildings, the rafter sets appeared in the exterior of the building in the
shape of a low wall with carved plates, which formed a decorative band
between the roof ’s surfaces (Azyory). All of the above-mentioned synagogues were built in the XVIII century. The synagogue in Voupa combined
Eastern features (multiple-tier roofs with raised edges, arcade) with those
of the Baroque architecture. The same could be observed in Hrodna synagogue in Zanemansky fortstadt. But there, the vertical pilasters and
rectangular window apertures divided into square glass fragments, bore
witness to the penetration of classical stylistic elements into the wooden
architecture. The clarity of form and the contrast to the roof structure in
the synagogue in Sapotskin was achieved by vertical strip planking.21
¶ While characterizing the distinctive features of synagogue architecture
in Hrodna – Belastock region, it is necessary to point out the role of external factors – the regulation by the secular and religious authorities of the
size, height and decor of Jewish public and religious buildings, their location in the city, the threat of war etc. The synagogues’ forms and decor
preserved the stylistics of Eastern architecture, while European influence
accounted for multicultural features of the synagogues of this region.
Formed within the context of Belarusian architecture and having acquired
its specific structural and design features, architecture of synagogues
brought along the synthesis of new space-planning decisions, improvement of traditional and generation of new forms (tabernacular roofs,
numerous galleries, covering vaults, complex rafter systems). ¶ The
wooden cultic architecture of the Neman Jews has some common features
with the architecture of synagogues in Padlyasha. In scientific literature,
these landmarks are called “the bazhnitsas (sanctuaries – TN) of the Belastock – Hrodna group”, which indicates its local character. Of all the different
names of such buildings on the territory of Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the most wide-spread were “synagogue” and “bazhnitsa”
(sanctuary – TN). According to Tomasz Wiśniewski, by “synagogues” one
usually meant the city cult buildings, and by “bazhnitsas” – the centers of
religious life of local Jews in Hrodna and Belastock regions.22 Besides the
20Ibid, p.10.
21 Лакотка А.І. Пад стрэхамi прашчураў. – Мінск: Полымя, 1995 – С. 10
22Wiśniewski T. Bożnice Białostoczczyzny. – Białystok, 1992. – S. 21.
[110]
main bazhnitsa, the synagogue complex was formed by: one or several
houses for prayer, the rabbi’s house, a hospital, a bath-house and a home
for elderly people. In the ХІХ century, under the influence of the Russian
language the name “molitvennyi dom” (prayer house – TN) got widely
spread, which was usually used to denote workshop synagogues, smallsized and modest in their architecture (often they were not different from
common domestic houses). ¶ Thus, everything mentioned above clearly
shows the richness and diversity of the architectural stylistics of synagogues and prayer houses in Hrodna guberniya in the ХІХ – the beginning
of the ХХ century, the precious heritage of European architecture. The
formation of its architectural and artistic distinctive features was influenced by various living conditions in the Jewish qahals in this region, the
peculiarities of their material and intellectual culture, regulations of the
local authorities and traditions of the local non-Jewish population. ¶ It is
difficult to distinguish the types of the cult buildings in these circumstances; however, we made an attempt at classification of synagogues and
prayer houses in Hrodna guberniya (Hrodna – Belastock region). ¶ One
of the first stone synagogues in the region was the main Hrodna synagogue.
The original appearance of the building is difficult to picture, because following the restoration of the remains of the sanctuary in the
ХVI–XVII centuries, it belongs to the Art Nouveau style. This is placing
the Hrodna synagogue with the buildings of the first group, wherewe
placed the synagogues of the XVII cent. in Slonim and Navahrudak, is
difficult In spite of their different styles (Renaissance and Baroque), one
can point out their castled character predetermined by the features of
military architecture. ¶ The next type is the wooden synagogues of the
ХVIІ – XVIIІ centuries with their remarkable and unique architecture.
The synagogues in Voupa, Hrodna, Adelsk, Azyory, Peski, Zabludava,
Sukhavol, Belsk and other towns of the region belong to this type. ¶ The
third type is the stone synagogues of the ХІХ–ХХ cent., the eclectic nature
of which embraces the whole stylistic range of civil architecture of those
times – from Gothic to Art Nouveau.23 ¶ In the ХІХ–ХХ centuries all these
types were represented in Hrodna guberniya, together with the cult buildings of other confessions they created a specific and unique historic and
cultural landscape in Hrodna – Belastock region, and formed the peculiar
mentality of the citizens of this region.
23 Researchers also single out such a type of the construction of Jewish temples as
choral synagogues of the end of the ХІХ – the beginning of the. ХХ centuries. These
reform temples had remarkable individual appearance: architectural grandiosity,
the dome, stylistic expressiveness of the fronts (Пар.: Котляр Е. К проблеме
классификации синагог Украины. // Еврейська істория та культура в Украïні.
Матер. конф. 2–5 вересня 1998. – Киïв, 1999. – С. 370–373). But in Hrodna and
Belastock regions there were no such buildings.
[111]
r Katsiaryna Salamiannikava (Mahilyou)
Bykhau Synagogue as an Example of Fortification Architecture
Synagogues belonging to major communities in Belarusian towns and
cities, also known as main synagogues, were predominantly of stone
construction. The oldest stone synagogues date back to the 16–17cc. At
that time sacred buildings in the territory of Belarus often had certain
features of defensive architecture. Apart form being centers of religious
worship for the local population such Christian temples (in Synkavichy,
Muravanka, Kamai) had defensive functions. ¶ The defensive elements
were represented by flanking corner towers, which had several tiers of
loophole windows. The churches in Suprasl, Synkavichy and Muravanka
had four towers, while the Catholic temple in Kamai has two. One-tower
design is most often found in Reformation churches (Zaslavl, Dziarechyn,
etc.) Stylistically, defensive temples combine features of both Renaissance
and Gothic architecture. ¶ Characteristic features of the fortification
architecture are also found in synagogues that were built in the territory
of Belarus. Among them is a well-known 17th-century synagogue in
Bykhau, a town once owned by the Sapehas. ¶ The synagogue in Bykhau
is one of the few surviving specimen of defensive temple architecture in
the territory of the former Great Duchy of Lithuania, and the oldest surviving synagogue in Belarus. It can be surmised that it emerged
simultaneously with the formation of the local congregation, as Jews
arrived in the town at the beginning of the 17th century. Judging by the
design, the building was originally meant to be actively used for defensive
purposes (a clear rectangular shape with a cylindrical tower). In its layout
the Bykhau synagogue is reminiscent of similar synagogues in Volyn possessions of the Sapehas. Also, they emerged around the same time, which
might lead us to the conclusion that they are the work of the same architects. ¶ Today Bykhau is a district center in Mahilyou region. The town
is situated on the banks of the Dnieper River, within 45km of Mahilyou.
The town has been known since the 14th century. In the 16–17th centuries
it was part of Rzeczpospolita, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
From the mid 14th century Bykhau belonged to Grand Duke Sigismund
I and was an administrative center. Later it came into the Khadkeviches’
[112]
possession. In 1610 Lithuanian Hetman Khadkevich fortified the town,
which from that time on was regarded as one of the strongest fortresses
in Belarus. ¶ In connection with the reconstruction of New Bykhau in
the 17th century, Bykhau itself became known as Old Bykahau. It was
around that time that Jews began to settle here. In the 1640s Bykhau saw
the emergence of a synagogue (probably the first one), which has survived
to this day and is the oldest in Belarus. ¶ In the times of Rzeczpospolita
Bykhau was part of the Troki Province’s Orsha district; it is listed among
the towns where Jews were assaulted during the Khmialnitski uprising.
In the period of the Cossack wars of 1648 and 1655, Bykhau withstood
several sieges and was eventually captured by Russian troops in 1659. It
was then that one of the gravest disasters for the Jews of Bykhau ever
witnessed took place. ¶ Between the wars, when the city was briefly held
by Rzeczpospolita, the Jews received (in 1669) a privilege from King
Mikhail in the name of Bykhau Jews Isaac and Abraham Valfoviches,
whereby they were exempted from duties for the period of 20 years due
to “extreme devastation caused by the Cossacks and Moscow attacks.”
¶ According to the census of 1766 there were 887 Jews in Bykhau’s Kahal.
Bykhau was finally annexed to Russia in 1772 after Rzeczpospolita’s first
partition. ¶ From 1784 to 1805 the number of Jews in the town ranged
between 873 and 1244. ¶ In 1802 Bykhau becomes a town of Mahilyou
province. In 1834 it had 6 synagogues, by 1860 their number grew to 11.
¶ In the 1840s Christians made up only 2% of Bykhau population, therefore,
as an exception, it was allowed to elect both Ratmanns (town council
officials) from among the Jews. ¶ In the late 19th century Jews made up
half of the town’s population. There were 11 synagogues and prayer houses,
a Jewish poorhouse. ¶ In 1906 Mendel Slavin was granted a permission
to open a private men’s Jewish school. In the early 20th century the community had both men’s and women’s schools, a Jewish library, a Poor Jews
Aid Society. In 1910 Bykhau had a Jewish cemetery and eight synagogues.
In 1913 Jews owned a printing house, a photo studio, and three bookstores.
¶ In the Soviet years Bykhau had an elementary school for Jews (closed
down by late 1930s). Up till 1928 only six out of 8 local synagogues functioned (the others housed military units), including three Hasidic, there
were two 2 rabbis (one of them Hasidic). In the 1920s the town had
a Craftsmen Society with 80 members, a 7-year school for Jews and an
orphanage for 32 children. ¶ Traditionally, Jews lived in several of Bykhau
districts. The area next to the Dnieper River, called Sabilauka, was considered the poor Jews’ district. Wealthier Jews lived in a different part of
the town, which was called «Shorny.» ¶ The Bykhau synagogue is situated
in the northern part of Old Bykhau, in a separate quarter relatively close
to the market square and the town wall with the Mahilyou Gates. Despite
the difficult historical situation, the local Jewish community grew steadily
in numbers and from mid 18th to late 19th century increased from 887 to
[113]
The synagogue
in Bykhau. Photograph by Katsiaryna
Salamiannikava.
Frescos on the
dome of the synagogue in Bykhau.
Photograph by
Alexander Litin,
dated 2008.
The bimah of
the synagogue in
Bykhau. Photograph
by Alexander Litin.
3037 members, which constituted nearly a half of the total population. As
of 1880 all of Bykhau’s synagogues, except the one in question, were
wooden. ¶ The Bykhau synagogue is built in baroque style. Sources differ
as to the time of its construction. Some refer its origins to the beginning
of the 17th century, while others point to the 1640–1660s. The synagogue
is a centric building 20 by 21 meters in dimensions, with walls about 2
meters thick. ¶ A prominent feature of its layout is a cylindrical corner
tower that projects significantly beyond the outlines of the main building.
This gives the temple a castle-like look. Windows placed at a considerable
height and loopholes in the attic tier confirm the defensive character of
the building. Apparently, it was meant to perform certain functions as an
element of the private town’s fortifications. ¶ The layout of the Bykhau
synagogue is rooted in castle design rather than in temple architecture.
The main spaces are uncluttered and simple, high arched windows cut
through sparsely decorated walls. The decorations are present in the form
of corner pilasters. One noticeable detail is the high wall above the cornice
(the attic). Both in the Bykhau and similar Volyn synagogues it was the
attic that was primarily used for defense. In any case, the Bykhau synagogue was actively used for defensive purposes in mid 17th – early 18th
centuries. ¶ The stone building of the former synagogue in Bykhau is
rectangular, almost box-like in shape. The cylindrical corner tower, windows placed at the level of the second tier, 2-meter-thick walls and attic
loopholes (now bricked up) are the evidence of its defensive character.
[114]
The central spot in the hall is occupied by the so-called bimah, shaped as
four close-standing octagonal pillars sharing a common capital. Aron
Kodesh was placed at the eastern wall on a slightly raised platform with
steps leading up to it. An extension meant for women used to stand next
to the southern wall. It was connected with the synagogue through a series
of small rectangular windows with bow-shaped upper part, which have
survived. ¶ The walls were richly decorated with paintings and moldings
carrying animal and floral motifs. Fragments of paintings and moldings
still survive on the bimah and the altar. The adjacent territory, earlier
known as the synagogue (or school) yard, featured a number of religious
and pubic buildings. They were primarily wooden and have not survived
to this day. In Soviet times the synagogue was used as a warehouse. The
building deteriorates with every passing year. At present it has no roof,
and as the time passes rain, snow and winds destroy the remaining fragments of unique wall paintings. The cornice has crumbled. There are
cracks in the walls. The general condition of the synagogue is assessed as
satisfactory. The foundations go from 2 to 3,3 meters down. Brick walls
are up to 1,7 meters thick and partly plastered, which causes breaking
down of the bricks. The ceiling is almost completely destroyed, the drainage is absent. Staircases have crumbled. There’s a need for conservation
works, reconstruction of the ceiling, the roof, the drains. It is necessary
to strip the cement plaster off the walls, fill in the cracks and the dilapidated section in the brick walls. Only qualified emergency conservation
efforts can help save the unique synagogue from obliteration. Representatives of the Jewish community in Bykhau and Mahilyou have been trying
to attract the attention of local authorities and public both in Belarus and
abroad to the issue of preserving this unique building. Plans to reconstruct
the synagogue were announced as far as 20 years back. But no actual work
launched, while the synagogue’s condition continued to aggravate. The
local budgets can allocate no funding for conservation works. Members
of the Jewish community started collecting necessary funds themselves
but failed to accumulate the needed amount
[115]
r Viktar Zhybul (Minsk)
Papers of the Jewish culture figures kept at the Belarusian
State Archive and Museum of Literature and Art
The Central State Archive of Literature and Art was established in June
1960. In December 1976 it was restructured into the Central State Archive
and Museum of BSSR Literature and Art; since May 21, 1993, it is known
as the Belarusian State Archive and Museum of Literature and Art. It
holds records of state cultural institutions, art-related non-governmental
organizations, personal papers and collections belonging to figures of
culture and arts, including those who were part of the Jewish culture or
worked across the Jewish and Belarusian (or Russian, or Polish) cultures.
Literature ¶ Among the BSAMLA’s collections of records left by Jewish
writers the largest belongs to poet and prose writer Isak Platner (1895–
1961).1 It includes manuscripts of short and long poems (“Poem about
Tailors,” “Two Sisters”), short stories, as well as recollections dedicated to Z.
Akselrod, D. Bergelson, S. Halkin, E. Kahan, G. Kamianietski, M. Kulbak,
S. Mikhoels, S. Rosin, and others; Platner’s letters to A. Volski, L. Ilyina,
L. Ozerau, and others; letters from translator P. Kabzareuski to Platner.
The records also contain materials to Platner’s bibliography, reviews of
his books, individual and group photos with Belarusian writers. ¶ The
second largest is the collection of Maisei Teif, an outstanding Jewish
poet (1904–1966).2 It contains a large number of manuscripts with short
and long poems that the author prepared for the planned book “Verses,
ballads, poems” = “My Complete Works”, as well as typescripts of the
poem “Younger Son” (1950–1960s), fragments from the 1920s editions with
Teif ’s publications, translations from Russian poets into Yiddish, as well
as translations from “The Song of Songs” (Hebrew into Yiddish) and translations of Teif ’s poetry into English, Spanish, German, Polish and other
languages. Well-represented is the correspondence between M. Teif and H.
Reles, M. Natovich and others, letters from R. Biarozkin, H. Maltsinki, M.
1 Ф. 73; воп. 1; 141 адз. зах.; 1928–1962 гг.
2 Ф. 385; воп. 1; 103 адз. зах.; 1909–1966, асобныя дакументы за 1825, 1967–1985 гг.
[116]
Sokal and others, various documents to Teif ’s biography, bibliography of
Teif ’s works, articles on his artistic heritage, personal photos and photos
with famous figures of Jewish culture. ¶ The records of poet, prose writer
and playwright Maisei Kulbak (1896–1940)3 include texts of some of his
works (novel “Zelmantsy” in the original and in translation into Russian
by A. Volski, play “Boitre,” poems from the 1930s), press-cuttings with
articles on M. Kulbak’s work, a poster and program of the “Boitre” play by
Kulbak, as well as his photos, both individual and with the family. ¶ The
records of prose- and screenwriter Lazar Katsovich (1903–1953)4 contain
manuscripts of stories “Coming Back to Life” (1951) and “Red Torch” (1952),
poems from the 1940s, screenplays, theatrical pieces, short stories and
sketches written by Katsovich in Yiddish and Russian, correspondence
(with M. Lynkou and U. Korsh-Sablin, among others), materials to the
biography, individual photos and photos with Belarusian and Jewish writers. The records also include programs of Jewish singers Sara Fibich and
Klara Jung (1945–1948), as well as “Five Songs to the Lyrics by Jewish Poets”
collection by Z. Kampaniets (including “Aunt Etl” with lyrics by Katsovich)
(1960). ¶ The records of poet and writer Hirsh Reles (1913–2004)5 include
his plays and stories, letters to him, recollections dedicated to poets Z.
Akselrod, H. Kamianetski, M. Kulbak, S. Lialchuk, I. Haryk, H. Shvedzik,
group photos with writers of the 1930s (S. Baranavykh, S. Darozhny, R.
Reizin and others). ¶ We should also mention the records of journalist and
public figure Wolf Sosenski (1885–1969).6 While writing predominantly
in Belarusian, he actively collected Jewish folklore in Yiddish. His records
include manuscripts of the articles “First Encounters” (recollections about
Z. Biadulia), “The More the Less Merry,” “Old Theatres” and others, letters
to M. Tank and Y. Zhurba, among others; also, letters to Sosenski from E.
Ahniatsvet, S. Aleksandrovich, Z. Biadulia, Y. Zhurba, U. Niafiod, A. Lis.,
M. Tank and others. At the same time, Sosenski’s major work –“Versions
and Legends. Conversations about F. K. Bahushevich” – is kept in Vasil
Vitka’s fund, while his letters to A. Lutskievich and B. Tarashkievich are
part of the Manuscripts Department Collections at the Ivan Lutskievich
Belarusian Museum.7 ¶ The archive records collection № 55 brings together
those documents that were too few to form writers’ personal collections.
Here, Jewish literature is represented by manuscripts, photos and other
types of documents belonging to Hirsh Kamianetski8, Siamion Lialchuk9,
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Ф. 211; воп. 1; 100 адз. зах.; 1942–1972 гг.
Ф. 196; воп. 1; 89 адз. зах.; 1934–1973 гг.
Ф. 179; воп. 1; 28 адз. зах.; 1934–1936; 1961–1973 гг.
Ф. 136; воп. 1; 41 адз. зах.; 1940–1966 гг.
Ф. 3, воп. 1, адз. зах. 210, арк. 200–200 адв., адз. зах. 227, арк. 91–91 адв.
Ф 55, 2 адз. зах.; 1958 г.
Ф. 55,10 адз. зах.; 1930-я – 1985 гг.
[117]
Fragment of the records of Wolf Sosenski “Versions and Legends.
Conversations about F. K. Bahushevich” (1956).
BSAMLA, Fond 419, inventory 1, file 396, p.5.
Maisei Kulbak (second on the left) with parents, wife, son,
sister and brothers. 1929.
BSAMLA, Fond 182, inventory 1, file 22, p.5.
Maisei Kulbak with his wife Zelda. 1924.
BSAMLA, Fond 182, inventory 1, file 22, p.4
Maisei Kulbak with his wife Zelda and their son El. 1930.
BSAMLA, Fond 182, inventory 1, file 22, p.2.
[118]
Ilya Savikouski10, Izi Haryk11, Henadz Shvedzik.12 ¶ A number of less
known original and translated Jewish plays were kept in the collections
of the Belarusian National Division of the All-Union Copyright Protection Board under the Writers’ Union of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist
Republic.13 Among them are “Blind Brushers,” [1929–1933] by Auronish
translated into Yiddish (translator unknown)14, “Percenter” (1929) by Bleher15, “Deathly Kiss” (1929) by Hryn16, “The Moth” (1930) by Koifman17, as
well as works by Jewish playwrights I. Ben, Z. Dauhapolski, L. Katsovich.
The collections also include personal files of L. Katsovich as a member of
the Board.18 ¶ Many writers have no personal collections, with their works
and biography files scattered throughout other records. Among such materials the best-studied (within the context of our article) are documents of
Zmitrok Biadulia (Samuil/Shmuel-Nochim Plaunik, 1886–1941); although
he wrote in Belarusian, Jewish motifs are present in many of his works. Z.
Biadulia’s files are part of the collections that were submitted in different
years. Manuscripts of several less known pieces (verses “The Oath,” “The
Fight,” “Let Your Heart Turn to Stone,” long poem “The Leftover”) are kept
in records collection № 3 (the Manuscripts Department Collections at
the Ivan Lutskievich Belarusian Museum), while collection № 66 (critic L.
Bende) contains his early poem “Jews” (1915) depicting the atmosphere of
pogroms from the WWI times. In 2004, the personal collection of literary
critic A. Kuchar was submitted, and with it – two volumes of self-made
books with cuttings from various collections and periodicals containing
the writer’s pieces, with hand-written poems, notes and corrections by
Biadulia. Apart from that, the Archive and Museum keeps Biadulia’s letters
sent to the Nasha Niva newspaper, to brothers Lutskevich, V. Lastouski
(all of them in the collection № 3), as well as to A. Babareka, A. Tychyna,
W. Sosenski, P. Kabzareuski, which are kept in their respective personal
records. ¶ It is worth mentioning that books by Belarusian Jewish writers– both in the original and in translations – can be found in the Library
of the Archive and Museum.
Fine arts, art criticism ¶ Artist Askar Maryks (1890–1976) once worked
for the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR, whereupon he created set designs for
10 Ф 55, 10 адз. зах.; 1910-я – 1983 гг.
11 Ф. 55, 17 адз. зах.; 1924–1993 гг.
12 Ф 55, 17 адз. зах.; 1934–1984 гг.
13 Ф. 81, воп. 1.
14 Ф. 81, воп. 1, адз. зах. 47.
15 Ф. 81, воп. 1, адз. зах. 49.
16 Ф. 81, воп.1, адз. зах. 53.
17 Ф 81, воп.1, адз. зах. 74.
18 Ф. 81, воп. 2, адз. зах. 6.
[119]
Protocol #1 of the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR liquidation commission session. April 15, 1949.
BSAMLA, Fond 222, inventory 1, file 56, p.30.
Program of the “Tevie the Milkman” play by Sholam-Aleihem staged
at the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR. 1947.
BSAMLA, Fond 376, inventory 1, file +++, p.1.
the plays “The False Coin” by M. Gorki and “Avadzis Family” by P. Markish
staged by Halauchyner. Collections of A. Maryks at the BSAMLA consist
of two inventories. Materials in the first one (draft set designs for plays
staged at various theatres over 1917–1956, photos from 1908–1962) were
submitted to BSAMLA by A. Maryks himself; materials from the second
inventory were donated by the artist’s daughter in 1978. The latter include
sketches to set designs, costumes, make-up, drawings of national costumes
for the stage, architectural monuments, genre pieces, landscapes, portraits,
manuscripts of A. Maryk’s research into the history of national costume,
numerous documents pertaining to the artist’s biography, photos. ¶ The
collections of stage designer and poster artist Lipa Krol (1909–1977)19
19 Ф. 245; воп. 1; 134 адз. зах.; 1930–1979 гг.
[120]
contain 240 drawings, including sketches of set designs for plays staged
at the Yakub Kolas Theatre, the State Russian Theatre of BSSR, the BSSR
Opera and Ballet Theatre, the Moscow Theatre of Satire and others
(1939–1950); poster sketches(1955–1975); sketches of interior designs for
the library of the House of Government in Minsk (1931), BSSR’s pavilion at
Moscow All-Union Exhibition of Economic Achievements (1936–1938) and
others; self-portraits and drawings from life (1960-я – 1977). Unfortunately,
L. Krol’s personal archives (similarly to A. Maryks’) have preserved no
documents describing his contribution to the development of the Jewish
culture as such, though in the late 1920s he worked as an assistant designer
at the Kharkov State Jewish Theatre, collaborated with such well-known
stage designers as A. Tyshler and N. Shyfryn. ¶ Probably, the collections
of Lazar Ran (1909–1989)20 will be more interesting within the context
of the Jewish culture. This artist is known for his depictions of the Minsk
ghetto. Yet, so far these collections have not been properly processed and
are unavailable to the researchers. ¶ Interesting and rich are the collections
of art critic Sender Palees (1898–1964).21 Over 1915–1917 Palees worked at
the Jewish Historical and Ethnographic Committee, where he mainly dealt
with collecting artifacts across the former Minsk and Vilnius provinces.
Later he collaborated with the State Museum of Belarus, the Institute
of Belarusian Culture, the State Picture Gallery of BSSR, the State Art
Museum of BSSR. Over the years Palees amassed a considerable body of
materials on the history of fine arts, architecture, music, Belarusian theatre.
He also compiled an extensive catalogue on the history of arts, architecture
and crafts. This catalogue contains over 700 items. It has a special section
for “Jewish painters from Belarus, Netherlands, Italy, Poland, Ukraine and
France in 18th-20th cc.”22 Among the more valuable items are the materials connected with the life and artistic heritage of Y. Pen: a letter from M.
Chagall to Y. Pen [1926–1927], facts about his work collected by Palees, as
well as correspondence with art critic I. Silberstein, which also contains
information on Y. Pen’s and M. Chagall’s works, their friends, etc.
Theatre ¶ The history of the Jewish theatre is quite well-represented in
BSAMLA’s collections. The Archive even has a special collection of the
State Jewish Theatre of BSSR.23 It holds a lot of materials that would be
of interest to researchers: official instructions as to the theatre’s operation;
protocols of the art council, general meetings, liquidation commission;
play acceptance acts; repertoire plans, play register; reports, articles, etc.
20Ф. 219, неапрацаваны.
21 Ф. 382; 810 адз. зах.; 1920–1961 гг., асобныя дакументы.XIX пач. XX ст., 1994,
1996 гг.
22Ф. 382, адз. зах. 574–611.
23 Ф. 222; воп. 1; 60 адз. зах.; 1924, 1941–1949 гг.
[121]
Artists of the
State Jewish
Theatre of BSSR
on the day of
its 20th anniversary. From
left to right. First
row: P. Volpina,
A. Dreizina,
M. Altman,
S. Lemberg,
A. Mikhlina;
second row: A.
Trepel, Y. Aronchyk, S. Mikhlin,
M. Moin, M.
Tsymerau,
Hurevich (brother of Director L.
Litvinau). 1946.
BSAMLA, Fond
335, inventory 1,
file +++, p.1.
concerning the theater’s life; short stories, sketches, songs performed by
the theatre’s front-line company (1941–1945); official correspondence;
staff, and company rosters. ¶ In 1926–1937, the theatre’s art director
was M. Rafalski, from 1942 to 1946 – V. Halauchyner. Personal files of
both directors are also kept at BSAMLA. ¶ Records of Mikhail Rafalski
(1889–1937) include 8 files from 1927–1935, individual documents from
1957–1989.24 Among them are recollections of K. Kulakou (Rutstein) and
L. Nelsan, a photo and a photocopy of sculptural portraits of the director
by Z. Azhur and A. Brazer (1935), photos of M. Rafalski with L. Litvinau
and A. Tyshler, among others. ¶ The collection of Viktar Halauchyner
(1905–1961)25 includes predominantly photos which depict scenes from
plays staged at Vilnius, Hrodna, Irkutsk theaters, and the director himself
together with artists from Vilnius, Ivanava, Minsk (1953–1961). Apart from
that, the collection contains typescript of the “Good Memories” and “To
Summits” plays (1950s). ¶ Records of director Leu Litvinau (Hurevich;
1899–1963)26 hold photos of scenes from the plays staged by Litvinau at
the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR and the Yanka Kupala Theatre, music
collections, letters, personal papers, posters and programs, individual
and group photos of Litvinau with artists from the Travelling State Jewish
Theatre of BSSR (1932), the Kiev State Jewish Theatre [1938, 1941], artists
from the First Belarusian State Theatre (BDT-1), the Kazan Bolshoi Drama
Theatre. The collection also contains photos of A. Dreizina (Litvinau’s
wife) depicted on stage and in a group with artists of the State Jewish
24Ф. 376; воп. 1; адз. зах. 131–138.
25 Ф. 72; воп. 1; 23 адз. зах.; 1946–1961 гг.
26Ф. 335; воп. 1; 68 адз. зах.; 1924–1950-я гг.; асобн. дак. 1945–1998 гг.
[122]
Theatre of BSSR Y. Aronchyk, S. Lemberg, A. Trepel and others; Y. Stofer’s
sketches to B. Nord’s play “The Sunset” (the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR),
sketches by L. Kanstantsinouski to “A Dog in the Manger” play (staged by
Litvinau at the First Belarusian State Theatre), and those by A. Maryks
to “A Stranger’s Shadow” staged by Litvinau at the Yanka Kulpala State
Theatre [1933–1949]. ¶ Collection of artist Kuzma Kulakou (Rutstein)
(1901–1979)27 includes a wealth of materials on his work at the M. Gorki
Theatre in Leningrad, the M. Gorki State Russian Theatre of BSSR in the
form of photos on stage and film shots, where he is depicted both alone
and in group with other actors; director’s copies of plays staged by Kulakou
at various theatres (1937–1976), as well as his numerous manuscripts:
plays, literary and music compositions, scripts for TV and radio programs,
ballads, sketches, essays, memoirs (including recollections about the
Jewish theatre, V. Halauchyner, M. Rafalski, A. Tyshler), articles, diaries.
Among the records are also programs and posters to plays staged at the
theatres where Kulakou acted, letters to him (from Y. Rosenfeld, among
others), the actor’s portrait by S. Herstein (1943). ¶ Of special interest are
the family records of actors from the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR Yudzif
Aronchyk (1908–1993) and Mark Moin (1903–1969).28 The records contain materials on artistic and director work of Y. Aronchyk and M. Moin,
their photos on stage and photos of scenes from “The Court” play by U.
Halubok, staged by M. Moin at Minsk TV Studio with the participation
of well-known actors H. Hlebau, U. Dziadzuishka, V. Pol, Z. Stoma and
others. ¶ The Collections of Theatre and Cinema Figures contain documents of the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR’s actor Natan Shyk (1907 – ?).29
Among them are the photos of N. Shyk in group with other actors and
directors, a photo of a scene from “Uprising in the Ghetto” play by I. Markish (1947), program of the “Tevie the Milkman” play by Sholam-Aleihem
with the participation of N. Shyk (staged at the State Jewish Theatre by
M. Sokal, artistic consultant S. Mikhoels). There are also short memoirs
by N. Shyk about his work at the Travelling Jewish Theatre of BSSR and
the State Jewish Theatre of BSSR. ¶ Additionally, BSAMLA keeps the
records of director Salamon Kazimirouski (born 1915 in Bobruisk, currently resides in Sweden).30 As a young man, Kazimirouski studied at M.
Rafalski’s Theatre Studio; later he graduated from the State University
of Theatre Art in Moscow (1940) and subsequently worked as a director
at the Second Belarusian State Theatre (BDT-2) and the Yanka Kupala
Theatre (1967–1975). It is the work at the latter that is primarily reflected
in the documents of the collection: photos of scenes from plays (including
27 Ф. 244; воп. 1; 378 адз. зах.; 1920–1979 гг.
28Ф. 184, воп. 1; 58 адз. зах.; 1922–1972 гг.
29Ф. 376; воп. 1; адз. зах. 139–143.
30Ф. 324; воп. 1; 46 адз. зах., 1940–1986 гг.
[123]
Sholam-Aleihem’s “Tevie the Milkman” staged by F. Partnou), posters
and programs, play reviews, etc. ¶ Apart from that, the Archive contains
records of Jewish-born artists who worked exclusively within the Russian
or Belarusian cultural context: poet Edzi Ahniatsvet31, poet Veniyamin
Aizenstat (Blazhenny)32, music scholar, publicist and translator Yulian
Dreizin33, critic and publicist Leu Kleinbart34, translator Paval Kabzareuski35, critic and playwright Ales Kuchar36, literary scholar and critic
Navum Perkin37, prose writers and journalists Yafim Sadouski38, Lazar
Shapira39, playwright Iosif Dorski40, painter Barys Malkin41, photographers
Ilya Berlin42 and Isak Salaveichyk43, actor Barys Levin44, actor and director Sofya Hurych45, singer Ryta Mlodek46, composers Leu Abeliyovich47,
Isak Liuban48, Samuil Palonski49, Edzi Tyrmand50, Mark Schneiderman51,
family records of critics (husband and wife) Ryhor Biarozkin and Yuliya
Kane52, painter Leu Leitman and art critic Fryna Leitman53, cultural figure
Faina Aler and theatre scholar Klara Kuzniatsova54, singer Sifya Druker
and cultural figure Ryhor (Hirsh) Prahin55 and others. ¶ The documents
of the Jewish culture figures kept at the BSAMLA are used extensively in
the production of TV programs, in forming exhibitions, museum expositions, and in developing guided tours. Today, historians, literary, art and
culture studies scholars actively use them in their work.
31 Ф. 378, неапрацаваны.
32 Ф. 460, неапрацаваны.
33 Ф. 401; воп. 1; 192 адз. зах.; 1879–1942, 1950–1994 гг.
34Ф. 157; воп. 1; 22 адз. зах.; 1920–1939 гг.
35 Ф. 31; воп. 1; 784 адз. зах.; 1914–1915, 1925–1973 гг.
36Ф. 446; воп. 1; 421 адз. зах.; 1907–1990-я гг.
37 Ф. 304; воп. 1, 120 адз. зах., 1944–1976; воп. 2, 92 адз. зах. 1936–1976, 1977–2002 гг.
38 Ф. 92; воп. 1; 386 адз. зах.; 1929–1976 гг.
39 Ф. 253; воп. 1; 17 адз. зах.; 1940–1980 гг.
40Ф. 286, неапрацаваны.
41 Ф. 203; воп. 1; 52 адз. зах.; 1937–1975 гг.
42 Ф. 246; воп. 1; 181 адз. зах.; 1945–1970 гг.
43 Ф. 169; воп. 1; 255 адз. зах.; 1928, 1949–1966 гг.
44 Ф. 265; воп. 1; 64 адз. зах.; [1920] – 1985 гг.
45 Ф. 358, неапрацаваны.
46 Ф. 105; воп. 1; 90 адз. зах.; 1924–1991 гг.
47 Ф. 345; воп. 1; 113 адз. зах.; 1938–1988 гг.
48 Ф. 303; воп. 1; 72 адз. зах.; 1935–1975 гг.
49 Ф. 30; воп. 1; 428 адз. зах.; 1925–1956 гг.
50Ф. 375/3, неапрацаваны.
51 Ф. 284; воп. 1; 257 адз. зах., 1924–1981 гг.
52 Ф. 24; воп. 1; 162 адз. зах.; 1928–1991 гг.
53 Ф. 91; воп. 1; 212 адз. зах.; 1913–1977 гг.
54Ф. 379; воп. 1; 32 адз. зах.; 1924–1984 гг.
55 Ф. 98; 126 адз. зах.; 1933–1985 гг.
[124]
r Inesa Dvuzhylnaya (Hrodna)
The preservation of Jewish heritage in the past two decades
Jews are extremely musical.
They always sing: in joy and sorrow,
at the synagogue and at home, on holidays and weekdays.
Z. Kiselgof, ethnographer
Jewish culture is one of the most unique phenomena in the multicultural
space of Belarus. However, it was evolving with interruptions. As we
know, for many centuries Jews had been living in shtetls and towns on
the territory of Belarus. Historians provide the following numbers: at the
turn of the 19th-20th centuries 37,5% of the Jewish people lived in shtetls
and 43,85% lived in towns.1 The music of shtetls was represented by three
components: hazanut (music performed at the synagogue, cantorial singing), folk songs and klezmer music. ¶ New forms of musical performance
appeared in the Jewish communities of big cities in the 19th century. For
example, from time to time Jews organized civil ceremonies during important social events (as a rule, accompanied by music), charitable concerts
for the benefit of the victims of pogroms, fires, wars and other disasters
that were to a great extent present in the life of the Jewish people of that
time. Gradually, concerts became an attribute of everyday Jewish life
and a favourite form of amusement for prosperous Jews. Jewish dancing
parties and were held annually in many towns of the so-called “Northwestern region.” These parties began with a klezmer concert which lasted
till the midnight, and after that people danced till dawn. ¶ The music of
shtetls with their distinct cultural system is characterized by the most
impressive typological features. As one Belarusian intellectual wrote in
the “Nasha Niva” newspaper in 1912, “they say that Jews are the same all
over the world, but those who travelled around the world would note that
only an educated Jew doesn’t care where to live. Common Jews like their
land and are less inclined to move from place to place as compared to any
other nation. Ukrainian Jews live in Ukraine and don’t go to our country;
Belarusian Jews go only to America and return to their shtetls again; Polish
1 E.Rozenblatt, I.Yelenskaya. Trends of population and settlement of Belarusian
Jews in the 20th century.//Diasporas. M, 2002. – №4. – p.33
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Jews differ greatly from “Litvaks” (Lithuanian Jews); Jews from the Riga
area living among the Latvians and Germans are completely different,
like Samogitians, and so on. The Belarusian land and its neighbours left
their mark on all these nations but all these “local” Polish and Russian
people were mostly “marked” by Belarusians … the ten-million Belarusian sea washes the shores of all those nations and they all have to look
at this sea and adjust to it.”2 ¶ During the first decades of the 20th century
witnessed complex processes of the reconstruction of the traditional Jewish life. On the territory of Belarus these processes took a dramatic turn.
Atheistic ideology of the Soviet rule constantly threatened Jews with the
inevitable loss of their cultural integrity. ¶ Jewish culture continued its
functioning under different conditions. One can recollect the example
of the Jewish State Ensemble of the Belarusian SSR conducted by Samuil
Polonsky, which functioned in the 1930s. There were five male and five
female parts in the group. By 1933, the group’s repertoire consisted of 200
pieces, half of which were the songs of soviet Jewish proletariat and the
rest were Yiddish folk songs and classical music. Quite often Polonsky
arranged traditional Yiddish melodies using the proletarian lyrics. The
song “Birobidzhansky freilekhs” (music by Polonsky, lyrics by Izi Harik)
was particularly popular. ¶ Belarusian composers’ school was forming in
1920s and Jewish composers played a significant role in it, Samuil Polonsky,
Toviy Schnitmann, Isaak Luban (the author of the famous song “Byvaite
zdorovy”), and Mikhail Kroshner, a student of Kiev conservatory, the
author of the first Belarusian ballet “Solovey” (“The Nightingale”). After
the occupation of Warsaw in 1939 the Jewish students of the Warsaw
conservatory continued their education at the Belarusian conservatory.
Later they became brilliant composers of Belarus, Leo Abeliovich, Henry
Wagner, Edi Tyrmand – the first woman-composer in Belarus among them.
¶ The Holocaust tragedy, the anti-Jewish campaign in 1948–1955 and the
consistent policy of atheism forced the Jewish music to go underground,
except for a small part of Yiddish songs that were still performed during
concerts in some Belarusian towns. Soon after, they also disappeared.
Jewish themes disappeared from the professional composers’ music. There
was a gap until 1980s. The richest heritage of the shtetl culture that had
been flourishing for centuries in Belarus and professional Jewish composers’ music, where one could clearly hear Jewish melos, were under the
threat of disappearing. The same situation could be observed in musical science. The Jewish theme was simply prohibited. Radical changes
took place after the perestroika, but there were fewer and fewer culture
bearers because of the emigration and their old age. ¶ The work of some
professional and amateur scientists and musicians played an important
2 A.U. A land with five nations. Nasha Niva. 1912. №24. – p.31
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role in the revival of the Jewish musical heritage. That is why this report
focuses on the work of Nina Samuilovna Stepanskaya (1954, Minsk – 2007,
Tel-Aviv) and her students. ¶ Nina Samuilovna Stepanskaya was a music
expert, Candidate of the History of Art, Associate Professor of the Belarusian State Academy of Music, a teacher of theoretical disciplines at
the Music College under the guise of the Academy.3 ¶ The creation of an
academic class of Jewish music became her most important contribution. She encouraged brilliant young music experts to study and preserve
the invaluable layers of the Jewish culture. As a result, in 2006 Dmitry
Slepovich defended his Candidate’s dissertation in Jewish instrumental
(klezmer) music performed in Eastern Europe. It was Dmitry Slepovich
who became Nina Stepanskaya’s devoted companion and the follower of
all her ideas.4
“Nina Stepanskaya’s contribution to the study of Jewish music is
outstanding, – wrote Dmitry Slepovich about his teacher. – She
3 Nina Stepanskaya was the author of 14 scientific articles. We point the reader’s
attention to some of them: Дмитрий Шостакович и еврейская культура //
К 90-летию Д.Д.Шостаковича. Материалы теоретической конференции
(21–23 ноября 1996 г.). Мн.: БГАМ, 1997. С. 144–156; Еврейская музыка как
этнокультурный феномен на белорусской земле // Музычная культура Беларусi.
Пошукi i знаходкi. Мн.: БДАМ, 1998. С. 65–72; Хасидская музыкальная
традиция в контексте культуры евреев Беларуси // Музычная культура
Беларусi. Праблемы гiсторыi i тэорыi. Мн.: БДАМ, 1999. С. 20–30; Еврейская
литургическая музыкальная традиция в исторической ретроспективе //
Вести Белорусской государственной академии музыки. Вып.2. Мн.: БГАМ,
2001. С.76–81; Экстатический топос в еврейской музыкальной традиции
// Материалы Девятой Ежегодной Международной междисциплинарной
конференции по иудаике. Часть 2. М.: “Пробел-2000”, 2002. С.231–240;
Еврейская музыка в исполнении белорусских народных музыкантов: к
проблеме переинтонирования // Свой или Чужой? Евреи и славяне глазами
друг друга. М.: Типография “Наука”, 2003. с.424–434; Хорал и плач: еврейская
исполнительская манера в европейской музыке и ее связь с традицией //
Новая еврейская школа. 2004. № 13. С.237–244. Красота и сакральность: об
эстетическом в еврейской музыкальной традиции // Материалы Одиннадцатой
Ежегодной Международной междисциплинарной конференции по иудаике.
Часть 2. М.: “Пробел-2000”, 2004. С.279–292; Мифология музыки и музыканта
в традиционном сознании евреев и белорусов: сравнительный взгляд //
Праздник – Обряд – Ритуал в славянской и еврейской культурной традиции.
М.: Центр «Сэфер», Институт славяноведения РАН, 2004. С.220–232.
4 Dmitry Slepovich published over 20 articles on klezmer music and became a coauthor of the book “Traditional Jewish music in Eastern Europe” (2007, in Russian).
The collection was published under support of the Centre of studying the history
and culture of Jews of Eastern Europe (Vilnius, Lithuania) and the Belarusian Jewish
public organizations and communities union (Minsk, Belarus); the collection has 348
pages.
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had never been a public person. But during the last years, when
Nina Stepanskaya actively took part in conferences and published
her progressive ideas in articles (a monograph “Musical culture of
Jews-Litvaks” left unfinished), she had attracted colossal attention
to herself, being in the forefront of Judaic music.”5
Both music experts considered collecting Yiddish folklore to be their
lifework. Expeditions to certain regions of Belarus began in 2001. At the
beginning of the 20th century there were 1 million Jews on the territory of
Belarus and by the beginning of the 21st century only 30.000 Jews remained
there. Using any occasion, more often in summer, Nina Stepanskaya and
Dmitry Slepovich travelled around Belarus recording the bearers of Yiddish, the people of older generation. They visited Pinsk, Brest, Vitsebsk,
Mahilyou, Klimavichy, Radashkovichy Baranavichy. A lot of records were
made in Minsk. ¶ They met interesting people who were over 80 years
old, recorded dozens of hours of interviews, songs in Ashkenazi, Yiddish,
Polish, dancing melodies played by klezmer bands. ¶ Here are some recollections of Dmitry Slepovich from expeditions:
“In June 2004 we went to Pinsk and Brest. We met people from 80 to
95 years old. They sang wonderful songs, especially some Zionistic
songs in Polish, Hebrew and Yiddish.”
“We recorded three elderly sisters in Vitsebsk. They opened old
notebooks and sang in Yiddish for three hours…”
As a result of their expeditions the scientists recorded piyutim that
are included in cantorial prayer (God created the Sky and the Earth,
Khoda Yudovin-Zavelev, Vitsebsk, 2001), satirical songs (for example,
“Oh ma-da-Bobe Rode…,” Babruisk, June 2004), macaronic songs, and
school songs, both communist and Zionist. In one of the recordings
an old woman sang a “Cossack lullaby,” lyrics by Mikhail Lermontov, in
Russian, and then immediately after that a lullaby in Yiddish. Thanks
to the intensive field work it was possible to record and preserve the
last evidence of the music culture of Jews-Litvaks (the Jews of Belarus,
Lithuania and Latvia). ¶ In 2008, Dmitry Slepovich moved to the USA
and took his collection of Jews-Litvaks’ music folklore containing hours
of interviews recordings and region-specific music material with him.
Basing on this material he created a multimedia musical play “Traveling
the Yiddishland” together with the National Yiddish Theater – Folksbiene.
¶ At the same time, the Belarusians could listen to the collected material in
Dmitry Slepovich’s arrangement at the concerts of the group he founded
5http://klezmer.livejournal.com/156516.html.
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in 2001 – a klezmer ensemble “Minsker Kapelye” (Yiddish, “Minsk orchestra”). ¶ The main aim of the ensemble is the revival of music heritage of
the Belarusian and Lithuanian Jewish communities. The ensemble consists
of three instruments – a clarinet, an alto dulcimer, and a cello. It is not by
chance: playing music in a three-piece band was typical of Eastern Europe,
ensembles-trio were popular not only with Jews but also with Belarusians, Poles,Ukrainians, and Czechs. Using three instruments allows to
combine melody, rhythmic and harmonious accompaniment and bass.
The dulcimer is ideal for this as it can be used as a percussion instrument
as well as a harmony and bass instrument. The cello and the contrabass
function as bass instruments and sometimes as melodic ones, the clarinet
and the violin function as melodic instruments. ¶ Dmitry Slepovich (the
clarinet, singing, the ensemble manager), Anna Kharchenko (the cello)
and Tatyana Kukel (Belarusian alto dulcimer) play in “Minsker Kapelye.”
¶ Dmitry Slepovich’s talent for administrative work and performance
came to light in the ensemble. Having taken several lessons, the music
expert learnt to play the clarinet himself. He has got a distinctive manner
of playing the instrument – expressive and meaningful.
“Slepovich’s clarinet was exactly klezmer, not classical. Instead of
a clear and calm instrument sound he produced sighs and yelps;
the clarinet sounded effusively, gushed, moved to an unusually high
register, showing that traditional major-minor, bitter-sweet mood
of Jewish music.”6
Dmitry comes from a family of klezmers; his great grandfather was
a clarinetist who moved from village to village playing music for Jews. In
early 1920s, he had to sell his clarinet to be able to buy bread. Soon after
that the great grandfather died. Dmitry, who was initially learning to play
the clarinet for another reason, driven by the passion for Jewish and
Klezmer music, realized at a certain moment that he was continuing the
family tradition. ¶ Tatyana Kukel is a virtuoso dulcimer player, and a winner of International contests in Russia and Czech Republic. During the
years that Tatyana Kukel devoted to Jewish music, she has received high
appraisal from outstanding Jewish musicians (Walter Zev Feldmann, Lorin
Schlamberg (a soloist of the legendary group “The Klezmatics”), Pitt
Rushevsky) for her delicate sense of style and exceptional skill and virtuosity. ¶ Anna Kharchenko is a skillful multi-instrumentalist musician (she
plays the cello, the violin and the bassettle). She was brought up in the
best academic traditions of the Belarusian music school. Anna performed
6 Anna Levkovtseva. First Moscow “Klezmerfest”: From Finland To Israel via New
York // Полный джаз. № 40 (278) 3 лістапада 2004; http://www.jazz.ru/mag/278/
default.htm.
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with various groups, such as Bayreuth International Youth Orchestra,
“Kapelia Alesia Lasia” (“Ales Los’s Ensemble”). She performed at prestigious
international festivals. ¶ The band’s repertoire is based mainly on the
pieces of music discovered by Dmitry Slepovich and Nina Stepanskaya
during their expeditions around Belarus, as well as the materials the
researchers found in the archives of Belarus, Russia and Lithuania. ¶ In
2002, “Minsker Kapelye” released their first album “A Fayerl Far Dem
Hartsn” (“A Light for the Heart”) which included pieces from the collections of Moisej Beregovsky, Sofia Magid, Nikolai Findeysen, Dmitry
Slepovich and Nina Stepanskaya. ¶ The second album was released in
2006 in Poland as a double CD together with Paul Brody’s “Sadawi” (the
full name of the project is “The great klezmers of East and West”). ¶ The
third album “The Locals – Tutejsi – Die Ortike” was released in 2009 in
Wroclaw.7 This 70-minute album is complemented by a 46-page leaflet
in hard cover which had been designed by Ivan Dribas. “The Locals” is
a result of the decennial research undertaken by Dmitry Slepovich and
Nina Stepanskaya. It is the first ever album which fully represents the
musical tradition of the Belarusian-Lithuanian Jews. There are traditional
klezmer pieces arranged in different styles (klezmer fusion, klezmer jazz,
concrete music and rap in Yiddish on this disc. The presentation of the
disk took place during the Congress for Jewish Culture in the fall of 2008
in New York. In Minsk it was in January 2009 at “Graffiti” club. ¶ “Minsker
Kapelye” performed on multiple occasions at rock and folk festivals, at
Jewish weddings, holidays, at clubs, universities and community events
in Russia, Lithuania, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium and Poland. The
band performed with such famous musicians as Michael Alpert, Yale
Strom and Paul Brody. “Minsker Kapelye” together with Alexander Pomidorov recorded a track for “Kalykhanky” (“Lullabies”) album which won
the Project of the year award in 2007 in Belarus. This non-commercial
project was produced and supported by UNICEF. ¶ The Simcha Jewish
Youth Music Theater is one more team which has a lot to do with the
revival and development of the forgotten musical culture of the Belarusian
Jews, something that Dmitry Slepovich devoted his work to. “Simcha” is
an amateur band of the Republic of Belarus founded in 1997 at Minsk
music school №102 (presently, Gymnasium №17). ¶ Initially, it was a small
choir with a very modest repertoire. An amateur band which Hirsh Reles,
a Belarusian Yiddish poet, called “Grininky boimelach” (“Green Trees”).
But its first performance and first tour abroad demonstrated that the band
had a great potential and found its audience. In 1994, the Ministry of
Culture of the Republic of Belarus named the choir exemplary, and three
years later the Choir of Jewish song “Simcha” was renamed into the
7 More info about “The Locals – Tutejsi – Di Ortike” can be found here : http://
minskerkapelye.narod.ru/Ortike_Intro_bel.pdf.
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Classical Music Theatre of Jewish Song. ¶ The team consists of two
groups – a choir and an instrumental band (Art Director and Conductor
Elizaveta Khaskina, leader of the instrumental band – Dmitry Slepovich
(prior to his departure to the U.S.)). ¶ The repertoire of Simcha Music
Theatre of Jewish Song includes music in Hebrew, Jewish folk songs in
Yiddish. Besides, the band plays classical works by European composers,
as well as Russian and Belarusian folk songs; they also include in their
programmes folk songs of host countries (Finnish, Swedish, German,
Dutch, Flemish and English). Most arrangements are done by Dmitry
Slepovich and Elizaveta Khaskina. ¶ The Simcha Jewish Song Theatre is
well known not only in Belarus but also abroad. It toured Finland, Holland
and Belgium eight times, Sweden welcomed it seven times, Germany -three times. In summer 2000, the band became the winner of the 10th
International London Festival of Jewish Music (Great Britain). In 2001,
the team took active part in filming “Burning Land” (Belarus-USA, 2003,
producer and scriptwriter Vadim Sokolovsky, producer Mikhail Ptashuk).
¶ The Simcha Jewish Song Theatre released four CDs. One of them is
“Songs of Joy and Sorrow.” It includes famous piyutim (for example, “Avinu
malkeinu”) which base on traditional tunes, as well as original Slepovich’s
compositions, songs in Yiddish and Hebrew, klezmer songs – popular
and those that have been brought back to life not so long ago (the latter
are based on the melodies from the collections of Moisej Beregovsky and
Nikolai Findehsen). ¶ Starting from 2004, the Simcha Jewish Song Theatre
has been performing a theatrical show “Memory of Holocaust” (director
and writer Irina Slepovich) in different countries. It includes traditional
prayers, Jewish folk and author songs of the World War II period, the
anthem of Israel, G. Williams’s music to “Schindler’s List”, USA, 1993.
¶ One more area of Nina Samuilovna Stepanskaya’s research was connected with studying the music dedicated to the theme of the Holocaust;
it is connected with my scientific interests. I am proud of being the first
Candidate of the History of Art in Stepanskaya’s class. In 2005, I defended
the Candidate’s dissertation which covers the aspects of American music
minimalism. One of the works of its founder, Steve Reich, was dedicated
to the Holocaust: the quartet “Different Trains.” Since that moment the
research area has broadened, it has incorporated the works by composers
from the CIS and Baltic countries. Of course, the music of Belarusian
composers, which had been studied in literature as the “works dedicated
to the Great Patriotic War,” got another interpretation. The scientific
researches cover the problems of the work of Wagner, Tyrmand, Abeliovich – the Warsaw Conservatory students who continued their education
in Minsk after the occupation of Poland and stayed in Belarus after the
war. A series of articles tell us about M.Weinberg, the basis of whose work
was formed at Belarusian State Academy and subsequently flourished in
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Moscow.8 ¶ Tatyana Khalevo was the last student of Stepanskaya’s class.
Being a student of the Belarusian State Academy of Music she focused
her attention on the work of professional Belarusian composers connected
with Jewish music culture (Samuil Polonsky, Isaak Luban, Toviy Schnietman, Mikhail Kroshner). In 2010, she defended her diploma “Jewish
composer school of Belarus in XX century.” Archival work, participation
in numerous seminars at young Judaic researchers’ schools organized by
“Sefer” centre (Moscow), taking part in conferences allow to conclude that
this topic will be further studied. Tatyana Khalevo’s research was widely
adopted in the work of the quartet of wind instruments “Riviera” that was
founded in 2006 by young musicians, the artists of the Presidential
Orchestra of the Republic of Belarus (the teachers of Children Music
School №10 named after Evgeny Glebov in Minsk). The group consists of
Tatyana Karmazinova (flute), Maxim Rassokha (oboe), Dmitry Yaratsevich
(clarinet), Dmitry Soltan (bassoon). Maxim Rassokha is also the group’s
art director. ¶ Every participant of the quartet is a soloist and a repeated
prize-winner of different international contests and festivals in Belarus,
Ukraine, Russia, Moldova, Romania, Estonia, Poland, Holland, France,
Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Faroe Islands, Spain. They got credit not only
as soloists, but as a quartet as well. “Riviera” is the absolute winner of the
international contest “Art of the 21st century” in the nomination “Chamber
Ensembles” (Finland, 2008). Furthermore, all of them have the grant of
the Special Presidential Fund for Talented Youth Support. ¶ The manysided repertoire of the group consists solely of their own arrangements
(over 200) and comprises the works of various styles from the Renaissance
to avant-garde, including the working-ups of the world folk melodies,
music from favorite films and cartoons. There are the following programmes in their repertoire: “The Ancient Music of the 18th century
Europe,” “Antique Belorussian Music 18–19th centuries,” “Foreign Music
of 18–19th centuries,” “Music of Russian Composers 19–20th centuries,”
“Music of Belarusian composers of the 20th century,” “Popular Variety
Music,” “Music from Films and Cartoons,” “Soviet Retro.” Art director
M.Rassokha was awarded a state grant in the nomination “The Best Crea8 Selected research papers by I.F. Dvuzhilnaya: Fiery Freilekhs in chamberinstrumental music by S.Prokofyev, D.Shostakovich, M.Weinberg// The questions
on Jewish culture: the materials of the XVI Annual International Interdisciplinary
Conference on Judaic. Part 2. Academic line. Edition 26. Moscow: “Sefer” centre,
the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2009. pages
350–365. The Holocaust music and theme// The Holocaust on the territory of
USSR. Encyclopedia. Moscow, ROSSPEN, 2009. pages 628–631. Henry Wagner and
cantorial art (the pages of composer’s art biography)// News of BSAM: scientific
theoretical magazine №14, 2009. pages 55–59. Mieczysław Weinberg and Belarusian
Conservatory// News of BSAM: scientific theoretical magazine №16, 2010. pages
62–67.
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tive Project 2009” for the arrangements of the antique Belorussian music
and works by E.Glebov. ¶ One of the group’s programmes is dedicated to
the Jewish music of Belarusian composers of the 20th century:
S.V. Polonsky. Jewish Wedding Tune; S.V. Polonsky. Freilekhs; S.V.
Polonsky. Birobidzhan Dance Tune; S.V. Polonsky. Variations on
the Jewish Theme; S.V. Polonsky. Jewish Rhapsody;
A.E. Turenkov. The Melody;V. Malinovsky. Fantasy on the Jewish
Theme; V. Ginko. The Prayer and the Holiday in Memory of M.
Chagall; V. Zolotarev. Capriccio on the Jewish Theme; G. Vagner.
Variation on the Belarusian Theme; E. Tyrmand. Improvisation and
Dance; M. Kroshner. Three Songs; A. Aladov. Variations on Jewish
Folk Song Theme.9
They are going to release a CD with the above mentioned works. ¶ During the last decade there has been a rapid progress in the Jewish heritage
studies, from the regional perspective first of all. Thanks to Stepanskaya’s
articles the interpretation of the role of Jewish music in the Belarusian
culture development was changed. The material collected during folklore
expeditions by Stepanskaya and Slepovich helps to generalize the experiment of Ashkanazi-Jews culture development in Jewish shtetls. Various
types of music groups’ performances allow to hear Jewish music in its
original and expressive manner (“Minsker Kapelye”) or according to the
European academic tradition (the Simcha Song Theatre, quartet “Riviera”).
The research of Nina Stepanskaya, Dmitry Slepovich, Inessa Dvuzhilnaya,
Tatyana Khalevo show the development of the Jewish culture in the context of multinational Belarusian culture to Russian-speaking readers from
different countries.
9 From the official site of the quartet: http://www.riviera-music.org/page/reperture.
html.
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r Arkadzi Shulman (Vitebsk)
Liozno – Marc Chagall’s Shtetl1
Shtetls are a world of their own which has no analogs in history. The
concept of a shtetl encompasses much more than the territorial and
geographical aspect. A shtetl has its own culture, lifestyle and psyche
of its inhabitants. ¶ Marc Chagall was truly an artist from a shtetl, who
throughout his entire life was an artistic “voice of the shtetl”. In his works,
even the Eiffel Tower is depicted as if viewed by a shtetl dweller. And that
shtetl dweller is surprised to see such a humongous building. And he
immediately begins to compare it with the houses in his native shtetl, with
its goats, roosters, and fences. It is not accidental that all these things are
together side by side in the same works. ¶ A synagogue, a market square,
and a house have always been the center of a shtetl, both literally and figuratively. The synagogue was in control of morals and provided education.
The market square provided jobs and formed public opinion. The home,
the family, the children were the essence of people’s lives. ¶ Shtetls gave
rise to a completely original and unique culture which is a combination
of elements that seem to be mutually exclusive: deep knowledge of sacred
texts and a kind of absolute naiveté; practicality bordering on pettiness and
complete absurdity, laughter, and tears; hypertrophied shtetl patriotism
(our shtetl is the best in the world!) and desire to emulate the fashions
of the big cities. All of these things are present in Marc Chagall’s works.
¶ Even if Liozno had no connection to the life and work of the great artist, it would still occupy a special place in Jewish history. ¶ In 1745, or 18
Elul 5505 according to the Jewish calendar, there was a boy born here to
the family of Boruch Pozner and his wife Rivka. The boy was given the
name of Shneur-Zalman. That man became the founder of Chabad, a new
religious and philosophical teaching; the first Lubavitcher Rebbe; and the
ancestor of a dynasty of spiritual leaders of the Jewish world. ¶ According
to statistics (if it is correct), in 1880 the population of Liozno numbered
1536 residents, of whom sixty percent, or 997 persons, were Jewish. That
1 This subject is represented much broader in the book “Marc Chagall’s Shtetl:
Essay” by A. Shulman/ А. Shulman. – Minsk, 2010. – page 108.
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number included, of course, the Chagall family. The shtetl had four prayer
houses and a Jewish specialized school. Of the town’s 216 wooden houses,
135 belonged to the Jews. The shtetl had 25 wooden shops. Most of them
were situated on the market square, not far from the house where the
artist spent his childhood. ¶ Mr. Chagall’s grandfather, Morduch David,
taught at a local heder (a Jewish elementary school), and was an extremely
well respected man in the shtetl. Behind the heder stood the synagogue
where Morduch David had a high-ranking spot by the eastern wall. Such
honor was shown only to the most affluent people who donated large
amounts of money to the synagogue or to scholars of the Torah and of
the Talmud. ¶ Morduch David died in 1886. He had barely reached the
age of sixty, and the artist’s parents had just gotten married. In his memoir,
Mr. Chagall wrote, referring to his grandfather: “I do not know whether
it was for a long time that he was a teacher. They said that he was well
respected by everyone.” ¶ He was buried near the muddy fast-moving river
that was separated from the cemetery by a fence that had long turned
black. His grave was under a knoll, next to other righteous men who had
been buried here from time immemorial. ¶ The letters on the tombstone
almost completely faded away, all that can still be read is an inscription in
the ancient Hebrew language: “Here lies…” ¶ Grandma would say to her
grandson: “Here is the grave of your grandfather, of your father’s father,
and of my first husband.” ¶ She did not know how to cry. She would only
move her lips in a whisper. It was not clear whether she was praying or
talking to herself. I listened to her lament as she was bowing before the
tombstone and the knoll. It was as if she were talking to grandpa himself;
as if she were talking deep into the pit of the earth or into a closet with
an object forever locked inside.
“Pray for us, David, I ask you. It is me, your Basheva. Pray for your
sick son Shatya, for poor Zusya, for their children. Pray that they
always be pure before God and before people.”2
The artist’s grandmother, his mother’s mother, is also buried in the
Liozno cemetery. Mr. Chagall never had a chance to see her. She died
of heart disease when she was still very young, on the first full moon of
the Jewish New Year, on the eve of Yom Kippur in 1886. ¶ The remains
of the old Jewish cemetery still stand in Liozno. There is, however, no
fencing around it. Even the rickety old fence is gone. The cemetery is
overgrown with bushes and wild grass. No one has taken care of it for
a long time, a cemetery with desolate tombstones. Most monuments were
taken apart and away during the war or right after. They were used for
2 Here and in other parts of this essay, the author cites Marc Chagall’s book “My
Life.”
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house foundations. Potatoes are growing in the green grass. It is impossible to find the graves of the Chagall’s family. ¶ Fortunately, the artist was
good friends with his other grandmother, Baseva, his father’s mother. He
often recalled her.
“I was always more at ease with Grandma. She was short and
skinny and consisted entirely of a kerchief, a floor-length skirt and
a wrinkled face.”
She was just a little over a meter tall… ¶ After she was widowed, she
married my second grandfather with the Rabbi’s blessing. He was also
a widower, and he became my mother’s father. Her husband and his
wife died the same year when my parents got married.” ¶ In the kitchen,
Baseva used to turn into a magician. She was such a fantastic cook that
her dinners became memorable for life. It is such a pity that those recipes did not survive. Mr. Chagall recalled: “Grandma always fed me with
this meat that was cooked in a special way. It was either fried, or baked,
or boiled. Which exactly? I do not really know.” ¶ Her second husband,
Marc’s maternal grandfather, was Mendel Chernin. They said about him
that he spent half of his life on top of the furnace, a quarter of his life in
the synagogue, and a quarter in the meat shop. He did not trouble himself with work too much, but he was apparently a kind and God-fearing
man who lived justly and never deceived anyone. ¶ Marc loved him very
much and described him in respectful terms as a “…venerable old man
with a long black beard.” ¶ For Marc Chagall, Liozno was a beloved native
town, a “little homeland” as we call it. The artist wrote: “How I loved to
come to Liozno, to your house which smelled of fresh cow skins! I liked
the sheep ones too. All your ammunition usually hung at the entrance,
right by the door. Against the background of the grey wall, the hanger with
clothes, hats, a whip and everything else looked like some figure, I cannot
make it out. And it was everything that my grandfather was to me.” ¶ He
was a butcher, a salesman, and a cantor all in one piece… What a strange
combination. But Uncle Mendel knew well what was people’s and what
was God’s. ¶ In a barn, there stands a cow with a swollen stomach and
a stubborn look in her eyes. Grandpa walks up to her and says: “Listen
up, let’s tie up your legs, we need to trade you, you see, we need meat, you
understand?” With a deep sigh, the cow falls on the ground … Grandpa
separates the beef from the offal, cuts the skin in pieces… What a job
the man has! And it was like that every day: they cut two to three cows,
and the local landowner and common residents got fresh beef.” ¶ Once,
Grandpa Mendel Chernin came across a drawing of Marc’s depicting
a naked woman. He turned away as if it had nothing to do with him, as
if a star had fallen down on the Market square and no one knew what to
do with it.
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“That was when I realized that Grandpa, just like my wrinkled
Grandma and everyone in the house simply did not take my art
seriously. (What kind of art is it anyway if it does not even look like
anything real!) They valued good meat much more.”
That Grandpa, strange and incomprehensible to others, was close
and dear to Marc. And it was probably he who gave the artist an idea of
a perfect place for his art works: on the roof, near the chimney, close to
the stars and to God, and away from fussy and ever-displeased people.
“It was a holiday: either Sukkot or Simchat Torah.
They were looking for Grandpa, he had disappeared.
Where could he possibly be?
It turned out that he had climbed up on the roof, had sat down on
the chimney and was munching on a carrot enjoying good weather–
what a marvelous view it was.
Let anyone interested find a clue to my paintings in my relatives’
innocent peculiarities.
It is not of much concern to me. Go ahead, dear compatriots. To
your heart’s content.”
Memories of strange grandfather Mendel Chernin warmed and
caressed the artist’s soul all his life. And maybe Mr. Chagall recognized
his grandfather’s personality traits in himself. In the sixties, living in the
south of France, the artist painted his “House in the Village.” ¶ …Liozno.
The strange grandfather climbed on the chimney. They are looking for him,
calling for him. But he is thinking of the eternal and is not concerned with
the worldly hustle and bustle. ¶ In 1911, Marc Chagall painted his “Village
Shop”. By the way, in the painting, he misspelled the word shop. [In Russian, the word shop is spelled as “lavka,” while Mr. Chagall spelled it as
“lafka” – Trans.] In the mid-sixties, someone asked Mr. Chagall, possibly
doubting his literacy: “Why did you spell “lavka” with an f? That word is
spelled with a v.” With an ironic glare, Mr. Chagall answered: “Do not teach
me how they wrote signs in Russian in shtetls.” Once again, Mr. Chagall
put his strange grandfather on the chimney. Grandpa even spread out
his arms as if he were about to begin playing the violin. ¶ In the painting
“The Butcher” Chagall’s grandfather is portrayed more realistically, and
he is engaged in a perfectly worldly activity – carving a beef carcass. He
has an axe in his hands and a big knife in his apron pocket. On the walls
there are hooks to hang up the meat. That painting was done in 1910. It
is now in the Tretyakov Gallery collections. At the Tretyakov Gallery’s
restoration shop, I was relayed an interesting story of that painting. It
was painted with gouache and white paint on colored paper. The paper
was of bad quality, it was warped, and the restorers began to separate the
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layers. The top sheet was glued to white paper, followed by a black sheet.
Underneath them, the restorers discovered a previously unknown etching
done by Pablo Picasso! How could that happen? Maybe it was the great
Master’s joke? It must be said that he did not always speak favorably of
his fellow painters. Or could there be other reasons why the works of
two geniuses ended up glued to the same carton? ¶ Marc painted both
the house where his grandfather lived and the yard of the house. It was
probably an easy and enjoyable work for him. It was there that he painted
the watercolors “A Hall in Grandfather’s House,” “A Farm in Liozno,” the
gouache “Behind the numbering”, and other paintings. ¶ Mendel Chernin
did not bother his grandson, although he did on occasion laugh at him.
¶ Years later, Mr. Chagall wrote: “Even if my art played no role in my relatives’ lives, their life and their actions, on the contrary, influence my art
significantly.” ¶ It has been almost a hundred years since Chagall’s relatives
worked in Liozno as butchers and carved skins. ¶ Recently, excavations
were done in the vegetable garden at the bank of the Moshnariver, and
the excavators came across a number of barrels. They were once used to
soak skins. That was the trade of Marc Chagall’s relatives. The barrels that
might have belonged to them are standing there dug into the ground, and
cabbage and cucumbers are grown on top of them. As archaeologists say,
a new layer of culture appeared. ¶ The artist’s parents, Hatzkel Chagall
and Feiga-Ita Chernina, were cousins. They knew each other well since
childhood. When came the time to get married, neither the Chagall nor
the Chernin family had any doubts – Hatzkel and Feiga were a perfect
couple. ¶ Young people are young in every era – even if it is very hard
to imagine now. They are drawn to big cities or to cities that seem big to
them. They want to be in the middle of all events, to be where life is made.
Hatzkel and Feiga-Ita moved to Vitebsk. ¶ It must be said that at school,
Chagall was never either a high achiever or a diligent student. But whether
a student is good or bad, summer is vacation time, and parents think of
a place for children to go. Marc Chagall wrote, recalling those times:
“In summer, when rich people’s children went away on vacation,
Mother would say to me with pity: Listen, son, why don’t you go to
Grandpa in Liozno for a couple of weeks?
The town looks like a picture.
I am here again.
Everything is still in its place: the little houses, the little river, the
bridge, the road.
Everything is as always, including a tall white church on the central
square. Near the church, town residents sell sunflower seeds, flour,
pots…
During farmers’ market days, the church was filled to capacity.
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Men with carts, stands, piles of merchandise surrounded it so tightly
that it seemed that there was no room for God Himself.
On the square there is shouting, foul odor, hustle and bustle. Cats
are screaming, tied up hens and roosters that had been brought
in baskets to be sold are clucking, pigs are grunting, mares are
neighing.
Colors are going wild in the sky.
But by evening, everything quiets down.
The icons come alive again, church lamps are lit.
Sniffing hard, the cows are going to sleep on dung-covered stable
floors; the hens stopped making noise and are sitting on rods,
winking slyly.
Salesmen are counting profits under a lamp.
A light, witchy moon circles over the roofs.
Only I am dreaming at the square.”
Uncle Nech, with whom the artist liked to travel around villages,
bought cattle for slaughter. ¶ “How glad I was when you agreed to put
me in your carriage! – Chagall remembered. – It rode very poorly, but
there was so much to look at all around! ¶ The road, the road, the bedded
sandstone, Uncle Nech snorts and whips the horse: “Hup! Hup!” ¶ Uncle
rules the horse without looking at the river with reeds, at the cemetery
fence along the shore, at the windmill, at the little church sticking up
in the distance, which is the only one in the whole area, at the shop at
the market square, where we enter when it gets dark. ¶ Nech was well
known by peasants from nearby villages, and they were friendly with
him. During those trips, the future artist saw and learned about the life of
Belarusian peasants for the first time. Uncle Nech also played the violin
like a shoemaker. The artist’s grandfather loved to listen to him play, while
he was deep in thought. “Rembrandt alone could probably understand
what that old man (the butcher, the salesman, the cantor) thought about,
as he listened to his son play the violin in front of the window stained
by rain splashes and by traces of oily fingers. ¶ All day long he penned
cows, knocked them down by pulling their feet and cut them, and now,
he is playing the rabbi’s song.” ¶ On his way back to Liozno from another
trip, in a shtetl street, Uncle Nech met his old friend who was walking
either home or from home with a goat. He stopped for a moment to talk
to his friend about this and that. There is always news in the shtetl. That
is the usual story. Chagall saw it once, and it became the theme for his
painting “The Village Scene”. ¶ There are several versions of the painting
“The Cattle Seller” (1912). It depicts a man ruling his horse, in whose belly
one can see a foal. A just-bought cow carcass is on the horse’s back. The
procession is followed by a woman carrying a little calf. The difference
between the versions is in details and colors of individual fragments.
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¶ In his youth, Mr. Chagall often came to Liozno. He liked to look at his
relatives, liked to discuss “global” problems with them, and to secretly
laugh at their naiveté. ¶ Aunt Maryasya, always pale, with some kind of
unexpected waxen face… ¶ Aunt Relya. “Her nose looks like a gherkin
cucumber. Her little hands are pressed against the tight fitting brown
bodice on her chest. ¶ She gabbles, laughs, moves restlessly.” ¶ The artist
would come to Liozno and walk around the shtetl with his easel, painting
things, and people, accustomed to earning every penny with hard physical labor, looked at him with surprise and asked one another: “I ​​wonder
how this man is planning to live? How will he support a family? By means
of these pictures?” ¶ Aunts Musya, Gutya, Shaya. “Winged like angels,
they would fly over the market square, over the baskets of grapes, pears
and currants.” ¶ Uncle Leyba remained in the artist’s memory sitting on
a bench in front of his village home. A nearby lake. And on the shore, “…
his daughters wander like red-haired cows.” ¶ Uncle Yuda, who almost
never came down from the top of the furnace.
Uncle Yisrael with his permanent spot at the synagogue.
“I had half-dozen uncles or maybe more.
All were real Jews. Some with a thick belly and an empty head, some
with a black beard, some with a maroon one.
It is a painting. That’s enough.”
This was a whole world, with its joys and sorrows, its weddings and
funerals, its moody sons and sick grandsons. Marc Chagall once saw that
that world, that had seemed mundane and boring, could fly, and he asked
it to land on his canvases for a moment. ¶ In Liozno lived uncle Zusya. He
was a barber, the only once in the entire shtetl. He was the kind of barber
that is hard to find. ¶ When his father Morduch David was still alive, Zusya
moved into a new two-story house. The first floor was of stone; that was
where his barbershop was located. The second floor was the residence of
the owner and his family. It was that very house that is pictured in one
of Chagall’s most famous works “House in the Town of Liozno.” ¶ By the
way, we learn from the signs on the house (and in Chagall’s paintings,
signs, ads and announcements are usually reproduced with photographic
accuracy) that there was also “Hainson’s Flour and Grocery Store” here.
¶ “He could have worked in Paris, Mr. Chagall writes about his uncle. The
little mustache, the manners, the look. But he lived in Liozno. He was the
only star there. There was one star shining above the window and another
above the door of his establishment. On the sign, there was a man with
a napkin around his neck and lathered cheek, and near him was another
one with a razor who looked like the latter was about to slay the former.
¶ Uncle cut my hair and shaved me relentlessly and lovingly, and was
proud of me (the only one of all my relatives!) before the neighbors and
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even before the Lord who had not deprived our little middle of nowhere
of His bounty. ¶ When I painted his portrait and gave it to him, he looked
at the canvas, then in the mirror, took some time to think, then said:
“No, keep it.”
It should be noted that the story of the painting of that picture is also
interesting. Uncle Zusya did not want to be painted, and when the young
Chagall asked him to pose for him, he invented all kinds of reasons to
avoid it. No wonder: what would people in the shtetl think? What would
they say at the synagogue? He, Zusya, for whom Shabbat was Shabbat and
Yom Kippur was Yom Kippur all his life, was made into some idol and
painted with colors. But on the other hand, he really wanted to see his
own portrait. He was not just anybody after all, he was a man well known
in Liozno–the barber Zusya. ¶ And then, they came to a compromise.
Marc Chagall installed a mirror at the barbershop doors and painted
Zusya based on his reflection in it. You already know what came out of
that project. ¶ Apparently, that funny story is about Marc Chagall’s first
painting, the 1912 portrait of his uncle Zusya. Its title is “The Barber.” It
depicts Uncle Zusya and a soapy client sitting in a chair. The client is about
to be shaven and given a haircut, and the next client stands behind him
and waits for his turn. I believe that the idea of ​​a collective portrait did
not belong to the artist, but his uncle. Everyone had to know that Zusya
had many customers and was deservedly popular. ¶ Two years later, Marc
persuaded his uncle to pose for him once again. I do not know whether
or not he needed the mirror this time around. The uncle decided that
Marc had been in Paris and had learned a few things, and a new portrait
would be more solid. In any case, this time there were no clients in the
barber shop at the time of the sitting so that there would be less talk.
Uncle Zusya sat in the chair alone. It is probably unlikely that he liked the
new portrait of himself painted by his nephew any more than he did the
first. Well, what can you do? A shtetl barber and an artist visiting from
Paris had different tastes, even though they were close relatives. ¶ Uncle
Zusya was not impressed with the signature on the painting either. It was
spelled the French way as “Chagall.” Of course, it was not some nobody
who was in town, it was an artist from none other than Paris. All his
life, Marc Chagall loved glory and honor and did not refuse it in either
Liozno or Paris. ¶ History has appreciated that work better than Uncle
Zusya. It is now at the Tretyakov Gallery. ¶ When the old barber could
no longer stand on his feet by a chair, he handed his profession down to
his son David. David could not hear well but he loved to talk. He would
usually meet his clients with a joke: “A solemn moment has come –we
are beginning to do a perm.” [In the Russian original, the two parts of that
sentence rhyme. – Trans.]They would scream in his ear: “Shave me bald.
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Bald.” He heard those words, nodded his head, but out loud he would still
repeat his little poem. He, the best barber in the shtetl and the son of the
former best barber in the shtetl, could really he engage in something as
trivial as a bald haircut? ¶ Across from the barber shop was the artist’s
uncle Boruch Chagall’s fabrics and haberdashery store. He lived not far
from the synagogue, on the left bank of the Moshnariver. ¶ Whenever
he was in Liozno, Marc enjoyed staying at Boruch’s. During the day, the
artist would spend a lot of time painting, and in the evening they would
sit down at a large round table and have long talks. Boruch was a learned
man who read a lot, and the artist listened to him talk about politics with
great interest. ¶ At that time, Marc Chagall was painting “The Smolensk
Newspaper.” ¶ Two men sit at a table with a kerosene lamp on it. They
are reading the “Smolenskiy Vestnik” bulletin which contains reports
about the war. Judging by the men’s faces, the news is not the best. Of
course, the painting depicts other characters than the Chagall cousins
themselves. But it looks like the painting became a reflection of sorts of
the evening conversations between Marc and Boruch. The painting “The
Smolensk Newspaper” is now at the Art Museum in Philadelphia. ¶ That
same year, Marc Chagall created one of the most famous works “Pharmacy
in Liozno.” Sometimes that painting is mistakenly called “Pharmacy in
Vitebsk.” ¶ When you look at the painting “Pharmacy in Liozno”, it seems
that the whole world is as peaceful and quiet as that rural street. Although
it was already the summer of 1914. And the entire world lived in anticipation of World War I. ¶ The painting “Pharmacy in Liozno” is part of the
private collection of V. Dudakov in St. Petersburg. ¶ A few kilometers from
Liozno is the village of Zaolshye. ¶ A beautiful little spot in Belarus which
was once favored by wealthy individuals for summer holidays. The welloff parents of Marc Chagall’s wife, Bella Rosenfeld, also came here for the
summer. Naturally, the artist himself has been here numerous times in the
years 1915–1918. ¶ “At last we are alone in the village. The pine forest, the
silence, the moon above the trees. A pig snorts slightly in a stable, a horse
wanders around. The lavender sky. We had not only a honeymoon, but
a “milkmoon” as well. ¶ An army herd grazed nearby, and in the morning we bought milk from the soldiers by pails. My wife, raised on cakes,
made me drink it all by myself. So by the fall, I could barely button my
clothes. ¶ At noon, our room looked like a sumptuous panel worthy of
being put on exhibition at a Paris salon anytime,” – the artist recalled his
first stay in Zaolshye. It was shortly after his wedding in 1915. ¶ The artist
was charmed by village views. Birch trees outside are as stunning as two
young faces looking at them through the window. It is probably Marc and
Bella. And this beauty of human beings and nature creates harmony. The
painting is at the State Tretyakov Gallery. ¶ In Zaolshye, Chagall worked
hard and productively. It was also there that he painted “Bella and Ida
at the window” (1916); “Strawberries. Bella and Ida at the Table” (1916);
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“Dacha” (1918); “A Window to the Garden” (1918). ¶ And then the little
town of Liozno and the entire world was slammed with the revolution.
Centuries-old principles and eternal ideals were becoming nothing but
mere words. It should be noted that shtetl residents themselves took part
in it. They believed that the new life would bring prosperity and equality
to every home, that it would bring liberation from ethnic oppression. ¶ In
early June of 1920, Marc Chagall leaves Vitebsk, never to return there again.
That means he would never visit the little shtetl of Liozno, either. But his
numerous relatives still lived there. I do not know how often Mr. Chagall,
who had got up on his feet in Europe, thought about his small-town family members but I am certain that his Liozno relatives remembered the
artist often, wondering how his life was in the distant France was going
and putting together various legends about him. Old-timers recounted
to me what they had heard from their parents as children. ¶ On summer
evenings, as they sat on benches and popped sunflower seeds, women
would report what they knew with absolute certainty:
“Chagall is the richest person in the world. He has a palace on the
seashore. He draws our Liozno in pictures. These pictures cost
unbelievable money.”
“Who would have thought…” – sighed another woman and thought
about her children. ¶ The frightful, merciless war annihilated the old shtetl,
it executed its inhabitants. ¶ On February 23, 1942, Soviet airplanes were
bombing Liozno. The front-line was a few kilometers away. On those
very days, the Nazis decided that their main task was not to strengthen
their positions on the front but to execute Jews in the front-line zone.
On February 24, all Liozno Jews were kicked out of their homes and
led away in the direction of the village of Adamenka. There, they were
shot. ¶ The sad irony of that is that it was the exact place where Marc
Chagall had loved to paint. ¶ The dolorous list of the executed Jews of
Liozno includes: David Zislevich Chagall, born in 1886, a barber. He was
uncle Zusya’s son, who had inherited from his father both his trade and
his workplace. David’s children, Mr. Chagall’s nephews and nieces: Olga,
Shifra, Chaim, David’s wife Sonya. ¶ Then, there is a very long list: Abrasha
Chagall, a gatekeeper; Sara Chagall, a housewife; Yeska Chagall, a student;
Belya Chagall, a student; Abram Chagall, a store manager; bordering on
Hama, Roza, Mendel, Iosif, Rezl – students. ¶ The old Liozno is no more,
its residents are no more. ¶ Today, that world has remained only in the
artist’s paintings. ¶ These paintings are not only works of art; they are
a memory, a call to peace, to religious tolerance, to kindness…
[143]
Preservation
of the cultural
heritage of
Belarusian Jews
[144]
r Krzysztof Bielawski (Warsaw)
The condition of the selected Jewish cemeteries
in western Belarus
Between 2010 and 2011, the Association of The Jewish Historical Institute
of Poland and the Museum of the History Polish Jews in Warsaw organized
three research expeditions in Belarus. Those involved the employees of
the Association and the Museum, representatives of some Jewish organizations in Belarus – including the Union of Belarusian Jewish Public
Association and Communities, as well as the Polish and Belarusian cultural
activists and teachers. The routes of the expedition mainly covered the
areas that were situated within the administrative borders of the Second
Republic of Poland before 1939. ¶ During the trip, the participants had the
opportunity to learn the history and the condition of the Jewish heritage
in Belarus. With the assistance of the local historians and representatives
of the local authorities, the participants visited synagogues, prayer houses,
matzevot, objects related to the Extermination, cemeteries, and other
places connected with the history of the Jewish community. The materials
obtained during the trip – descriptions of the places, photos, audiovisual
materials, interviews were published on www.sztetl.org.pl administered
by the Museum of the History of Polish Jews. At present, we are preparing
the translations of the texts into English, Belarusian, Russian, Hebrew and
German. ¶ The objects visited by the participants of the expedition also
included the cemeteries that had been barely researched by the Belarusian
historians. The representatives of the Union of Belarusian Jewish Public
Association and Communities have not developed any catalogue the
cemeteries that remain under their supervision. ¶ During the expedition,
we managed to establish that most of the cemeteries have been severely
damaged after 1945, and the people who contributed to that were the
authorities as well as individuals. The graves were vastly used as construction materials or home-made sanding discs. The scale of the damages is
enormous. Assuming that after a century, a cemetery in a middle size
town could have about 3.000–4.000 tombstones, we found out that, as
a result of thefts, in many cemeteries only up to one percent of matzevot
have remained until today. Numerous cemeteries – where matzevot were
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stolen – were transferred into residential areas (Pinsk, Smarhon’, Iuye),
farmlands (Stolin) or are used for other purposes. ¶ Undoubtedly, the
following list of cemeteries cannot be regarded as a complete source of
reference. Considering the intensity of the research expeditions, the following catalogue contains general information about the condition of the
selected cemeteries on the territory of western Belarus obtained during
the observation of the individual objects. Small amount of materials and
the lack of search queries prevented us from preparing the history of the
cemeteries. The author, who has been devoted to documenting Jewish
cemeteries and places of martyrdom in Poland, hopes that the knowledge
he gathered during the expedition will become an impulse for further
research in the field of the legacy of the Jews who live in the territory of
present Belarus.
DISTRICT OF BREST (BREST) ¶ Antopal ¶ The old Jewish cemetery
in Antopal was founded near the synagogue, in the vicinity of present
Hastela Street. It is known that after WWII, tombstones still existed in the
cemetery. In the 1960’s, the authorities decided to build school premises
in the area of the cemetery. That was the time when the last tombstones
were removed. As the local people recall, during the constructions works,
the workers frequently encountered bones. In the place of the former
cemetery there is currently the statue of Lenin as a child. ¶ The new
Jewish cemetery in Antopal is situated in the eastern part of the town
on present Praletarskaya Street. As a result of the devastation during
WWII and afterwards, only about 100 tombstones have remained in the
cemetery until the preset day. Those are usually matzevot made of granite
fieldstones. Their copings are lacking symbols typical of the Jewish cemetery art. Almost all the epitaphs are in Hebrew, however, their condition
does not allow to read most of the inscriptions. ¶ In the recent years, due
to the efforts of such people as Michael Lozman and the Glosser Family
from the Republic of South Africa, the cemetery was tidied up. It was
fenced by a 1-metre high rail decorated with elements forming the Star
of David and a symbolic gate. ¶ In 2011, earthwork was conducted in the
cemetery, in consequence, some of the graves were excavated. During the
examination, the representative of the Museum of the History of Polish
Jews found some human bones.
Baranavichi (Baranowicze) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Baranavichi is
situated on Charnyshevskaha Street. Owing to the iconographic materials – like the picture published on www.bagnowka.com – we know that
there were several ohels in the cemetery. There was also a pre-burial house
(Beit Tahara) at its entrance. ¶ The object was damaged during WWII
and afterwards. Some buildings were constructed on the cemetery premises. The Nazis carried out executions of the people of Jewish descent in
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that place. ¶ Over ten years ago, the remaining part of the cemetery was
secured. The area was fenced by a solid steel railing. There is a monument
in the form of a vertical board with a triangular top and a tablet with
inscriptions in Belarusian and English reading as follows:
“Site of a former Jewish cemetery. This square was funded by
Baranavichi Jews who now live in Israel and other countries. In
memory of 12,000 Jews from Baranavichi murdered by the Nazis
and their collaborators during the Holocaust between 1941 and
1944.”
The alley on the left leads to another monument in the form of an ohel
made of concrete blocks and closed with a steel grating. Inside the ohel,
there is a symbolic grave with the following inscription:
“The ashes of 12,000 Jews from Baranavichi murdered by the
Germans and their collaborators in 1942, collected from the places
of the Extermination.”
Nearby, there are several matzevot with partly blurred epitaphs. ¶ The
area of the cemetery is neat and tidied up. The keys to the gate are kept
in the Jewish community office.
Brest (Brześć) ¶ In his book entitled Cmentarze Żydowskie w Warszawie
(Warsaw, 1938), Ignacy Schiper writes that the first Jewish cemetery in
Brest was one of the oldest in the region and was damaged in 1840, when
the town was torn down by order of Tsar Nicholas I to construct the
fortress in Brest. During that period, the local Jewish community bought
a land for a new cemetery. Part of it was to be used for storing exhumed
bodies and the tombstones from the old cemetery. ¶ The new Jewish
cemetery in Brest was founded about 1840 on present Tsikhaya Street
after closing of the old cemetery situated in the area intended by Nicholas
I for the construction of the Fortress in Brest. Ignacy Schiper described
the early history of the cemetery in the following words:
“At that time, the Jewish community purchased two large fields, the
first in the vicinity of the town to bury the deceased, and the second
situated further from the town to place the corpses from the old
cemetery (…). They commissioned the production of bags in the
number equal to the amount of corpses or bones which were moved
to the new cemetery on big carts. The corpses were moved together
with their tombstones and they were accordingly situated in the new
cemetery. The corpses that did not have tombstones were buried in
[147]
A Jewish
cemetery in
Kopyl. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in
Lenin. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in
Hrodna. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in
Izabelin. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
a vast pit; numerous fragments of graves with illegible names and
dates were also placed there.”
The cemetery was damaged during WWII by the Germans. After
the war, many matzevot were stolen and used for various purposes, for
example to harden the land in the area of Warburg Colony. The destruction
was completed by the Soviet authorities in the 1960’s when a stadium was
built on the site of the former cemetery. ¶ In recent years, the members
of the Jewish community in Brest managed to recover over one thousand
matzevot, their condition varying. They had been used for paving yards,
building sidewalks and performing construction works. Those tombstones are currently stored in the area of the Fortress. Dozens of crushed
matzevot may now be found in the area of former Warburg Colony. There
are plans to prepare an inventory of the matzevot and use it to construct
a lapidary memorial at the site of the cemetery. ¶ The cemetery is maintained by the students from Secondary School No. 3 in Ivatsevichy, the
pupils of Zhanna Kaspiarovich. Owing to their efforts, the basic maintenance works are performed on a regular basis.
Bytsen (Byteń) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Bytsen is situated on its southern
border east of Road No. M11 in the vicinity of a bus stop. The cemetery
covers a large rectangle shaped plot of land. On the basis of the accounts
of the local residents, we know that before the war the cemetery was neatly
maintained and fenced. Sadly, it was destroyed mostly after the war. ¶ On
the side facing the road, there are a few rows of graves without matzevot.
In the central part of the cemetery, there are about 100 tombstones made
of granite fieldstones which date back to the 19th and 20th centuries. Two
matzevot of sandstone have remained in the cemetery. They are on the
graves of Awraham, the son of Aszer Zusman, deceased on the 19th of
[148]
Kislev 5696 (December 15,1896) and Eliasz Joseph, the son of Icchak
Dosachowski, deceased in Shevat 5616 (1856). In the northern end of the
cemetery, there is a big tablet made of sandstone with an epitaph which
is difficult to read.
Damachava (Domaczewo) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Damachava is situated
in the south-eastern part of the town, on the left side of Kamsamolskaya
Street. The cemetery was vandalized after the war and the local authorities
located a park on its premises. Today there are over a dozen tombstones
made of concrete and bricks without any inscriptions. ¶ After the war,
several Jewish residents of Damachava were buried near the mass grave
of the victims of the Extermination situated east of Kamsamolskaya Street.
Only three tombstones have remained there until today. One of them is
situated on the grave of Abram Josifowicz Micmacher (died 1960); the
second on the grave of Pienia Feldman (died in 1960). The condition of
the third inscription makes it impossible to read the information about
the deceased buried there. There is another grave in the vicinity, however,
it does not have any epitaph tablet.
Dzivin (Dywin) ¶ The old Jewish cemetery in Dzivin was founded on
today’s Spartovaya Street. Due to the fact that it was ruined during WWII
and the postwar period, no tombstones have remained there until the present time. Some part of the cemetery was used for building development.
¶ The new Jewish cemetery in Dzivin was founded on today’s Savetskaya
Street (formerly Brzeska Street). No tombstones have remained in the
cemetery until today. Recently, owing to the efforts undertaken by one
of the residents of Dzivin, Afanasij Gapanovich and the Selsavet [Local
Village Council], a monument was erected at the cemetery. That was
a granite stone with a tablet with the following inscription in Russian:
[149]
“Here, in the village of Dzivin there was a Jewish cemetery at the
beginning of the 20th century.”
Ivanava (Janów Poleski) ¶ The old Jewish cemetery in Ivanava is situated on
49 Karl Marx Street. It is known that in the 1930s the cemetery was closed
and fenced. As the cemetery was vandalized and ruined, no tombstones
have survived until the present time. Nowadays, the site of the cemetery is
part of one of the homesteads. ¶ The new Jewish cemetery in Ivanava was
established north of the town, on today’s Inkubatarnaya Street. Probably
no tombstones have remained in that area until the present time. The site
of the cemetery constitutes a property of a company.
Kazhan-Garadok (Kożangródek) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Kazhan-Garadok was established in the 19th century on the plot of land situated east of
the town, about 300 meters right of on the right side of the road leading
to Lahva, today’s Jamkiewicza Street. The cemetery was damaged after
the war. Following acts of vandalism, no tombstones have remained in
the cemetery until the present time. The area is covered with a forest and
the borders of the cemetery are not visible.
Lahva (Łachwa) ¶ The Jewish cemetery is situated east of the town on the
bank of a lake, at the end of Rybsaukhoznaya Street. The cemetery occupies a rectangular plot of land on a small sandy hill. ¶ The cemetery was
seriously damaged in the period after the war. One of the reasons was the
extraction of sand by the workers of so-called “Rybsaukhoz.” Until today,
30 concrete tombstones have remained in the cemetery and only one of
them has a fragment of an epitaph with the following inscription: date of
death “(5)676” with the abbreviation of the following wording: “May his/
her soul be bound up in the wreath of eternal life.” ¶ Recently, owing to
the initiative of the Jews who come from Lakhva, as well as cooperation
with the local authorities, a monument was erected in the central part of
the cemetery. The monument has a tablet with the following inscription in
Hebrew and Belarusian: “Holy place. The grave of the Jewish Community
from Lakhva and the neighboring villages. 1650–1942.” The borders of the
cemetery are marked with a steel chain hung on posts. The cemetery is
unfenced and generally accessible.
Khomsk (Chomsk) ¶ The first Jewish cemetery in Khomsk was situated
east of the road to Staramlyny, not far from the Market Square. All the
traces of that cemetery disappeared. The second Jewish cemetery in
Khomsk was founded on a hill outside the town, north of the road to
Pyarespa. ¶ On August 2, 1941, on the border of the cemetery, the Nazis
conducted a mass execution of the Jews from Khomsk. Their bodies were
buried at the place of the execution. ¶ As the cemetery was vandalized, no
[150]
original matzevot have remained. After the war, a tombstone was erected
on the grave of a guerilla fighter, J. Makarewicz. Also the mass grave of
the victims of the execution of 1941 was commemorated.
Kobryn (Kobryń) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Kobryn is situated on Kutuzava Street. The cemetery was partly damaged by the Nazis during WWII.
The destruction was completed after the liberation. The precise borders
of the cemetery are unknown. On the borders of the cemetery, we found
several scattered tombstones. They are made of granite or sandstone.
One may also find there human bones from the excavated graves. The
area is littered. Following unauthorized digging that took place on many
occasions, its large part was flooded. ¶ In recent years, a monument was
erected on the border of the cemetery. It has the following inscription in
Hebrew, English and Belarusian:
“The cemetery of the Jewish community in Kobryn. Rabbi Moshe –
Rabbi of Kobryn, Rabbi Meir Marim – Rabbi of Kobryn, Rabbi
Pesach Proskin – Rosh Yeshiva and many other holy and noble men
were buried here. Funded by Rabbi Pinchas Zaltzman”.
Kosava (Kosów Poleski) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Kosava is situated in
the forest outside the town on the right side of the road. Following acts
of vandalism, only over a dozen of tombstones may be found in the area
of the cemetery. They are made of field granite stones and concrete, however, most of the tombstones are upturned. There is also a part of the wall
that was tore down. ¶ According to the map of the Military Geographical
Institute, there was another Jewish cemetery in Kosava situated in the
eastern part of the town.
Lagishin (Łohiszyn) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Lagishin is situated east of
the town on the right side of the road leading to Mokraya Dubrowa. Its
location was marked on a map made in 1925 by the Military Geographical Institute (www.mapywig.org). Due to deliberate destruction and the
acts of vandalism less than 100 tombstone have remained there until the
present time. Its area is covered by bushes, which makes it difficult to
reach many matzevot. At the entrance, there is a post decorated with the
Star of David which used to be part of the fence or the gate. The area of
the cemetery is littered, there are alcohol bottles discarded and one can
see blackened areas where recently bonfires have been lit. Attempts have
been made by the vandals to open some of the graves.
Luninets (Łuniniec) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Luninets was founded in
the second half of the 19th century on a rectangular plot of land on the
left side of the road to Lakhva, currently, Chapayeva Street. The cemetery
[151]
was damaged during WWII. In 1941 it suffered from an air strike, later
on, the Germans used part of its area to build an airport. Subsequently,
the cemetery was burnt down. Until today, not a single single tombstone
has remained there.
Malaryta (Małoryta) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Malaryta is situated in
the western part of the town, today’s Zavodskaya Street. As Volodymyr
Kharsiuk (born in 1929) recalls, before WWII, the cemetery was fenced
by 2-meter-high planks. Most of the matzevot were made of sandstone.
There was also an ohel of a rabbi whose name has not been established.
¶ In the late 1950s, the authorities issued a decision to destroy the cemetery
and to build blocks of flats there. During the construction works, human
bones were excavated. The tombstones were used as building materials,
grinding discs or as paving material. All the visible traces of the cemetery
disappeared. Motal ¶ The first Jewish cemetery in Motal was probably founded at the
turn of the 16th and the 17th centuries at the time when the Jews appeared
in the town. It functioned until the 19th century. As a result of deliberate acts of damage, only several tombstones have remained there until
today. In 2004, on the initiative of Martin Berkin, a British citizen and
the descendant of the Jews from Motal, the cemetery was tidied up and
fenced. The access to the cemetery is possible via an open gate. ¶ The
new Jewish cemetery in Motal was founded at the end of the 19th century
outside the residential area. The cemetery was ruined during the Soviet
times. At present, there are no traces of the tombstones in the area covered with a pine forest.
Mouchadz (Mołczadź, Meitszet) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Moŭčadź is
situated on the outskirts of the town, on Kirava Street. The object was vandalized after the war. Probably part of the cemetery was used as a building
site and some served as farming land. In the area of the cemetery, there
are still 100–150 matzevot made of granite fieldstones and concrete. The
area is unfenced and generally accessible.
Novaya Mysh (Nowa Mysz) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Novaya Mysh is
situated far from the center of the town, on the right side of Route P108
leading to Lebiazhany and it covers a large elongated triangular shaped
plot. Conversations with the local residents revealed that there were
numerous matzevot in the cemetery before the war. There were distinguishable ohels in which the local rabbis were buried. ¶ The destruction of
the cemetery took place after WWII. During their visit in the cemetery in
May 2011, the members of the Virtual Shtetl team did not find any original
matzevot. In the center of the cemetery, there is a contemporary ohel of
[152]
Rabbi Jechiel Muszer that was erected owing to the efforts of Rabbi Israel
Meir Gabbai from the Agudas Ohalei Tzadikim Organization. The area
of the cemetery is unfenced and covered with trees.
A Jewish cemetery in Kletsk.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Pahost Zaharodzki ¶ The cemetery of the Jewish community was founded
on a hill located northeast of Kamien, on the left side of the road to
Bahdanauka. During WWII, the Germans forced the Jews to remove the
tombstones and use it to pave the road. The acts of vandalism continued
after the war. The graves were destroyed and the cemetery served as a sand
mine. In 1997, by the initiative of Jews who came from Pahost Zaharodzki –
including Icchak Jużyk – the remains of the bodies were exhumed and
laid in the mass grave of the victims of the execution of August 15,1942.
Currently, there are no matzevot left at the cemetery.
A Jewish cemetery in Kobryn.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Palonka (Połonka) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Palonka is located in the
western part of the town. The pictures presented in the book published
in 1923 in Arthur Levy’s book titled Jüdische Grabmalkunst in Osteuropa:
eine Sammlung show that the area of the cemetery was partly forested and
the matzevot were decorated with polychromes. ¶ Recently, the cemetery
underwent restoration works. They entailed the erection of a fence made
of prefabricated concrete elements. Also the plants were cut down and the
[153]
A Jewish
cemetery in Krevo.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
tombstones were lifted. In the western part of the cemetery, – probably
the place of the mass grave of the victims of the Extermination – a Star
of David was heaped up. ¶ The cemetery in Palonka has an interesting
collection of matzevot. Due to the symbols and the material, some of
them were previously depicted in the above-mentioned book by A. Levy.
Most of the remaining tombstones were made of field, partly processed,
granite stones. One of the most remarkable pieces are:
– the tombstone of Arie Lejb, the son of Meir Jonowicz, made of
concrete in the form a podium with the symbol of blessing hands
and a book placed on a oblique top with traces of decorative
paintings;
– the matzeva of Jona, the son of Eliezer with a suggestive symbol
of a blessing hand;
– the tombstone of Cwi, the son of Eliakim (died in 5637) made of
a milling or quern stone;
– the tombstone of Dawid, the son of Ajzyk Rużański Moszetkiewicz in the form of a broken tree trunk.
The cemetery is perfectly maintained. The entry to the area is possible
via an open gateway. An inventory of the cemetery would be recommended.
Pinsk ¶ The first Jewish cemetery in Pinsk was founded in the 16th century
on today’s Mashkouskaga Street. One of the people buried there was Cvi
Hirsh, the son of Baal Szem Tow (deased in 1800). It is at this cemetery
that bodies of thirty prominent representatives of the Jewish community
in Pinsk murdered by soldier of the Polish Army on April 5, 1919, are
buried. ¶ Under Soviet rule, the cemetery was destroyed and buildings
were erected there. There is a lawn with a sandbox at the site where Cvi
Hirsz was allegedly buried. ¶ There is a Hasidic cemetery in Pinsk on
Pushkina Street. The following individuals were buried there: Tzadik Aron
ha-Gadola (deceased in 1772), the student of Dov Ber of Mezeritch, the
founder of the Karlin Hasidic Dynasty; his son, Asher Perlow (deceased
in 1826); a long-term Karlin Rabbi Dawidł Frydman; Ejzer Weizman, the
father of Chaim Weizman; family members of prominent philanthropists
Lourie, Mowsza, Icchok Lewin and God Oszer Lewin, also called the
“Orphans’ Father.” ¶ During WWII the cemetery was the place where the
Nazis conducted mass killings. The tombstones were still there in the
1970s. Later on, they were removed and the cemetery premises were used
for building development. ¶ In the 1960s, a separate Jewish section was
established at the cemetery on Spokojna Street. There are several hundred
contemporary tombstones, usually decorated with the representations
of the deceased, which is a forbidden practice in Judaism. Currently the
cemetery is closed for burials. Its area has been tidied up.
[154]
Pruzhany (Prużany) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Pruzhany is situated on
Goryn-Kalyada Street opposite the Pruzhany Dairy Complex. The cemetery covers a large rectangle shaped plot of land. ¶ It is estimated that
about 2–3 thousand tombstones have remained in the cemetery. Those
are usually matzevot made of field granite stones with epitaphs mostly in
Hebrew. Based on some archive iconographic materials – e.g. picture from
Arthur Levy’s book Jüdische Grabmalkunst in Osteuropa: eine Sammlung –
we know that there were also sandstone tombstones ornamented with
polychromes. ¶ Recently, following the initiative of the Jews who had
origins in Pruzhany, the cemetery was surrounded by a fence made of
prefabricated elements. At the entrance, there is a monument funded by
Awraham Harshalom (Adam Fridberg) dedicated to “the Memory of the
martyrs from Pruzhany and adjacent towns and villages: Byaroza, Malech,
Sharashova, Syalets and Linava, who died in the Extermination of January
30–31 – 2 February 2, 1943.” The monument is made of black granite in
the form of the Western Wall with a tablet commemorating the Jews from
Pruzhany murdered in the massacre, who came, among others, from the
following families: the Rubins, Khaikins, Espsteins, Rawnickis, Glasers,
Fridbergs, Dobrejcers, Awerbuchs. The idea underlying the design is that
the two cuboids and the columns on the left are to symbolize a crematory
chimney and gas chambers in KL Auschwitz-Birkenau. The column is
capped with the Star of David.
Ruzhany (Różana) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Ruzhany was founded northwest of the town on a field road beginning on Chyrvonaarmeyskaya Street,
on a rectangle shaped plot of land. According to the map published in
1935 by the Military Geographic Institute, it was a big cemetery covering a much larger area than the neighboring Christian cemetery. Due to
the damage, only over 200 tombstones have remained, mostly made of
granite stones. The area of the cemetery is partly covered with a forest
and it is unfenced. Several years ago, a person who comes from Ruzhany
commissioned a photographic documentation of the cemetery covering
all the matzevot.
Sharashova (Szereszów) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Sharashova, situated in
the western part of the town, on the left side of Barannikau Street, is one
of the best-preserved cemetery in western Belarus. It is estimated that
about 2–3 thousand matzevot have survived in its area. They are made of
simple granite stones arranged in rows facing the East. The condition of
the inscriptions on most of the matzevot makes it impossible to read the
epitaphs. In the western end of the cemetery, there is a concrete tombstone
surrounded by a wooden fence. It was erected in 1950 or 1960 and it has
the following epitaph in Hebrew and Yiddish: “Chaja Sajlin (1924–1950 (?)
Der Mame was buried here.” Nearby, there is an upturned tombstone of
[155]
sandstone in the form of a broken tree. The cemetery is thickly covered
with grass, and there is a clump of trees in the northern part of the cemetery. The area is used as a pasture. ¶ In 2007, the cemetery was tidied up
and the works were supervised by Michael Lozman. The borders of the
cemetery were marked by a low fence of iron spans with a symbolic gate.
In the northeastern corner of the cemetery, a monument of black granite
was erected and it has the following inscription in Belarusian and English:
“The cemetery is rededicated to the Jewish community of Shereshov to
commemorate the Jewish community with a fervent hope for a calm and
just world for everybody. In memory of those who were deported to Auschwitz between January 30 and February 2, 1943. Dedicated in September
2007 by the descendants of the Jewish community. The restoration of the
cemetery was conducted under the supervision of Dr Michael Lozman.”
Stolin ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Stolin is situated on Garynskaya Street
opposite to an orthodox church. As a result of destruction, no original
tombstones have remained there until today. Recently, the Israeli Agudas
Ohalei Tzadikim Organizarion erected an unsheltered ohel at the site
where the grave of Rabbi Mordechaj Lechowiczer is supposedly located.
¶ The second Jewish cemetery in Stolin is situated between the following
streets: Lenin Street, Mir Street, Abadouski and Chyrvonaarmeyskaya
Streets, right behind the Catholic cemetery. In the 1930’s, the area of the
cemetery was still outside the borders of the town. Based on conversations
with the residents of Stolin, it turned out that after the war, the tombstones
were used for construction purposes. Currently, there are no matzevot left
on the premises of the cemetery and its area is agricultural land.
[156]
Tselyakhany (Telechany) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Tselyakhany is situated
in the western part of the cemetery, north of the road to Ivatsevichy. It
location was marked in 1924 on a map made by The Military Geographic
Institute. ¶ The cemetery was destroyed during the war by the local residents who used the tombstones for example for construction purposes.
The area of the cemetery was used a dump. The remains include only two
tombstones of sandstone and granite in the form of broken trees commemorating Miriam, the daughter of Icchak Ajzyk Kohen deceased on
the 7th of Nissan 5666 (April 2,.1906) and Malka Rejzel, the daughter of
Chaim […] deceased in 5687 (1926/1927). Among the trees and other vegetation, there are few fragments of destroyed tombstones. ¶ The cemetery
is maintained by the students from Secondary School No. 3 in Ivatsevichy, the pupils of Zhanna Kaspiarovich. Owing to their efforts, the basic
maintenance works are performed on a regular basis.
Vouchyn (Wołczyn) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Vouchyn is situated in the
western part of the town, about 100 meters north of the road to Kastary.
Following the acts of vandalism only about 20 matzevot remained until
today. They are made of granite fieldstones with inscriptions in Hebrew.
Most of the area is covered by thick bushes, which makes it impossible to
explore the cemetery. The cemetery is unfenced and generally accessible.
DISTRICT OF HRODNA ¶ Ashmyany (Oszmiana) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Ashmyany is situated in the southeastern part of the town on
Chyrvonaarmeyskaya Street behind the residential blocks no. 3 and 5. The
cemetery covers a large plot of land shaped like an extended rectangle
heading towards the Ashmyanka River. ¶ A few hundred tombstones in
[157]
A Jewish
cemetery in Lenin.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in Lenin.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish cemetery in Lunna.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish cemetery in Polonka.
Photo by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
various condition have remained in the area of the cemetery. There can
be no doubt that this is only a small percentage of the matzevot that could
found there before the war. A monument of black marble immediately
attracts attention at the very entrance. It has a shape of a column on
a rectangular pedestal with epitaph tablets with a plate that remained
after a picture of the deceased. That is the tombstone of one of the richest Jews in Ashmyany, Lew Dawidowicz the son of Zew Dawid Strugacz,
died on the 19th of Shavat 5666. (February 14,1906 r.). The largest group of
tombstones may be found in the section on left side of the cemetery. There
numerous matzevot of granite, sandstone and concrete. Several burials
took place there after WWII, e.g. Mojsiej Szacman (died in 1960), Galina
Krejnes (died in 1973). This part of the cemetery also contains a damaged
ohel with an engraved Star of David lacking any inscription. Nearby, there
is a sarcophagus which also has no epitaph. ¶ The cemetery is surrounded
by modern fencing made of prefabricated concrete elements with a steel
gate facing Chyrvonaarmeyskaya Street. It needs tidying up, including
grass mowing, on a regular basis.
Astryna (Ostryna) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Astryna is situated in the
outskirts of the town, on the left side of 8 Marta Street, former Mogilna
Street. The cemetery was destroyed after the war. At present, the cemetery was turned into a large meadow surrounded by buildings there are
no tombstones. There are no boards informing about the past of that
place and the graves of the victims of the Extermination are not marked.
¶ A few matzevot from the cemetery are situated on the back of the former synagogue, where they were used as the pedestal for the electricity
generator for the culture center. Cracked tombstones were used to pave
the area around the center. The matzevot may also be found on private
premises in Astryna.
Azyarnitsa (Jeziornica) ¶ There is little information about the history
of the Jewish cemetery in Azyarnitsa. Undoubtedly, the cemetery had
already existed in the 19th century. Currently, the cemetery is not used, it
is thickly covered with bushes. A few fragments of destroyed tombstones
have been remained on its area.
Hrodna (Grodno) ¶ The oldest Jewish cemetery in Hrodna was founded in
the Middle Ages in the vicinity of a synagogue, on current Vyalikaya Trayetskaya Street. Burials continued there also during the war. The cemetery
was damaged during the war and the destruction was completed after the
liberation. Nowadays, there is a parking lot at the site of the cemetery.
During construction works a matzeva, was found and placed on the border
of the cemetery. It has the following inscription in Hebrew: “A respected
woman, Mara (?), the daughter of David, died on the 12th of Adar 5614,
[158]
was buried here. Let her soul be bound into the bonds of eternal life.” (12th
Adar 5614 = March 12, 1854). Some buildings have remained near the cemetery and they belong to the Chevra Kadisha Burial Society. ¶ In the 18th
century, the Jewish community in Hrodna founded the second cemetery
located on today’s Kamunalnaya Street. The exact date of the foundation
is unknown. There can be no doubt that the cemetery had already existed
in 1795. According to some accounts, during WWII, the Nazis used the
tombstones from the cemetery to build steps up the Haradnichanka River.
As late as 1951 the cemetery continued to be used for burials of the victims
of the Extermination, exhumed in various parts of the town. The same year,
however, the cemetery was destroyed and the authorities commenced the
construction of the “Red Banner” stadium at its site. Afterwards, the name
was transferred into “The Niemen”. According to some witnesses “the
cemetery was destroyed alive.” The graves were still new, and the residents
of Hrodna would visit the graves of their relatives. The locals used the
tombstones in their homesteads for building paths, and the elements of
the Jewish graves were used to construct the pedestal for Lenin’s statue on
the central square in Hrodna. ¶ The refurbishment of the stadium began
in the late 1990s. During the works, some human bones were found. The
Belarusian Jewish organizations decided to erect a monument at the site
of the destroyed cemetery. One of contributors who participated in the
fund-raising was the Society of Hrodna in Israel. The negotiations with
the local authorities lasted for several years. Eventually, on the border of
the cemetery, a monument was erected. There was a tablet with the following inscription: “In memory of the Jews who came to live in the land
of Hrodna as early as the 14th century. Descendants.” That is currently the
only sign that proves the existence of the cemetery at that place. ¶ There
is another cemetery situated on Papovicha Street. According to some
researchers, it is about two hundred years old. Its oldest part – facing
the gate – is vastly damaged and most of its matzevot are missing. On
the border of the cemetery, a building was erected where a family which
holds the keys to the gate lives. ¶ Plenty of tombstones remained at the
cemetery, and their estimated number is two thousand. The oldest part
of the cemetery – situated opposite to the gate – is vastly damaged and
most of its matzevot are missing. The section of the cemetery located deep,
on the right, is relatively well-preserved. Located in that section is the
grave of Aleksander Zyskind, deceased in 1794, who was the author of the
religious work titled Esod weszoresz a-awoida. Before his death, in his last
will, Zyskind requested that within the distance of 100 meters from this
grave only righteous men should be buried. The cemetery also holds the
grave of Rabbi Szymon Szkop, an outstanding author of the methodology
of teaching the Torah. He headed the “Saarej A-Tora” yeshiva. ¶ Left of
the entrance to the cemetery, there are tombstones that date back to the
postwar times. Those include, e.g. the grave of Polina Solomonowna (died
[159]
1963), Grunia Abramowna Pierkal (died 1952), Leonid Michajłowicz Lewin
(died in 1967.). Many of the tombstones have photographs of the deceased,
which is a forbidden practice in Judaism. The tombstone that is the most
distinguishable in is the steel tombstone with the carving of the face of
Fajna Judeliewna Lipiec, died in 1968. Near the contemporary cemetery,
some remains of the deceased were excavated during the construction of
the stadium on Kamunalnaya Street. ¶ Currently, the cemetery is closed for
burials. Its formal patron is the state. Some efforts are being undertaken
to enter the cemetery in the UNESCO list.
Indura ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Indura is situated in the southeastern part
of the town on today’s Gagarina Street. The cemetery covers an irregular,
L-shaped plot of land. Part of the cemetery is an oblong 5-meter-high
hill. ¶ Until the present time, a few hundred tombstones have survived
there and they are mostly made from granite. According to some Belarusian researchers, the oldest matzeva dates back to the 14th century. At
the bottom of the hill, there is a small ohel, made of concrete, its shape
resembling a sarcophagus with a pitched roof without any epitaph tablet.
¶ On the side of Gagarina Street, the cemetery is partly fenced by a steel
rail with iron elements that form the Star of David. On the border of
the cemetery, there is a small basketball court. The area of the cemetery
serves as a pasture. ¶ That is one the most picturesque Jewish cemeteries
in Belarus. Extensive inventory works would recommended here.
Iuye (Iwie) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Iuye is situated on today’s 50 Liet
Oktiabrya Street, about 200 meters from a synagogue complex. During
WWII, the Nazis conducted executions at the cemetery. One of those
tragic events is mentioned by Berl Bekszt in his account stored in the
Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw:
“Many Jews (…) returned to Iuye. On the way, they met a police
officer Żebryk, who handed twelve of them to the chief officer of
the Lida district who then ordered to kill the Jews. Officers led
them to the cemetery and called for the Judenrat. The execution
was conducted in their presence.”
Throughout the period 1970s – 1980s, the cemetery continued to be
vandalized and part of its area was used for building development. Currently, there are no tombstones left at the cemetery.
Izabelin ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Izabelin is situated west of the town,
beyond the residential area, past the Orthodox and Evangelical cemeteries. In order to get there from the center of the town, one needs to leave
the main road and turn left past the Selsavet building. The cemetery is
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surrounded by a clump of trees left of the road. ¶ The object is severely
damaged. The area is unfenced, part of it is thickly covered with vegetation
and the remaining part is used pasture. ¶ During the visit at the cemetery
in May 2011, we managed to find only about a dozen of tombstones made
of granite stones. There are some remains of the earth embankment that
used to surround the area of the cemetery. ¶ It is recommended that the
road to the cemetery be marked, the bushes be cut down and an inventory
of the remaining matzevot be conducted.
Kreva (Krewo) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Kreva is located on a large hill
south of the town, about 100 meters from the road to Valozhyn. The borders of the cemetery are partly traceable owing to a trench and a fragment
of a wall that have remained until today. ¶ There are four stone pillars on
the border of the cemetery. They might have formed a gate or a watchman’s
building. About hundred tombstones have remained a few dozen meters
further in a clump of trees on the top of the hill. On a small, cleared plot of
meadow, there are tombstones of people who were buried in the cemetery
during the last decades, e.g.: Hersz Diliwn, the son of Icchak (died in 1956
r.), Jankiel Sokobinzon (died in 1974), Ida Rabinowicz (died in 1976), Elena
Sokobinzon (died in 1978), Dawid Lipkowicz (died in 1979), Jaksa Fiszer
(died in 1980), Dawid Rabinowicz (died in 1980?), Fajna Lipkowicz (died
in 1999) and Fruma Wojnsztejn (died in 2006). Past the contemporary
section a fragment of old wall, made of stone and concrete, was preserved.
¶ In thick bushes on the left part of the area, there are a few dozens of
tombstones made of granite, sandstone and concrete with inscriptions
in Hebrew. Many matzevot are upturned under a thick layer of leaf litter. The symbols on the copings of the tombstones usually have the form
of small menorahs and the Stars of David. The latter prevails in on the
post-war tombstones. The tombstone of Szmuel Arie, the son of Icchak,
is decorated with a carving representing blessing hands. At least two
tombstones have the symbol of a broken tree, while the matzeva of Jaksa
Fiszer is decorated with tree twigs. ¶ It is recommended that the cemetery
be tidied up, in particular there is a need to cut down the vegetation in its
oldest part, and that an inventory of the remaining tombstones be made.
Lida ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Lida was founded in the 16th century and
it covered the rectangle shaped plot of land on today’s Frunze Street.
Owing to archive pictures published e.g. on the website of www.bagnowka.
com we know that there were numerous tombstones, for the most part
made of stone. They had the form of small matzevot with semi-circular
copings. There were also several ohels with inscription boards attached
to the external walls. ¶ The destruction of the cemetery began during
WWII. Many tombstones were stolen and the area of the cemetery was
used as a pasture. The process of destruction continued after the war. In
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the 1950s, a few local Jews made attempts to organize burials in the cemetery, however, they faced the opposition of the Communist authorities.
¶ In the early 1960s, the authorities began to eliminate all the traces of
the cemetery. Despite the protests of the Jews from Lida. Almost all the
tombstones were removed. Excavators and bulldozers appeared in the
cemetery. Part of the area was destroyed by creating an artificial lake, while
the remaining part was used as a construction site to build apartment
blocks. ¶ Recently, a monument was erected in the destroyed cemetery.
It had the form of a stone block with an engraved Star of David and the
following inscription:
”Beginning from the end of the 16th century, there was a Jewish
cemetery at this place.”
The participants of the trip also managed to find a few matzevot the oldest dating back to 1605. A few tombstones were found near the monument
commemorating the victims of the Extermination on Chyrvonaarmeyskaya Street.
Lunna (Łunna) ¶ The old Jewish cemetery in Lunna was founded at the
junction of present Kamsamolskaya and Sharameta Streets. The object was
destroyed after the war. Only three matzevot and a fragment of a stone
wall have remained there until the present day. ¶ The new Jewish cemetery is situated on Sharameta Street, a few hundred meters from the old
one. Over 300 tombstones have remained there until today. A big group
of tombstones may be found in the northeastern sector of the cemetery
where a row system of matzevot is still visible. Those are usually typical
matzevot made of granite stones and sandstone with inscriptions only
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in Hebrew. The copings of the matzevot in Lunna are lacking any carved
symbols characteristic of the Jewish cemetery art. There are also concrete sarcophaguses with epitaphs engraved on their walls. ¶ The object
is fenced by a one meter high steel rail with such elements as the Star of
David and a symbolic gate. In 2005, the cemetery was generally tidied up
and an its inventory was prepared. Its refurbishment was possible owing
to the involvement of the students of Dartmouth College from Hanover,
New Hamshire, USA, including the Gensheimer Family, Frank and Marta
Miller, Norman and Beverly Francis, Canoe Club, Robert Rosenberga, Lisa
Ruggeri, George Blumental, Benjamin and Juda Marks, Annette and Ravin
Davidoff, Shawn and Mary Ward, Mark Ward and the Jewish Federation
of the Berkshires. ¶ The list of the remaining tombstones is available at
the following address: www.dartmouth.edu.
Mir ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Mir is situated southeast of the town. Its
location was marked on the map of Stolbtsy and the neighboring village
published by the Military Geographic Institute in 1935. After 1941, the
cemetery was vastly damaged, many tombstones were stolen and used
for construction purposes. As one of the old residents of Mir recalls, the
prewar cemetery “was beautiful” and there were numerous tombstones.
¶ The cemetery is fenced, the entry to the area is possible via an open gate.
At least few hundred tombstones have been preserved. ¶ A narrow path
left of the entrance leads to the tombstone of Jerucham ha-Lewi Lejbowicz,
the son of Abraham, called Mashgiah, the spiritual leader and lecturer at
the local yeshiva, author of religious books entitled Sefer Da’at Chochma
U’Mussar and Sefer Da’at Tora, died on the 18th of Sivan 5696 (June 8,
1936). Its recently reconstructed tombstone is a destination of numerous
pilgrimages of Jews from all over the world. Under the epitaph board of
[163]
A Jewish cemetery in Radun.
Photo by Krzysztof Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in
Sapotskin. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
A Jewish
cemetery in
Volkovysk. Photo
by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Jerucham ha-Lewi Lejbowicz, there is a cracked tablet commemorating
the member of his family killed during WWII. ¶ There is the need to
tidy up the cemetery, including the removal of vegetation which makes
it impossible to get to most of the matzevot.
Navahrudak (Nowogródek) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Navahrudak is
situated on a large and high hill on Sadovy Zavulak Street, near a Muslim
cemetery. Over a few hundred matzevot remained in that area. Those are
mainly tombstones of simple granite with epitaphs in Hebrew, however,
also concrete tombstones may be found there. The most remarkable
matzeva is made of a granite quern stone. The ohels known from iconographic materials were completely destroyed. ¶ During WWII, the victims
of the execution conducted by the Germans on July 26, 1941, were buried
at the cemetery. Nevertheless, the location of the grave still remains
unknown. ¶ On the top of the hill, there is a contemporary monument in
the form of a vertical, rectangular panel on a pedestal. There is an inscription in Hebrew, Belarusian and English reading as follows:
“Rest in peace. For 500 years, the deceased from the Jewish
community in Navahrudak were buried here. During the Holocaust,
their graves were defaced and their tombstones destroyed. Before
the four big massacres in which the Nazis and their collaborators
murdered 11,100 Jews from the town and the neighboring villages,
on July 26, 1941, the Nazis executed 52 Jews living on the Market
Square. In the memory of the martyrs from our community who
died in the Holocaust, partizans and those who died at the front
lines during the war and those whose place of burial is unknown.
May their souls be bound up in the bonds of ethernal life. The
fencing of the cemetery and the erection of the monument was
conducted by the Navahrudak Jewish Association in Israel and the
Diaspora in the month of Av, July 1997.”
Over a dozen meters behind the monument, there are oblong pits
which may be the traces of a mass grave or a military trench. A little further,
one may find damaged, scattered post-war tombstones. They include e.g.
the tombstone of the family of Dina Moszkowna Kotliar, who died in 1962.
¶ The area of the cemetery is surrounded by a one meter high metal fence.
The gateway from Sadovy Zavulak Street is never locked. The Access to
the cemetery is also possible via the fence whose spans are partly damaged.
Novy Dvor (Nowy Dwór) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Novy Dvor is located in
the southeastern part of the town, on the right side of the Road do Skidziel
and Zabrodzie, past the Navadvorka River. The cemetery was destroyed
after the war. The matzevot were used for construction works and the
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cemetery was used as a sand mine. ¶ Until the present, only a few granite
matzevot have survived here. Deep, large pits are the result of the gravel
extraction and they serve now as illegal dumps. The area is unfenced. It
is one of most vandalized cemeteries in Belarus.
Porazava (Porozów) ¶ The old Jewish cemetery in Porazava is situated on
17 Sentyabrya Street on a hill on the left side of the road. No tombstones
have remained in the cemetery until the present time. The stones that one
can see occasionally may be the remains of the old embankment. ¶ The
new Jewish cemetery is situated at the end of 17 Sentyabrya Street on
a hill on the right side of the road, about 200 meters from the old Jewish
cemetery. As a result of destruction and the acts of vandalism, only about
a dozen of matzevot have remained there until the present time. They are
made of simple granite stones. There are also some remains of a stone
fence. The area is covered with a new forest.
Radun (Raduń) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Radun is situated 1 km out of
the town on the road to Novy Dvor. It covers a 2.8 ha rectangle shaped
plot of land, surrounded by a fence made of concrete prefabricated blocks
and two gates – one on the northern and one on the eastern side. Its
western gate consisting of six posts supporting the Star of David, which
is aligned horizontally. ¶ At the entrance, there is an interesting set of
several dozen matzevot. They were made of granite stones with Hebrew
inscriptions written in a plain font. The copings of the matzevot are lacking any carved symbols characteristic of the Jewish cemetery art. The only
artistic elements include the round frame of “Pe Nun” letters which are
the abbreviation of the phrase “Buried here.” ¶ On the left, there is a large,
fenced mass grave of the Jews from Radun murdered during WWII. In
its central part, there is a stone monument with inscriptions in Russian,
English and Hebrew reading:
“The grave of 2130 Jews brutally murdered by the Nazis and their
collaborators on May 10, 1942. May their souls be bound up in the
bonds of eternal life.”
Right beside the mass grave, there is a contemporary tombstone of
Adam Abrashke Rogowski, who died in 2007. ¶ The further part of the
cemetery contains several dozen of matzevot placed on concrete pedestals.
Behind them, there is an ohel with four columns supporting the ceiling
capped by a dome reminiscent of the grave of Rachel from Bethlehem.
Underneath, there is a high marble matzeva. That is the grave of Israel Meir
ha-Kohen-Hafec Chaim (died in 1933), the founder of the famous Raduń
yeshiva. Other lecturers of the academy were buried right beside, including
Naftali Cwi Rawa, Mosze Szmuel and Mosze Londyński. ¶ Moving further
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towards the center of the cemetery, we can see occasionally upturned
tombstones. Undoubtedly, the existing matzevot constitute only a small
part of the prewar cemetery. ¶ Recently, restoration works have been conducted in the cemetery. Most of the preserved tombstones were placed on
concrete pedestals. Also a new tombstone of Israel Meir ha-Kohen was
erected there. The cemetery is tidied up and well-maintained. Sapotskin (Sopoćkinie) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Sapotskin is situated
in the vicinity of Shkolnaya Street. It is located on the irregular side of
the hill. ¶ The object was destroyed during WWII and afterwards. It was
at that time that numerous tombstones were stolen and used for various
purposes, including construction works. The area started to be used as
a pasture by the local peasants. On the initiative of Michael Lozman,
a group of Dartmouth College from Hanover in America conducted restoration works in the cemetery. They cut down bushes and lifted some of
the upturned tombstones. The location of the identified graves without
matzevot were marked with a metal Star of David. The object was fenced
by a 1-meter-high rail decorated with Stars of David and a symbolic gate.
¶ A few hundred tombstones have remained in the cemetery until today.
They are mainly made of granite and concrete and sandstone with inscriptions in Hebrew. Despite the damages, the row system of the graves is still
visible. It is recommended that vegetation be removed on a regular basis
and an inventory of the remaining matzevot be made. ¶ Owing to the
fact that the cemetery is located on a hill, the object may be described as
one of the most picturesque Jewish cemeteries in the district of Hrodna.
Slonim (Słonim) ¶ The old Jewish cemetery in Slonim functioned on
Shkolnaya Street in the vicinity of a synagogue. Currently, there is a market
place at its site. ¶ The second Jewish cemetery is situated on the hill at the
junction of Brestskaya Street and Shaseynaya Street. The cemetery was
founded in the 18th century and spread over a large area during the two
centuries of its existence. The remaining iconographic materials show that
there were thousands of matzevot surrounding ohels of the local rabbis.
Also the Tzadikim of the Hasidic dynasty from Slonim were buried there.
¶ During WWII, the cemetery was a place of executions conducted by
the Nazis. Afterwards, the Soviet authorities destroyed the cemetery. The
tombstones were removed and the area was for building development.
¶ Over a decade ago, the remaining part of the cemetery was fenced. On
the side of Brestskaya Street and Shaseynaya Street, a gate and monuments
were erected in the memory of the Extermination victims. Eight crashed
stones in the shape of matzevot were decorated with the names of the
places in which the Jews from Slonim had died, including Petralevichy,
Chapyalyova, Shpakava. The lapidary monument was erected owing to
the initiative of Cwi Szefiet following the design of L. M. Lewin. The
[166]
monument was sponsored by: the Jews from Slonim living in Israel and in
the Diaspora; the Israeli yeshivas of Beer Awram, Beit Awram, Slonimer;
the Jews from Astralienka; Arys Aguszewicz and Szmuel Wajnberg. ¶ On
the top of the hill, in the place where the ohel of the Tzadikim from Slonim
was situated, a monument in the form of a concrete block was erected. Its
central part had the shape of a matzevot with a round pediment. Three
stone tablets on the eastern wall commemorate the following Tzadikim
that had been buried there.
– Awraham, the son of Icchak from Slonim, the founder of the
dynasty of the Tzadikim from Slonim, the disciple of Noach
from Lyakhavichy and Mosze from Kobryn, the author of Jesod
Ha Awoda,
– Szmuel Weinberg, the grandchild of Awraham from Slonim, the
author of Diwrei Szmuel,
– Isachar Lejb, the son of Szmuel Weinberg from Slonim.
Beyond the fence of the cemetery, between bushes in the vicinity of
the school, there are several stone and concrete elements which probably
come from the destroyed tombstones. The gateway of the cemetery is
not locked and the area is accessible. ¶ Another cemetery was founded
between today’s Gorki and Kasmanautau Streets. Following the acts of
vandalism, no tombstones remained in the cemetery and its area was used
for residential development.
Smarhon (Smorgonie) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Smarhon is situated south
of Savetskaya Street behind the bank. The area was destroyed in the 1960s.
By order of the authorities, the tombstones were removed and a housing
estate was built in that area.
Svislach (Swisłocz) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Svislach is situated in the
northeastern part of the town on Pervomayskaya Street. After the war,
the cemetery was vandalized. The tombstones were removed, and a head
office of a transportation company was built there. Recently, on the initiative of one of the employees of the company, a small part of the remaining
cemetery plot was fenced off and 27 tombstones were moved there. Those
are mainly matzevot made of granite and sandstone. Other tombstones
include:
– the obelisk of Awraham Icchak Minc, in the shape of a four-sided
post cut on the top. It is placed on a plinth and a pedestal
– the tombstone of Miriam (her father’s name has not been established) in the form of a broken tree.
[167]
All the inscriptions are in Hebrew, except for the tombstone of Awraham Icchak Minc, where the date of death is a combination of the Roman
and Indian numbers in the europeized format. ¶ The cemetery is fenced
and its area has been tidied up. It can be accessed via the Avtobaza gate. It
is recommended that an inventory of the remaining tombstones be made.
Traby ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Traby is situated in the forest near the
Town, left of the Road to Ashmyany. The object was seriously damaged
after the war and an asphalt road was built through its area. The local
residents claim that the desecration of the cemetery is the reason why it is
common for the vehicles to break down while traveling through this place.
About 100 tombstones have survived there and they are usually made
of granite and sandstone with inscriptions in Hebrew. ¶ In recent years,
owing to the initiative of the principal of the local school, Ms. Marusava
Valyantsina Mechyslavauna, and the financial support of the Red Cross,
restoration works have been conducted in the cemetery. As part of this
project, the students removed rubbish and lifted some of the upturned
tombstones. The inscriptions on the matzevot were painted.
Vaukavysk (Wołkowysk) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Vaukavysk is situated on Praletaryatskaya Street, the object was seriously damaged after
WWII. Buildings were erected in some parts of the cemetery and most
of the tombstones were used to build roads and construct buildings. The
process of destruction continued also in recent years. In 2009, due to the
development works of the sewage system infrastructure, the town authorities gave a permission to perform excavation works in the cemetery. As
a result, many tombstones were destroyed. ¶ Today, there are only two
matzevot with legible inscriptions as well as dozens of tombstones’ brickworks and three ruined ohels without epitaphs. The ohels from Vaukavysk
with domes on their tops resemble the tomb of biblical Rachel situated
on the road from Bethleem to Ephratah. The cemetery is unfenced and
commonly accessible, therefore, it is used as a pasture.
Voupa (Wołpa) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Voupa is situated on a small hill
outside the town on the road to Vaukavysk. There are 200–300 matzevot
that are mostly made of granite and concrete and over a dozen of concrete tombstones. There are also remains of an embankment which used
to surround the cemetery. On the left – according to information from
the local residents – outside the cemetery, there is a mass grave of 50–60
people of Jewish descent executed there by the Nazis on November 2, 1941.
On the top, there is a monument in the form of an obelisk which lacks an
epitaph tablet. The borders of the grave are not marked. The area of the
cemetery is unfenced and accessible.
[168]
DISTRICT OF HOMEL ¶ Lenin ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Lenin was
founded in 1568 and it is situated right of the road to Yovichy. About
100–150 tombstones have survived until the present time and the most
remarkable of them are the 50 wooden matzevot in the central part of
the cemetery and in its eastern corner. ¶ Before the war, Jewish wooden
tombstones were popular. Due to the caducity of the material and frequent
thefts, wooden matzevot are very rare today. Several wooden tombstones
are secured in museums in Prague, Helsinki, Bucharest. Wooden tombstones frequently attract the researchers of the Jewish cemetery art. The
cemetery in Lenin is probably the only one were such matzevot can be
found. ¶ The matzevot from Lenin are made of oak boards 40 cm wide and
up to 2 meters high and they are often secured by small roofs. One of the
matzevot is made of a tree trunk with an inscription plate. Over a dozen of
the matzevot have legible inscriptions. ¶ Based on the photographs taken
in 2010, the tombstone of the following people were identified:
– […] the daughter of Icchak, died on […] of Cheshvan 5674 (Nov
[…], 1913.),
– Rejzel the daughter of Baruch, died on the 25th of Shevat 5675
(Feb 9, 1915),
– [….] the daughter of Mordechaj Mendelowicz, died on the 9th of
Adar 5676 (Feb 13, 1916),
– Cwi Meir the son of Jehoszua, died on the 24th of Aw 5679 (Aug
20.1919),
– Dow the son of Aszer, died on the 2nd of Aw 5680 (Jul 17, 1920),
– Chaim Michał Golob the son ofa Icchak, died on the 2nd of Shevat 5681 (Jan 10,1921),
– Aszer the son of Józef ha-Lewi, died on the 6th of Iyar 5681 (May
14, 1921),
– Aharon died on […] of Tammuz 5681 (1921),
– Abraham Perlman the son of Aharon, died on the 21st of
Marcheshvan 5685 (18.11.1924),
– Abraham the son of Szlomo Cwi Rubinsztein, died on the 4th of
Elul 5686 (Aug 14, 1926),
– Dow the son of Towia, died on the 27th of Sivan 5688 (June
15.1928),
– Dowa the son of Jakow, died on the 8th of Shevat 5691 (Jan
26,1931),
– […] Kitner the daughter of Josef,
– Mosze […]
– […] the daughter of Josef.
[169]
Some of the tombstones are probably at their original sites. All the
inscriptions are in Hebrew. Hereunder we quote the translation of some
epitaphs (translated by Renata Uszyńska).
Buried here.
Let this mound be the witness of the burial
of a noble and just man.
He was living by his own labor
Mister Chaim Michal, son of Mister
Icchak Golob. He lived 57 years.
He left this world on the 2nd day
Of the new month of Shevat 681 according to small count
May his soul be bound up in the bonds of life.
Buried here.
Let this Mound be the witness,
Let this tombstone be the witness
Abraham, the happiness and love of His parents,
the son of Mister Aharon Perlman.
His twig was broken
on 3rd day of 21st
month of Marcheshvan,
in 685 according to small count.
May his soul be bound up in the bonds of life.
Buried here.
Let everyone cry
his […],
Start moaning because of
This old and hoary man
This is Mister
Abraham, the son of Mister
Szlomo Cwi
Rubinsztein.
Died on Holy Sabbath
on the 4th of Elul
in 686 according to small count.
The ornamentation of the matzevot comprises carvings, complex candle holders, six-armed stars, geometric motifs (including triangles) and
twigs placed above and under the inscription. There are remains of the
original polychromes. In several cases black fillings of the letters suggest
that those parts of the polychromes were made anew recently. ¶ There are
also sandstone and concrete tombstones and brickworks coming from the
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damaged tombstones. ¶ At the entrance to the cemetery, there are four
monuments commemorating the following victims of the Holocausts:
– Six Jewish Komsomolets murdered by the Germans in 1941
– Nachman Wolfowicz Olejnik, killed in 1941
– Jewish members from the guerrilla unit that fought in Lenin’s
area,
– Family members of the following Red Army soldiers: Eta
Aronowna Gorodecka, Abram Lejbowicz Gorodecki, Chaja
Lejbowna Flat, Judel and Chaim Flat; murdered on November 6,
1941.
The area of the cemetery is surrounded by a fence made of concrete
spans. The premises can be accessed through an unlocked gate. The cemetery is covered with trees and thick undergrowth. For some period of
time, the cemetery has been taken care of by the children from the local
school who perform the basic maintenance works. ¶ There is an urgent
need to catalogue all the tombstones and do professional conservation
works of the wooden matzevot, including impregnation.
DISTRICT OF MINSK ¶ Kletsk (Kleck) ¶ The Jewish community cemetery
in Kletsk was established outside the residential area, north of the town on
the left side of the road to Yazhevichy. Following the damage, only several
dozen of matzevot have survived in the cemetery until the present time.
They are made of sandstone, granite and marble and have inscriptions
in Hebrew. There are also numerous concrete brickworks coming from
the destroyed tombstones. The rows of the tombstone are clearly visible.
In the southern part of the cemetery, there are small uplifts referred to
by the locals as “kurgans”. In the front, there is a low fence, while on the
sides, the borders of the cemetery are marked by a high wooden fence.
Kopyl ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Kopyl was founded in the first half of the
nineteenth century on a picturesque hill which overlooks the town on
present Tsimkavitskaya Street. Before, the area had also been the place
of pagan burials – there are still a few kurgans. Until the present time
about 100–150 matzevot have survived there and they are mostly made
of granite stones with epitaphs in Hebrew.
Valozhyn (Wołożyn) ¶ The Jewish cemetery in Valozhyn is situated in the
northern part of the Town and faces the outlet of Kirava Street. The cemetery is located on a low and broad hill. The area is fenced– partly by a stone
and concrete wall and on the side of the street by a low, steel rail mounted
on pillars and a pedestal. The place where the key to the gateway is kept is
unknown. ¶ Several hundred tombstones remained in the cemetery and
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they made of sandstone, granite and concrete. The inscriptions are mainly
in Hebrew and are sometimes complemented with epitaphs in Russian.
Except for typical matzevot, there are also tombstones in the form the
Tablets of Stone, broken tree trunk and sarcophaguses. Some tombstones
have simple polychromes – original ones, as well as those probably made
in the recent decades; usually limited to the filling of the background of
the epitaphs or symbols engraved on their tops. Numerous tombstones
commemorate the late members of the Perski family – the ancestors of
Shimon Peres. ¶ On the top of the hill, there is a recently reconstructed
ohel with four rectangular tombstones without any inscription. That is
the grave of Chaim, the son of Icchak from Valozhyn (died on June 14,
1821), the founder of the local yeshiwa. Also the teachers from the school
he established are buried there. Behind the ohel, there is a stone epitaph
tablet of Chaim from Valozhyn. ¶ At the cemetery there are also mass
graves of the people murdered by the Nazis during WWII and a monument in the form of two high, rectangular tablets witch an inscription in
Hebrew, Russian and English reading:
“In memory of thousands of Jews from Valozhyn and the neighboring
villages killed in the town between 1941 and 1943. Their remains
were buried in six similar graves. May their souls be bound up in
the bonds of eternal life.”
[172]
r Anton Astapovich, Anton Vantukh, Andrej Larry (Minsk)
Proposals for the reconstruction of vanished urban
development complexes: the example of the right side of
Handliovaja (Zybickaja) street and the south-east section of
Zamchyshcha.1 Principles, conditions and methodology
Nowadays, looking at the map of ancient Minsk one could hardly recognize the historic centre of modern Minsk in it. Some outlines of historical
patterns2 have preserved, but on such a rudimentary level that only a professional researcher can identify these patterns and in most cases (s)he
would have to use imagination to picture architectural sites that were
ruined not so long ago – in 1960–70ss. Those, one would think, peaceful
Soviet years saw the biggest loss of historic buildings in Minsk. ¶ Novamiasnickaja, Zavalnaja, Zamkavaja, Padzamkavaja, Miasnickaja, Shkolnaja,
Niamihskaja streets which formed the most ancient part of the town and
created an outline of Zamchyshcha, the ancient castle of Minsk site, are
now lost for the capital dwellers. ¶ But for many researchers, historians
and just interested people these streets are still alive in archaeological
materials, numerous documents, plans, topographic surveys, aerial photographs, and people’s memories. Therefore, the issue is to search materials
relevant for the regeneration of the historic city3, its fabric and structure.
1 The site of the ancient castle in Minsk.
2 Urban patterns are the elements of the sustainable city planning structure defined
by lots and streets (Washington Charter, 1987).
3 Regeneration of the historic area is a possible restoration of the lost historic
environment within the given area. Qualities to be preserved include the historic
character of the town or urban area and all those material and spiritual elements that
express this character, especially: a) urban patterns as defined by lots and streets; b)
relationships between buildings and green and open spaces; c) the formal appearance,
interior and exterior, of buildings as defined by scale, size, style, construction,
materials, colour and decoration; d) The relationship between the town or urban
area and its surrounding setting, both natural and man-made; and e) The various
functions that the town or urban area has acquired over time. (compiled upon
the materials of Charter for the Conservation of Historic Town and Urban Areas
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¶ The process of restoration4 includes renovation and reconstruction
works or, to be precise, scientific and project design works on the buildings of historic and cultural value, and especially on urban development
complexes, is regulated by normative legal documents of the Republic
of Belarus in the area of the protection of historic and cultural heritage,
architectural and urban planning activity, international methodological
documents. ¶ It is worth outlining the legal framework and project design
standards for construction projects for immovable historic and cultural
values in protected areas.
1. Law of the Republic of Belarus “On the Protection of Historical
and Cultural Heritage of the Republic of Belarus” of January 9,
2006;
2. Law of the Republic of Belarus “On architecture, urban planning, and construction works in the Republic of Belarus” of
05.07.2004;
3. Instructions on the composition, the order of development
and coordination of scientific and project documentation for
the implementation of restoration and reconstruction work on
the premises of the monuments of historic and cultural value,
approved by the Decree of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Belarus of May 21, 2007 № 21;
4. Instructions on the composition, the order of development and
coordination of protection areas projects of monuments of historic and cultural value, approved by the Decree of the Ministry
of Culture of the Republic of Belarus of May 21, 2007 № 21;
5. Constructional norms of the Republic of Belarus 3.01.04–02,
p.4.3.4 і p.10 regarding the protection of historic and cultural
values;
6. Technical code of regular practices 45–3.01–116–2008, p.10.2
outlining the areas of monuments of historic and cultural value,
areas protected by the state and construction works regulations.
(Washington Charter, 1987).
4 The process of restoration is a highly specialized operation. Its aim is to preserve
and reveal the aesthetic and historic value of the monument and is based on respect
for original materials and authentic documents. The process of restoration should
stop at the point when conjecture begins and in this case moreover any work which
is indispensable must be distinct from the architectural composition and must bear
a contemporary stamp. The restoration in any case must be preceded and followed by
an archeological and historical study of the monument. (International Charter for the
Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (Venice Charter, 1864)).
[174]
It is in accordance with the above principles, normative documents,
and a number of international guidelines from the end of 2009, the members of the architectural subpanel of the Belarusian Voluntary Society
for the Preservation of Historic and Cultural Monuments (BVSPHCM)
Andrej Larry, Anton Vantukh, Ivan Vantukh, Arciom Zhuk began to
develop project proposals for the reconstruction of lost buildings on the
territory of the historic centre of Minsk, in particular, the right side of
Handliovaja St. (Zybitskaya St). They set the following goals:
– to identify the characteristic features of the historical planning
structure of the area and the architectural planning features of
lost buildings and facilities;
– basing on the research materials, to develop a plan and a scientifically justified proposal for the reconstruction and restoration
of lost buildings.
Design work has continued as part of the integrated restoration, reconstruction and renewal of the historic centre of Minsk project designed
by Chairman of the architectural subpanel of the BVSPHCM Uladzimir
Papruga in 2007. Mr. Papruga was one of the consultants on the submitted project proposals, together with Chairman of the Association Anton
Astapovich, and member of the architectural subpanel, historian, and
collector Pavel Rastoucau. Vadzim Glinnik, architect, restoration works
specialist, and scientific supervisor of a number of projects on historic and
cultural heritage preservation provided a lot of assistance in the course of
this work. ¶ During the November 25, 2010 meeting of the working group5
on the creation of Minsk Zamchyshcha, the designer’s group of the architectural subpanel of the Public Association “BVSPHCM” was tasked to
adjust the project of Communal Unitary Enterprise (CUE) “Minskproject”
(Chief architect Syargei Baglasau, scientific supervisor Genadz Laurecki)
on the restoration and museumification of the south-eastern part of Minsk
Zamchyshcha and the development of the Lower and the Meat Markets.
¶ This proposal offers an alternative to the existing designs which in many
respects violate the existing legislation. For example, the design on the
restoration of Minsk Zamchyshcha proposed by CUE “Minskproject” does
not conform to any criterion defined by national normative legal acts and
international methodology concerning works on the buildings of historic
and cultural value. If implemented, the historical planning of Minsk city
centre and its landscape will be deliberately ignored, and the restoration
5 The working group is a collegiate body that consists of the representatives of CUE
“Minsk Heritage,” CUE “Minskproject,” the Museum of the History of Minsk, Institute
of History, Institute of Art History, Ethnography and Folklore of the National
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Belarus, and Public Association “BVSPHCM.”
[175]
of lost ordinary development in the red lines will not take place, which will
violate the Technical Design Code. ¶ The design falsifies the location of the
Minsk first temple and completely ignores historical documents in order
to base on scientific approach to the restoration of the residential quarters
surrounding the old castle area and Zamchyshcha site itself. Instead, the
project bases on “architectural interpretations” that rely on the legend of
the mythical character of the founder of the capital – Menesk, which has
nothing to do neither with the location mentioned in the legend, nor with
the essence of the regeneration of historical space. Needless to say that
all the falsifications will be financed from the municipal budget and will
subsequently be presented as “authentic” buildings of historic and cultural
value. ¶ Upon discussion of “Minskproject” proposal, the Voluntary Society specialists demonstrated that it is possible to restore the ancient castle
of Minsk area restoration taking into consideration its development in
12th–19th centuries. The following work has been carried out:
1. The profile and the perimeter of the ramparts of Zamchyshcha
have been adjusted in accordance with leveling marks of the area
in the 19th century, which changes its trajectory according to its
historic location and configuration;
2. The group has identified the historical planning structure that
existed on this territory prior to the destruction that took place
in the beginning of the 20th century;
3. The group has proposed the following restoration works on the
territory of Zamchyshcha:
– To uncover and carry out conservation and strengthening of
the 12th century church basement, as well as the remains of
ancient wooden buildings;
– Using modern means of design to identify the stratigraphy of
the castle fortifications outlined by archeological findings;
4. They have proposed the reconstruction of the high-density
stone buildings city planning structure of the area of the Lower
and Meat Markets that dates back to the late 19th – early 20th
centuries;
5. The group has identified the location and proposed to restore
the building of the Grodski (Municipal) court, which played an
important role not only in the life of the whole town but of the
whole Minsk Voivodeship.
The proposed adjustments will contribute to the revival of the historic heart of Minsk, namely Zamchyshcha site of the 12th century, which
together with the museum’s exhibition will become one of the most popular tourist attractions of the capital. Moreover, it will attract a wide range
of investors to the area:
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– Different voluminosity of buildings, majorly of gallery type,
would foster a variety of business activities (bars, cafes, restaurants, clubs, hostels, small hotels, small shops, museums, art
galleries, offices, etc.);
– The planning structure and composition of buildings would
allow for gradual construction works, and, with the help of the
traced investment, the buildings would be filling in the space;
– The authentic design of historic buildings based on the volume
and space in conjunction with the adjacent restored fragment of
Zamchyshcha will create a cozy atmosphere for many residents
and guests of Minsk.
Similar designs were drawn for the right side of Handliovaja street.
While working with this city pattern, the main focus would be on the restoration of the historical layout, and prospective restoration of historical
paths that connected the Historic centre with the suburbs. The project
design was reviewed at the meeting of the Belarusian National Scientific
and Methodological Council in September 2009 together with the official
design proposal of CUE “Minskproject” (scientific supervisor Natalya
Baranets). ¶ As a result of the review, “Minskproject” was recommended
to improve their proposal taking into account the proposals of the Public Association “BVSPHCM” and in accordance with the legislation and
international norms. Unfortunately, according to the Voluntary Society,
these recommendations have been ignored. The lack of investment, both
public and private, is the only constraint that prevents the official project
design, which will fully falsify historical and cultural value, from being
implemented. This project will potentially cause the following damage:
– It will eliminate the existing historic buildings, their scale and
the nature of the object of historic importance of the first category – “The historic centre of Minsk”;
– It will fundamentally change the planning structure, the landscape and the development of historic and cultural value;
– It will fake the historical development of red lines scheme;
– It will destroy without proper scientific research and fixing of the
historic buildings that were densely built-over the city;
– It will create new urban planning environments that will deprive
the buildings of their historic and cultural value, and will make
future restoration impossible.
Scrupulous study of archival photographic, topographic, and project
documentation was necessary to collect the scientific material used as
a basis for the historic buildings regeneration projects both on the right
[177]
Project
design of the
regeneration
of the Historic
centre of Minsk.
side of Handliovaja street and in the area of Zamchyshcha. First, it is
necessary to note that the historical analysis conducted at the stage of
the comprehensive scientific analysis for the CUE “Minsk Heritage” –
the client that officially ordered the work on the project – is sufficiently
detailed and allows to draw some conclusions about the general nature of
historic buildings outline and the peculiarities of the planning system in
the area. Therefore, it is surprising that both official designs completely
disregarded the research materials. As a result of the analysis, research,
and the development of project design proposals, it is finally possible to
sum up the principles, conditions and methodology, that underlie the
reconstruction of historical urban areas using the example of southeastern part of Minsk Zamchyshcha, the development of the Lower and
the Meat markets, and Handliovaja street.
1. Targets: ¶ “All urban communities, whether they have developed gradually over time or have been created deliberately, are an expression of the
diversity of societies throughout history. […] Beyond their role as historical documents, these areas embody the values of traditional urban cultures.
Today, many such areas are under threat, physically degraded, damaged or
even destroyed, impacted by the urban development that proceeds from
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the industrialization of societies everywhere”.6 ¶ “The concept of a historic monument embraces not only the single architectural work but also
the urban or rural setting in which is found the evidence of a particular
civilization, a significant development or a historic event. This applies
not only to great works of art but also to more modest works of the past
which acquire cultural significance with the passing of time. […] The goal
is to conserve and restoring monuments is to safeguard them no less as
works of art than as historical evidence”.7
2. Conditions ¶ “Authenticity is a measure of the degree to which the
attributes of cultural heritage (including form and design, materials and
substance, use and function, traditions and techniques, location and
setting, and spirit and feeling, and other factors) credibly and accurately
bear witness to their significance. […] The reconstruction (restoration)
may be acceptable in the following cases:
6 Washington Charter, 1987.
7 Venice Charter, 1964.
[179]
Project
design of the
regeneration of
the south-eastern
part of Minsk
Zamchyshcha, and
the territory of
the Lower and the
Meat markets.
Project
design of the
regeneration
of Handliovaja
(Zybickaja) street
development in
Minsk.
– When the cultural heritage was lost as a result of a disaster […]
of natural human origin,
– when the monument concerned has outstanding […] significance for the preservation of the environmental (whether urban
or rural);
provided that
– appropriate survey and historical documentation is available;
– the need for reconstruction (restoration) has been established
through full-scale and open consultations among national and
local authorities and the community concerned.”8
3. Methodology ¶ Qualities to be preserved include the historic character of urban areas and all the material and spiritual elements that show
this nature, and while restoring they are a measure of authenticity with
a precise definition of cultural heritage features:
8 Riga Charter, 2000.
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1. Urban patterns are the elements of sustainable city planning
structure, certain streets and lots.
2. Relationships between buildings and green and open spaces.
3. The formal appearance (interior and exterior) of buildings as
defined by scale, size, style, construction, materials, colour and
decoration.
4. The relationship between the town or urban area and its surrounding setting, both natural and man-made.
5. The various functions that the town or urban area has acquired
over time.9
6. Population and its traditions.10
In order to create a scientific proposal on the restoration of the lost
cultural landscape within the Historic center of Minsk in accordance
with the defined objectives, methodology and conditions the working
group of the Public Association “BVSPHCM” has studied numerous
documents that were found in the National Historical Archive of Belarus,
the Belarusian State Archives of Scientific and Technical Documentation,
the Belarusian State Archive of Films, Photographs and Sound Recordings, the Archive of the Belarusian Voluntary Society for the Protection
of Historic and Cultural Monuments, personal archives of topographic
and photographic documents of Pavel Rastaucou. Invaluable assistance
has been rendered by the materials of Vadzim Glinnik who carried out
a comprehensive scientific analysis for CUE “Minsk Heritage.” ¶ The
overall results of the work can be summarized as following:
1. The relationship between buildings, landscape gardening systems and
lacunas ¶ The planning structure analysis reveals some spatial relationships within the urban environment, where dense civilian development
along the fronts of streets borders with open areas of three market squares.
Greenery generally adorns places of worship, the ancient ramparts of
Zamchyshcha along the Svislach river stay free from development and
artificial greenery.
2. Historic buildings and structures ¶ Refinement of the planning structure,
the definition of three-dimensional solutions, style solutions of facades,
as well as of the interior layout of buildings, bases on the revealed design
files and inventory documents of the 19th – early 20th century photographs.
Accordingly, the information found about each separate building allows to
carry out restoration works up to a certain extent, or to restore historical
9 Washington Charter, 1987.
10 Convention Concerning The Protection Of The World Cultural And Natural
Heritage, Paris, 1972; The Nara Document On Authenticity, 1994.
[181]
appearance of a building completely. Thus, there are several types of restoration that can fill or complement the historic area:
– Complete restoration of the lost structures (morphology, materials, design, and decoration) is a necessary component for the
preservation and disclosure of the historical appearance of the
place;
– Partial restoration of the lost structures, when the restoration
process stops at the point where conjecture begins, and all the
extra work is carried out in the mode of renovation, bears a contemporary stamp, subjects to size, modulation, based on the
authentic ground, being a substitution for missing parts;
– Renovation (the restoration of morphology) means filling in
lacunas devoid of documentary information with tasteful modern architecture that will logically complete urban ensembles,
and connect the fronts of streets to create an impression of historical environment. Modern development should have distinct
marks of being contemporary, but correspond to the surrounding historical architecture.
3. Contact with the natural environment ¶ The landscape plays a major
role in forming the historical development of Minsk. The core planning
structure of the Lower market, for example, is ancient Zamchyshcha. The
main streets were formed along its ramparts. Thus, as if paying tribute to
the old fortification, major redevelopment gradually disappears closer to
the highest points of the Lower market. From this spot one can see the
best city panoramic views.
4. Functions ¶ One of the most interesting parts of the research, is to reveal
the purpose of the existing historical infrastructure and the intended
use of space. This is something that brings life to the urban layout. By
defining some common functional groups, one can analyze the need and
demand for their restoration or museumification, and plan new social
functions that the area will perform. However, the three-dimensional
solution, and the decoration of buildings should be preserved. ¶ It is
absolutely essential to preserve the spiritual and educational functions
represented by a number of religious and public buildings. One of the
most interesting monuments of antiquity is the stone church at Zamchyshcha. The researchers date its foundations to the 10th – 11th century.
¶ Later, a wooden church appeared on Zamkavaja Street, St. Peter and
Paul Church appeared at the crossing of Rakauskaja and Niamihskaja
streets. By the early 20th century the vast majority of buildings in the area
belonged to Jewish culture and tradition. Those that are clearly defined
today are the yeshiva ensemble of several buildings along Zavalnaja street,
[182]
stone synagogue in the adjoining courtyard with access to Zamkavaja
street, several ritual slaughter houses on Padzamkavaja street. ¶ Public
function is represented by a number of buildings and constructions, and
architectural ensembles. The building of the Grodski (Town) court is
one of the oldest stone building intended for civilian use in Minsk. It is,
perhaps, the most important building in terms of showing the high status
of a small town as the centre of the province. ¶ The market squares are also
very important in public life, there were three of them in the Lower Town:
the Lower Market that was located at the crossing of all the main streets
of the ancient town; the Meat Market began almost at the same place,
closer to Zamchyshcha along Ryznickaja (Miasnickaja) street, propping
up the ramparts of the castle by one of the fronts of its structures, the Fish
Market was at the border of Site of ancient castle and Rakauskaje Suburb,
connecting Novamiasnickaja and Niamihskaja streets. ¶ Private housing
development is the main component of the multifunctional development
of the Lower Town. Here, along with the housing of private owners there
were small commercial shops, lands, shops, taverns, etc. ¶ The return
of function, or its interpretation in the historical space will allow more
clearly identify the missing traditional ethnic culture on these patterns.
5. Traditional population. Ethno-cultural features ¶ The population
composition can be well identified by surnames of officials who put
their signatures on the design files and tax books and other documents.
Destructive events of the Second World War erased the distinctive Jewish
ethnic and cultural flavour of the space. To restore the lost image of the
rich culture is one of the primary goals of the renovation, which can be
achieved through modern art and the revival of the surroundings by
formal artistic means.
[183]
r Ihar Rakhanski, Neli Darashkevich, Katsiaryna Matveyeva
(Minsk)
Ashmiany Synagogue: the best way to save is through use1
Historical Context ¶ The Jews first arrived in Ashmiany in the second
quarter of the 17th century, which is confirmed by records found in the
inventory documents from 1668 and 1680. The 19th-century town map
places the synagogue at its present-day location. The current building
emerged in 1902.2 ¶ Placement of the synagogue in the immediate vicinity
of the town’s central square and its dimensions suggest that this was one
of the most important public and religious buildings in the town. From
architectural and artistic perspectives Ashmiany Synagogue is a valuable
example of a synthesis between the Jewish temple typology, symbolism,
and excellent building skills. Without a shadow of doubt we can conclude
that from the very outset the building was designed to be unique. Taking
into account the abundance of pseudo-styles which existed at the time, it
is difficult to pinpoint the synagogue’s style. We can only point out that
the proportions and the outlines of the building, the shape of windows
and architectural decorations speak in favor of pseudo-Gothic influences.
¶ The Ashmiany Synagogue is a rectangular stone structure. The main
western facade is symmetrical, adorned with pilasters and divided into
two tiers with a cornice. The entrance is situated in its central section. The
second tier features a number of narrow arched windows. The walls are
made of red bricks held together by lime-and-sand mortar. The building is
covered with a three-tier roof, which is symmetrically oriented from east
to west along the lengthwise axis. A transverse wall divides the interior
space into a prayer hall with two tiers of windows (eastern section) and
a two-storied part (western section). The second floor of that section was
intended for women and is separated from the hall with a stone arcade.
1 An investment proposal based on the synergy between traditional practices of
emergency primary conservation efforts and the latest design approaches to shaping
an urban environment.
2 Piechotkowie Brami Nieba. Warszawa. 1996, p. 166 with reference to
Encyklopiedia Indaica. Vol. 12. Jerusalem. 1974, p. 1496.
[184]
There used to be an outer string of steps leading it, traces of which remain
on the facade. No traces of internal stairs were found. The first floor of
the eastern section is divided into three rooms: the central antechamber,
from which one could get into the main prayer hall, and two side rooms
(north and south). Original roofing was of wooden shingles. ¶ The prayer
hall with two tiers of windows is rectangular in shape, symmetric along its
lengthwise axis. The northern, southern and eastern walls are divided into
three sections by pilasters. The pilasters’ capitals are shaped as decorative
profiles. Placed above the capitals are rectangular niches with images
of 12 zodiacal signs. The hall is covered with a vaulted octagonal ceiling.
The ceiling is a wooden truss system with paneling, plastered with limeand-sand mortar and oil-painted. ¶ The central part of the dome, which
overhangs the main prayer hall, may be considered a peculiar design
element of the synagogue, no special term exists to describe it. This architectural form is unique for Belarus, both artistically and architecturally. It
is possible that the shape of an inverted bulb could have a symbolic value.
¶ Measurements of the building were carried out in 1929; the results are
stored in the archives of the Department of Architecture at Warsaw Polytechnic in Poland.3 During the Second World War the building was used
as a garage. After the war the synagogue was turned into a warehouse.
Current Condition ¶ The current status of the building can be defined
as follows:
– Stone structures (walls, partition walls, arcs, decorations) are in
a satisfactory condition.
– Some of the wooden truss structures need immediate replacement (about 20%).
– Paintings on the prayer hall’s ceiling are half-destroyed (both the
outer layers and the base, which is silicate plaster).
– Dimensions: width 24,9 м; breadth 20,7 м.
– Roofing: asbestos-cement sheets.
Problem Statement ¶ Belarus has a large number of heritage objects that
for decades have remained in the state of disrepair waiting for financing
from the government. In such a situation time is a negative factor: with
every year the restoration costs only grow.
Goals and Tasks ¶ Carry out a number of steps to conserve and return
into use the immovable object of historical and cultural value with the
3 № № 1177–1181.
[185]
help of an integrated approach to making design decisions. ¶ The central
goal is to be attained through addressing the following priority tasks:
– Defining the optimal way of usage;
– Defining the optimal restoration method;
– Developing a design concept that would distribute resources in
a most effective way with regard to the object’s optimal usage
and reconstruction method;
– Developing guidelines for all participants of the reconstruction
and usage process, rooted in the design concept.
Expected Results:
– Further decay of the heritage object prevented;
– The object is optimized to serve a new function without any
profound alterations to its structure and with restoration works
carried out on a high professional level;
– The object is commissioned into use with minimal costs and
without damage to its historic and cultural value;
– A dilapidated site in the historical center of the town is brought
back into active use;
– The object is re-integrated into the town’s social and cultural life.
Defining the optimal restoration method and usage option ¶ The search
for an optimal design concept was carried out by ranking the types and
methods of restoration works within the specific territorial entity. The
most important factors that influenced the selection of project proposals were: the degree of alterations to the object’s structure, the level of
resource-intensity of the future work and optimal functional use. Expert
assessment was carried out to take into account the weight of all factors,
which, taken together, determine the place of restoration types in the
ranking system within the concrete study. ¶ The Law №98-З “About the
Protection of Historic and Cultural Heritage in the Republic of Belarus”
of January 9, 2006 establishes the following types of restoration works:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
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Renewal
Supplementation
Conservation
Adaptation
Repairs
Opening
Regeneration
Reconstruction
Restoration
The types of the restoration works ranked
Table 1.1: As to the degree of alterations to the object’s structure
Degree of Alterations
(weight of factors defined through the expert assessment)
1
Types of
Conservation
restoration works Opening
2
Restoration
Regeneration
3
4
Reconstruction
Adaptation
Repairs
Renewal
Supplementation
Table 1.2: As to resource-intensity
Resource Intensity
(weight of factors defined through the expert assessment)
Types of restoration
works
1
2
3
low
mid
high
Repairs
Conservation
Opening
Reconstruction
Adaptation
Renewal
Supplementation
Restoration
Regeneration
Table 1.3: As to the optimality of functional use
Functions
Authentic
Degree of relevance (weight of
factors defined through the expert
assessment)
Types f
restoration works
1
Restoration
Close to authentic
2
Conservation
Renewal
Supplementation
Regeneration
Reconstruction
Adaptationе
Not related to
authentic function
3
Repairs
No functional use
possible
4
Opening
[187]
Table 2: Rankings summarized:
Weight of factors defined through the expert assessment
Types f
restoration works
As to the degree of
alterations to the
object’s structure
As to
resourceintensity
Conservation
1
2
2
5
Restoration
2
3
1
6
Opening
1
2
4
7
Regeneration
2
3
2
7
Repairs
3
1
3
7
Adaptation
3
3
2
8
Reconstruction
3
3
2
8
Supplementation
4
3
2
9
Renewal
4
3
2
9
As to the degree of
relevance to optimal Total rank
functional use
Following the analysis, the conservation and the restoration of the
synagogue seem the most optimal types of restoration works. Despite the
fact that the preservation or, in the event of loss, reversion to the authentic function is a priority, in the case of Ashmiany synagogue such design
solution is not possible due to objective social and cultural reasons, and
in particular the changes in the ethnic composition of the local population. However, the building of the synagogue is unique for Belarus and
presents considerable historic, cultural, scientific, architectural and artistic
value. Thus, there is a need for museumification, i.e. partial conversion
of the synagogue into a museum-type object to maximize conservation
degree and reveal its specific features and peculiarities. The concrete way
of turning it into a museum may vary depending on the type of restoration works; hereinafter we look into possible museumification options:
Museumification combined with restoration ¶ A set of measures that
include using the restored building of the synagogue as a place to host
an additional exposition and exhibiting certain parts of the building itself.
Museumification combined with conservation ¶ Measures meant to turn
the building and the process of its restoration into a separate exhibit
while creating conditions for a temporary exposition. ¶ In both cases
museumification is intended to integrate the object into the environment
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of its functional use and make it possible later to use the Synagogue in
its original functions. The choice of a museumification option is also
determined by the type of the object, its historical and cultural value and
technical condition.
Developing a design concept based on the analysis results ¶ In the process of looking for an optimal design concept to conserve the Synagogue
building and turn into a museum we eventually adopted the “house-in-ahouse” reconstruction method. The method brings together traditional
conservation practices and the latest design approaches to shaping an
environment conducive to museumification the object and the restoration process.
Primary conservation efforts ¶ Prior to commissioning the object into use
a number of emergency conservation measures have to be taken:
– Installation of a temporary roof;
– Underpinning and sealing the foundations;
– Improvement of the adjacent territory.
Museumification using the “house-in-a-house” restoration approach ¶ The
“house-in-a-house” approach incorporates an option to use the synagogue
already today without restoring the building; makes it possible to preserve
the ruined sections and carry out restoration step-by-step. In the middle of the main space a smaller, independent inner space is formed; it is
connected with the main one at the points where windows and doors are
situated and has a function of its own. Some space is left between the
shells of the “inner” and “outer” houses, which can be used to examine the
restored object. The restoration of the heritage object (the “outer house”)
can be carried out in phases as the funds generated through investment
activities and operating the “inner house” become available. The “inner
house” should be comfortable for visitors and can be constructed with
various materials, which have to meet several conditions:
–
–
–
–
Quick assembly and disassembly;
Structures should be lightweight and need no foundations;
Relatively low cost;
Mobility, ease of transformation to provide access to the most
interesting and well-preserved or newly restored portions of the
object;
– Materials should be ecologically friendly;
– No less important is the issue of noise- and heat insulation of
the “inner house.” It can be built with wooden frame structures,
[189]
polycarbonate, industrial and other types structures that meet
the above criteria.
– One undeniable benefit of wooden frame structures is their
affordability, quick assembly and ecological friendliness.
– Another option is to use polycarbonate structures. Today they
are widely spread in civil engineering thanks to ease of assembly
and heat-insulating properties, while cellular polycarbonate is
quite strong. Additionally, half-transparent polycarbonate structures allow for interesting design solutions.
– Re-employment of industrial structures also provides possibilities for efficient, affordable innovation-based and ecologically
friendly solutions. Flexible modular structure allows creating
both smaller spaces and more complex designs.
To summarize, the “inner house” is a low-cost, easily assembled, ecologically friendly structure needed to help preserve a valuable heritage
object until the launch of traditional restoration works. ¶ Comparing the
costs involved, it can be pointed out with certainty that restoration based
on the “house-in-a-house” approach is much cheaper than that carried
out with the use of traditional restoration practices.
Establishing the Necessary Organizational Framework to Implement
the Design Concept ¶ The possibility to use non-budgetary financing for
this project necessitates the establishment of a body that would function as a supervisory board and a qualified client. It is suggested that
a non-commercial organization should be set up to control spending. The
supervisory board can be set up as a non-commercial organization to act
as a qualified purchaser of services that include searching for, studying,
protection and restoration of historical and cultural heritage objects in
Ashmiany district. With regard to the legal framework in this sphere,
the most efficient solution seems to be for the supervisory board to act
as a legal entity with the status of Local Foundation. ¶ The Foundation
is entitled to carry out entrepreneurial activities within the scope of the
goals it was set up to achieve. Such activities may include profit-based
production of goods and services, trade and mediation services and other
commercial operations compliant with the Foundation’s goals, as well
as purchase and sale of securities, property and non-property rights,
participation in economic partnerships. ¶ The Foundation is entitled to
finance programmes, projects and events from available funds: its own,
attracted and those that it is in charge of; incomes generated through
business activities as well as incomes from placing attracted funds into
banks and other financial institutions, from transfer of property into trust
management, and other sources not contrary to the law.
[190]
The Foundations’ goal, object and scope of activities ¶ The Foundation’s
goal is to ensure proper protection and harmonious development of
natural landscape and culture in Ashmiany district of the Republic of
Belarus. ¶ The Foundation’s object:
– territories containing cultural landscapes;
– manifestations of traditional and present-day culture;
– particular buildings and structures of historical and cultural value, heritage sites with their natural and historical
surroundings.
The Foundation’s scope of activities:
– scientific and methodological support as well as project development services for the activities related to the Main object;
– PR campaign for the activities related to the Main object;
– Activities related to the Main object;
– Educational and cultural activities related to the Main object.
Types of economic activities carried out within the scope of Main goals
are determined by the currently enforced legislation, are approved by the
Founder and put down into the Statute.
[191]
r Oleg Medvedevsky (Brest)
Synagogue buildings in Vysokaye1, Kamianets district,
Brest region. The issues of studying and preservation
Town Vysokaye in Kamianets2 district, Brest region is of great interest in
terms of studying the history of a single Jewish community and its cultural
heritage. The qahal in Wysokie Litewskie, which was the name of the town
until 1939, was the first big Jewish community outside Brest, the “capital”
of the Lithuanian Jews, at the beginning of the 17th century: in 1623, the
qahal of Wysokie Litewskie was mentioned as being under the jurisdiction
of the Brest community.3 The economic growth of the community was
attributed first of all to its favourable location by the important road that
linked Brest and Belastok (Białystok). Besides, in the 19th century a railway
was built nearby connecting Brest and Grajewo, a Polish town at the EastPrussian border. The Jews of Wysokie Litewskie resided mainly around the
Market Square and along Vyhanouskaya Street (pol. Wyhanowska), now
Savetskaya Street) that leads to Brest. Originally, the dwelling houses were
predominantly wooden. After the great fire of 1889 brick houses started to
be built in the town centre. Unfortunately, only a few Jewish houses have
been preserved. However, they have been considerably rebuilt. A great
damage was caused to Wysokie Litewskie in August 1915 when the Russian
army surrendered the town to the troops of the Keiser’s Germany, and in
June 1941 during the first days of the Great Patriotic War (Hitler’s invasion
of the USSR). ¶ Synagogues have always been the centre of social and religious life of Jews. According to Pinkas Hakehillot, The Encyclopedia of
Jewish Communities, in 1607, the first brick synagogue was built in Wysokie
Litewskie, which let us assume that Jews started to settle here in the middle
of the 16th century. In 1657, another brick synagogue was built.4 The famous
Great synagogue of Brest, which was destroyed in the 19th century, and the
1 Rus.Vysokoye, Pol. Wysokie Litewskie
2 Rus.Kamenets, Pol. Kamieniec
3 Encyclopaedia of Jewish Communities, Poland. – Volume V.Volhynia-Polesie. –
Yad Vashem Jerusalem, 1990. – p. 249.
4Ibid.
[192]
abovementioned first brick synagogue in Vysokaye might be the oldest
Jewish religious brick buildings on the territory of the contemporary Belarus The fact, that two synagogues were built in Wysokie Litewskie in the
17th century, indicates that the qahal there was quite big and economically
flourishing, and was a real centre of Jewish culture in our country. I found
it interesting to study, especially due to the fact that the history of the Jewish
qahal of Wysokie Litewskie hadn’t been studied in detail before. ¶ Unfortunately, I could find just a few historic sources. Moreover, the information
that I was able to obtain was fragmentary, sometimes inconsistent. Therefore, I collected the information for this report through my personal
contacts. I met Georgi Musevich, ethnographer from Kamianets, who had
been studying the history of Jews in Kamianets for quite a long time. I talked
to the teachers of the secondary school in Vysokaye, who were experts of
the local history, organized a museum at the school, collected printed information and old photographs showing the history of the town and the Jewish
community. I corresponded with the colleagues in the USA, Canada, Australia who collect the reminiscences of the Belarusian emigrant Jews.5 With
the help of all these people, who I am extremely grateful to, I tried to restore
the history of synagogues in Vysokaye and assess the perspectives for the
preservation of cultural and historical heritage of the Jews in Vysokaye.
¶ According to G.Musevich, there were several synagogues in Wysokie
Litewskie.6 Two of them were in Vyhanouskaya street by the market and
have not preserved. Yet, it has been impossible to find the remnants of other
synagogues, their images or drawings. According to the recollections of
Jews who left the country before World War I, there was an old wooden
synagogue in the south-western part of the Market square. Unfortunately,
the older Vysokaye residents cannot recall such a building. In a book by
Aliaksandr Lakotka, there is a description of a wooden synagogue in town
Vysokaye and its graphic drawing.7 I hoped that it was the wooden synagogue in Wysokie Litewskie. Unfortunately, it turned out that the synagogue
described was not in Wysokie Litewskie but in Wysokie-Mazowieckie,
Poland. The author of the drawing is a well-known Polish researcher of the
old times, encyclopaedist Zygmunt Gloger.8 ¶ More is known about the
5 For example, the article, being based on various sources, mostly provides the
recollections of Roslyn Bresnick-Perry, written down by Henry Neugass in New York
in 1995: http://www.vysokoye.org/RKBP/RKBP_intro.i.html.
6 Мусевич, Г.С. Народ, который жил среди нас. – Брест, 2009. – С. 38.
(Musevich, G.S. The people that lived among us)
7 Локотко, А.И. Архитектура европейских синагог. – Минск, 2002. – С. 121
(Lakotka, A.I. Architercture of Jewish Synagogues)
8 The origin of the drawing by Głoger was identified with the help of the website
“Wooden Synagogues of Poland in the 17th and 18th Century”, which demonstrates
a collection of wooden models by Moshe Verbin located at “ORT” College (Givat
Ram, Jerusalem): http://www.zchor.org/verbin/verbin8.htm.
[193]
brick Jewish buildings in Vysokaye. One of them has preserved at the corner
of the today’s streets Ardzanikidze and Kirava. The Jews that left Vysokaye
before World War I say that this building was called “the old school” (Alt
Shul), and the Great synagogue, which has partially preserved at the site
that was earlier the outskirts of the town, by the river Pulva, – “the new
school” (Neu Shul). These two could be the synagogues built in 1607 and
1657 and mentioned in the Pinkas Hakehillot.9 With this in mind, to make
the description easier I will call the buildings following the tradition of the
residents of Vysokaye: the one of 1607 – the Old Synagogue, and the one
of 1657 – the New Synagogue. ¶ The Old Synagogue is a one-storeyed rectangular building of 4:3 proportion stretching along Ardzanikidze Street.
At the outside, the identical rectangular pilasters with capitals between
windows and twinned pilasters at the corners decorate the building. The
pilasters divide the building visually in four parts at length and three parts
in width.The western part was for women. The western part excluded, there
would be a square inside, which was constructively divided into 9 squares:
three by three, with a groin vault in each, supported by the round massive
abutments making up the centre with the bimah, and pilasters at the perimeter. ¶ Before the scandalous reconstruction in 2009, which will be discussed
later, the building had a pitched roof with an irregular triangle gable. The
line of the original brickwork visible on the eastern gable indicated that
earlier the gable was designed in the form of trapezium, hence initially the
building had a hipped-gable roof. On the outside wall there were patches
with the old plaster preserved. On the eastern wall there were two bricked
up windows both on the left and right halves of the façade. The main
entrance was at the southern side, and the entrance to the women’s part
was on the northern side. ¶ Only some brickwork of the New, or Great
Synagogue remained intact, but even half-destroyed, it still displays its
wonderful original appearance. It is indeed larger than the Old synagogue:
the building has a significant vertical development due to the second tier.
Hence, the New Synagogue is a two-level rectangular building. A profiled
cornice outlines the border between the upper and the lower levels, and
the latter is much lower than the upper one. According to G. Musevich, the
thickness of the walls was up to 1.2 meters. The height of the building was
10 m, the length was 19 m, the width 14.5 m.10 Thus, the ratio of the sides
was approximately 4:3, like that of the Old Synagogue, but the New Synagogue was larger than the Old one in volume (approximately 2–3 meters
in width, height, and length). If we don’t take into consideration the front
women’s part inside with a balcony, which was 5 meters wide, we have the
9 Encyclopaedia of Jewish Communities, Poland. – Volume V. Volhynia-Polesie. –
Yad Vashem Jerusalem, 1990. – p. 249.
10 Мусевич, Г.С. Народ, который жил среди нас. – Брест, 2009. – С. 38 (Musevich,
G.S. The people that lived among us)
[194]
main high-ceilinged space, rectangular in plan. The four external walls and
the inner one, which was a partition, supporting the balcony, were made
of large stones and pieces of iron glued together with mortar. Brick masonry
can be seen here and there, mainly at window openings and doorways, in
the walls under the pilasters and in the corners. The pilasters not only decorated the walls, but probably also gave them additional durability. Like the
Old Synagogue, the building was decorated with identical similar rectangular pilasters between the window openings and the twinned ones in the
corners. ¶ The main entrance to the synagogue was at the western side and
led to the spacious praying room, and also to the library, cloakroom and
other small rooms under the balcony, separated from the main space by
the inner wall. Women entered through two side turrets adjacent to the
façade on the left and right sides. In the turrets, there were spiral stairs that
led up to the balcony. The turrets are gone now. Today one can see only the
doorways to the balcony. ¶ There were four high supporting metal pillars
inside the main atrium. The room was filled with daylight coming in through
the large windows of the upper level. The windows of the lower level were
much smaller. Due to the slope of the terrain, some lower windows are only
visible from within as they’re located below the ground level and are bricked
up. Therefore, the light from the outside doesn’t come through them.
Forged bars remained intact in these windows. At the upper level, on the
northern and southern walls there were three windows equal in height and
width facing the main room on both side. There was also a window on each
side that faced the balcony. The eastern wall had three windows at the upper
level: a small window in the middle and two symmetrical bigger ones at the
sides. On the western façade there were three big windows at the balcony
level, and three smaller windows at the bottom level. The upper ones were
situated asymmetrically, not strictly above the lower ones. All the window
arches of the building were made of bricks. The arches of the upper level
were semi-oval, and those of the lower level were round. ¶ Initially, the New
Synagogue had elements of defensive architecture. It might have been due
to the fact that in 1647, Pavel Jan Sapeha (1609–1665) became the owner of
the Vysokaye lands. It is known that Pavel Sapeha provided some land of
his numerous estates to Jews to build synagogues and his architects took
part in their planning. The possibility of using the synagogues as defensive
constructions was also taken into consideration. A strict rectangular space
with massive defensive walls can be found in other places that belonged to
Sapeha. It should be noted that the first thing that Pavel Sapeha did in
Wysokie Litewskie was the construction of a well fortified castle. ¶ The
architecture of the New Synagogue might also be explained by the worsening of the position of the Jewish qahals in Rzechpospolita in the middle of
the 17th centuries and the pogroms. One of them happened in Wysokie
[195]
The façade of
the New Synagogue in Vysokaye. View from
the side of the
river Pulva. Photograph by Oleg
Medvedevsky.
December, 2006.
The façade
of the New
Synagogue in
Vysokaye. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
The façade
of the New
Synagogue in
Vysokaye. Photograph by Krzysztof
Bielawski.
Litewskie several years before the New Synagogue was built.11 On October
4, 1644, a nobleman Zygmunt Chrzanowski from Brest with his friends and
servants all armed with bows and guns came to Wysokie Litewskie. Some
of them rode horses, some were unmounted. The pogromers broke into
the house of a local Jew Szachn Tołwicz, broke the door of his cellar and
took all his food. Then, they rushed to the “szkoła” (school) (from the context, we may conclude that it was the Old Synagogue). There were local
Jews in the synagogue celebrating Sukkot – the holiday of the harvest. The
frenzied noblemen demanded the doors to be opened, threatened the people and slashed the doors with sabres. They broke the door out, rushed into
the building shooting and shouting, beat up the Jews, took away their rings
and jewellery. Frightened to death, the Jews ran to the river. Some of them
jumped into the water and thus were able to escape. Those who couldn’t
run away were flogged and beaten. In the document, we can find the names
11 Акты, издаваемые Виленской Археографической комиссией. – Т. 28. – №
155. – Вильна, 1901. (Acts issued by the Vilnius Archeological Commission)
[196]
Southern wall of the Old Synagogue in Vysokaye. View
from Ardzanikidze Street. Photograph by Oleg Medvedevsky.
December, 2006.
Eastern wall of the Old Synagogue in Vysokaye. Photograph by Oleg Medvedevsky. November, 2008.
The New Synagogue in Vysokaye. 1960s. From the book
Memory: Historic and Documentary Chronicle. Kamianets
district. Minsk, 1997.
of those who were beaten and injured cruelly and unmercifully: Szachn
Chaskielewicz, Maier Morduchaiewicz, Pczołka Łazarowicz, Pczoiel Jliczycz, Szania Abramowicz. The inner decoration of the synagogue was
damaged, as well as the Tablets of the Covenant – a silver gold-plated board
that weighed 10 hryunas (pounds). ¶ Since 1648, the territory of Brest region
was in the centre of numerous military hostilities waged by Khmelnytsky’s
Cossacks and then by the troops of Muscovy, Swedish troops under Charles
X Gustav, etc, causing a great damage. As a result, the local population
considerably decreased, including the Jewish population. ¶ The Old Synagogue was renovated in 1827, the New Synagogue in 1850. After the
construction of the New Synagogue, the Old one was used both as a synagogue and as a Beit Midrash (a school for studying Torah and Talmud).
That’s why the Jews and local residents called it a ‘boznica’ in Polish (‘shrine’),
‘synagogue’, and a ‘Jewish school’. The Jews are said to have held services
there until World War II. ¶ Today, in front of the New Synagogue there is
a memorial to the victims of Holocaust. But the dismal events of World
War II are first of all connected with the Old Synagogue. Relatively recently,
the testimony by the artist and photographer Jozef Charyton who eyewitnessed the tragedy in Vysokaye was made public.12 He devoted his art to
12 Волкович, А. Высоковский Шагал. Штрихи к портрету художника Юзефа
Харитона. // Брестский курьер. – 15 жніўня 2007 г. (Volkovich, A. A Chagall from
Vysokaje. To the portrait of the artist Jozef Charyton)
[197]
the Jewish theme, the lifestyle of Jews, their culture and traditions, their
sufferings in the ghettos and the deaths of those who tried to hide away but
were found and killed by Nazis. In 1963, Jozef Charyton lived in Nurzec
(Poland). He wrote a story about the events he witnessed in Vysokaye during the Nazi occupation and sent a letter to the Jewish Historical Institute
in Warsaw. J. Charyton saw that the Jews who tried to hide were driven by
the Nazis to the ‘boznica’ (school). The windows were iron-barred, there
were masonry vaults everywhere and the prisoners had no chance to escape.
Every morning, groups of the doomed were taken out of the building and
driven to a huge pit behind the tannery. There, the Jews were murdered
and buried.13 ¶ There were other places in Vysokaye where Jews were executed by the Nazis. When the Germans came in 1941, the Jews were forced
to stay in the ghetto. Until the ghetto was liquidated, the Jews were murdered at Pyaschany by Aharodniki.14 In the winter of 1942, the ghetto was
exterminated, and the detainees were moved in a goods train to the death
camp of Treblinka. ¶ After the War, the New Synagogue served as a storehouse of flax. From 1959 till 1967, it hosted the sports committee and
a sports school. The building was slightly repaired in 1959 and a long low
narrow corridor with a gabled roof was attached to the main entrance. At
that time the building had a single-stage hipped roof covered with sheet
metal, and the turrets were already gone. In 1966, major repairs started,
and under the plaster layer the pictures of menorahs painted in blue were
found on the wall of the praying room. However, soon the Region Commission suggested that the repairs be stopped and the building, which was
declared unsuitable for reconstruction, be destroyed. But the walls of the
synagogue appeared to be quite strong, and the workers were not able to
dismantle them completely.15 Now only some remains of the walls are still
seen there. Unfortunately they are being slowly destroyed both by elements
of nature and by the vandals who keep taking the bricks from the façade
where they are more numerous. Still the building of the New Synagogue
does not have a proper legal status of a monument protected by the state.
¶ The residents of Vysokaye are also concerned about the condition of the
Old Synagogue. The fact that a person bought the building in 2009 and
started its reconstruction concealing his intentions aroused their indignation. When the reconstruction was in full swing and a second level was
constructed, it was impossible to recognize the building. Volha Kastsiukevich, a correspondent of the “Sem Dnej” [Seven Days – Trans.] national
13 Мусевич, Г.С. Народ, который жил среди нас. – Брест, 2009. – С.65 (Musevich,
G.S. The people that lived among us)
14 Мусевiч, Г Трагедыя высакоўскай яўрэйскай абшчыны // Навiны
Камянеччыны. – 4 жніўня 2010 г. (Musevich, G.S. The Tragedy of the Jewish
Community in Vysokaye)
15 Мусевич, Г.С. Народ, который жил среди нас. – Брест, 2009. – С.65 (Musevich,
G.S. The people that lived among us)
[198]
newspaper, came to Vysokaye from Minsk. She visited all the old memorials
of Vysokaye, got interested in the building of the Old School, examined it,
met the current owner of the building, studied the documents. She shared
her impressions in the article. Here’s how she describes the recent history
of the Old Synagogue:
“…the fate of the building after the war was not quite joyful either. It was
a storage house. Later, in 1972, it was converted into a cattle shed. In
1992,… by the decision of the Vysokaye Town Council the building was
assessed as useless (!) and under the threat of collapse. In 1993, local
authorities sold it under the purchase contract to a private person at
a very low price. The “private person” opened a car service centre in
the half-destroyed building. And apparently, the owner of the service
never cared about the historical value of the building, which for some
reason was not included into the register of national monuments. He
plagued the former synagogue with numerous fires; there were even
plans to demolish it. But in 2009 a man got interested in the practically
‘exhausted’ building and bought it for his own purposes”.16
The new owner planned to open a bar and a hotel in the rebuilt synagogue. He showed a technical certificate of the building issued in 2009
where it was stated that the building was erected in 1936. There’s a photo
of the document attached to the article. The correspondent found out in
the district’s administrative centre that the employees of the Register of
Deeds recorded the year of construction on the basis of the “words of the
eyewitnesses” despite the fact that this date was obviously incorrect. The
newspaper sent the article to the Kamianets Executive Committee but,
the correspondent says, has received no reply. ¶ A corresponded of the
“Brest Newspaper”, Stanislau Karshunou, was also shocked by the fate of
the Old Synagogue and tried to find out the reasons for the outrageous
reconstruction. In his article, he quoted the comment of Anton Astapovich, the head of the Belarusian Voluntary Society for the Protection
of Historic and Cultural Monuments, who thinks that the building should
have been included on the list of the historical and cultural treasures in
proper time. And if not the state officials, at least some private individuals
should have taken care of it.17 It’s hard to dispute that. And too late! It’s
sad to admit but the time is lost, irrevocably lost for the Old SynagogueSchool. However, there is hope that better times will come for the New
Synagogue and other historical places of Vysokaye. Apparently, the Old
School should be a good lesson for all of us.
16 Костюкевич, О. Пропавшие столетия. // 7 дней. – 12 жніўня 2010 г.
17 Коршунов, С. То, что не разрушила война, уничтожает наше безразличие //
Брестская газета – 20 жніўня 2010 г.
[199]
Representation of Jewish
history in secondary
school program
[200]
r Hanna Węgrzynek Ph.D. (Warsaw)
What can Polish students learn about the history
of Jews and the Holocaust?1
After World War II, Poland was presented as a mono-ethnic country,
which no longer had to contend with problems of the multiethnic Second
Polish Republic. Therefore, the subject of minorities failed to occupy
a significant place in historical education. Moreover, the Communist
authorities tried to highlight the position of Poles as a nation that had
suffered the most during World War II. According to official data – which
function until today – from among the 35 million citizens of the Second
Republic, as many as 6 million people lost their lives, which constituted
17 percent of the entire population. It was not stated, however, that Jews
comprised half of that number. ¶ Emphasizing the martyrdom of Poles
held political significance. It was meant to make the society realize who
was the enemy, and who – the friend. It served to accentuate the danger
emanating from Germany, especially West Germany, and at the same
time highlighted the role of the Red Army in liberating Poland as well as
the significance of the USSR in securing postwar borders. Due to these
reasons, for the most part of the existence of the People’s Republic of
Poland, only fragmentary information about the destruction of Jews was
included in textbooks. In high school textbooks, this subject occupied
about half a page. Predominantly, barely three themes were covered:
creating ghettos by the Nazis, the armed resistance in the Warsaw ghetto,
and help provided to Jews by Poles. The range of the transmitted knowledge could be regarded as incredibly modest, taking into account that all
killing centers for Jews were built by the Nazis on the territories of the
former Second Republic. Hence, Polish soil became a place of Holocaust
for not only Polish Jews, but also European Jews. ¶ An important problem
involved not just the marginal treatment of the Holocaust in school education, but also in history curricula at establishments of higher education,
1 See: “Temat zagłady Żydów w polskich podręcznikach historii z lat 1945–2008”, in:
Następstwa Zagłady. Polska 1944–2010, (ed.). F. Tych, M. Adamczyk – Garbowska,
Lublin 2011, pp. 597–623.
[201]
which resulted in relatively modest knowledge of most teachers and professional historians about the fate of Jews during World War II. Therefore,
they did not possess adequate knowledge to pass it on to their students.
¶ Such historical education policy implemented by the authorities of the
People’s Republic of Poland has resulted in the creation of the society
unaware of the past existence of a sizeable Jewish minority, its participation in the development of the country and the cultural heritage. The
Poles were – and still are – convinced that it was them who had suffered
most during World War II. The issue of the Auschwitz-Birkenau camp
has sparked the most controversy. A belief that has solidified in the society’s conscience was that it was the Poles who constituted the majority of
the victims. The older generation still has trouble accepting the information that mainly Jews were murdered in Auschwitz-Birkenau. Among the
1,150,000 victims, there were about 1 million Jews (including 460,000
Hungarian Jews) and 100,000 Poles. The society was not aware of the fact
that the Holocaust took place on Polish land and it was not aware of the
variety of attitudes among Poles towards the fate of Jews. ¶ The first
changes in the curricula accompanied the waves of social movements
that began in 1980. An Education Section by the Solidarity movement
was established, which attempted to correct the existing model of presenting the modern period.2 Wider reforms, however, were not introduced
until the beginning of the 1990s after the political transformations brought
by the year 1989. They also concerned the issue of teaching about the
Holocaust. ¶ In 1993, a textbook by Anna Radziwiłł and Wojciech Roszkowski intended for high school seniors was published. It was in that
textbook that the term “Holocaust” was used for the first time and defined.3
Soon, separate chapters were added to some other textbooks, which
showed the stages of the Holocaust in a tangible way.4 At the same time,
stormy discussions arose regarding the introduction of those issues to
curricula. They accompanied a reform of the educational system implemented in 1999. The compulsory eight-year primary school was replaced
by a 6-year primary school and 3-year middle school. On the other hand,
education in high schools was shortened from four to three years, and in
technical schools – from five to four years. The education in vocational
schools continues to be three years. ¶ On the initiative of a group of
teachers, historians, and politicians, provisions obliging teachers to cover
2 Propozycje doraźnych zmian w materiale nauczania historii w szkołach
podstawowych i ponadpodstawowych, NSZZ „Solidarność” Krajowa Rada Sekcji
Oświaty i Wychowania, [Warszawa 1981], p. 13, 24.
3 Anna Radziwiłł, Wojciech Roszkowski, Historia 1871–1945, Podręcznik dla szkół
średnich, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 1993, p. 276.
4 Andrzej Garlicki, Historia 1939–1996/1997: Polska i świat, Wydawnictwo Naukowe
„Scholar”, Warszawa 1997.
[202]
the subject of the Holocaust were included in the curricula for middle
and high schools. Unfortunately, it was not specified what kind of information should be presented to the students, leaving those issues to the
teachers’ discretion. ¶ A number of curricula (about 400 in high schools)
and tens of textbooks were approved for each level of education. Therefore,
in every school students can learn different content. Many educational
and academic institutions began to organize courses, at which teachers
were being familiarized with the issues which they had not had a chance
to learn about during their history studies. ¶ Soon it turned out that the
new education system was not adjusted to the existing curricula. Threeyear high schools covered a range of themes similar to that in the former
four-year schools. This resulted in overload for both teachers and students,
especially those less apt. In 2008, new core curricula were introduced,
and with them – new curricula and textbooks.5 The topics remained
unchanged, but a different format of discussing the subject was introduced.
In primary school, history and society is an obligatory class. It mainly
encompasses the most important events in Polish history without the
international context. In middle school, the history from antiquity to the
year 1918 is taught, and in high school – from 1918 to contemporary times.6
¶ Those changes triggered much controversy; they are harshly criticized
by many teachers and historians. In the recent period (March-April 2012)
they have led to strikes under the slogan of defending history in Polish
schools.7 ¶ The new system has many disadvantages. Firstly, students
cover the entire cycle of history from antiquity to modern times only once,
without the possibility of strengthening their knowledge, or its gradation
and adjustment to the age of the students. It is very sad that the teaching
of contemporary history was transferred to high school, i.e. outside of
obligatory and uniform education system. The knowledge of contemporary history is necessary already in middle school, for literature or
5 Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla szkół podstawowych, Historia
i społeczeństwo; Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla gimnazjów i szkół
ponadgimnazjalnych, których ukończenie umożliwia przystąpienie do egzaminu
maturalnego; Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla zasadniczych szkół
zawodowych: www.reformaprogramowa.men.gov.pl/projekt_rozporzadzenia/,
enclosures 2, 4, 5 (December 2008).
6 Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla gimnazjów i szkół
ponadgimnazjalnych, których ukończenie umożliwia przystąpienie do egzaminu
maturalnego, www.reformaprogramowa.men.gov.pl/projekt_rozporzadzenia/,
enclosure 4 (December 2008).
7 http://wiadomosci.gazeta.pl/wiadomosci/1,114883,11447334,Zawieszono_strajk_
glodowy_w_obronie_lekcji_historii.html; http://www.pch24.pl/kolejny-strajk-glodowyobronie-lekcji-historii,1623,i.html; http://www.solidarnosc.org.pl/oswiata/index.php/
sekcje-regionalne/963-legenda-podziemia-jadwiga-chmielowska-rozpoczyna-strajkgodowy-w-obronie-polskiej-szkoy.html
[203]
geography classes. Varied number of hours was allocated in high schools,
and in technical and vocational schools it is barely one hour annually.8
This means that issues related to the modern history that are important
for understanding contemporary events will be discussed very briefly.
Another criticized move included the introduction of a greater number
of specialized programs within the general education high schools, where
the numbers of history classes vary. Teenagers graduate from middle
school at the age of 16, and it is not common for them at that age to be
focused on a specific area of studies to be able to select a specialized major,
which would prepare them for future university studies. ¶ In the current
situation, the changes concerning teaching about the Holocaust introduced in the 1990s cannot be implemented. In primary schools there is
no possibility of covering the most important topics in the way that would
be adequate to the students’ age. Some topics can be covered within
regional history lessons, which depends on a teacher’s choice. As already
mentioned, the middle school curriculum covers history only up to 1918.
The subject of the Holocaust is taught only in high schools, but in many
of them history is a subject taught in a limited scope. ¶ We will learn the
results of these changes only in a few years. An opinion prevails that the
introduced changes will affect the education standards in a negative way.
What is more, students will receive a very simplified knowledge about the
Holocaust. ¶ The topics that should be covered by a school curriculum
include:
1. the meaning of the terms Annihilation, Holocaust, Shoah;
2. foundations of Nazism and racism;
3. the politics of the Third Reich towards Jews – the Nuremberg
Laws, the Kristallnacht;
4. distribution of Jewish population in Europe; the Second Republic
as the largest concentration of Jewish population in Europe;
5. politics towards Jews in the invaded territories – differences in
various parts of Europe;
6. isolating the Jewish population – armbands, ghettos;
7. mass executions – activities of the Einsatzgruppen;
8. killing centers – methods of operation;
9. the reason for locating killing centers on the territory of the
General Government (Treblinka, Sobibór, Bełżec, Majdanek)
8 Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla gimnazjów i szkół
ponadgimnazjalnych, których ukończenie umożliwia przystąpienie do egzaminu
maturalnego, za: www.reformaprogramowa.men.gov.pl/projekt_rozporzadzenia/,
enclosure 4 (December 2008); Podstawa programowa kształcenia ogólnego dla
zasadniczych szkół zawodowych, www.reformaprogramowa.men.gov.pl/projekt_
rozporzadzenia/, enclosure 5 (December 2008).
[204]
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
and on the territories incorporated into the Reich (Kulmhof/
Chełmno, Auschwitz-Birkenau);
Jewish resistance movement – armed activity;
civilian resistance movement – self-help activities, cultural, academic, educational, and documentary activities;
attitudes of the population and local authorities;
reaction of the Allies regarding the reports about the Holocaust;
the results and aftermath of the Holocaust.
The discussion of all these issues does not require a lot of time; two
lessons and one additional lesson devoted to exploring sources would
be sufficient. Unfortunately, currently, it is possible to transmit detailed
knowledge about the Holocaust only to those high school students who
attend classes with extended history or humanities programs. Only a small
percentage of teenagers chose such programs. Another problem is the
provision of adequate teacher training and publishing the textbooks that
could ensure high standards of education in this respect. ¶ Teaching
about the Holocaust and its consequences is of great importance for the
creation of a democratic society, one that appreciates cultural differences
and understands, at the same time, where xenophobic, nationalistic, and
racist attitudes can lead to.
[205]
r Marta Szymańska (Warsaw)
Teaching about Jewish history in school textbooks published
in Belarus in 2000–20101
The history of the Belarusian nation is very complex and unclear. From the
medieval times on, the Belarusian people belonged to the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania, then to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and then, in
the 18th century, Belarusian territories were incorporated into the Russian
Empire. Its complicated history led to the occurrence in the Belarusian
historiography of many different cultural narratives. ¶ Up to this day, the
notion that Belarus is part of Russia is commonly viewed as true. Moreover,
it is widely believed that Belarus was never an independent state, but it
should be remembered that the year 1918 saw the establishment of the
Belarusian People’s Republic, while in 1991 an independent state of the
Republic of Belarus was formed and has existed as such ever since. That
is why all the affairs pertaining to the Belarusian nation have always been
considered as the affairs of a national minority occupying the Russian
lands. Politically, any international operations and foreign policy adopted
by Russia were automatically imposed upon the Belarusians. ¶ Another
cultural narrative, a Polish one, portrays Belarus as belonging to the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania, and then to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
and, until 1918, the year of regaining independence, views Belarusian
people as one of the Polish minority groups. For a long time all historical
references to Belarusian territories were treated as part of Poland’s history. Such perception of the Belarusian history raised a lot of controversy,
especially among Belarusian and Lithuanian historians. ¶ The beginnings
of the Belarusian national cultural narrative date back to the early 20th
century. The cultural narrative was related to the national revival that was
taking place at that time in the country, (including such manifestations
hereof as flourishing of the Belarusian language, literature, culture, and
finding one’s own identity). It was at this time that the term Belarusian and
Belarus appeared in use with reference to the people and to the territories
1 The article was written in May 2011 basing on the materials prepaerd by Irina
Polyakowa, history teacher from Hrodna
[206]
they occupied. In the 1930s, for their beliefs, those who had began and
continued the discourse were either murdered or sent to Soviet forced
labor camps (Gulags). The cultural narrative, which still exists, did not
come back to historiography until the 1990s. However, it should be clearly
noted that there are very few contemporary historians in Belarus who
represent the country as having its own culture and traditions which are
unlike any other country’s. Far more such academics can be found outside
of Belarus, for example in Poland, Russia, Lithuania, or other countries
where Belarusian scientists have migrated. ¶ Throughout the Stalin era,
a common cultural narrative was one that had corresponded to the beliefs
of Josef Stalin, who, from the 1930s on, propagated Russification of Belarus, negating any differences between Belarusians and Russians. Similar
attitudes are supported by the present administration of Belarus. This is
the official type of a narrative course which is used and taught in state
schools. ¶ This political system and propagation of these specific ideas
have led to a situation where not only the language has been russicized,
but the entire country has been politically, culturally and ideologically
subordinate to Russia. Any issues that have to do with national minorities, in particular the Jewish population, are negatively portrayed, and the
Jewish heritage is destroyed. ¶ This article aims to analyze the problem of
how the Jewish issues and the Holocaust are portrayed in the curriculum
and elementary school history textbooks published in Belarus after 2000.
Educational System in Belarus ¶ Children in Belarus begin school at the
age of six. There are nine grades in the elementary school, and another two
in the high school. Presently, students are taught in two national languages:
Belarusian and Russian. As higher education is considered prestigious in
Belarus, many people who finish elementary and high schools apply to
colleges or higher education establishments. It takes usually five years to
complete studies at the university.
Curriculum ¶ A curriculum designed by the Ministry of Education2 is
a complete course. History in secondary school (which lasts 11 years) is
taught in grades 5 to 11. The Ministry of Education established that the
History of Belarus is taught in grades 6 to 11 and it is discussed in parallel
with general history, taking into account the division into eras. The goal of
teaching the Belarusian History is to shape national and personal identity
of students, and to educate a citizen who will be responsible for his own
and his country’s future. ¶ The curriculum aims to familiarize students
with the most important events which had a tremendous impact on the
2 Secondary school curriculum taught in Belarusian. World history. The History
of Belarus, grades 5–11. Approved by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of
Belarus. Minsk: National Education Institute, 2009.
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formation of the Belarusian nation and the present territory of Belarus.
The following topics are discussed during history lessons: the ancient state
of Kievan Rus (Ruś Kijowska) with Duchy of Polotsk (Księstwo Połockie)
as its part, Grand Duchy of Moscow (Ruś Moskiewska), Grand Duchy of
Lithuania, development of a Belarusian ethnic group within the Second
Polish Republic, the role of religion in the process of shaping political and
cultural boundaries of the nation, causes and implications of incorporating the Belarusian territories into the Russian Empire, and formation of
an independent Republic of Belarus. ¶ Analyzing a detailed syllabus in
respect of teaching students about the Jewish issues and the Holocaust,
one can draw the conclusion that the program is very deficient. ¶ In 5th
grade, students learn about the history of ancient Israel, in 7th grade about
a national minority that lived in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, whereas
in 9th grade they read about legal restrictions introduced against Jews.
In 10th grade, teachers inform students about the concepts of genocide
and Holocaust.
Jewish Subject Matter and the Holocaust as portrayed in school textbooks
¶ To verify how specific points of the curriculum designed by the Ministry
of Education are presented during lessons to the students, we should first
turn our attention to school textbooks. ¶ Eighteen history textbooks have
been published in Belarus from 2000 to 20113, six of which contain no
single piece of information about the history of Jews and the Holocaust.
Other textbooks, to a greater or lesser degree, contain references to the
Jewish community that are consistent with the proposed curriculum. The
first part of a 5th Grade Student Textbook on Ancient History edited by
Uladzimir Koszelev is devoted to the history of the civilizations of Ancient
East and America. In the chapter ‘Phoenicia,’ there is one phrase which
reads, ‘Phoenicians and ancient Jews, or the people of Israel, profoundly
influenced the history of human culture’.4 Chapter ‘Ancient Palestine’,
consists of four parts: 1. Natural Conditions, 2. Origin of Jews, 3. Kingdom
of Israel, 4. Jewish Religion.5 ¶ Thanks to this information, 5th grade
students have an idea about the first settlements of the Jewish people.
They learn about Kings David and Solomon, how the kingdom of Israel
came into being, they read about the establishment of Jerusalem and the
First Temple and about the division of Israel into two kingdoms. At the
3 In the last few years, two identical versions of history textbooks for secondary
schools in Belarus have been published in Russian and in Belarusian. All quotes in
this article are taken from the Belarusian ones (Ed.).
4 Ancient History. Textbook for 5th grade students of secondary schools with the
curriculum taught in Belarusian. Part two of Chapter 1, edited by U. Koszelev. Minsk,
2009. Page 78.
5 Same source. Pages 81–82.
[208]
same time, 5th grade students get to know about the Jewish religion. There
is a conclusion at the end of the chapter stating that “The ancient Jews
profoundly influenced the history of human culture, accepting monotheism and creating the Old Testament – the first part of the Bible.” ¶ A 7th
Grade Student Textbook of the History of Belarus, edited by Juri Bochan
portrays the Jewish community in the chapter ‘Ethnic Minorities in the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania.’ Students learn about the causes of the Jewish
Diaspora, and then about the spread of the Yiddish language, and about
the life of Jews in Western Europe. Terms like ghetto, kehilla, etc. are
introduced. There is a list of Jewish professions and areas where they first
established their kehillot in Belarusian territories – in Brest and Grodno.
The 15th century was presented as a time of mass migration of Jews to
Belarus.6 ¶ A 9th Grade Student Textbook of World’s Modern History
1918–1945, edited by Genadz Kosmacz familiarizes students with such
issues as the reasons for the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in
Germany. An excerpt from the chapter ‘The West on the Eve of the WW2’
reads, ‘Genocide, i.e. the policy of persecution and extermination, became
a means to exterminate Jews. Jews were placed in ghettos – residential
areas allocated specifically for this purpose. Every Jew had to wear a special patch sewn to their clothes in the form of a six-pointed yellow star.
Jews were subject to continuous repressions and murdered on a mass
scale. More than six million people fell victim to this policy in the years
1933–19457’ (p. 31). A supplement to this chapter contains a description
of the Kristallnacht and its course.8 ¶ A 9th Grade Student Textbook of
the History of Belarus 1917–1945 edited by Mikalai Stashkevich contains
the chapter ‘German-Nazi Occupation Regime in Belarus’ where the
policy of genocide on the occupied territories is discussed. Students will
study a short note about the number of ghettos and Holocaust victims in
Belarus.9 ¶ A 10th Grade Student Textbook of World’s Contemporary
History 1945–2000, edited by Genadz Kosmacz has a chapter “The Soviet
State in 1945–1953” that mentions the persecutions of Jews in the USSR.
We read: “A campaign exposing “cosmopolitism” and persecutions of Jews
increased towards the end of the 1940s. A famous actor and director,
6 G. Shykhau, Ju. Bochan, M. Krasnova. The History of Belarus: second half of the
13th century – first half of the 14th century. 7th Grade Student Textbook for secondary
schools with the curriculum taught in Belarusian. Edited by Ju. Bochan. Minsk, 2009.
Pages 120–121.
7 G. Kosmacz, R. Lazko, U. Sidartsou. World’s Modern History 1918–1945. 9th
Grade Student Textbook for secondary schools with a 12 year curriculum taught in
Belarusian. Edited by G. Kosmacz, 2nd edition. Minsk 2006. Page 31.
8 Same source. Page 35.
9 U. Sidartsou, S. Panou. The History of Belarus 1917–1945. 9th Grade Student
Textbook for secondary schools with a 12 year curriculum taught in Belarusian.
Edited by M. Stashkevich. 2nd edition. Minsk, 2006. Pages 154–157.
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Mikhoels was killed, and the so- called trial in connection with the Kremlin
Doctors’ Plot was organized”.10 ¶ A 10th Grade Student Textbook of the
History of Belarus from the Primitive Times to the late 18th Century
(authors Ivan Kren and Viktar Belazarovich) mentions Jews in chapters
“Social Relations in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Republic”
and “Ethnic Minorities in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.” There is a passage which discusses “a mass migration of Jews from Western Europe to
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as a result of severe pressure and persecutions.11” Terms like ghetto, kehilla, vaad, Yiddish and Judaism are
introduced. References are made to five large Jewish kehillot in Grodno,
Troki, Luck, Brest, and Vladimir.12 Additionally, the book makes a comment about the types of economic activity practiced by Jews like “crafts,
collection of custom taxes, trade, and accounting.”13 ¶ A 10th Student
Textbook of the History of Belarus from Primitive Times to October 1917,
edited by Jakau Traszczanok informs students in the first chapter “Introduction. About historical peculiarities of the Belarusian Past” that 70
percent of townspeople in Belarusian territories, which were part of Russia,
were Jewish. ¶ The fact that Jews concentrated in Belarusian guberniyas
can be explained with the existence of the so-called Pale of Settlement.
Then, “Polish and Jewish nationalism14” (sic!) is presented as a reason for
“an insufficient growth of the Belarusian national movement.” Further
chapters describe how Belarusian towns were established in the second
half of the 17th century and there are mentions that private owners of
Belarusian towns started to intensively populate them with “the Jewish
people displaced from Poland and Germany, who then formed kehillot15”.
Terms like kehilla board, rabbis, synagogues, cheders, Yiddish, Judaism
are introduced. A fact is emphasized that economically Jewish communities “were always more prosperous that the rest of the population.16” The
chapter “Belarusian Lands as part of Russia (1772–1801)” speaks about
a regulation on the establishment of “Jewish Pale of Settlement” enacted
10 G. Kosmacz, R. Lazko, U. Tuhai. World’s Modern History 1945–2005. 10th
Grade Student Textbook for secondary schools with a 12 year curriculum taught in
Belarusian. Edited by G. Kosmacz, 2nd edition. Minsk 2006. Page 95.
11 I. Kren, V. Belazarovich. The History of Belarus from Ancient Times to Late
Eighteenth Century. 10th Grade Student Textbook for secondary schools with a 11
year curriculum taught in Russian and in Belarusian. Minsk 2006. Page 221.
12 Vladimir of Volyn Principality
13 Same source
14 Ya. Traszczanok, A. Verabyou, V. Valazhankou. The History of Belarus from
Ancient Times to October 1917. 10th Grade Student Textbook for secondary schools
with the curriculum taught in Belarusian. Edited by Traszczanok. Minsk 2008. Page
11.
15 Same source. Page 109.
16 Same source. Page 111
[210]
by Catherine II and the liquidation of kehillot in 1844. It is stated that the
new regulations initiated the “denationalization of a Belarusian town,”
which, in turn, led to the “overpopulation of the towns with poor Jews
and the formation of Jewish town bourgeoisie which dominated in the
towns’ economy.17” Another chapter contains statements that “Belarusian
cities and towns were under the pressure of Jewish settlement zones: Jews
made up over 70 percent of the total population inhabiting cities and
towns, and about 60 percent of Belarus’ bourgeoisie18,” “most trade businesses were in the Jewish hands,” and that the settlement zone “paradoxically,
was convenient for the upper circles of the Jewish bourgeoisie.” Only a few
lines are devoted to Jewish socialists and there is a mention of the General
Jewish Labor Bund in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (BUND).19 ¶ An 11th
Grade Student Textbook of World History from the 19th to Early 21st
Century (author Uladzimir Koszieliev), discusses the establishment of
the Nazi regime in Germany and draws attention to the fact that the Nazi
party propagated anti-Semitic slogans.20 ¶ An 11th Grade Student Textbook of the History of Belarus from the 19th to Early 21st Century, edited
by Jauhen Nowik; chapter “The German-Russian War” reads that “the
Jews and Gipsies (…) were bound to be completely exterminated21”. Further,
the Minsk ghetto is mentioned where about 100,000 people were killed.
There is also information that “in Belarus, there were created more that
100 Jewish ghettos where Nazis imprisoned hundreds of thousands of
Jews, residents of Belarus and other European countries.22” ¶ An 11th
Grade Student Textbook of the History of Belarus October 1917 – Early
21st Century, edited by Jakau Traszczanek, in the chapter devoted to the
October Revolution and the Civil War in Belarus informs that “Local
industry and trade were in the hands of the Jewish bourgeoisie which
exploited not only Jewish proletarians, but all the proletarians, irrespective of their ethnic origin. Jews constituted 75 percent of the population
of Belarusian cities and towns.23” ¶ In the fragment about the ethnic
17 Same source. Page 159.
18 Same source. Page 202.
19 Same source. Page 226.
20U. Koszieliev. World History from the 19th to Early 21st Century. 11th Grade
Student Textbook for secondary schools with the curriculum taught in Belarusian.
Edited by Ya. Trashchanka. Minsk, 2009. Page 11.
21 The History of Belarus from the 19th to Early 21st Century. 11th Grade Student
Textbook for secondary schools with the curriculum taught in Belarusian. Edited by
Ja. Nowik. Minsk, 2009. Page 158.
22Same source. Page 160.
23 Ya. Traszczanok, A. Verabyou, M. Zhalyazniak. The History of Belarus (October
1917 – beginning of the 21st century). 11th Grade Student Textbook for secondary
schools with the curriculum taught in Belarusian. Edited by Ya. Traszczanok. Minsk
2009. Page 11.
[211]
cleansing, which took place in 1924 and whose victims were students of
vocational schools and universities, the textbook’s author notes that, “The
first to be killed were the children of Jewish traders, servants and craftsmen and civil servants, as a rule, of Jewish origin.24” ¶ The information
provided above shows that not all of the school textbooks authors meet
the requirements listed in the curriculum, and some of the books do not
mention the problem of the Holocaust at all. One has to note that the
situation is the same with all subjects of the school curriculum. At the
same time, the Jewish subject matter and the issues related to the Holocaust are treated in a very superficial manner. Moreover, the textbooks
create a negative image of Jews. Students do not learn everything about
the Jewish population living on the territory of Belarus, about its great
significance for the growth of the country, science, culture and art. Most
of the time they are shown as members of rich bourgeoisie who did not
have a friendly attitude towards Belarusians. ¶ There is some information
about the Holocaust and the establishment of ghettos in Belarus, but the
causes of these events are not explained. ¶ Some of the textbooks make
references to the demographic data, which clearly indicates that, in some
periods, Jews made up most of the population of Belarusian cities, yet the
books do not touch upon the great influence of Jews on the development
of the history and culture of individual cities, trade, science or culture.
¶ Only two authors of history textbooks for 10th grade students present
such terms as kehilla board, rabbi, synagogue, cheder, Yiddish, and Judaism, whereas all of the other textbooks lack this terminology. ¶ The
information that refers to the Jewish community is very sketchy and does
not give students a chance to learn about the whole history and the importance of the group.
24Same source. Pages 84–85.
[212]
The experience of Polish and
Belarusian organizations
preserving the cultural heritage of
European Jews
[213]
r Marcin Dziurdzik, Jan Kubisa (Warsaw)
‚Memory in Stone’ – the project for documenting
Jewish tombstones
The Virtual Shtetl portal, run by the Museum of the History of Polish Jews
and the Jewish Historical Association in Poland, offers not only a vast data
base on the history of Jewish towns in Eastern and Central Europe and
their material and spiritual legacy of Polish Jews. It is much more than
a chronicle of the current rebirth of Jewish life witnessed in Poland. It is
also the center around which revolve various documentary and educational
projects. A project called Pamięć w kamieniu (Memory in Stone) is one
of them. ¶ Memory in Stone is a program which aims to document Jewish
cemeteries. We encourage young people to visit and take care of Jewish
cemeteries in their hometowns. We also offer them a user-friendly tool
for publishing results of their work online. Each matzeva is photographed,
designated on a map and then the information is translated into Polish and/
or English. Thanks to such activities, we can join forces and contribute
to cataloging Jewish cemeteries throughout Poland. Likewise we focus
on Jewish material legacy, facilitating Jews around the world to discover
their family roots. ¶ Why is it good to get involved in Memory in Stone?
Well, there are many reasons for it. First, it helps us to preserve the image
of Polish Jewish cemeteries for future generations. Nowadays, in the era
of digitalization and publishing archives, rare books and other sources
on a large scale, it is easy to forget about one fundamental thing: material
traces of cultural legacy are much more susceptible to damaging factors.
From our human point of view, records stored in a state archive seem to
be practically everlasting (even if it is sometimes difficult to access them
or even when they are not available to the wider public). Its digitalization,
although extremely important, may be postponed, whether in the short- or
long-term future. ¶ However, a Jewish cemetery in Lenin, which has been
visited by the Virtual Shtetl on an expedition organized as part of one of
our projects, has been disappearing from the face of the earth extremely
quickly, with matzevot decaying and weeds overgrowing the cemetery. It
is noteworthy that this cemetery is unique on a European scale, with about
three hundred preserved wooden matzevot. Within a few or ten-odd years,
[214]
not a single trace will remain of this remarkable historical monument.
Should someone want to pay for restoring the cemetery (such as a local government or an office for restoring historical monuments), the cost would
be exorbitant. The only way of rescuing the cemetery, at least partially, is
to make a detailed photographic documentation, publish it online and
render it available to the public. ¶ A photo documentation paves the way
for other activities, such as translating grave inscriptions from Hebrew or
Yiddish. This, in turn, changes the perception of most people who begin
to notice individual traits of tombstones. The deceased buried in Jewish
cemeteries can be located in a specified time framework and historical
context. In this way,, the historical concept of ‘A Jewish community in
town X from the 17th-20th century’ is no longer valid and is replaced by
micro history, i.e. life stories of individual people, which are much more
interesting and have greater influence on your imagination. Knowing the
names of buried people, we may engage in other educational projects. For
example, we look for the names in old directories or address lists, interview elderly locals who may remember these people as their school mates
or neighbors. There are many possibilities and each of them transforms
a number of enigmatic ordinary grave stones into a chronicle of vibrant life
in a certain community in the past. ¶ Another interesting idea connected
with this project is to launch a cooperation with an Israeli school or a group
of Hebrew students. Such partnership between school pupils recording
the cemetery on the spot and those who translate the inscriptions from
abroad, the passion for preserving a historical monument shared by people
who are thousand kilometers away from each other, is quite promising and
offers new perspectives for both sides. ¶ Below are guidelines and hints
which go through the entire process of documenting Jewish cemeteries in
the Memory in Stone project, showing you step by step how to document
monuments and publish the collected materials online.
Stage 1: Preparatory Stage ¶ 1. Source research ¶ First, you need
to examine available online and traditional sources. ¶ Internet very often
provides information regarding local specificity and contact data to caretakers of Jewish cemeteries, which may be indispensable when you need
the keys to the cemetery gate or extra information about the original
location of matzevot. In this way, you can gather as much data as possible
about a certain cemetery. If you have problems with identifying the exact
location of the Jewish cemetery, a library or Internet search of prewar
maps and street plans, such as Polish prewar maps from the Military Institute of Geography (Wojskowy Instytut Geograficzny) or Austrian maps
from the so-called Galician Cadastral maps may come in handy to you.
2. Examining available satellite/aerial photographs ¶ What you need to
do next is to compare historical data with contemporary information, i.e.
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finding the location of the cemetery on satellite or aerial photographs
through an Internet website, such as GoogleMaps. It will facilitate you to
find out the number of matzevot, identify the numbering and documenting order, and the shape and surface area of the cemetery. You can also
draw an auxiliary cemetery plan based on the photographs.
3. Getting in contact with an owner of the keys to the cemetery gate ¶
You have to find out whether the cemetery is open to the public. If it is
closed down, you need to make an appointment with a person who owns
the keys to the cemetery gate. It is a great opportunity to interview them
and learn as much as possible about the graveyard.
4. You need the following accessories:
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
a camera
a notebook
a broom
grass cutters
shears
chalk
GPS device
a recorder (indispensable if you desire to interview a caretaker of
the cemetery, for instance)
5. Rabbinical Commission Guiding Rules concerning the cemeteries’
upkeep ¶ The regulations regarding the upkeep of cemeteries according
to Jewish tradition are different from the rules in Christian tradition. You
should abide by them in order to show respect for Jewish tradition. ¶ How
a Jewish cemetery should be cleaned? ¶ It is permitted:
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
to clear out weeds, flowers, moss
to mow grass,
to remove garbage
to remove leaves from tombstones (matzevot)
to prune trees and shrubs
to cover the cemetery with extra soil
It is forbidden:
a.
b.
c.
d.
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to use sharp tools
to dig the ground
to dig bones
to dig out stones or tombstones
It is good to familiarize oneself with the rules set by the Rabbinical
Commission, which present a detailed list of works which are allowed
in the Jewish cemetery under Jewish law. These guidelines are available
online. You many also talk to a rabbi in the local Jewish community. Many
rabbis, especially American ones, give online counsels about Jewish law.
Remember that each regulation may be interpreted differently according to the interpretation of the law offered by a given rabbi. Generally
speaking, the best idea is to adapt to the rules which are typical of the
local community and to follow your common sense and, needless to say,
to respect Jewish tradition and religious feelings of others.
Stage 2: Documentation ¶ Now you can start the main part of
your work, that is documenting the cemetery:
1. First, you need to go around and examine the entire cemetery’s land ¶ It
is necessary to walk around the whole cemetery and try to find and label
hardly visible or totally covered matzevot. Pay close attention to empty
places in the original rows with matzevot (if matzevot have been preserved)
and to sites which might have been on the line of other unpreserved rows.
2. Cleaning matzevot ¶ In order to fully record inscriptions and icono-
graphies, it is often necessary to clear the matzeva. If it is in an upright
position, rooted in the ground, you need to make sure as to whether
the lowest visible writing is actually the last verse. ¶ Matzevot should
be cleaned without metal tools or chemical cleaning agents, which may
scratch and destroy the tombstone. Please note that matzevot were often
made of sandstone, which is prone to corrosion and mechanical damage.
A brush and clean water are the best for cleaning. If you find any sort of
‘filth’ which is difficult to remove (such as moss), you may use wooden
tools (an ordinary stick will do).
3. Numbering and labeling matzevot ¶ Matzevot should be labeled so that
the number is visible in all photographs (photographs taken on the side
or from behind the tombstone). ¶ We recommend the following way of
numbering: beginning from the first row or a single tombstone (which is
nearest to you when you face the matzevot’s facades), you should number
them from right to left. ¶ So, if the primary layout of matzevot has been
preserved, with inscribed sides of matzevot facing the east, the first row
is the one which is the most eastward. You should number them one by
one, starting from the north and continue southward. ¶ An example of
a numbering order of tombstones in a cemetery where the original layout
has been preserved (matzevot facing the east) ¶ An easy way of numbering
matzevot is to cross the cemetery along parallel stripes, which indicate
the four cardinal points or form the shape of the cemetery. The above
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N
illustration shows lines going southwards from the north, which begin
on the eastern side of the cemetery. Information from satellite or aerial
pictures may be helpful. ¶ Sometimes, matzevot were oriented the other
way round, i.e. westwards. In many cemeteries, the original layout of the
tombstones has not survived. Sometimes, they were later rearranged in
a way that they did not cover the graves. Therefore, the numbering order
should be adapted to a given situation. When neither the cemetery’s
borders nor the layout of matzevot match the cardinal directions, it is
better to follow their loose arrangement.
4. Photo documentation ¶ Now, what you need to do is to photograph all
matzevot. You should capture the whole stone, especially iconographies
and inscriptions. When you take a picture of a more complex and elaborate
monument, it is recommended that you take pictures from all sides and
capture its details as well. ¶ Light falling on the inscribed surface of the
matzeva at a sharp angle makes the perfect photographing conditions. In
the case of cemeteries with a preserved original layout of tombstones, the
perfect time will be a few minutes to noon (when matzevot face the east)
or just after noon (when matzevot face the west). ¶ Should you take pictures of illegible writings, you may need to wet the surface of the matzeva
with a moist sponge. You can additionally shed more light at a sharp angle
with a reflector (a screen reflecting and redirecting light towards a given
object). ¶ The pictures should be taken by a digital camera (not by a cell
phone camera), with a resolution of at least 4 Mpx (2272 x 1704). The pictures must be clear, sharp and focused, so that inscriptions can be easily
read. Therefore, if you take pictures with a camera which is equipped with
a smaller matrix, you may additionally zoom the image of the inscription
and photograph it with two snapshots, for example.
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5. Finding GPS coordinates for each of the matzevot ¶ The easiest way is
to use a GPS device. After photographing a given matzeva, you should
take down its geographical coordinates or, to save time, photograph the
GPS device. In order for the documentation to be reliable, the coordinates should be captured at a distance of at least 2–6 meters from the
matzeva. If matzevot are close to one another, you may designate a group
of tombstones with one reading of coordinates. ¶ If you are not equipped
with such a device, you should choose landmarks that will be visible on
satellite pictures, which will later serve as a basis for you while drawing
a map. This stage should result in at least an approximate designation of
the locations of all matzevot on GoogleMaps on the Virtual Shtetl.
Stage 3: Presenting the results of your work to the
public ¶ So that everyone can view them, the Virtual Shtetl portal offers
you an opportunity to publish the effects of your project online, which will
inspire other portal users. Once your project and its results are published
on the Virtual Shtetl, the results will be easily accessible. Obviously, you
may come up with your own ideas of how to render them available to the
public. It is quite easy, especially if you use free GoogleMaps and similar
tools which are usually user friendly. They can be easily implemented
on external Internet websites (for example on the so-called home-made
pages or portals of institutions).
PLEASE NOTE ¶ Whenever you visit a Jewish cemetery, it is a good opportunity to collect valuable information about its current condition. Pay
attention to possible dangers and requirements connected with securing
the monuments. If you notice any changes in comparison to online descriptions of a given cemetery or if information in publications you came across
while searching the sources transpires to be outdated, we encourage you
to describe the cemetery anew and to publish your descriptions online.
[219]
, , The
‘Memory in
Stone’ project
(Belz). Photo
by Ida Shenderovich.
r Kornelia Kurowska (Olsztyn)
The experience of the milieu of Olsztyn’s “Borussia” in the
preservation of cultural heritage, education, and cultural
activity
“Borussia” – operating as an association, and from 2006 also as a foundation – is a non-governmental organization (NGO), which aims at creating
a space for intercultural dialogue in Warmia (Varmia) and Mazury (Masuria). The reference to the multicultural past of the region of the former
East Prussia – the specificity and atmosphere of the place and the fate of
its residents – has become an inspiration for a citizens’ movement being
created since 1990 in Olsztyn’s milieu. ¶ We have begun our program
activities from discovering the “Atlantis of the North” – researching and
documenting the material and non-material heritage of the region, which
has served over the years as a meeting place for various cultures, nations,
and religions. After World War II it was precisely here, in houses built of
red brick, which had, until 1945, belonged to Varmians, Masurians, Germans, and Jews, that our parents and grandparents settled down. Who
were the owners of these houses? What were their fates? During the first
Borussian meetings, debates, seminars, and conferences we have learned
about the meanders of the region’s history, we discussed the fates of its
former residents, and various interpretations of events from the past.
Our educational field trips around the region served as an occasion to
discover the unknown or forgotten places and buildings, which have fallen
into ruins since the war. ¶ Our aim, however, was not just learning about
and describing the history of the region, but mainly the constructive and
creative absorption of the multicultural heritage of the lands between
lower Vistula and the Niemen rivers. We wanted to speak on our own
behalf – as current residents of this region – about its past, but also to
take responsibility for its future. ¶ Acting as an NGO, an independent and
democratic non-governmental organization, we were able to realize our
aims and mission without regard for limitations, stereotypes, or the state
of advanced public debate. Without fear, but not without problems, we
undertook the effort to learn history through dialogue with others – the
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current and former inhabitants of the region, and with neighbors from the
west and the east. We based the following on the idea of “open regionalism” formulated by Robert Traba: when building authentic relations and
contacts with people from various cultural spheres, we based our actions
on personal experiences, respect for diversity and dissimilarity of others.
¶ We tried to document the traces of history present in the sphere of cities,
towns, and villages by elaborating on professional exhibitions dedicated to
the specificity of the regional architecture, showing selected elements of
the cultural landscape surrounding us (i.e. Palaces and manors of former
Eastern Prussia, Village Landscape of Varmia, Masuria, and Powiśle),
promoting the subject of heritage preservation in the journal Borussia.
Culture. History. Literature, or in publications published by “Borussia”
(for example: Preserved – Survived? Regarding the cultural landscape
and methods of its creation, Traditional rural architecture in Varmia and
Masuria: landscapes and regional forms, Masurian cemeteries: symbols
in landscape, Roadside Avenues. History, meaning, dangers, preservation).
The publishing activity and promotion of issues of European heritage
through organizing international seminars and training sessions for representatives of local governments, teachers, journalists, and representatives
of NGOs continues to constitute an important part of our organization’s
program work. Without a doubt it had considerable influence on the
process of building a sense of regional belonging taking place in the last
years in Varmia and Masuria. ¶ Through our activities were are engaged
not only in the program discussion about regional identity, but we also
undertake many practical activities in the area of preserving the cultural
landscape and reaching wide groups of audience. Precisely these activities are the carrier of the Borussian idea, which has attracted numerous
followers in the region and outside it. ¶ “Borussia” owes its success and
acknowledgment of its merits in the co-creation of a new thinking about
the cultural heritage of Germans and Jews, our place and the role of the
“other” in the cultural landscape primarily to its educational and cultural
activities. As one of the first organizations in Poland, we came to appreciate the potential of the region’s cultural heritage and the opportunities
it poses for citizen activity and history education. ¶ As Borussians we
have learned to consciously read the cultural landscape surrounding us
and understand its specificity. We shared our knowledge with others –
young people, the next generation of our region’s inhabitants, became
the recipients of our educational activities. From the beginning of the
1990s, we have been initiating actions, to which we have invited young
people and their peers from neighboring countries. In our region’s small
localities, workshops and work camps have been organized, during which
international youth groups have worked together on the restoration of
historic cemeteries and parks. Every few weeks, volunteers from Poland,
Germany, and Russia, as well as students from Olsztyn’s middle and high
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schools are engaged in actions of cleaning the Jewish cemetery in Olsztyn,
which is cared for by “Borussia.” It turns out that by encouraging young
people to cooperate, having the support of local partners, and using the
experiences of professionals, one can successfully rescue destroyed historic sites without the need for large funding. Such activities done with
the participation of young volunteers are not only effective, but also lend
substantial educational results. Cleaning of a Jewish cemetery becomes
a wonderful history lesson, provided we prepare the group of teenagers
for such an activity, for example through giving lectures or lessons about
the history of local Jews, and Jewish customs and traditions prior to the
activity. The social dimension of such activities, undertaken thanks to
the support by student volunteers, provided free of charge, is also crucial.
Social effects are considerably higher than if the task of tidying up the
cemetery was contracted to a professional cleaning company. ¶ As our
experiences with the cooperation with other organizations and schools
show, a Jewish cemetery can also become a place of artistic inspiration. In
cooperation with Middle School Nr. 5 in Olsztyn, in 2005 we undertook
an art project for students titled “Painting the forgotten,” which ended in
an outdoors exhibition of works presenting the Jewish cemetery on Zyndrama z Maszkowic Street as seen by the youths. In December 2011, after
more than 40 years, tombstones appeared at the cemetery – a Polish-German group sculpted them in ice and placed them in the site of the original
tombstones damaged at the end of the 1960s. ¶ Borussia’s experiences
serve as a good example that one can successfully assign more difficult and
ambitious activities in the sphere of historic sites preservation to young
people. From 2005, we have been undertaking a large educational project
for young people aged 18–30, which is a long-term volunteer program
devoted to the preservation of European heritage. Some 15 to 20 volunteers from Poland, Germany, and Russia participate in the “International
volunteer work for the preservation of cultural landscape in Varmia and
Masuria”, during which they work for 12 months in several small localities throughout Varmia and Masuria, supporting the activities of local
organizations and institutions involved in the preservation of European
heritage. The volunteers work in museums, cultural centers, local NGOs,
conservation workshops, and governmental institutions responsible for
preserving historic sites. ¶ They deal, inter alia, with the following tasks:
– care for historic sites (research, inventory, documenting, and
producing information materials)
– museum work (guided tours, preparing and organizing museum
lessons and thematic exhibitions)
– making understandable the underlying idea of establishing historic parks and cemeteries
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– conservation and restoration of historic sites (architecture, chapels, monuments)
– cooperation with conservation workshops (practice in preservation of heritage sites, documenting restoration works)
– collecting information and documenting traces of cultural past
(i.e. conducting interviews with witnesses to history, collecting
testimonies and accounts)
– preparing cultural events (festivals, exhibitions) in small localities or in villages
– undertaking international educational projects for children, the
youth, and adults.
The participation in such diverse project activities allows young volunteers to acquire theoretical knowledge and practical skills in the area
of preservation of historic landmarks. Under the supervision of experts:
historians, conservation and restoration workers, NGO activists, and
officials, young volunteers can learn about the history and tradition of the
historical region of Varmia and Masuria, its centuries-old heritage; learn
how to prepare documentation of historic sites; learn practical elements
of conservation and restoration work; learn how to archive the collections,
and finally – they can undertake their own original projects. The realization of this ambitious program of cooperation with volunteers is possible
thanks to the financial support of the European Union Program “Youth
in Action” and the Polish-German Cooperation of Youth. In 2005–2010,
the project was financed also by the Program “Memoria. Volunteers for
European Cultural Heritage” of the “Memory, Responsibility, and Future”
Foundation. ¶ The engagement of young people from three countries in
the long-term activities for the sake of rescuing European heritage and
the development of local communities in north-east Poland has brought
wonderful results. These can be counted into tens and hundreds of activities and projects, as well as in the general success of the program and its
aims. In the program “International volunteer work for the preservation
of cultural landscape in Warmia (Varmia) and Mazury (Masuria)” the
exchange of knowledge and experiences takes place between the young
volunteers and their host organizations on many levels: between Borussia
and the host organizations and other partners, among the host organizations, and among the volunteers. Young people have a unique opportunity
to cooperate with the most renowned experts in the area of preservation
of the European heritage, namely with historians, conservation workers,
architects, and art historians. Those meetings and learning from the best
are manifested by interesting constellations of experiences, knowledge,
and skills which result in wonderful ideas for action, which are realized
with immense engagement and great sensitivity by the Borussian volunteers. ¶ In our work we try to make the aims of “Borussia” understandable,
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close, and tangible for the volunteers and their organizations operating
in cities, towns, and villages of Warmia and Mazury, so that they could
learn about and appreciate the cultural diversity, learn to take an active
stance, take initiative, cooperate with partners, become tolerant, more
active, and mobile. ¶ Not only does Borussia initiate social change, but it
also independently undertakes challenges connected with preservation
of historic sites. As one of the few NGOs countrywide, a few years ago
we took the effort to rescue a historical building – Beit Tahara – a Jewish funeral home designed by the famous architect of the modernist era,
Erich Mendelsohn. With the efforts of Borussia, conservation work of the
site, referred by us as the Mendelsohn’s Home, has been underway for
a few years now. We have also engaged young people to do some jobs in
this project. ¶ During the years 2008–2009, Borussia volunteers worked
renovating a wooden pyramid crowning the main hall in the Beit Tahara.
Together with the conservation workers, they removed layers of paint and
plaster and uncovered original paintings and mosaic designed by Mendelsohn. The “Discovering Jewish Culture” (as we called our project) took
place in real and symbolic realms. By working on a historic site, learning
about the ins and outs of a heritage conservation job, and cooperating
with the others the volunteers had an occasion to encounter multicultural
tradition of Olsztyn, to acquire knowledge from other people and learn
together with them. ¶ Borussia brings the forgotten history of the Jewish
community closer to the region’s inhabitants through cultural activities.
Since 2006, the event called Mendelsohn’s Parlors (Salony Mendelsohna)
has been organized in Olsztyn on a regular basis, and includes: seminars,
lectures, meetings devoted to literature, music and film presenting various
aspects of Jewish culture and history and promoting the achievements of
the renowned architect. They have become part of Olsztyn’s program of
cultural events, the same as the Days of Jewish Culture, a joint initiative
of Borussia and the B’Jachad Association, in which local government
institutions and private people have been actively engaged. The main aim
of our endeavor is to show the rich connections of Polish, Jewish, and
German cultures that coexisted in Warmia and Mazury throughout the
centuries. Meetings within the Days of Jewish Culture are addressed to
various age and occupation groups, and inform the region’s inhabitants
in an interesting and accessible way about the culture of Jews, who had
played an important role in Warmia and Mazury until the outbreak of
World War II. During the Days of Jewish Culture we do not avoid difficult
subjects from the past, we also show contemporary phenomena of Jewish
culture and that of Israel. Every year lectures, concerts, art workshop for
children and teenagers, cooking classes for those who want to become
familiar with Jewish or Israeli cuisine are part of the program. Screenings of Israeli films, as well as classes teaching the basics of Hebrew and
Yiddish enjoy great popularity. Educational seminars for teachers, who
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are a very important target group for Borussia, constitute a substantial
part of Days of Jewish Culture. ¶ We have found out that the project
work method brings best results in any educational and cultural activities.
Thanks to its attractive format, it not only encourages participants to be
active, irrespective of their age, but makes them be involved. Apart from
new skills and competences, which the participants develop, they have
an easier time learning history and from history if they can, in a tangible
way, touch it and experience it. The living social context of project activities, which we undertake in Borussia, cannot be overestimated. Creating
educational situations based on real needs (for example, preservation of
a historic cemetery) or clearly formulated tasks (preparing a photo exhibit
documenting Jewish architectural landmarks) allows the organizers to
transfer the knowledge and experiences, and more importantly, to shape
in an active way the participants’ stances and to strengthen values. ¶ The
20-year experience of Borussia can serve as an inspiration for undertaking
similar activities, especially in the borderlands, where influences of various cultures meet. Our Varmia-Masurian- East Prussian example shows
that historical and contemporary neighborhood with national, ethnic, or
religious minorities can enrich both sides through experiences and the
chance for developing the local community and the region.
Art project “To paint the forgotten” about the Jewish heritage in the
landscape of the city ¶ Prewar Olsztyn had about 40,000 inhabitants,
and the Jewish community numbered some 1,000. Currently, a small
group of people of Jewish origin live in the city. Few traces of the Jewish
community’s presence in the urban landscape have survived World War
II and the postwar times. Among them are the Jewish cemetery and the
Beit Tahara – a ritual purification house, designed by the famous architect Erich Mendelsohn. Our organization, Foundation “Borussia,” cares
for both of these places. These places became the points of departure
and inspiration for discussion about the city’s history and restoring the
memory of Olsztyn’s Jews and, in contemporary terms – for creating
attitudes of understanding and tolerance for others among students of
one of the schools positions of. ¶ Our organization has invited students
from the middle school in Olsztyn, located near the Jewish cemetery, to
participate in our project. ¶ Step by step
1. We laid out the conceptual framework of the project, its description, and appointed a 3-person project team, whose aim was to
coordinate the entirety of the activities, cooperate with partners
and the media. The team met regularly every few days, and in
the later stage – even daily, depending on needs and ongoing
tasks. It was responsible for efficient communication with the
project’s partners.
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The entrance
to Mendelsohn’s
house at 1 Zyndrama z Maszkowic Street – the
exhibition of
works by the project’s participants.
A photograph
from the Borussia Foundation’s
Archive.
2. The project team organized meetings, during which it informed
the principal and the middle school’s teachers about our aim. We
precisely described the aims of our project and what each stages
would look like. The school became our official partner in the
project, which had made its realization easier.
3. Together with the school, we announced an art contest for
students “To paint the forgotten” – the leading motif of artwork
was supposed to be the Jewish cemetery in Olsztyn, its history
and future. We worked out short contest rules. Artwork could be
done by students of all grades and they could use any technique.
We decided on a 2-month deadline. We appointed a committee
consisting of a few people, which included school representatives and experts cooperating with them.
4. In the time between the announcement of the contest until its
closing date, we have organized a series of activities for students
connected with the history of Jews in Olsztyn, their culture and
traditions. The activities took place during classes or after school.
These included:
–a walking tour “In the footsteps of Olsztyn’s Jews,” during which students had the opportunity to find out where
synagogues, residential houses, factories, and other buildings
connected with the Jewish community were located. They
also visited the Jewish cemetery and the Beit Tahara;
–moderated meetings with witnesses to history, who told students about the prewar and immediate postwar history of the
city;
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–classes with historians and architects, who, based on historical photos of the city and descriptions, helped students
reconstruct the picture of prewar multicultural Olsztyn;
–classes with a historian who taught about the history of
Jewish cemeteries, the traditions connected with them, and
showed what Jewish tombstones (destroyed in the 1960s) at
the cemetery might have looked like.
5. Art teachers provided art supervision over the students. They
encouraged students to prepare works for the contest, gave them
advice regarding the technique, and gave them inspiration ideas.
6. The authors of works submitted for the contest attached
a release form, which included information about the student,
his or her contact information, and an agreement to use the
work by the project organizers.
7. The project team archived all submitted works (in the form of
scans).
8. During its meeting, the committee evaluated the submitted
works and decided to select three, which were awarded main
prizes. We received the prizes from our sponsors.
9. ALL artwork submitted by the students was displayed at an
exhibition.
10. We used simple materials (wooden planks) to prepare the exhibit
in order to avoid high costs and to stay relevant to the specificity
of the exhibit.
11. The exhibit of students’ works took place at the end of the school
year, so during the summer, and outdoors, on 2 Zyndrama
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The exhibition
of works by the
project’s participants combined
with talks with
town inhabitants.
A photograph
from the Borussia Foundation’s
Archive.
The outdoor
exhibition was
a good idea – the
opening attracted
many visitors,
including random
passers-by. A photograph from the
Borussia Foundation’s Archive.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
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z Maszkowic Street, where the Jewish cemetery is located. It
was connected with a street action. The works were placed on
wooden planks and boards and mounted to the façade of the Beit
Tahara along the street.
We invited all middle school students, teachers, and the principal, as well as the students’ parents, and representatives of the
authorities and offices to the exhibition. At this stage, we were
joined by the media (TV, radio, newspapers), which published an
announcement of the action. Therefore, people not connected
with the project or the school, but interested in the subject
appeared at the exhibit. Incidental passersby – residents of the
Grunwaldzkie Osiedle neighborhood, where the cemetery is
located – also became spectators.
The exhibition provided an opportunity to honor all people
engaged in the project: students, teachers, experts, and volunteers, and to award prizes for best artworks. We also used this
event to present to the public the subject matter and aim of the
project. Therefore, we have invited representatives of government offices, educational institutions, the board of education,
etc.
The performance of a klezmer band added splendor to the exhibition – the music reverberating on the street attracted more
guests. Everyone enjoyed the unusual format of the exhibit.
We drafted a report and an account of the project for our
sponsors, but also for our own purposes, and for the school.
The ongoing photo documentation was useful for us. We took
pictures during all stages of the project (meetings with students,
classes with experts, walking tour around Olsztyn). We collected
all media releases from the event – they were useful for our project documentation which we then presented to the sponsors.
At the end, we submitted a signed thank you letter to the school
and the teachers involved in the project.
The best work was published in the form of a postcard, which
promoted our project. We successfully used the other works,
photos, and materials from the project during the presentation
of our educational activities.
r Karolina Jakoweńko, Piotr Jakoweńko (Będzin)
Activities of the Cukerman’s Gate Foundation
in the urban space
Foundation ¶ The Cukerman’s Gate Foundation originated from the need
to use the creative potential of the residents of Będzin and the tourism
assets of the place. The main aims of the Foundation include the preservation and promotion of Jewish heritage on the territory of Dąbrowa
Basin – a region located in the south of Poland, some 70 km west of
Cracow.
Before the formal establishment of our Foundation, we had been active
beginning from August 2008 as a group of young, socially engaged people.
In March 2009, we managed to register the Foundation under the name
“Cukerman’s Gate.” According to Polish law, establishing of a Foundation
i.e. a formally active non-governmental organization (NGO), has opened
us doors to more “professional” modes of operation, such as: fundraising, cooperation with local government entities, other foundations, and
with the private sector – basically pursuing our mission and statutory
objectives in a more effective ways. ¶ The name of the Foundation – “Cukerman’s Gate” comes from the name of a small street in Będzin, called
Brama Cukermana – from the last name of its prewar owner. It was on
this street, on the first floor of a townhouse that a former Jewish house
of prayer – founded most likely at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s – was
discovered. What is unique about this small private synagogue are the
fascinating polychromes that have been preserved. The desire to protect
and care for this miraculously preserved heritage site has been the main
impulse for the establishing of our foundation. From then on our priority
has been to protect and restore this former Jewish house of prayer and
to make this place available for visitors. ¶ The synagogue is located in
a townhouse, which was passed into the hands of Polish owners after the
war. From the very beginning, the Foundation has been paying rent for
the place on a regular basis. The funds come from the Foundation members and the support of donors. We want this place to become a venue
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for meetings, assemblies, dialogue, and discussions, but what we mainly
want to achieve is to make this place a living testimony commemorating
the Jewish community of Będzin.
Restoration ¶ In 2009, the Foundation undertook efforts to restore the
polychromes in Cukerman’s Former Prayer House. Possessing the legal
status of a NGO, we submitted a request to the Silesian Provincial Conservation Officer to assist in the financing of the restoration and
conservation work of the Cukerman’s Former Prayer House. Afterwards,
our application was supported by the Silesian Provincial Conservation
Officer, who allocated a 100 percent donation for the renovation of the
historic polychromes covering the walls of the synagogue. The restoration
was carried out by professional conservation artists, some of them from
the Fine Arts Academy in Katowice, in August and September 2009. Currently, the house of prayer in the Cukerman’s Gate is available for visitors
every Saturday from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. ¶ Apart from the aforementioned
care for the Jewish house of worship, the Foundation’s statutory objectives
also include promoting knowledge about the unknown Jewish heritage
of Będzin, the Dąbrowa Basin, and the Silesian Province. We accomplish
these tasks through a variety of innovative cultural and educational projects. ¶ One of such endeavors includes “Witnesses to History: Będzin.”
This is a long-term research and educational project. It aims to collect
testimonies, accounts, memorabilia, documents, and photographs i.e. the
traces of the past, and then to prepare them for publication. The most
important part of our project “Witnesses to History: Będzin” is to establish
cooperation with the oldest residents of Będzin, who could provide us
the first-hand information about the city’s past. We are particularly interested in the prewar period, but also in the wartime and postwar times.
This is really the last moment to perform such field research on what the
oldest Będzin residents remember. It is of great significance as many of
the people with whom we talk have never shared this knowledge with
anyone but their own family members. An important part of this endeavor
consists of engaging the youth from Mikołaj Kopernik /Nicolaus Copernicus/ High School No 1 in Będzin to cooperate with us. By taking part
in the interviews with the older residents of the city, the teenagers accomplish not only research aims, but also important social tasks such as
undertaking dialogue and strengthening intergenerational ties. ¶ Following the collection of a certain portion of interviews and accounts, the
material will be analyzed and published in the form of a web page – a portal with video and audio recordings as well as a book publication. ¶ One
of the more important educational projects completed by us is the
“Wholesale Factory” (“Hurtownia Manufaktury”). This is an urban trail
commemorating the prewar factories that existed in Będzin, Sosnowiec,
and Dąbrowa Górnicza. The idea for this trail came from our Foundation
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and the project was executed in cooperation with the County Authorities
in Będzin, the Municipal Office in Sosnowiec and the Municipal Office
in Dąbrowa Górnicza. ¶ The underlying idea of this project was to show
the recent, but nevertheless unknown, part of the history of our region,
a history of unusually numerous enterprises, stores, and artisan workshops
which operated here in the prewar period. Many of those businesses
belonged to Jews and almost all of them stopped to exist following the
outbreak of World War II. We also wanted to restore the memory of and
to commemorate the owners of those businesses, who made a great contribution to the development of the region. Owing to the fact that archival
materials, record books, old advertisements and announcements from
the 1930s were preserved, we were able to uncover what had happened
in a given place before World War II. We identified numerous stores,
associations, depots, warehouses, and factories that used to exist here…
and we decided to “reactivate” them. ¶ On the walls of tenement houses
in the center of Będzin, Sosnowiec, and Dąbrowa Górnicza information
plaques were mounted to show what had been located in a particular
building during the interwar period. Graphic projects of the plaques were
styled after prewar advertisements, when the typography and ornamental
elements, as well as aesthetics were fundamentally differed from contemporary advertising. The signs of the businesses that no longer exist
introduce an interesting accent into the urban space with their elegant
and orderly form. The old fashioned decorations of those advertisements
on the one hand are decorations and, on the other hand, stimulate the
residents to reflect on the past. ¶ The plaques were mounted on council
owned buildings, but also on private buildings, which posed considerable
problems because the owner’s approval had be obtained each time a sign
was placed on the façade. ¶ Directly in the urban space, each plaque is
accompanied by a map informing about the project and showing the
entire trail. More information about prewar businesses can be found on
the website www.hurtowniamanufaktury.pl that was created specially for
this purpose. ¶ The project was financed from the funds of the municipal
offices in Będzin, Sosnowiec, and Dąbrowa Górnicza. ¶ The idea underlying the “Wholesale Factory” trail is to encourage the residents to reflect
on the past and to do their own historical searches. It is also intended to
increase the attractiveness of the cities (towns) covered by the project as
tourism destinations. The history of the places in which we live can
become a living history, especially if instead of on focusing on grand and
distant historical events that can be found in numerous history textbooks
we can concentrate on individual life stories of ordinary people who used
to live and work at the place where we live now. ¶ The newest and at the
same time the most complicated endeavor of the Foundation is the Project
“Accounts of the Absent”. Its aim is to develop audio guides around places
connected with Jewish heritage in the towns and cities of the Silesian
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Province. A series of a few dozen of audio recordings is being created.
These audio recordings, in an accessible language, will guide through the
history and places connected with Jewish communities of Będzin, Bytom,
Czeladź, Chorzów, Dąbrowa Górnicza, Gliwice, Katowice, Sosnowiec,
Tarnowskie Góry, Zabrze, and Żarki. Between four and eight of them will
be devoted to each of the above locations, and they will take the listener
around the most important Jewish places such as: cemeteries, sites of
destroyed synagogues and former Jewish enterprises. The idea of audio
guides centered on Jewish heritage corresponds to the concept of a “city –
a living museum” – while walking in the streets we are guided by the voice
of a reader almost as in a contemporary museum. ¶ Historians and experts
in local history and Jewish heritage from the area of Silesia and the
Dąbrowa Basin have taken part in the creation of the audio recordings.
The texts of historians and experts were edited and recorded with the
participation of a professional reader. The background sound was prepared
in such a way so that the final product would acquire an attractive character of an “ audio drama.” The audio guides will be published on a specially
created website www.opowiescinieobecnych.org, where – based on the
Creative Commons licensing model (non-commercial use, copyright, and
no derivative works) – everyone will be able to listen to them or download
them onto their private MP3 players. A printed map with marked places
will accompany the audio guides. When working on this project, we have
established cooperation with a range of people, NGOs and municipal
institutions dealing with the issues of Jewish heritage. ¶ The project has
received funding from the Marshall Office of the Silesian Province, and –
what is interesting – from all the offices of municipalities described in
the audio guides. ¶ We anticipate that the modern form of education
through a system of audio guides will allow us to bring the unknown
Jewish part of the region’s history closer to the younger generation.
Guided tours of Jewish heritage trail in Będzin and its environs ¶ While
researching and learning about the history of the Dąbrowa Basin it was
impossible to resist the temptation to create a trail around the Judaica of
the region. In our cities there are of course Jewish cemeteries, obelisks
commemorating burned synagogues, or monuments in ghettos, but for
us this was insufficient. We wanted to say more about the city, about
the tenement houses and their residents. We did not want to erect new
monuments or mount new plaques. ¶ We decided that the best form of
education would be walking the trails of Jewish heritage in Będzin, Sosnowiec, and Dąbrowa Górnicza. This was met with immense interest of
the residents. It turned out that our knowledge absolutely surprised them.
It also turned out that there was a great demand for historical knowledge
delivered in an accessible manner – in an urban space, which had looked
completely different a few decades ago. ¶ We organize tours, advertising
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them with the help of the local media, or our Facebook profile. Usually,
a few dozen people come. The walk lasts around 3–5 hours, depending
on the weather and the fitness of the participants. Usually, we collect
symbolic fees at such walks. We use the funds collected that way for
our statutory objectives, and first and foremost for the preservation of
the historic house of worship. ¶ We have established cooperation with
the Jewish Culture Festival in Kazimierz in Kraków, whose participants
contact us in order to participate in walks around Będzin. Also, former
Jewish residents, Holocaust survivors, or their descendants who live all
over the world also come to Będzin. They often use our knowledge and
experience in organizing tours around the city. ¶ Our activity is supported
by such large and renowned institutions as the Taube Foundation, the
Galicia Jewish Museum, and the Auschwitz Jewish Center.
Partnership ¶ Będzin is the seat of our Foundation, but we are also active
on the territory of the so-called Silesia-Dąbrowa Agglomeration. We have
found out relatively fast that for many years in many cities of our region,
NGOs, enthusiasts, and social activists have been pursuing the same activity as our Foundation, namely the preservation and promotion of Jewish
heritage and nurturing the memory of the local Jewish communities. We
should mention the Tarnowska Góra Foundation of Culture and Art, the
Association for Jewish Heritage in Gliwice Memory-Zikaron, Or Chaim
Foundation in Katowice, Jerusza Association from Wodzisław Śląski, and
Dariusz Walerjański from Zabrze. We organized a meeting of these people
at our office, during which a decision was made to provide mutual support
to our undertakings and projects in the future. The result of the meeting was a festival “April of Jewish Culture,” organized by our Foundation
and the Silesian Library, during which all aforementioned organizations
met and exchanged their experiences and presented priorities in front
of a wide audience. ¶ As part of partnership activities, the Foundation
became involved in a remarkable social action “The Guidelines on the
Return of Matzevot “ („Instrukcja Powrotu Macewy”) This is an educational program organized by the Uptown Foundation and coordinated
by the Society of Creative Initiatives from Warsaw. Its aim is to initiate
or strengthen the process of bringing tombstones back to local Jewish
cemeteries. See: http://instrukcjapowrotu.blogspot.com. ¶ During World
War II and for some afterwards, Jewish tombstones were being destroyed
on a mass scale and used as a material to build roads, walls, or sidewalks.
This concerned both public space, as well as private space. Sixty years
after the war this problem continues to exist. At the same time, there are
a lot of initiatives taken by organizations and private individuals in Poland
trying to preserve the material traces of memory. ¶ The Cukerman’s Gate
Foundation has become involved in the Project “The Guidelines on the
Return of Matzevot “ as a “contact point,” in which those interested could
[233]
Fixing the plaques – ‘Hurtownia Manufaktury’
project in Będzin. A photograph from the ‘Cukerman’s Gate’ Foundation’s archive.
Young people in the former prayer house at the
Cukerman’s Gate in Będzin. A photograph from the
‘Cukerman’s Gate’ Foundation’s archive.
A walking tour to the former Będzin ghetto.
A photograph from the ‘Cukerman’s Gate’ Foundation’s archive.
A walking tour ‘on the trail of 30 000 Będzin Jews’.
A photograph from the ‘Cukerman’s Gate’ Foundation’s archive.
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find out about the project, get advice or discuss the issues of interest. So
far, we have been contacted by two people who found tombstones in
“strange” places (garden plots) and we have helped them transport the
tombstones to Jewish cemeteries. ¶ We strongly believe that our work,
although small -scale, and ideas and will help our Belarusian neighbors
in restoring and promoting the history about the former residents of our
towns. The ideas put forward by our Foundation members are meant to
educate in the first place, but also to encroach on the urban space so that
the memory about the multicultural history continued to exist and be
visible. Hopefully, the solutions introduced here can become an inspiration for creative activities in Belarus.
Witnesses to History – the guidelines on how the project can be executed
¶ The Project entitled “Witnesses to History” is simple to execute and it
does not involve any costs. At the same time, it is an invaluable endeavor,
which could be undertaken at any place thanks to volunteers and people
of good will. ¶ The execution of this project consists of collecting the
information about the prewar life of a town, its inhabitants, and includes
the collection of accounts and written record of past events. ¶ It is recommended that a group of volunteers be used to carry out this project. They
would collect materials under the supervision of the Project Coordinator.
A STEP BY STEP GUIDE
1. Appointing the Project Coordinator – a person responsible for
finding volunteers, who would conduct the interviews; a person
who would prepare a set of questions to be asked; someone who
would collect information, organize meetings, and supervise the
Project.
2. Finding volunteers willing to do the work – conduct interviews
with Witnesses to History; some 8–10 people. Volunteers could
be found by advertising in high schools; their age should be
15–17 years old – at that age people have time and are willing
to participate in new experiences, acquire practical information,
and engage in social issues.
3. The Project Coordinator should appoint a Project Supervisor,
such as a school, a culture center, or a teacher, who would be
able to support the project in a substantive way, and to make it
credible for the Witnesses to History, or possibly while dealing
with public authorities or the media.
4. The Coordinator should gain media support, for example of
the local newspapers, which provide a coverage for the group’s
activities.
5. Setting the time for executing the project, for example half a year.
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6. Designating a place and a time, preferably a permanent one, for
meetings, which would focus on supervising the project, analyzing it on an ongoing basis, introducing improvements, changes,
etc. – for example every two weeks (the best place would be an
afterschool club or a cultural center or a library, which could also
act as project partners).
7. Introducing volunteers to one another if these people have not
met.
8. Drafting a set of questions to be asked to the Witnesses to History – depending what kind of knowledge we want to acquire.
9. Finding recording equipment (digital video cameras, voice
recorders) – it is very likely that in such a group there would
somebody who owns such equipment; it could be shared (one
piece of equipment can be shared by a group of 10 volunteers).
Maybe schools, houses of culture, or libraries are able to make
such equipment available.
The recollections of the Witnesses to History can be written
down (transcribed), but you have to be quick at note taking.
Moreover, it does not relate the accounts in the same way as
recordings do.
If a group does not have a recording device, one could approach
the city officials and persuade them to purchase a camera or
a voice recorder, which would certainly be of use in the future.
10.Searching for potential Witnesses to History – we always begin
from grandmas and grandpas of the volunteers, then their
friends, etc. If we focus on the prewar period then we should
keep in mind that there are less and less people who remember
those times, and that they were often children before World War
II. Soliciting people for interviews should be done by the volunteers and the Coordinator, based on individual searches. No one
possesses a list of individuals who remember the distant past,
one has to work it out by ONESELF (sometimes meetings with
elderly people do not bring anything into the project, work with
such people is not easy – it demands patience, understanding,
empathy, and sensitivity). One should ask teachers if they have
parents who remember anything, neighbors, maybe someone
who can tell us a lot lives near us.
11.Scheduling an appointment – it is impossible to set a stiff meeting schedule, everything depends on a person with whom we will
be conducting the interview. These are very individual matters.
The meeting must certainly be confirmed by telephone.
12.Meetings with Witnesses to History – questions and recording
the meetings. Only 2–3 people from the project group should
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attend the meeting. We do not go there with the entire crew,
because that could scare off older people!
13.During the interview we patiently listen to the history; when
an interviewee moves away from the questions asked we could
delicately guide them back. However, let us not cut in too often,
because that could discourage our Witness.
14.Interview analysis – their contributions, our findings, what
can be created based on them… (maybe a map with interesting
places, a comic, a cartoon, a guide).
15.Summary – publication of the project in any form – on a website, a school newspaper (for example in fragments), or using
part of the material following examples in point 14. One can also
publicly view them, organize a day of recollections, a discussion panel, etc. A wide spectrum exists of how one can use the
materials. If we fail to do anything with them now, no worries –
interviews are a perfect archive of a town’s history.
Let us remember that “searching in the past” is a delicate matter and
that it is easy to offend another person, or make him or her emotional.
Such interviews demand perseverance from us and some historical knowledge in order to steer elderly people, who often tell about their life stories
in a complicated way (which results from age). ¶ It is important to receive
a consent from each Witness to History for using and processing the
recording for noncommercial aims (publications in the press, public
recordings). Such form should be signed by each of the interviewees in
two copies (one for the team, and the other for the Witness to History) –
in the case of publication or using the recollections.
SAMPLE QUESTIONS:
1. First name and last name
2. Date of birth
3. Since when have you lived in the town?
4. Earliest memories
5. Earliest memories from the town
6. Characteristic places from one’s childhood
7. Has the town changed a lot? How?
8. Are many buildings missing?
9. Do you remember other nationalities?
10.Do you remember Jews?
11.….
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r Emil Majuk (Wojsławice / Bychawa / Lublin)
The House of Fawka the Shoemaker
Regarding the activities of the Panorama of Cultures
Association connected with Jewish cultural heritage
In Yiddish, a “shtetl” means a small town. This is how Jewish residents
of towns throughout East-Central Europe spoke about their localities.
The shtetl encompassed a rich history of East-European Jews, which was
destroyed during World War II. Today, there are no shtetls any more, but
the towns have remained. The current towns’ residents are the unintentional heirs of this heritage in the historical and cultural sense. Therefore,
this is first and foremost part of our heritage and it lies in our own interest to keep alive the memory of the rich history of those places. ¶ The
heritage of the shtetls comprises also the heritage of Jews from all over
the world – of the descendants of the shtetls’ former residents. One must
take into account how important and often very painful this heritage is
as an element of memory and Jewish identity. Eva Hoffman wrote in her
book “Shtetl: The History of a Small Town and an Extinguished World”:
“In the postwar Jewish imagination, the shtetl, particularly for those
who never knew it, has become the locus and metaphor of loss. It has
often been conceived as the site of the greatest Jewish authenticity,
defined either as spirituality or as suffering. For some, the word
“shtetl” summons poignant, warm images of people in quaint black
garb, or Chagall-like crooked streets and fiddlers on thatched roofs.
For others, it means pogroms and peasant barbarism. Yet while it
existed, the shtetl was neither a utopia nor a dystopia but a coherent,
curious, and surprisingly resilient social formation”.1
What then did the daily life in a typical shtetl look like? Small towns
in the Lublin area were urban complexes with a specific character; they
1 Hoffman E., “Shtetl: The History of a Small Town and an Extinguished World”,
(PublicAffairs 2007), pp. 11–12
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combined artisan-trade functions of the city with farming functions of
the village. They possessed an unusually colorful cultural landscape, in
which the multiculturalism of residents, and their religious and national
differences have comprised its specificity. When characterizing the social
specificity of the shtetl, Eva Hoffman concluded:
“Polish shtetls were usually made up of two poor, traditionalist, and
fairly incongruous subcultures: Orthodox Jews and premodern
peasants. Morally and spiritually, the two societies remained
resolutely separate, by choice on both sides. Yet they lived in
close physical proximity and, willy-nilly, familiarity. In the shtetl,
pluralism was experienced not as ideology but as ordinary life”.2
Hence, can one build local, but also in a wider perspective – common
memory on these partially divergent experiences? ¶ Today, we deal with
the heritage of the shtetl understood as an exceptional cultural heritage,
which has been present in our part of Europe for a long time. Shtetl is
a place of coexistence, togetherness, a peculiar lab of inter-cultural and
inter-ethnic relationships. As Professor Władysław Panas said,
“One should speak about the culture of the Republic in such a language,
as demanded by the complex creations – multiethnic and multireligious. This is the history we used to have. Many cultures were
created, but only one remained. We now wear a suit that is too big –
tailored completely for someone else.”3
We try to search for precisely that language because the awareness
about local history in all its richness is immensely important for the local
community. Breaking away, or erasing from memory that part of history
created together with representatives of other cultures, religions and
nationalities, terribly impoverishes that memory and leaves emptiness.
Memory should be wider than ethnic belonging because identity built
on memory full of holes is a deficient memory.
Panorama of Cultures Association ¶ Panorama of Cultures Association
was established in 2003 to support the activity of the internet journal
Panorama of Cultures – Europe Lesser Known founded the previous year
and dedicated to the cultural and intellectual life and traditions of our part
of Europe, called East Central Europe. The main aims of the Association
2 Hoffman E, “Shtetl: The History of a Small Town and an Extinguished World”,
(PublicAffairs 2007), p. 12
3 Panas W., „Nasze” – rozmowa z prof. Władysławem Panasem, in: Sriptores no
1/2003 (27), p. 20.
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oscillate around spreading knowledge about European cultures, especially
of Central and East Europe and the Balkans, including the cultures of
national and ethnic minorities living in that area and the cultures of the
borderlands, through activities aimed at intercultural dialogue and development of cooperation between individuals and organizations from those
places, to the promotion of the cultural and artistic activities connected
specifically with Central and East Europe, and the Balkans. We try to show
both the close accents among the nations and societies, and the diversity
of cultures and traditions occurring in the region. We also pay attention to the diverse phenomena in the global culture, which influence the
“shape, taste, and smell” of life in a given region. ¶ Although people from
various places gather around the Association, its official headquarters is
located in a small settlement in eastern Poland, a former Polish-JewishUkrainian shtetl, my family town of Wojsławice. In a natural way, Jewish
heritage – such an important and integral part of the culture of East Central Europe – has found its place in the activities of the Association, first
in the articles published in the journal Panorama of Cultures – Europe
Lesser Known, but soon the mere written word became insufficient for us
as a form of fulfilling our aims. Despite the fact that the Association is not
a typical local initiative, because none of its members lives in Wojsławice,
we began to organize projects there and directly enter the social space,
and search for this particular language that would allow us to fit this “too
big suit tailored for completely someone else.”
Reading local heritage ¶ From 2004 we have been organizing various
activities based on the local cultural heritage in Wojsławice. ¶ Within
the project “Multicultural Past of the Wojsławice Area” we have collected
recollections of Wojsławice residents about the former life in a culturally
diverse environment. We have used here the methodology of “oral history”
worked out by the “Grodzka Gate – NN Theater” Center from Lublin.
Together with the youth of the middle school in Wojsławice, we have collected accounts of oral history, old photographs, and documents. Based
on these materials, we have published the book Scraps of Memory, and the
collected accounts were uploaded on the internet. This project was the
nucleus of the animation activities that followed, drawing from the wealth
of the local cultural heritage. ¶ Buildings of houses of worship of various
denominations (Eastern Orthodox church, a Christian church, and a synagogue) remind about the multicultural tradition of Wojsławice. Today,
the traces of former Wojsławice can be found not only in the walls of the
buildings and old photographs. One can hear them in the stories told by
the oldest residents, in their songs and the songs of their Jewish and Eastern Orthodox neighbors. Based on the existence of three different houses
of worship in Wojsławice, we have organized in their interiors a music
festival “Music of Wojsławice” in 2007. The festival began with a concert
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of traditional Eastern Orthodox multi-vocal songs
in the Eastern Orthodox church, opened that day
for the first time in many years. One could listen to
Jewish songs in the synagogue, and at the conclusion of the festival, a concert of traditional Polish A market square in Wojsławice, the western facade,
religious songs took place in the Catholic church. photo by Kazimierz Janczykowski (?), 1920s, source: the
Additionally, a music workshop with folk tunes digital archive of the ‘Panorama Kultur’ Association.
took place at the house of culture, and medieval Throughout the ‘Muzyki Wojsławickie’ project, a time
music sounded in the outdoors. An important part machine, a wagon with music, was travelling around
of the festival consisted of workshops for children, the town, photo by Emil Majuk, 2008. Source: the digital
during which they learned about the multicultural archive of the ‘Panorama Kultur’ Association
past of the locality through, i.e. songs in various Fawka shoemaker’s house, photo by Dominika Majuk,
languages and have built from this knowledge their 2010. Source: the digital archive of the ‘Panorama Kultur’
own Legend. The following events accompanied the Association
festival: theatrical performances, a photo exhibit Stock taking at the Fawka shoemaker’s house during
“Cemeteries of the borderlands,” and a screening of the workshops entitled “Architektura drewniana miasteczek
a film about their rescue. Sixty people, including Lubelszczyzny” (Wooden architecture of the towns in the
Lublin region), photo by Paulina Kowalczyk, 2011. Source:
the digital archive of the ‘Panorama Kultur’ Association
[241]
One of the
traces of a mezuzah
on the door at the
Fawka shoemaker’s
house, photo by
Jagna Yass-Alston,
2011. Source: the
digital archive of
the ‘Panorama
Kultur’ Association.
The cover of the
‘Śladami Żydów.
Lubelszczyzna’
guide.
20 children, took part in the music workshops, and the concerts drew in
each from 100 to 300 people.
The House of Fawka the Shoemaker ¶ The official seat of the Panorama of
Cultures Association is located in the characteristic wooden arcade house
by the market square in Wojsławice (Lublin Province). Until 1942, the time
of the Great Destruction, a shoemaker Fajweł Szyld, called Fawka by the
neighbors, had lived in the house. In 1943, my grandfather moved in. We
have little information from local inhabitants and archival documents
about Fajwel Szyld. We know that he was born in Wojsławice in 1900, i.e.
at the beginning of the 20th century, and his family had lived in the town
for generations. We know that he had a wife and a few children. We know
that he was a leather-stitcher, shoemaker and a leather trader – a woman
who ordered her wedding shoes from him still lives in Wojsławice. We
know that he was murdered by the Nazis in Wojsławice in 1943, and his
entire family died in the Holocaust. We do not know what he looked
like. Some residents of Wojsławice have remembered him as a person of
average height, while others – as short and chubby. Some remember him
having a beard and black hair. Others claim he was completely bald. What
does his house tell us about him? We assume he was religious – there
are traces of mezuzahs on all door frames, and one of the walls conceals
a Shabbat oven. We assume he was a Hasid – the entire interior of the
house was painted blue. We do not know his tone of voice or his eye
color. We do not know what he called his children. We do not know what
he did and did not like. We do not know what he dreamed about. ¶ The
person of Fajwel Szyld will remain mysterious to us, but we do not want
to allow the memory of him to fall into complete oblivion. Fate had it that,
together with the house, we have inherited his history. Therefore, through
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the Association’s activities we want to remind about him and the Jewish
part of the cultural legacy of Wojsławice – a shtetl in which there are no
Jews any more. One of the main aims of the Association is the renovation of the House of Fawka the Shoemaker and launching in it a Meeting
House of the Panorama of Cultures, which would serve as a village lab of
memory and a center of cultural tourism. The main spheres of its activities
will include promotion of the shtetl heritage and the cultural landscape
of East-Central Europe and supporting the local development based on
traditional culture and cultural heritage. ¶ In the meantime, the house
served as a venue for organizing educational workshops. In 2008, animators of culture from the entire Poland preoccupied with Jewish heritage
in their local communities were invited to join the project “The House of
Fawka the Shoemaker.” Sixteen of the workshop’s participants searched for
answers to the questions of how to face the problem of emptiness which
arose after the Holocaust, how memory is restored, and what language to
use to speak about it. Experts from the Institute of History and Culture
of Jews at Marie Curie Skłodowska University, the “Grodzka Gate – NN
Theater” Center, State Museum at Majdanek, and the animators from the
Homo Faber Association were instrumental in accomplishing this difficult
task. An important moment included the meeting with Eugenia Złotko
from Kukawka (Wojsławice municipality), awarded the Righteous among
the Nations medal. The workshop participants visited places in the region
important for Jewish heritage (Szczebrzeszyn, Izbica, Zamość, Chełm),
saw archival films about prewar life in Jewish-Polish towns, but mainly had
time for discussion, exchange of experiences, and consequently – creating a communications network between individuals and organizations
occupied with the heritage of shtetls. It was important that we could meet
not in a conference hall in a big city, but precisely in a former shtetl – in
Wojsławice. The aim of the workshop was also to work out effective and
innovative methods of animation and culture-creation work connected
with the heritage of shtetls in local communities, and raising qualifications of culture animators working in small localities. Moreover, the
workshops were meant to lead to grasping the essence of shtetls and the
potential it carries for the development of local communities and shaping
their identities, and in a broader perspective – to promote activities for
the sake of tolerance, combating prejudices, and to increase a sense of
responsibility for the cultural heritage of ethnic groups that are no longer
present in local communities as a result of historical events.
Wooden architecture ¶ We organized the subsequent editions of our workshops in 2010 and 2011. The starting point for each of them was to locate
them in an old formerly Jewish house – the House of Fawka the Shoemaker.
In both cases, we continued our work on deepening the multifold aspects
of Jewish culture and its influence on the cultural landscape of the towns.
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The theme of the 2010 workshop concerned regional wooden architecture,
and as regards the workshop in 2011 – the cultural landscape of small
towns. The architecture of small towns, especially arcade houses, is one of
the most original phenomena in Polish architecture. Arcade architecture
and spatial layout arranged in the Middle Ages existed in at least 32 former
towns in Lublin area. The architecture of wooden towns, however, disappears at a frightening pace. Invaluable are mainly the remnants of objects
of material culture of the towns’ former residents. Objects of daily use,
elements of interior furnishing, and even verbal accounts of the colors of
residential space are of immense significance against the lack of iconographic work depicting the look of small town dwellings. The awareness
of the significance of the above mentioned types of remaining material
culture for the cultural heritage is lacking, which results in omitting the
cultural context in contemporary conceptions of renovating historic sites. It
is only in Wojsławice that a complex of arcade homes by the market square
has survived until the present time, one of them being the House of Fawka
the Shoemaker. Taking into account this condition, we want to use this
last chance to rescue this common heritage and lead to the renovation of
the Association’s headquarters in such a way so that its execution would
serve as a benchmark for restoring wooden architecture and adjusting
it to contemporary needs. One of our aims is also to work out a concept
of a modern wooden arcade house, which could be built in Polish towns.
¶ Furthermore, we are widening the knowledge about Jewish Wojsławice –
we continue archival searches, began translating the Wojsławice Book of
Remembrance from Yiddish, and are working on a guide of the multicultural
landscape of the region. In many of our activities we try to cooperate with
the local school. One of the effects of this cooperation is the creation by
students of a computer model of the synagogue in Wojsławice. This was the
first building that came out of the computer graphics workshop, “Virtual
Wojsławice” – the students have voluntarily chosen the synagogue as their
project. Currently, there are almost 100 models; together with the students
we are building a web plan of prewar Wojsławice – an example of the shtetl’s
topography. The Association was established around the internet portal
and according to us, the use of modern communication technologies to
promote cultural heritage is a natural and effective method.
In the footsteps of Jews ¶ The educational-publishing project “In the
Footsteps of Jews in the Lublin Area,” undertaken in cooperation with the
Museum of the History of Polish Jews in 2010–2011, provided an exit from
local to regional theme. Its aim was to research, document, and inform
the residents of the towns in the Lublin Province about the multicultural
heritage of their locality, paying particular attention to the history of
Jewish communities living in the former shtetls. ¶ The memory about
the multicultural heritage and tradition is passing away with the oldest
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residents and the dilapidated landmarks. For over 50 years of communism
in Poland, the awareness about the presence of Jews in this country was
blurred, or purposefully denied. Jewish historic sites are in a very bad
condition, and the official educational system informs the youth about
the local cultural heritage in a very small degree. Therefore, we decided
that our activities should be addressed mainly to teachers. We organized
training seminars for teachers, prepared educational materials and syllabi,
and held educational workshops for students. We invited scholars from
the Institute of History and Culture of Jews of Marie Curie Skłodowska
University and numerous regionalists to cooperate with us in the project.
With their help we made an effort to research and describe the history
and cultural heritage of Jews in 100 cities and towns of the Lublin Province. The collected information was disseminated on the Internet (i.e.
via the Virtual Shtetl portal) and thanks to the special publication – an
educational-tourist guide In the Footsteps of Jews. The Lublin Area, which
tells us in an attractive and reliable way about the now non-existent world
of Jewish cities and towns in the Lublin area.
To understand the shtetl ¶ All activities of the Association to date and
undertaken based on the local cultural heritage, and first of all on the
workshops “House of Fawka the Shoemaker,” have consisted of important
experiences, which allow to deepen our reflection about the difficult issues
connected with the local family history. The workshops became a starting
point for initiating further activities of the Association, particularly the
efforts to create a unique place in the House of Fawka the Shoemaker –
Meeting House of the Panorama of Cultures. I am convinced that a place
such as that is necessary for facilitating reflection over the multicultural
past and its lessons for us for the future. We keep asking ourselves about
the place of shtetl heritage in contemporary culture, especially in the
culture of the countries of East-Central Europe. How is Jewish heritage
internalized and how it is accepted by today’s local community? In what
way do the residents in various locations deal with the problem of emptiness, which arose after the destruction of the Jews? If, and how, is the
memory restored, and what will happen after all eye witness pass away?
And finally, what language should we use to preserve this memory? We
know that these questions could be asked as regards numerous places in
Europe; we often meet people who are troubled by them as much as we
are. In order to ease finding the answers, we want to set up a “Panorama
of Cultures Network” – a network of cooperation and exchange of experience, grouping people and organizations that relate in their activities to the
cultural landscape of East-Central Europe, in particular, by including the
heritage of shtetls. We are working on launching an internet tool facilitating the debate about this topic. If you wish to join is, please contact us!
Emil Majuk / redakcja@pk.org.pl
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r Aliaksei Zhbanau
Discovery trips “In search of Yiddish”
July 17, 2011 and September 4, 2011 are the dates of the first and second
bus trips named “In search of Yiddish”. The total number of participants
reached about 70, and there were many more who, though willing to join,
were unable to do so due to various reasons. ¶ To start with, I’d like to
point out several specific features of the above-mentioned trips. Firstly,
no organization was involved with this trips, i.e. they were a purely private initiative; secondly, from the onset the trips were meant for a broad
audience of people interested in this topic (not necessarily Jews); and
thirdly, for obvious reasons the trips were non-commercial in their nature.
¶ The idea of a trip to the places reminiscent of Belarusian Jews belongs
to Sviatlana Berger, a teacher from Minsk, who lost many of her relatives
to the Holocaust during the WW II. Having had certain previous experience in organizing similar trips across Belarus for her friends, Sviatlana
managed to spark my enthusiasm. Belarusian by origin, I have long taken
a special interest in Jewish culture, especially music and Yiddish. Another
person attracted by the idea was Aliaksandr Astravuh, a professional Belarusian artist and restorer, author of a large Yiddish-Belarusian dictionary.
¶ The route was decided upon quite spontaneously and saw no major
changes further on. The plan was to visit Valozhyn, Vishneva, Ivianets
and Rakau, as all of them used to be typical Belarusian small towns and
settlements to the West of Minsk. The reasons behind this choice were
their relative proximity to Minsk (all within 100km), presence of sites
and objects related to the former Jewish population of those settlements,
Jewish cemeteries and memorials to the victims of the Holocaust, historic
importance of Valozhyn yeshivah and Vishneva, which is the birthplace
of Israeli President Shimon Peres. ¶ Additionally, the destination points
were all adjacent to the Naliboki Forest. This made it possible to explore
the topic of Jewish resistance fighters of the WW II period, especially as
the groups headed by Tuviya Belski and Sholam Zoryn were active in
this very region. ¶ It was not difficult to come up with the name for the
trip – “In search of Yiddish.” This is also the name of a documentary produced several years ago by poet Aliaksandr Haradnitski and director Yury
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Hashchavatski. Our goals and our route partially overlapped with theirs.
Indeed, for centuries the unusual vivid and lively Yiddish was used by the
Belarusian Jews for communication; it was the language of wonderful
folk songs and, at a certain stage, of literature and theater. This language
was present wherever the Jews were; it interacted with the Belarusian
language and constituted a characteristic feature of our land. ¶ The trip
was to end with an improvised concert of Yiddish folk songs translated
into Belarusian, with a possibility for everyone to join in. ¶ Preparations
for the trip were organized into several stages:
– organizers together traveled along the planned route to see
the tourist sites, look for the “witnesses of history,” i.e. local
inhabitants who could relate or show something relevant to the
trip’s topic; this way we met with old-time resident of Vishneva
Uladzimir Ivanavich Volkau who for some time studied together
with Shimon Peres and met him as the Israeli statesman visited
Vishneva several years ago; Stanislau Ramanavich Supranovich
who as a 10-year-old witnessed the killing of over 100 Jews in
the woods near Rakau; wonderful women from Staroye Sialo
who shared with us important facts with regard to the role their
village played in saving lives of many fugitives from the Minsk
ghetto in the wartime;
– search for necessary information about the destinations as such
and history of Jews in Belarusians lands, including the tragedy
of the Holocaust, Jewish resistance fighters of the WW II period,
famous Jewish people who originated from the above listed
settlements or Belarus as a whole. Other goals of the search
included finding poems by Chaim Nachman Bialik (a poem
titled “Man of Faith” based on Bialik’s personal experiences
from studying at the Valozhyn yeshivah). The organizers visited
Minsk-based Museum of Belarusian Jews’ History and Culture;
– further search for the “witnesses of history”: we were able to get
in contact with one of Valozhyn’s last Jewish residents – Samuil
Isakavich Steiner, WW II participant, journalist, deputy chief
editor of Valozhyn district newspaper; the organizers had two
meetings with the head of the Belarusian organization of Jewish ex-inmates of ghettos and Nazi concentration camps Mihail
Abramavich Treister, who shared his personal recollections
about fighting in the 106th guerilla brigade headed by Sholam
Zoryn, described at great length the location of the memorial
stone at the place of the brigade’s last fight, which is in the vicinity of Kliatsishcha village in the Naliboki Forest;
– an attempt to negotiate access to the Valozhyn yeshivah, which,
unfortunately, failed;
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– preparation of visual aids (search for and printing out of archival photos depicting the settlements along the route, the most
significant sites and individuals relevant t the trip’s topic);
– preparation of audio materials (recordings of songs in Yiddish
and klezmer music for listening on the bus);
– printing out of the song lyrics in Yiddish for the participants of
the trip;
– selection, search for and cooking of traditional Jewish foods
(matzah, lekah, latkes);
– regular meetings of the organizers to prepare a detailed trip plan.
The most important part of the preparations was the search of potential
participants. This was done in three ways:
– through organizers’ personal contacts;
– through a dedicated group at vk.com, which featured a short
description of the upcoming trip, lots of photos, links to “In
search of Yiddish” documentary and “Castaways” – a film by A.
Stupnikau on the Jewish resistance in Belarus during the WW
II, – recordings of well-known songs in Yiddish, relevant articles
in the Internet, organizers’ contact information;
– through an announcement in mass-media, particularly in the
Nasha Niva newspaper, which included “Lomir zich iberbetn”
song lyrics in Yiddish and Belarusian.
As a result, the organizers received dozens of telephone calls with
requests for participation. Over a short period of time, a total of over
100 people signed up, which testifies to a considerable interest in Jewish
issues among Belarusians (the same can be surmised from on-line comments to the article in the Nasha Niva). Interestingly, among those who
phoned there were people of various nationalities, age and profession. To
satisfy this kind of demand it was decided to arrange two consecutive trips.
¶ As I have already mentioned, the first trip was a success despite certain
technical difficulties. Some of those could not be foreseen, while others
can be explained by a certain lack of time-planning experience among
organizers. ¶ In general, during the trip we managed to visit Valozhyn,
Vishneva and Ivianets. In Valozhyn the trip participants met with Samuil
Steiner, who spoke in Belarusian about the history of the settlement and
concluded his part with an apt story in Yiddish; the participants learned
more about the history of the yeshivah and its place within the Jewish
education system at the time; also, they heard a fragment from Bialik’s
poem “The Man of Faith” as a critical view of the studying methods used
at the Valozhyn yeshivah; later, the participants of the trip were taken
to the Jewish cemetery and on their way saw a few specimen of typical
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small-town residential areas, learned the basic principles of Jewish burial
tradition, lit candles and listened to kadish at the monument to Valozhyn
Jews and yeshivah’s founder Chaim Voloziner. ¶ Our principle guide
to Vishneva was Uladzimir Volkau. He took us to the cemetery and on
a walking tour along Kreuskaya street, which is the area of the former
ghetto where over 2ooo Jews were killed in 1942. ¶ The topic of famous
Belarus-born Jews touched upon in Vishneva (Shimon Peres) was further
developed on the way from Vishneva to Ivianets. ¶ Near the monument
to resistance fighters on the edge of the Naliboki Forest which bears a few
Jewish names, all the participants joined in singing a well-known “Song
of Jewish Partisans” in the original language and in Belarusian. This was
one of the most touching moments of the trip. ¶ When in Ivianets, we
looked at a wooden synagogue, one of the very few that by some miracle survived in Belarus. ¶ Finally, after arriving at Ales Los’s homestead
Barok, which is close to the Hrodna highway, we had some time to rest
while waiting for latkes (actually, potato pancakes) to cook. Our stay
there was pleasantly diverse thanks to the music played live by a klezmer
band (violin, cello and cymbals), dances and folk songs in Yiddish. Also,
we sang “Scholem, scholem, sol sajn brider scholem” together. ¶ On the
second trip we were able to visit Staroye Sialo village where we saw the
school bearing a plaque with words of gratitude to the locals from the
Minsk ghetto inmates that managed to escape and were saved, as well as
Rakau, which we had to by-pass the first time due to the lack of time. In
Rakau we saw a well-preserved Jewish cemetery and a memorial near the
central square, at the place where the synagogue was burnt down with
hundreds of people inside. Of special importance was the meeting with
Stanislau Ramanavich from Bizuny village, who took us to a spot in the
forest nearby where Jews were killed. He was the only one who knew
the location, and there is hope that a monument to the victims will be
placed there some time soon. ¶ Thanks to the kindness of the Ivianets
Museum of Traditional Culture’s director, the participants of the second
trip had a chance to visit the former synagogue. A short time ago, it was
still a local club, but now plans are afoot to turn it into a center of Jewish
history studies. At the end of our visit to Ivianets we also sang in Yiddish.
¶ As a post-trip poll showed, an absolute majority of participants spoke
highly of the idea and its practical implementation. Future plans include
searching for the remnants of Yiddish and Belarusian Jews to the East of
Minsk, in Smilavichy, Dukory, Babruisk and Parychy. ¶ There’s no doubt
that such trips require special efforts; this is due not only to the fact that
many of the sites and objects related to the Jewish history and culture in
Belarus have been destroyed or are in pitiful condition, but also – and
primarily – because very few Jews can be found who could have sustained
their culture and shared invaluable information. It is very difficult to
imagine now the actual life of the Belarusian Jews who thrived across our
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lands before the WW II when one looks at tombstones and monuments.
Nevertheless, trips to places once inhabited by Jews are indispensable
for anyone willing to acquire a complete understanding of the Belarusian
history, be able to draw conclusions for the future, feel responsible to
preserve the history and the memory of the people that for centuries lived
peacefully together with Belarusians on this land and left us an amazing
spiritual heritage, unique fruits of intellectual and artistic endeavors.
[250]
r Aleksandra Zińczuk (Lublin)
Individual histories in cultural education. Activities of the
‚Grodzka Gate – NN Theatre’ Center
The truth is the truth, good is good, beauty is beauty, perfection is perfection.
In this sphere crisis is impossible. Crisis does not concern values, but our
survival. We have lost sensitivity to values, we have lost their flavor.
Władysław Stróżewski
In order to be as brief as possible, I would like to share two sample educational programs being conducted by the “Grodzka Gate – NN Theater”
Center in Lublin, which have not only turned out to be effective didactic
tools. In the process of cultural education they have also shown to be
a way to awake the sensitivities of basic values, including the respect for
a person of another nationality or religion, different from one’s own. Due
to practical reasons, I will focus only on formal methodological aspects
which have brought desired effects. I hope that drawing from the conceptions proposed here other culture practitioners and educators will
find in them inspiration for their own activities. ¶ For many years, the
“Grodzka Gate – NN Theater” Center has been occupied, among others,
with commemorating Lublin’s Jews, who had been creating a rich culture
of the city of Lublin until the Holocaust. The forms of this narration are
multifold. The many methods of telling about the past include: the internet portal “Memory of the Place,” an exhibition space in Grodzka Gate,
a program of recording recollections “Oral History,” “Lamp of Memory,”
or events in the urban space touching upon the problem of emptiness
after the local Jewish heritage and the way of remembering about what is
already absent – and what is more – invisible, because the largest Jewish
district of Podzamcze was completely destroyed. These are only selected
examples of the activities of the Lublin institution. Unquestionably, it is
incredibly hard to tell about the millions of victims, often anonymous;
it is easier to use individual stories, which have the ability to teach, give
substance to and confront with events in a wider historical context, being
simultaneously able to touch upon delicate structures of human sensitivity. By commemorating individual fates of families, streets, or houses,
and talking about complex problems through actual people, in a way we
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commemorate other victims, whose fates have – for various reasons – not
been reconstructed, and therefore sentenced to oblivion.
The Żytomirski family ¶ From 2003, one of the main persons of commemorative activities has been a real person: a Jewish boy born in 1933 in
Lublin – Henio Żytomirski. Out of numerous anonymous victims, from
whom the Nazi camps and – in a more general sense – the Holocaust,
took away their identities, Henio regained his history thanks to a cousin
searching for the traces of her family murdered in Lublin during World
War II. Henio’s cousin, Neta Avidar-Żytomirska from Israel has reconstructed a history of one life thanks to a family photo and correspondence
archive. Henio’s life story begins on 3 Szewska Street, where he was born
on March 25, 1933. Someone captured Henio in a photo every year for his
birthday. In the family album there are photos of Henio dressed in a sailor’s
suit during a walk on Krakowskie Przedmieście. The last picture of Henio
was taken one month before the German invasion. The boy had already
learned the alphabet, and was supposed to start school in September. From
the letters we learn that Henio’s family, together with other residents of
Jewish origin, had to move into the ghetto. The history of the child ends
probably in 1942, when Henio was murdered at the Majdanek camp. There
are many questions regarding the reconstructed history, for example what
happened to Henio’s father, Samuel? Despite that, a sufficient number of
documents allowed for the creation of an exhibition devoted to Polish,
Belarusian, and Jewish children. The “Alphabet book” exhibition is located
in one of the barracks in the former camp at Majdanek. A commemorative
event of a death of an innocent Jewish boy, in which the city’s residents
and the youth can become actively engaged, is the “Letters to Henio”
project that has been taking place for six years on April 19, on Holocaust
Remembrance Day. On this day, in the center of Lublin, one can come
and find out about the history of Henio, send a letter to him, and all that –
in the place where Henio’s last photograph was taken (on July 5, 1939 in
front of the building on 64 Krakowskie Przedmieście Street). The letters
are returned to senders, and some remain in the Grodzka Gate archive.
What do young people write about in their letters to the boy who is no
longer alive? They sympathize with him, tell about what life in Poland
looks like today, and tell tales to make him happy. ¶ In order for the youth
to actively participate in the commemoration, a series of workshops was
created, including “Letters to Henio.” Educational workshops involve
mainly work with documents (recorded accounts of witnesses, old and
contemporary photographs, and letters). Based on the real history of
one Lublin family of the Żytomirskis, participants become familiarized
with the fates of Polish and Jewish populations during World War II.
The leader encourages the youth to work as a team. During the exercises,
the youth expresses its own creativity and ingenuity. The form of the
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workshops encompasses activities using multidisciplinary methods in
groups, which end in joint writing of letters to Henio Żytomirski. The aims
of the workshops predominantly include: acquiring knowledge about the
common history of the two nations, breaking cultural barriers, and learning empathy towards the “other” and Holocaust victims. Thanks to these
exercises, the youth learn the history of the bicultural Lublin, and gains
the information about the fate of Henio and his family who died during
the Holocaust. An international workshop version has been prepared, for
example for Israeli and Polish youth, which together uncover their joint
heritage during the activities. The activities are aimed at teaching mutual
tolerance. What is meant by showing prewar Lublin is emphasizing that
the political, religious, and social diversity of the population was an obvious thing at that time. The workshop materials together with attachments
are available in the Multimedia Library www.teatrnn.pl. ¶ The work on
an individual history also serves an opportunity to sketch the general
picture: ¶ Show general mechanisms – when planning the workshop and
discussing the subject of discrimination remember about arousing in the
participants an awareness of its systemic and intersectional character. Do
not allow for individual topics to be presented and understood as isolated
and separate phenomena. Show the complex structure of human identity
and intermingling of prejudice. Present mechanisms of stereotyping and
discrimination based on the examples of various areas and encourage for
reflection over unobvious situations, showing at the same time their general and universal character.1 ¶ The person of Henio is an icon of innocent
people who experienced the Holocaust. This history moves others and
arouses emotion. This goal was achieved also thanks to the new media.
Two years ago the Grodzka Gate set up Henio’s profile on the social networking site Facebook, which was not such a famous commercial tool as
it is now. Newspapers all over the world, from China to Italy and South
America, wrote about Henio. It is not only thanks to the Internet, being
currently most effective tool of reaching users, that the history of Henio
has reached so many recipients. Henio’s history is special. There may be
more similar stories, but as researchers we often do not have so much
luck accessing so many documents or witnesses.
The Arnsztajn family ¶ During the project “House of Memory: the History of the Arnsztajns,” undertaken in 2010 thanks to the funding of the
Museum of Polish History, the most effective activities connected with
the best practice of working with young participants and keeping them
engaged in the stages of the project included division into thematic groups
1 Magdalena Dunak, Anna Kowalska, Rodzaje dyskryminacji, in: Edukacja
antydyskryminacyjna. Podręcznik trenerski, (ed.) M. Branka, D. Cieślikowska,
Kraków 2010, p. 180.
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Henio Żytomirski
with Ester Rechtman. N. AvidarŻytomirska’s collection. The archives
of Ośrodek Brama
Grodzka – Teatr NN
(Grodzka Gate – NN
Theatre Centre).
Henio is five
years old. N. AvidarŻytomirska’s collection. The archives
of Ośrodek Brama
Grodzka – Teatr NN
(Grodzka Gate – NN
Theatre Centre).
The last pictures
Henio – 01.07.1939.
N. AvidarŻytomirska’s collection. The archives
of Ośrodek Brama
Grodzka – Teatr NN
(Grodzka Gate – NN
Theatre Centre).
developing such interests as: dance, singing (rap), theater/performance,
film, and journalistic genres. In such distinct groups, the teenagers learned
about the history of Lublin Jews through the context of the family fate of
the poet Franciszka Arnsztajn (this story was described by the eminent
reporter Hanna Krall). On the occasion of the poet’s birthday and debut
anniversary, young people commemorated her life and work by creating
various forms of remembrance in their groups: performance, film script
and a short documentary, as well as a rap song recorded in the local
radio station. ¶ An important issue consists in the number of participants, which in workshop groups should not exceed 15 people. A larger
number of participants does not allow the leader to devote his or her
attention to everyone, and the participants who are not so engaged may
be not so active as those more assertive participants. There are a lot of
aspects to be taken into account, including psychological characteristics
of individual participants. What is crucial in a workshop format is that
everyone should have an equal chance of expressing their opinions and
being active. The less people, the easier it is be for the leader to sense
the competences and motivations of all students, direct their work, and
give everybody time for creative involvement in team work. If we want
to increase the number of participants (there is always a risk that a number of participants will leave the project before its final stage), one must
divide participants into groups and increase the number of instructors
responsible for given thematic groups. ¶ A report contest turned out to
serve as a good example for encouraging additional project participants.
Any contests and competition opportunities (it is sometimes a useful
tool and can be employed during workshops or classes) motivate young
people to work and enhance concentration and intensification of work in
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subgroups, which is particularly important in case of diverse or numerous
groups. ¶ Participants should not be divided into groups by using only one
underlying idea. The groups should cooperate with one another. Additionally, members of a workshop group should change configurations, so that
the participants could move around. This way one could keep an effective
level of engagement in forthcoming assignments; sitting in one place is
tedious. Various group activities serve this purpose and can be adjusted
to the subject matter of the issues being covered. They could fill in the
breaks between individual exercises. ¶ Any project work with both the
youth and adults should contain a summarizing element that could make
the underlying idea prestigious (official acknowledgments/certificates, an
exhibition, folder/book/album, a website with texts/photographs/films of
the participants, etc.). ¶ When undertaking cultural education I recommend that educators/teachers should draw inspiration from the method of
oral history, which is an interesting experience for children and the youth.
For example, one can delegate an activity to the participants – recording
the accounts of their grandparents or neighbors on a given topic related
to the history of the place or the region. Based on the recordings the youth
should prepare the following for the upcoming class: 1) a true transcript
of the account, 2) an account prepared thematically and legibly for other
recipients, 3) a reportage (literary for example) based on the recording.
The assignment has both practical and evaluation functions, it helps to
acquire practical skills and creative thinking regarding an oral text. It is
worth creating a small publication or an internet link (for example on the
school’s or supporting institution’s homepage) from the collected reports
in order for the participants to have their own publication space, which
could serve as a good example of action for others. ¶ You can find more
information on the project’s website: www.dompamieci.teatrnn.pl
Final remarks ¶ For over 10 years, the potential of new media has lied in
civic movements. One cannot underestimate the newest achievements of
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‘Letters to
Henio’ action
19.04.2011,
photo by Maryna
Czerna.
Workshops.
‘Dom Pamięci:
historia Arnsztajnów’ project
(A House of
Memory: the history of the Arnsztajns), 07.09.2010,
photo by Marcin
Federowicz.
the Internet and the media, but adopt them for the benefit of educational
expression. Potential project participants will for the most part choose
a workshop group based in the mass media (creating a film, a computer
game, or any other presentation published on the web). Narrowing a subject to the history of one family, house, or street, brings the past closer,
makes it more comprehensible, because it is not only dry, factual knowledge that speaks through it, but mostly pictures from daily life. Thanks to
that, individuals from the past become more real, arouse empathy, which
is so valuable in the shaping of responsible and humanitarian attitudes
among the next generation. ¶ Another possibility of teaching about the
Holocaust in an innovative way includes the idea of a comics workshop.
One more form which we have chosen during our work with the youth
included graffiti or murals, on which young people and artists have commemorated for example the murder of Jewish children from the care
center. The important thing is that one should not focus primarily on
difficult issues or death when conducting educational-artistic activities.
These themes should be approached carefully and gradually. Any discussions about what happened during the Holocaust should be preceded
by gaining knowledge about the centuries of the heritage of the Polish
Jews and of the reality of everyday existence shaping the rhythm of life.
Therefore, what I would like to wish you in the execution of your future
projects is make sure that there is plenty of room for talking about life.
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r Zhanna Kaspiarovich, Ivatsevichy
The experiences of “Poshuk” Club and
“Heirs of Henri Dunant” volunteer club
The events in the world make people more and more worried. We listen
to the news and feel discomforted. The dreadful concept of hatred frightens. There is aggression against something different. Terrorism as means
to solve the problems, extremism in its most pathologic manifestations,
complete disregard of the values of human life – all that influences the
individual. Some young people and teenagers get susceptible to the most
anti-humanistic ideas. Therefore, a tolerant attitude to history becomes
a necessary characteristic of a human being today. ¶ I think that it is today
when the study and preservation of the Jewish heritage becomes more and
more vital. The topic is very interesting and in demand. Our experience
of many years confirms that. The activities of the club “Poshuk” [Search –
Trans.] and the volunteer club “Heirs of Henri Dunant” are well-known
far away from Ivatsevichi District. Studies of the Jewish cultural heritage
include searching for documents and working with them, searching for
Belarusian Jews who live outside the country, collecting the reminiscences
about the pre-war life of the Jewish people on the territory of our district.
But 14–17-year-old teenagers find volunteer field research activities most
interesting. For example, we studied Jewish cultural heritage in Bytsen
village and the town of Tseliakhany. I think the fact that the participants of
nine day expeditions are selected among the pupils on competitive basis
demonstrates the popularity, high motivation, and urgency, as children
are motivated to try themselves in very important activities. ¶ A huge
genuine interest in the history of their “smaller” motherland, development of research and communication skills, interest in the protection of
specifically Jewish cultural heritage, understanding of the importance of
its studying and preservation – that is only a small list of what children
acquire participating in the project “Remember, so that you could live”.
¶ Now, we don’t have any doubts about it. ¶ Having worked on this project for many years, we have come to conclusion that the most important
thing is to preserve the Jewish cultural heritage. But as efforts of students,
historians, scholars alone could bring about only limited results, we draw
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attention of the local authorities to the issue of preservation of cultural
heritage of the Belarusian Jews. I’m pleased to say that our appeals always
find understanding, support and approval. We are also in touch with
civic organizations: Belarusian Red Cross, Belarusian Republican Union
of Youth. The National Fund “Holocaust” provides us with a lot of help
and support. I would like to express enormous gratitude to Ina Paulauna
Herasimava, the former head of the Fund. ¶ Time turns the pages of history inexorably and rapidly. Every day, there are fewer and fewer of those
who could tell us something. We understand that without the past there
is no future, and therefore keep working on the project “Remember, so
that you could live”, on studying and preservation of the Jewish heritage
on the territory of our district, region, Belarus, and in the entire world.
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authors
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Aleksandra Bielawska – Hebrew studies specialist, ‘Virtual Shtetl’ cooperator. Ms.
Bielawska researches the culture of Belarusians in the Podlasie region. Krzysztof
Bielawski – a worker of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw, a member
of the Jewish Historical Institute Association in Poland and the coordinator of the
Virtual Shtetl Internet portal. In 2005, Krzysztof Bielawski launched the Kirkuty
Internet website. Dr. Hanna Węgrzynek is a historian working at the Emanuel
Ringelblum Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw. In her research she focuses on JewishChristian relations in the 15th-18th centuries. She is also engaged in popularization of
Jewish history and especially the Holocaust in Polish school curricula. Marcin
Dziurdzik – Web Administrator of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews (www.
jewishmuseum.org.pl, Virtual Shtetl www.shtetl.org.pl, Polish Righteous www.righteous.
org.pl). Aleksandra Zińczuk – doctoral student at the Literary Theory Unit of the
Department of Humanistic Studies at MCSU in Lublin, educator, cultural manager,
editor of educational websites, publisher and coordinator of domestic and international
projects. Co-founder of the Bruno Schulz Festival Society. Affiliated with e.g. the
Grodzka Gate Centre-NN Theatre, the literary quarterly Akcent, the Panorama of
Cultures Association, Igor Meniok Polish Scientific and Information Center in
Drohobych (UA), the Oral History Association (USA), and Project Phakama UK. Jan
Kubisa is an archaeologist specializing in anthropology of religion. Currently, employee
of the Museum of History of Polish Jews. Kornelia Kurowska – connected to the
Borussia community since 1993, she works as a leader of training courses, workshops
and seminars in the field of intercultural education and project management. She
creates, devises and consults programs of non-institutional education. Since 2006
Kornelia Kurowska is the chairwoman of the Borussia Foundation. Agata
Maksimowska – a worker of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews. A psychologist
and anthropologist. Presently, Agata Maksimowska is working on her PhD thesis on the
contemporary Jewish identity in Birobidzhan. Józef Markiewicz – cultural
anthropologist, founder and chair of the Foundation “Center for the research of history
and culture of small towns” (Tykocin). His field of study is ethnic and local identity.
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Emil Majuk – the President and founder of the Panorama Kultur Association (www.
pk.org.pl), works for the ‘Brama Grodzka-Teatr NN’ Center in Lublin (www.teatrnn.pl)
Albert Stankowski – the originator, creator and first coordinator of the Virtual Shtetl
Project. Presently, Albert Stankowski is a manager of the Current Programs Team in the
Museum of the History of Polish Jews. Albert Stankowski graduated from the Szczecin
University Institute of History and International Relations and completed postgraduate
studies in management at Warsaw School of Economics Marta Szymańska graduated
from the Department of Belarusian Philology and the Department of Intercultural
Studies of Eastern and Central Europe at the University of Warsaw. Currently, Marta
Szymańska runs projects promoting the culture of Poland and Eastern Partnership
member states. Karolina Jakoweńko – founder and leader of Cukerman’s Gate
Foundation, graduated cultural studies (Maria-Curie Skłodowska Universitet),
postgraduated Jewish Studies (Katedra Judaistyki, Jagielloński Universitet), tour guide in
Silesia Region. Piotr Jakoweńko – board member of the Cukerman’s Gate Foundation
(Fundacja Brama Cukermana), a graduate of the Academy of Fine Arts in Katowice,
applied graphics designer. Vadim Akopyan – from 2012, Director of the Museum of
History and Culture of Jews in Belarus. Specialist in the Jewish history and traditions.
Anton Astapovich – historian, culturology expert, Chairperson of the National
Council of the Public Association “Belarusian Voluntary Society for the Preservation of
Historic and Cultural Monuments”, Member of the National Council on the Issues of
Culture and Art under the guise of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus,
Secretary of the Public Supervisory Commission on the preservation of historic and
cultural heritage under the guise of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Belarus,
honorary member of the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw. Yury Barysiuk –
historian, local history expert, Deputy Head of Arts section of the Department of
Culture of Minsk City Executive Committee. Jefim Basin – from 2002, Director of
Chesed (Brest). Research interests: the history of Jews in Brest and Brest area. Anton
Vantukh – architect, scientific supervisor of the projects related to the monuments of
historic and cultural value, Deputy Head of the Architectural section of the Public
Association “Belarusian Voluntary Society for the Preservation of Historic and Cultural
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Monuments”. Neli Darashkevich – architect, Deputy Chair of the Belarusian
Committee of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS).
Inessa Dvuzhilnaya – Music studies expert, PhD in Music Studies, professor of
Hrodna State Music College. Aliaksei Zhbanau – singer and poet, translator from
German, Serbian, Polish and Yiddish languages. Author of musical and historical project
“The songs of Philomaths (Philomath Society) and Philaretes (Philaret’s Association)”.
Co-author of a series of trips “In search of Yiddish” and an excursion “Jewish Minsk”
within the framework of “The Festival of Tour Guides – 2012”. Viktar Zhybul –
literature studies expert, archivist, PhD in Philology, leading scientific expert of the
Belarusian State Archive and Museum of Literature and Arts. Scientific research
interests: Belarusian literature of the period between the wars, poetic avant-garde,
literary connections. Zhanna Kaspiarovich – teacher of history and social sciences at
secondary school №3 (Ivatsevichi). From 2005, Ms. Kaspiarovich has led a group of
volunteers “Heirs of Henri Dunant”. She teaches a course for schoolchildren on
“International humanitarian Law”. Research interests: history and culture of Jews on the
territory of Ivatsevichi district and Brest area, teaching the history of the Holocaust.
Andrey Larry – designer, member of the Architectural section of the Public
Association “Belarusian Voluntary Society for the Preservation of Historic and Cultural
Monuments”. Alexander Litin – journalist, photo artist, manager of “Maor” photo
studio within Mahilyou Jewish Community. Manager of the project on creating a book
“The history of Mahilyou Jews: documents and people”. Research interests: collection
and publishing of historic and local history materials, recollections and memories of
witnesses of the history of Mahilyou Jews, projects with bus excursions around the
Jewish sites of Mahilyou region. Marina A. Mojeiko – Doctor of Philosophy,
Professor, Vice-rector for scientific work of the Belarusian University of Culture and
Arts. Research interests: philosophy of art, philosophy of language, synergy,
methodology of humanitarian cognition, post-modernism. Kaciaryna Matveyeva –
MA in Architecture, Architect at LLC “Projectrestoration”. Oleg Medvedevsky –
local history expert, teacher, tour guide. Research interests: history of Brest and Brest
area, study of Brest area toponyms on the basis of ancient documents in Latin, German,
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Polish, and other languages, philological analysis of toponyms aiming at creating the
basis for the future research of the pre-chronicles period of Brest area. Irena
Lawrowska – Doctor of Urban Studies and Architecture, defended her thesis “BrestLitowsk during the period of Rzecz Pospolita (1569–1795). Changes of planning and
architecture”. Scientific supervisor and co-author of the Project on the “Regeneration of
the historic centre of Brest” (2010). Member of the Public Supervisory Commission on
the Preservation of Historic and Cultural Heritage under the guise of the Ministry of
Culture of the Republic of Belarus. Natallia Pasiuta – historian, leading expert on the
methodology of graphic and decorative applied art at Hrodna Regional Center of the
Folk Art Methodology. From 2002 to 2010, she worked as a scientific supervisor of
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Hrodna State Museum of the History of Religion. Ms. Pasiuta has studied and
contributed to the popularization of the history of Jews in Belarus. Siarhei
Pivavarchyk – Doctor of History, Chair of the Department of archaeology and
ethnology of Hrodna State University named after Yanka Kupala. Research interests:
medieval archaeology, the history of East European Jews, war history. Ihar
Rakhanski – architect, Head of the project design section of the Belarusian Committee
of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). Director of private
enterprise “Nef-Project” in Halshany, Hrodna Region. Ekatherina Solomyanikova –
leading librarian of the library of Mahilyou State Library college named after Alexandr
Pushkin. Research interests: history and culture of Mahilyou Jews. Ala Sidarovich –
culturology expert, administrator of the Belarusian version of the “Virtual Shtetl” web
portal. Co-organizer of Minsk exhibition of Lukasz Basik “Everyday use of matzeivas”.
Research interests: sociology of culture, multicultural education. Ina Sorkina –
historian, PhD in history, Associate professor of the history faculty of the Belarusian
Hrodna State University named after Yanka Kupala. Research interests – the history of
urban studies. Author of monograph “Belarusian Shtetls in late 18th – early 19th
centuries”. Arkadzi Shulman – journalist and writer. From 1995, Mr. Shulman has
been editor of Mishpacha magazine. Author of 20 books, photo albums, CD films on
history and culture, as well as two books of literary prose. One of the founders and
authors of “My Shtetl” internet portal (www.shtetle.co.il). Ida Shenderovich –
historian. From 2007, she has coordinated community programs of the Public
Association “Mahilyou Jewish Community”. Co-author of the book “The Loss of
Mahilyou Area Shtetls” (2005). Works on the elaboration of methodology of the
materials on the history of the Holocaust education.
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